A DISCOURSE WHETHER A NOBLE MAN BY BIRTH or a Gentleman by desert is greater in Nobility.  
AT LONDON Printed by Peter Short, and are to be sold in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the black Bear. 1600.   

Who so will seek by right deserts t'attain  
unto the type of true Nobility,  
And not by painted shows & titles vain,  
Derived far from famous Ancestry,  
Behold them both in their right phisnomy  
Here truly portrayed, as they ought to be,  
And striving both for terms of dignity,  
To be advanced highest in degree.  
And when thou dost with equal insight see  
the odds twixt both, of both them deem aright  
And choose the better of them both to thee,  
But thanks to him that it deserves, behight:  
To Nenna first, that first this work created,  
And next to Jones, that truly it translated.  
Ed. Spenser.   

Here dost thou bring (my friend) a stranger borne  
To be indenized with us, and made our own,  
Nobility, whose name indeed is worn  
By many that are great, or mighty grown:  
But yet to him most natural, best known,  
To whom thou dost thy labours sacrifice,  
And in whom all those virtues best are shown  
Which here this little volume doth comprise.  
Whereon when he shall cast his worthy eyes,  
He here shall glass himself, himself shall read:  
The model of his own perfections lies  
Here plain described, which he presents in deed:  
So that if men can not true worth discern  
By this discourse, look they on him and learn.  
Sa. Danyel.   

G. Chapman to the Author.  
ACcept thrice Noble Nennio at his hand  
That cannot bid himself welcome at home,  
A thrice due welcome to our native strand,  
Italian, French, and English now become.  
Thrice Noble, not in that used Epithet,  
But Noble first, to know whence Noblesse sprung,  
Then in thy labour bringing it to light,  
Thirdly, in being adorned with our tongue.  
And since so (like itself) thy Land affords  
The right of Noblesse to all noble parts,  
I wish our friend, giving the English words,  
With much desert of Love in English hearts,  
As he hath made one strange an Englishman,  
May make our minds in this, Italian.  
Ex tenebris.   

MY artless Muse (if any muse at all)  
Couched in rude, in base, in home attire,  
Not fitting thoughts, or actions that aspire,  
But led by love, and graced principal  
In this, she once was handmaid unto skill,  
Would (if she durst her stem to raise so high)  
Blazon thy laud, who of Nobility  
So much hast show'd, and therein dipped thy quill.  
But sith thy zeal to Honour Nennio  
Whom thy desires have brought from foreign soil,  
Hath been one cause of this thy taken toil,  
Vnwaited on with praise thou mayst not go.  
For lookers on that do partake thy pleasure,  
Must of thy virtue find the precious treasure.  
Ang. Day.   
A Treatise of Nobility, written by the famous Doctor, and worthy knight, Sir john Baptista Nenna of Bari.  

The first Book.  
IT is a natural instinct in all living creatures, which causeth them to avoid such perilous encounters, as do most commonly cross them in this life: Of the which we have greatest occasion to beware, when they are most dangerous, and noisome. Which was the reason, that remaining with my brother in the learned city of Antenor, not somuch to the intent to get the knowledged of some new Art as to learn the courteous and good behaviour of the place, being assailed with a pestilent mortality, in the year 1528. we endeavoured as much as in us lay (setting our study aside) to save our lives (to which opinion the most agreed) and so we departed from thence, and came to the ancient city that japiges the son of Daedalus builded, situate in the fertile country of Pouglia, near unto the waves of the Adriatic Sea: Which place of abode was far more pleasing to us then any other, in regard we were there straightways entertained of our dear parents, and in possession of our own substance, from the which we had been a long time secluded. But the season drawing near, in the which the earth beginneth to clothe itself again; this dangerous mortality followed us even unto out own country, being beside (without any pity) afflicted, with cruel & sharp wars, by the mighty invasion of the Frenchmen. We being then brought to this extremity, to issue forth, seemed by the wars to be forbidden us; and to forsake each others company, by reason of the sickness, seemed not the best. Wherefore that we might in some sort discharge ourselves of those heavy cares, which did always oppress our pensive imaginations, we thought it best with choice of delights (albeit we reaped small profit by them) to pass this wearisome time.  
As we led this kind of life, I was one day against my will surprised with a dead sleep, in the which it seemed unto me, to be entered into a deep and most obscure valley, where from a far off, there came toward me a troop of young ladies, all of them of very venerable regard. In the midst of which (as their queen) there marched a lady, appareled all in cloth of gold, set forth with most costly jewels. After her there followed another, far stricken in age, yet worthy of great estimation, whose garments were of a sanguine colour, having a troop of noble knights going before her, some of them carrying in their hands ancient privileges, others trophies, & triumphs of their victories. Behind these I perceived another lady of sovereign authority, whose eyes did seem as sparkles, and her countenance more lively than any I had ever before taken notice of, albeit she was very old: Sometimes her body seemed not to surpass the common stature of women, and otherwhiles on the sudden you would have thought that she had exceeded the height of heaven: She held in her hands a royal sceptre, and was attended on (with great reverence) with a discreet, & learned company. To conclude, she seemed unto me to be a most worthy lady, of a mild aspect, and wonderful view: before her marched the first three, as less worthy, who as she went had on her head a crown, as the mark of a mighty queen; her garments were distinguished with divers yellow, crimson, and green colours. And in as much as from her princely countenance, did proceed a shining light, I might easily perceive all those things: & me thought that turning towards me, she said unto me.  
Young man, the burden of thy thoughts, and the misery of the life thou leadest, are not hidden from me: wherefore to ease the one, and remedy the other, depart from this place, and take some new help unto thee, to the end thou mayest at the last purchase a more sure, and virtuous estate of life. Scarce had she uttered these words, before I heard a rude and fearful voice, which said unto me: Pack hence, and be careful of thy safety.  
Being much amazed at that voice which had even pierced my heart, and with my spirits losing my natural colour; at one instant breaking off both my dream, and sleep, I awaked: and after that I had a little called my wits together, I pondered often in my unsettled imagination, what those things might signify I lately dreamt on.  
Considering then with myself the truth of her words, and how much man is rather bound to follow virtuous actions then vain pleasures, which I had addicted myself unto: I undoubtedly determined, to follow her faithful counsel, and utterly to abandon that kind of life, which by the ill disposition of time, I was forced to lead. Wherein notwithstanding, fortune seemed not greatly to favour me: for much time overpassed not, before that the war being in some sort appeased, all our company together with the ladies and others (some being tied together by kindred and alliance: others by knot of friendship) as well to avoid the scorching heat, as the frequentation of much company in so contagious a season; transported themselves to a Grange of ours, seven miles distant from the town. There by reason of the conveniency of a fair house, and of a most pleasant and wonderful delightful garden, we still remained, spending the time continually in such sports and pastimes, as the season of the year, the place and the company did require.  
It happened on a day, that as Fabricio, and Possidonio (two young gent. of our company) walked abroad, they espied a noble lady coming towards them, whose name was Virginia, accompanied with an honourable train, who was going right towards the city: whom when they were come near unto, they entertained with such reverence, as was due unto her, and besought her to make stay in that place, & to dine with us: She seeing herself constrained by their earnest entreaties, remained there with them, and was courteously received of this pleasant company. After she had refreshed herself together with other ladies, she took view of the house, garden, & that which was most worthy to behold, the Gentlewomen, who always accompanied her foot by foot, unto the place where the tables were covered for dinner: every one of us being served in very decent & good order, & having store of good & delicate meats, & most excellent wine, we passed out dinner very merrily, not without many pretty quips. In the end it pleased this noble Lady (not without great sorrow of the whole company) to depart from us, & having with most gentle speech taken her leave of the gentlemen and gentlewomen, she in like sort went her way, after she had thanked them all; which notwithstanding, the two young gentlemen who first invited her, did still accompany her: but after they had gone some pretty distance from us, she would not suffer them to pass any further, but staying herself and turning towards them, she spoke unto them after this manner. The gracious entertainment, the noble exercise, and pleasant abode of this frolic company, have this day bound my heart unto them in such sort, that I shall never lose the remembrance thereof. Wherewithal taking a rich gold ring curiously wrought forth of her bosom, she said: And to the end that you may be as mindful of me, as is lawfully permitted, I do bestow this ring upon him that is the most noble of you two, whom I incharge to wear it in remembrance of me.  
The conclusion of her speech, and her departure were at one instant, leaving the ring in his hands, who when she gave it did not so willingly accept thereof. Howbeit Possidonio▪ as one descending of an ancient & noble family, being beside endued with great riches, claimed the gift: but Fabricio, who reckoned himself nothing inferior to the other in nobility (albeit that his ancestors were not of so noble blood, nor himself blessed with so great wealth) he pretended with great vehemency, that the ring belonged unto him, because that from his youth, he had been virtuously raised to that substance he possessed, and thereby become wise, prudent and well conditioned. So soon as they were returned to their company, they straightways declared the cause of their variance, showing them the ring, which was framed in circle wise: on the one side whereof there was the picture of a young lady appareled like a nymph, who held in her hand a royal Crown, in such sort as if she would have set the same upon some body's head, round about the which was written in Latin Dignus coronabitur ipsa, Let the most worthy be crowned herewith.  
On the other side was the portraiture of a gallant young man crowned therewith, who held in his hand a green bough not much unlike unto an Olive branch, about the which was engraved, Victor, & merito coronatus; I am crowned herewith as the conqueror, and that by desert.  
But by reason the controversy between these two young Gentlemen, did grow more and more, who by occasion thereof arrived there unawares, they were all of one opinion (to the end, that whereas this pleasant company were met together only for their recreation, that enmity and hatred might not grow through this sudden accident) to boult out the troth of this their doubt, they should one after another set down their reasons, and afterwards stand to the judgement of a third person.  
A Gentleman called Nennio, (one of the company) was indifferently chosen by them, for that purpose, who after he had heard the reasons debated on both sides, should by his wisdom, give judgement and sentence, from which they promised they would not appeal, but friendly rest satisfied therewith. Albeit that the burden thereof seemed heavy to Nennio, yet did he willingly sustain it, considering that peace on all sides would follow thereby.  
And because that on either part the discourse was entertained with no less profit, than pleasure, with pretty subtle arguments, and witty conclusions, I determined (aswell to avoid the heat of the season, as to keep me from idleness) with my pen (such as it is,) to set them down in writing.  
A great part of the day was already overpassed, and the sun in his declining, when as both the Gentlemen & ladies by common consent did descend to the most pleasant place of the garden, where we sat orderly in circlewise upon the thin grass, which under the shadowy-sweet-smelling trees was defended from the parching heat of the sun beams. Possidonio, as one desirous to be the first that should enter into the lists, was set in a place somewhat higher than the rest; who after he saw us all equally attentive, and that our ears seemed as it were ready to hear him, gave this beginning unto his speech.  
Fabricio, If I knew thee to be of that force, that thou wert able to impugn the least of my reasons, how weak soever they may seem to be, I should imagine myself to be in far greater danger than I am. But contrarily, it cannot any way sink into my thought, by what means thou art able to resist them, nor with what reason that carrieth with it a resemblance of troth, thou art able to arm thyself against me.  
Wherefore in my opinion it were far more fit, & more commendable before so worthy an audience (to the end the minds of the assistants might be more intentive) to discourse of some other question more doubtful than this we are to entreat of, it rather becoming thy estate and condition, even at the beginning to keep silence: and yet it may be, that this discourse liketh thee better, that thereby thou mayest set forth the ancient and honourable stock of thy predecessors, and their great large riches and revenues. Howsoever it be, that thou mayest not take me to be out of the matter, I will return to our disputation.  
Worthy Gentlemen, the doubt which this day is happened amongst us, is not unknown unto you (if so it be that we ought to call it a doubt) for surely a more easy controversy did never rise amongst men. We shall soon see if Fabricio be more noble than I am, or whether I am more honourable than he is. He might with more reason make a question, whether the day be more clearer than the night, or the sun more hot than the Moon: and perhaps there might be greater cause to doubt thereat, the baseness of his birth, and the worthiness of my blood being more than sufficiently known unto you. But seeing it is your pleasure that we shall discourse thereof, I will willingly yield, being more constrained thereunto to satisfy your desire then forced by reason, not distrusting any whit of obtaining the victory.  
It lying then upon me (loving Gent.) to prove unto you that I am a noble man, yea far more noble than Fabricio: I will first show you what nobility is, which if we do rightly understand as we ought, I doubt not but that our controversy will be finally determined without any further debating of the matter. I affirm that to be true nobility (for Fabricio, thou canst not vary from the opinion of all men) which of long time hath been left by the predecessors unto the successors, as a hereditary gift, the name whereof is as well imprinted in them, as the form of the body; in as much as he that is borne of a noble family, so soon as he is brought forth into the world, is esteemed amongst the number of noble men, which is no less apparent than true; for as much as if we consider any noble man whatsoever, surely those that descend from him, shall be reckoned amongst such as are noble men.  
Who is he so void of reason, that doth not account those as noble men, who are descended of the stock of the Sforsi, of these of Ests, of the Gonsagui, and of a number of other most noble races? Surely, no man. He than is a Noble man, who is issued of a noble family. Let us then consider whether I or thou, are sprung of noble parents, to the end that the most noble of us both may be known. Tell me I pray thee, and take no scorn to let me know, whether thy ancestors were Noblemen, or not: nay whether they were so much as reckoned amongst gent. which surely I believe thou art not able to show me. If then no Nobility was left thee by thy ancestors, how dost thou now take that boldness upon thee, to give thyself the title of a nobleman? By what means dost thou seek to intrude thyself into the company of Gentlemen? What hope hast thou to be adjudged the more noble? Surely I know not how I should persuade myself therein: but contrarily, you cannot make any doubt, but that this nobility was left me by my predecessors, for both my grandfathers, and their great grandfathers and their issue, have still as it were from hand to hand, maintained themselves in the order of noblemen: forsomuch as they have always showed themselves worthy men at Arms, and many of them have been lords of Castles and of Towns, albeit that envious fortune hath bereft them of the greater part of this substance. I will not further enlarge my discourse, to reckon up what my predecessors have been, being certain that they are no less known unto you, then to myself.  
Wherefore it may well be concluded, that I being the successor of right Noble men, and thou borne of base parentage, that I am a Noble man, and thou art not; and so consequently the ring which this day was given by the Lady Virginia, belongeth unto me, as to the most noble of the two. Now see Fabricio how by little and little, I have made it manifest, that thou art deceived. Yet if so it were that thou shouldst deny my conclusion, which is most true in itself, I would so forcibly work, that thou shouldst of necessity be constrained to yield thereunto. For if they who do expose their lives to a thousand dangers, as it were men banished from their own houses, the space of many years, in the service of their king, their country, or other princes, to purchase to themselves a glorious name everlastingly, did consider that so soon as they should depart this life, their renown and their glory should die with them, and not remain to their children, and posterity; he might surely be accounted foolish that would take pains, or endure any travel or disquiet: but they weighing that this name which they did get amongst bloody battles, did not only adorn their own persons (which should indeed be but a small thing) but likewise all their whole stock after them, they did not against their will, but of their own accord enter into such toil, & labour. Whereby it followeth of necessity that we conclude, that the self-same renown, and the self-same Nobility, that was in their ancestors whatsoever it be, is transferred to their posterity: Because that naturally we have no better instrument, nor more perfect means, by which the glory and Nobility which is in men, may endure long, than their children & posterity: by them nobility is preserved, by them the generosity of families is lively maintained. Hitherto the words of Possidonio were continued, with a wonderful attention and without any interruption: when Fabricio turning himself towards him spoke after this manner. Pass on no further Possidonio, for I intent to answer thee to that thou hast thus far discoursed, & thou shalt understand whether this nobility which we seek for, doth remain in blood, or not: & then thou mayst at leisure proceed, for as thou shalt frame thine arguments, so will I likewise answer thee. At which offer Possidonio paused, but the company would not suffer that Fabricio should intermeddle to answer Possidonio his discourse, until he had ended that which he should be able to allege in his defence. Wherefore silence being made, Possidonio proceeded after this manner.  
You see moreover (worthy Gent.) what operation nature affordeth to the innobling of man. For if we consider the gifts which it dareth in the generation of man, you shall find them wholly assembled in our favour. Forsomuch as first it yieldeth to this, that the engendering of children is permitted to man, by means of his own blood; and after that it hath brought them forth into the world, it laboureth to cause them to be like unto those, whose natural blood is dispersed in their bodies: here-hence proceedeth the excessive love which the father naturally beareth to his son, which to speak the troth surpasseth all other loves in this world; as is best known unto them that have made trial thereof; the engendered being deemed a part and member of the engenderer.  
Now whosoever he be that is begotten of a gentleman, and consequently of Noble blood, who will once deny but that he is part of the begetter? Surely no man. Why then the worthy nobility of them, no otherwise then their own blood, is dispersed in their children, as in a part of themselves. And namely add hereunto the natural resemblance of the father, which oftentimes denoteth clearly in their posterity, the gracious countenance and good members, not only of the father, but even of the ancestors likewise. here-hence afterwards it cometh, that as it were, even the very manners, and lively spirits with many of their worthy prowesses, are transfused into their children.  
And of this the valiant deeds of Scipio the great may make thee assured, which as I have often heard, and I believe thou knowest right well, were not unequal to the prowesses of his father Cornelio. The like have I understood of the other Scipio: and if these were not of themselves sufficient, I could allege many other modern examples. But you may be easily persuaded herein, by that which we see every day, that whilst we are children, we do so retain within ourselves, the childish conditions, which are learned of our fathers, or of any other whatsoever, that growing afterwards to greater age, they remain so fast fixed in our hearts, whether they be good or evil, as if we had been taught them by nature herself: and according to the diversity of men, we do learn divers sorts of manners, for a husband man his son (or to speak generally) a Hosier his child, or such like, will not be of the same behaviour & value, as a gent. his son, because there is more care had in the one, & the other is rudely brought up. Whereby it is easily gathered, that the manners and prowess of the father is conveyed from him unto the children, and so consequently his nobility. Seeing then that nature doth in the creation of man yield blood and resemblance, whence this fatherly love doth spring, to whom shall this sort of Nobility which we term of blood be left, but to a man his own children? surely not unto strangers, which even nature itself would withstand.  
Possidonio passed on no further being in his discourse interrupted by Madam Cassandra (a wife and beautiful lady of the company) who having a little called her wits together, set upon him after this manner.  
If it be not lawful for Fabricio at this time to answer thy discourse, Possidonio, yet shall he hereafter have time, and memory sufficient to satisfy thy reasons. In whose behalf likewise I do not seek to say any thing: and if I should, surely he should be but badly defended by me. But that which I intent is as strongly as I can to maintain those reasons which make for us women: for without making any mention of them, you have slightly passed over them. In your last speech (if so be that I did well comprehend what you said) you gave us to understand, that who so is engendered of the blood of a noble man, is nobly borne: In as much as nature hath granted thus much unto you, that children are engendered by means of your blood: whereunto you added the resemblance of the father, and his great love towards his children, which are all gifts of nature.  
Now, if we will by a more true mean consider the truth of thy speech, I persuade myself that these gifts which thou callest gifts of nature, being more proper to the woman than to the man (as may easily be showed) that in the Nobility of man, the Nobility of the mother ought rather to be considered then the Nobleness of the father. Who is so ignorant (at least if this Nobility which thou speakest of consisteth in blood) that the blood of the woman is no less sought by nature to engender children, than the blood of the man? Nay rather much more on our side, because, as you know, the child once conceived, is by the space of many months nourished in our womb, with our own blood, & sometimes two years after it is borne: whence it appeareth that children receive a greater quantity of blood of the mother then from the father. I will forbear to speak of the pain of our body, the danger we are in, in child bearing; the anguish, and labour we sustain to bring them up: all which things may evidently prove unto you, that the love of the mother is far greater towards her child than the fathers is: yea and sometimes likewise the child will as well resemble the mother, as the father: all which is most manifest.  
I say then, that if I would know if one be a gent. which is the mark you shoot at, I will have recourse unto the quality of his mother, whether she were a gentlewoman, and not unto the condition of his father, whether he were a gentleman, as you lately did argue: which may with reason be believed. But you men make laws as you list, & draw your reasons as liketh you best, setting us silly women aside, as if we were none of the number of the world: but if it were lawful for us to be present at your counsels, peradventure matters would go otherwise, and so many things would not pass for currant (as this should have done) as they do.  
Herewithal the lady Cassandra held her peace, and all the ladies did highly commend that which she had spoken in their favour, when as Possidonio, not determining to reply any thing unto her words, spoke after this manner.  
Madame, as for me it is all one, whether we take the blood of the father, or of the mother: for I not only both by my fathers and mother's side, come of noble blood; but my grandfathers, grandmothers, great grandfathers, and great graundmothers, were on both sides of most noble descent, as is not unknown unto you.  
The wise lady did not rest contented with Possidonio his answer, as if he had spoken smallly to the purpose, when as master Dominico, one of my brethren, determining to satisfy her demand, taking the matter upon him, said unto her.  
Madame, I persuade myself, that if it were lawful for you women to be present at our counsels, as you say, that your virtues would equal the Amazonian ladies, who banished their husbands, took upon them the government of the kingdom, and disposed thereof at their pleasure, defending with their sword the feminine liberty. Of the same mind was Valasqua queen of the Bohemians, who conspiring with the principal ladies of that kingdom, effected the same thing: but I believe you are not now a days of so haughty a courage. Howsoever it be, I would not have you believe, that you are any ways defrauded of your right, in that you propose, nor in any other thing in the world, but rather where any favour or aid may be given you, both the law, and the law makers, are ready therein: and you ought to be persuaded, that men do not make laws as they list, as you do imagine: for sometimes women (when as laws made by men, have not been pleasing unto them) they have boldly opposed themselves against them. As on a time at Rome a general law being made, it was scarcely kept twenty years: and it was this, that no woman should apparel herself in diverse colours, nor wear any ornament of gold that did exceed the weight of half an ounce, with such other like matters, by which the lascivious and licentious life of women, was restrained: for the principal ladies of Rome being assembled together, without any regard or shame, not without great danger of sedition in the city, they did break this law. Now then to satisfy you in that which lately you alleged for the defence of women, in the midst of this disputation: I say, that I do not deny that in engendering of children, more quantity of blood doth abound on your side then on ours, because that so soon as the creature is conceived in your body, it is nourished therewith. But you ought to know Madam, that the men of the world have established this law for firm, that in the Nobility of man, the condition and nobleness of the father is considered, and not of the mother: for it is manifest, that when as in a subject of perfection many degrees do concur together, we take the name of the most worthy, and that of most power. As for example, we see in the most renowned majesty of our lady and mistress, whose life being adorned with all worthiness, and replenished with a most singular providence of honesty and holiness, is not only bruited in our country, but thorough all the world, she is lawfully duchess of our city, and of a large extent of land▪ Princes of many other places, and most worthy queen of Polonia, and yet we term her not by the title of Duchess, or Princes, but always call her queen, as the name of most worth, and most power. Now who doubteth but that the man, is far more worthy, and of greater might than the woman? Peradventure Madam you will deny this. Surely you cannot, because this is no law which we men have made, as you believe, but his law that hath made both man, and woman: when as he taking displeasure against our first mother, said, man shall always bear rule over you. It is then no wonder if we seek the condition of our father, as more worthy and excellent for the ennobling of man, than our mother's estate.  
Moreover, consider one of these images, and behold likewise this stone which is near unto it, of the which there may easily another image be framed, which of these two will you deem more worthy, the image or the stone? surely in my opinion the image. Now a woman is no other thing then as it were that stone, that is to say, a simple matter, and man is as the form or fashion, and like as for the perfection thereof the matter doth covet the form, so doth a woman for her perfection desire a man. We will then conclude, that a woman is so much less worthy than the man, as the matter is of less estimation than the form; or as that which suffereth, is less worthy than that which doth. Hereof it followeth, that we ought to be called after the name of the man as the most worthy. So that this proposition is true, that in nobility, we have only to consider, the nobleness of the father.  
M. Dominico having ended his talk, the lady being well advised, replied nothing thereunto, as though she had been thoroughly satisfied therewith, when as Possidonio following on his enterprise, began to speak after this manner.  
Gentlemen and ladies: The force which nature giveth to this nobility is so great, that we see it doth not only preserve the same in man, but likewise in other living creatures, not partakers of reason, yea even in plants, as we may see in horses, dogs, trees, and in other things. For if I desire a fair horse, or a good dog, or if I intent to graft any excellent fruit, I will first of all seek out the most noble horse, the best hunting spaniel, and the most excellent tree of that sort which I can possibly find, because it will never fail to prove like unto that which hath engendered it, or to the plant. And every kind (to which nature hath given virtue to bring forth fruit) produceth it like, and not disagreeing to itself, as we may see every where: whence it cometh to pass that man cannot engender any other thing then man. Wherefore if thou grantest unto me Fabricio (and impossible it is but thou shouldest yield thereunto) that if I be descended of a noble family, it must needs follow (if we will not gainsay the law of nature) that I am a noble man.  
Possidonio paused a while from his discourse, or else made some stay to bethink himself how he might further proceed to fortify his enterprise, and to trouble his enemy, or rather clean to stop up the passage, that he might without any outrage obtain the desired victory; when as Madam Laura (the youngest amongst the ladies, though no less endued with wit and virtue than the rest, being beside of a quick capacity) turning towards Possidonio, with a womanlike bashfulness, opened her coral lips, and began to speak in this sort.  
Possidonio and Fabricio, I know not whether it may become me or no, to intermeddle with your disputations, which perhaps are not fit for ladies, especially for me which have so little to say: but being rather covetous to learn, then desirous to contradict any of you, if it may be lawful for me, I will speak that which cometh into my remembrance, lest otherwise I should be blamed for a lady of no sound judgement, and full of presumption.  
Fabricio immediately gave this answer. God forbid Madam, nay rather your virtue thereby will appear more clearer, replenished with most sound judgement, and not as you say, worthy any blame. For albeit it is not so beseeming for ladies to discourse of this argument, as it is delightful to hear them; notwithstanding it shallbe a thing lawful, & permitted both for yourself, the rest of these ladies, and any of the gentlemen, to intermeddle and speak what so shall come into their minds, whether it be in doubting, answering, reproving, arguing, or resolving of any thing, either on the one side or of the other, according to every man his best judgement. Forsomuch as the truth of this controversy ought to be drawn from us all, albeit that Possidonio, and myself in mine own defence are chosen to yield our reasons.  
Possid. having showed himself conformable to Fabricio his will, the lady Laura after a long continued speech, with a womanlike voice, added that which followeth.  
This is no small matter, that having demanded leave for myself only, I have obtained it for the whole company. For the which I do give thanks unto you both: which being said, she turned again towards Possidonio, and spoke unto him in this sort.  
It seemeth unto me Possidonio, that the scope of thy last words did tend to this end: that in as much as man cannot engender any thing else but man, that thou being descended of noble parents, art for that cause a noble man, which in my judgement cannot in any wise be well concluded. For albeit that a man cannot beget any other thing than man, yet it followeth not that the same qualities should remain in the children which are in the parents; & so consequently he that is born of a noble man, albeit that of his father he receive his being, and the form of his body, yet shall he not receive nobility therewith, which is as a quality, which either may be, or not be in the subject.  
Nay contrarily Madam, quoth Possidonio, he which is borne, receiveth in like manner the self same qualities: because that if a man be white, the child shall likewise be participant of his whiteness: if he be black, he shall be partaker of his blackness: In as much as whosoever giveth the essence or being, he giveth likewise that which followeth the essence, which is manifestly proved in ourselves, and the Ethiopians.  
The young lady stood at a stay, it may be not knowing how to frame a reply. Wherefore Possidonio having a little taken breath, followed on his discourse in this manner.  
Gentlemen, by that which may be gathered by the words which I have spoken, you may perceive that nobility in man is given him of nature, and infused in his blood; wherefore like as the laws of nature are stable, & firm, so likewise nobility in the family of man thorough his blood, by which it is continued, is permanent and durable.  
Here M. john Francisco, one of the company taking the speech upon him, said in this sort. The force of nature is so great in the procreation of children, that very seldom, or almost not at all, there is any difference between the father and the child, as I will make manifest unto you, by a tale or history (if so you please I call it) by which you may know the mighty power of Nature in the nobility of man.  
There was a gallant and noble lady, who dwelleth not far from hence (whose name for the respect I bear unto her, I will not manifest) married to a worthy knight, by whom she conceived, and did bear a fair young son. And as it happeneth very often, not so much in regard of the opportunity which these ladies have, as in respect that for the most part they live daintily and idly: it chanced (whether it were thorough love, or of her own free will) her husband perceiving nothing thereof, that she joined herself to one of her servants, so that in succession of time she brought forth two children. Now these growing further in age, the eldest did so far exceed his other brethren (for so were they all esteemed by the father) as the supposed father, did surpass the true father: for as he waxed bigger, so did he grow comely of parsonage, and quick of wit, whereas the other were very fools, and blockheads; and the eldest of them did continually exercise himself in worthy and valorous actions, he desired to learn to be virtuous, he took pleasure in horses, to run at the ring, and in all other honourable kinds of exercise, which by reason of his age he was able to undergo, but the rest showed themselves as base, & far from doing any virtuous action: and indeed he did no less shine amongst them, than the sun amidst the rest of the planets; the folly and cowardice of the other two, was so great, that the common report did run every where, that like as in behaviour and wit, they did differ from the other, so likewise they had another father: and their slothfulness (besides that there was no resemblance between him and them) imprinted so great a belief in the husband, that he constrained his wife to confess the troth unto him, and in the end she being no less forced by experience, then by nature itself, she opened the whole secret unto him.  
And besides the Lady I speak of, I know yet two other women, who although they be descended of base parentage, yet are they fair and gracious to behold, who not contenting themselves with their husbands, as ill disposed women are wont to do, did when opportunity served them, and do still, take their pleasure with young men of Noble blood, bringing forth fruit answerable to their voluptuous pleasure: and this I know for troth, that by them they have brought forth most noble children, whereas of their husbands they have had most clownish creatures, so that even in beholding their natural form, and the constitution of their body, they do give sufficient testimony thereof. By this you may see how nature showeth her power in the nobility of blood; seeing from the same womb is borne (by reason either of the noble or ignoble seed) a gentle and divine spirit, and another abject and base. And as concerning that Madam Cassandra, which you alleged even now: answer might be made unto you besides that which already is said; That albeit in the generation of mankind there aboundeth more blood on the woman her part, greater dangers, and greater labours, yet notwithstanding we ought to have regard unto the dignity of the man, and not of the woman: for as concerning this matter we will compare the woman to the earth, which bringeth forth fruit according to the seed it receiveth.  
Hereunto master Dominico again taking the speech upon him said, These examples of yours M. john Francisco, do bring into my remembrance the success of Romulus and Remus, who descended of the ancient royal stock of the Siluit, and were as histories do report, being little ones, by the commandment of their uncle Amulius, cast into the river Tiber, on the banks whereof Faustulus master of the kings sheep did find them, who knowing who they were gave them to Laurencia his wife, that she might bring them up; who notwithstanding was called a she Wolf, because she did willingly yield her body as common amongst the shepherds.  
Now these children being brought up in Faustulus his flock, and growing in age, they did not intend the keeping of the beasts, nor the leading of a country life, but first giving themselves to hunting, afterwards to set upon thieves, who were often endamaged by them, they began to show the valour which was in them. And as fit occasion fell out, Faustulus declared the whole matter to Numitor, who before was banished out of the kingdom by his brother Amulius, which he having understood, immediately his mind gave him that they were his nephews, and comparing the time with their age, and considering their countenance, he verily affirmed, that they seemed not to be clowns, nor of any base birth, but as if Nature had certified the troth, he knew that they came of the blood Royal, and so accepted them for his Nephews: now whosoever will know what valour they were of, let him read further of them.  
You may then see master john Francisco, how nature doth manifest the power of Nobility of blood: for albeit they were nourished amongst shepherds, yet was not their bringing up a hindrance to their natural virtue. Master Dominico had not so soon ended his talk, but Possidonio taking the speech upon him, followed on his discourse in this sort.  
Gentlemen; henceforward let us forbear to bring so many reasons, as nature doth afford us for the Nobility of blood, for surely time would not suffice to allege all that may be said in that behalf; & let us a little weigh that which the common brute & opinion of men doth generally d●em & beleeu thereof I would learn this of thee Fabricio, what Town, what Castle, and what village it is, where thou shalt not find this a general and common custom, to call and account those noblemen, who are borne of a noble stock? Surely (as I believe) no place in the world. Nay rather so soon as they are brought forth, they are reckoned amongst the number of those that are reputed noble, and men do not without reason attribute unto them such privileges as the country yieldeth, sustaining likewise such labour and travail for the service and creation of them, as it behoveth them to undertake.  
This is a general custom, which we do see is put in practise every where. And tell me I pray thee, if thou dost so much regard me; if thou didst desire to understand or know whether one were a gent. or not, were it not sufficient for thee to hear that he is of the stock of Saint Severini, of the Carraccolli, or of the Carrafis, which are accounted most honourable amongst the noble families of Italy? Surely if thou doest not serve from common equity; thou must of force be constrained to confess the troth.  
Now I desire that even thou thyself mayest conclude, and judge whether of the two is the most noble, seeing that my house is as well known unto thee as thine own and that it is sufficiently manifest which of them both being named, is reputed the most noble. It may be thy heart will serve thee, to aver that it is thy family that is so renowned in this City. I do not believe except thou wert mad, that any such folly would possess thee, yet do I persuade myself, that thou wouldst not be ashamed, with thy sophistical arguments, to make men deem, that white is black: yet know this, that it is an hard matter to resist the troth, & though I had not set upon thee with any other weapon then this last, it were sufficient to make thee stark dumb But to pass on further, my force will serve me to assail thee yet more fiercely; for albeit thou tookest me to day unprovided, yet have I other weapons to set upon thee withal.  
Gent. I having hitherto manifestly proved unto you, both by nature and common custom, that he is noble, whom nature hath brought forth of Noble parents: I will now with no less true, then pregnant reasons, confirm the same unto you. I do affirm, and it is not a thing to be doubted of, that if any man or woman, did commit any act, that shame and reproach followed thereof; not only the said parties, but all their posterity are spotted with shameful infamy, which we do evidently see every day: as for example, in a thousand places you shall find such as are murderers of their own wives, or have laid violent hands on their own flesh, or been executioners of their own sisters, and such like: Only to repair the insupportable dishonour which followeth the fact, which either the wife, daughter, or sister may have committed in giving themselves in prey to others, it doth like a pestilent mortality, which by bad government entereth into a town, spread itself all over, and infect all those that are of that stock. Now contrarily I say, if any man by his worthy prowess, and laudable actions, doth aspire to great honour, surely all his posterity ought to be partakers of that honour, nay they are not partakers thereof, but it ought wholly and entirely to remain with them. For it should be against reason, whereas infamy and dishonour should by reason rather be extinguished, that they should have a larger scope to extend themselves in man's posterity then renown and glory of man.  
My predecessors then, having been men worthy of glory, prosperous in renown, deserving honour, and consequently capable of all Nobility; it followeth of necessity, that all their renown, glory and honour, and their Nobility resteth in me, as their successor. Shall we say the like of thy predecessors Fabricio, that there remaineth only in thee, their worthiness and Nobility, whatsoever it was? Tell me if thou hast any such reason in thy brain? But let us yet proceed further, and I will yet allege unto thee another reason, to persuade thee more firmly in that which we seek after.  
Suppose a father hath two children, valiant knights, and replenished with great learning, by which they make themselves worthy of honour, the father himself notwithstanding, being neither of valour nor learning; thou canst not deny me, but that for all this the children's honour and renown redoundeth likewise to the father; for it is a common proverb, that the sons greater estimation, is the father's greater honour. From whence we see, that good fathers who have care of their children, strain themselves in such sort, to bring them up, as that thereby they merit high reputation.  
By greater reason than (not passing, but therein following the order of nature) the worthiness and greatness of parents, is transferred unto their children, as a part, and substance of themselves: by which reason I may necessarily conclude, that this worthiness, greatness, and nobility, which hath been in my ancestors, remaineth now in me, who am a part & very substance of them. Possidonio pausing a little to gather breath; master Peter Anthony my brother, desiring to have some part in this discourse, began to speak in this manner.  
Seeing that the Lady Laura (with a natural grace) hath obtained leave of you, that it is lawful for us to intrude ourselves into your disputation, not only in doubting and resolving, but also in arguing; I will allege without passion or partiality against any one party, that which falleth into my remembrance fit for this purpose: and if it strengthen thy side Possidonio, I promise thee Fabricio, I will do the like for thee, as far as my memory will serve me, and my understanding will afford me matter. Whereunto Fabricio answered.  
Spare not to speak freely what so it liketh you, for you cannot do me a greater pleasure, then in arguing to allege such reasons, as shall be in favour of the victory on Possidonio his behalf, and contrary to my opinion, forsomuch as with little labour I shall refute them. So much the more willingly (quoth master Peter Anthony) both myself and others, will hereafter speak that which shall seem best unto us, especially, before the troth be by this your disputation discovered.  
There was then in times past, in the famous City of Rome this law (amongst others) held in great reverence, lest that the memorable renown of a valiant knight should with his life take end, that the Images of those who had overcome the enemy's host, and conquered Kingdoms, not before brought into subjection, should be engraven and set in the most public place of the City; under which a remembrance of their acts was written, which yet at this day we see in many places.  
And that was done to the end (as I may say) to prevent nature in that it could not give; which was to make them immortal by perpetual commendation, as also to the end that their successors pricked forward with the desire of like glory and renown (like as valorous horses at the sound of the trumpet) might not fear the labours of the body, much less the dangers of life, to avoid and to repel from their country all adverse accidents hurtful to the same and to purchase for it, all triumphant and prosperous dignity that might be for the avail thereof.  
In troth the Images and triumphs inflamed men's boldness, and gave them great courage, and these eternal remembrances, did move the hearts of men: who are naturally desirous of honour and glory. For it was a thing ordained among the romans at a certain prefixed time, in festival manner to visit these bodies, and behold these Images. What more greater glory & greater triumph may be desired in this world of any living man? Surely the heart cannot wish, nor the tongue demand any greater.  
Appliable to this purpose I say, that if these men in remembrance of their singular virtue and great courage, did attribute such great honour to images, whether they were marble or metal, how much more did these owe to the living children, I believe no less, but rather more; in as much as a feigned form of man, is less to be esteemed then that which representeth him truly. Which may be apparently discerned by any whosoever, though but of small judgement.  
For what occasion did the common wealth of Rome set in government the Camilli, Fabii, Scipiones, Emilij, Catones and others, but for the glory and renown of their predecessors? See we not the same observed this day among modern princes? It followeth then reasonably, that this grace and nobility which is in the predecessors, doth deservedly remain with the children.  
Scarce had master Peter Anthony ended his discourse, when Possidonio pursued his speech after this manner.  
It should be surely a foolish thing, to believe that it remained with these immovable and feigned images, and not with their children. For what profit are they able to bring unto the commonwealth? surely none (besides the example which by them is left to posterity) but the offspring of noble men may yield & lend great help unto it daily as we see continually. For as much as if we look into the estates and commonwealths of the world, which are governed diversly: shalt thou find Fabricio that the rule and managing of them is granted to any other, saving to those that are reckoned to be noble? And if you demand of whence this proceedeth. I would answer thee in my opinion, it ariseth of no other cause, then that the predecessors of him that is noble, having submitted not only his goods, but life also, to a thousand dangers and hazards for his country, it should be great ungratitude, (nay rather might we judge it cruelty) if that so soon as they received their last mortal wound, they should slip out of remembrance, or that it should deny them the reward worthy their labours. Whereupon, that they may not incur so great note of inhumanity, the government of commonwealths ought to be given them, as good means to preserve them. And as they which do represent the dead members of their predecessors.  
Master Dominico added hereunto: we do not only see this used in our time, as in the rich and well ordered city of Venice and elsewhere, we may perceive that the government and administration of the estate is given unto gentlemen, but as I have often read, the like was done in time past. In the city of Rome at that time more renowned than any other, the Senators were held in great estimation of Nobility. And if they were accounted in the order of Senators, and consequently of true noble men which were descended of Senators: We will then say, according to the former reasons, that the Children and issue of noblemen are true and perfect noble men. These last words were scarce ended, when as the lady Camilla, whose natural whiteness tempered with a vermilion colour, hiding herself as if she had somewhat been ashamed, her face burning like fire, & turning toward master Dominico, in whom she put great trust, with a woman's voice said thus.  
It seemeth unto me that this day you are all opposed to Fabricio, seeing that you cease not together with master Peter Anthony, to allege new reasons for Possidonio: but beside that he himself in answering them can refute them all, I will not forbear to pay you in such sort as you know.  
Madam (quoth he) hereafter I will take heed, seeing that you are not pleased that we should intermeddle in this discourse, to the end that this day, I do not against my will incur a penalty, which I am not able to bear.  
These last words gave occasion to the company of laughter: whereupon Fabricio, without any farther stay, said:  
Madam, let every one of them allege the most pregnant and strong reasons they can, for I shall not want courage sufficient to confute them all: do not you know that the glory of the conqueror is so much the greater, as the force of the vanquisher doth exceed: which was the cause that Possidonio laughing more at Fabricio his speech, as making small account thereof, then at the young Lady, followed on after this sort.  
We do not only find this to be true in the government of Cities and Provinces, but likewise in bishoprics, Cardinalshippes, and such other. Thou shalt not see Fabricio (and if it happen, it is very seldom) that these offices and dignities are bestowed upon any other than gentlemen. By which thou mayest well consider what help and profit those do bring unto us, which are borne of Noblemen, more than the feigned images of the romans held by them in great observance, for an everlasting remembrance.  
Consider beside those reasons already recited, that with Princes, Kings, Emperors, Popes and in any place of estate, the noble man by blood goeth foremost, and he which is nobly borne is only honoured, and to him only, the place fit for his nobility, is by good right alway granted.  
M. john Francisco, with a good grace added hereunto.  
We do not only see this in use among Princes, but also among private persons, that Noble men are preferred before other: especially, when they meet at banquets, where they are more honoured, and served with more attendance.  
Master Dominico taking the speech upon him again said, I have yet other reasons to allege in the favour of Possidonio, but that I fear to incur this day her disgrace, which I would not: The lady Camilla, having by threats forbidden that, which graciously you had granted. To whom in anger she answered; And what would you say more, then that you have already spoken? Madam, quoth he, I would say that:  
The great Architect of heaven and earth intending to send his only beloved son into the world to cover his divinity with our humanity, to the end to free man, who was miserably wrapped in sin (For scarce had he been framed by his creator, but he immediately showed himself disobedient towards him, and that by subtle deceit of him, who rebelling against his maker, was with his copartners banished the heavens, and is eternally condemned to the depth of hell) This divine word, to become man did not choose those parents in this world, which were of an abject and base family, but his will was, to descend of the royal blood of David. He was surely most meek, humble and poor, in that he loved all these things & preached the same to others, yet notwithstanding, he would not be born of a mean and base blood as I said. If then this nobility of blood, was esteemed of the son of God, man incarnate, how much more ought we who are his followers, deem it a thing to be beloved and reverenced? surely very much. Do we not read likewise, that Herod Ascalonita the son of Antipater, of base lineage, being chosen king of judea by Octavian the second Emperor, he made a decree, that all the books wherein were written the noble and great generations of the twelve patriarchs should be burned, to the end that he being not found there written among them, by succession of time might easily be credited, that because he was king of juda, was descended of the blood Royal (I mean of the stock of Israel) from whence the patriarchs were derived, which he infinitely desired, to the end that he and his successors might be always reputed in the number of noble men?  
Do not we read likewise of Equitius, who being the son of a bondslave and made free, did feign himself to be the son of the most renowned Tiberius Gracchus? What shall I say of him that took upon him that boldness, that with a marvelous subtlety, he persuaded the people of Rome that he was the son of Octavia, sister of the Emperor, and of Marcus Antonius, and that he was descended of the royal blood? And of that Barbarian, sprung of base parentage, who in regard of the natural resemblance which he did bear to Ariarat king of Cappadocia, already slain by Marcus Antonius; took upon him the courage to say that he was king Ariarat, by which means the Cities of Asia, yielded the kingdom unto him.  
You may see how great a number there was of those, who not contenting themselves with their base birth, have sought (as many do at this day) to ennoble themselves in the worthy families of other men. We may then well conclude, that there is no small number, but contrary the greater part of the world do run after this nobility, to make themselves worthy of glory, and leave a memorable renown unto their posterity.  
You may see then Madam Camilla, whether I have had any thing to say in the favour of Possidonio, and whether I have not stopped up Fabricio his passage. Whereunto she answered, that which thou hast stopped he will easily break through, and find means to bind thee surely. Some such words passing between them, Possidonio followed on his discourse, after this manner.  
Surely, fair ladies, there is no man in the world, which doth not desire and reverence nobility of blood, that exalteth those that possess it, even unto the clouds. Yet will I not recount unto you from point to point, all that may be said in favour thereof. Wherefore it is now high time, that I draw near the matter, and that I bring this my discourse to certain true effects. And surely in a few words, I may conclude, that he being Noble, who is borne of Noble Parents, as I said; there need not be any doubt whether the ring given by the noble Lady, belongeth to any other then to myself, who am the most Noble. My ancestors Fabricio, were of no base house, I am not descended of any obscure parentage: but contrarily, there are many ages that their renown hath shined amongst men, & there is none of you that is ignorant thereof, for there are already many years passed, wherein they have exposed themselves to do their prince's service. Ought the aid that they have continually yielded them, be of no account? Inasmuch as they have valiantly fought against their enemies, and courageously opposed themselves against all hazardous dangers, not flying from any labours in the world.  
They have not made any account, neither of heat, nor cold, nor of all the encumbrances, which did cross them: and we are not ignorant how many troublesome broils they have freed our City from, and what assistance they have yielded thereunto. Which the ornaments of their victories do sufficiently declare, which may be seen in many places of the city. I could (if there were any such necessity therein, as there is not) show you many ancient privileges which they have received of ancient kings, by which it may easily be perceived of what estimation they have been, and whether they were reputed amongst noble men, or not. I forbear to speak of the armouries of our house, in the which there is no figure, nor mark, which hath not been granted by some king or other. What wilt thou that I say farther? truly it is irksome to me to reckon up any more.  
Thou seest what matter I might bring in on the behalf of Nobility, and worthiness of my ancestors, albeit that I have to day alleged as it were nothing at all. This is the principal part of Nobility, to be able before men, at large to display the famous prowesses of his ancestors, whose glory and renown, to the end that it may live eternally, doth remain in their posterity. Wherehence I might rightly affirm, that all their honour, glory, magnificence, and nobility resteth in me. And to conclude, I may term myself as a part of those noble personages, from whom so great Nobility is proceeded.  
In my countenance appeareth their honourable looks, and all their glory, as in him who is their lawful heir, shineth in me. This is then that kind of Nobility, which amongst men causeth a man to be renowned and honourable: albeit there is another sort of Nobility (as some will have it) of so great power, that although a man be not descended of noble blood, yet doth it notwithstanding cause him to be esteemed honourable. And that is it (worthy company) (as I think) whereon Fabricio, when he will endeavour his best to speak what he can for his Nobility, will most of all extend his discourse upon: for he will have no other prop, nor stay, to keep himself on foot, I mean, that he will wholly rest himself upon learning, and therewithal make his resistance. Wherefore it shall not be from the purpose, unto that which I have spoken, to add these few words, by the which I doubt not, that without any great trouble unto you, but that I shall show you, what Nobility learning can bring unto man, when I shall have set down what I shall think thereof: which, it may be, shall not be far out of the way, and you may judge how greatly Fabricio shall be deceived.  
I say then (worthy company) that not only he is a noble man (as some do believe) who draweth his beginning from a noble stock, as by that I have already discoursed you may have understood: but likewise he is esteemed amongst noble men, who albeit he be not descended of noble blood, yet giving himself unto learning, doth gain some credit and reputation amongst men. And this kind of Nobility (if notwithstanding we ought to term it so) certainly is recommended, as a thing no less good than laudable: but I do flatly deny, that they do attain to perfect Nobility, except they receive therewith this Nobility of blood. Yet I will say, and it may be it is not far from the truth, that learning is rather an ornament of Nobility than cause thereof. And will say more, according unto my opinion, that it giveth a certain facility, or rather a beginning unto man, to become honourable, but it doth not indeed make him noble, as peradventure Fabricio, thou didst persuade thyself.  
Forasmuch as if in any matter we consider learning merely in itself, without any other quality, or ornament that is required in Nobility, we shall find that it doth not make him honourable, that possesseth it, but he shall be like unto a fair precious stone, set in the midst of some base and vile metal: and like as a small candle doth give but a slender light unto those that behold it, I say very small, in regard of a great Torch: So doth this kind of Nobility shine, in regard of that other which I lately spoke of.  
And be not thou over hard of belief herein, for I shall very easily prove this unto thee. Imagine such a one in thy mind, who is graced with good manners, learning and knowledge, but in bad apparel, as there are many such; and likewise another, void of learning, but in brave attire fit for a gentleman, and that they be both unknown unto thee: what answer wouldst thou make, if myself or any other should demand of thee, which of these two were a gentleman? Surely as I think, thou wouldst say the last of them, and whosoever hath any sound judgement would not think otherwise; and this proceedeth of the insufficiency of learning: for as I have said unto you, it is not of itself sufficient, at one instant to bring forth the effects of nobility.  
I say then that there wanteth somewhat else, and it is riches, which are an ornament, or rather a part of nobility, which if thou dost conjoin with learning, it may be that then I will believe that he that possesseth both, is become noble; for than two causes do concur together, neither of the which of themselves, would be sufficient. He than that will be accounted noble, aught above all things especially to abound in wealth. O how many learned men have I known in my time, who contemning these goods (for so are they rightly called) have been, and are yet vilely despised themselves. Dost thou think Fabricio, that now I tell thee troth? Now I can but imagine what courage thou canst have, seeing the ground more and more to sink under thy feet, what leaning stock wilt thou have, when as that whereon thy mind did most of all settle itself (following thy false opinion) doth least of all serve thy turn? Learning will not much help thee, wherefore thou mayest boldly put thy trust in somewhat else; for in thee there is no nobility at all to be considered. Yet to the end that thy heart may not be overcharged with melancholy, I will grant thee thus much, that thou art become noble through learning, which being supposed as true, arguing in this sort, I may say unto thee. It is a matter manifest which can in no sort be denied, that dame Nature doth both in dignity and perfection, far surpass industrious art, seeing it doth only in the operation thereof force itself, to imitate nature. Now this sort of nobility, which thou wouldst have in thyself, is not natural, but artificial, because as I have said unto thee, thou art not noble by nature, but ennobled by the exercise of learning, and so consequently noble by Art.  
But yet this is not sufficient Fabricio, I will yield thee many other reasons, to show thee that I am more noble than thou art, although that there were Nobility in thee. Thou canst not in any sort deny me, that as often as two equal things do strive together, but that all honour and reverence is attributed to the most ancient: if then both of us be noble, as I have already granted thee, and do again yield thee, ought not I to be adjudged more noble, as he which descendeth of more ancient nobility, or contrarily thyself, who art but an upstart Gentleman?  
Surely if thou leanest unto the truth, thou canst not say otherwise. But God knoweth what occasion thou hast now to rejoice, seeing that without taking any further pains, I have granted thee that thou art a Noble man: alas, I believe this thy mirth will be but small, being intermingled with so great sorrow. So that not only the ground will fail under thy feet, but likewise the breath in thy mouth, nothing remaining for thee hereafter to say.  
Thou shalt see that indeed hereafter quoth Fabricio, (taking the speech upon him with a good grace, stretching forth and wagging his right hand at Possidonio, in a mocking manner) yea thou shalt well perceive whether the breath will fail in my mouth, as thou sayest: for thou shalt well feel of what force those new fables are, which thou hast this day set to sale in favour of this thy nobility, and shouldest yer this have well perceived it, if it had been lawful for me to answer thy arguments as I am well furnished with matter.  
Thou canst do no less, quoth Possidonio, with a smiling countenance, then call them new fables, seeing that they do so newly torment thee: but thou shalt find them true histories against thyself.  
Fabricio replied I know not what, at which instant the lady Aurelia, graced with beauty, and the gifts of nature, who until that time had attentively noted and passed under silence the words of Possidonio, turning herself towards him, with a woman's voice said thus unto him.  
Holding this thy last conclusion as true Possidonio, to wit, that honour & victory ought to be given to the most ancient, I would gladly understand, if the same question which is this day between you two, did happen between 2. young men equal in Nobility of blood, to whither of the two thou wouldst give the price & victory?  
Mary to him Madam (quoth Possidonio) whose Nobility as I lately said, were most ancient.  
To which she replied, but how wilt thou know, whether of the two were more ancient, for that seemeth a hard matter for me to discern?  
Madam (quoth Possidonio) it is a very easy thing: for therein we ought to follow the common opinion of men of the country, when the same cannot otherwise be determined by privileges, or other lawful means.  
M. Peter Anthony added hereunto. Many years ago, Madam, sentence is given in determination of that which you do demand; and as I think not only your ladyship, but all that are here present have read thereof.  
Whereunto the lady Laurelia said. We never studied these your disputations, which in regard that we are women, are as far unmeet for us, as the handling of weapons.  
Peter Anthony replied, I do not speak from the purpose Madam. I say that many years since, a question fell out between two noble young men of Florence, to wit; whether of them were the better Gentleman, and of more ancient nobility in that city: of the which, as every man was affected, some men did prefer the one of them, some the other: Finally, it was adjudged that the Baronesi (of which house one of the Gentlemen were) were the most ancient gentlemen, not only in Florence, but in all the world.  
And how may that be credited (quoth the lady Aurelia) or concluded by any firm argument?  
Mary, quoth he, it was confirmed with a most forcible reason. Forsomuch as all they who were issued of the blood of the Baronesi, some of them had a very long & thin face, others extremely broad, some a long nose, others very short; this man one eye greater than his fellow, that other one eye lower set then another, & besides all this, their bodies very deformed, in respect of other men. Which thing gave the judge good cause to think, that they were made by nature in that season, when she began first to frame men, and so they were the most ancient, and most noble: whereas other men were made, when as she knew better how to fashion them; who being not so ancient, were not consequently so Noble. So that Madam, if you desire of two young men, or of many, to know which of them is the most noble, look which of them is most deformed, for he is surely descended of the most ancient stock, and so the most noble.  
Truly now I remember (quoth the lady Aurelia) to have read the story as you report it.  
This new and witty argument of nobility, with the good wit of the judge, was with a pleasant laughter recommended of the whole company, which when it was ceased, Possidonio began again thus to follow on his discourse.  
Seeing that my tales are of no force, as Fabricio lately said, I know not truly how I should persuade myself, upon what he will lay any foundation, on the which he may rest, nor with what reasons he shall be able to uphold himself: in as much as if we speak of blood, he cannot compare with me; as a thing he never came near, as he will freely confess unto me: if of learning, I will not begin again to discourse any more thereof: for I have frankly spoken thereof what I think, and you may judge as well as myself, whether it maketh for him, or not. It may be he groundeth himself upon riches. Surely it should be an open folly to think so, much more to speak it. If then he be not to be compared unto me, neither in blood, nor in riches; from which two things, true and perfect nobility doth spring: and if learning be of no moment in matter of Nobility; it may well appear how his judgement is more than deceived, and his will more than obstinate. And to the end that none of my reasons may go without due proof; I will make this manifest unto you likewise, to wit, that I surpass him as far in riches, as in Nobility of blood, as I have heretofore concluded. Which of you gentlemen, are ignorant, that if the least part of my wealth were set on the one side, and all that he hath heaped on the other, that mine would not far exceed the value of his? which I doubt not but you will judge superfluous for me to declare, being a matter clear enough of itself. Yet seeing we are entered therein I will not forbear to speak thereof.  
Consider then (worthy Gentlemen) that if the great wealth and substance which is so much desired of mortal men, be not wholly united in me, yet at the lest I possess the greater part of it. For if we talk of stately Palaces, I am owner of such as cause those that do behold them to wonder, and they are especially furnished with rich and precious stuff. If of pleasant Gardens, I have many of them, which do abound in all that which is beautiful to the eye, and delightful to behold. I will not reckon up unto you, the fruitful fields, nor the shadowy woods, from the which all that which is necessary for the life of man, may be gathered; for thanks be to God, I have sufficient store of them: less will I tell you what flocks of sheep I possess: for it may be if I should speak of them to others, I should not be believed. I will likewise forbear to declare of the gold and silver, which is always in my treasury: & finally I refuse to speak of many other particularities, which myself am ashamed to rehearse, and that because they are as well known to yourselves, as to me. I think it likewise very superfluous, to open unto you, what great feasts, rich apparel, pomp, chivalry, music, songs, and all other manner of pleasures, sports, and feastings, which matters are no less necessary than honourable, to personages truly honourable, as things which do of themselves, show themselves, and are well known of you to be continually observed by me. Now to the end you may judge aright, you ought to consider, what & how great, Fabricio his wealth is.  
Scarce had Possidonio given end to the sound of his last words, when as Fabricio moderately and suddenly smiling, I know not whereat, and afterwards shaking of his head, he spoke in this sort.  
Truly Possidonio, thou dost this day lay a great burden upon thy shoulders; if thou dost undertake to show others my wealth or goods (as thou termest them) forsomuch as not only that small time of the day which remaineth, no not a whole day would be sufficient to reckon them up. Wherefore pass on further, and toil not thyself about that, thou needest take no care for: for if thou wilt, I will yield unto thee, not only that thou art rich above any other, but that all the riches of the world be in thy possession.  
I am very certain Fabricio, (quoth Possidonio) that the troth doth force thee to grant it me. Wherefore this my proposition gent. is true, that I do not only far surpass him in blood, but in riches likewise. And now wilt thou yet have the heart to undertake to show us that thy Nobility is greater? For I possessing all the ornaments that are to be desired of mortal men, I cannot be persuaded, that thou hast any courage left to speak any more thereof. Wherefore it would well become thee to hold thy peace, and to yield, that thy reasons which are of no force may give place to mine. It were then best for thee, not to charge so heavy a burden upon so weak shoulders, for having to day without varying from the troth, alleged so many worthy & excellent deeds of my ancestors, & made account of such great abundance of riches, wherhence the perfection of Nobility doth spring, I would but know what thou hast to say? It may be thou wilt inform us of the brave combats and valiant battles of thy ancestors? Or show us what fair palaces & pleasant gardens thou hast? Wherefore if as thou deemst thou hast any sound judgement in thee, endure not any more that this matter be further discovered; but hence forward pronounce that sentence against thyself, which we attend from the judge: which being said, he paused a little, and then followed on his discourse in this sort.  
I would here end my discourse, fair Ladies, were it not that I have yet to say, that riches are an ornament and part of nobility, which if it were not a trouble unto you, I would most willingly prove.  
It cannot be troublesome unto us (quoth one of the Gent.) casting up his eyes into the sky, seeing that the sun is as yet above the tops of the trees. This answer pleased likewise the rest of the company, to the end Possidonio might follow on his discourse; wherefore taking the speech upon him, he continued in this manner.  
Ought not we, gentlemen, to esteem of the grace and ornament which riches do bring to Nobility? Unto the which it happeneth like as to a garden, which besides all other dainties, is beautified with divers flowers which nature doth bring forth: which ornament the night by the darkness thereof doth hinder: nay it persuadeth sometimes, that it is rather an obscure valley then a garden, and yet doth it still remain the same: it is then the clearness of the day that maketh it show fair and joyful. Even the very same may be said of riches: For if a man who is issued of noble blood & high descent, wanteth them, it wholly darkeneth the sunshine of his nobility: whence it proceedeth that he is no more accounted noble, but one of the vulgar sort. We will then affirm, that riches necessarily are the cause of all ornament of nobility.  
And this needeth not to seem strange unto you, for experience (from whence we take all this assurance) may make us full certain thereof: For if we consider all those that are borne of any worthy family (and as I am grieved to think thereon) surely we shall find many of them, who are constrained to maintain life and soul together (as they say) to plough the ground, or otherwise forced through contemptible poverty, to serve other men, or else to avoid misery, against their wills to take some other unfit calling upon them. And any man may of himself judge the general occasion, of so insupportable a mischief, which proceedeth from no other cause then for want of riches. But this evil should seem but a small moment, if it were not cause of a far greater: Seeing that from thence doth spring blemish in blood, diminishing of renown, increase of infamy, a general dishonour of a man's house, and finally not only loss of Nobility, but therewithal of life itself. Who will afterwards presume any more to call such a one by the title of a gentleman? Such a one I say, who for want of wealth and riches, hath derogated from Nobility, in using some base trade and vocation? But what shall I say more, he becometh thereby in the end the fable of the world, and as a miseserable wretch, is pointed at by the common sort, and made a laughing stock. Doth it seem unto thee Fabricio, that these things are worthy to be accounted of? surely no, but they are rather to be preferred before a man's own life. And this I only speak in that which concerneth the commodity of private persons: but what shall I say of general or public estates? whereof we see at this day so many go to ruin, for there are very few commonwealths, or commonalties, as we do term them, which do not for want of that which is necessary, sink to the ground on every side. How many Palaces, how many Churches, how many Cities, do there daily fall to the ground, as ruinous, which because the estate of men cannot sustain them, cannot be upheld? What shall I say of this king, or of that Prince, who being not of ability to resist the force of the enemy that assaileth them, for want of supply of money, do lose their kingdoms, their powers, and their crown? you should not hear of so many overthrows, you should not see so many slaughters: neither should you round about you feel so many cruel acts, if they did abound in wealth: you may then henceforth judge, whether riches be an ornament, and part of Nobility, or not? And like as when they fail, they are cause of great inconveniences (yea of more than I have this day acquainted you withal) So likewise where they abound, they do bring with them honour, and glory: For thereof first of all doth arise a glory far exceeding all other, as that which proceedeth of liberality, which likewise giveth as great renown and honour to a gentleman, as can possibly be spoken of. And who is so ignorant that knoweth not, that without wealth such a glory of liberality, cannot show forth itself, as doth issue therefrom? Surely all men may well perceive it. Do not the ancient stock and families, conserve themselves in their nobility, by means of riches? doth not the nobility of that man extend itself the more, who doth liberally give help to his friends, or to any other that hath need of succour? doth not their nobility increase, with their lordlike garments, their great & rich banquets, their great number of servants, their fair horses, their pleasant gardens, and such other things? Thou canst not deny this Fabricio. Now tell me what man is he that can easily effect these things, if he want wealth? Surely it is a thing not to be believed. Riches do drive all sadness and sorrow from the mind: they expel all melancholy thoughts from the imagination: they keep the body from wearisome labour: they increase sweet friendship: they cause in man waighters of honour and renown, and finally they are the occasion of all high fame and glory. Who is he then so void of reason, who hearing these things so conformable unto truth, doth not judge riches, not only to be an ornament of Nobility, but an inseparable part thereof? Which thing you may the better consider, by that which experience teacheth, seeing that no man can mount up to any degree of virtue, or nobility, but riches must open the gap, and make the way. Who will deny, but that it had been impossible for so many noble men and knights, as we daily see, to have made any entry to virtue & nobility, but by their riches, much less to have ever come either to the end, or midst thereof? O how many fine wits, & men of great understanding have there been, & are yet in the world, who employing their whole study in matters belonging to their house (which they would not have done, but have taken another course, if they had wherewithal to maintain themselves) who have ended their lives miserably, whereas nature had made them apt, & fit, to learn some worthy virtue▪ If then riches are the beginning, & the middle of every laudable action, as I have plainly made demonstration: it followeth necessarily, that this nobility which is conjoined with wealth, is the sovereign good, & consequently that he who is endued with this nobility, is chiefly noble: now Fabricio, as I have showed heretofore, being deprived hereof, his Nobility whatsoever it is, is lame and faulty, and consequently, is not true nor absolute. But I will not now further enlarge my speech on his subject, least in the end I should seem troublesome unto you: in as much as it is a matter more than manifest, that riches do stead a man more in nobility, than I am able to speak of. Wherefore in few words to end my discourse, and bring it to the last conclusion, it may clearly appear unto you, that true and perfect nobility doth consist in blood, and riches: which seeing it is so, as I have with no less strong than true reasons proved a great while: it followeth that I am true, and prefectly noble, as one in whom, all those parts are sufficiently assembled, and consequently the ring given, doth belong unto me, as to the most noble.  
Possidonio having spoken in this manner, turned himself towards Nennio, proceeding farther in this wise.  
Thou canst not, Nennio, be of any other opinion: for thou knowest well what is fit to be done, and hast always been pleased to follow the steps of a just judge, albeit there needed not a man of that wisdom to decide this question (if any doubt ought to be made thereof) being of itself most apparent, and out of all doubt: for it had been an easy matter for a man of a slender capacity, to decide this controversy, especially having understood so many reasons as have been alleged by me. Amongst the which (that I may now come to final conclusion) I remember yet this one; I consider her estate from whom this variance did arise, to be noble, as is not unknown unto you: I weigh likewise, that her gift is precious, rich, and worthy a noble man. Finally, I regard the words she uttered in giving it, her will being, that in remembrance of her, the most noble of us two should possess it. What occasion should move her to give it unto the most Noble? Surely no other, but that she was honourable, and the present likewise fit for a person honourable: I being then descended of a most noble stock, and having all the parts which are required in a perfect noble man, and the same qualities being in her, it remaimaineth, that the rich jewel be given unto me, and not to him who is not worthy of such a present. What contentment should she receive, being a lady of great honour, if one that were inferior to her in calling, should remember her? Truly none at all; because her will (agreeable unto reason) was that she should be had in remembrance of a man of worth and of honour. Let Fabricio then leave the pursuit thereof, and not suffer any more words to be made of the matter, nor stay (if he regard his credit) until sentence be given: for I do certainly assure you, that if the gracious, and gentle lady Virginia, had given the ring unto the most unworthy, as she gave it to the most noble of us both (which was never her intent) I would without any contradiction have yielded it unto him, and without any manner of question with mine own hands, would have hanged the same about his neck. Let him not then be obstinate, or opiniative, to debate the matter when there is no cause, especially when nothing else then detriment, and shame can redound thereof. I will now Nennio, make an end of my speech, and leave the matter wholly in your hands, being certain that you will determine thereof in such sort, as shallbe conformable unto justice, and that you will in no wise oppose yourself against the will of the noble lady.  
Here Possidonio ended his discourse, which he continued all the while the sun did show upon the earth, until the evening: Wherefore we being risen from our places, with a general consent we referred Fabricio his discourse until the next day, both because time would not have sufficed, and it would likewise have been over troublesome unto us, by reason of Possidonio his long speech.  
Thus we coming forth of the garden, some of the young gentlemen and ladies, did highly commend that which Possidonio had related unto us. But whether he had spoken well or no, we being entered into the house, our horses (according to our daily custom) were presently made ready. And we being mounted on them, two of our servants amongst the rest, went along with us: of the which one of them led two grayhoundes, and two branches in his hand, and the other carried a falcon: as we were upon the way, we had not rid past a mile, before we had view of a young pheasant which did fly somewhat aloft: At the which letting the faulkon fly, extending her wings in the air, she wrought so high a pitch, that you would have thought she had touched the sky, and as she made her point to stoop, her head towards the earth, and her train towards the sky, the pheasant took a thick hedge for covert, which was the cause that the falcon losing the sight thereof, seemed as it were ashamed thereat. Immediately one of the young men, let fly another falcon, which he carried on his fist, having first sprung the pheasant from her covert, which as one afraid had not made any great flight, but the falcon presently seized on it. In the mean time whilst we continued this hawking, the two grayhoundes, which followed us were let run at two hares, and as we galloped after, they being spent, yielded to the mercy of the dogs. Wherefore coming to their succour, as well contented with our prey, we returned home, because supper time drew near.  
After that we had a little taken breath, we set our selves to supper with great delight, under the fresh shadow: which being ended, the garden being fair, delightful, and pleasant, there was not one of us that was minded to depart from thence. Wherefore, some of us being risen from the table, went to sport ourselves in the allies: Others sitting still, played at chess, and at tables, so long as they were permitted by day light. Afterwards, we sat all together on the thin grass, which was very cool, passing the time in pleasant and merry talk, until it seemed a fit hour to go to bed. Wherefore every one rising, went to take his ordinary rest.   

The second Book.  
THe ancient Poets by their fables do set down, that jupiter being at the marriage of Peleus invited all the Gods and goddesses thither, except Eris the goddess of discord; whereat she being grievously offended, with great industry she framed the golden apple, and disdainfully threw it on the table, where Pallas, juno, and Venus were set, round about the which was written, Let this brave and rich apple be given to the fairest. From hence (because each of the goddesses did deem herself, to be both fair and gracious) did arise a sudden quarrel. jupiter would not determine which of them should have this gift, the one being both his sister and his wife, the other two his daughters: but sent them to receive their judgement of Paris the son of Priam, who to the end he might give a right sentence, gave commandment that they should severally the one after the other, present themselves naked before him. Pallas showing herself, promised him that if he did judge that she was the fairest; she would make him the only famous man for learning in the world: june, the most rich: and Venus offered him the enjoying of the fairest lady in the world: in regard of which promise, he gave her the golden apple, from whence afterwards did proceed the destruction of Troy.  
Now let us consider what fruit may be gathered by the shadow of fables, especially of this which I even now recited. For indeed under those veils we may receive no less pleasant than profitable instruction. For somuch as by this fiction, the Poets do mean this, that in the procreation of man, the celestial bodies do meet together, and according to their divers powers, do diversly bring forth sundry effects in our bodies. Into the which discord doth not enter, lest the body already created should wholly perish.  
Howbeit after that man is once framed, and that he hath attained to that age, that he beginneth now to discourse within himself, what kind of life he were best to follow as the most noble in account amongst men: whether that which is grounded upon knowledge, which the Philosophers were wont to call a contemplative kind of life: or otherwise, that which guideth a man that addicteth himself only to worldly matters, which they term active: or else that which consisteth wholly in pleasure, which they name delightful. Then straightwaie discord entereth: of which three sorts of lives, Sovereign jupiter will not give sentence which is the best, least that in approving the one, he should condemn the other two; and so the life of man should rather be constrained then free, but he leaveth them to the judgement of man, to the end that he may as pleaseth him, tie himself to that kind of life that shall best like him; it may be, showing us thereby, the free choice which is granted to us by him. Of the which notwithstanding he that is carried away to follow the delightful kind of life, doth bring unto himself unspeakable detriment. If then a man in his young years, did enter into consideration of these three manner of lives, and by reason did discourse which of them were the most noble, and did tie himself thereto: I doubt not, in that small number of years we have to live, but we should take a far better course, and that the life of mortal men should be more pleasing & accepted before God, and more settled and prosperous for men: whereas now we see the greater part, to sink and drown themselves, making choice of that which is worst.  
For if we enter into a general consideration of all men living, truly we shall find the number of those to be very small, who follow the contemplative life, as more noble than the other; but very many who with an ardent desire do embrace, either the active, or delightful: which two are so much less worthy than the other as the body is less noble than the mind. Of which two parts nature hath framed man, the one being subject to corruption, the other eternally durable.  
These kind of men see not (as having their inward eyes veiled) how much more worthy desert it is, to follow those things that are incorruptible, then in vain to labour after the pleasure of the flesh, which is but (as it were) of a days continuance. For which cause, the custom of those that live in that sort, is greatly to be blamed, seeing that man doth wholly take delight in those things (as if it were a natural matter) which bring him intolerable loss, albeit at the first show they seem pleasant and delightful to the body.  
Which opinion Possidonio did wholly lean unto yesterday, for grounding himself upon those two kinds of life, he did sufficiently set forth the sweetness that is felt in them. But Fabricio, far differing from him in judgement, will this day endeavour himself to show, that the contrary thereof is the troth, as he who following a contemplative kind of life, doth hold this as most certain, that true and perfect nobility, doth consist in the virtues of the mind. But to the end that I seem not myself, to speak that for him, which he determineth to relate, I intent henceforth to give place to his own words.  
Every star was now hidden in the sky, fearing the clear light which the sun did more and more spread upon the earth, when as we being risen to exercise our bodies, we mounted on horseback to take the fresh air, and as our discourse led us from one matter to another, in the end we perceived that we had rid further than we determined: wherefore turning back, we pased softly homewards; where the tables were covered for dinner: and after we had first walked a turn or two in the garden, in the end we placed ourselves at the table: and after that we had satisfied hunger, and sat a while, we marched to that place where Possidonio discoursed the day before, to hear what Fabricio had this day to speak for himself, who being fresh and lusty having called us all together, we compassed him round about. And when he perceived we were all in a readiness, and that we were silent, he gave with great courage, this beginning unto his speech.  
Most worthy gentlemen, Silence should (in my opinion) hereafter better become me, if I would regard the words which Possidonio uttered yesterday, both at the beginning and likewise at the end of his long genealogy; or else it were best for me to seek some matter more doubtful than that he discoursed of. Which I would willingly do, if he had made show of his own Nobility, and not other men's: or spoken of any thing else, then of the greatness of his stately palaces, and of the abundance of his great wealth. Wherefore to the end I may declare unto you, how far forth these things make for Nobility; nay rather how far they are opposite, and clean contrary thereunto: I had not need to be dumb to day: but I will rather speak that (without passing the limited bounds) which shall come first into my thought, and I shall judge to be true: and, as I think, I shall perchance open those things unto you, which it may be, were never uttered by any other, concerning true, and perfect Nobility.  
Now our question being strange, and no man (as I believe) having so perfectly discoursed thereof, I hope you will give attentive ear unto me: which if you do (as I doubt not but you will) strength will settle in my heart, from the which my mind will take encouragement, my memory become constant, my will more ready, & my voice more apt to speak.  
The clearness of Possidonio his blood (worthy gentlemen) is so great, by that which he hath in many words long debated, that considering which is the most noble of us two, there is no doubt, but he is more worthy than myself, and that our controversy, is rather superfluous, then necessary. But forsomuch as undoubtedly I hold the question to be superfluous and out of doubt, as this is, whether a reasonable creature be more noble than a brute beast; or a man, more noble & more perfect than God: I will not forbear to declare unto you how weak his weapons are, and to show you plainly the slightness of his words, that you may know by degrees, into what manifest error he is unadvisedly fallen. Wherefore it lying upon me this day to persuade you, that true and perfect Nobility in man consisteth not in blood (for it should be a mere folly to think it, much more to speak it) but in the mind, and consequently that this nobility which consisteth in me, because it proceedeth from the mind, is true and perfect; it were first expedient for me to allege some of my reasons, and afterwards in answering his arguments, to rid myself clean from them. But you shall hold me excused if I take a contrary course, for upon good ground I will first of all begin with the last, that I may the sooner dispatch the matter, and afterwards by sound arguments strengthen my side the more.  
Possidonio yesterday, by the conclusion of his discourse intended, that true and perfect nobility is derived from blood, and riches, and for the sure grounding of this his conclusion, in arguing he let fly many darts and arrows, with which he had thought to have given me my deaths wound: but surely they were all so weak, that with one only blow (if so it were that I intended not particularly to answer to every point) you shall see them fall presently to the ground: yea some of them will sharply pierce himself, as by his first argument I will manifestly prove unto you.  
For in the very entry of his discourse, he going about to show what this Nobility is; he affirmed, that that was true nobility, which is left by the ancestors to the successors: and going about to prove that he was noble, he said, that his predecessors had been brave and valiant men at Arms, and well thought of, of the kings whom they had served: but I heard no word that they themselves were descended of any noble stock (whereby if you do well weigh the matter) you may perceive the uncertainty of his speech: forsomuch as he did then affirm, the nobility of his ancestors to consist, not in blood as he said, but in acts of magnanimity, and in virtue, which is easy to be credited, as that which proceedeth from the virtues of the mind. I say it is a foolish thing to hold, that nobility is left us by our ancestors, for if that were true, it should necessarily follow, either that we should be all noble, or else not one at all; seeing that in perfect nobility, if we ought to have consideration of blood, as thou sayest Possidonio, we shall surely find (if we do not fly from the true opinion of Naturalistes, and do give credit to that which is approved) that one man only was the common predecessor of all men which have been born, until this day, and are hereafter to come into the world, whose name was Adam.  
I reason then thus (if so be that thy opinion doth hold any thing of the troth) that if Adam was noble, why then we are all noble, as all they shall be likewise who are to come into the world: but if he were ignoble, and base, we are so likewise, and so by consequent, I am in like estate of nobility, or baseness of birth, as thou art. For even as the pain of his offence, which was death, extendeth itself even unto us, and shall likewise stretch to as many as ever shall be borne hereafter; even so in like manner, his nobility, or baseness, aught to extend itself to all his posterity. Dost thou think Possidonio that this is a good consequent? Surely I believe so.  
Wherefore now thou mayst perceive, how much nature, whereon yesterday thou didst ground thyself for the most part, doth make for this thy nobility; in as much as it hath brought us all into the world after one sort, and there is no distinction at all in nature; whereof (if I do call it to mind before I have ended my discourse) I will speak somewhat, but now let us proceed further.  
How true is this other reason, that nobility is lest as an hereditary gift? Surely, when as I do enter into imagination of such foolish toys, I cannot hold myself from laughter. For who is there amongst you that did ever see, that Nobility was left by will unto men's children, as though it were framed of some material thing, which might by the last testament be left unto them, as riches are, which is surely a ridiculous thing? Neither is it of that quality as other things are, which albeit they be not palpable, yet are they left unto us as hereditary: and surely thou mayest seek long enough in thy grandfathers wills, before thou shouldest be able to find any such Nobility left thee by any of them.  
Of what power this thy other argument (wherein thou intendest, that no better instrument, nor more perfect means is given us by nature, by which the nobility of man is long conserved, than children and such as do descend of them) is sufficiently manifest of itself. For if that did proceed according unto troth: why didst thou then set the two Scipios as an example unto us? what is now become of their posterity? where are their successors? Surely they are already clean worn out.  
But forsomuch as their nobility did not consist in blood, but in the virtues of the mind, therefore their glorious worthiness and laudable renown is not dead, nor will ever be extinguished in their posterity. How many are there who are dead without children, whose glory and renown doth nevertheless live until this day? I cannot reckon up the great number of them. We ought not then to consider in true Nobility, as thou sayst, either the predecessors or successors, but only the virtue of man, which causeth him to live eternally, as we may well say of the Scipios, & other worthy emperors.  
Now in proceeding farther, thou goest about to prove, that in considering the operations of Nature, that like as the blood is infused in the birth of children, even so is nobility. Of what weight that is, I leave thee to consider, as a matter that hath not truth in it: from whence that which hath been said already, may be again averred, to wit, that we being all descended of Adam our first father, if his blood was noble, this his nobility was by him infused into all his children, and so from hand to hand into all his posterity. Thou didst add hereunto, that we do not only regard the blood, but the countenances and lineaments of the parents in their children.  
In truth I cannot imagine to what purpose thou dost utter so many words in vain. For albeit this be true, that the very countenance and lineaments of the ancestors remain with their posterity: doth that prove their Nobility, and greatness of courage? No truly: For it consisteth in the virtues of the mind, whither the sight of our outward eyes cannot pierce, and not in the lineaments of the body, except you will say that one member is more noble than the other, which question at this time we are not to dispute of. Thou goest about to make us believe likewise, that not only the members, but even the manners, and the prowess of parents, most commonly is transfused into the children. Surely Possidonio, I affirm that those are noble, who do follow the good parts, and generosity of their ancestors, as the Scipios did, which may serve as the only example in the world for virtue and value. But we do not esteem those to be noble, who descending of true and perfect noble men, do lead a loose and wicked life: As afterwards the son of Scipio of afric did: who for his dissolute living, being in the field called Campus Martius, with his white gown, all spotted with vices, to demand the Praetorship of the people: he had never obtained it, had it not been thorough the favour of Cicereus in times past, his father's Chancellor: Albeit that afterwards his parents considering, that they might reap dishonour and reproach thereby, they laid a block in his way, that he never attained to any such dignity, and did forcibly take the ring from his finger, wherein his father's picture was engraven, deeming him unworthy, to be partaker of his father's glory, and nobility: so that afterwards he was accounted amongst men ignoble. What honour was the son of Q. Fab. the great, worthy of, from whom Q. Pompeius (because he lived a ruffian like life) took away the liberty to spend his own goods freely? Surely none at all. It stood him in no steed, that his father had been the general of the Roman armies.  
What Nobility did the son of Clodius deserve, who giving himself over to the love of a common woman, lead his life in that sort, that he was worthy of all shame, and dishonour? The ancient Nobility of his father, was of no importance unto him. Now thou mayst see Possidonio, how well thou knowest what power consists in blood, touching the nobility of man, which that thou mightest exalt unto the skies, thou wert not ashamed to compare it, with the Nobility of horses, dogs, and other things. You may now perceive gentlemen what a wonderful thing Possidonio his Nobility is, seeing that it is equal to the Nobility of beasts.  
Didst thou think Possidonio, therewithal to get the victory of me? Are these the strong weapons, against the which no force could prevail, as thou didst make us believe? Truly amongst dogs we do not seek out the most noble, but the best and most valorous: and so likewise of horses and other things, as (agreeable to the matter) thou didst reckon up. Then their Nobility, doth not consist in seed as thou sayest, but in the goodness and worthiness of them.  
Fabricio gathered his strength together, as if he had been careful how he should have proceeded, when as the Lady Laura, who had with great attention marked his words, addressing her speech unto him, said after this manner.  
I would willingly understand Fabricio, how thou wilt answer that which he affirmed, that the thing engendered according unto Nature, doth not only receive of the engenderer, his essence or being, but his qualities in like sort, and all that which followeth the essence, concluding thereby that a Noble man cannot engender any thing else then an Honourable parsonage, which I did deny.  
I will not Madam (quoth Fabricio) make any other answer thereto, then that which was alleged by you, to wit, that this quality, to become Noble, may either be, or not be: and it followeth not of necessity, if the father be a Noble man, that the son be likewise Noble.  
Yea but (quoth the Lady Laura) he replied I know not what, by which it seemed unto me, that that which I had affirmed, could hardly be concluded.  
Yes right well (quoth Fabricio) For albeit he argued, that like as white, or black is transfused into the children, even so is Nobility. I say that his similitude is not worth a rush: In as much as blackness, or whiteness, are demonstrative dispositions of the body; but Nobility is a hidden property of the mind, in regard that it proceedeth of virtue: So that a painter may by art easily alter either the whiteness or blackness of man: but he can never paint forth with his pencil, the nobility of the mind, as being a thing not subject unto the sight of bodily eyes. Like as it happeneth with fire, the flames whereof may well be drawn, but the heat can not in any wise be painted. Wherefore I say, it is no good conclusion, that what so giveth the essence, or being, giveth likewise that which followeth the essence, which holdeth true concerning the disposition of the body, but not of the qualities of the mind. Do we not see commonly divers parents, who for the most part do engender children, of the which some one proveth apt to learn virtue, and to be instructed in good manners, and another prone to follow all manner of vice? you see then Madam, what diversities do proceed of these resemblances, which were well understood by you master john Francisco. Wherefore this tale that you inserted in the midst of Possidonio his discourse, aught to breed no wonder: For albeit it happen in some women, as you gave us yesterday to understand, you may find the clean contrary in others. And whereas the birth of Romulus, and Remus cannot be hidden: I say M. Dominico, that their value, and virtue did manifest their Nobility, and not the temper of their bodies. You may now Madam discover his follies, which thou thyself Possidonio couldst not discern, when as thou wentest about to persuade us, that man doth receive from the engenderer the qualities of the mind. But what great folly is this? wherefore didst thou not as well affirm, that a holy parsonage, or a man well seen in natural causes, or experienced in Divinity, could not engender any other, than a saint, a good Naturaliste, or a divine; all which are qualities consisting in the mind? Which if it should come to pass, the world should be well replenished with holiness, with wisdom, with experience, and thou shouldest then be one of that number. But as that cannot happen, so likewise I say, that it cannot follow, that one noble man, doth engender a noble child, nobility being a quality of the mind, even as wisdom, experience, and other virtues of like sort are. And now how canst thou have the heart to expect the victory, concerning the controversy in question, seeing I have showed by degrees, thy manifest errors?  
But let us yet proceed to thy other reasons, against which I need not take any stronger weapons, they being as weak as the other I have overthrown. Albeit that this seemeth to carry some force with it, which we see is commonly used in all parts of the world, that such as are borne of noble parents, are so held: if thou hadst spoken otherwise, and said in steed of this, they are Noble men, they are in deed called so, it had not been amiss. For it is true, and it cannot any ways be denied, that whosoever is descended of Noble blood, we call him a Noble man; but generally I deny this to contain a truth.  
Tell me I pray thee, if he that is borne of a christian, be straightways a christian? Surely no. But even as it is not only necessary for him that intendeth to be a right and true Christian, that by birth he do descend of christian parents, but likewise that he receive baptism, and keep the Commandments of Christ: So it is not sufficient for a noble man, to come of Noble blood, as a thing that maketh little or nothing in matter of Nobility: but that he observe that which is requisite for the attaining of perfect Nobility, to wit, that he become Noble through the virtues of the mind. Besides that, I might add hereunto, that this thy consideration is far from the purpose, in as much as the prize was not given to him that should only bear the name, but to him that should in effect be the most noble of us two.  
Albeit that thou mightest reply hereunto Possidonio, as thou hast already affirmed, that if they that descend of Noble men were not noble, than they should not enjoy the same privileges that Noble men do. Whereunto I would answer, that the bad custom of men, therein is much to be blamed: Forasmuch as they do not employ their discourse to that, whereby the truth may be made manifest, but only giving credit to the bare name, they do argue in such manner: So that if we turn our back to the truth, and give our minds to follow the lying opinion of the rude vulgar sort, which for the most part, do fall into great errors, thy saying then shall be true. Thou seest now Possidonio, of what force thy arguments are.  
But I will pass over to the rest, and come unto that, by which thou didst seek to prove, that if the infamy of a man, be sufficient to blemish his whole stock, that the glory and worthiness thereof ought by great reason, extend itself to all his posterity: whereupon thou didst consequently infer that thy ancestors being noble, thou must needs be so. Although that this reason seem apparent; yet in answering thereunto, I might say (and therewithal if I list not particularly to pass thorough the rest of the reasons, resist whatsoever thou hast alleged) that we do not now debate of the Nobility of our ancestors, but we are to prove which of us two is the most noble, and so by consequent show what our nobility is, & not set forth the honour of other men. And herein I will yield unto thee, that if we were both equal in Nobility of the mind, that perhaps in regard of the antiquity of thy predecessors, thou mightest be more noble than myself.  
But judge now what these high praises, and commendations of thy predecessors do avail thee, and to what great purpose they were yesterday alleged by thee? For thou didst with no less readiness, dexterity, and good grace recount them, than they who from the top of some high tower do with a loud voice tell the wonderful miracles of ancient holy fathers, or from some scaffold in the market place recite out of the old Romans, the cruel wars of the Giants, or the furious love of some Orlando. But to let that pass, how well this thy glorious speech did become thee, I will proceed to this argument, where thou didst say, that like as the honour of the son, did extend to the father, much more did the father's glory stretch unto his children. It is true Possidonio, yet it followeth not, that if the son by his own virtues be made noble, that the father is any way partaker thereof, or made noble thereby: For if the son were very expert in feats of arms, or skilful in matter of learning, surely he should want his senses that would affirm, that the father did participate either in the experience of the art Military, or in Science with his Son, they both being gifts of the mind, wherein as I have often times said, true and perfect Nobility consisteth: from the which, it can very hardly be transferred from one body to an other, even as thou didst vainly persuade thyself. These are thy sophisticate reasons Possidonio, which being resisted by the truth, thou mayest perceive what force they are of.  
Fabricio having hitherunto continued his speech, he paused a while, and afterwards proceeded in this manner.  
Worthy Gent. M. Peter Anthony knowing as well as myself the slenderness of Possidonio his arguments, which he heaped the one on the others head, he could not withhold from taking part with him, and amongst other things to allege this reason in his behalf: that forasmuch as amongst the laws of the Romans, there was one, which commanded that the image of every worthy knight, should be made and set in some public place, which in feasting manner, they did with great jollity visit. We may argue, and say, that if the romans did owe such honour unto images, much more was due unto the living children, because they were but an imitation of nature, whereas nature herself was apparent in the children. Now if this your reason (M. Peter Anthony) had as much force in it, as it showeth; I doubt not but it would appall me, and give so great courage unto Possidonio, that you might easily persuade him, he were well worthy to have one of these images erected for him. And although that I should frame no other answer thereunto, than I did to the last, yet should I be still upon a sure ground. Nevertheless, I will use such reasons in disproof thereof, as I did to the former. For if thou sayest that their children whose images are erected to the common view of all men, do participate with their father's virtues; then I do affirm that thy allegation is true: but if therein they differ, than this their nobility, and reputation is not transferred to them.  
So likewise if the children of those who were represented by those images, had been worthy of such honour, surely the Romans, who wanted no good counsel, would willingly have granted it: it followeth then that the honour was not done to the image, whether it were of Marble, or metal, but to the worthy memory of his virtues, whose lineaments the image did lively set forth, which could not be well executed in the person of their child, being made in regard of their own proper virtue, and not in respect of any thing belonging to another.  
Besides that, there are and have, been divers persons, who being descended of valorous and worthy parents, have with shame darkened their brightness, as we have already affirmed. And had it been reasonable that the wise Romans, should have honoured those in such a manner, in regard of their ancestors? Surely no. And what wouldst thou say Possidonio, if these men should lavishly reckon up the worthy deeds of their predecessors, or if they should publicly show their images? wouldst thou indeed judge them to be noblemen? God forbid, nay so much more base aught they to be deemed, that they having before their eyes the trodden paths, which do manifestly show them the way to become noble, they take a clean contrary course.  
What doth then the worthiness of blood prevail, when as it is obscured by dishonest conditions? And what annoyance doth the baseness of blood bring, when it is honoured by noble virtues? Surely, none at all. For in perfect nobility, the obscureness, or worthiness of blood is not to be considered. But let us proceed further: thou didst enter into the government of cities, and the administration of divine offices, saying that they were noble: if I knew that this thy argument made any thing to the purpose, I would willingly answer it, as I have done the rest; but I will say nothing herein, but that thou thyself understandest not, what thou didst say: for let us yield it to be true; what doth follow thereof? Art thou I pray thee any of those governors? Thou seest Possidonio, how easily thy strong reasons are resisted.  
And art thou ignorant, that many men oftentimes do come to the degree of a Cardinal, or of a bishop, who have no great store of gold in their coffers? In former age there was no regard had, neither of blood, as thou wouldst have it, nor of gold or silver, but unto a man adorned with virtue, whose life deserved praise. As it fell out on a time in the Consistory of Cardinals, who being assembled in the Conclave, to choose a new Pope in his room that was dead, two were in election to be preferred to that dignity, the one of them being descended of royal blood, the other of a mean family. Many of the Cardinals, in regard of the noble descent of the one, would advance him unto the popedom: and many in respect of the deserts and holy life of the other, desired to place him in that high estate, the one company of Cardinals opposing themselves against the other.  
The latter alleging, that they sought to establish and create the successor of Peter, a Preacher, the son of a Smith, not the son of Cesar Augustus. In the end, they having no respect to the worthiness of blood, but to the perfection of both their lives, the last for his Sovereign virtues (they contemning the great nobility of the other) attained to the popedom.  
Moses' did the like, who might have left his children the principality and dignity, but he made choice of josua, who was not of his blood, to denote and signify thereby, that it is not blood, but the life of man that is to be considered therein. Of which opinion amongst others, was the Emperor Elius, who would not permit, that his son should be chosen Emperor after him: saying that the Empire did demand a man worthy thereof, and not blood. Virtue then, and not nobility of blood, maketh a man of desert. How many Popes have there been, who have not been of any noble stock, but issued of very poor parents: as Felix the third, whose father was a priest of a base lineage: Gelasius, Agapites, Theodorus, Silverius, and many others attained unto the Popedom, albeit they were descended of a base stock. Yet was not their blood so obscure, but their virtue of as great worth, which made them merit so high a dignity. And there hath not been only Popes borne of very mean parents, but likewise kings and Emperors, and other valiant captains.  
Tullius Hostilius was borne of low degree, who in his young years was a shepherd, and was afterwards advanced to the government of the Roman Empire, and was the third king of the romans. Tarqvinius Priscus was the son of Demaratus, a merchant banished out of Corinth his native Country, & notwithstanding he became the fifth king of the Romans.  
Servius Tullius, who was borne in most base estate of servitude, was the sixth king of the romans. Dioclesian Dalmat. borne in Salone, of a poor stock, became Emperor of Rome. Likewise Maximinus the emperor, borne in Thracia, did descend of very mean parents. Martius Rutilius was by blood a Plebeian (that is one of the common people) and yet created Consul five times, he triumphed over the Falisqui.  
Cornelius Cossus was also by birth a Plebeian, he manfully killed Laertes Tolomeus duke of the Fidenatis, whose riches and spoils he consecrated to jupiter Feretrian at Rome, obtaining therein the second place, he triumphed also over many nations. Cneius Flavius, his father was a bondman, and yet he was created Praetor at Rome. Terentius Varro, and M. Perpennus' Consuls, Lucius Volumnus, and Mamercus Dictator's. Q. Publius Philon, Praetor, all these did spring of mean parents. But their apparent virtue, and singular value was so great, that thereby they gave great aid unto the Roman common wealth.  
The Sovereign Orator Demosthenes amongst the Grecians, was borne of one by occupation a Cutler, scarce known amongst men: And Euripides that most famous Poet, his mother was an herb wife. Socrates who was by the judgement of Apollo, the wisest man in the world, drawn his beginning from a Mason. Xenophon was borne in Archeas, a village by Athens, of one Grillus of base estate. But the obscureness of their blood, and of infinite others which I might rehearse unto you, have lightened the world, and exalted their name even to the skies. Of the which some of them by force of Arms, others by virtue of the mind, are become famous and honourable. You may by this well discern, if a Plebeian, or one borne of base estate, may arise to great nobility and renown, and judge, whether the nobility of blood, or the virtue of the mind be required in those that bear public offices.  
Here master john Francisco, not permitting Fabricio to pass any further, said unto him after this manner. I do not think Fabricio, that that which thou hast answered unto Possidonio his two former arguments, doth wholly confute them; seeing that he did not ground himself in such extremity, as it seemeth thou takest it: for if the virtues of children did equal their father's perfections, they should likewise deserve to have images erected for them, not if they were altogether unequal and contrary unto them, which neither he, nor I, did make any doubt of, as thou didst affirm of the sons of Q. Fabius, and of Claudius, which was no part of our meaning. Neither shouldest thou consider these two so great extremities, but take the mean between them, and then perhaps we may understand the troth of that which he said, to wit, that they that do descend of noble men, aught to be had in great estimation, & consequently be partakers of the nobility of their parents: whereby he meant (and that not indirectly) to infer, that for the remembrance of their ancestors, the government of Cities and divine offices, were deservedly bestowed upon them. And although that a bishop or any other, be well stored with gold, do not we see them oftentimes likewise descended of a noble house? Master john Francisco paused here, when as Fabricio answered immediately.  
I deny not, but that in such manner of men of the middle sort, there is some part of nobility or reputation, which proceedeth from their ancestors, but I intending to prove, what true and perfect nobility was, that which I affirmed unto you may be well concluded: for these of the middle sort thou talkest of, are not true and perfect noble men, but such as do represent the nobility of others: and what difference there is between that which is troth, and that which doth only represent it, there is none of you but may easily understand.  
As touching the other point wherein thou sayst, that the most part of bishops & cardinals, are of noble descent:  
You know right welmaister john Francisco, that the son of God made no scruple, to choose S. Peter who was come but of mean parentage, and himself a simple fisher: Neither did he of his infinite goodness disdain to receive into the apostleship men of base estate, as most part of the apostles were, who were worthy of heavenly grace, as a reward of their holy life, and constant faith. To how many miserable men, to how many poor souls, to how many beggars, hath the son of God vouchsafed to give the kingdom of heaven? Truly honour of blood, is not considered therein, but Nobility of manners, and pureness of faith: for with God we are all equal, and there is no difference of persons before him, but in as much as one excelleth another in goodness, and aswell the noble man as the beggar shall be judged, whether he be righteous or a sinner.  
It is then the life of man, adorned with good conditions, and with loyal faith, which doth conjoin us with God; and a depraved life which doth separate us from him, and not the nobility of blood, or the worthiness of our progenitors. Wherefore if you rest satisfied herewith, I will with your good leave return to my former enterprise.  
You have thoroughly satisfied me (quoth master john Francisco) and therefore you may hold on your course, and take what leisure you list.  
Fabricio, gave this further entrance into his discourse, If my memory serve me well Possidonio, unto thy former reasons thou didst add, that with pope's, emperors and kings, he which is of noble blood taketh the chief place, and is honoured more than others. Suppose the case that this were true, as it is not, yet art not thou any of them. But where dost thou find, that he which is borne of noble blood, hath such pre-eminence? Truly there is no such matter. Surely the Church of Christ, should shine marvelously, if it were only lightened with the beams of noble men, & empires should be well maintained, and kingdoms become better, if they were governed by their counsel. Thou art deceived Possidonio, for I say not, if men of noble blood, but such as are excellent in virtue, & experienced in knowledge, did depart and leave the service of princes, there would be no government at all. Who do rule, who do manage, who do maintain the world, but wise men, and such as are endued with wisdom, whether they be noble by blood, or of mean birth? These have the chiefest places, these men are honoured, and not men nobly borne, void of virtue, and deprived of knowledge.  
Now do I return to you master Dominico, who to strengthen Possidonio his weak side with a subtle manner of argument, you reasoned, that if this nobility of blood, was so highly esteemed of the son of God, man incarnate here on earth, in as much as he was borne of the virgin Mary, who descended of the royal stock of K. David, how much more ought it to be affected, & reverenced of us: I am certain that you have no such belief, as he which knoweth the troth, as well as the best of us; but did you not allege that which came into your mind in favour of Possidonio, rather to anger the lady Camilla, who did still threaten you, that you might be put to silence, then in any intention you had to gainsay me? I verily believe it.  
And in troth likewise, if I were only to satisfy you, I would pass it over with silence, as a matter superfluous: but because I intent to confirm Possidonio his belief, and these Ladies, I say that the Lord of heaven, did not choose the virgin Mary to be his mother, only because she was borne of the royal stock of King David, but in regard of the Sovereign excellency of her virtues, of her humility, and patience.  
For what Lady was there ever so graced of God, as to be saluted by the spirit of an Angel, and called ful of grace, blessed, and exalted above all other women, except the most glorious virgin Mary? which she may thank her humility and pureness of heart for, and not her nobility only. You may see then, that the nobility of Mary was not considered of God, but her humility and sincerity of spirit. You did afterwards Master Dominico following on your matter, tell us the manifest folly of Herode Ascalonita, whereunto I need not answer any thing else, but that some madness entered into his mind, in such sort to execute his foolish fantasy. What shall I say unto you concerning the temerity of Equitius, and the presumption of others, alledaged by you, who being descended of base blood, did seek to ennoble themselves in the worthy families of other men? Surely if you consider their end, you shall find, that they received condign punishment for their foolish conceit, some of them being banished, others dying in prison, others hanged, as a recompense of their unadvised enterprise. Wherefore we ought not to set their follies before us as examples to follow. Besides, they sought not how to ennoble themselves, as you affirm, but to succeed in the kingdom & patrimony of those, whose successors colourably they pretended themselves to be. But why did you not bring him for an example, who was more familiar with god than any other mortal man, who did not vaunt himself, that he was descended of the blood royal, but did deny that he was born of Pharaoh his daughter; desiring rather to be persecuted, as one of the people of God, then to take upon him the glory of the royal blood, and to possess the riches of Egypt?  
And Gordius the father of Midas, who is reported to be the richest king that ever was, who from the estate of a husbandman, became king of Phrigia, & between the limits of the lesser, and the greater Asia, built a City called Gordium, where he consecrated a temple to jupiter, in the which not being ashamed of his obscure birth, neither forgetting his base calling, he offered the plough shared, which many times he had tilled the ground withal, and the harness he was wont to couple his oxen together to the yoke, to the end that in all ages it might be manifest to all men, what vocation he had been of: Such examples ought in deed to be recommended unto us, & not those recited by you.  
How weak then (worthy Gent.) the reasons are, that Possidonio yesterday with many words set forth, you may already partly judge: as I will better approve unto you by the sequel of my discourse. Forasmuch as speaking of Nobility, he was forced to descend unto virtue, whence true and perfect Nobility is derived, whereof he discoursed I know not what, but he made such large flight's afar off, as the first Falcon did yesternight about the pheasant: the reason was, because he perceived that the clear light thereof did overmuch blear his eyes. Wherefore, like as the warrior, who finding himself overmatched with weapons, which he cannot wield, leaveth them to take others, which he may manage with greater facility: Even so fell it out yesterday with Possidonio: For having armed himself with virtue, and knowing not how to use it, he had his sudden recourse unto riches, he skirmished so lively with them, that he hath not only thereby made himself more noble than I am, but then any other man likewise. But now I being come to prove what force those weapons have, I doubt not but I shall make it manifest, that they are far more weak, and of less defence than the other.  
He grounded himself upon two propositions, the one was, that a learned and virtuous man, hath no nobility in him (as if that learning served to no purpose, to make a man noble) if he want such riches as are required to be in a gent. because they are no less necessary in nobility then blood is. The other was, that declaring what goods were, he forced himself to prove that they were riches.  
Now before I enter into the first proposition, I will make manifest unto you, what truth is in the last, to the end you afterwards may with more ease know the verity of the other. Thou wouldst then Possidonio, have riches to be goods, thou deceivest thyself greatly: for if they were goods, they would cause the man that possesseth them to become better, and more perfect than he is; for such is the property of that which is good: but riches do not effect this: For if these certain goods, did make a man more perfect, we must of necessity conclude, that man should be less perfect, than the thing by which he is made more perfect, which if thou grantest for true, it should follow, that gold, silver, precious stones, trees, and other living creatures deprived of reason (for these things, and such like are riches) should be more perfect, and more Noble than man, which should be too great a folly to think, much more to utter. We will then conclude, that riches are no goods.  
Moreover, it is a matter very evident, that of a good thing can nothing follow but that which is good: but of these thy riches, what good may ever ensue? Nay rather all venomous branches do spring from that root: They are not then good, but the cause of all evil. Which may evidently be seen by the unbridled desire Marcus Crassus did bear unto riches, which was the cause that he rob the temple of jerusalem, and not only of his own death, but of Marcus his son, and the ruin of the Roman armeis. For he being chosen Consul by the romans against the Parthians, and conducting the army, he came into the Province of judea, and being at jerusalem, he took from the holy temple of Solomon 8000. talents of gold, and took away a golden beam, which amounted to the weight of 300. pound, to the which the precious veils of the temple shining with a wonderful beauty, and incredible art, were hanged: and to be short, he took all the ornaments which were of any value. He passing with this pray into Parthia, being more bend to pillage, & to heap up gold▪ then to overcome the enemies, in the end was driven to that necessity, that with small ado, he was the cause of his son's death, and the discomfiture of the army: the romans being then sore beaten, and villainously murdered by that people, his own head, & his right hand, was cut off, & presented to Herod king of the Parthians, who in as much as in his life time he had so much been affected to the love of gold, to the end that after his death he might glut himself therewith, Herod caused gold to be melted, & poured into his mouth. Likewise the riches of Ptolemy king of Cypress, were cause of his death: For he understanding that the romans were determined to bring his kingdom into the form of a Province, & take possession of his great treasure, he thought to drown them in the sea, rather than they should come into the hands of his enemies: but his mind being buried in his treasure, the miserable wretch could not endure to see them lost in that sort, but rather made choice (after that Cato Portius was to that end sent into Cypress by the Senate) to take away his own life by poison, then to drown his wealth in the sea: So that it cannot be denied but that riches are the cause of all evil: For besides the mischief I have already recited that cometh by the greedy desire of them: we see (which my tongue hath horror to tell) that the father is the murderer of his son, the brother of the brother, and one friend of another. I will not to this purpose allege thee any examples, either out of ancient, or modern histories, being a thing that thou mayst now a days hear out of the mouth of every man, and a matter so manifest, that every where we have tidings thereof. Men do on all sides set upon each other, and are in war continually for this pelf.  
We see in every place, abominable treasons, and conspiracies, to attain unto riches. This is not all that may be said thereof, but much more: for the rich man is always in fear, that being pursued by some envious person, he be not at sometime, or other murdered. If he eat, he feareth poison: if he walk abroad, terror attendeth on him: he quaketh at the name of war: he standeth in dread of water, of air, of fire: and to conclude, he is never without fear. And this happeneth, because he knoweth, that riches vanish away as lightly as the smoke before the wind, what shall I say more?  
The rich man is always a thirst, with an unquenchable drought, as he that is tormented with a quotidian ague. For if he be wealthy, he coveteth still to possess more: so that the whole world cannot suffice to glut his greedy desire. Who is then so unadvised to term such a one rich, who (miserable man) is no otherwise tormented then Tantalus, who sitting in the midst of fresh and clear running streams, seeth most pleasant and delightful fruit round about him, and his heart burning to eat and drink of them, and yet he cannot.  
God forbid that such a one should be called rich, but rather poor and needy above all other men. Surely if riches were so necessary, the wise Athenians would never have decreed, and ordained for a law, that whosoever became rich within their City, should for ten years space be banished Athens, esteeming it to be far more profitable to void the City of such persons, then to let them remain there. The Athenians knew well what infections, riches do bring with them: which was the cause that as some plague, they banished them out of Athens. Now thou seest Possidonio, what good these thy goods do bring.  
Fabricio, proceeded in like manner to the handling of his other arguments; when as M. Peter Anthony, as it were taking the word out of his mouth, said thus unto him.  
Truly Fabricio, that which thou hast spoken of riches, hath brought me into a great doubt: For hearing what thou hast discoursed thereof, on the one side it seemeth unto me to be true: and yet on the other side, I am persuaded it is not wholly so. Forasmuch as every day, and in all places, the most part of mortal men do, some after one manner, some after another, give themselves to the getting of gold and silver: yea not only the base and vulgar sort, but likewise men of great credit, and reputation, old and young men, and those that are most wise in worldly matters. Others careless of their own life, do endeavour to enrich themselves, upon the senseless waters of the sea, and do daily scour the coasts of the East countries, the shores of the west parts, and from North to South, and South to North, and leave no place untouched, where they may enrich themselves: Others to that purpose do follow bloody battles; and some men do manfully labour both night and day to get wealth. These men in woods, & mountains, those in valleys and plains: Others seek to come by riches by dangerous robberies: Others by devilish usury. Wherefore if as thou sayst, riches were cause of so great evil, surely no man that loveth his welfare, would against his will purchase his own bane, with so many cares, and intolerable disquiet. So that I seeing so strong reasons on both sides, it is hard for me, nay a thing impossible to bolt out the truth.  
It is an easy matter to resolve this thy doubt, (answered Fabricio,) For ancient authors have left us in writing, that riches (whosoever first had the sight thereof) is a thing most deformed, wearing on the natural visage thereof, a mask of most fine gold, denoting thereby, that it is fair in appearance, but foul within: wherefore they who travel so many Countries, and take such pains to seek it, are enamoured with the outward show, which blindeth the eyes of the understanding: so that they can hardly discern how hurtful the inward deformity thereof is. Which maketh man who is forgetful of himself, to addict his mind thereto. Which Paulus Emilius perceiving, when he overcame Perseus' king of Macedonia, and gloriously triumphed over him; he did not only forbear to touch the infinite treasure of the king, but likewise to see it, although he might have been possessor of a wonderful booty.  
Pompey the great having taken by force the temple of jerusalem, whereof I lately made mention, found there an inestimable treasure, and did not only abstain from taking the spoil thereof, as Marcus Crassus did afterwards, but also from touching it, as he which knew well what hurt riches did bring. And he who beforehand knoweth the secrets of man, as he who made them, that by the apparent beauty of riches, man would easily contemn true and eternal treasure, hath often put us in mind, in his infallible doctrine, that here on earth man should not heap up riches, as a corruptible thing, and subject to a thousand hazards.  
M. Peter Anthony knew not well what to reply to his answer, which pleased him above measure, showing that he was thoroughly satisfied therewith. Wherefore Fabricio, following on his discourse proceeded in this manner.  
Gentlemen; besides that riches are goods, Possidonio would have them conjoined to Nobility by such necessity, that if any noble man whatsoever were deprived thereof, he should no more be accounted noble amongst men. His meaning is then, that so long as a noble man enjoyeth wealth, he shall be honourable, and afterwards be of base account: O foolish opinion and deceitful belief! Dost not thou consider Possidonio, that this thy Nobility is light as the wind, and dependeth of Fortune, even as he who being on the main sea, hath lost both stern, and sail together at a clap?  
Forasmuchas if those small number of soldiers which are now left to guard the town, did spoil thy treasure: surely thou shouldest in one instant, lose both thy wealth, and thy nobility. And as often as this were true, that riches did make a man noble: it should necessarily follow, that an usurer or a thief being borne a gentleman, should become more Noble than he was before, by means of his substance, which he should gain unlawfully, which how far it disagreeth from the truth, I need not further to manifest unto you. This is the great glory which riches bringeth to Nobility; of the which Possidonio, thou wouldst that liberality should proceed, wherein thou art as much deceived, as in that which hath already been spoken of, because true liberality springeth not from riches, but from the love of the mind. Which Philip of Macedonia (that I may not further enlarge my discourse, to persuade you therein) did manifestly prove, when he seeing Alexander his son overlavishe to certain Princes of his kingdom, whose love he sought to win unto him by liberal gifts, in advising him like a father, he wrote unto him, that he ought not to hope for any faithfulness in those friends, who are purchased by presents, which when we want to send, then do they fail us likewise: but that he ought to gratify them with love, and sincerity of heart, wherein true liberality consisteth. This king was well acquainted, of what efficacy liberality which proceedeth from riches, was. Thou seest then Possidonio, that the Nobility which yesterday thou didst affirm to be true and perfit, is now frail, vain, and none at all. I say then, that it is neither the stately palaces, nor pleasant gardens, nor fertile fields, nor well fashioned apparel, nor abundance of gold or silver, as things which have no stability in them, which do make a man Noble, but virtue which shineth in the mind.  
There doth the perfection of nobility remain: there the bright glory of man doth give light. Nay let wars spring amongst mighty Potentates, let floods of waters fall from heaven; let the rivers and the Sea both together swell; let the fire be kindled in these riches which thou callest goods: for all this, this kind of Nobility will never shrink, nor become less, because it is incorruptible; which the philosopher, no less replenished with nobility, than wisdom, may easily persuade thee; I mean Bias, who seeing Priene his country utterly brought to ruin, and many bearing away their substance from thence, and he being asked why he did not carry part of his goods with him, answered; I always carry all my riches with me: and truly he did charge his mind, not his shoulders with them as others do, and his wealth was not discerned with the eyes of the body, but with the eyes of his mind.  
But now that I have sufficiently answered the reasons which thou didst allege in the behalf of riches: for by this which I have said, thou mayst imagine how they make for thee; now I say it shall not be from the purpose, if I return to the other proposition, which I left unspoken of; to wit, that in a learned and virtuous man, there can be no nobility, if he want riches which are required in a gentleman; because that learning is of itself vain to ennoble any man.  
What Possidonio, dost thou affirm that learning is a vain thing in nobility, and that science and knowledge are vain? doest thou hold that that is vain which doth infuse the true light into nobility? O wonderful undiscreetnesse, full of mere folly! O most erroneous opinion worthy of all blame! But why do I so much marvel, if a blind man cannot discern the right way? Well, thou shalt before we depart from hence well perceive, what force learning and knowledge are of, in nobility. And truly if they had not been worthy great estimation, Philip the Macedonian king, whose force and power was known to all Greece, would not so soon as he had a son borne, have written to Aristotle the only learned and wise philosopher, in that sort he did. Know thou Aristotle, that I have a son born unto me, for the which I render immortal thanks unto the Gods, not so much for that he is borne, as because his birth hath happened in the days of thy life, for as much as I hope that being instructed, and trained up by thee, he will prove a worthy successor of us and our kingdom. Weigh with thyself how the mind of a good prince was full of joy, because his son was borne in his time, whose knowledge and learning, did not only with the sound thereof fill all the world, but even pierce the clouds. He being a good father did desire to adorn his son with learning and science, as treasures of far more inestimable value, than his nobility; his kingdom and riches were, the greatness and the Nobility of his Son, when as Alexander the Great was scarcely borne unto him.  
And Alexander himself having understood, that Aristotle his master had published his works abroad, especially those which did entreat of natural causes, he was much offended therewith, and said; Wherein shall we excel other men, if those Sciences whereof we make profession, are common to every man? Surely I had rather pass other men in learning, & knowledge, then in riches, and in Lordly dominion. O words most worthy of so great a Prince, who preferred knowledge before all things in the world.  
This was he, who going from Corinth to visit the Philosopher Diogenes in his tub, envy his glory, saying unto him, that if he had not been Alexander, he would have desired to have been Diogenes: and that not because of the worthiness of his Nobility, but in regard of his great learning and wisdom; which would never have happened that Alexander should have desired, being not that which he was, but to have been Diogenes.  
You may now see what power learning is of Possidonio; what force the Sciences have: for if Alexander the great, the ruler of all the East part of the world, did so much love and affect them, as I have given you to understand, it is not to be believed that they are vain in the ennobling of man. And Paulus Emilius having overcome Perseus, king of Macedonia, as I lately told you, took only out of all his treasure, two books, to instruct his children withal: thereby likewise you may perceive, how far greater the estimation of learning then of riches is, and whether they bring not greater glory to a noble man than it doth. Whereby thou mayest understand, that in arguing vainly yesterday thou didst allege such things as were not worthy the recital.  
But I will not (gentlemen) particularly call to mind every several argument, which he heaped together. For he might allege many more, which notwithstanding by the answers I have already made, would be soon overthrown, as reasons nothing at all savouring of troth. Tell me Possidonio, dost thou indeed judge thy weapons to be of as great force as thou didst believe? Alas, how foolish is this thy opinion, and thyself more sottish if thou yet remain therein.  
Well, I hope by this resistance that I have made, that I have hitherunto satisfied you in every point.  
Yea but (qd the lady Laura) with a feminine readiness: where have you forgot that which he said, when as he granted (if my memory serve me well) that thou wert likewise a man of honour, but in regard that his nobility is more ancient than thine, he is to be judged to be the most noble. Thou must not leave that behind thee. thee; for methought he spoke very aptly to the purpose, concerning that matter.  
You do well Madam, to put me in mind of that (quoth Fabricio) which had clean slipped out of my remembrance. And I marvel not though his speech did please you, because women cannot so well discover the falsehood of arguments. For albeit that his proposition were true, that of two equal things concurring together in one subject, the most ancient aught to be preferred: yet notwithstanding it shall have no pre-eminence, if the nobility of both issue out of one fountain. But what shall we say, if the one spring of a more perfect and worthy object then the other? Shall we deem it more noble, only because it is more ancient? Truly no, Madam.  
The like aught to be considered in us two, for albeit that he be descended of a more ancient and noble family, we ought to have regard unto that which is most proper to perfect nobility. As we may plainly see in those two images, which are there before you, and are wonderful pleasing to the sight of those that behold them; yet doth the one draw a kind of desire more than the other, because it is made more approaching unto life, wherein the excellency and perfection of them doth consist, although the other be of greater antiquity. Now the nobility of the mind descending of a far more excellent and noble object (as before we depart from hence I will show you) than the nobility of blood: we ought not then to have recourse unto the antiquity, but to the perfection and excellency thereof. Do you now think Madam, that Possidonio did speak so well as you believed? But doth not that which I have answered thoroughly content you? Surely I am in good hope it doth. But this your gentle remembrance, putteth me in mind of that which Possidonio did handle afterwards; when as he said, that in as much as nature is more perfect than art, his nobility being natural, and mine artificial, he concluded his nobility to be more worthy and more perfect, and consequently, that he was the more noble.  
But Possidonio, like as thy other arguments were all disagreeing from the troth, even so is this. For suppose the case that nature be more perfect than art, it followeth not that thy conclusion is true: forsomuch as nature having equally framed us all, she fashioned the mind of man pure and clean equally in all men: but like as a white paper is apt at the first, to receive the impression of whatsoever thou wilt write therein, if thou fillest the same with virtuous and good works, than it is good and precious; if with bad and vicious, then is it hurtful and nothing worth: Even so the mind of man, is apt by nature to receive either virtue, or vice: if thou train it up in virtue, it will become virtuous and Noble; but if thou dispose it to vice, doest thou think it will ever become noble, albeit it descend of a Noble stock? No surely. Thus than we do give the price of nobility, not unto nature but unto art; and so thy nature shall not be more perfect than my industry, as thou didst conclude.  
Thou didst persuade thyself Possidonio, that I should want breath: but dost not thou perceive, how thy brags yesterday, are to day overthrown, so that thou hast no more to say.  
Now it is apparent unto you all how great Possidonio his follies are, and of all other that do follow his erroneous opinion, who deeming themselves noble by blood; and having no notable virtue to commend themselves, do fill their bodies with wind, feed their mind with smoke, and fly higher in the air then ever Icarus did, for surely in their countenances is seen nothing else, but wind, smoke, and light matters, by the which they are in no wise to be accounted true & perfect noble men.  
By this I well perceive, that thou hast no other arguments to maintain thy nobility, seeing that to finish and end thy discourse, thou didst so lavishly brag of the great wealth and riches: which indeed seem no less than the name Possidonio doth import; for in my judgement it signifieth nothing else, then to be possessor of all. Thou didst run out at random, in extolling thy brave and stately palaces, thy fair and pleasant gardens, thy fields, thy flocks of beasts, thy sumptuous banquets, thy pomp, thy chivalry, and a thousand other vaunts, which did not only make thee worthy of so small a ring, as that we are at variance for, but of a royal crown. O extreme sottishness of men, which live at this day! The best is, that thou art not the only man, that art thus persuaded of thyself; for it may be thou art the least of that opinion of such as are soldiers of that band. Every where there are such fools, who enjoy no other contentment in this world, then to reckon up their noble descent, who build castles in the air, and seek to be commended for that which they neither have, nor deserve: they exalt themselves with their own mouth, even to the skies, feeding themselves with a vain name, taking little thought of the substance and effect.  
But in as much as this great wealth, which thou didst so stand upon, maketh no more to thy purpose, then if thou hadst reckoned up the riches of Midas, or of Marcus Crassus, leaving them now behind me, and sailing over this thy windy and swelling sea, it is now high time, that I frame my course in a calmer water. Upon the which setting forward with more leisure, I will pass on my navigation so far, as I shall think expedient.  
Worthy gentlemen, if we do consider that which hath been spoken this day, we shall find that Possidonio yesterday preached unto us, not his own nobility, but the honour of his predecessors; telling us of the great combats, the worthy exploits, the trophies, the victories of his great grandfathers, the privileges, the spoils, the images, the portraitures, and much other such light stuf, which was nothing to our purpose. And surely it seemed unto me, that I heard them who are wont in open streets to set forth the praises of other men, but to be able to say nothing in their own commendation. But insomuch as we have to consider, which of us two is the most noble, from henceforth setting aside the nobility of our ancestors, because the ring in question was not given unto him who should derive his nobility from most ancient predecessors, but to the most noble of us two; denoting thereby the proper nobility belonging to ourselves, and not that which belongeth to other men: It seemeth unto me a thing very convenient (for I think for all his weapons I need not fear any danger, but that I may walk whither I list) by little & little, to enter into the fruitful field of virtues & sciences; and to make it certainly known unto you (that true & perfect nobility of man, doth neither consist in antiquity of blood, nor in wealth, but in the virtues of the mind) when I shall have alleged such reasons as my slender capacity, & the small time which is left me, will will give me leave, albeit that to persuade you in this point, the reasons already rehearsed may seem sufficient.  
Whereunto Fabricio added some other words, and after he had a little taken breath, and called his wits together as one half weary already, he gave this beginning to his future discourse.  
Most worthy gentlemen. It was his pleasure, whose will doth move the heavens, to create and frame all things we see in this world, to a certain and due end. The sun (which for the most part doth shine unto us, and from the which lesser stars do take their light) principally to show unto us the magnificence of his glory; and next for the profit of man. Likewise he created the earth, the water, the air, the fire, and other living creatures, for the use of man. But man himself was form for God, that sovereign and infinite good and not for any other thing here beneath on earth.  
We know also by those motions we do feel in ourselves, that man is never thoroughly contented, albeit he have under his power and dominion, whatsoever he may especially wish or desire in this world: for though some one delight to have children, or riches; or great offices, dignities, and honour, and that fortune do favour him in all his demands, yet is the desire of his mind never in rest, but he still longeth covetously more and more, after something or other, because there is not here on earth any stability, nor the end of any infinite good.  
But man by the intellectual knowledge of his understanding, gaining the infinite grace and excessive love of him, who in himself is the infinity of goodness, his mortal desire is stayed, & resteth itself; like unto a stone which being cast on high, never resteth until it come to the bosom of the earth, which is the last end of the rest thereof. Now I say, that he is most perfect, and noble, who approacheth nearest unto this last end. Forasmuch as if I desire heat, surely how much the nearer I shall draw nearer unto the fire, by so much shall I attain unto my desire. Then to see who is the most noble, & most perfect of us two, we ought to consider, which of us approacheth nearest unto the end he was made for: For without doubt he shallbe deemed the most noble, and not he who is descended of most noble blood. And as you know, that no man can attain unto any end, but by some means: The means we have to come thereunto, is virtue, which hath residence in the soul, and not in the body: and God made the soul unto his likeness, and not the body where it remaineth, which in itself doth only resemble brutish beasts. If then Possidonio, thou dost enrich this thy body, with apparel, and with wealth, if thou dost fill it with dainty fare, and leavest thy soul without the ornament of virtue, and good conditions: surely thou dost not adorn thyself with perfect Nobility, as degenerating from the determinate end thereof. For man being framed of body and soul, his will shall either incline to the body or the mind: If to the body, because it was framed of earth, which draweth downwardly, he cannot comprehend, nor desire any other thing but terrestrial, and earthly matters. If to the mind, because it is nothing but a celestial spirit, he cannot covet after any other thing, then to mount on high, where all perfection consisteth, and disdain frail things which are on the earth.  
But man ought to govern himself according unto reason, not according as the body, but as his soul guideth him; the one being subject unto corruption, the other made to live eternally.  
Likewise, the ornaments of the soul, as that is immortal, even so are they, and those that set forth the body are corruptible, as the body is. Forasmuch as both the internal and external goods of the body, which consist in a just proportion of members, in health, in force, in riches, in procreation of children, in building of palaces, and such other things, are all frail and transitory, in as much as to day they have their being, and in a moment are brought to the ground; whereas contrarily, the goods of the soul are durable, perpetual, and eternal. You see then how much the soul is far more perfect and noble than the body. Wherefore, if thou desirest to please the body, and I determine to serve and obey the soul, I shall have so much advantage of thee in nobility, as the one excelleth the other: as if I should say. Those things that do set forth the soul, are virtues which a man doth irrevocably pour into his mind, for virtue is a firm abiding affection of the mind, which causeth whosoever is possessed therewith, to deserve great praise. And whensoever it is not constant, it looseth the name of virtue, seeing that this stability of affection by continual use, and practise, is changed into an habitude.  
Some of these virtues do consist in good manners and behaviour: others in the understanding. The former do consist in a mean, between two extremes: the latter, neither in extremity, nor in a mean: as prudence, science, intelligence, and wisdom. Other some which by ancient writers are called moral virtues, are so many appetites, and desires as come into our mind. For if so be that I am naturally addicted unto women, or some other above measure desirous of dainty fare: Or else, if when reason commandeth, I do abstain from looking on a woman, or that other, from his meat, surely both of these in us is a vice. Virtue then considering the middle of these extremes, with a strong bridle overruleth these inordinate appetites, which a man can hardly withstand at the first assault, because he cannot so well at the first temper the natural motions of the flesh, nor refrain the insatiable desire of the belly.  
The like I may say of diverse and sundry desires of man, which cause him to fall into abominable vices. Now if Virtue did not oppose itself against vice, I doubt not but our estate should wholly resemble, if it were not worse than the life of beasts void of reason.  
There are beside other vices, which man being overtaken withal, persuading himself they proceed from virtue, he falleth headlong into them. As if I should extremely thirst after honour and dignity: And thou shouldest show thyself over liberal in spending thy goods; If this man should rashly thrust himself into the midst of a fray. In these unbridled appetites, albeit they seem good, because that to be placed in honour, to be liberal, and a man of courage, have the appearance of good things, yet notwithstanding they are vicious, and aught to be avoided. Forasmuch as my desire leaneth to ambition, thine to prodigality: and the rash courage of the other, to foolish hardiness.  
Likewise who so useth the contrary of these, is no less worthy of blame; For if I being worthy, did disdainfully refuse a place of dignity: Or thou didst withhold thy hand over straightly in the distributing of thy goods where need were; and the other being urged by his enemies, did play the coward: Surely both the former & the latter sort of men, which tie themselves to those extremes, are vicious, and aught to be avoided: as in like manner he is, who doth either hide, or debar his companion of those things, which in reason he may afford him. Wherefore to moderate this my unbridled desire of the flesh, or his unordinate feeding, there cometh a virtue, named Temperance, which by reason doth appease, and overrule the unruly appetites of man. How greatly is Philoxenes to be blamed, who being enchanted by the desire of eating, wished above all other things, that his neck were as long as the neck of a crane▪ that he might feed with the more pleasure: and Semiramis queen of the Assyrians, who so dissolutely abandoned herself unto the pleasures of the flesh, that being deprived of all sense and understanding, she sought carnally to couple herself with her son Ninus? Surely very much, as they who in guise of men did live intemperately like beasts. This virtue doth not only temper those delights, which are common with us and brute beasts: but it doth likewise appease sorrow, from whence doth spring gracious modesty, inviolate continency, moderate sobriety, honest chastity, and other good works.  
In like manner to temperate his furious temerity, who inconsiderately thrusteth himself amidst his enemies, or his faintness of heart, who being assailed by his adversary, doth fly from him: Fortitude doth step in place, a worthy virtue, which obtaineth the mean between foolish-hardinesse, and fear. The rashness of Phaeton gave him courage to govern his father's chariot, although he altogether wanted skill thereto: and encouraged Icarus to fly in the air. Which maketh me affirm that the valiant man ought to dread no danger, no not death itself, nor any other thing when need requireth, having due consideration of the place; the time, and the manner how he enterpriseth any thing: but he ought to fear that, which if he should not dread, would cause him to be contemned, as dishonour, envy, the chastity of his wife, and such other things, as who so feareth is honest, and jealous of his reputation. Likewise that aught to be feared which passeth the force of man, for he is no less worthy of reprehension, who dreadeth that which he ought to fear, than he who feareth that which he ought not to dread. As we read of Artemon the Grecian, who was so fearful, that he never stirred not so much as out of his house, but two of his servants continually held an iron buckler over his head, fearing lest something should fall upon him: or if any thing did fall, that he might be the better defended from it: and if at any time he went abroad, he was carried in a litter well covered. This virtue than doth cause men to expose themselves with consideration to such dangers as do happen, and patiently to suffer labour and sorrow, which is a far harder matter for a man to do, then to abstain from pleasure. herehence doth spring magnificence, which is so much commended, tolerable patience, firm perseverance, and magnanimity of courage. But to bridle the evil disposition of him, who after a tyrannical sort doth occupy that which by right doth belong unto another his equal: therein justice doth offer itself, which is a virtue far more excellent than any other, being either universal, or particular.  
Universal justice is that, which within itself doth contain the two foresaid virtues, and is far more noble than they are, by justice good laws are observed, which do dispose men, and make them fit to do good actions, and upon deserved penalty do prohibit men from wickedness.  
This virtue doth contain the use, and habitude of other virtues, wherefore by good reason it is called perfect, and universal, especially inasmuch as if temperance be good, that shall only be profitable for him that possesseth it; and so I may say likewise of Fortitude: but justice is common, and universal to all men, and as a virtue descended from above, it shineth as a heavenly light. Particular justice, no less to be commended then other virtues, consisteth in equity (for we ought in the same manner to account both of commodity and discommodity) and in the observation of faith in things promised. Now of this virtue doth proceed the observation of laws, truth, piety, obedience, and likewise liberality, which holding the middle between spending and saving, doth restrain the vice of prodigality, and covetousness: For like as the prodigal man is careless in getting, and lavish in giving: So the covetous man is over careful in heaping up riches, and too niggardly in spending. Neither is the avaricious man far unlike to the miserable ambitious person, between whom, and this other who despiseth honour being worthy thereof, there cometh a virtue considering the mean, of the which ariseth magnanimity of courage.  
I could bring you infinite examples fitting this purpose, which I do forbear, lest my speech should be over long, intending likewise to return to discourse of intellectual virtues: and first of all to show you, that some of the foresaid moral virtues, cannot be without prudence, which consisteth in those things, which are subject to change, being sometimes after this fashion, sometimes after another: here-hence proceedeth counsel, and election. As for example, if thou shouldest offer unto me many good things, and many evil things, counseling me, whether of them should be especially, either of the good more profitable, or of the evil things more hurtful: Through prudence I would make choice of that which were most commodious, and least dangerous, thereby ordering things present, remembering things past, and foreseeing things to come. On Prudence, reason, understanding, and discretion attendeth. Through Science, which consisteth in firm, and true things, we know, and understand the conclusion, whereunto it aspireth, leaving the principles to be considered of by intelligence: For in searching out, if God be the Sovereign good, knowing it through Science, I seek to understand what God is. Afterwards by Wisdom I comprehend the principles, and that which proceedeth of them: whereof by good right, it is named the true knowledge of divine and human things.  
The virtues of the mind being then the ornament of the soul, which is the subject of the said virtues, they are (as I said) the means to attain unto the end we shoot at. He shall be then most Noble, he shall be most perfit, and amongst mortal men most renowned; which being adorned with the virtues I have recited, shall approach nearest unto this Sovereign, and infinite good. We see that the water is more noble than the earth, the air than the water, and the fire then the air, because it is nearer thereunto than any of the other Elements.  
The like is to be observed in the orders of Angels, which are divided into three Hierarchies, and the Hierarchies into so many Thrones: Inasmuch as that is the most worthy Hierarchy, which approacheth nearest unto the creator of heaven. Now the Seraphins (as being nearest unto God, forasmuch as no Angelical spirit doth not contemplate more immediately his divine essence than they do) and the Cherubins with the Thrones which are seated in the first Hierarchy, do exceed in perfection, and nobility, the Government, the Principalities, and the powers, which are in the second Hierarchy. These are more noble than the third, as being further off from the divine presence, in the number whereof are, the Virtues, the Archangels, and Angels. To speak more plainly unto thee Possidonio, take me for example a Prince in Sovereign degree of nobility, whose children have issue, I demand if his children their issue shallbe accounted as noble as his own: Surely no, because they are a descent farther off from the Prince (from whom their nobility proceedeth) than the first issue from him: and so we ought to esteem of the lower degrees. If than ●ossidonio, thou dost approach nearest unto the end whereunto we were framed, thy mind being so highly qualified with virtues, as I have briefly recited to thee: I will then yield up my interest touching this controversy, without debating the matter any more: in regard of any nobility of blood derived from thy ancestors, which maketh as much for true nobility, as the light of a candle near unto the clear sunshine: But if I prove unto thee, that I do come nearest unto this end, wilt not thou grant me, that I am more noble than thou art, and that the victory belongeth unto me? Surely thou canst not say any thing to the contrary. I will sufficiently declare unto thee, that I come nearest thereunto having graced my life with virtues, which are the only means to attain unto it.  
Fabricio having spoken in this manner, and somewhat taken breath after his long discourse, turning himself again towards the company, with a pliant voice, proceeded on this manner.  
You see most worthy gentlemen, that by the very matter of this discourse, I am constrained fully to lay open my life unto you, and consequently such virtues as are in me, and not other men's. Wherefore this small speech will necessarily turn to my praise and commendation, contrary to my pretended purpose, because that true nobility, consisting (in my opinion) in the proper virtues of the mind, as I did most plainly prove unto you; I cannot declare, and much less make you understand, whether I am noble, or not, except I recount them unto you: for this respect (and God knoweth how willingly) I had rather that hereafter some other should take the matter upon him for me, as likewise because I would not that any should gird at me therefore: which in friendly manner I beseech you may not be denied me, seeing that I am constrained thereunto, and that it lieth upon me vainly to set forth mine own praises, and to tax another man. Howsoever it happen, trusting in your virtues, I will freely embolden myself, with the greatest brevity that I can, to set forth my praises unto you.  
I then being in my childish years, after that my tongue began by little and little to untie itself, instructed in precepts of virtue, I say I began to adorn my life, and my mind with such qualities, as were fittest for my tender age: and likewise my young mind being capable of understanding, my memory of retaining, and my wit apt for learning, I gave myself to the pleasant study of humanity; where I did not only lay up in my memory the remembrance of many fables, and many histories, but likewise the knowledge of man's life, by the which I might easily discern for the ornament and duty of my life, what way was to be avoided, and which was to be followed. And longing further to attain to the knowledge of the Arts and Sciences, and not only of them by which we do discern that which is false, from the troth; and of those other by which we are made partakers of the understanding, both of matters natural and heavenly: but especially desiring to embrace moral philosophy (which if we will give credit unto Cicero and others) wise Socrates, leaving the study of natural philosophy, as less profitable to converse one with another in this world, brought from heaven to earth) I was constrained to leave my Country, and my parents, to travail thither where all liberal exercises are maintained, every dull wit is instructed, and every hard understanding softened. There did I beautify my understanding, and my mind with knowledge and virtue, in so large measure as I need not now to declare unto you.  
By this means Possidonio do I believe, that a man becometh renowned and noble. By virtue accompanied with worthy sciences, the mind of man is made noble and excellent. Virtue is that which tempereth a man that is of a mild nature, graceth him with honest and courteous conditions, maketh him prudent and wise, and finally of a mortal man, immortal. That is the only means by which we attain to the perfect knowledge of him, who is the last end and mark we aim at.  
I say virtue is that wherewith the soul being beautified, doth cause us to approach to the end we were made for, and consequently maketh us partakers of the light thereof. He that is a true noble man doth not shine, (neither ought he to show himself by means of any other beams,) then those that spring and grow from virtue.  
Now thou mayest be able hereafter to know Possidonio, from whence true Nobility of the mind doth proceed, and to perceive likewise, if learning is vain or rather necessary, yea and the Sciences themselves, for the advancement of nobility. Now thou mayst understand, how much learning is to be esteemed above riches, by those that are perfect noble men. But besides the examples I have already alleged, I will yet moreover give you to understand, how highly it hath been accounted of by other men of old time.  
For as much as only by the Poet Euripides his going to Syracuse, the Syracusans who had under their power many Athenian prisoners, they gave them all their liberty, because they had learned without book many verses of Euripides who was an Athenian by birth. Be you now the judge, what greater gift they might have presented to the Author of these verses.  
And divine Plato being by Denis the Tyrant, called from Athens into Sicilia, which voyage he made by Sea, he no sooner set foot on land, but he was by him received in a triumphant chariot, and after that manner he entered the city.  
Surely Denis did not this honour neither to the wealth of Plato, nor to the worthiness of his blood, but to his deep skill and virtue. Alexander of Macedonia, having given Darius' King of Persia the overthrow, amongst the kings treasure he found a most precious little casket, enriched with gold & precious stones, wherein the Persian K. was wont to preserve his most precious and odoriferous ointmentes: but Alexander, put neither ointment nor precious jewel, nor any of his treasure therein, but the poetical works of Homer the Grecian, imagining he had not in all his treasure, a jewel of greater value, which did better deserve to be locked up there.  
The reason hereof was not because Homer was born of any noble stock, or that he had been of great wealth (for scarce was any man of so low estate in regard of riches) but in respect of his divine knowledge and virtue. If then the true estimation of man, proceedeth from virtue and knowledge, who dare then affirm, that they do not make him noble, who is virtuous, of good behaviour, and wise, albeit he be not descended of any noble blood? Surely he should be a wicked person, vicious, and foolish, that should judge otherwise. For he whom thou dost call and deem to be noble, hath only the appearance of a noble man: but those I speak of are noble indeed, in as much as their understanding is made noble, the which doth afterward send forth the light thereof, for the ornament of our life. If thou art of this making Possidonio, I will judge thee a perfect Noble man, but not in regard thou art only descended of a noble stock.  
And truly both thy actions, and theirs likewise, who at this day do vaunt themselves of the nobility of their blood, are wholly disposed and ready to follow the vanities and pleasures of the body, which last but for a while, and not the service of the soul which is eternal and everlasting. Blood then availeth nothing to true & perfect nobility; & how little it maketh for thee, I have already declared: for that which the vulgar sort esteemeth nobility of blood, hath no other good thing in itself, but a facility, and sleight to make one Noble. O how many are there, whom this nobility of blood, being considered in man without any other quality, of noble, maketh them base! For it is nourished with ignorance, fed with pride, increased with audacity, liveth with temerity, ruled with lightness, brought up in thefts, robberies, wantonness, violence, blasphemy, evil speech; & to conclude, continued in vanity, which is an enemy to knowledge, a traitor to virtue, and contrary to true nobility.  
Imagine now Possidonio, how noble and perfect this thy Nobility of blood is, through the which thou persuadest thyself, thou hast attained to the highest degree of Nobility that may be imagined, whereas thou art lowest of all other, whereinto the foolish opinion of the vulgar sort doth easily cause thee to fall: forsomuch as without any difference at all, they call those Noble men, who have but only a shadow of Nobility, aswell as they, who are true noble men. Consider how light and careless the miserable belief of mortal men is, and how it is openly deceived. I say then Possidonio, that thou art not noble, and that in thee can no marks of true Nobility be seen, but rather a shadow, or to say the troth, a mere & bare name of Nobility. Which if it be so, as I have made manifest unto you (and surely it is so, and cannot be otherwise) I may say in arguing after this manner. That by how much the effect is far more perfect, and more commendable than the name of any thing whatsoever; by so much I am, and so do deem myself more noble than thou art: and how far the effect excelleth the name, is evident of itself. For as much as if I desire rather effectually to be learned, then so taken, as I know thou covetest to be rich, then to be called wealthy.  
Whereby thou mayest now well perceive, in what case thou art, albeit yesterday thou wert of belief, after thou hadst recited so many fables for proof of thy nobility, that I should have nothing to speak against thee this day, but thou mayest hereafter judge better whether I had any thing to say or no: for to go through with that which offereth itself to be spoken herein, much more time than is now left unto us would not suffice to handle the matter. Wherefore I will proceed further.  
Now considering (gracious gentlemen) that which Possidonio intended yesterday, when as he said, that he is a true and perfect noble man, because he is descended of noble parents. Suppose the case that his proposition were true, that whosoever is borne of a noble stock is a noble man, if I did deny that he were issued of noble family, what could he say unto me? Tell me Possidonio; if so be I should deny that thou wert engendered of noble blood, what wouldst thou answer me? what certainty wouldst thou give me thereof? Surely thou wouldst long go groping in the dark before thou couldst ascertain me thereof, and wouldst never be able to prove it with sound reasons, by which I should be constrained of necessity to believe it. If then we are not certain of thy birth, it followeth that thy nobility ought rather to be called credible then certain.  
Wherefore I may very well say thus much. That even as a certain and true thing, is far more perfect than that, which we only believe to be certain: So is my nobility far more certain than thine, because it is to be believed indeed, and not to be presumed only, that I am noble, in regard that the true essence of nobility remaineth in me.  
Thou wouldst then say perhaps (quoth one of the young Ladies, who was offended with the last words of Fabricio, because she was a kinswoman unto Possidonio) that he is not his father's son, seeing there is no more certainty of his birth than thou affirmest? Truly Fabricio thou art fallen into a great error. As though we knew not what house he is come of? Thou shouldest not so openly allege that which is false to prove thy arguments as pleaseth thee, for it doth ill become thee: and now I hold that which Possidonio affirmed for troth, and that thou wouldst with thy subtle Sophistry make us believe, that white is black.  
Scarce had the young Lady ended her words, but all the company began to laugh, with such earnestness, that their hearts were sore therewith; and she imagining that they mocked her demanded saying. But I pray you whereat do you laugh? Suddenly the Lady Aurelia answered, who would not laugh to hear thee say so simply that Possidonio is not his father's son, as though he could be begotten without a father?  
The young lady half angry, and with shame dying her cheeks with vermilion, like unto the morning rose, said only, I know well enough what I mean; whereunto Fabricio answered smilingly.  
I know he is his father's son, but I am not certain whether he were his father, whom all we do imagine, or no: and it is to no purpose to say, that his father called him son, or any such like tales, for that can in no wise make me assured thereof.  
We may then (quoth she, not regarding their laughter) by this reason, say the like of all that are here present.  
It is true Madam (qd Fabricio.) Alas poor soul that I am (qd she) ever since I was borne, I have hitherunto been sure who was my father, & likewise held my mother for an honest woman, and now thou makest a doubt thereof.  
How great laughter began again amongst them all, both men and women, you may easily conjecture; but after they were all quiet, Fabricio proceeded on further in this manner.  
Madam, I will grant unto you, that Possidonio is descended of noble parents, and consequently that his nobility is certain: yet is not that nobility more praise worthy which a man obtaineth by his own labour and travail, and through his own virtues, then that he receiveth from others? Surely not a little. And whether of the two wilt thou judge to be more noble, either thyself Possidonio, or thy predecessors, who were the beginners and first founders of this thy Nobility? For they were most valiant men at Arms, and as thou didst yesterday conclude, and I do grant thee, they were pleasing, and well accepted of their Princes: now surely wilt thou judge thyself more noble than they, who doest only represent their nobility, I believe that without any contradiction, thou wilt give them the upper hand. You may see now, how much more the nobility which any man doth purchase unto himself, is far more perfect than that which he taketh from his ancestors. Mine being of that sort, without doubt it is more perfect and more noble than thine. If I would henceforward strike the sails of my ship, and cast anchor to stay myself, without passing any further, I should think I were arrived at the wished haven, and hitherunto to have made as much way as is necessary for our enterprise: but seeing the western wind bloweth on me with a pleasant gale, and that the sea is calm, & affordeth me a prosperous navigation, my heart will not suffer me as yet to strike sail, but I will by little and little put out further.  
The great Monarch of heaven, and good guide of the earth (worthy gentlemen) having here beneath in this world created all things, it pleased him in the end amongst all other living creatures, which he had framed, to form one, who being the most perfect, and most noble of all others, should have the dominion of all other things he had before created, and to him (albeit that he was made and framed of earth, as the scriptures do witness) he gave reason, by which he should rule, and govern himself. Men were borne, and so they are yet at this day, as some do believe, with equal minds, with equal powers, and with equal virtues. Because nature, as well to the rich as to the poor, to the noble man, as to the peasant, to the mighty as to the weak, hath given reason and understanding, and brought them all naked into the world. And who is he, how poor, abject, and miserable soever, who at his first beginning, had not a mind, like unto the mind of every Prince or king? Surely no man. We will say then, that nature whereof thou didst make such great brags, yesterday, doth not bring forth one man better, or more noble, than other.  
Now all men being equal by birth, virtue was that which first of all did distinguish them, and made a difference between man and man, because that whosoever showed himself most familiar, and devout towards her, was called noble, and the rest remained ignoble. And whosoever he was that did first of all invent this word Nobility, he denoted thereby a singularity, and separation from other men. For Nobility is as much to say, as a note or mark, and a noble man, as a man more noted, and known, than any others. By reason whereof, man having by his the height and value of his courage, made proof of many laudable actions, and worthy works, he cometh to be separate from the vulgar sort, and known more plainly, whereupon it pleased the first inventor, to term this separation, and this knowledge, Nobility. And to say the truth, it was not without apparent reason: for if we look into the effect and substance of this Nobility, we shall find that therein which I have recited. Forasmuch as Nobility is no other thing (without intermeddling with that which Possidonio alleged yesterday: For I have this day proved how true that is) I say Nobility is nothing else, but an excellency, by the which things that are most worthy, do take place before those that are less worthy. We see amongst the planets (for his perfect excellency) the sun is more noble, and hath pre-eminence above all other planets, being of less worth: Amongst stones the diamond: amongst metals, gold: amongst greater stones, the Phorphir. Even the like is in man: for he is more noble and worthy than other, who is most excellent and perfect amongst them: which excellency and perfection, is derived from the nobility of the understanding, and not from the body, to separate man from brute beasts, as I said before. Well may you perceive by this, that virtue in man is that which maketh him Noble and excellent, & causeth him to be preferred before others, and not blood, nor riches, as thou didst affirm Possidonio. And even as man is far more excellent and noble than any other living creature; so by this excellency & virtue of the mind, one man is more worthy, and more excellent than another. Now if he is noble who with his own virtues hath made the excellency which is in himself manifest, what excellency hast thou ever showed to be in thee, tell me what greatness, & what virtue is in thy mind? And who knoweth not this, that without great labour, a man cannot attain to any worthy action, or laudable deed. Believe not Possidonio, that remaining continually idle as thou doest and pampered in daintiness, that thou art like ever to prove a noble man, which thou didst yesterday declare in reciting the lives of thy predecessors, which did never spare neither cold, nor heat, nor fire, nor travel in the world, to the end they might not only take the name of Nobility upon them, but the effect likewise, and having taken it, keep and conserve it. By such means man may advance himself, and become noble and renowned amongst others, & not by blood. Writers report more of the virtue which julius Cesar showed in Germany and France, then of his birth. Neither do they so much write what blood Octavius Augustus was come of, as they have done of the overthrow he gave to M. Antonius, & Cleopatra, near to the mountain Actium in Epire, & of other his worthy actions, by which he brought into his subjection all Spain towards the West, the Tartarians & the Sarmatians towards the North, the Indians towards the East, the Parthians, the Armenians: Tygranes king of the Medes, the inhabitants of Bosphorus & of Propontis, & those of either side the Rhin, and of the Danube, with infinite other nations: Of Pompey the great, the son of Pompey, Strabo doth recite his triumphs▪ especially that which he had in Africa against Domitian. The deliverance that Brutus freed his country from, when he did drive from thence Tarquin the proud, with his successors, was cause that he was named the father of the Roman liberty: the like is said of the other Brutus. Fabius Maximus was likewise rightly called the defender of the commonwealth, when he bridled the fierce courage of Hannibal of Carthage. The wonderful overthrow, that Claudius Nero gave the Carthaginians, when he presented Asdrubal his head to his brother, do cause us to remember him; not the blood nor the generosity of his ancestors.  
The great value of Horatius, who gave the people of Rome their liberty, when as he alone standing on the bridge, did resist the Tuscans. The glorious Trophies, and many victories which Camillus the great obtained against the Falisci, are recommended unto us: especial●y those which in his exile he had against the Gauls, who had forcibly taken and burned the city of Rome. Likewise in this his expedition he gloriously vanquished the Volsci, the Latins, the Equi, the Erinqui, with other Nations. Of Tiberius Gracchus, who also subdued the Gauls. Of Paulus Emilius, who conquered the Gauls that dwelled on both sides the Alps. Of Paulus Emilius his son, who having brought Liguria into subjection, overthrew, and took Perseus' king of Macedonia. Of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who surmounted and slew Viridimarus king of the Gauls. Of all these there is nothing spoken of their Nobility, or of their blood, or of their descent.  
The wonderful deeds which both the Scipiones did, as well in Spain, as in Africa, and Asia, for the which the one was called Scipio Africanus, the other Asiaticus, do clearly manifest their renown while the world doth stand in every place, and not their family. The value of L. Martius, who succeeded those two, against Gisgon and Magon, gathered the Roman army together, which was all broken, and valiantly overcame the enemies. Likewise the virtues of Scipio Nasica, were such, that besides the victorious triumphs he obtained over his adversaries, he was rightly judged by the Senate, to be the worthiest of the romans, and that not in regard that he was descended of the most noble stock of Rome. And if I would so far forth enlarge my discourse, as well I might concerning this matter by true, and no fabulous examples: surely neither time, nor my tongue would serve me to express them. Thou mayest see then Possidonio, that so many ancient trumpets as do resound in the world, do not set forth neither the worthiness of blood, nor the antiquity of lineage, nor the rich palaces of so many worthy knights, but their notable virtue, their wonderful prowess, and their singular greatness of courage. The blood of that divine Plato, or of learned Aristotle, or of wise Pythagoras, of Socrates, of Diogenes, of Xenophon, of Demosthenes, of Thales Milesius, of Chilon the Lacedaemonian, of Pittacus, of Bias, of Cleobulus, of Periander, whose wisdom did beautify Greece, nor of other Philosophers, by whose learning the secrets of Nature have been opened unto us, was not so glorious and renowned, as their virtue, of great fame. What do we hear of the birth of Homer the Grecian, or of Virgil of Mantna? What of that eloquent Cicero? What of the offspring of famous Titus Livius of Padua? of M. Varro? Or of Crispus Salustius? What of the stock of Pliny of Verrona? and of all they, who by their learning are at this day renowned in the world? Truly nothing at all. But of their divine skill, their art and virtue, all men have written and spoken. Therehence proceedeth that excellency by the which one man is to be preferred before another. From thence springeth that dignity, which causeth one man to be distinguished and known from another: Therehence proceedeth that true knowledge which maketh a Noble man: from thence groweth that separation and division between man and man, causing the one to be esteemed Noble, gentle▪ and accomplished, and the other ignoble, abject and vile. To conclude, from thence true nobility hath his beginning.  
You may see now Possidonio, of what small account blood is in matter of Nobility. It is then necessary for him, whosoever he be that desireth to become Noble, to beautify his mind, with good and virtuous actions. I say his mind, which is as ready and apt to take the impression of Nobility, as a fair looking glass, which doth as well receive the beautiful form of fair Ladies, as the ill countenance of ill favoured women, so the mind of man is prepared to receive, either Nobility, or baseness. For as it adorneth itself either with good or bad conditions, so doth it present them unto them.  
Consider a man whose mind is just, courageous, temperate, prudent, pitiful, charitable, and loving, graced with all virtues: and another whose mind is unjust, unconstant, lavish, foolish, cruel, wicked, hateful, and disgraced with all vice: will't not thou judge the first, more noble and perfect (albeit he be not descended of some noble parents) than the latter?  
And what if some times the first were but meanly appareled, and the latter did wear costly garments, wilt thou say that he were more noble, of more account, and worthy of more estimation? no surely as I think: for I persuade myself, thou hast now changed thy opinion: And that thou wilt not fall into that error which many do, who believe that he ought to be more esteemed & more honoured than others, who is well appareled. For if thou didst put costly raiment upon a porter or some such fellows back, perhaps he would seem a far more proper man, than a great many such gentlemen: and yet I hope you will not say he is a noble man. For example hereof, take Diogenes the prince of the senical sect, who went always barefoot, with an old patched cloak on his shoulders, & in this manner was he found in Crania, by Alexander the great when he went to visit him: as we said of late. Such a kind of habit did not give commendation either to his wisdom, or his nobility. Epaminondas that famous Prince, and leader of the Theban armies, did always wear an old worn gown: which because he did never use any other, he caused it oftentimes to be mended, whilst in the mean time he kept his house. You may now know hereafter, that true and perfect Nobility, is derived from no other fountain, than the virtues of the mind, and not from the worthiness of blood.  
Here Fabricio paused a while, and afterwards followed on his discourse in this manner.  
Consider Possidonio, that poor apparel doth not defraud a man of his demerits. And like as we have concluded, that true Nobility descendeth from the virtues of the mind, and not from the dignity of blood: So than we will yet conclude, that it doth not work his effect, no not in riches. Forasmuch as if we would maintain this opinion of thine, that riches are not only an ornament, but rather necessary to the bringing forth of perfect nobility; it should follow that poverty, should make a man base and abject, and as an enemy of true Nobility, it ought to be banished: but he is greatly to be blamed who is of this opinion: Forasmuch as poverty is not to be contemned, nor eschewed, for such is the passion it bringeth us, as is the mind that receiveth it. For if the mind of man be addicted to that which is contrary unto it, that is unto riches, it breedeth no delight, nor pleasure, but cruel bondage, and infinite labour, and as a traitor to rest and quietness, doth miserably afflict the thoughts of man.  
And of this belief art thou Possidonio, for because thy mind longeth after riches, thou persuadest thyself that poverty is cause of all mischief, whereas in deed the evil ariseth of thy unbridled affection, which is buried in riches, and not of poverty. But if the mind of man be not drowned in riches, poverty shall be very pleasant, and delightful unto him, and his mind shall be joyful, and at liberty.  
Democritus, being nourished with poverty, gave as a gift unto the common wealth of Athens his infinite wealth, imagining he might far better follow his study, with poverty, then seruilie subject himself unto riches. Like unto him were Diogenes, and Anaxagoras.  
What shall I say of Photion of Athens, especially worthy all honour and glory; who albeit he had twenty several times been Emperor of the Athenians: yet did he in such sort love poverty, that the Ambassadors of Alexander the great coming unto him, and bringing as a present, a great quantity of gold, they found his wife kneading of dough, and himself drawing water, whereby they deemed him to be very needy, and yet notwithstanding he did refuse so rich a gift; esteeming that to live with poverty, did bring greater tranquillity unto man, then to possess great treasure. Surely more joyful, and worthy of greater glory, was the life of Aristides the Athenian, with his well-beloved poverty, than the condition of Callias his fellow Citizen, with his abundant wealth.  
And tell me Possidonio, what vileness did the poverty of Quintus Cincinatus, and Attilius Serranus, men of excellent Virtues, bring unto them? Who tilling the ground, and sowing their corn, were worthily chosen by the Senate to be the conductors of the Roman army: and those self-same hands which did guide the plough, became rulers of chariots of triumph.  
The apparent poverty of M. Curius, a man of singular value, was no reproach unto him, but rather made him worthy of eternal glory, who after he had triumphed over the Samnites and the Sabines, returned to his poor cottage which was not capable of his greatness, whither the ambassadors of the Samnites bringing unto him a great sum of gold to make their pacification with the romans, they found him sitting before the fire upon a country stool, eating in a wooden dish: and nevertheless he sent back their treasures after them, saying, that he desired rather in his poverty to command over those that were rich, then to become rich himself; words well beseeming his magnanimity of courage.  
Equal to this man in poorness, and stoutness of mind, was Fabricius Lucinus, who likewise refused the gifts of the Samnites: neither yet were the treasures of Pyrrhus' king of Epire, which were offered unto him, with the fourth part of his substance, sufficient to make him lose one jot of his value, albeit he was very poor. So manifest was Attilius Regulus his poverty, that he could no more govern the empire in Africa, because at Rome his children had not wherewithal to maintain themselves.  
But tell me Possidonio, dost thou deem that these men for all their poverty were not noble? God forbid, nay contrary, the singular virtue of their mind, made them most noble. Whereby thou mayst plainly perceive, that if nobility may remain with poverty, and poverty with nobility, together in one subject, why didst thou yesterday persuade the contrary; esteeming that poverty could aswell agree with Nobility, as fire and water together? And that his felicity is greater (if so be man can attain to any on earth) whose mind resteth contented with poverty, than his happiness, who hath attained to the height of worldly wealth, and lordly authority: the disposition of Alexander the great may serve for proof, who commanding over the greater part of the world, because Anaxagoras told him that there were many worlds, he lamented greatly in his presence, that he had not fully as yet conquered one.  
And Apollo may serve for witness hereof, who being demanded by Gyges' king of Lydia, a prince of mighty power and wealth, if there were any man on earth more happy than he was, by Oracle made answer, that Aglaus Sofides the poorest man of all Arcadia was more happy, because even until his latter age he had lived with contented poverty, with a mind full of quiet. By the which we may understand, that poverty bringeth no reproach unto nobility, and consequently that riches are not the ornament, nor any necessary part thereof.  
If then, worthiness of blood be not necessary in matter of nobility, as with most evident reasons, and many plain examples of divers, who albeit they were descended of noble and royal blood, were yet judged ignoble, (as this day I have plainly showed unto you) and if riches, how infinite soever, do not give any grace or ornament thereunto (as by the examples of many Noble and valiant Captains I have showed unto you) what manner of Nobility is then in Possidonio? Of what estimation shall we account him? And if that poverty bringeth no contempt to the greatness of perfect nobility, but contrarily doth exalt it: and that likewise the baseness of blood of our predecessors, is no let unto us to become noble, as not only by most pregnant proofs, but also by manifest examples of so many Popes, kings, Emperors, Consuls, Praetors, as by my discourse you have heard, I have caused you this day to understand, who although they did descend of base parents, yet did they nevertheless by their deserts, mount up unto the sovereign degree of nobility: It followeth necessarily, that my nobility is far more worthy, and far more perfect than Possidonios' is.  
And if these examples be not sufficient wholly to move you, at the least let the example of Ventidius Bassus persuade you, who drawing his birth from a base and poor stock, was in his young years taken with his mother by Pompeius Strabo, when he brought the Ascolains into subjection, and before his Chariot was with other bondmen led captive through Rome: but he growing into further age, that he might the better have wherewithal to maintain his estate, he gave himself to buy Mules, and with them to carry travelers by the way; by means whereof, he passed with Cesar into France, where he began to show the greatness of his courage, he having during the Civil Wars many matters imposed upon him of no small importance, and did execute them all with great magnanimity, and great admiration.  
For which his virtues, he was not only entertained into Cesar his friendship, but moreover, had great office bestowed upon him, being first made Tribune of the people, and afterwards Praetor. And albeit that in that time he was with M. Antonius judged an enemy of the Romans by the senate, yet notwithstanding having made his peace, he did not only obtain the office of a Praetor, but he attained likewise the degree of High Prelate, and afterwards was advanced to the dignity of a Consul. This was that Ventidius, who being by M. Antonius made General of the east provinces, put the Parthians to flight which were descended into Syria, and three sundry times gave them great overthrows, and was the first who in Rome triumphed over the Parthians. And after his death, was honourably buried by the Romans. What was his birth? what was his estate? what were his riches? who did of a bondslave make him free? who exalted him to so great nobility? & to so great wealth? surely it was not the antiquity of the blood of his ancestors, nor his great wealth, but the virtue of his mind. O worthy virtue which possessing the minds of men, dost exalt them even to the skies!  
Consider (Gentlemen) what let and reproach, the base birth of Ventidius, was unto the glory of his Nobility: Consider I pray you, if his issue from so mean a place, was any hindrance unto him, to rise to so high honour. And believe not Possidonio, that at this day there is any limited end set, by which a man may become noble; for even as the noble families which at this day are in the world, have had a beginning to make them noble; so may the ignoble without any let, attain thereunto.  
I may then conclude, that the baseness of my blood, nor the want of wealth, are no let nor hindrance unto me to become noble. The worthiness and virtue of man is that which maketh him noble. It maketh him rich, it exalteth him unto the skies, and finally of a bond man, it setteth him free. Wherefore Possidonio, I need not fear though my ancestors, as thou didst yesterday affirm, were scarce known, because I doubt not but that that virtue and learning whatsoever it be, that is in me, is of force sufficient to make those noble who shall hereafter issue from me, if so it be to be believed, that any nobility resideth in blood.  
Doth it now seem unto thee, that I have with my sophistical arguments showed white for black, whereof thou wert so much afraid; or made thee understand the very troth itself? And to the end, I may more strongly persuade thee, thou must know this, that he is far more noble, who being borne of base parentage, hath beautified his mind with virtue and good conditions, than he that is descended of a noble stock, being as well qualified as the other.  
This perhaps may seem strange unto thee Possidonia? yet will I make it very plain. For no man will deny of any thing whatsoever, but the reward ought to countervail the pain that is taken: now he which is borne of base parentage taketh far more labour to become noble, than he that is descended of noble blood: therefore he ought to receive a greater recompense. That his labour is greater, cannot be denied. For he that is borne of noble blood, is always in the path to become noble, and is not put to that pain, to attain to the perfection of nobility, as he is, who is born of no noble stock, in as much as the one findeth the way open and free, whereas the other findeth it full of rocks and thorns. Now both of them having attained thereunto, who will deny me, but that his nobility ought to be more esteemed, whose father was but a mean man, than the other? Surely not any man. Are these fables Possidonio? Doth it as yet seem strange unto thee? I hope not.  
Howbeit I will proceed further, and say. That he ought to be more worthy of praise, who giveth himself unto all worthy enterprises, not being forced nor constrained by any man, than he that addicteth himself unto such laudable actions by force and compulsion. Now he that is by blood noble, is rather forced then otherwise by his own virtues, to set forth his nobility, lest that his father's nobility do basely take end in himself, but rather that by him it may be maintained and conserved in his successors: whereas he which is born of no noble stock, is far more noble, and far more worthy of praise, than he which is borne a Gent. although both of them be equal in virtue. Hast thou capacity to comprehend this reason Possidonio? Thou mayst now consider, if I use any sophistry, as thou didst doubt I would; for surely these are most manifest reasons, which I allege for the troth, the which notwithstanding is manifest and clear of itself.  
Fabricio went still forward in his discourse, when as M. Peter Anthony interrupting him, & turning towards him said.  
This thy conclusion should be very great Fabricio, if it were as true as it is apparent, and as it seemeth thou dost affirm it for troth: For somuch as that part is always of most force and strongest (which cannot be denied) where two reasons do concur together then where there is but one. Now he that is of noble blood, & ennobled by his virtues, hath in him two sorts of nobility, the one of blood, the other proceeding of virtue, which cannot be in him, whose father was no noble man, albeit he be esteemed equal in virtues unto the other: wherefore his nobility shall not be so puissant and mighty. Which thou thyself didst affirm for true, when as to dissolve this argument (if my memory serve me well) where Possidonio went about to prove that the magnificence and glory of a man, aught by reason to extend itself unto his successors, thou didst confess, that if you were both equal in virtue, Possidonio his nobility should be greater than thine: whereas contrarily in this thy new conclusion, thou dost not only make them equal, but the one in a higher degree, than the other: wherefore we ought to conclude, that he that is borne of noble parents is far more noble. And likewise I cannot easily gather how this thy last reason doth well hang together, by which thou wouldst prove that he is worthy of greater honour, who without any necessity, doth employ himself in virtuous actions, than he that is forced thereunto. For this thy maxim is true, that of every worthy enterprise a man's recompense ought to be so much the greater, as the detriment & hurt which may come unto him in executing thereof. Now who so is borne of noble blood, is worthy greater blame & dishonour, when he doth not maintain the nobility of his fore fathers, than the ignoble by birth: therefore in conserving it, he ought to have greater reward. By which reasons these thy two last conclusions, do in my judgement remain somewhat the weaker.  
You take no small matter upon you M. Peter Anthony, answered Fabricio, if you seek to boult out the troth of these your 2. propositions: for on both sides there may be spoken sufficiently; the troth whereof I would gladly know, if it were so necessary unto our purpose, or if it were not so late. It cannot be late (qd M. Peter Anthony) yes (qd the whole company) & so late as we shall not have time to mount on horseback. How quickly is time slid away (qd M. Peter Anthony) you may see Possidonio, how you make the hours sooner to pass away then we thought for: as for me, I did verily believe we might have stayed here a good while, but seeing it is so, we will for this evening let our riding alone.  
I do not care much for riding abroad answered Fabricio, let us follow on our purpose, & there withal tur-towards Possidonio, he said. Worthy gentlemen, whatsoever thing is on earth, man judgeth it either good, or evil, or holding a mean between both. I demand then Possidonio, in which of these three qualities thou wouldst place true nobility? Not in the evil I trow, for then nobility should be evil. Nor in the mean, for than should it be sometimes good, and sometimes bad. We must then necessarily conclude, that it ought to be placed in that which is good. Consisting in that which is good, it must either be in the goods of the body, of fortune, or of the mind. If we say that nobility consisteth in the goods of the body, as to be fair, to be in health, or in the goods of Fortune, as in riches: it should then follow, that beauty, health, or riches ceasing, which 3. things are subject to corruption, nobility would soon decay. We are then constrained to conclude, that it consisteth in the goods of the mind, which are virtues, as long since I affirmed. Besides we have to consider, whither nobility consisteth in riches, or in man. If thou sayest Possidonio, that it consisteth in riches, besides that which I have long sithence alleged, it should further follow, that look which way a man's wealth were carried, they being most noble, thither shuold his nobility go, which ought in no wise to be uttered. We must then conclude, that it remaineth in man. Being in man, it is either by nature, or by purchase. If by nature, it followeth that we are all equally noble; in as much as one man (as I said unto you) was the beginner of all human nature, of whom we are all descended, but that falleth not to be considered of. We will then say that it is gotten. But how is it purchased? surely by the proper virtues of the mind, and not by any other means. These are the reasons Possidonio, which I do allege in the behalf of true nobility, do they not seem to be true? Surely I cannot possibly make the troth more plain unto thee, than I have done to day.  
But seeing the sun beginneth more and more to hide itself, I cannot as I would, follow my pretended purpose: Howbeit I will rest satisfied with that which I have effectually spoken hitherunto: for I was not by any necessity constrained to say so much. It only remaineth for me Possidonio to tell, to whom the ring ought to be adjudged, which I would willingly do, but that I know Nennio to be a judge sufficient for a greater disputation than ours. And he may well in the wisdom of his understanding discourse of the perfect quality, & noble condition of the lady Virginia, by whom the ring which we desire was given. For she being most accomplished with virtue, of most noble behaviour, most worthy for her honour, it availeth thee nothing to equal thyself unto her in considering thy Nobility of blood, or the quantity of thy treasure: (for thou mayest have well understood how much they make for Nobility.) Nennio will likewise weigh her gentle words when she said: Let the most noble of you two take the ring, by the which she did affirm that there was Nobility in both of us, and yet that one was more noble than the other, and to the most noble she gave it.  
In thee the Nobility of blood concurring, caused by thy predecessors, in me the Nobility of mind, wrought by my own virtues: It shall be an easy matter, not only for Nennio, but for any other of any common capacity to decide a matter of so small moment. Howsoever it be, it seemeth now unto me high time, to end my discourse: and albeit I could not utter all that concerning this matter, which came into my conceit, and which might well have been said: nevertheless I will leave off, as having contented my mind and quieted it especially reposing myself upon the just judgement of him, who to morrow, or at any other time when he shall see good, may determine this our controversy. Of whom I have had that reputation, and so do still hold him, that although I had not alleged the one half of these reasons, yet had they been sufficient, to come to the knowledge of the truth of this our disputation. And moreover, whosoever doth well consider what hath been spoken yesterday, and this day, on both sides, he shall find nothing else, but an unbridled kind of life, to combat with a moderate living; Ignorance with knowledge; dissoluteness with modesty, virtue and honesty to fight against their contraries: and whether of those two sides do bring most ornament, and Nobility unto man, is easily to be judged.  
They all knew, that Fabricio was come to the end of his discourse, and that he had nothing else to say: wherefore we all arising from our places, we went to take the air, not on horseback, because the time was spent, but on foot, alongst the pleasant garden. And after that every one with his friend, had uttered his opinion concerning Fabricio his discourse, we parted each from other, some this way, others that way: In the end we all of us except two, who still walked in the garden, the sweetness whereof we all enjoyed, met under the fresh gallery. These stayed not long before that against their wills, they gave us occasion of no small pastime: For on the one side of the garden, there was a wood so thick with high green trees, that scarcely you could have planted one more there.  
This thicket, where it joined to the garden, it was environed with a deep ditch, which was dry without water: and on the other side closed in with the garden wall. Within there were nourished many wild beasts, and towards the garden, there was a little draw bridge to enter into it.  
These two young men, drawing down the bridge, went in and simply left the bridge down as they came forth, immediately for fear of those that entered the wood, there issued out two young kids, and a heart. And if the garden gates had not shut of themselves, the beasts had been lost: which one of the servants perceiving, he so dainly called one of his fellows, who brought a brace of dogs with him, which he let slip at these wild beasts; we being moved with the cry of the dogs, and noise of the hunters, we looked out at the windows which were next the garden, where we might see this war already begun, which was pursued with an infinite pleasure of us all. For we might see them run with great swiftness, the beasts flying, and the dog's following, but the chiefest sport was, the many turnings in the garden, and the crooked alleys, by which the beasts did fetch many a skip, & turn to save their lives, from the deadly pinching of the dogs. And after they had some 3. or 4▪ times rounded the garden, the heart, the bridge being yet clean down, & the gate open, with a light skip, got into the thicket again; the kids followed, & the dogs after, which one of the servants perceiving, he drew up the bridge, lest they should come out again. But longing after the sport, we came down, with each of us a cudgel in our hand, you may guess what these beasts did (whereof there was great store in the wood) when they saw the dogs follow them. They ran every way, sometimes thorough the thickest places, sometimes right forth: & whilst we were intentive after this sport, we might espy 3. servants coming out of the wood with the 2. kids, the hart▪ & 2. young hares, which had been slain in this war. Wherefore imagining this prey to be sufficient after the ordinary rate, after that commandment was given to take up the dogs, who were not yet out of breath: we came forth of the wood, and shortly after sat down to supper according to our wonted order, where we supped very pleasantly, the wind blowing very freshly upon us: after supper we fell in talk of this sudden hunting, which fell out unlooked for. Wherein we continued, until the stars were seen in the sky, having beforehand taken order that Nennio should the next day follow with his discourse at the same time that Possidonio, and Fabricio had done theirs, and then we entered into the house, where after we had walked a little, seeing it a fit hour to go to bed, the torches being lighted, we were brought every one unto his lodging.   

The third Book.  
AS often as weighing with myself I consider, how great the weakness is which nature yieldeth unto man, I cannot surely imagine whence it should proceed, that all men what soever do oftentimes feel a certain motion of blood, which spreadeth itself about the heart, when as they do only call to mind but the very name of Nobility, which they possess, and that much more, when they are told thereof by some other. Nay there are some, who without measure coveting that title, do puff up their minds, esteeming that to be the greatest favour of all other. Other some there are (without doubt of a more damnable opinion) who are mounted up to that height of pride, by the only remembrance likewise of that name, having no thought to the difficulty of the effect thereof, that they do verily persuade themselves (such is the deceivable belief of mortal men) that the whole world is at their commandment, and surely they deem themselves to be equal to no other, then to God himself, and by this conceit they being led away, they despise all virtue▪ Surely this doth draw me into great doubts: For as I say, if I enter into consideration of man's weakness, and do weigh whereof he is made, I see nothing therein, but vile filthiness. And nature did not only give this unto man at his first creation, but likewise in the dissolution of this mortal life, it made the same far worse. Seeing that the weak and frail members of man, as it is evident of itself, so soon as the spirit is separated from the body, how soon they are changed into worms, into earth, & loathsome smells: O miserable life of man, and of short continuance! But in truth this aught to be smally regarded (although it be a great argument of the frailty of man) if we did note not only in the beginning, & the end of the life of man, but even in the midst thereof, matters of greater wonder, because we see that all things under the heavens, do make continual war each one against themselves, and all together bid most cruel battle against man alone. The air oftentimes, is assailed with dark clouds, with flashing lightning, and threatening thunder, and all these are ordained to vex man. The water against the fire. The fire against the water, and both together do fight against man. Moist things against dry things, and dry things against moist, and both most and dry war against man. The South striveth with the North and the other winds, and all of them together blowing with great impetuosity, in the depth of the swelling seas, with great force do often deceive the vain affections of man. What shall I say more? One man doth conspire against another. If then the life of man be after so strange a manner, wrapped in so many miseries, and in so many dangers; I cannot well imagine what cause he hath to wax so proud, with this title of Nobility, which is given him. And as for myself, I know not else what I should say unto you, but that such men being on high lifted up with a superfluous desire of glory, do let themselves be carried away with their vain appetites, like unto a bird which flying in the air hath no assurance. O foolish Nobility, if so we ought to call it, or rather deceitful shadow. For we are not able to comprehend what aid this Nobility (no less desired then reverenced of mortal men) may bring us: for as much as it neither bringeth wisdom, nor knowledge, incomparable gifts, which are sent us from God, neither doth it make us more just, or more prudent, which are qualities that consist in the soul. It may be that it is an aid unto the body? No surely in my opinion, for it doth not give neither greater beauty, nor greater strength, nor greater grace thereunto: by all which reasons we may easily gather into how great error these manner of men do so foolishly fall. Yet will I not say, but that sometimes Nobility, is cause of great good, as it is indeed, when it is true Nobility: but that which at this day beareth sway in the most part of men, is not only cause of any good, but contrarily of great evil. For if we would without imagination, pass thorough all the Cities that are in the world, we should find very few, or it may be none at all, where there are not factions, & divisions between gent. and the common sort, from whence afterwards do bud hatred, quarrels, & so many murders as we may hear of every where. Amongst many histories, I might here recite to you, how the people of Rome, by reason of the discords which did arise between the Patriciens & them, often abandoned the city, & made their abode in the hill called Mount Sacro, until Menevius Agrippa made peace betwixt them. Experience hereof hath not been only seen in foreign cities, of which I could bring you infinite examples, but even in our own, within these few years: I say then, that as one sort of Nobility is the cause of evil, so is the other of good. Howsoever it be, I do wholly refer myself to the judgement of Nennio, who this day shall take upon him the whole discourse: And it may be by good means he will agree (as it is commonly his custom) the disaccording opinions of Possidonio, and Fabricio, which by the two former books, you may have particularly understood. And so much the more it will delight us to hear him, as their opinions do seem unto us to be clean contrary, by means whereof likewise we shall hear the determining of the question propounded: wherefore inasmuch as I purpose not to intermingle my words with his, tempering my speech hereafter, I will endeavour without diminishing any word, orderly to set down that which he discoursed, as much as the meanness of my wit, will give me leave.  
By this time there was no star seen in the sky, because the sun had already chased the moist shadow of the night from of the earth, and with his shining brightness, every part of our hemisphere was enlightened, and the birds merrily chirping from the top of the green branches, gave good witness, that the morning was come, when as both men, and women, being risen, after prayers was ended, mounted on horseback, and being entered into delightful meadows, they softly paced on treading the green grass under their feet, until it seemed unto them high time to draw back again.  
Wherefore they being returned, & shortly after set at table, they fed together with great mirth, and contentment, & dinner being done, some went to play at eschets, others at tables, & some to take their rest, as seemed best unto them. But the middle of the day being come, they assembled themselves after their accustomed manner in that place whereas Possidonio & Fabricio had the 2. former days, made their discourse. And by this time Nennio being ready, they sat down without order round about him: who beholding the company, and seeing them all attentive, without any further stay, gave beginning to his discourse in these words.  
I did consider how hard a thing it is, to lay a heavier burden on a man's back then his forces are able to bear; in as much as it seldom happeneth but that the one of them doth thorough weakness fall to the ground. And therefore I feared greatly, that the like this day should not happen to myself. Seeing that if I do on the one side weigh the depth of the question that is propounded, or the difficulty of those things that might thereupon be spoken: or on the other side the weakness of my understanding, the feebleness of my memory, together with my young years, certainly not I only, but every one may in himself judge the inequality of these things.  
Whereupon it might easily come to pass, that I myself, contrary to my intent, and you, should remain unsatisfied, & the matter whereupon we are to discourse, should not be sufficiently opened unto you. But sitting in the midst of so loving a company, where there are men of better wit, and graver judgement than myself; and being moreover constrained by you, by my judgement to make peace between these two champions, I dare not refuse so weighty a matter, though my forces be over-weak, because I assure myself, that where I shall show myself feeble or wanting, that you will take order to add a supply thereunto, and if so be that I fail, you will hold me excused, & impute it to my young years. And if you hear any good thing come from me, I doubt not but you will give me favourable hearing. Wherefore my courage taking strength from this ground, I will not judge it inequal unto the burden which I bear, and under his favour who favourably giveth succour unto mortal men, I will by little and little begin my discourse.  
Worthy company. The two opinions which were these two days now past at large related, by Fabricio, and Possidonio, are manifest unto you, which you have well understood how different they are. For the one proveth Nobility to consist in blood, and in riches, and the other in the virtues of the mind. He denying blood and riches, to be any thing necessary: the other, that learning and knowledge needed not therein. In this wise they did enlarge their discourse, alleging and reproving many arguments, which both the one and the other side did make show unto the hearers to be probable: so that scarcely it may be discerned, which of them draweth nearer the troth. Yet to boult out the troth of this controversy, before we pass any further, to show what that true nobility is which we seek for, which can very hardly be done, because it is of so many different kinds. One sort thereof is derived from the glory of the blood of our ancestors, accompanied with riches, of the which Possidonio spoke sufficiently the other day. another sort proceedeth from the virtues of the mind, and of this Fabricio discoursed yesterday, with as great sharpness of wit as need to be. Of these two mingled together, and concurring in one subject, is produced another sort, which I will name compounded nobility. To these two may be added another kind which is called civil nobility. Before than that we come to determine our disputation, we will first see the substance of every one of these sorts of nobility, and I will begin with that which Possidonio defended.  
Nobility of blood (worthy Gentlemen) is no other thing but a certain quality which is derived from the blood of our ancestors, and continued in their lawful posterity, and by how much it is more ancient, by so much is it accounted more worthy amongst the vulgar sort: and albeit there be divers degrees of this nobility of blood (the one of great men, in the number of which are those that are simple barons: the other of greater personages, as Earls, Marquesses, Dukes, & such like, a third in the highest degree of supremacy above the rest, as of kings and Emperors) yet notwithstanding I will only entreat of the most inferior degree; to wit, of the nobility of those, who possess neither Earldoms, nor Baronies, as it fell out in the disputation between Possidonio and Fabricio, leaving all the other unspoken of.  
But like as a man can hardly stay his feet upon a turning wheel, so with as great difficulty may he make any abode upon this nobility, by reason that on what side soever I turn myself, I shall find it more wavering and inconstant, than the leaf which without any stay, is tossed and blown here and there with the wind.  
For so divers and of many fashions is the belief of men, touching the beginning and observance thereof, that we can scarcely discern whether it be Nobility, or rusticity.  
Insomuch as that manner of life, which we see is used by our gentlemen to conserve themselves in their nobility, and which the vulgar sort doth repute to be good, it may be in some other city it will not be accounted rusticity, the customs being different, and theirs nobility: and the like estimation will we hold of others.  
We see that in the famous and lordly city of Naples, that merchandise is separated from the exercise of noblemen, they agreeing therein with the Thebans, who in like manner did despise merchandise, and by public decree did ordain, that no merchant should execute any public office, within the city of Thebes, except he had left off the trade of merchandise the space of ten years: Which is clean contrary in the rich, and magnificent city of Venice, where not only those of the base sort, but noblemen likewise, and such as are of the number of their Senators, do use merchandise, for the which they expose their lives to a thousand dangers, & well-nigh coast the whole world. The worthiness of the blood of their predecessors, maketh a distinction between the noble and ignoble, and not their manner of vocation.  
You may see how that kind of life, which is accustomed amongst the noble men of Venice, is reputed rusticity and vile amongst the gentlemen of Naples, who hold their nobility as good, whereas the Magnificos of Venice do esteem theirs perfect, and the Neapolitans bad. What conformity do we find between the gentlemen of Rome, and the Florentines: or between those of Milan, and the gentlemen of Genova? Surely such as the former. And how manifestly the means to conserve the nobility of stately France, do differ from that of renowned and noble Italy, I think there are few which do not know it: Forsomuch as the gentlemen of France & of other countries, do live upon their lands, and hold it for rusticity to dwell in towns, & contrarily in Italy, we leave the country for clowns to inhabit, and gentlemen do commonly dwell in towns. It is a wonderful thing to consider that if a man do turn his thought into any part of the world whatsoever, he shall find no country inhabited with men where this nobility of blood, and this difference between noblemen and those of the base sort, is not: and yet notwithstanding scarce is there any nation, who both in the beginning and in the conservation thereof, do agree the one with the other. For some do deem him noble (and none other) who honoureth himself with the beams that do shine from his ancestors, placing true nobility only in blood.  
Some do affirm that he is only noble, who is endued with great riches, albeit he have no spark of noble blood in him. Others say, it consisteth jointly in blood and riches. Others make themselves and their posterity noble, in following the war, applying the same with all their endeavour, albeit (in the opinion of some men) they do descend but of base parentage. Besides, some do hold for certain, that this true nobility consisteth in those, who do wholly dispose themselves in the service of kings and princes, and of such as depend of them, as if the true glory of nobility did spring from thence.  
This especially is observed amongst noblemen, and showed by great train of servants, by rich and stately apparel, and by a certain liberal kind of life in all their actions. Others do deem that he liveth most nobly and most Lordlike, who besides the properties aforesaid, hath great store of horses to serve him. There are yet others, who do affirm that to keep hounds and Hawks, and such sorts of beasts, and every day to be a hunting, is an exercise and life above all other most fit for a Gentleman.  
Others do deem, that they maintain their nobility well, in living idly, and using nothing else but gaming. Some do think, that they lead a very honourable life if they live honestly and moderately. Some imagine that Nobility is to live in the country, as I said unto you, some to dwell in a town. Some think it to consist in merchandise; others are of a contrary opinion, that a noble man ought not to use the trade of merchandise. But who can reckon up the divers sorts of nobility? seeing that not only amongst divers nations we find, how different this nobility of blood is, as well in the beginning thereof, as in the use thereof: but even amongst those of the same country. For albeit that in France, and elsewhere, such is the custom, as I have related unto you: notwithstanding in Gallia Belgica in the province of Lionois, in Gascoine, and about Narbonne, and in other places in France, there are above three hundred sorts of life, for the conservation of their nobility, not conformable the one with the other. We see likewise the very same in the people of Spain, because the inhabitants of Arragon do not equally observe the same means to maintain their nobility as those of the kingdom of Grenado, of Castillia, of Catalonia, of Biscay, of Navarre, or of Gallicia do, much less they of the kingdom of Portugal.  
What conformity is there between the Britons, the Normans, and the flemings? What agreement between either the high or low German, and the inhabitants of Saxony? Surely none at all, because the nobility of one Nation is diversly distinguished from an other. And if we will enter into discourse of the inhabitants of the higher and lower Hungary, of England, of Austria, of Bavaria, of Valachia, or of the great and lesser Polonia, of Russia, of Muscovia, of Lithuania, we shall not find amongst those Nations, no nor scarce particularly amongst themselves any certain means from whence the Nobility of blood doth spring: nor any certain manner of life, amongst the gentlemen which doth agree together.  
And not only in the west and Northern parts, but likewise in the Easterly and Southerly, we see they do use such diversity of nobility. Forsomuch as those of that country we call Greece, do esteem the life of their Gentlemen, to be the true and proper life fit for Gentlemen: whereas the Inhabitants of the Greek islands do judge it but bad.  
What resemblance of Nobility is there between the people of Syria, of Capadocia, of Armenia, of Mesopotamia, of Media, of Persia, of Parthia, and of a number of other provinces? and returning to those who dwell in the parts of Africa, we find that they hold this nobility in great account, but the qualities and the means which they use to conserve it, are different: because the people of Mauritania are not conformable amongst themselves: nor the people of Getulia, nor of Libya Cirenensis, nor likewise they who dwell in Egypt, or in both the provinces of Aethiopia▪ or in the habitable countries of Arabia, or of India, amongst whom (albeit that in other respects they be a monstrous and cruel nation) yet have they this diversity of nobility.  
But why do I thus reckon up the habitable parts of the World? For to conclude, you shall find this diversity of the beginning and exercising of Nobility of blood so great, not as there are whole nations, but as there are people and Towns in the world.  
And that I may not wander into places so far off, we may see the same in Italy, where there is no town which I can name unto you, which is conformable unto another, in the first original and use of this nobility: if then the beginning and exercise thereof, be not one and the same, but different in every place, how is it possible for me to tell which is the best and most commendable sort thereof? Yet have I the heart to conclude this necessarily, that there is no certainty in the beginning and use of this kind of nobility, for if there were, it should carry with it constantness and stability, from the which it should take beginning, and by the which it should equally conserve itself in every country.  
Scarce was Nennio come to the conclusion of his discourse, when as master Peter Anthony, turning towards him, said merrily unto him after this manner.  
Nennio, if thou bearest any respect unto me, stay there; for albeit that it hath been very pleasing unto us, to hear of so many fashions of nobility, and of so many divers customs, as those of the countries which thou didst allege: yet notwithstanding this thy last conclusion which thou didst necessarily gather, doth not follow so easily as I think. For although that at Rome, at Venice, at Naples and elsewhere, the customs be changed (as thou sayst) and the manner of nobility, yet doth it not follow for all that, that there is no certainty thereof.  
For in Naples it is certain, and this sort of nobility which is accustomed amongst the gentlemen, is most constantly maintained there; so likewise at Venice, at Rome, and in every other place. And it is to no purpose to say that they are contrary, for neither at Naples, nor elsewhere, shalt thou find any contrariety in the observance of their nobility. Likewise if so it were, it would follow that the one should be nobility, and the other rusticity: by which thou mayst certainly judge, that there is certainty in this nobility. As for example, we see that at Venice, the same laws, or the same statutes, are not observed, which are at Naples and at Rome; for they do vary, as they may best fit and agree with the places: and yet do they seem clean contrary the one to the other: howbeit amongst the laws and statutes of Venice there is no contrariety, although they agree not, but are clean different from those of Naples. Shall we therefore say that they are not all laws? yes surely that they are: Even so may we say of all these kinds of Nobility, which albeit that either they do seem, or are indeed contrary the one to the other, yet do they not leave the name of Nobility.  
M. Peter Anthony had no sooner ended his speech, but Nennio replied after this manner.  
This certainty of Nobility, which you would have M. Peter Anthony, if we consider thereof in a separate place by itself, as it seemeth you do, that is true which you say: Whereas I affirm, that in the whole world, there is no certainty of Nobility, for the great diversity that is therein, by the which you may easily discern which is either more or less perfect, than the other: forasmuch as we find not any one sort of nobility, above mentioned, which bringeth an approved reason for the beginning thereof, or that the life and exercise of noblemen be reasonably grounded upon any certain foundation: but I find them to consist in observation without any ground, whereof I can give you no other reason, but that the vulgar sort have after their own will so appointed it, the like whereof doth not happen in laws, which although they seem or do differ the one from the other, they do all notwithstanding carry a reason for their ground: so that this your similitude can hardly hold, this nobility being without any certain principle, and without any determinate means.  
M. Peter Anthony made no other reply unto his answer, as if he had been thoroughly satisfied therewith: wherefore he preparing to follow on his discourse: M. Dominico breaking off his speech, said thus.  
Albeit that in the defence of Nobility of blood (worthy gentlemen) many reasons have been produced the other day, both by Possidonio and ourselves, by the which we went about to prove, that it was true and perfect, to the which Fabricio afterwards to show that his Nobility, and not that which Possidonio held for, was true and perfect, did with subtle reasons bravely make answer thereto, and by his arguments force himself to persuade us, that such kind of Nobility was not any way to be held of any account. Yet notwithstanding, before we pass any further, and before you give any judgement thereof Nennio: I will not forbear in confirmation of the first opinion of Possidonio, with new reasons, which now come to my remembrance, to show you, that the Nobility of blood, conjoined with riches, as a special gift coming from God, ought not only to be had in estimation, but likewise to be reverenced. And if it seemeth unto thee Fabricio, that in alleging new reasons, I should renew the enterprise begun, letting the discourse of Nennio, let not that displease thee▪ for it is not meet that any of our reasons should cause the judge to be silent, whose wisdom I am sure will thoroughly resolve thereof, though we propose sundry arguments which shall happen into our remembrance, whether it be against thee, or in thy favour.  
It shall please me well that thou return to discourse of the nobility of Possidonio: for if I be permitted to answer aswell as thou to propound, I doubt not, but that I shall refute thy arguments as I have done the rest, and that thereby the conceit of the judge, shallbe more resolved, and the end of the discourse sooner brought to pass. Say on then that, which thy memory will give thee leave. M. Dominico proceeded in this manner.  
The great Prophet David, having upon his resounding harp, with sweet accents song a divine ditty to the praise of his mercy, who was his creator, he afterwards framed another, in the which by the prophet it is manifestly seen, that the Nobility of blood in man is permitted of God, which with his own seed is transfused unto his lawful heirs, when as he saith in these words: That powerful and abundant shall his seed be on earth, and that honour, glory, and riches, shallbe in his posterity. You see how they honour the glory of man, which is no other thing then that which we term Nobility, continued in his posterity. Thou seest likewise Fabricio, how that riches are joined together with Nobility: for the Prophet doth in such sort offer them jointly together, that it seemeth that the glory and Nobility of man should be altogether imperfect, if it were deprived of riches. Whereunto notwithstanding thou wouldst in no wise consent. And it would avail thee nothing if thou wouldst say, that the prophet was lifted up into a heavenly contemplation, he could not offer temporal, but spiritual and eternal riches, and so we ought to take this text alleged spiritually.  
For if we would understand it in this manner, it should be plain against his meaning, not so much in regard, that he saith expressly, he ought to be powerful on earth, and mighty in the seed of man, and not in heaven, as for that in the same song he afterwards pursueth spiritual goods, which man may obtain; so that necessarily we ought to understand it of temporal goods.  
Likewise it appeareth manifestly by the same scripture (which as you know aught in no wise to be transgressed) that nobility doth descend from our ancestors. And likewise I remember to have read in that book (wherein the heavenly instructions of the life of man are divinely handled) a text which showeth plainly, that the glory and nobility of the son, doth depend of the honour of the father, who if he be deprived thereof, the son likewise shallbe dishonoured. Thou seest how the nobility, and ignobility of man descendeth from his ancestors, as Possidonio affirmed.  
And in another place the same author charitably doth admonish us, that we are to praise no man before his death, because he is known in his children, intending thereby, that the honour and glory of man, remaineth with his posterity after his departure out of this life. Truly Fabricio, these are authorities, which can hardly be avoided, besides the which I could yet allege an infinite number like unto these.  
M. Dominico was no sooner come to the end of his speech, but Fabricio like unto a brave warrior, who left nothing untried, which might serve for resistance, and his own defence, opposing himself against him, said thus.  
These your authorities, M. Dominico, are not so hard to be withstood, as it seemeth at the first they are: for if we rest upon the literal sentence, I do not deny but the prophet understandeth that which you say, but I know that you are not ignorant, that it is necessary for us that are christians, to expound the holy scripture, not according unto the sound of the words, lest we easily incur the like blame which the obstinate jews (against their wills) fell into, but according to the spiritual sense. King David then (intending by his comfortable song, to persuade man that he should be happy if he feared God in his commandments) what blessings did he offer him? Children, honour, and riches, perhaps, but not certainly: for the reward of those who fear God, is to abound in earthly things.  
But how many Priests and Monks are there which are deprived of children, and of the honour of the world? How many are there, who in hermitages do live an austere kind of life? How many begging Friars are there, wanting wealth? And how many are there, who have vowed their chastity to God for the belief they have in him? Certainly the number is infinite. And notwithstanding, they have been judged worthy of God's favour, and numbered amongst saints. So I do judge him to fear God more, who holdeth his virginity dear, and offereth the same unto him with a free heart. Who flieth from the honours and vanities of the world, and distributeth his goods to the poor. The works of mercy then, are the seed of the merciful man, and of him that feareth God, and not his children, which seed shall be mighty on earth as is promised. And he who for the fear of God, shall despise the honour and riches of the world, without doubt he shall obtain celestial glory with eternal riches:  
In like sort ought we to understand the last authority alleged by you, which seemeth to intend, that man is known in his children: for hardly shall we know him that departeth this world, without leaving any issue. We shall know him indeed in his children, that is to say, by his fruits, for if he hath sown good fruit, in this mortal life, we may certainly judge, that he shall receive better fruit in the life to come. To the other text I answer: that the author in his book, discoursing of precepts (no less full of Divinity than comfort) admonisheth us (amongst other things) that we take good heed, that we boast not of our father's shame, because our glory dependeth on the honour of our father. Intending thereby (according unto reason) to teach us, that who so mocketh his father, mocketh himself. And that is true in itself, but not that which the sound of his words showeth unto us.  
Master Dominico did perceive that Fabricio had nothing else to say in his defence, & did willingly receive his answer, which he had made on the sudden, which was so much the more pleasing unto the company, as forsaking the exposition of the letter, he drew near to the sense of the troth. But Nennio (as one to whom the troth of their propositions and answers was well known) was not pleased that any of them should intermeddle in answering and replying. Wherefore passing on further, he entered in this manner to his discourse again.  
Howsoever it be Fabricio, this nobility of blood, by the vulgar sort is held in the highest estimation above any other: forsomuch as they do repute those to be true Noblemen, who are descended of a noble family, so that if any mention be made amongst them of Nobility, they understand not nobility of mind, but nobility of blood. Which maketh great in favour of Possidonio, for this word Noble, being simply spoken by the courteous Lady, seeing that we are in doubt thereof, we ought to take it as it is received by the common voice.  
But that I may no longer entertain you here with Possidonio, we will pass on with Fabricio, to the other sort of nobility, for the which he hath played the stout warrior.  
That is not like unto the former esteemed of any worth, by the vulgar sort, but by men of learning, and such as are well brought up, it is highly accounted of, and greatly reverenced, and it consisteth in the virtues of the mind.  
For nobility of the mind, is no other thing, but a shining brightness which proceedeth from virtue, which maketh them famous and Noble that are possessed therewith, of the excellency and perfection whereof how amply Fabricio did discourse, is well known unto you: for in discoursing thereof yesterday, with such arguments as came into his mind, he entertained us until the evening. And surely I find it neither so divers, nor so changeable, nor so unconstant as the other, but it is always, and every where, after one fashion, certain and stable. It only taketh beginning from virtue, and with good and virtuous actions is conserved. Whereupon some do call it perfect nobility, because it standeth in need neither of blood, nor of the riches of other men.  
How may that be (quoth one of the Ladies of the company) who with a witty readiness opposed herself against him) that it needeth not riches, seeing that they are not only necessary unto the nobility of blood, but to this likewise, whereof you speak, as it seemeth unto me.  
For as Possidonio did the other day relate unto us, no man can attain unto any degree of virtue or nobility, except riches do make a breach and way unto him.  
And who knoweth not, that if any wise or learned man, for want of wealth went ill appareled, that he should not be accounted as a noble man? You may see then how riches are necessary unto the Nobility of the mind.  
The young Lady having ended her speech, Nennio made this answer unto her.  
Put case Madam that it were true, that a man cannot attain unto virtue or nobility, without riches, notwithstanding I speak not of the means to become noble: for according as you consider them, riches are nothing else, but the means by the which the will of man is put in execution: but it is of nobility itself, that I talk. For after that man hath ennobled his mind with virtue, and driven from thence all vice, what need hath he of riches? What hurt receiveth he if he cover not his body, if it be not set forth with gorgeous apparel? it may be Madam, that a mean, honest, and modest attire, doth not only amongst the better sort of men, but even amongst the common people, give no less grace to one that is become noble, in this manner, than an embroidered, lascivious, and laced garment, doth set forth your noble man of the other sort.  
So that if we will effectually comprehend the true essence of man, and with a right eye consider his qualities, he should cast off all his ability, deprive himself of honour, forsake the goods of fortune, lay aside his costly apparel, and so we ought to behold naked, not his body, but his mind, of what calling soever he be of, as Diogenes and others did, of whom Fabricio did speak yesterday. Thus shall we know whether he be noble, or ignoble; good or evil, if in regard of his Nobility, he hath need of that which is his own, or of that which other men possessed: when we see him not vainly set forth with fair apparel, and rich pomp, we shall deem him noble: for if a stock, in form of a man, were clad with them, should we judge it noble? whosoever would think so, had no judgement of a man. Which wise Themistocles did plainly teach us Madam, who being asked to whom he would give his daughter to wife, whether to a man adorned with virtue, but poor; or to a rich man destitute of virtue: he said, I had rather a man wanting wealth, than riches that had need of a man. I say then, that riches are to no use unto him, whose mind is endued with nobility, so that he be not wholly deprived of them; for he should rather want meat, than apparel. But returning to our purpose, I do consider, that he in whose reverence all living creatures do humbly bow themselves, having created the earth, only in giving it being, he bountifully beautified it with divers plants (as we may see every where) unto the which (besides their being) he gave nothing else but life.  
Afterwards he created those living creatures, which we call brute, or unreasonable, the which do far and near walk in the sea, in the earth, and in the air, and to them he gave life and sense.  
Finally, God framed man unto his likeness, to whom he granted not only being, life, and sense; but he added reason thereunto, which is a peculiar gift unto man. Man being then partaker of all these qualities, in which of them shall we place true Nobility? certainly not in being, nor in life (for that should be common with the earth and with the plants.) Much less in sense (for then should we make brute beasts noble.) Wherefore we will then necessarily say, that true and perfect nobility of man, consisteth only in that part, which maketh man different from beasts; and that is reason, by the which he is called a reasonable creature, and the other unreasonable, as I said unto you. He then who leadeth this mortal life swerving from reason, is not to be accounted nor called Noble, albeit that he descend of noble blood: For albeit he hath the outward shape of a man, being deprived of the most Noble part, which God hath given unto man (I mean reason) he remaineth without doubt to be reckoned amongst unreasonable creatures, and to be compared unto beasts: which being not partakers of reason, do lead their life according as their sense teacheth them. And who knoweth not this, that man casting away so noble a gift, can never attain unto the sovereign Nobility of his last end? He then that submitteth the operations of his mind unto reason, and knoweth well how to distinguish it from sensuality is a right and perfect gentleman.  
M. Peter Anthony taking the speech upon him, said thus: Seeing that it is lawful for us with new reasons to fortify either side of the defendants, I will not forbear to let you hear, that which I have called to mind, in favour of Fabricio, which being said, he proceeded in this manner.  
Hereby worthy gentlemen, is showed the excellency of the nobility of the mind, that one thing is more noble and excellent than another, by how much the subject thereof is excellent and Noble: Now the subject of this Nobility, is far more noble and worthy than the nobility of blood, because it proceedeth of virtues: therefore the nobility of the mind is much more excellent and noble than the nobility of blood. And not only in consideration of the subject, it is more perfect than the other, but likewise in the regard of the object, because it is always seen to remain in a more worthy and virtuous object; that is to say, in a man well borne, prudent and wise. Whereas the other may be in a most vile object. Forasmuch as if of noble blood, a foolish, or mad child be engendered: notwithstanding amongst the vulgar sort, he is accounted one amongst noble men. How many are there sprung of a worthy family, who become robbers in the high way, murderers, thieves, slanderers, and finally enemies to themselves? Ought we to account such noblemen, because they descend of noble parents? God forbid, for considering the vileness of their mind, they ought to be judged not only ignoble, but more base and abject, than any other unreasonable creature, although that the common sort being deceived, do hold them in the rank of noblemen. What nobility shall we account that woman to be of, who drawing her nobility from a worthy stock, doth repute herself noble, and notwithstanding making small account of her honour, doth villainously give her body and life in prey, to delight those to whom she ought not to have yielded?  
What Nobility is there in those children, who in their swaddling clouts descended of a noble stock, are no sooner come into the world, but they are esteemed of noble blood, and yet are neither capable of virtue nor reason? surely none at all. You may then perceive, in considering both the subject, and the object of the nobility of the mind, how great likewise the excellency, and the perfection thereof is. And to proceed further upon this matter: I find that even Fortune sometimes hath her part in this Nobility of blood, conjoined with riches: for if myself and you were ●orne of a Noble family, and those of base parents, or that we be by birth rich, and they poor, what glory, what Nobility, what praise, ought we to attribute to ourselves? and what profit, or what fault, (or rather what defect) are we to impute unto them? Truly none at all; seeing that they have committed no offence, and we are not advanced thorough our riches. The glory then, and the fault ought to be attributed unto fortune, who governeth worldly matters, as it pleaseth her, and not unto us: whereas the Nobility of the mind, is not in subjection, nor slavery; but free, and out of all humane peril: and he which by his own virtues, becometh noble, shall have the honour, and the glory thereof, and not fortune, nor his ancestors, nor any other whosoever.  
Here M. Peter Anthony broke off his speech without saying any more. Wherefore Nennio taking the discourse upon him, said thus.  
Certainly to fortify this side, concerning the nobility of the mind, no less delightful, then true reasons do still offer themselves; as amongst others, that which I now remember: forasmuch as I esteem that he ought to be adjudged perfect, who hath no need of any other: now the nobility of the mind is of that sort, therefore it is perfect. The like whereof cannot be said of the Nobility of blood: for if it were perfect, it should have no need of riches, which (according to thy saying the other day Possidonio) are not only an ornament, but a part of Nobility. Which is more than true: for now adays, a man can hardly converse amongst gentlemen and great Lords, but that he shallbe mocked of every one, if he be not rich, and hath not wherewithal to spend of his own, or at the least if he be not well clad in apparel: which things are in this our age not smally set by. It followeth then, that blood is not sufficient of itself alone, to make a perfect nobleman. And we cannot with reason name that perfect nobility, which proceedeth from thence, as being subject to that which is very inconstant. Wherefore we will say, that if the noble man by birth wanteth riches, he shall likewise want nobility: which conclusion Possidonio thou didst affirm in thy discourse to be true. And in truth it is come to pass at this day, when as the noble born doth excercise some craft, or handiwork, that is vile and derogating from nobility: But how poor soever a man is, that is born of noble blood, I would not judge that he should become ignoble, thorough poverty, albeit that he had not the same renown, and reputation, with men of this age, as he that is both noble and rich. here-hence it cometh, that many descending of a high lineage, giving themselves to some vile exercise, have darkened, and wholly lost their nobility, so that they are no more esteemed of the blood of Noble men, but reckoned amongst the common sort. here-hence it proceedeth likewise, that amongst many being of one family, some are reputed noble, and others ignoble. You may see then, how corporal and base exercise, doth bring contempt unto the nobility of blood, and convert it into his contrary. We must then conclude, that virtue only is necessary therein. For a noble man by blood, who is deprived of virtue, is made no otherwise, then as a sepulchre of white marble, enriched with fine gold, which at the first show is pleasant to the sight of those, that behold it: but considering afterwards the rotten body, and filthy stinch, that is within it, it seemeth unto them hideous and horrible. Such a one is he who is descended of noble blood, for at the first sight he seemeth gracious, & pleasing, but looking afterwards to the foul corruption of his manners, and to the default of the gifts of his mind, by which he should become worthy, neither this grace, nor the pleasure which was found therein, is any more seen, but in steed thereof baseness, and deep contempt. Whereof he may be called noble in appearance by the which the common people (whose eyes are blinded, that they cannot see the truth) do lightly judge, and hold him as a noble man, which is far different from him, whose mind is fraught with virtues, because that he holdeth not an appearance of true Nobility, but the very essence thereof.  
Nennio made no stay, but still followed on his discourse, when as the Lady Camilla who was desirous to hear an end of their controversy (which it may be she gathered by the last words uttered by Nennio) turning towards him, with a pretty grace, according to her wont, and yet with somewhat a hasty spirit, she said these words unto him.  
Thou concludest already Nennio, that Possidonio is he that shall lose the wager, seeing that his nobility is apparent, and not true.  
You are very hasty Madam (quoth Nennio) to desire to hear the sentence before time require, and before the rest of the company: for in that discourse which now we do make to approve, or disallow of the two sorts of Nobility, both the one and the other opinion is fortified, as you may have understood, with more pregnant reasons, so much there wanteth that I intent not as yet so soon to descend to the determining of the question, seeing that we have so great time left us. Let it not then displease you to stay a little, and to hearken unto me.  
Both to stay and to hear you likewise, shall please me well, answered the young Lady: but yet it seemed unto me that you intended as much as I said unto you.  
Nennio replied: Madam, I pray you have patience a little, and be attentive unto my speech, until I have ended it: for I doubt not, but you shall with the rest be satisfied with my judgement. The young lady being appeased, Nennio taking the discourse upon him, began to speak in this wise.  
Nobility of blood indeed is apparent, but he which is deprived of virtue, is hardly esteemed to shine amongst men, with the glory of his blood only, which commonly bringeth forth ignorance, whereupon followeth afterwards contemptible pride. For so soon as the light of man's understanding is occupied with ignorance, whereby it is let, that it cannot enter into the truth of things, man cannot consider, that any is more wise, or more learned than himself, but becometh proud, in such sort that through ignorance, he is made bold, insolent, and rash, easily contemning all manner of virtue, of science, and of manners, groping in the dark, like unto a blind man.  
Of which company it seemeth, that the world at this day, is but too plentiful, seeing that every where ye shall find those who foolishly deem themselves to be mounted to the highest degree of Nobility, whereas indeed, they are at the lowest step thereof, in that they have no care to ennoble themselves any further, but wretchedly despise all those, who do learn any science, and do follow virtue, and they disdain men of noble conditions, and consequently those who are more worthy than themselves. Of these I intent to speak, who waxing proud of their blood, have the eyes of their understanding blinded with a gross and thick vail of ignorance, who would judge the Lord God, if he were to descend upon earth again.  
O foolish sect of mortal men! I cannot truly imagine to what end they lead so miserable a life, not tasting of the sweetness of virtue, from whence springeth all Nobility. Were it not far better for man that might taste thereof, and will not, that he were deprived of life? yes surely. If then they live without any reason, what difference shall we make between them, who esteem themselves chief amongst other noble men, and the base sort of men, nay rather between them and beasts? I can hardly find it. For all do equally follow the service of the frail flesh, setting aside eternal things.  
Ought these men to wax proud in this sort, who conversing with wise courtiers, or with other men deserving estimation, where they discourse of knowledge, of history, or of any other worthy virtue, do become worse than beasts, and sometimes do resemble images of Marble?  
As it happened the other day, that being in company with certain Lords (with some of you that are here present) where there were men of great learning, and skill: and amongst them some of those who brag so greatly of their Nobility, we discoursed a great while both of haughty, and mean matters: and intending to pass the middle of the day, in jests and disports, we set abroach certain tales, which seemed so much the more pleasing unto us, as they were far from the truth: but these noble men did marvelously wonder at them: As the tale of the ape of India, that played so well at chess, & this other, that in the midst of the river Tabor men's words do freeze, & afterwards thaw when they come to the fire. Every one that had any quick capacity, invented some fable or other, but these noble Lords (who feared to set their foot on ground, and to put off their hat for marring their hair) being present there in company (as I told you) were in the like taking, (understanding of such great wonders) as the people when they heard the holy friar preach unto them, the fasting, virginity, simplicity and holiness, of the blessed soul of sir Chapellet: and two of them hearkened to our tales with like attention, as Callandrine did, when he understood the discourse of the wonderful virtues of Elitropa: I was very desirous at that time, to add unto the former stories, the miracle which happened to Callandrine himself, when he was gotten with child by his wife, which made them all to stand amazed.  
Many other pleasant tales we told, which being ended, some one of the company said, yea it is true, I remember it well, and it was about that age of the world, when as Oxen did speak, which he had no sooner said, but one of these great Noblemen did ask him, saying: Then oxen spoke in times past. Whereunto the other being a young man of a sharp wit said, yes sir; but might we understand their speech, quoth the noble man? yes my good lord, quoth he, and they oftentimes sung in company with men, and that with so sweet melody, that their music seemed to surpass the harmony of the religious Nuns of Agnus Dei of Padova. I cannot well tell you how great the laughter was, which was continued so much the more, that in laughing he was so amazed, that for a long time he held his mouth awry, wondering greatly at those things he had heard. Truly the ignorance of them is so great and gross, that it depriveth them of their understanding, that it maketh them like unto brute beasts: as by an example which happened the other day, I will better give you to understand. For coming to church with certain of my friends to hear mass, one of these worthy lords (whose name for some respect I will not utter) sat next unto me, even at the very instant when they lifted up that which they call the body of Christ, and he hearing that I said Adoramus te Christ, he demanded of me what these words duramus te Christo signified: but I understanding his demand answered him fitly to the purpose: afterwards he asked me what the sacrament which the priest lifted up with his two hands, and the chalice did signify, and what was the cause that when he lifteth it up, we use to beat our breast and our mouth with our hand: many such foolish questions he asked me, more fitter for Pagans and Saracens, then for Christians. In regard of the which, if before I accounted him for half a man, I now held him no better than a beast. And if you ask me if he were a child, I answer, that though his demands were childish: yet did he exceed all of us in age.  
Do you believe that he is (I say not only a Gentleman but that which is more) a Christian, although that his head was washed with the holy water of Baptism? Do you repute him a Gentleman, because he is descended of Gentlemen? God forbid that he should so much as be accounted a man.  
Neither will I yet keep secret from you, that which happened of late (although in Honour I should not declare it unto you) for one of these Noblemen intending to cause a gown of Satin to be made for his Wife, he brought the Tailor into the house where the stuff lay ready upon the table; and as the Tailor was about to chawlke out the compass of it, the gentleman (whose name I will not discover or make known) causing his Wife to stand up, said unto the Tailor? Sirrah, where wilt thou begin to take measure of her, before, or behind: the Tailor who was more discreet than the Nobleman, perceiving his foolish demand, said unto him; my Lord, I must begin to take measure on the sides: the Lady was ashamed thereat, and holding down her head, blushed to see his folly.  
Now do you think that such men are to be called Noble, although that they descend of a noble stock, and that their apparel is thick laid on with lace? I should rather judge them deprived of nobility: you may see into what manifest ignorance nobility of blood causeth a man to fall, whereof afterwards pride is engendered.  
Here Nennio paused a while, and afterwards proceeded further in this sort.  
Yea? this nobility of blood is not only cause of pride, and ignorance, but of unsufferable evil, and inevitable loss. How often hath there been cruel war between the people of Rome? How many Nations hath been raised in arms? How much blood hath been shed through the continual dissensions which grew between the noble men and the common people? Surely very much, for the pride of noble men against the commonalty, was grown to that height, & the desire which they had to increase their wealth, by the occupation of that which belonged unto other men was so great, that the common people oftentimes did remain in more safety in waging war abroad, than they did in peace with the nobility at home, who handled them as their capital enemies, by which actions they had not only brought the common people of Rome to extreme poverty, but all Italy: whereof did follow civil war, and that because they did usurp both the goods and lands of the commonalty: whereof did spring the law Agraria, which did forbid, that no man, whether he were noble, or of the common sort, should hold more land than a pair of oxen could plough in five hundred days: and that the enemy's lands should be divided amongst the people. Which law did so displease the nobility, that they conducted their armies even to the extreme limits of Italy; and Tiberius Gracchus (succeeding as Tribune of the people) to favour that law, the Roman liberty was clean overthrown. For thereof did arise such great hatred, that they came to arms, and to blood, without measure: whereupon the people reposed themselves upon Marius, and the nobility upon Scylla; who after most cruel war remained conqueror.  
And the same disdains, and inward enmity, renewing between the Nobility and the commonalty, in the time of Cesar and Pompey, the one making himself the leader of Marius his side, the other taking part with Scylla as their chief conductor: whereof did follow infinite and cruel slaughters, Cesar in the end being victorious, who was the first tyrant of Rome.  
What shall I say of the bloody butchery, which following after the sudden death of Asellius (Praetor of Rome) who was set in that authority to reform the insatiable usuries which were so increased in the city, by the rich and mighty, that the people entered into despair, and with great fury did break down the Images of Scylla, and of Pompey, which were so hateful unto them? Grievous likewise were the dissensions, which did spring in the famous City of Athens, between the noblemen and the people, during that which Cassandra was established by the nobility, chief of the faction against the commonalty, Polipercon being their leader: who not without great slaughter did drive Cassandra into Macedonia, so that the people as conquerors remained at liberty. Whereupon they did condemn the principal persons of the contrary faction to death, and did banish others the city, amongst whom, Demetrius Phalerius was one, and Photion that great captain of theirs: who (albeit that his virtues were judged worthy of all human glory and praise) yet came he to be so hateful unto the common people, that even until his death they denied him burial.  
How grievous the hatred is which groweth by wicked oppressions, made by the nobility against the commonalty, they only do know who have made trial thereof. That which happened unto Fabius, being Consul, may make good proof hereof, for he extremely oppressing the people, had in such sort inflamed their grievous hatred against him, the Roman army buckling with their enemies, and holding the victory for certain and undoubted, the soldiers rather resolved to deprive themselves of the victory, then to give him cause of triumph. far worse than this happened to Appius Claudius, (a capital enemy of the people) for he holding the Consulship in the war against the Volsques; the soldiers rather gave him triumph of dishonour then of victory, turning their backs to their enemy. And here I will declare unto you the end of this Appius Claudius, who was wont to call a most vile prison which was in Rome, the habitation of the Roman people, but the name was not agreeable to the effect, for by the appointment of the Tribune of the people, he was shut up in that prison amongst thieves, and murderers, and there put to death. But why do I speak only of Appius Claudius, seeing that it hath always remained as a natural and hereditary instinct to that family, with mortal hatred to pursue the commons, so that the chiefest of that house, were in continual dissension with the officers that were for the people.  
By this you see, that the Nobility of blood, is not only cause of pride and ignorance, but of most cruel slaughters and mortal hatred.  
Nennio gathered this last conclusion of his speech, and afterward he followed on in this manner.  
The nobility of blood (most worthy gentlemen) besides the calamities afore spoken of, doth engender a kind of envy, that still gnaweth in the hearts of noble men: for they seeing some amongst the common sort, deservedly advanced to honour and dignity, through their singular value & virtue, immediately there ariseth in their heart intolerable envy, which doth eat and consume them, as the sun doth the snow. Of such vigour was the envy which increased in the hearts of the Roman nobility, when as they saw Gn. Flavius, whose father was a Libertine, created Praetor of the people, in regard whereof, they laid away their golden rings, and their trappings of their horses, which were marks of nobility, which they were want to do, when they were sad and sorrowful. And on a time the same Gn. Flavius being Praetor, going to visit his colleague who was sick, he met there many gentlemen of Rome, amongst the which one of them (in regard he was born of base parentage) moved not himself to do him honour as Praetor, and their superior, whereof he made no account, but commanded that the chair wherein the greatest and most worthy officers of Rome were carried through the city, should be brought unto him, and afterwards caused it to be placed before the gate of the palace, to the end that none of the gentlemen should issue forth, but they should even in despite see him set in that chair, into the which none of them did ever ascend. Envy likewise did cruelly afflict the hearts of the Roman nobility, when as they saw Ventidius Bassus, of whom Fabricio did speak yesterday, of a base hackney man, to be mounted to the dignity of a Tribune, to the degree of Praetor, to be created Summus Pontifex, and finally to be made Consul, in such sort that they made verses upon the baseness of his birth.  
But do I say only that the noble men are envious over the common people, when as it doth with great vehemency find place even amongst themselves? Envy was the cause of the horrible wars which did grow between Cornel-Scilla, Marius, and Cinna, which were most noble men: between Cesar and Pompey, who were Patriciens of Rome (of whom I did make mention of late) and of many more worthy Roman Consuls, of whom the ancient histories are replete.  
Envy, which did proceed from the nobles, did bring Pompey after his Empires and triumphs, to remain in his house, or in his Grange, he seldom daring to show himself publicly abroad. Q. Metellus showed the hatred which he did bear unto Q. Pompeius, when as he saw that after he had brought both of the countries of Spain into subjection, Pompey succeeded him, which was most odious unto him. For he licenced the greater part of the soldiers to depart, caused the victuals to be spoiled, the weapons of the army to be broken, did forbid that any man should give the Elephant's meat: and to conclude, left not any thing wherewith Pompey might defend himself against the enemies.  
So great was the envy which possessed the mind of Cato of Utica, because that Cesar had in Egypt defeated the partakers of Pompey, who were fled into Africa after his death, that he slew himself in Utica. Envy likewise moved Themistocles that valiant captain, to persecute that worthy and just Aristides, both of them being noble men of Athens. But why do I so enlarge my discourse, to recount to you so many ancient histories.  
Turn your eyes (if you so please) upon every town, and every place of the world, inhabited by noble men, and those of the common sort; and you shall find no place exempt, where there is not rooted amongst noble men one with another, amongst the nobility & the commonalty, hatred, persecution, envy, ambition, ignorance, and pride. These are the fruits which nobility of blood do give to the mind, which likewise doth not bring any other grace to the body, because it nei●her maketh them more fair nor more lively, nor more strong, nor more witty, nor more advised, nor more apt than other men who are borne of base blood: forsomuch as therein nature worketh equally, and not the nobility of blood.  
Certainly (quoth Master john Francisco) it seemeth that it bringeth forth in all places, not only unsavoury fruit, but most venomous and noisome.  
A bad root (answered M. Dominico) cannot produce good fruit: now nobility of blood being brought into the world of a malicious root, what goodness can it yield? Surely none at all.  
M. Io. Francisco said, what is that root so dangerous and venomous, whence nobility of blood proceedeth?  
I would tell you (quoth he) but that I should displease Nennio, in interrupting him.  
It shall not displease me, answered Nennio, to hear you, so that you do promise me, to tell us from whence the root of this Nobility of blood doth proceed, upon which condition it shall please me well to have your opinion, so that you may boldly go forwards: that being said, M. Dominico turning himself towards M. john Francisco, began to speak in this manner.  
It is an evident matter, that the great Architect of the world, created man, pure, simple, not spotted with vice, and perfectly good, but it is not to be believed that he made him either noble or ignoble: Man then himself was the inventor and beginner of this Nobility. He being cause thereof, Nobility began in the first age, to be noted in those (and they were esteemed Noble) who either by force or fraud, did surmount others.  
Cain the first man who was borne in the world, did overcome his brother Abel and slew him, and he was the first who by deceit and cruelty did usurp the name of Nobility, in that through furious audacity, he brought other men into subjection, whereupon he was equally honoured and reverenced by them, and reputed honourable, more than any other. After him did succeed Enoch Irad, and others, who descending from Cain (that proud murderer and usurper of other men's goods, & so consequently noble) they were likewise esteemed noble. But Seth the third brother of Cain (a just and good man, and the first in the world who called on the name of God) he was not so much esteemed, and reputed amongst men, but was adjudged of a soft nature, abject and vile, with all his posterity: and by this means, nobility took beginning.  
By succession of time, it pleased the great governor of heaven, and of earth, for the wickedness which were generally committed on the earth, corrupted by man, who made no account of God, to destroy the world, by the opening of waters, of fountains, of the depth, yea of the water gates of heaven: which he would not first close up, or stop, before that every living soul was destroyed except Noah, who was so highly in his favour, with the family of those that did descend of Seth the ignoble. Of this Noah afterwards, amongst others, did Cham descend, who showed himself unreverent, and wicked towards his father; Nemrod did succeed, of his Line a man very mighty, and puissant, and full of wickedness. He gave the first beginning to the accursed vice of Tyrannous dominion, and by Tyranny he ruled the kingdom of Babylon, of Arad, & others: Whereupon thorough his might and tyranny, being become king, he was adjudged most noble. Now great men grew to such temerity, that they constrained those, who at that time were rude and gross, not only to repute them as noble, but to adore them as Gods.  
Hereupon their heirs and successors were in a manner esteemed as demi-gods. And so the opinions of the first men (who to make a nobleman, did ground themselves upon murder and cruelty, and in tyrannising over the people) did as it were from hand to hand, in such sort extend their dominion, that we may truly conclude, that Nobility of blood proceedeth even from the first age of the world, from this general root.  
The generations of men being increased in the world, and kingdoms possessed, it was the pleasure of kings and princes, that they who did most of all content them and fitted their humours best, should be separated from the common people, in giving them especial privileges, graces, and pre-eminences, which were not granted to the vulgar sort: Wherefore, they and their successors were held by the first people of the world, as men well pleasing God, and because they were severed from the multitude, and reverenced more than others, they were called Notable, which is as much as Noble. And for this cause the men of the world, being extremely desirous of honour, and of glory; and seeing that such was the means to become noble, many (to the end they might obtain this glory of nobility) did seek to become pleasing unto kings, and Princes. Some in showing themselves cruel murderers of their enemies, others in boldly ransacking the people, others to gratify their prince, did give them either their wife or their daughter in prey: some to delight him, did feed him with dishonest pleasures, others with flattery, with treason, with money, & with other horrible wickedness, and wretched devices, to win his favour, by the which they did afterwards obtain privileges of Nobility for themselves, and their posterity. This is the birth M. john Francisco, this is the beginning, from whence the Nobility of blood did first spring, this is the path, this is the means, by the which they did so easily mount up to the sovereign degree of Nobility. From hence it grew, from hence noble men had their creation. And if we would enter into consideration of the behaviour, the customs, the manner of life of Noblemen of this age, surely we should find them wrapped in vanities, in robberies, in cruelties, in treasons, in wantonness, in gaming, and many other mischiefs; so hard a thing it is for them to shake off this their first nature. And so strong was the opinion of men, to place nobility in cruelty, in robbery, in wrong, that not only they did repute those noble, who were most fierce, and most faithless, but even amongst unreasonable creatures, they did hold, and do yet at this day, account those most noble, which are most cruel, most ravenous, most to be dreaded, most fierce, most horrible, and most hurtful to mankind. As amongst birds, the Eagle, the Grifon, the Faulkon: amongst beasts of the earth, the Lion, the Dragon, the Tiger, the Leopard, the Bear, the Wolf, the wild Boar, the Serpent: amongst the fish of the Sea, the Whale, the Dolphin, and such like. Ancient men of that age, did believe, the very same of trees: for the most unfruitful, and those that did bring least commodity unto man, they did not only esteem them most Noble, but they did even consecrate them unto the Gods. As the leaved Oak to jupiter, the green Laurel to Apollo, the high Cypress, to Pluto, the blooming Myrrh to Venus, the embracing ivy unto Bacchus, and others unto other gods.  
We see the ensigns which by antiquity have been attributed unto the gods, that they do even show their cruelty, their force, and violence, forasmuch as they give thunder to jupiter: to Mars a Lance, a Triple fork to Neptune; a sharp axe unto Bacchus, to Hercules a club, to Saturn a Sith, which use hath extended itself unto noble men, because they have chosen in their shields the most cruel and fierce beasts, which can be imagined: for this man beareth in his arms the ravenous Eagle, that other the fierce Lion, some one the strong Bull, another the Lion, and the Eagle together: some the fearful Bear, others the Hind, some Castles, others mountains, this man a Tower, that man a Hill, some Chains, some Fire, all being hurtful instruments unto man: and this only to show their proud minds, and haughty thoughts. By this than we may see, even at this day, not only how perverse and wicked the beginning of nobility is, but even the life and mind of noble men.  
Master Peter Anthony taking the speech upon him said: Yea but I have seen in many places the arms of noble men, which did neither denote fierceness nor cruelty, but were only beautified with roses, violets, flowers, stars, croissants, and some of them were only distinguished by divers colours.  
True it is (quoth Master Dominico) but those arms ought not to be adjudged neither so ancient, nor so noble, neither do they set forth such warlike, and worthy actions as those I spoke of.  
You may now see Madam Camilla, whether I had any thing to say, or no, against the nobility of blood, albeit the other day, you did judge me to take part with Possidonio, and did threaten me, because I did in favour of nobility of blood, allege some reasons against Fabricio.  
Certainly (quoth she) you are this day worthy of your hire, and in reward of that which you have spoken, the penalty you did incur the other day shall be forgiven you.  
I shall then (quoth Master Dominico) live assured, & out of all suspicion, seeing that you do absolve me. Without passing any further, Nennio entering again into his discourse, proceeded in this manner.  
Albeit that rule, and tyranny over other, Master Dominico, gave cause in those first ages (as it doth yet at this day) that the Lord, and the tyrant, be reverenced of the people, and by that means become noble, yet we ought not to believe, that nobility is only grown by that means, for I do find that many, and divers have been the causes of the beginning thereof.  
Men being greatly multiplied upon the earth, and nations divided after that renewing of the world, their life was licentious, and lawless, and the greater part of them did increase, inclining to evil, whereof murders, violence, and robberies did grow on every side, and there was no bridle for the wickedness of man. Whereupon all men were molested, and troubled, whether they were good, or bad: For the establishment then of some means to restrain these loose people, to the end that good men might live assured, and the wicked be punished according to their deserts, men did join together and did choose for their Prince, amongst those that were good, the most wise, the most prudent, the most just, and of most understanding, to whom they did submit themselves, and gave full power to punish outrageous excess, and wicked deeds, which might here after happen, and condignly to recompense good men.  
From thence man was first called noble, (that is to say notable in virtue above others. And the most part of the men of that age, growing rude of wit, gross of understanding, without judgement, and without any ornament of life, they who in understanding, in judgement, and in politic virtue, did surpass others, were separated from the ignorant people, and so consequently made noble: whose issue (that they might not degenerate but conserve themselves in the reputation, and nobility of their ancestors) did strive to follow their steps and virtue. Whereupon they were enrolled in the register of noblemen, and from thence by succession it cometh, that nobility did descend to their posterity.  
It happened often that towns were oppressed by tyrants, assieged by potentates, and the people extremely oppressed: Wherefore a law was made, that whosoever could deliver the common wealth from so many oppressions, he & his successors, should be numbered amongst noblemen: and by this means, many showing the generosity and value of their courage, became noble in this manner.  
You see three mighty causes, from the which nobility did spring, by the which it doth clearly appear, that it descendeth from the virtues of the mind, riches likewise hath been the cause to make men noble. Moreover many in becoming tyrants, and violently bringing others into subjection, have made that the original of their nobility, as by you M. Dominico hath been said. These are the principal beginnings of nobility, from hence noblemen did first spring: so that the virtues of the mind, tyranny, and riches, were the first means and way to attain to nobility.  
The company was so intentive to hear, and their memory & understanding so settled upon Nennio, that they had almost lost the remembrance of themselves when as suddenly the heard they trampling of horses, galloping of coursers, knocking & opening of gates, wherefore our senses being awaked, our backs turned, and we looking towards the garden gates, infinitely desiring to know who they were, we might see two of their servants who brought us certain word of other company that were newly come, who had expressly taken their journey thither, to visit us, whereof some of them were straightly joined unto us by kindred, others by friendship: who had brought their hounds with them, to pass the rest of the day merrily with us, in hunting. But after they saw us sitting circlewise round about Nennio, under the shadow of sweet smelling orange trees, after they had saluted us, not without some wonder, they demanded what the cause might be, that we sat round about in that fashion, and what play we were at, but seeing nothing about us fit for any pastime, it may be (quoth they) you are set to tell tales. Wherefore we having in as few words as we could, told them the success of the matter in question, and how that the two days before were spent in the same discourse, with a singular contentment of the whole company: They understanding the matter we entreated of, did as it were envy us, and were not a little discontented that they had not been there at the beginning. So they changing their former determination, and little caring for hunting, it pleased them better to stay with us, then to withdraw us from our enterprise begun, and almost ended, they contenting themselves with the conclusion, and end of the question, to remedy that which they had lost in hearing the beginning, and midst thereof. Wherefore they being set and placed amongst us, as conveniently as they might, we turned our looks, our ears, and our minds towards Nennio, who seeing us set in as good order as we were before, without any further stay added these words following unto his former speech.  
If the noble men which do live at this day, Master Dominico, do use such violences, such thefts, such lasciviousness, and other such mischiefs, as you allege, they are not worthy of life: and as for me, I will judge them the most vile, infamous and reproachful persons which ever lived on earth, although they did descend of most noble parents. For the worthiness of their blood is obscured and clean defaced by their evil conditions, whereby may be gathered, that the worthiness of blood (though at the first it giveth a good impression, and addeth grace to a true and perfect noble man) yet is it not sufficient to make him perfectly noble. It is then necessary (to grace the nobility of blood) to adorn his life with worthy and valorous actions, and to endow himself with qualities fit for a gentleman.  
Master john Francisco said, and what are those qualities and conditions, which do set forth a gentleman, and do make him perfectly noble?  
They are (quoth Nennio) these, to follow virtue and to fly vice.  
Whereunto Master john Francisco replied, and what are those virtues, and those vices?  
Nennio answered, I esteem it a superfluous matter to declare it unto you, you knowing them right well, as one in whom all virtue shineth, and vice taketh no place.  
But to satisfy your mind herein, I say that the qualities and ornaments which are requisite for the conservation of nobility, to bring a gentleman to sovereign perfection are many, but I will discourse of those unto you which seem unto me to be most necessary. A gentleman borne of noble blood ought to be entirely good, and therewithal he ought in like manner to be wise, prudent, just and temperate, advised in all his actions, according as the degree of his nobility doth require, he ought to be courageous and gracious, but especially of a sharp wit, quick judgement, and good understanding: in his discourse honest, eloquent, and modest, in as much as in any action whatsoever modesty bringeth great ornament unto man? Let him carry gravity with him, which bringeth credit, and reputation amongst men. Let him yet be respective, reverent, gentle, and courteous, for by that means he shall become pleasing, and amiable to all men, and the brightness of his nobility shall thereby shine and increase much more. Let him seek to please others in all lawful matters, wherein a general good will may be gotten. Let him do his endeavour to spread abroad a good reputation of himself, and to imprint a good opinion of himself in the minds of men. Which he shall easily bring to pass, if besides those matters I have spoken of, he do take heed to abstain from those things, which do not only wholly take away, but in any thing blot or diminish his credit. Let him not be ambitious, proud, arrogant, high minded, nor discourteous, because that such kind of behaviour is wont to breed loathsomeness, hatred, evil will, & disdain. Let him not be vainglorious, in praising himself, nor too much affected in his actions. Let him avoid the evil speeches of other men. But why do I thus reckon up particularly that which belongeth unto him, seeing that every man ought of himself to know that which defraudeth him of honour, and renown, & that which doth increase it.  
Here Nennio paused a while, which Master Peter Anthony perceiving, taking the speech upon him said thus.  
I would wish Nennio, that thou wouldst now show unto us what exercise and conversation a gentleman having these parts in him, shall use.  
Nennio answered, that may easily be gathered from those precepts I have given: for if he be good, his conversation and exercise likewise shall be good.  
Yea but I could wish, that thou wouldst be pleased, to discourse more particularly thereof.  
Whereunto Nennio said. It is certain that the value and excellency of man, proceedeth either from learning, or arms: For the name, the glory, and the nobility likewise, of so many worthy men, and so many valiant knights, should long since have been extinguished, with their body, if their mind had not been graced either with arms, or learning. To the end then, that he that is borne of noble blood, may become excellent, and valorous amongst noble men, he ought wholly to addict himself thereto, & employ his whole mind and study therein. But I will not particularly seek in every point to handle the qualities fit for a gentleman nobly borne, for besides that time would not suffer me to do it, he may supply that which wanteth in considering those means I have above rehearsed: only I will not forbear to advertise him of this, that in all his actions he ought to consider the end, and to govern himself in them with honest mediocrity, showing his worthiness with discretion, and good judgement: and that he take good heed unto his conversation, for men will judge him to be such as his conversation is, and if he keep company with wicked and bad persons, he shall be reputed as they are. These are the true qualities, these are the right exercises, which he that desireth to become perfectly noble, aught to observe, although he be not descended of noble blood.  
But me thinketh we have staid very long upon these two sorts of nobility. Wherefore to the end I may withhold you no longer: I will pass on to the other kind thereof. Nennio having thus spoken he paused a while, as if he would have refreshed himself, and afterwards proceeded in this wise.  
We have worthy gentlemen, as I think, sufficiently discoursed of the force virtue, and worthiness, of the nobility of blood, conjoined with riches: and likewise of the greatness, and of the effects and power of the nobility of the mind, and therewithal handled the original of them both. But because there are many who are adorned with these two sorts of nobility, from thence proceedeth that compounded or mixed nobility, which I did speak of in the beginning of my discourse, which is nothing else but a certain quality which proceedeth from the worthiness of the blood of our ancestors, graced with good conditions and laudable virtues issuing from the mind. He than that is possessed with this kind of nobility exceedeth him far both in nobility and worthiness, who is only noble by blood, or by virtue, as one in whom both blood and virtue do jointly concur together. Which I intending to persuade you, I need not allege any reasons unto you being sufficiently manifest of itself, that it containeth more excellency, and glory, then both the former: Albeit that thou Fabricio, didst endeavour yesterday, with no less pregnant, then apparent arguments, to show that the contrary is true, to wit, that he is worthy of more dignity, who only is become noble of himself, by the nobility of the mind, than he that was renowned both with the mind, and with blood, which is not so true, as thou didst affirm it to be. And as for me I would answer, that which should be fit unto these thy arguments were it not that Master Peter Anthony had on the sudden played my part therein.  
I who hearkened unto all these things with no less attention than the rest, did in the midst of this discourse, call to mind the dream, which was the occasion that I forsook that kind of life I led before I came to this place. In the which dream (that I may put you in mind thereof again) it seemed unto me first that I did see a company of youthful Ladies, in the midst of whom, as their queen, did march one, richly decked with gold, and precious stones. After her I saw another band of knights follow, with their ensigns in their hand, who had with them a Lady appareled in sanguine colour. After these followed this Lady, whose authority was so full of reverence, who was attended on with a company no less learned, then wise. To conclude, it seemed unto me that I saw an other Lady, so much more worthy than the rest, as the end excelleth the midst, as by my former discourse I recited unto you. I do now consider by the qualities of this last queen (whose brightness was such that if it were possible for me aswell to see the same waking, as I did perceive it sleeping, the light of my eyes would surely be dimmed) that she did resemble no other thing, then true nobility, which man desiring to obtain, to become noble, he had need to have the three former means recited by me, to wit, that he participate of the grace of the first queen, which I did behold, (which was riches) and that he do descend of the other ancient Lady (which did denote nobility of race) afterwards it behoveth him to follow the third (I mean virtue) which is more necessary than any the other means: and so having than, without all doubt he shall easily come unto this last queen (which representeth nobility itself and the perfection thereof.) And of such necessity is the means of virtue, to attain unto the last degree of true nobility, that the ancient Romans did easily believe, they could not obtain honour, (that is to say, nobility) without virtue: which two they did reverence as goddesses, and built unto them two temples, to their praise, which were so conjoined together, that there was no man could enter into the temple of honour, except he did first pass through the temple of virtue: to show thereby, that no man ought to be honoured nor judged noble, if he obtained not this nobility by the means of virtue. Wherefore I come now to the conclusion of Nennio, who judged according to troth, that how noble so ever a man be, either by blood, by riches, or by virtue only, that he becometh far more renowned and noble if conjointly he enjoy riches, nobility of blood, and virtue.  
Nennio confirming this again, after he perceived I had nothing else to say, he proceeded in this wise.  
Certainly I will not only name him noble, but most noble, neither will I call it perfect nobility, but most perfect.  
I do not think that this compounded nobility can be most perfect (quoth Master john Francisco) as it were opposing himself unto Nennio his speech, if it do spring of the two former, one of them (to wit nobility of blood) being not perfect, according to your own saying, but the other is; how can it be then, that an unperfect thing, conjoined with that which is perfect, can make that most perfect, which springeth of the conjunction of these two: surely I can scarcely be persuaded therein.  
True it is answered Nennio, I said as much as you affirm, but yet I did not deny, but that nobility of blood was a kind of nobility exalted by the vulgar sort. The nobility of blood then, and nobleness of the mind, when they concur together in one subject, surely both the vulgar sort, and men of wisdom, will hold such a one to be most noble. And like as we judge him to be rich, who hath great store of gold and silver, notwithstanding we will hold him to be more wealthy, if thereunto you add jewels and precious stones. The very like happeneth unto him, who being borne rich, and of noble blood, hath his mind fraught with good conditions, & virtues, for he ought to be adjudged most noble and his nobility most perfect.  
You see then (worthy gentlemen) that noble men of whom we speak, are of three sorts, as I have long since given you to understand: howbeit the rest of men are not wholly to be accounted ignoble, and base. For there are some who though they be not descended of any noble stock, yet are they very wealthy, and those amongst their fellow citizens, in the city where they dwell, are had in great estimation. So it seemeth unto me that we may well say, that men (speaking only of the qualities of such as are noble, or ignoble) in what place soever, ought principally to be divided into three companies. One of the which is of those, whose estate doth contemptibly consist in the most vile and most abject place, who since they were first borne into the world, have employed all their labour and industry to the careful government of bruit beasts deprived of reason, to the tillage of the ground, and to all other corporal labour necessary for the use of man, whereby their life ought rather to be termed servile then free. The second and mean condition, is of those that are not noble, which yet are of degree worthy of estimation & honour, in which company, are comprehended such, who though they are not of noble blood, yet at the least they do come of a honourable and honest family, which degree & estate is of no small account and reckoning amongst men. In times passed in the city of Rome (famous and renowned more than any other place in the world) there were noble men, and others not noble, under which two estates not only the rule, and government of the city did consist, but of the whole Empire, and the simple people had no less authority and power then the patriciens to make & publish laws, by which they were to be governed. And that is not only used in foreign cities, but even in ours, the government whereof is equally in common with the gentlemen, and the people.  
The third sort is of noble men, whose condition hath been largely entreated of these two days: and these manner of noble men are likewise divided into three companies, as I this day with a long discourse showed you.  
Nennio, as one desirous to come to the end of his speech, was ready to proceed farther, when as M. Peter Anthony turning towards him said in this wise. Let us a little stay here, for if my memory serve me well, besides these three sorts of nobility, which thou hast very well opened unto us, there is yet another, unless I have not well marked thy words which thou didst utter this day in the beginning of thy discourse, by which (besides that sort of nobility which thou didst call compounded) there is that kind, which is called civil nobility: wherefore it were not amiss that with the former thou didst likewise open this unto us.  
Whereunto Nennio, without any further stay answered. I was likewise coming to the speech thereof, and let not my last words move you at all where I said that nobility is divided into 3 sorts, in the which this other which seemeth a 4 is comprehended, for I do place it in the same degree with nobility of blood, and therefore it is not necessary that I add it unto the former as a fourth degree of nobility. It is called civil, as coming from thence from whence all civility proceedeth, to wit from kings and princes. And it is no other thing but a certain dignity given by the prince, which many times doth not end in the person of him to whom such honour was granted, but extendeth itself for ever unto his posterity, according as it pleaseth the prince. And the conformity between civil nobility, and nobility of blood is so great, that if we look narrowly into the first beginning (in case any certainty thereof may be known) surely it appeareth it dependeth of nobility of blood. For the king having by his privileges created you and all your descendants noble by civil nobility, such opinion and reputation remaining of you with those of our city, who doubteth but in succession of time your posterity shall be adjudged noble of blood, and not of civil nobility? Surely not any man. Which may be gathered by that which Master Dominico & I said before, speaking of the nobility of blood.  
One of my brethren opposing himself unto Nennio his speech, and as it were taking the words out of his mouth said.  
I believe that it is not yet confessed that a king, or an Emperor can make a noble man. For an Emperor, a king, or a prince may well make some courtier rich, or any other, and bestow some office upon him; but I do not think for all that, that he can make him noble. And it is to no purpose to say, as well you may; that in as much as he is the Sovereign glory, and far more noble than any other, that therefore he may make men honourable and noble. For suppose that thou wert most just, most wise, and most prudent: and that I did desire to be made just, wise, and prudent by thee, could that possibly be done? Truly all the whole world together, could not bring it to pass, if by nature my mind were not apt to learn such virtue: for they are gifts of the mind, and consequently not easy to be transported from one body to another. I will then say that a prince, albeit he be most noble, yet can he hardly make another noble.  
Of which opinion the Emperor Gismond was, who being earnestly entreated by one of his loyal and faithful courtiers, borne of base parentage, that he would vouchsafe to make him noble: he answered, I may make thee free, and rich, but noble I cannot make thee; as being a gift not under his command, but in the power of nature.  
So soon as my brother had declared his opinion; Nennio purposing to answer his objection, began to say thus.  
Understanding that nobility consisteth in the virtues of the mind, as you do, it may easily be yielded unto, that an Emperor or a Prince cannot make another man noble: but taking it in that sort as I did give it you, it were surely no small fault to say, that unto him to whom so large authority is granted in this world, to establish and abrogate laws at his pleasure, this far less power should be denied. Doth not he create Earls, Marquesses, Dukes, & such like, who by such dignities are made most noble? Yes surely, He may then far more easily make one noble: not that he is able to endow him with justice, with prudence, with wisdom, & other virtues of the mind: but yet this he may do, that he shall be esteemed and reputed in the rank of gentlemen, & be numbered amongst them. And this favourite of the Emperor Gismond did seek nothing else of him when he craved to be made noble, then that, whereas he was not reckoned amongst noble men, nor such account made of him amongst men, & that he did not enjoy the like freedoms that noble men did, that through his royal privileges, and favour, he might have power to take place amongst noble men, which without doubt he might have granted unto him. But Gismond understood him not in this manner, but in that sort that you take it, and therefore his request was denied. How many do we see that have been made knights in all kingdoms both by the Emperor and other princes of the world? Many surely. Who is there then that doth not judge them noble sith the king will have it so? If he grant for ever to him and to his successors such prerogatives as noble men have, such freedoms and marks of honour as are fit for them? Who dare account him and his successors for other than noblemen? Truly no man. Thus you may see how the prince may make an other man noble, giving his favour and dignity to whom it pleaseth him. The dignity of a doctor is equal unto the degree of a knight which he obtaineth as a reward of his virtues, & is no less esteemed and reverenced then the other.  
The Lady Cassandra seeing that Nennio did somewhat take breath to refresh himself after his long discourse, raising up herself as she leaned upon one of her sides, and turning towards him, she said in this wise.  
Nennio, if I did well understand your speech you formerly concluded, that men of skill & learning are of the troop of such as are noble by nobility of the mind, and now it seemeth that you would have them be in place equal to knights, which are by you put in the company of those who are noble by civil nobility, and civil nobility differeth as much from the nobility of the mind as nobleness of blood doth, by your own saying, wherefore I do not see how this may well pass without control.  
Whereunto Nennio presently answered, we have not yet spoken (Madam) of the dignity that learned men 〈◊〉 obtain by their skill, but only showed that lear●●●●●d virtuous men are perfectly noble. Whereupon to the end that they might every where be exalted and reverenced, the princes of the world have worthily ordained, that this dignity by the which they are called Doctors, should be added to their perfect nobility, that is to say, that by the means of the sciences they have learned they may bear the laurel, not that the same doth make them more noble or perfect: and here hence it is, that whosoever hath attained that dignity, if likewise with his science and virtue he be adorned with good conditions, he shall not only be ennobled with the nobility of the mind, but likewise with civil nobility, which is in the same degree that nobility of blood is, as I said unto you. Howbeit do not persuade yourselves that every man of skill and learning is made a perfect gentleman only by virtue of his science, for if he be vicious and wicked, fraught with bad conditions, although he be one of the learnedst men in the world, he shall be held so much the more base and ignoble. Whereupon I conclude, that these dignities of knights and Doctors, do march in this last troop of civil nobility.  
But whether of these two dignities is most excellent and noble (quoth the Lady Cassandra) that which the Doctors do purchase by their learning, or knights by arms?  
Madam (quoth Nennio) you propound a great question, peradventure no less doubtful than that we now discourse of, and if we have been debating of that matter three days, as much time at the least would be required (if not more) for the well opening of this matter.  
Is it so doubtful said she, or do you make us believe so, to spare your labour? If that be the cause, I do in courtesy enjoin you before we depart from hence to resolve herein.  
Whereunto Nennio replied, Madam, It is truly even as I tell you, that not only that small time that is left us of this evening, but two or three days would scarce suffice to determine thereof: As for myself, I would willingly burn all these torches to night, if I might come to a resolution thereof. For nothing should seem painful unto me that might bring you pleasure, and contentment, and though it should, yet would I so endure it, as it should seem but a pastime unto me.  
I give you great thanks (quoth she) of your ready mind to do me pleasure, as indeed to say the troth, you have always showed no less in effects, than your gracious words have imported.  
But yet let me entreat, if so it please the rest of the company (as I doubt not but it will) that some other day be appointed to entreat thereof: For such kind of discourses do bring with them such delight, that for mine own part, I could be contented at all times to hear them.  
Nennio said hereunto. If you were as careful to command me Madam, as I am ready to obey you, I doubt not but in time, you would cease to command me. Wherefore when opportunity shall serve, I will provide to set myself in a readiness, to determine this other question which you have propounded, as well as my ability will give me leave.  
It were good (quoth the Lady Laura) to hear & see the end of this question which you have set a broach Madam, but it is not greatly material nor doth not much concern this our discourse: wherefore my opinion is, that before you make a final end of the controversy you have in hand, that like as you 3 have showed only what nobility is amongst you men: so you would take the pains Nennio, to declare the nobility of women, lest we should seem to be smally accounted of, or altogether forgotten by you. Wherefore let it not displease you, to let us understand your opinion therein, for I am certain it will add both grace, and ornament to your former speech.  
It cannot do less (answered Nennio) then add both grace and ornament thereto, for whatsoever man doth, should of itself have but a bad grace, if you women did not with your pleasant company, and entertainment make it more delightful. But you shall understand (Madam) that we have not forgotten you as you suppose, for in this our discourse although we have brought in no examples of women, yet doth it hold for them, and whatsoever hath been spoken of us, may be said of you, albeit not without some little difference, as in few words you shall hear.  
We have in your nobility most (honourable Ladies) to consider the salfesame three qualities, which we have considered in the nobility of man, to wit, nobility of blood, of the mind, and compounded nobility. The Original of the first descendeth of the same beginning from the which the nobility of man doth proceed; from the father, and not from the mother; as Master Dominico did very aptly declare unto you the other day in answering the Lady Cassandra, who went about to prove that in the nobility of man, because it is derived of blood, the mother's nobility, and not the fathers ought to be considered, and therefore I need not any longer to stay thereupon, being true, and plain of itself.  
The second which is the nobility of the mind, ought likewise in women to be considered in the virtues of the mind: For they ought to set forth themselves with gentle conditions, good behaviour, gracious humility, simple pureness, worthy honesty, commendable chastity, gifts fit, and proper for Ladies, which make them to be esteemed, praised, honoured, pleasing, full of virtue, and most noble. What grater ignobility, or baseness can be attributed unto Ladies borne of noble blood, than contemned dishonesty, unchaste pudicity, disloyal thoughts, wandering imaginations leading to ill customs, and finally a life without any consideration? Not any in my judgement.  
So likewise a Lady cannot if she would seek the whole world, find any better means to become noble, & excellent, than the gifts above mentioned. And therefore we may well conclude, that a Lady not borne of any noble blood, but beautified with good conditions, ought far to be preferred before her, whose birth is noble, & renowned, and by her unordinate behaviour becometh base, and infamous, because her natural nobility is by her looseness utterly lost. Likewise women are ennobled by their wisdom, and learning. The knowledge of the sciences turned to the great glory and commendation of Cornelia the mother of the Gracchis, of Lelia, and Hortensia, the daughters of Lelius, and of Q. Hortensius, of Proba Valeria of Rome, and of infinite others. But weapons are not so fit for women: For albeit that Penthesilea, Artemisia, Semiramis, Camilla, Cleopatra, Talasqua, the Amazonian Ladies, and many others did use them valiantly, yet were they mighty Queens, and puissant in arms, of whose estate and nobility, I intent not to speak. To proceed further, I do altogether equal composed nobility, both of the man and woman, and therefore I need not stand any longer thereon.  
As concerning civil nobility, it is divers ways purchased by women, and not as men do attain thereunto. For as much as any woman though she be not noble by birth, yet may she become noble, by the inseparable knot of marriage, if she join herself in matrimony to a noble man: for divine marriage being of so great virtue, doth of two bodies, make one flesh; so that she is made noble by the nobility of her husband, enlightened with his beams, clothed with his dignities, enjoyeth his privileges, receiveth with him the same pre-eminences, and in her are noted all such graces as her husband hath: and by the power of marriage a woman doth forsake the name of her own family, and taketh the name of her husband's house; & she doth not only take the name, but retaineth the other qualities of her husband. So that if a woman be only naturally borne, I mean that if she be borne illegitimate, she becometh legitimate if she be joined in marriage with a husband lawfully borne, because as I said she receiveth from her husband the same qualities he enjoyeth.  
Seeing it is so (said the Lady Aurelia) that a woman borne of no noble blood, being joined in marriage with a gentleman, becometh noble, what shall we say to the contrary hereof, if a gentlewoman do marry with one of the common sort, shall he be made noble by the nobility of his wife?  
No surely (quoth Nennio) but rather the nobility she had before is clean quenched.  
That is great wonder answered the Lady, & I know not how that should come to pass, that the woman should receive nobility from the man, and not the husband by his wife. Surely it seemeth a very strange thing unto me. But like as in all other things you men are wont to keep us silly women as low as you can, to the end you may prevail in all your enterprises, even so do you in this.  
Whereunto he presently answered. You women are always angry, and mistrustful, persuading yourselves, that in matters of the world, especially in such as do concern you, we do proceed as we list, having no regard of you at all, but I say that you are all in general greatly deceived. Do not you know Madam, that the husband is the governor, the guide, & the head of his wife, & not the wife of her husband? Certainly he is; & even as the head is the most: worthy member of the body, so it is no wonder if the husband as the head, doth ennoble the wife, as his member. Now the husband being the principal captain, the wife who followeth him, is therein to follow the nature of her principal head: but this happeneth not contrarily, for them the course of nature should be clean changed. If then the nature of the husband be noble, without doubt the woman, albeit she be ignoble by birth, she shall by him be made noble: if he be abject, & base, although she be descended of noble family, she shall likewise be ignoble. And to declare this more plainly unto you Madam, you cannot deny, but that the children that come of an ignoble father, though the mother be noble, shall be reputed amongst the common sort: & those that are begotten of a noble father, albeit the mother be ignoble, yet shall they by the people be held in the rank of noble men. Likewise we see all men set up the father's arms, & not the mothers, in their houses, at burials, in the church, & else where. And not only this hath place in their armouries, but the son taketh the name of his father's house, & not of the mothers, which is manifest to all men. You may see then, that you have no cause to be offended with us, when as yourself may give judgement in this matter. And you know right well, that the son is not to follow the honour, nor dignity, the greatness, the conditions, nor the nobility of the mother, but of the father  
Yet do I not deny but in the birth of man, some beams of nobility do shine from the mother, which together with the nobility of the father, doth make it more pleasing, and delightful, not that of itself it is sufficient to make a man noble, as you may have understood.  
But because I have this day farther enlarged my discourse, than my meaning was (so that we cannot longer stay thereon, because that time doth more and more force our departure from hence, and to take our recreation in some other place,) I will set apart all other reasons and doubts of nobility, which might happen in our discourse, and come to the determining of the matter in question.  
You have heard (worthy gentlemen) these three days, a discourse of nobility, no less pleasing to the ears, then delightful to the understanding. Of the which in the two first days discourse, are gathered two opinions.  
The one, that true nobility consisteth in blood and riches, and not in virtue only: the other, that it consisteth in the virtues of the mind, and not in blood, nor riches. And albeit that they seem clean contrary, the one to the other, by that which Possidonio, and Fabricio related (who were rather carried with affection then reason, which is not to be wondered at, seeing that they being guided with passion of mind, each of them did seek the defence of his own matter and not any other man's:) notwithstanding I do not judge them clean contrary: for if they were, one of them should be nobility, and the other should not, which I would not for any thing affirm, it being a matter resolved, that a great part of men (whereof I have reckoned up a good portion) do judge, repute, and hold him to be noble, who is engendered of noble blood, and I likewise (for many reasons before alleged) do take part with them, although that thou wentest about yesterday Fabricio very subtly to prove that such a one was not noble: And that thou on the other side Possidonio, wert very earnest to maintain for certain, that virtue did not make a man excellent, and noble, and that learning was but vain in matter of nobility, wherein thou wert far deceived: proving moreover that riches was the sovereign good of man; and Fabricio that they were occasion of all evil. Certainly both of you did show, that being drawn with the passion of the mind, each of you did speak your pleasure: for indeed they are not of themselves neither good, nor evil, but a mean between both, and such, as by use we do make them. For if we bestow them badly, they are surely evil; if we spend them well, I see no cause why they should be evil. They are not necessary unto true nobility, yet do they bring some aid thereunto, in as much as there is no virtue in the world, nor any dignity, that can be gotten without these means, especially in this age, as of late I said unto you.  
And he that desireth them to the intent he may be a help unto others, is not to be blamed, so that this his affection do not surpass a certain tempered mediocrity.  
But leaving all these discourses apart, and intending (Possidonio, and Fabricio) to come to the conclusion of our speech. God knoweth whether it grieveth me, or not, to give sentence this day, because I am certain▪ that the pronouncing thereof cannot be, without the disquieting of the thoughts, vexing of the heart, and grief of mind unto one of you.  
Nevertheless (quoth both of them, with a willing mind) speak freely for all that: for it may be, we shall depart from hence with more love, and kindness, when we have heard the determinate end of our disputation, then when we came hither; like as in wrestling, of necessity one of us must needs take a fall.  
Whereunto Nennio answered: you did both of you promise me so much, before I did receive the charge of so heavy a burden. But howsoever it fall out, that I may commit no error, I will this day show myself conformable to the opinion of the Emperor Gismond, who being reprehended by some of his familiar friends, because he did advance men of base birth, yet adorned with virtue, and not such as were borne of noble blood: He answered. As for me, I will exalt such as ought to be preferred before any other men living, and those from whom true nobility proceedeth: which opinion because it agreeth with reason I intend to follow. Wherefore I say, that like as it is a thing worthy greater commendation, to build a new palace, to store it with movables, and to inhabit it, than it is only to dwell therein: so is he worthy of far more greater glory who of himself becometh noble, than he who is simply borne noble: and for this cause therefore (and many more, no less pregnant, then true reasons heretofore alleged,) I judge, and determine this: that the nobility of the mind, is far more true, and far more perfect, than the nobility of blood conjoined with riches: and consequently thou Possidonio, being noble by birth only, and Fabricio by the virtues of his mind, as hath a long time been proved unto you, I say that he is famous with more height and perfection of nobility, and so likewise worthy of more honour and glory than thou art. And therefore give the victory of the question in controversy, together with the prize, unto thee Fabricio, as to the most noble.  
Nennio having spoken in this wise, he held his peace, & Fabricio having yielded him due thanks for his just sentence, with very good words, without any longer stay, with a good grace he took the ring, and turning towards Possidonio, he spoke unto him in this manner.  
I will never permit but that thou likewise shalt be partaker of this sentence Possidonio, for if it hath been favourable unto me, it shall likewise in part be pleasing unto thee, and therefore the Ring shall remain with thee, which yet thou shalt not wear in remembrance of the Lady Virginia who gave it, but of me. So he extending his hand gave him the ring, and albeit that oftentimes he refused it, yet in the end being constrained thereunto by the company, he took it in sign of brotherly friendship.  
Scarce were these last words ended, and the ring given by Fabricio, accepted of by Possidonio, but all the Ladies with a cheerful countenance did rise up from their places, to show themselves after the fashion of women, that they were glad and well pleased with Fabricio, all their voices being heard, but the Lady Camilla was louder than any of the rest, rejoicing cspeciallie at his victory, who being likewise risen, & with a quick and speedy pace, marching towards the green Olive trees of the garden (for she knew right in what estimation the leaves thereof were, and how much worthy of commendation he was, who was deservedly crowned with them) having broken some branches of them she suddenly made a garland of them interlaced with flowers, such as young maidens are wont to make: and therewithal (with her own hands) she crowned Fabricio, using these speeches unto him with a womanly voice. Thou shalt we are it in sign of victory.  
We likewise being risen from our places, and being met together in the galleries, and standing at the windows which looked towards the garden, from whence a sweet gale of wind did blow, we still did discourse amongst ourselves of that which had passed, & especially of the determining of the disputation, and of the victory purchased by Fabricio: All of them equally commending no less the ready liberality of Fabricio, in bestowing the ring upon Possidonio, than his good mind in accepting thereof: who albeit he had not gotten the victory in this controversy, yet in debating the matter with Fabricio, he alleged no weak reasons thereby to have become conqueror.  
Thus we remained there until supper time approached, when as the tables being covered, under the fresh air, after that we had supped with great contentment of us all, we passed the rest of the night in sport and pastime, until it was time to go to bed. And before we departed from thence, we all with one consent gave order, how we should spend the next day following▪ which albeit it was passed in honest and pleasant exercise, yet did I not determine to enter into any further discourse thereof. That which hath been spoken this day (being the last) in reverence of him who governeth all things, and who by his heavenly will hath hitherto been my guide, and conductor, shall at this time be sufficient.   
FINIS.