THE COPY OF A LETTER SENT FROM PARISH TO THE REVEREND FATHERS of the Society of JESUS, who live in England.  
CONTAINING An Answer to the calumniations of the Anti-Coton against the same Society in general, and Fa. COTON in particular.  joan. 8. 
Veritas liberabit vos. The truth will deliver you.  
JOHN MORRIS.  
Permissu Superiorum. Anno M.DC.XI.   

THE PRINTER TO THE READER.  
HAVING had this Copy imparted unto me by a very good friend, I would not (gentle Reader) deprive thee of the pleasure & profit, which thou mayst reap thereby; especially since that the contents thereof be no other, but such, as are already published in print. For which cause also I doubt not, but that the Reverend Fathers, to whom it is directed, will take this my labour in good part: hoping that it will be no less pleasing to them, then to others. And it may be, that this printed Copy may come sooner to their hands, than the Letter itself; at least it will save them some labour, which otherwise they could not easily have excused, for the satisfaction of such, as no doubt would be desirous to have a sight of this discourse; which as thou wilt see by the perusing thereof, is an exact and complete confutation of the Anti-Coton.  
And that nothing may be wanting, I have thought good to follow my friends advise, and to tell thee briefly in this my Preface, that the Translator of the Anti-Coton into English hath showed himself no less false & foolish, than the French Author thereof. For he will needs take upon him to add Fa. Becanus to those which the other allegeth in proof, that the Society teacheth it to be lawful for particular men to kill Princes, because he nameth Fa. Mariana among the rest; whereas it is manifest, that Fa. Becanus expressly affirmeth in that place, that a Tyrant in respect of his government only, cannot be slain by any. And this he affirmeth to be the doctrine of the whole Society, yea and of Fa. Mariana also; though he afterwards varieth from the rest in the explication of some particular points, as thou mayst see in this Letter, which I present unto thee.  
That likewise, which the same Translator produceth out of Fa. Gregory de Valentia is no better, since that this Father expressly affirmeth, that only the Commonwealth may restrain and impugn such a Tyrant: which is not to range him as the Translator saith, in the Catalogue of common murderers & thieves whom not only the Commonwealth itself, but every particular Magistrate & officer may apprehend and punish.  
And this shall suffice at this time: for I will not enter into that other discourse, upon what occasion the Canon of the Council of Constance against Tyrannides was enacted. Certain it is, 
Art. 15. & 17. Wickliff. in fine Concil. Constant.  that Wickliff and Husse affirmed, That there was no authority in civil Lords and Princes, when they were in mortal sin: &, that the people might at their pleasure, and according to their judgement, correct and punish them, if they did offend. But I will detain thee no longer from the Letter itself.   

TO THE REVEREND FATHERS OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS, who live in England.  
REVEREND and my dearest Fathers, I hope you think me not so ungrateful, as to be unmindful of the great charity and kindness, which in divers occasions I have received from many, if not from all of you: and therefore am bound not only to honour your Order in general (which is common to all Catholics) but also to reverence and gratify your people in particular; as one who desireth to enter into the number of your most especial friends & children. Since my coming into these parts (which as you know is not long) I have still been seeking for a fit occasion to send unto you, but partly the difficulty of the times, & much more my want of means hath hindered me. Now I mean (God willing) to overcome both; and to send you some notes taken out of a French Book, written by one of your Fathers in defence of them all, and namely of F. Coton, who as you know, was lately most bitterly inveighed against, by a nameless adversary in a book called Anti-Coton; which as I have understood, was also translated and published in English. I do not send you the French book itself, because I know not, whether all of you understand that language or no: and beside I am more than half persuaded, that you shall see it shortly in English; though neither my leisure be so great, nor my French so good, as to set upon it. Wherefore I writ this only by the way of news; and yet I mean at least to touch all the matters of most importance. And to that end have thought it best to propose unto myself this method: first to treat of that which belongeth to doctrine. Secondly to bring the solutions to the personal objections against your Fathers in general. Thirdly to come to Father Coton in particular. Fourthly to say a word of the Hugonots doctrine and proceed. Fifthly to add certain observations, which in this book are proposed to the French Catholics, and to me seem no less necessary for our English. And lastly to conclude with some part of that which this book containeth in the commendation of the Society, together with my authors challenge to the Hugonots, & his supplication to the Queen Regent, for the clearing of all calumniations.  
But first of all I must tell you, that hitherto we can hear no news of the Author of the Anti-Coton; and it is generally thought, he will not be so good as his word, to manifest himself upon the coming forth of this answer. He is commonly supposed to be an Huguenot, and some interpret those 3. letters P.D. C. to signify Pasteur de Charanton, which is the Minister of a place nigh to Paris. The dedication of that Book to the Queen Regent was ill taken, though, as my Author well noteth, 
pag. 6.  it is no new thing for Caluinists, to make Catholic Princes seem to favour their heresies; for which cause Caluin himself dedicated his Institutions to King Francis the first, and Beza placed the picture of his majesties Mother of happy memory, among his renowned personages. But how displeasing and distasteful this Pamphlet was to the Queen Regent, and her whole Counsel may appear in part, by the punishment inflicted upon one Antony joalin, 
Pag. 310. prior. edit  as is to be seen in the sentence of his condemnation; by which he was adjudged to be brought forth in his shirt, and to kneel bareheaded with a rope about his neck, holding a torch of two pound weight in his hand, and kneeling in this manner to tell & declare with a loud & intelligible voice, that he had maliciously & wickedly cast about in many places of this City (of Paris) certain printed papers and leaves, taken out of a pernicious and malign book, entitled the Anti-coton, to trouble the quiet of the said City, and to raise tumults and seditions: and that he should ask pardon of God, the King & his Magistrates. After which the said leaves and papers were to be torn and rend before his face; and he is further prohibited and forbidden to commit the like offence again, under pain of death; and was presently banished out of the Kingdom of France for the space of five years. And by this occasion, there is in the same decree, straight charge and order given to all Printers, bookbinder's, and Bookesellers under strict and severe penalties, not to print, bind, sell, or receive any books without due privilege and allowance, to the end, that all such injurious and scandalous books may be suppressed. The whole condemnation is put down at large, in the later end of this my Author's Treatise: who also showeth (as we shall see in part) with what reason all this was done: since that this Pamphlet contained more than 300. 
Pag. 11. & 13.  lies, about 200. slanders, to omit the rest, which belong either to heresy, treason, or sacrilege.  
And thus much of the Anti-Coton in general: but because I understand, that together with it came forth in English a Supplication of the University in Paris, for the preventing of the jesuits etc. I think it not amiss to tell you, before I go any further, that all that discourse was feigned by some Huguenot, or other enemy of your Order. For the whole University hath disclaimed from it, as appeareth by the decree following which I will set down in Latin for yourselves, and translate it also into English, to save you a labour, if you think good to impart it to any other. Thus than it is:  


DECRETUM D. RECTORIS & Dominorum Deputatorum Vniversitatis Parisiensis.  
cum aliquos incerti & ignoti Authoris quemdam libellum, aliquot ab hinc diebus nomine Academiae Parisiensis euulgasse accepissemus: Nos Rector Academiae super ea re convocatis Superiorum facultatum Decanis, & Nationum Procuratoribus, ac sententiam rogatis, praedictum libellum falsò Academiae nomine editum, improbavimus: nec non omnes alios, si qui fortè posthac inscio Rectore, & inconsulta Academia in lucem prodeant. Datum in Congregatione D. Rectoris & DD. Deputatorum habita in Collegio Sorbonae Caluico, die 16. Septembris Anno 1610.  
Signatum Du Val.   

A DECREE OF THE REctor and Deputies of the University of Paris.  
HAVING understood that some have published these days past a certain little Book of an uncertain and unknown Author, under the name of the University of Paris: We the Rector of the University having called together the Deans of the Superior faculties, and the Procurators of Nations, and asked them their opinion, have rejected the said little book, falsely set forth in the name of the University, as also all others, if any chance to be published hereafter without the Rectors knowledge, and the universities consent. Dated in the Congregation of the Rector, and deputies held in the College of the Sorbone-Calui, the 16. of September. 1610.  
Signed Du Val.     


CONCERNING THE Doctrine of the Society impugned by the Anti-Coton. §. I.  
IT were in vain to relate largely unto you, what is declared in this book concerning your doctrine; and therefore it shall be sufficient to touch briefly some things of more note. Wherefore I find 3. points called in question by Anti-Coton, and answered or declared by this Father. First concerning the kill of Princes under the title of Tyrants. Secondly about the secrecy of Confession. And thirdly of Equivocation. In all which he protesteth in general, that the Society holdeth no other doctrine, than the whole universal and Catholic Church maintaineth, and offereth to subscribe to that, which the University of Paris, and all other Catholic universities shall decree and declare, to be true and sound doctrine. But to descend to particularities, and rehearse unto you in a word, what he answereth to the objections of Anti-Coton: 
De Principe cap. 15. pag. 29.  first he showeth, that Fa. Ribadencyra in no sort approveth the action of james Clement who slew King Henry the 3. of France: but only referreth the permission thereof to the just judgement of God. Secondly he declareth, that Clarus Bonarscius speaketh only of such Tyrants, 
Amphitheat. lib. 1. c. 12. pag. 31.  as are intruders and usurpers, and no lawful Princes. Thirdly he proveth manifestly, that Card. Bellarmine is egregiously calumniated by the Anti-Coton, since that he affirmeth, that he never read nor heard, 
Apolog. cap. 13. pag. 32.  that Particides and Assassinats had hope of everlasting life promised them, if they endeavour to kill Kings. Fourthly he discovereth the false inference, 
Instruct. Sacerd. l. 1. c. 13.  which Anti-Coton maketh out of Card. Tolet; and convinceth, that the contrary followeth out of his doctrine. For since that he teacheth, that an excommunicate person looseth not his jurisdiction, 
pag. 36. & 37.  but only the exercise thereof (as his words show, being truly alleged, which they were not by Anti-Coton) it followeth manifestly, that such an one hath the same authority and jurisdiction, which he had before, and therefore cannot be slain for want of it. Fifthly he affirmeth, that it is very foolish to infer, that subjects may kill their Princes, though they were absolved from their allegiance, more than any other, to whom they never did swear any allegiance or fidelity at all.  
The sixth Author objected by Anti-Coton, 
Mariana.  is Mariana himself; whom my Author doth not wholly excuse: but yet showeth, 
pag. 38.  that he deserveth not so much blame, as the Protestant's & Hugonots would make men believe; for he submitteth his opinion, not only to the Censure of the Church, but of any other. He remitteth not the matter to judgement of any particular subject or other man, to declare who is a Tyrant, but requireth necessarily a public voice, and a common judgement. And whereas many others have written much more dangerously, than Mariana, yet the Protestants do not so much as name them; which plainly showeth, that their hatred is not so much against the doctrine itself, as against the man; and this in respect of his Order; which indeed is one of the chiefest adversaries which heresy hath.  

In aphorism. v. Clericus pag. 52.  In the seventh place cometh Emanuel S●, who only denieth, that the rebellion of a clergy man against a King is (properly) to be called treason, though it be a greater sin (as my author affirmeth) who also noteth, that because the words of this learned Author were obscure by reason of their brevity, they were corrected in the last edition. 
Lib. 1. de Clericis cap. 18.  Eightly Card. Bellarmine is brought in again, but wholly against his meaning, since that (as my author declareth) he teacheth, that clergy men are exempt by God's law only in Ecclesiastical affairs: 
Pag. 53.  and that they are bound to obey the temporal Princes directive laws, and are exempted from the coactive, by the Princes themselves, & by the Popes: though not in all cases. I omit his carping at the word (profane) which the Cardinal useth once, 
Pag. 185.  instead of (lay) because the emphasis and force of his speech & argument did so require: as likewise, that he affirmeth, that Kingdoms are only human Institutions, and of the law of nations; by which he only signifieth, that they are not immediately instituted and ordained by God.  

Pag. 78.  The last objection, which the Anti-Coton bringeth against your doctrine in this first point, is taken out of your rules, or rather out of the Epistle of Blessed Father Ignatius, which commonly goeth printed with them; in which he willeth you to take the commandment of your Superior, as it were the voice of Christ. To which my Author answereth, that if he had read that which followeth in the same place, he should have found that S. Paul gave the same counsel to all secular servants, in these words: Servants be obedient to your Lords, according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in the simplicity of your heart, as to Christ: not serving to the eye, as it were pleasing men, but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart, with a good will serving, as to our Lord, and not to men. And for the other clause, which is alleged out of the same Epistle, where your B. Father exhorteth you, to obey your Superiors without any search or inquiry; my Author reciteth one place out of the same Epistle, and another out of your Constitutions, where there is an express exception made, that you must not obey your Superiors in any thing, that is sin; though S. Paul thought it not necessary, to explicate that circumstance, which is alway necessarily to be understood and supposed.  
And thus it is plain, that Princes are in no danger by this means; except any will move that question, which Anti-Coton was not ashamed to ask: whether the jesuits were bound to obey their Superiors, 
Pag. 175.  if they should command them to lay violent hands upon the King? To which my Author answereth, that this is an uncivil demand, and morally impossible, and therefore unworthy to be proposed by any honest man to such as are religious: and yet he addeth, that though the Superior should command this a thousand times, he were not to be obeyed, but to be accused and denounced to the Magistrate. Thus you see, how frivolous the objections of Anti-Coton are in this point. 
Instruct. Sacerd. p, 87. & seq. l. 5. c. 6. n. 16. & 17.  But my Author not content to have answered them all thus particularly, allegeth divers places out of the authors of the Society to show the contrary: as Card. Tolet, who teacheth that no man by his own authority may kill any other, and much loss a King, 
To. 3. disp. 5. q. 8. punct. 3. Salm. to. 13. in illa verba Omnis aenima etc. Leon. Lesle. l. 2. de just. & iure cap. 9 etc. Inst. moral. part. 2. lib. 12. c. 5. De just. commut. tract. 3. disp. 6. n. ●.  how wicked soever he be, yea though his government were altogether tyrannical. And the same is affirmed and proved by F. Gregory of Valentia, Salmeron, and Leonardus Lessius: and finally F. Azure goeth further, teaching, that no tyrant, though he be an usurper, can be slain in this manner: which he doth not only prove by the authority of the Council of Constance, and by reason; but also allegeth F. Lewes Molina another of your Society for the same, and answereth to the contrary arguments. And finally this my author bringeth a prohibition of your most Reverend F. General, for any of the Society, under great penalties, to teach, that it is lawful, cuicumque personae, quocumque praetextu Tyrannidis, Reges aut Principes occidere; for any to kill Kings or Princes, under any pretence of Tyranny. And this shall suffice for this first doctrine.  
Concerning the second, there is not much to be said, for there neither is, not can be any thing objected against your Fathers about the secret of Confession, which is not common to all other Catholic Doctors. For which cause my Author willeth Anti-Coton to inform himself of the opinion of the Sorbon, which he allegeth; and if he findeth it to be different from that of Bellarmine, and that any Doctor either of the Sorbon, 
pag. 34.  or of any other University have written otherwise, he may boldly condemn him, with all the jesuits. Wherefore I will pass over this point, with only reciting the answer of Ravaillac the Assassinat to the Commissaries, when they told him, that he was so much the more miserable, if he had taken that wicked act in hand without the counsel or knowledge of any: to which he replied; 
pag. 153.  that the cause why he declared not this his pernicious intention to any Priest, was, because he was certainly persuaded, that if he had manifested his purpose conceived against the King, it had been the Priest's duty to have seized upon his person, and to have delivered him into the Magistrates hands, because they are bound to reveal such secrets, as concern the public good. And this was the occasion that he would never open it to any, fearing lest he should have been as soon put to death for the will, as for the fact itself. Out of which my Author inferreth, that they provide very evil for the safety of their Princes, who make the common people believe, that their Confessors must reveal their confessions, if they contain any thing belonging to treason; for by this means they take away one of the greatest hindrances of such impious designs. And if we join to this, the earnest endeavour of those, who will needs persuade the people, that the jesuits and many other Catholic doctors do hold it lawful, for every private man to kill his Prince, if he esteem him to be a tyrant; it is not easy to conceive what more forcible persuasions can be used by any to encourage Assassinats to undertake such execrable attempts. And thus much shall suffice for this second point.  
The third of Equivocation is discussed more largely by my Author: but yet very pithily, & as briefly as the matter would permit: and therefore I shall not omit much of his whole discourse. Wherefore first he answereth an objection made against F. Andrea's Eudemon-Ioannes Cydonius, 
Pag. 56. & seq.  whom the Anti-Coton foolishly calleth by another name, and affirmeth, that he hath very lately written a book, wherein he maintaineth stiffly, that it is lawful to deceive the judges in judgement by Equivocation: which (saith my Author) is most false. For contrariwise he teacheth, that it is never lawful to Equivocate in judgement, but that all must answer according to his intention that asketh juridically: and consequently, that it is never lawful to lie, because a lie is naturally opposite to truth, and to God who is the life, and the way, and the truth itself. And for this cause he declareth the manner, how a man may answer without offending God, when he is not bound to answer him that exceedeth his authority, and asketh against reason. Of which they take no great care, who believe in themselves, and endeavour to persuade others, that lying, slandering, and all other sins are remitted, before they be committed, and that the Kingdom of heaven can no more be denied us, then to jesus Christ himself: and that for our sins (saith john Caluin lib. 4. Inst. cap. 17. §. 2.) we can be no more condemned than he.  
But to discover better the depravation of this passage of Eudemon-Ioannes, we must compare this man's translation accompanied with his lying commentary, with the text itself. Eudemon joannes writeth thus: Cùm quis nullis justis indicijs in ius vocatur, quia nemo tenetur seipsum magistratui prodere, idque lex naturae satis docet etc. this Calumniator translateth: when any is drawn into question under an unjust judgement, because no man is bound to denounce himself to the Magistrate etc. which is a manifest corruption and depravation, and cannot be excused from malice, if it be not by the latin of Accursius, to which he appealeth in another place: for who ever heard, that nullis justis indicijs, doth signify, under an unjust judgement, instead of saying, without any probable conjectures? which the Doctors otherwise call a semiplene probation, or half entire. And from this fine antecedent proceedeth the note and observation, which he draweth out afterward, saying: Hear note, that he styles the judgement of the Kings of England exercised against English jesuits, an unjust jurisdiction, as if they were not bound to appear before them: for this is familiar with him, to insert and weave one lie within another.  
After this he answereth another objection taken out of that famous and learned Canonist Martinus Azpilcueta commonly called Navarre, because he was of that Country: which Anti-Coton mistaking, calleth him very foolishly Martinus Navarrus Aspilcueta a Spaniard, placing his Country betwixt his Christen-name, & his Syr-name: and beside addeth, that he came out of the same school, whereas he was a graduate, before the Society began. But the chiefest folly joined with malice appeareth in this; that Anti-Coton chargeth this pious Casuist to have said, that it is lawful for a man to dissemble, that he is a Catholic; 
Q. 13. in c. Humanae aures 22. q. 5. p. 203. impress. Venet. 1601.  which he most expressly denieth in these words: Ex hoc proximo corollario inferri, peccare mortaliter eum qui dissimulat se ore Catholicum, licèt cord confiteatur se esse talem; that, he sinneth mortally, who dissembleth himself a Catholic in word, though in heart he confesseth himself to be one.  
I omit the rest, and come to the three propositions in which my Author comprehendeth all that Divinity teacheth concerning this point. 1. As often as any either Regular or Secular is demanded juridically, he is bound in conscience to answer sincerely without ambiguity, and according to the sense of him who demandeth. 2. The use of such ambiguities or equivocations, before any whosoever, without necessity, or evident utility, is always a sin, as a thing repugnant to human society. To which Card. Tolet addeth, that if any swear of his own accord, without constraint, he must use words in the common signification, and to do otherwise, is a mortal sin. 3. When one is asked by them, who have no authority to do it, he is not bound to answer according to their intention, when some inconvenience would follow, or some notable good should be hindered. The lawyers also teach that no man is bound to denounce himself; and that there is no heed to be taken to him, who will cast away himself, as being against the law of nature, which is the first of all laws. The answer, which S. Athanasius made to them, who pursued him, causing his boat to return to the City, is memorable in this matter: and that of Saint Francis, which Navarre mentioneth, is not to be contemned, whatsoever they say, who make no great account of the doctrine of Equivocations, because they have no great scruple to lie.  
In confirmation of this doctrine thus explicated, Eudemon-Ioannes allegeth not only Sylvester and Navarre, 
Lib. count mendac. c. 10. lib. ●2. count Faust. Manich. c. 34. & seq. & lib. 1. in Gen. c. 26. 2. Poster. q. 69. a. 1. c. 2. Hom. 14. in Marc. & 78. in Matt. canon. 26. in eumd. & lib. 9 de Trinit. 3. part. q. 10. art. 2. Marc. 13.  as this Deceiver would make men believe, but S. Augustine in 3. places; in the last whereof he bringeth in proof of a just Equivocation, the example of Abraham, who called Sara his sister, although she were his wife, which he would not have to be known: and the same is confirmed by S. Thomas. He bringeth also S. Chrysostome, S. Hilary and S. Thomas, who expound in this sense the words of our Lord, when he said to his Apostles, that no man knew the day of judgement, no not the Angels in heaven, nor the Son, but the Father. He allegeth also S. Gregory, who observeth that this doctrine was taught by God himself, when Samuel excused himself from performing the commandment, which was given him to go and anoint David King of Israel: How shall I go, for Saul will hear of it, and will kill me? And our Lord said: A calf of the heard shalt thou take in thy hand, and shalt say: I am come to immolate unto our Lord: where we see, as S. Gregory observeth, that God appointed him to cover, and hide his design with words and actions different from the intention, with which Saul would demand him.  
To these might be added divers examples which my author produceth of jacob, David, Raphael, 
Gen. 27.24. 1. Reg. 21.13. Tob. 5.15. Luc. 2.46. Mat. 24.36. Io. 2.19. Luc. 24.28.  and our Saviour himself not once but often. But I will not weary you with needless repetitions of such things, as you know already. Wherhfore I will conclude this whole paragraph, only noting what is answered to Anti-Coton, who chargeth Eudemon-Ioannes and Sylvester, that by judgement, which is not true, but usurped upon those who are not subjects, they mean the judgement of civil Magistrates upon Clergy men, and principally upon jesuits, who are not subject so much as to Bishops. To this my Author answereth; that these words contain a double collusion. For both jesuits are subject to Bishops in the same manner, that all other Religious men are; and Clergymen whether they be regular or secular, are subject to all directive laws, & to the coactive also in certain enormous cases, which are called (privileged) of which sort are all treasons, and consequently they are subject also to the Magistrates, who have the administration and execution of them. And to this effect my Author answering to the eight demand of Anti-Coton, 
Pag. 176.  which was: Whether a jesuite being accused of treason, and kept prisoner thereupon, may lawfully use Equivocation in his answer? saith, that hitherto no jesuite hath been truly accused of any such crime, nor by God's assistance shall ever be hereafter. But if such a case should happen, neither he, nor any other could lawfully use Equivocation, answering those, who should demand them juridically.   

THE SOLUTIONS TO the personal objections against the Fathers of the Society. §. II.  
MY meaning is in this Paragraph, briefly to collect all objections against the Society, whether they be general or particular, only excepting those against F. Coton, which are so many as that they may better be produced severally by themselves. Only I think it needless to say any thing concerning English affairs, so well known to you, & wherein it seemeth the writer of this hath not had so full information as might have been wished; and I would not also willingly insert any thing, which might offend his Majesty or the State, especially because I know, that this is your desire also: and no doubt you have seen F. Eudemon-Ioannes his book, which containeth much more, than I can relate out of this. Wherefore omitting this I will relate the rest, in the same order that I find them recited, because my leisure will not permit me to put them into any other method. I will also chief insist upon those, as were fathered by Anti-Coton upon particular authors, for the other being affirmed without proof, need no other answer but a bare denial; especially since we see, that this silence could not proceed from want of will, or from respect to any, since that in these other calumniations the greatest personages in France are named.  
First then my Author affirmeth, 
Pag. 39  that the heretics of France give out, that Mariana induced Ravaillac to give that unfortunate, and execrable blow, and that he knew the book all by heart. To which he replieth, and will reply an hundredth and an hundredth times, under pain of losing both honour and life that Ravaillac did never see, read, nor hear the name of Mariana, if it were not, when he was demanded whether he had read him or not, & he answered, no: and that he knew not who he was, witness the Reverend Fa. M. Coeffeteau: 
Coeffeteau  witness also the verbal process itself; yea my author addeth, that though Ravaillac had read this book, yet it is most false, that Mariana teacheth the murder, which this unfortunate parricide committed: yea in some sort it might have been wished, that Ravaillac had read Mariana; if he could have understood him: for Mariana teacheth manifestly and expressly (as F. Gretzerus showeth) that a lawful Prince cannot be slain by any particular man, by his private authority, saying nothing in that point otherwise then the Council of Constance, and the Decrees of Sorbon. But his error was afterward, when he determined the public judgement to the approbation of the learned, although in this also he hath limited his opinion to the case of necessity, and to the common voice, and under this condition, that the said public judgement cannot be had by other means. In which fearing notwithstanding, and perceiving in some sort, that he was gone too far, he submitteth himself not only to the censure of the Church, but also to the judgement of any other.  
Moreover there can be no other reason given, why no sovereign Prince hath taken exception against him hitherto, but because he speaketh only of Tyrants, in the number of which they esteem not themselves to be. And the Inquisition of Spain, which otherwise is very rigorous, & the Pope himself, who as a temporal Prince should be as much interessed as others, have not hitherto thought, that he deserved any further censure. Finally my Author noteth, how falsely and maliciously Anti-Coton slandereth Mariana, making him to mean by the judicial sentence, the deposition made by the Pope; and by the approbation of learned men, the counsel of the jesuits: of whom Mariana maketh no mention; and neither the Pope, nor the jesuits are once named throughout those two Chapters, which treat of this matter.  
The next objection of Anti-Coton is not worth the reciting, for your Reverend F. General and the visitor also, who gave leave that the book of F. Mariana should be printed, cannot be blamed at all, since that F. General committed the matter to the visitors and Provincials, as he useth in such occasions: and he had no reason to use any particular diligence concerning this book, before he had notice thereof: which as he testifieth by his letter to the Provincial Congregation of France, was only after the book was printed and published, at which time he gave order presently for the correcting and suppressing thereof. And this seemeth one chief cause, why it was never reprinted by any Catholic, and had been long since extinguished, had not some Protestants been more diligent and busy, than they needed. The visitor also was not to examine the book in particular, but to commit it to three learned men, who partly by the authority and learning of F. Mariana, and partly by the limitations and moderations which he useth, might be induced to give their consent; but to these three, my author opposeth 30. or 40. who allowed the 13. or 14. books of the Society, wherein the contrary doctrine is taught.  
The next calumniation against your Fathers is, 
Pag. 42.  that they reign in Rome. To which my Author answereth, that this lying slander is injurious to the Cardinals, and his Holiness himself, whom together with the jesuits he would make odious to all Ecclesiastical persons. And besides every man knoweth, that the Mr. of the sacred Palace, to whom the censure of books belongeth, is of S. Dominicks Order. To this we may join another, which followeth a little after; that your Fathers in France are in public hatred or disgrace; 
Pag. 44.  which my Author affirmeth to be false, if by public hatred he understand not the charitable affection, which the Hugonots bear them, who (if they were hated by others so much) should not need to take so great pains, to invent and publish slanderous libels against them, without intermission, velut agmine facto. But the truth is that both King and Queen do honour them with particular affection, together with all the Princes and Great men of the Court, as also the rest of the Nobility, and three parts of the whole Sat, besides 30. thousand Scholars whose parents cannot be fewer.  
But let us hear more. There are alive at this day (saith Anti-Coton) in Paris above 2. 
Pag. 48.  thousand witnesses, who will testify, that james Clement ordinarily frequented the jesuits, and that some of them accompanied him even to the town ditch, when he went out of Paris to give the blow: But my Author answereth the improbability & absurdity of this calumniation; because there was no sense, that the jesuits should show themselves in that manner, as well for their own safety, as not to bring the other into question. Secondly the Court of Parliament may seem to have been very negligent, if among 2. thousand witnesses, they could not get one to discover the complices. Thirdly this calumniator himself may justly be called in question, why he did not bring forth these witnesses sooner. That which followeth of Pope Sixtus 5. his speech, and concerning Guignard, is affirmed without proof, and some things of most importance are plain falsifications, and grounded only upon flying and vulgar reports, as would appear, if the process itself might be seen. Of which sort that also seemeth to be of his being placed among the martyrs of the Society, since that (as my Author testifieth) he is not so much as in those catalogues which were printed at Rome.  
Wherefore these and such other fraudulent & malicious inventions are sufficiently confuted by that, which is certain; that the Fathers of the Society forsake father and mother, leaving their riches, and hopes of preferment, go to the Indies and new found land; are used and loved by the greatest Princes of the world, honoured in Italy, France, Spain, Polonia, Germany, Aethiopia, japonia, China; where they have very many Colleges, and are exceedingly desired in all places, being esteemed one of the chiefest upholders of the faith, sent by God's providence in the same time that Luther and Caluin apostated; and therefore no marvel, though they be so hated by Heretics, and persecuted by all Schismatics. I shall not need to tell the Reader, how falsely the book entitled De justa abdication Henrici 3. is insinuated to be written by a jesuit; since that it is manifest, that they had nothing to do with it, no more then with that other of Franciscus Verona Constantinus, who wrote the Apology for john Chastell.  
Anti-Coton writeth pag. 28. that F. Fronton du Duc, had affirmed to Monsieur Cazaubon, that, 
Pag. 72.  it were better that all Kings should be slain, than that one Confession should be revealed. All which notwithstanding is convinced of falsity by a letter written by Monsieur Cazaubon himself to the same Father in these words: Quod scribis de Anti-Cotono, ego verò palàm dixi apud multos, auctorem libri, quisquis ille sit, parùm sibi, cùm illa scriberet, cavisse, quòd me non adierit: si fecisset, numquam dixisset ea te mihi dixisse, quae profecto non dixisti. Concerning that, which you writ of Anti-Coton, I have openly said before many, that the Author of that book, whosoever he be, provided not well for himself, when he wrote so, in not repairing to me: which if he had done, he would never have said, that you said those things to me, which certainly you said not.  

Pag. 106.  I will not omit that frivolous objection, that before the Society was in the world, no man had ever heard, that the lives of Kings were assaulted under the shadow of Religion; which my Author deservedly calleth an outrageous and injurious lie, joined with a manifest contradiction; for if he speak absolutely of violent death, can he be ignorant, that the Caesars, nero's, Domitian's died such? Hath he never read the history of that Country, in which they be recited (an horrible, detestable, and lamentable thing) by dozen? Did not the Satirical Poet write long since, as the meanest scholars know, 
Ad generum Cereris sine caede & sanguine pauci  
Descendunt Reges, & sicca morte Tyranni?   
And if he understandeth it of the pretext of religion, and conscience, is not this a cloak, that is now worn out, having been used so much? Is not this the pretext, under which all factious and rebellious spirits have ever covered their revolutions, rebellions and murders? Is not this also to contradict himself, having in the beginning of his Libel told us, that Lewes Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles the 6. was slain by john Duke of Burgundy, and this murder defended by john Petit under the colour of conscience?  
But let him understand it as he will (saith my Author) we return it upon him, & say truly, that before Caluin preached at Geneva and others of his sect at Rochel, Nimes, and Montauban, no man had heard tell either of the conspiracy of Amboyse for the treason of Meaux; nor the surprising of Orleans, Bourges, Lions and of so many other Cities: nor of the battles of Moncontour, jarnac, & S. Denis, or of so many lanceknights & Reystres called into France against France; & this against the State, under the shadow of religion, & by those, who call themselves the Reformers of the world. Whereas the Society is no more cause of that, which is objected, than the other Religious Orders, which came into France a little before, or in the same time, or a little after it. We may likewise say, that before the Apostles begun to follow our Saviour, there was no speech of the treason of judas, & yet it followeth not from hence, that S. Peter & S. john are to be blamed. Must the concurrence of times communicate all the sins which are committed, to all that are then alive? If this reason were of force, we should by the same, attribute to the Fathers the perfection of all mechanical arts, & warlike exploits, of Policy, Philosophy & Divinity etc. which have flourished since the Society begun. As therefore this would be a great presumption in them to attribute these things unto themselves so likewise it is an intolerable malice in others to impute unto them those infamous attempts. I will not go forward (as my Author doth) to confute this fellows fooleries, who compareth France to the temple of Adonis, the jesuits to Lions and Tigers, and Spain to a desert or wilderness, out of which they should come.  
Wherefore omitting this, and coming to his particular objections, my Author showeth at large out of Fa. Richeome, how unprobable it is, that any of the Society were of chastel's Council, since than no force of torment could ever bring that young man to confess any such matter, which no doubt God would have brought to light, how obstinate soever the offender had been, if they had been faulty. Anti-Coton also falsifieth the Registers of the Court, making them to affirm, that Chastell had studied Divinity under F. Gueret; whereas that Father at that time had not heard one year of Divinity himself. He affirmeth likewise out of the same, that Chastell had confessed his being in a chamber of meditations, painted round about with devils; whereas there was never any such chamber at all, as they can testify who visited the College, and among an hundredth thousand Scholars which the Society hath had in France, no one can be produced, that ever did see any such Chamber. And what can be more desired to show the innocency of the Society, than that F. Gueret himself, who was thought most guilty, was sent back being cleared by the Court, after both ordinary and extraordinary examinations?  
As for their expulsion, which notwithstanding ensued hereupon, and the Pyramid which was erected to their disgrace, my Author saith, that he will not say with some, that it proceeded from the sway of the time: nor with others, 
Pyramidem Rex stare vetat, ne quaerito causam,  
Indicta causa pulsus & ordo fuit:   
But he will only say, that he had rather yield to the judgement of the Court, then censure it: and that there cannot too much rigour be used, to make the crime of treason detestable. And he addeth, that the King himself had a different judgement from this Calumniator, when treating of their Institute, and discoursing of the utility thereof, he said in presence of the Lord Condestable, and many others, who may remember it: that if the jesuits had known him sooner, they would have loved him sooner, and if he had known than sooner, he would have re-established than sooner. And another time, that if he were to be a Religious-man and live a contemplative life, he would be a Carthusian: and if he were to live religiously in the world, and employ himself in action, he would be a jesuite. This was at Bourgfontaine, in the presence of Monsieur du Perron Lord de la Guette, and after of his privy Counsel, a parsonage whom his Majesty honoured with a singular goodwill, together with a great estimation of his judgement and wisdom.  
Much more might be said to this purpose, there being as many proofs of this great Princes good opinion of the Society, as there have been Panegyrikes and apologies heard made by him for this Order; yet my author contenteth himself with a piece of a letter written by his Majesty to the Mayor & Magistrates of Rochel in these words: Cheers & bienaimeZ, ayant experimenté en plusieurs villes de nostre Royaume la probité, suffisance & modesty des Peres jesuits, lesquels en leurs moeurs, doctrine & common conversation, font veoir, qu'ils n'ont rien devant les yeux que l'honneur de Dieu: Nous auons trowé bon d'enuoyer en nostre ville de la Rochelle pour y prescher, le Pere Seguiran, Predicateur de leur company, revestu de toutes les qualiteZ, qui peuuent render un homme dign de cette charge. En date du 17. the Septembre 1606. signé HENRY, & plus bas, Ruzé.  
Dear and well-beloved, having experienced in many Cities of our Kingdom the virtue, sufficiency and modesty of the Fathers of the Society, who in their behaviour, learning and common conversation do declare that they have nothing before their eyes but the honour of God: We have thought good to send to our City of Rochel to preach, F. Seguiran a Preacher of their Society, endued with all the qualities, which may make a man worthy of this charge or office etc. Dated the 17. of september 1606. signed HENRY, and underneath, Ruzé.  
Now (saith my Author) who is so blind, that seethe not, or so wicked that granteth not, that this only judgement ought to be of more force, than all the calumniations of the world? For this was written after he had heard a thousand times, in a manner, all the evil of the Society which is said at this day, & after he had exactly and carefully made trial of them.  
For conclusion of this point, I must not omit to tell you, that the decree against Chastel was not absolutely censured at Rome, 
Pag. 42.  as Anti-Coton objecteth: for the late king was certified by letters from thence, that they censured nothing belonging to the fact, which they detested as much as any in France; but that which they censured, was a clause of the Decree defining and determining, what was heresy, which appertaineth not to the Parliament of Paris, but to the Church of God, and the chief Pastor thereof.  
Thus much for Chastell: after whom Anti-Coton returneth to one Barriere, who intended to have murdered the late King before he was admitted to the Crown by Paris and other Cities. And it seemeth, 
Pag. 116.  that he imparted this his design among others to F. Varade Rector of the College of the Society at Paris: which City being at that time in war with his Majesty, the Father could not by any means give advise: & yet my Author doth not altogether excuse him in this as his Majesty himself seemed to do, causing him to be warned, that he should departed from Paris, when he was to come thither, and never calling him in question for it afterward. This is the most, that can be probably believed against this Father. For the rest, which Anti-Coton affirmeth, of his persuading and adjuring Barriere by the Sacraments of Confession & Communion, containeth many absurdities, contradictions and falsifications, as my Author showeth: and it is certain, that the R. Father Seraphin Banqui, who went to his Majesty expressly to discover this plot, avouched, that Barriere himself had told him, that a Father of the Society at Lions affirmed, that he could not enterprise the kill of the King without damning himself. And his Majesty himself often testified, that he had first word of that attempt from one of the Fathers.  
That which followeth of the jesuits running from chamber to chamber crying: 
Pag. 119.  Surgefrater, agitur de religione; Rise brother, our Religion is in danger; is evidently convinced to be false by the circumstance of the time, since it is said to have been betwixt 8. and 9 of the clock at night, when the jesuits use not to be in bed. And besides, if it had been true, what could Anti-Coton or any other calumniator have made of it? But he wanteth matter, which maketh him go to the grammar scholars, and accuse them for making compositions against the King, before he was admitted, in time of the league, which may very well be true in part; but it is false, that after the reduction of Paris to the King's obedience, there was any such matter, and much less, that any was forbidden to pray for him: but many are yet living, who can testify, that there was earnest prayer made for his prosperity, and in particular the R. Father Clement du Puy, their Provincial in the Province of France ordained, that the Pensioners of the college of Clermont, who were about 200. should every day in the morning say the prayer, Quaesumus omnipotens Deus, ut famulus tuus Henricus Rex noster etc.  

Pag. 121.  All the objections, which are made against Alexander Hayus a scottish Father, appear sufficiently to be fictions, by his delivery out of prison; as likewise that which he addeth of the Father's sending children into far countries, since that he whom he nameth, dealt with no jesuit, (for the party charged as the seducer, was not of the Society at that time.) That which followeth were of more importance, if it were true; and therefore no marvel though it be so evidently convinced of falsehood. Anti-Coton bringeth the Duke of Sully for a witness, that this Noble man himself persuading the late King not to recall the jesuits, was answered by him, Give me then security for my life; which my author, not without cause, calleth a slander died in crimson. For the said Duke hath testified, both before the Queen herself, and the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Villeroy, and many others, and in particular to F. Coton, that he remembreth nothing of that, which the Anti-Coton maketh him say to the King, or the King to him.  
After some other objections concerning England, 
Pag. 123.  which I am resolved to omit, at length he cometh to the Reverend Father Baldwin now in the Tower, and is not afraid to affirm, that he had some intelligence with Francis Ravaillac, who (saith he) had been in Flanders somewhat before his cursed enterprise. Whereas my Author showeth, that Ravaillac was particularly asked, whether he had been at Brussels; to which he answered: that he was never out of the Kingdom, and that he knew not where Brussels was.  
From England he goeth to Polonia, affirming, 
pag. 124.  that the jesuits have persuaded that King to use such violence, that he hath been in danger to lose his Kingdom: which my Author calleth a manifest falsehood, for Polonia was never in the memory of man so prosperous; nor ever King more beloved, and respected, or more peaceable in his Estates; yea he hath entered into Moscovia, where at this present he obtaineth very great victories. And as for Sweden, every man knoweth, that his uncle Charles withholdeth it against all right & justice, not in respect of the jesuits, about whom there was never any question; but by reason of the Duke's heresy and ambition: showing by his proceeding (which is most certain) that out of the Catholic Church there is no true faith at all.  

Ibidem.  That which followeth of Transiluania is a mere fiction; neither can he produce any such letter, as he feigneth of the Baron of Zerotin; neither were the Fathers ever suspected of any conspiracy against that Prince; yea F. Alfonsus Carillo was his Confessarius, until he sent home the Lady Catherine of Austria, and did put his cozen Balthasar Battorius to death. And at this present all (besides the heretics) do much desire that the Fathers of the Society may return to Coluswar, otherwise called Claudiopolis, & to Fayrwar otherwise called Alba-Iulia. By all which this slander is made manifest, but by nothing more, than by that, which is added, of putting one of the Fathers to death; for never any heard of any such, besides F. Martin Laterna Confessarius to King Steven Battorius, who being sent by his Majesty into Transiluania, was taken upon the sea, and put to death by the Pirates of Duke Charles, who styleth himself King of Sweden. Because this calumniator could find no colour to charge the Society with any thing against the house of Austria, he taketh a new course, and will needs give the reason thereof to be, because their General is a Spaniard, to whom they vow blind obedience. 
Pag. 78. 81. & 125.  But my Author showeth, that it is false, that the Generals of the Society are always Spaniards, as appeareth by the last, who was of Liege; and although this who is now, be a Neapolitan; yet he is of the noble house of Aquauiua, son to the Duke of Atri, Uncle to the Cardinal Aquaviva now living; which family hath always been esteemed to favour the French. It is also untrue, that in the Society the first vows are made to F. General, but immediately to the Superiors of that place, which in France are Frenchmen, who cannot be thought less faithful to their King, than the Spaniards to theirs: and how their vow of obedience is to be understood, hath been already declared.  
There remaineth yet Venice, 
Pag. 126.  concerning which Anti-Coton chargeth the jesuits to have been the beginners of the last troubles betwixt that Commonwealth & the Pope: whereas it is manifest out of the books of Friar Paul & the rest of that crew, that the cause of those difficulties were, for that his Holiness would not permit the real liberties, and personal immunities of the Church to be infringed and violated: for which cause he had imposed a local & personal interdict upon that State. Neither did the Fathers of the Society proceed any further, than the Capuchins and Theatins, who took it not to belong to them, to censure the Pope's proceedings, but rather to obey his Decrees, until the Commonwealth had made their remonstrations, and supplications to his Holiness. And whereas this calumniator addeth, that the jesuits wrought against the Commonwealth at Rome; my Author showeth, that the late King of France (in all men's judgements) a most judicious Prince, commanded the proofs of this, and other objections to be examined; but nothing could be gotten, but silence, as that renowned Prelate the Cardinal of joycuse, to whom this whole affair was committed by his Majesty, can witness.  
Finally the Society can be no more blamed for having legacies and lands in that State, then in any other, or then all other Religious Orders: Yea, if we speak of their house in Venice itself, it was not capable of any rent, or land whatsoever. And here my Author hath just cause to wish all men to inform themselves thoroughly of the truth before they give ear to the calumniations and false reports which the enemies of the Society are wont to raise. This (saith he) was the lesson, which our great Henry gave to all those, whom he saw ill affected unto them, saying often. That it was sufficient to know the jesuits, for to love, esteem, and defend them. In so much, as all the Princes and great Lords of France can testify, that they have often heard him speak of the Society with such great affection, and such honourable commendation, as could be given to any Religious Order.  
Having thus wandered up and down foreign Countries, 
Pag. 128.  this Libeler returneth home to France, and for conclusion of his second Chapter heapeth up ten lies in one narration, concerning the erection of a College of the Society in Orleans. First, that they sent one of their Fathers to preach in that City the time of Lent; whereas it is manifest, that this provision of Preachers belongeth to the Bishops themselves; & beside he mistaketh Lent for Aduent. Secondly he affirmeth, that the Citizens were not well content, nor satisfied with the Father's preaching; whereas it is certain, that his Auditory was very great, and his sermons much applauded; in so much, that he could hardly excuse himself from preaching the next Lent also, although there was another very eloquent, and learned man appointed. Thirdly (saith Anti-Coton) in steed of studying, this Fa. busied his brains in searching out and entertaining such, as had yet in their hearts any remainder of the old leaven of the league. This is a most malicious lie, and such an one, as only the Hugonots will believe, whom the late King called the leaguers of his time. And the truth is, that the Father was always ordinarily either in the Church, or else in his chamber, as those of the Lord Bishops of Orleans house, where he had his lodging, will testify. Fourthly (saith this calumniator) this jesuite gave out, that it was the Kings will, that they should be established in that City; whereas the King had dispatched his Letters Patents to this purpose above four months before, and had sent them to the Lord Bishop, and Mounsieur Decures. Fiftly he saith, that the jesuits talk was of driving out the Monks of S. Samson, that they might get their Church. But my Author answereth, that this treaty was in the behalf of the reverent Fathers of S. Francis of Paula his Order, commonly called Minims or Bon-homs, & that all was done with due and lawful circumstances, and with consent of the parties: and if afterwards some desired, that it might be employed for a College of the Society, it was with the same conditions. Sixtly, like unto this is that which followeth of displacing Monsieur the Mareshall of Chastres' Governor of that City etc. for there was no such matter. Seventhly, he addeth, that the Fathers used much importunity with the King to this effect: whereas it was his majesties own motion to prefer Orleans before Chartres, because he thought that a College would be more profitable in that City, in respect of certain families, which were reported to have changed their Religion not long before. Eightly, the next lie is, that his Majesty granted this College under condition, that the Citizens should be brought to give their consent: whereas in deed, there is no such word in the Patents, which are absolute, with commendation of the Society, and testimony of the good, which their Colleges cause in all parts. Ninthly he bringeth in one Touruile an Advocate, proving that in France a man could not love the King and the jesuits both: but this is altogether false, and it would prove, that neither the Cities, and Parliaments, which have received, and do willingly retain the Society, should love their King; yea that the late King loved not himself, since that he showed them such extraordinary kindness & favours, founding them Colleges in divers places at his own charges, and resolving to place them in all the principal Cities of his Kingdom. Finally he concludeth, that all the Citizens concurred jointly in the same opinion, concluding, that the Society should not be admitted: whereas indeed they were neither all of one opinion, nor gave an absolute denial; but only excused themselves for want of means, offering to receive them willingly, if his Majesty would provide for them. Neither is it probable, that they would answer otherwise, unless we should measure them by the Hugonots, who possessed that City in former times. And thus we see, that my Author had reason to affirm, that Anti-Coton must needs be very shameless, since that he calumniateth so impudently; and ill habituated, since he doth it so often: and finally of little talon, since he doth it so foolishly.  
In his third Chapter Anti-Coton goeth about to show, 
Pag. 145.  that the Fathers of the Society were guilty of the murder of the late King of France, which is so incredible a calumniation, and so easily convinced by many testimonies, and circumstances, that it is a wonder how any could be so impudent, as to avouch so manifest an untruth: but yet let us examine, at least so much as may carry any colour of truth, of which sort, that which he affirmeth of Fa. Comelet is not; and the words of Fa. Hardy are wrested to a wrong sense, for he only affirmed, that Princes were subject to death and other casualties, as well as meaner men.  
In like manner that which he bringeth against Fa. Gontier is only proved by the testimony of a dead man, or else by such a witness, as openly giveth him the lie, I mean Monsieur de la Grange Secretary to the Prince of Condie, and the matter is clear in itself: for he maketh Fa. Rector at Perigeus, where those words should be spoken, Fa. Saphore, which is altogether false. Monsieur de Guron, whom he standereth to have dealt with the Preachers in Paris, that they should preach seditious doctrine, is a very virtuous and devout gentleman, and will maintain against him and all the world, that this is a mere slander: yea the Duke of Sully avoucheth, that it is most false, that ever the Curates of Paris came with any complaint to him, either in this, or any other matter. And if Monsieur de Guron had given any such seditious discourses, they would have been published, aswell as others of less importance.  
But above all, the falsity of this calumniation appeareth, in that he maketh the late King not only to dissemble the matter, but also to reward the chief malefactor by making (as he saith) F. Gontier his Preacher, & giving him a pension: both which are also most false. For this Father was no more the King's Preacher afterward, than he had been before. And as for the pension, not only he, but Fa. Coton himself never had any, it being against the institute of the Society, that any of them should take any thing in recompense of the exercise of their function, & much less, that any of them in particular should have any rent, revenue, or pension. True it is, that the late King esteemed highly the rare qualities, and excellent talents of F. Gontier, and especially his great zeal, courage, and constancy in God's cause: and all that ever the Lord Mareshall Dernano said of him, was; that he could have desired, that the remonstrances made before his Majesty at S. Geruas, had been in camera charitatis, as his words were, witness the Queen Regent herself, who was present and heard them.  

Pag. 147.  Thus much for Fa. Gontier: after whom Anti-Coton cometh to Fa. Aubigny, and is not ashamed to avouch that Ravaillac justified unto this Father, that he had told him in confession of his intention to give a great stroke, showing him the knife, having an Heart engraven upon it; whereas the Registers of the Court itself do witness, that Ravaillac being demanded about F. de Aubigny, answered, that he came to him one day after Mass in the month of january, he being in the Church, & that he declared unto him certain visions: and he deposed, that the said Father answered him, that he should make no account of them, fearing lest his head were crazed; willing him to say his beads, and that if he had any thing to say to the King, he should go to some Noble man to procure audience. Upon which the said Father and he being confronted the eighteenth of May, he charged him not with any other thing, only adding, that the Father had bidden him to have care of his brain, and to eat some good broths, that he might be able to sleep. And the day before, the judges having inquired of him, whether he had not demanded of F. de Aubigny, if he ought not to confess such visions, as exceeded the common course, and namely about kill Kings: the said offender answered, Noah. Being demanded, whether he had no other speech with him, and if he never saw him but that time: he likewise answered, Noah. Being demanded again, when the Father was present, why he went rather to him then to any other: he answered; Because he had understood, that this Father was a friend to the brother of a certain Religious Woman.  
Besides at other times being urged by the judges to declare those, who had any way assisted him in this crime, or to whom he had imparted his purpose: his answer was, that since his being in prison many had provoked him to make this acknowledgement, and in particular the Lord Archbishop of Aix: but he was never moved by any, neither did ever any speak with him of any such matter. And the 27. of May his sentence being pronounced, and he exhorted to prevent the torment by confessing the complices, he took it upon his soul, that neither man, nor woman, or any other besides himself knew of it. And being laid upon the torment, he beseeched God with a loud voice to have pity of his soul, and to pardon his offence; but yet not otherwise, then if he had not concealed any thing. Which he often repeated afterward under the oath, which he had made unto God and the Court. And before he was delivered to the Doctors, he likewise said, that he was not so miserable to retain any thing: if he had not declared it already: knowing well, that he could not obtain that mercy of God which he expected, if he should conceal any thing, and that he would not have endured the torment inflicted upon him, if he had known any thing more. And being in the hands of M. Gamache and M. Filsacke Doctors of the Sorbon, he gave them leave to reveal his Confession, and to print it also; that it might be made known to all, which the said Doctors declared to be: That none but he had given the blow, that he had not been entreated, solicited, nor induced by any, neither had he imparted the matter to any. He acknowledged that he had committed a great fault, for which he hoped mercy at God's hands, it being greater than his sin, but that he would not expect any, if he had concealed any thing. And finally, immediately before his execution, he confirmed with an oath, that he had discovered all, and that not any in the world had induced him, nor he spoken, or imparted the matter to others. And he always persisted saying the same in the midst of his torments: yea after he had been drawn half an hour with horses, he notwithstanding persevered in this denial.  
That which Anti-Coton saith of the Preachers, 
Pag. 150.  who might seem to have moved him, is a mere fiction: for he never made mention of them, but when he affirmed, that if he were so much forsaken by God, as to die without declaring his complices, he would not think to be saved, nor that there was any paradise for him: because saith he, Abyssus abyssum invocat, as he had learned of the Preachers, and therefore this would be to double his offence. Besides if he had blamed the Preachers, as Anti-Coton affirmeth; he could not mean those of Paris, since that it appeareth by his confession, that he departed from Angoulesme the last time but one of his being there, 13. days before Christmas, and returned again before Lent: since that, he confessed and communicated at Angoulesme the first sunday in Lent, and did not set forward from thence to Paris, until Easter day; and came not to Paris until a week after: by which it appeareth, that he was not in Paris in the time either of Aduent, or Lent. And finally this accusation belongeth no more to the jesuits, then to all other Preachers, and may be applied by a Calumniator to any of them in particular.  
It were but a folly to stand upon that report, 
Pag. 158.  which he affirmeth to have been of the kings death at prague and Brussels a week or fortnight before it happened. For to omit the like examples, which my Author produceth, who seethe not, that such rumours use to run upon divers occasions? though indeed the letters which Anti-Coton allegeth from prague to this effect, are feigned, as the son of him to whom they were said to be written, testifieth. The Provost of Petiviers affirmed by this Calumniator to have been in faction a jesuit, 
Pag. 160.  doth not any way belong to them; and was as devout, as Anti-Coton himself seemeth to be, not having been at Confession for the space of eight years.  

Pag. 161.  The smiling countenance, which this slanderer attributeth to the Fathers, were indeed true tears, as those, to whom they imparted their griefs, can testify: and when they were presented by Monsieur de la Varanne, who was commanded by the Queen herself to bring them, F. Coton who spoke in all their names, was interrupted with his own and the other Father's sighs and tears.  
It is also false, which some give out, that a principal parsonage, and officer should will them when they went to Fleche (to carry the King's heart) not to forget the tooth which Chastell had struck out some years before. For the Fathers did not so much as see, or speak with that parsonage, and he was to wise to let any such words escape him. No less foolish, and false is the next objection concerning the Father's being absent from the King's Funeral, as appeareth by the certification which followeth: I the underwritten do certify those, to whom it appertaineth, that the Fathers of the Society residing in Paris, came together to S.  of Auxerois, which was the place appointed for the orders of Religion to meet in, the day of the Funeral of the late King, the great Henry the fourth, and presented themselves to me, that they might have a place among the rest of those, who assisted in the Funerals: which was denied them, lest it might cause confusion, since they were not inserted in my roll, because it is not their custom to assist in such actions any more than the Carthusians & Celestines. Which when the said Fathers had understood, they went to the Lowre, and into the Hall, where the body with his partraiture lay, and there they sprinkled holy water upon it, and prayed for the soul of his Majesty. Dated in Paris the 29. of September, 1610. Guiot Rhodes Great Master of the Ceremonies of France.  
There remaineth yet the objection of Monsieur the Mareshall of Chastres, 
Pag. 164.  General of the forces sent from France to Cleves, whom Anti-Coton affirmeth to have been dissuaded from that journey by the jesuits. But this Nobleman hath discharged them fully and plainly from this calumniation in the presence of the Queen Regent, the Earl of Soissons, and of all the Court; and beside hath given the Fathers a testimony to the contrary under his own hand. Thus this Calumniator endeth his third Chapter, and in the fourth I find nothing to this purpose.  
In the fifth he inveigheth chief against F. Coton in particular, 
Pag. 243.  only at the later end he hath an objection or two concerning the riches & want of learning of the Society in France. To which my Author answereth briefly, that excepting the College of Fleche which was founded & endowed by the late King, there is not any house in all France, in which every one may have allotted twenty pounds for his expenses by the year, accounting not only their meat, drink, & apparel, but also their Libraries, Infirmaries, Sacristies, Viaticums, entertaining of strangers and other public charges. In proof whereof, and for prevention of this slander, Fa. Coton hath given a note of all the goods, which the Society hath in France, to the Lo. Chancellor, the Lo. of Sully and the Secretaries of Estate, granting & yielding all that is not specified in that Roll, to any that can find it out. And whereas Anti-Coton speaketh of above an hundred thousand Crowns in rent, procured by the Society in the space of seven or eight years since their Revocation: My Author in his own and the rest of the Father's names, maketh a free gift and donation to him of all, that shallbe found to belong to the Society in France, surmounting the sum of fifty thousand, upon this condition, that he will supply so much, as wanteth to make up that sum. And as for the Noviship in the Suburbs of S. , within the precincts whereof Anti-Coton saith a pretty Town might stand: the truth is, that the whole house, courts, and gardens are not above 30. fathom square.  

Pag. 247.  Finally he concludeth his whole railing discourse with telling us, that the Fathers of the Society are ignorant persons, and will overthrow learning, and is not ashamed to charge the Lord Cardinal Peron, as Author of this slander. But it were a folly to say any thing in the disproof thereof, the whole world being witness to the contrary, which would far sooner approve that encomium of the Lo. Abbot of Tiron, who as Monsieur Yueteaux the King's master reporteth, was wont to say, that Imperium litterarum est penes jesuitas. The empire of learning is among the jesuits. And the concourse of scholars to their Schools doth testify the same, which this foolish fellow would persuade men to proceed from not taking any thing, either for washing or for candles: as though the flower of the nobility would be moved with such toys: and this could be a motive for so many Parents, as in time of the Father's absence from France, sent their children to their Schools in other Countries.  
For conclusion of this Paragraph it will not be amiss to note, how falsely Anti-Coton in his Epistle Dedicatory to the Queen Regent, avoucheth these his calumniations of the Society, to be the testimony of her majesties highest Courts of justice, the consent of the greatest part of her Clergy, & among them, even of the Sacred Faculty of Divinity, and in a word the common universal outcry of all her people. For it appeareth by that, which hath been said, that this is so far from being true, that no one honest, or civil man can be produced for the proof of any one of these slanders. And besides my Author noteth, that the Registers, & proceedings of the Court convince the contrary. 
Pag. 21.  To which he addeth the funeral orations of Monsieur d'Angeres, Monsieur de Ries, and Monsieur d' Air: the attestations of Monsieur de Paris: 
Pag. 309.  the deputation which the Clergy hath lately made in the person of my Lo. Archbishop of Ambrun for the assistance of the re-establishment of the College of Clermont: the assembly of the Doctors of the Sorbone the 23. of August, and those of the two Faculties of Physic, and the Cannon Law in the month of September following, the year 1610. in which they agreed that the Fathers of the Society should teach with them in Paris, being incorporated to the University. 
Pag. 306.  All which we might finally confirm with the Letters Patents of this King; for the establishing of all that, which his Father granted in favour of the Society.   

THE SOLUTIONS OF the objections against Fa. Coton in particular. §. III.  
HITHERTO we have seen what Anti-Coton was able to say against the Society in general: now we come to F. Coton in particular, against whom this malicious mate showeth exceeding great spite and malice; but with no more truth nor probability, than we have found hitherto. 
Pag. 134.  And first he chargeth him with certain interrogations made to a certain possessed person, which he affirmeth that the Father himself had written in a ticket, and through oversight had given them to Monsieur Gillot a counsellor, in a book which he had lent him: But my Author convinceth this calunniation to be false by many reasons. For first the exorcisms of this maid were public, and before many at S. Victor, at S. Genouefa, and at S. Nicolas du Chardonet, & therefore there would not want witness of these interrogations, if there had been any such. Secondly it is denied, that ever Monsieur Gillot lent any book to F. Coton, neither doth the Father remember, that ever he saw him, and much less is it likely that he had any familiarity with him, especially having often heard, that he had always showed himself an earnest enemy to the Society, though without all cause. Thirdly when this fable was told the late King by a Noble man of the pretended reformed Religion, the said Father offered to give another writing of his own hand, that it might be confronted with that ticket, which notwithstanding would not be accepted. And Monsieur du Perron one of the King's privy Counsel having considered the ticket attentively, maintained that it was not Fa. coton's hand, from whom he had seen & received many letters. Fourthly these false witnesses are at variance among themselves, for some of them make these interrogations mount to the number of 30. 40. 50. 60. and more, as may be seen in divers printed copies; others make them to be fewer, and Anti-Coton himself hath not only not specified more than 5. but also by calling the paper wherein they were written, a ticket, showeth that they could not be many more, and therefore no marvel, though the late King used to jest at the matter, saying: that it would prove like the library of Madame de Mont pensier.  
And that which is added, that Fa. Coton went to these exorcisms moved with curiosity, is as false; for he was oftener than once commanded by the Queen, who dealt with the Lo. Bishop of Paris to that end; and yet the Fa. yielded not, before he had represented some difficulties, which he found in the matter. By which it appeareth, that he was not drawn by any curiosity, and much less by any familiarity he had with spirits, as this impudent Fellow is not ashamed to suspect; and upon these foolish suspicions to make very odious illations against him, which redound no less to the injury of the late King, as my Author showeth. But that there was no such curiosity, familiarity, nor interrogations, might be proved by the Pastors & Religious men of the places, where these exorcisms were made. To whom we may add Monsieur Forget a Doctor of Sorbon, and many Princes and Lords of the Court, to omit the rest. And finally the Lord Bishop of Paris knoweth, that Monsieur de Laual was Catholic, before Fa. Coton's going to these exorcisms; and therefore it is incredible, that the Fa. would demand what should be the issue of his conversion, which notwithstanding Anti-Coton setteth down in the first place.  

Pag. 140.  The next objection concerning the Spaniard, who should come addressed to Fa. Coton, with intention to kill the King; is such an impudent, and incredible slander, that it deserveth no answer, since that it is against all reason and sense, that Fa. Coton, or any other of his coat should consent to the death of him, who had been so great a favourer and promoter of their whole Order. And besides Monsieur de Lomenye Secretary of Estate, and in particular of the Kingdom of Navarre & of Bearne, hath testified in the presence of the Lord Bishops of Mascon, and Sisteron, that all the letters of Monsieur de la Forze Lieutenant for the King in Bearne passed through his hands, & that he never saw any such matter in them, out of which notwithstanding, this calumniation is only avouched.  
Thirdly Anti-Coton objecteth, that F. Coton had written the late kings Confession into Spain, 
Pag. 142.  and for that cause was in disgrace the space of 6. weeks: And that the young King, who now is, hearing thereof, said to the Father, that he would tell him nothing, because he would write it into Spain, as he had done his Father's Confession. But first no man ever perceived, that Fa. Coton was in disgrace with the late King for the space of 6. hours, neither were it any way probable, that his Majesty would have continued to confess unto him, until his dying day, if he had either known, or suspected any such matter. True it is, that F. Coton himself requested the King oftentimes to make choice of another Confessarius, & in particular of the Lo. Archbishop of Ambrun, by reason of his great virtue, and singular piety, using the help of his brother also to that end: but his Majesty answered him twice, that he would never take any other. And surely it is strange to see, how this Calumniator is not ashamed to accuse Fa. Coton now of revealing the kings Confession, no more than he was before to charge Fa. Fronton with a speech which might seem too strict and rigorous in this point. As for that of the young King, the Queen herself hath taken the pains to make inquiry, being astonished to hear so strange a report. And she hath found the truth to be, that his Majesty never heard of any such matter, & much less used any such words to Fa. Coton, who retaineth the same place now, which he had before in his Father's time.  
Fourthly this Calumniator addeth, 
Pag. 150.  that Fa. Coton having obtained leave to speak with Ravaillac in prison, bid him take heed, lest he did accuse the innocent, fearing lest he would accuse the jesuits. But first Fa. Coton went not to the prison of his own accord, but by the Queen's commandment, as all the Court knoweth. Secondly he used no such words to Ravaillac, but that unfortunate wretch complaining, that they would make him accuse either the jesuits, or the Princes to whom he had never imparted his design; the Fa. replied in these words: Thou deceivest thyself, none would have thee to accuse the innocent, but every one desireth that thou shouldest say the truth. And as thou shouldest be in the way of damnation, by accusing the innocent: so likewise thou shalt be in the same case, unless thou revealest the culpable. Thou must tell the truth, if thou desirest to see his face who hath said; I am the way, the truth, & the life. And of this are witnesses all, that were present at that time, who can also testify (which this Calumniator was loath to speak of) that the miserable Parricide was moved by Fa. coton's speeches to acknowledge his fault, which he had not done till then; and to shed abundant tears, desiring to have a Confessarius, by which occasion the Fa. said unto him: If thou hadst imparted thy tentation to a good Confessarius, he would have used the same reasons and persuasions to thee which thou hast heard of me: he would have made thee to have known thy sin, and have persuaded thee to have given it over. To which the poor wretch answered: To whom would you have had me gone to Confession? he would have accused me, and caused my death. Thou deceivest thyself (said the Father) a prudent Confessarius would have diverted thee from this heinous crime, he would have put the life of the King in security, and thine also.  
Now we come to the last Chapter of Anti-Coton: for I think not any thing which he saith in his fourth Chapter concerning Fa. coton's book, worth the noting, unless I should tell you of that lie and slander, wherein he avoucheth, that the King commanded F. Coton to write against F. Mariana; 
Pag. 43.  which my Author denieth, and disproveth at large in the beginning of his book: wherefore omitting this, let us come to that objection concerning his living in the Court, 
Pag. 223.  which he saith is a scandal to the whole Church, being a thing contrary, not only to the Institution of all Monks, but particularly to the Rules of the jesuits. And Cardinal Tolet holds it for a general truth, that a Religious person, who liveth in the Court is excommunicate, albeit he hath leave of his Superior.  
To which my Author answereth, that in the third Article of the Societies establishment in France, approved by the late King, his Counsel, and Court of Parliament; it is ordained, that those of the Society shall have ordinarily one of their Order about the King, and he must be a Frenchman, with sufficient authority to serve his Majesty as a Preacher, and to inform him of their proceed, as occasion shall be offered. Wherefore if F. Coton should departed from the Court, another of the same Society must necessarily come in his place. Secondly my Author saith, that the Fathers of the Society are no monks; yea their Institute and functions are altogether different from those, which a solitary life requireth; and to this end, he allegeth the second and third Rule of the Summary of your Constitutions: The end of this Society is to attend with God's grace, not only to their own salvation and perfection, but also with the same grace to employ themselves with all their forces, to the salvation and perfection of their neighbours. And a little after: It is proper to our vocation to pass into divers countries, and to live in any place of the world, where Gods greater service, and the help of souls is hoped for. According to which (saith my Author) we have seen, and by God's help shall see, what great fruit the Society hath produced in the conversion of Infidels, in the reduction of heretics, and the instruction of Catholics. And this is that (saith he) which Monsieur the Prince answered very wisely not long since to one, who would have disgusted him with the jesuits. These people (said he) carry the faith thither, where it is not, & maintain it, where it is; for which cause I will always love them.  
After this my Author showeth at large, how many that were Monks, have left their cloisters for the good of souls. As for example S. Basil, and S. Gregory, S. Augustine and S. Hierome, S. Remigius & S. Martin, S. Augustine of England and his four Companions sent thither by S. Gregory the Great; S. Lambert and S. Kilian, S. Wilfrid, S. Willebrord, and S. Switbert; so that though Fa. Coton were a Monk, yet he might well be excused by these examples, no less than those four of the same Society, which accompany the King of Poland, one of them being his Confessarius, and another his Preacher; as also the Confessarius to the Queen of Spain, to the Duke of Bavaria, to the duchesses of Mantua, & Lorayn; & finally to the Archduke Mathias, now King of Hungary. Neither do there want examples of other Religious orders in the same kind; for the Confessarius of the Queen Regent is of S. Augustine's order: the King of Spain and the Archduke of Flanders use to confess to Religious men of S. Dominicks, & the Infanta to one of S. Francis, to omit the rest.  
As for the Authority of Cardinal Tolet, 
Instr. Sacerd. l. 1. c. 40.  which he objecteth against F. Coton's being in the Court, my Author answereth, that in the place by him alleged, there is no such matter. But yet I have been a little more curious to see, if I could find, upon what ground Anti-Coton could gather any such doctrine out of that learned Cardinal; and I have found, that it is a manifest falsification. For in the Chapter immediately going before, Monks & Cannon Regulars, 
Cap. 39  not having administration, which presume to go to the Courts of Princes, for the harm of their Monasteries or Prelates, are said to incur excommunication. But for declaration thereof, Tolet presently noteth out of the Gloss upon that text of Canon law, 
Clement, Nem agro de stat. Monach, § Quia verò.  where this excommunication is expressed, that two things are required for those Monks & Cannon Regulars to incur this censure. First, that they enter into the Court. Secondly, that they enter with this mind, whether they have their Prelates leave or not. Now than this Calumniator should have showed, that F. Coton had any such intention, from which he is so free, that the only naming of that condition would have cleared him of all such suspicions; which Anti-Coton seemed to foresee, & therefore falsified the Cardinal's authority.  
The other personal imputations against F. Coton are either most impudent lies, without all show of truth, or else mere suspicions, grounded upon such conjectures as any indifferent man would rather interpret to the Father's commendation. 
Pag. 229. 240. 241.  Such are the objections, which are taken out of his letter to a very devout and religious woman, and his Book of devotion dedicated to the Queen herself. And it is sufficient for confutation of all these slanders, that there cannot be any one produced, or named in the whole Court who will testify any the least misdemeanour of him: for if there were any such, it is not likely, that he, who hath not spared the king himself, would pass them over in silence, or leaving the Court would run to avignon & Languedoc to find matter. Which notwithstanding he doth with so evil success, that the whole Cities have joined and given their testimony against him: and not only they, but even the Abbot of Boys whom he presumed to father his calumniation upon, hath openly disclaimed and disproved him. For thus he writeth in a testification, which he sent to F. Coton himself: 
Pag. 231.  I the underwritten do testify, that I was in Avignon all the time, that the Reverend Fa. Coton of the Society of jesus remained there, and I never heard any say, that he committed any thing contrary to the dignity, & quality of his profession; which I affirm of that in particular, whereof the Anti-Coton accuseth him. And because I am made the Author of so manifest a slander, I say freely, that I know no such matter, and that I have always known the said Reverend F. Coton to be a venerable, and good Religious man. In testimony whereof, I have written and subscribed this my present deposition at Paris in my study, this Vigil of S. Denys Martyr 1610.  
The Abbot of Boys Olivier.  
And have sealed it with my seal.  
After this, follow in my Author 4. 
Pag. 232. & seq.  other attestations of the Vicar General, the Clergy, and the Consuls of avignon, and also of the Bishop of Orange, all which do testify, that they knew Fa. Coton all the time of his being in that Cytty, and that there was never any such matter, as the Anti-Coton chargeth him withal; but contrariwise, that they all received great contentment, edification and benefit by his learned Sermons, and other pious and holy endeavours. All which attestations were afterward examined, and approved by the King's Notaries in Paris.  
To the like effect is the Attestation of above 30. 
Pag. 312.  of the most principal persons in Languedoc, and especially in the City of Nimes; all which do testify, that both the public, 
Pag. 317.  and private actions of Fa. Coton did all way tend to the honour & glory of God, and the edification and comfort of others: and that he always behaved himself very piously, religiously, and charitably, aswell in his Sermons, Exhortations and Catechisms, as also in visiting the sick, assisting the afflicted, and comforting the poor: in so much, that by his means, instruction, learning, and good life (after God's grace) the faith, devotion, charity, and other virtues of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Religion have been increased, and augmented in the same City; in which the continuance of civil wars had caused some diminution, and decrease. And that they never heard, nor understood any suspicion of any evil, scandalous, or culpable behaviour in the person, or actions of the said Reverend Fa. Coton: Yea they add, that by his public Sermons, and private counsels and admonitions, he maintained, confirmed, and conserved that City in peace, amity, and fraternal society; and stirred up a holy emulation to do good one to another, without partiality, or distinction; and by good examples, & mutual courtesies to bury the memory of civil wars, and the exacerbations, and offences, which the injury of former times might have caused.  
Much more might be said in justification, and commendation of Fa. Coton, by declaring his virtuous education from his very childhood, 
Pag. 222.  of which there be many eye witnesses in Paris itself. At the age of eighteen years he entered into the Society, where my Author protesteth before God and his Angels, that he hath been accounted always, and without exception, one of the best Religious men of his Order. But I will conclude with the praise, which the late King was wont to give him, often affirming, that Fa. Coton was the most humble, 
Pag. 241.  and modest spirit, that ever he knew: which commendation Monsieur du Perron Lord of Guette, and a privy counsellor will witness, that he heard of his Majesty the last Easter before his death. And the truth is, that if he were otherwise, he could never have continued in the Court with such estimation, and good will of the Princes, and principal personages. For as Monsieur de la Forze told him one day before the King, 
Pag. 221.  he had need to take heed, how he did walk, for if he should chance to stumble, there would not want those, that would take him up.   

A BRIEF NOTE Of the doctrine, and proceed of Anti-Coton and other Hugonots. §. FOUR  
BY occasion of the objections and calumniations, which Anti-Coton hath heaped together against the Society, my Author hath been enforced to touch something in the same kind against him and his fellow- Hugonots: but yet with such modesty, and moderation, that he hath not intermeddled with any their personal crimes, but only with such errors, as are committed in this book which he answereth, or belong to those points of doctrine, which are imputed, and objected against the Society, that is, concerning Equivocation, and the kill of Kings. For the third of the secrecy of Confession appertaineth not to them, who are professed enemies to that holy Sacrament. And if some in England be content sometimes to take any such matter upon them, yet they do it not with any obligation, or observation of secrecy, as the world knoweth.  
Wherhfore let us briefly see, what my Author declareth concerning their practice, & doctrine in the other two points. First then, he demandeth of the Hugonots, 
Pag. 67.  whether they never made show to agree with the Lutherans, to the end they might the more easily impugn Catholics. Secondly, he telleth them, that they would seem to accommodate themselves to the Protestants in England, notwithstanding they mislike so greatly their Church-government; their giving of Orders, and Confirmation; their celebrating the Feasts of Lord and Saviour, of the Blessed Virgin his Mother, of the Apostles and first Martyrs; their using the sign of the Cross; their saying the Canonical hours; the retaining Priestly ornaments, and the like. Thirdly, he showeth, how Theodore Beza the year 1556. affirmed in his Confession of Faith (to draw the Lutherans to his sect) that the body of our Saviour was verè & realiter, truly and really, in the Supper; adding that the Churches of Switzerland, and of Geneva did believe the same: and nevertheless when he did see himself contradicted, and refused by the Zwinglians, his answer was, that he spoke not of the Lords supper, which is celebrated upon earth, but of that, which shallbe in heaven, 
Lib. 4. Instit c. 1. §. 2 In parvo Catechis. Lib. 4. Instit. c. 1. §. 4. Lib. 4. Instit. c 16. §. 24. & 25. etc. 1 §. 7. Lib. 3. Instit. c. 2. §. 16.17. & 18.  where our Saviour will be present verè & realiter. Fourthly Caluin in one place acknowledgeth two Churches, the one visible and the other invisible. And in another place, he admitteth only the invisible which comprehendeth the elect. Fiftly, the same Caluin in one place denieth, that any man can be saved out of the visible Church: & in another affirmeth, that the children of the faithful which die without Baptism may be saved, although they be out of the Church. Sixtly, he willeth Anti-Coton to make these two propositions of Caluin agree: Every faithful man is assured by the certainty of faith, that he is just, and that his sins are forgiven him; and that he who hath not this certainty, is not a faithful man. And this other: 
Ibidem.  No man knoweth assuredly, whether he hath true faith, or no: and every man may be deceived in this. 
Lib. 3. Inst c. 13. §. 5.  seven, the same Caluin affirmeth in one place; That concerning justification, Faith is wholly passive. 
In Antid. Concil. Trid. sess. 6. can. 9 & 11. Lib. de ve ra reform. Eccles. In Antid. Concil. In consens. de re Sacrament. In 1. Cor. cap. 11.  And in another; That faith justifieth, and is the true cause of justification. Eightly, in one place he saith; That we are never reconciled to God, but that together we receive inherent justice. And in another. I maintain (saith he) that it is false, that justice is either a quality, or habit, which remaineth in us. Ninthly, the same Caluin in one place saith: that it is necessary for our Lord's Body to be as far separated from us, as heaven is distant from the earth. And in another: I conclude (saith he) that the Body of jesus Christ is given unto us really (as they say) in the supper. Where we must note (saith my Author) that he doth not only say, that we take the body, which he might interpret, by faith: but, that it is given us, which cannot be understood, but of the present reality, and real presence.  
Thus much for Caluin, in whom & in the rest, which have hitherto been spoken of, there is so much the more difficulty, because all the examples produced are in matters of faith, in which none but heretics hold it lawful to equivocate. Now my Author cometh to Anti-Coton, & chargeth him with dissimulation, 
Pag. 69.  because under the colour of impugning the jesuits doctrine concerning Tyrants, the Secret of Confession, Equivocation, Obedience due to the Pope, or in particular by Religious men to Bishops, their Generals, & others Superiors, he impugneth the common belief of the Church. Likewise, he accuseth him of feigning at the least, when citing Silvester, Navarre, & Eudemon-Ioannes, like a Calumniator, to make his Reader believe, that this was the doctrine of the jesuits only, he hath concealed many other both ancient, & modern Authors, who teach the same, and are alleged by the three which he nameth. Thirdly he convinceth him of double, & manifest malice, when in the citation of Silvester, Accusatio 5. quaest. 13. he omitteth as well in the latin in his margin, as in french in his text one of his principal reasons contained in these words: Quia eo casu, cùm non sit eius subditus, non tenetur dicere veritatem ad eius intentionem: Because in that case, since he is not his subject, he is not bound to say the truth according to his intention: which words followed immediately after those, which the calumniator alleged. Fourthly, he asketh him, whether it be not to equivocate, dissemble & deceive, to call himself a Catholic, being an Huguenot? Fifthly, he chargeth him which imputing the death of the late King to Fa. Mariana, whereas he knew himself in his conscience, that this was very false. Which may likewise be said of all his objections, & calumniations against Fa. Coton, & the other Fathers of the Society. And finally, that of the supplication to the Queen Regent in the name of the university of Paris, can be no less, as appeareth by the decree, which I related in the beginning.  
In the other point, concerning the murdering & killing of Princes, 
Pag. 192.  my Author is much more large, reciting very particularly, & amply the opinions of divers Hugonots to that effect. But I will only touch briefly some few assertions of theirs. 
Pag. 192. In appellat. ad Nobilit. populumque Scot Impress. Geneu. Pag. 196. In Daniel. 6. v. 22.  Wherefore first john Knox openly & boldly affirmeth, that the Nobility, judges, & people of England ought not only to have resisted, & impugned Queen Mary, but also to have put her to death, together with her Priests, & all those who assisted her, so soon as they began to suppress the Gospel of Christ: (that is, the Hugonots Religion.) And Caluin himself spareth not to say, that earthly Princes are deprived of their power, when they rise against God, yea that they are unworthy to be accounted men, & that their subjects ought rather to spit in their faces, then to obey them (all which he declareth manifestly to be meant of Catholic Princes.) Peter Martyr supposeth, 
Pag. 201. In 1. Reg. c. 26. v. 12. Pag. 202. In libro cui titulus, Vindiciae x Tyrannos. Pag. 215. In System. discipl. politicae, li. 11. c. 28.  that a man may be sure that he is impelled by God's spirit to kill a Tyrant. Beza, or Stephanus junius Brutus giveth the people good leave to join with the Nobility, or the greater part of them, yea with any one of them, to put down a King whom they manifestly hold to be a Tyrant, even as if God himself had invited them to undertake that war. And with him agreeth Bartholomaeus Kermanus avouching, That the Subjects may betake themselves to one Noble man, when the rest conspire with a Tyrant; yea he addeth, that if there be none of the Nobility, who hath care of his Country, the Subjects may choose themselves a Captain, for the suppressing of Tyranny. 
Pag. 215. In politica cap. 14.  joannes Arthusius saith in a manner as much, teaching that the people ought to resist a Tyrant so long, as he impugneth the Commonwealth by words, deeds, subtlety, or craft; doing, speaking, or practising any thing contrary to his covenant: and this in such sort, that they may deprive and dispossess such a Tyrant of his office, and administration: yea, if they cannot otherwise defend themselves against his violence, that they may kill him, and appoint another in his place.  
Of the same opinion was Wickliff in times past, as appeareth by the Council of Constance which deserveth more credit, 
Pag. 189.  than a thousand Anti-Cotons, who against all reason, would now after so many years make us believe, that all those worthy Prelates, and learned men did either slander, or mistake that wicked heretic. Neither is the excuse which he bringeth for him any better, saying; that he was not present in the Council to defend himself: as though this had either been necessary, or possible, Wickliff being dead in England 30. years before, and his books burnt for heresy.  

Pag. 205. 206.  I have reserved Buchanan to the last place, both because his speeches are most plain, and peremptory in this point; and also for that Anti-Coton taketh upon him to excuse him more, than any other. He therefore is not afraid to account Tyrants in the number of wolves and other hurtful beasts, 
Lib. de iure regni apud Scotos.  which whosoever maintaineth, hurteth himself and others: whosoever murdereth, doth a benefit not only to himself, but to all others in public; & if he might make a law, he would deal with them, as the Romans did with monsters, commanding them to be carried into deserts, or to be drowned in the main sea far from land; yea he would appoint rewards to be given to those, who should kill them, not only by all the people in general, but by every one in particular, no less then to those, who kill wolves and bears, or take their whelps. And afterward he saith expressly: That it is lawful for every one of the people to kill a Tyrant, and that this is the opinion of almost all nations. I omit the rest and come to the defence, which Anti-Coton maketh for Buchanan.  
First then he excuseth him, 
Pag. 190.  because he was no Divine: But my Author showeth, that he endeavoureth to prove his opinion out of Scripture, which the Hugonots hold to be easy, and that every one may understand it. Besides, that there be few Ministers either in Scotland, or France, better learned than Buchanan, either in divine or human literature, as may in part be gathered by his Paraphrase upon the Psalms, to which Beza (who was no small fool among them) could not come nigh. And finally the Lords of Scotland would never have chosen this man to instruct their Prince, unless they had been persuaded that he had been able (according to the principles of their Religion) to have taught the people their duty to the same Prince. The other excuse, which Anti-Coton maketh, that Buchanan prescribed no Rules in this matter, is not worth the mentioning; since that it appeareth to be most false by that little, which I have alleged out of his large discourses to the same effect.  
This shall suffice for the Hugonots in general: & if I would endeavour to recount all the heresies, errors, & others faults contained in the Anti-Coton, I should be to tedious. Wherefore it shallbe sufficient to note some few particulars, which declare him to be neither a good Catholic as he would seem, 
Pag. 249.  nor yet a good Subject. As first, when he maketh a division betwixt Roman and French Catholics, to sow sedition and schism, as though no good subject could be a good Catholic. Secondly he showeth great ignorance, or rather some worse affection, when he cannot, or rather will not understand, how God the Father loved, and approved the event of his Son our saviours death caused by the jews malice, which was the Redemption of our souls. Lastly he calumniateth and slandereth the Pope, and Council of Constance, as we have seen.  
Concerning the late King he showeth his little respect towards him, in affirming, that there was no vigour of spirit remaining in his time, and in making him to establish the Society in France for timidity and fear; though it were against the good of his estate. And indeed all the malice, which this fellow showeth against Fa. Coton in particular, & the Society in general redoundeth to the disgrace of the King himself; since that he conversed with them so familiarly, loved them so entirely, esteemed them so highly, and in all occasions employed them so willingly. Neither doth Anti-Cotons affection seem to be any better to the young King, whom he is not afraid to slander publicly, making him say that which he never thought. And as for the Queen Regent, and the present Government, he beareth them as little respect, controlling them, & prescribing laws unto them, disposing of persons at his pleasure, putting away some, and retaining others against her majesties mind: yea calling in doubt, whether her proceed may stand with the safety of the present King her sons life, or without holding her Subjects in continual alarms, and defiance one of another. By this we may easily guess, how he proceedeth with inferior persons, reprehending the Decrees, Sentences and judgements of the sovereign Courts, and in effect charging those of the Parliament of Paris with high Treason; since that they have freed the jesuits, whom this Calumniator will needs make guilty of the late King's death.  
I omit the falsification of that Courts Registers, as we have seen. The Doctors of Sorbon have their part also, being accused to teach doctrine different from that of the Catholic Church, and to put up such supplications to the Queen, as the University itself hath publicly disclaimed. Finally this libel is so fraught with lies, and slanders, that many upon sight thereof have protested, that although they had no other proofs, either divine, or human to discover the pretended reformed Religion of the Hugonots to be a pure and most impure heresy, they would judge it to be so by the manner of this book, and of the like: since that it is composed of nothing, but calumniations, slanders & deceits, sparing neither Princes, Nobility, nor Counsel, no not so much as the Ladies of the Court, or Maids of Honour, though never so virtuous, if they be opposite to them in Religion.   

CERTAIN Observations, and Instructions, for the Catholics in France, which may easily be applied to those in England. §. V  
THERE remaineth now that I tell you, what advises my Author giveth to his Catholics in France, for the better avoiding and preventing the danger of incurring and falling into the cunning sleights, and hidden snares of the Hugonots, which he reduceth to 16. heads, and dilateth amply upon some of them. I will only, as hitherto, set down the substance, as being mindful to whom I writ.  

Pag. 260. & seq.  Wherefore, his first observation is, that as heretofore the Hugonots have endeavoured to overthrow the state under the shadow of Religion: so now they seek to take away Religion under the pretext of the state; as the jews did in the time of our Saviour, who neglected their spiritual profit, not to endanger their temporal interest, and by that means finally lost both the one, and the other.  
The second observation is, that the Hugonots knowing very well, that the doctrine of the Society is in all points the same with that of the Church: have devised this plot to beguile Catholics, by seeking to make the societies doctrine odious, and inveighing only against them; hoping by that means, when it shall appear that the doctrine of the Church is the same, they may prevail against that also.  
The third observation is, that now in the time of the King's minority, the Hugonots cause all the worst books, which have been set forth for these 30. years to be printed anew, without making any mention of any answer given to them by Catholics; always moving the same questions, without desire, that the truth should come to light.  
The fourth observation is, that the Hugonots labour to persuade the people, that the Pope hath always been an enemy to the Crown of France: whereas indeed the French Kings are preferred before others in the Court of Rome, being called the eldest sons of the Church, and their Ambassador taketh place before others. By the name of King absolutely, without addition, is meant the King of France. The Popes granted for a time a privilege to these Kings to confirm their election: they have given Indulgences to such, as pray for them: they have exempted them from the excommunication of any Bishop of their Realm, & permitted them to receive the B. Sacrament under both kinds the day of their consecration, and when they prepare themselves to die, for their Viaticum.  
The fifth observation is, that the Hugonots use falsely to affirm that the Popes take to themselves power and authority to change & dispose of Kingdoms at their fancy & pleasure, which is most false.  
The sixth, that the Hugonots would persuade the world, that some Catholics are Roman, & some Royal, whereas all good catholics are both; the one in respect of their Religion, & the other in regard of their affection to the State. And experience hath always showed, that those who are most respective to the Church, are likewise most assured to their Prince.  
The seventh, that the Hugonots give out, that those who defend the Pope's Authority, retain still some old leaven of the league; which are most dangerous speeches, contrary to former decrees, & sufficient to renew old sores: not unlike to that other Calunniation, by which the same Hugonots use to apply that which the ancient Fathers, & the Scripture itself hath spoken of Rome while it was Pagan, under the persecution of Nero & his successors, to the same City as it is Christian, and to the Sea Apostolic, with intent to make the Pope & Cardinals odious or contemptible.  
The eight, the Hugonots to curry favour with Prelates, the Doctors of Sorbon, the Curates & other Ecclesiastical men, and to incite them against the Society, make a show of praising them; telling some, that the Society doth not love them, nor yield them obedience; and others, that the Fathers contemn them, speak ill of them, & will swallow up the University, if they be let alone. Whereas the Society is so far from being separated from the Clergy and the Prelates of France, that they are beloved, and maintained by all, and specially by the five Cardinals, & nine archbishops which my Author nameth; and almost by all the Bishops without exception; yielding unto them all due obedience, submission, and fidelity. But these devices of sowing discord is no new matter in the Church of God, as my Author showeth by many examples  
The ninth, when any Catholic setteth forth a book impugning heresy, the heretics seek presently to discredit the Author by all manner of inventions. And to divert the Reader, they spread abroad many little libels, sonnets, anagrams, and such other toys. Thirdly, when this will not serve, instead of answering, & defending themselves; they go on in repeating their old objections and arguments, as though nothing had been said unto them; adding only some new calumniations after the manner of all former heretics.  
The tenth, they carp at every word and syllable, where they can espy the least advantage in any Catholic Authors writing; and of this we have a notable example in a book lately published by F. Coton himself; in which commending the Kings of France, & showing their rare privileges, he useth these words: Our Kings in France; where presently the Hugonots took hold of that particle in, & would make the simpler sort believe, than Fa. Coton had only affirmed, that their Kings had those privileges in France itself; whereas it is evident, that those words (in France) have not reference to the privileges, but to the Kings themselves. And besides my Author showeth, that he could not speak properly in any other manner, because to say (our Kings of France) is no very good French: & if he had only said (our Kings) it had been to general, and might have been wrested by a malicious Adversary to other Kings, aswell as to those of France.  
The eleventh; the same carping humour, which they use in misinterpreting and wresting to a contrary sense the writings of Catholics, they practise no less in calumniating their actions. As for example; whereas Fa. Coton was beloved by the late King: they say that he had bewitched him. He was his Confessarius: that is, in their interpretation, a flatterer. He was his Preacher: that is, he praised him. The King heard him willingly so many years: that is (say they) he kept others back. He esteemed his spirit, wisdom and eloquence: that is (in their opinion) F. Coton spoke ill of all, and murmured against others. The King would have him with him at his meals, in his Coach, and when he went to walk: this they interpret, that the Father intruded himself every where. The King did willingly see his writings, & read sometimes a Manual of Prayers, which he dedicated to the Queen: this (say they) was to flatter God, and to bring him a sleep with words that savour of his quean. The King took pleasure in his discourses, & proposed to him divers questions: out of which they infer, that the Father was a man of incredible impudence. The King did willingly see him at all times, and in all places, as well after so many years, as in the beginning; which they call, to be tied to the King's girdle, & to assiege his spirit. The King denied him nothing, that he demanded: the cause whereof (in their judgement) was, because he would take no denial. The King was very beneficial to the Society, aswell in respect of the affection, which he bore to the whole Order in general, as in regard of Fa. Coton in particular: which they would have to be by reason of F. coton's extorsion and importunity. The King founded them Colleges, and gave them means to live: for which cause they compare the Society to a Canker, which always gaineth ground. The K. permitteth them to have a novitiate in the Suburbs of S. : by which they understand an enclosure wherein a City may stand. The Society have more Scholars than others have: the cause thereof (say they) is, for that they take nothing for washing and candles. Their Sermons are frequented with great concourse: because (in their interpretation) they seduce the people, and preach sedition. Many go to them for the resolution of their doubts, or to confess their sins: the reason of this (say they) is because they get whole inheritances into their hands. They are beloved of the Princes: which these men calumniate, saying, that Fa. Coton maketh himself their fellow. They are maintained by the Nobility, Parliament, & other Magistrates of France: for which cause the Hugonots say, that they have their Scholars, and disciples in all places. They are sent by God to repress heresy: these men answer, that France was Catholic before the jesuits were in the world (they say not, that France was not so infected with heresy before themselves.) They are learned, and skilful in all languages, and sciences: for this cause in the judgement of some (that is of the ignorant or malicious) they will destroy learning. They are virtuous, and for all that the heretics have raised, invented, and published against them, they could never prove any thing hitherto: and therefore are enforced to say, that they dissemble, and to call them hypocrites. Finally they esteem that which is white, black; that which is sweet, sour; and that which is good and commendable in the opinion of others, is nought and detestable in theirs.  
The twelfth deceit which the Hugonots use is, to call those seditious which answer them, and to calumniate such, as maintain the accused; terrifying their friends, and reprehending them, as though they were the occasion of all the inconveniences, which come by seditious writings. And in this many catholics are much misled being unacquainted with the humour of heretics, who like to their Master the Devil, use to fawn and yield to those who are at defiance with them, and resist them manfully: but assault those fiercely, whom they see moderate, or fearful. Which was the cause, that the ancient Fathers S. justin, Tertullian S. Athanasius, S. Chrysostome, S. Hierome, S. Tho. of Aquin, & S. Bonaventure wrote so many learned and earnest Apologies in the defence of Christian Religion, and Religious orders. And surely it is very strange, that any should think much at the answers of the innocent party, having been provoked by so many false calumniations and bitter invectives. Of which we need go no further for an example, then to that, which passed in Paris, before F. Coton wrote his declaratory Epistle.  
The thirteenth is, that so soon as any Minister hath set forth a book fraught with lies, deceits, & slanders: it serveth for many other to write upon the same subject, with any little alteration or addition. And of this my Author produceth many examples both of former times, & at this present. For after the Anti-Coton, came out divers other Pamphlets here in Paris to the same purpose, which my Author briefly examineth in 5. or 6. leaves. But I find nothing worth the mentioning, except I should tell you, that they rail bitterly against a certain Gentleman called Monsieur de Courbouzen Montgomery a man of great valour, wisdom, & desert, who hath lately forsaken the Hugonots after long disputations with them, insomuch that none of them dare encounter with him any more. But he glorieth & esteemeth it a great honour to be thus abused, and hated by God's enemies.  
The fourteenth observation, which my Author maketh, is that the sins & transgressions of the Hugonots ought not to be so little esteemed among Catholics; so that when they eat flesh in Lent, laugh at the holy Sacrifice of Mass, rail at the Pope, break Images, or tear pictures, burn Relics, taking the Reliquaries to themselves, and commit such other abuses incident to their deformed Religion, many make light of it, & in a manner think it lawful for them to do these things, because they are Hugonots; whereas the truth is, that an Heretic sinneth more in committing these things, then if he were a Catholic. Which appeareth plainly in the sin of Rebellion & Treason, where he who not only revolteth against his King but maintaineth also that his Rebellion is just, seeking to draw others after him, & teaching that all those are in evil estate who will not join with him in that wicked action, committeth a far greater offence, than another, who falleth into the same crime, but acknowledgeth his fault, accuseth himself from time to time, seeketh not to persuade any, and finally doth nothing, but of mere frailty.  
The fifteenth devise of the Hugonots is, to charge those who defend the jesuits of being addicted to the Spaniard. For which cause my Author taketh upon him to examine the ground of this deceitful objection. Wherefore (saith he) if this proceedeth from being jesuits; the Society began in France, in the College of S. Barbara, which is in the University of Paris. If it be in respect of their being Religious men, every man seethe, that there are many other besides them. If in respect of France, they in that Country are Frenchmen, and there is no reason, why a Frenchman, should not love his nation, as well as any Spaniard doth his, or as well, as the Portughese, German, Italian, English, those of japonia and Perù do theirs. If in regard of the three Religious vows, they are common to all Religious orders, even to the Knights of Malta. If in respect of the fourth, which is peculiar to them; that belongeth less to the Spaniards, than to the Antipodes: for it concerneth only their missions among Infidels, and the conversion of other lost Souls. If this imputation be laid upon their Rules; they are commanded by one of them expressly to love, and respect all Nations in our Lord, always giving the chief place every man to his own, as the rule of well-ordered charity doth require. If their functions be objected, these are as profitable, & more necessary in France, then in Spain: neither can any of them be attributed rather to Spain, then to any other Nation: besides that many other principal persons do preach, teach, and confess, who notwithstanding are not accounted Spaniards. If the reason be, for that the Society hath one General: the Carthusians, and the Dominicans have but one during his life in like manner. If because he is not a Frenchman, those of other Orders are no Frenchmen neither. If because he is a Neapolitan, son to the Duke of Atri, and great Uncle to the Duke who now is: he is not therefore a Spaniard. Yea his most noble house hath been always allied to those of France, witness the Countess of Chasteau-Vilain his Niece. If they object, that heretofore the Society hath had Spanish Generals: since the time of B. F. Ignatius, who was the first, and of Navarre; there have been but four, two Spaniards, Fa. Laynes, and Fa. Borgia, who before had been Duke of Gandia; the third Fa. Euerard Mercurian who was borne in Liege; & Fa. Claudius Aquaviva who now liveth, and is an Italian, as hath been said. But supposing, that they had all been Spaniards, that they were so still, and should be so hereafter: were this any greater cause for Frenchmen to complain of the Society, than Spaniards, Italians, and other Nations have to be grieved, that there be three Generals of divers Orders in one only Province of France.  
But perhaps they will say, that the King of Spain is a great benefactor of the Society: notwithstanding the truth is, that neither this King, nor his Father, nor any of his Predecessors, Kings of Spain did ever found one College for the Society. And if any will suspect, that at least he alloweth some pensions; the contrary is manifest. For since that the Society refuseth any recompense for their labours and functions; it can much less admit any pension. And no man alive is able to prove, that ever any French Father received a penny from the King of Spain. Finally, no man can deny, but that the late King Henry the fourth favoured the Society exceedingly, bestowed great benefits upon them, had great confidence in them, and obliged them in all respects to love him: so that it is hard to say, whether of the two calumniations chief contained, and inculcated in the Anti-Coton, be greater; That the Society teacheth any doctrine different from that of the Catholic Church: or, That they should have any hand in the late King's death.  
Lastly, my Author showeth, that there is no cause, why Spaniards should be so odious to Frenchmen, since that they are good Christians and Catholics, aswell as other Nations, and there is now no war, but peace betwixt these two nations, sending their mutual Ambassadors one to another, calling one another brethren, their Subjects having free traffic among themselves. And if this hatred ariseth from any thing that is past, there want not the like occasions with others, who notwithstanding are not thus inveighed against, nor aught to be, although they differ also in Religion. Wherefore this can proceed from no other ground but from the malice of the Devil himself, who is the Father of all division, and seethe very well, that the good and quiet of the Catholic Church dependeth in great part of the union betwixt these two puissant Nations.   

A BRIEF Relation of F. Coton's, and the Societies proceed; together with a Challenge to the Hugonots, and a Supplication to the Queen Regent. §. VI  
FOr conclusion of this whole discourse, I have reserved these three points, which my Author handleth upon different occasions, and in divers places. First then, concerning Fa. Coton, he saith that he is a Christian, a Catholic, a Priest, a Religious man, who goeth to Confession, and hath celebrated the holy Sacrifice of the Mass every day for these eighteen years, he hath been of the Society 27. years and more, in which he hath studied Rhetoric, Philosophy, Divinity, the languages, & mathematics: and since he hath also taught Humanity, Rhetoric, and moral Divinity, and preached in many of the most principal Cities of the Realm: He hath often disputed both by word and writing with divers Ministers, and other Hugonots. He hath assisted in the conversion of many, especially in three Provinces, and that in great number; and since his being at the Court, he hath laboured in the reduction of the Earls de Lavall, de Castelnau, de Mainuille, de Vassan, de Chaumont, and many other: he was sent for thither by the late King, when he thought nothing less, being at that time in avignon: his conversation, his learning and his manner of life were so agreeable, and pleasing to his Majesty, and his Counsel, that he did not only retain him at the Court, and in his retinue: but also made him his Preacher, and afterward his ordinary Confessarius. His sermons, discourses and proceed were so far from being tedious to the late King, that he desired to have him always in his sight and company, in so much that he made choice of him to hear the general Confession of his whole life; and did always upon every occasion praise, honour, & commend him, defending him against all his adversaries. The whole Court will testify, that nothing was ever observed in his manners, or doctrine, which might offend or scandalise any.  
When he was healed & recovered of the blow, or stab, which was given him, it pleased his Majesty to say unto him: You had never a better blow, for the world hath discovered the love which I bear you, and I have seen what affection the world beareth you. And another time upon another occasion he said: Fa. Coton speaketh well of all the world, he is never heard to speak ill of any. Moreover Fa. Coton is known to have refused Bishoprics, & Archbishoprics, for which cause his Ma.tie told him once, that if he were Pope, he would oblige him to accept of them. But the Father declared unto him, how this was repugnant to the Institute of the Society, and to the particular vows, which he himself had made, and that nothing had done more harm to Religious Orders, than the desire to have offices, or Benefices. Which answer pleased his Ma.tie so much, that he reapeated it often, & before divers. And this is that which confoundeth the detractors of the Society, when they are demanded Cui bono, should these Fathers be so wicked & unnatural? For, if they do it for pleasure, they might enjoy it more freely, more lawfully, & in far greater abundance in the world, remaining in their commodious, & many times noble houses, which they leave to enter into Religion. If it be for profit, there is not any College in France, which is able to spend twenty pounds a man, as hath been said. And if any will endeavour to prove the contrary, he shall have the overplus for his labour. If they do it for honours: they renounce them all by a particular vow, by which they are bound under mortal sin not to admit, or receive any dignity, but by force & constraint, being commanded by him, who hath authority to do it.  
What therefore can remain, why they should abandon father, mother, kinsfolks, country, goods, honours, dignities, hopes, yea & their life itself, which they expose not only among Infidels, & barbarous nations, but (which I esteem more painful) among heretics, and bad Catholics, with whom they must continually encounter & combat? Which in respect of the catholics is very strange, since that they cannot deny, but that the Fathers teach the youth passing well both in manners & learning. 2. They preach the word of God with satisfaction, and contentment of all Nations in Europe. 3. They carry it to the Antipodes in Asia, Africa, America, to both East & West Indies. 4. They defend it against heretics with continual danger of their lives in England, Scotland, Constantinople, and in all other places, where their assistance may be a comfort to afflicted Catholics. 5. They hear Confessions, administering that Sacrament exactly. 6. They visit the sick. 7. They help them that die. 8. They go to the Prisons. 9 They teach the Catechism, or Christian doctrine. 10. They introduce the frequentation of Sacraments. 11. They neither preach, confess, teach, nor exhort, but by the consent of the Bishop in the diocese where they reside. 12. When they are incorporated into any University, as they are at Tholose, Bourdeaux, Reims, Caën, Bourges, Cahors, Poitiers, they observe the laws of the said Universities, acknowledging the Rectors, & performing exactly whatsoever is ordained. 13. They have among them many men of rare qualities, and the greatest part very well borne. 14. They have at this present 30000. scholars, and in time past have had more than two hundred thousand in their Classes, whom they have taught, & do teach to fear & serve God, and above all to keep themselves from mortal sin, by the means of often confessing, & frequent receiving, binding them all without exception to do this every month. 15. And among all this great number of scholars, there hath not one been fond to have complained of any least word spoken unto them, which might tend to any immodesty, but they will all testify, that one of the chiefest cares which the Society hath, is to preserve them in Angelical purity & integrity, so much as may be. 16. One of their Society through extreme frailty & exceeding great temptation, became a Minister among the Hugonots in France: of whom there hath been inquiry made, whether the lives of the jesuits be wicked & impure, whether they have intelligence, & correspondence with foreign Nations, whether they be hypocrites, and in a word, whether they be such, as the Anti-Coton hath since described them? To all which he answered, No; and that all is false. 17. Their life is not monastical nor secret, they live and converse with all men, they are seen every day preaching, confessing, disputing, and discoursing. Now than who ever heard them swear, brawl, blaspheme, detract, speak wanton induce to evil, or seduce any? If this Calumniator hath reported any such thing, where are his proofs? 18. Their books in all manner of sciences, & in all languages are to be seen in all places, and are esteemed by all such as have not the reformed spirit of contradiction. 19 Kings & Princes use them for the guiding of their souls. 20. The Popes have approved their Institute, & the Council of Trent hath confirmed it. What can be said to these proofs? Are they conjectures, suspicions, or rash judgements? Is it necessary to beg the pen of Ministers, to make a demonstration? Oh how far is this age from the conditions of true charity, which are, 1. neither to think, 2. nor to judge, 3. nor to speak, 4. nor to listen to evil of any; 5. but to interrupt such talk; 6. or if this cannot be, to excuse the action. 7. If not this, at least the intention: 8. or attribute it to passiion: 9 & if there be no other excuse, at least exaggerate the tentation: 10. and always say, that if God did not help us, we should do worse.  
By this which hath been said, it appeareth what reason my Author hath to tell the Hugonots, that they should do more wisely to desist from these calumniations against the Society, especially among Catholics, to whom by this means they discover the irreligion of their Religion, and make them see that their pretence is not to conserve the flock of Christ, but to discredit their Doctors, impose silence to their Preachers, and deprive the youth of their good, & faithful Instructors. They perceive well enough, that the quarrel is not only with jesuits, though they be the capital enemies of their deformation; but their meaning is to set upon all Religious Orders, & the whole Clergy, and having prevailed against some, they will undertake the residue, as they did at Antwerp. But to assault them altogether were to painful, hard, and impossible a matter. Wherefore they would divide, & weaken them, and so cut of one after another; as Themistocles discomfited the Army of Artaxerxes, containing above a million of Soldiers, intercepting them troop by troop in the strait of Hellespont. Or as their brethren did in England, drawing to their party at the beginning the Bishops and secular Clergy, under pretence that Religious men belonged not to the Hierarchy of the Church; and that Christianity was before them; and that the splendour of these Regular Orders seemed to obscure the dignity of Cathedral Churches, and divert the people from their Parishes etc. And by these fraudulent devices the Abbeys being thus put down, and the Monks turned out, and some of them also put to death for denying the King's Supremacy; the aforesaid brethren informed the Nobility, that the great riches, which the Church enjoyed, were given by their Ancestors; and that there could no better course be taken in this great disorder of the Popedom, and in this licentious and voluptuous prodigality of the Bishops, then to reduce all things to their beginning, and to render these Ecclesiastical goods to the houses, out of which they first came. And in this manner Scotland was deprived of Religious men Priests, Curates, Canons, Abbots, & Bishops: which also had been brought to pass in England, if the Puritans might have prevailed: The spirit of their M. Caluin being impatient of all Superiority, and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy.  
Moreover my Author telleth the Hugonots, that by their persecutions they establish the Society more & more: for they are esteemed so much the more profitable, as by them they are described unprofitable; & so much the more necessary, as they account them harmful. And the like is of others, who are no heretics; for every man observeth, that those who persecute the Society, are neither the devoutest, nor the best catholics of the world; which might easily appear, if they be Churchmen, by enquiring whether they say their breviary or not; and if they be lay, by marking, whether they frequent the Sacraments, not to say any more.  
To all which we may add, that the Hugonots have been heard say in their most secret Conventicles, that if they overthrow not the jesuits, the jesuits will overthrow them; that is, their pretended Religion; which is the cause, that they set upon the Society more fiercely, then upon some others, on whom notwithstanding they might probably take as great hold. For my Author saith, that he cannot believe, that they are more zealous of the State, then of their Religion; and therefore there must needs be some enigma, equivocation, and mystical understanding in this great, fierce, and terrible persecution, which they have resolved in their night-assemblees against the Society. But he biddeth them do their worst, which will be the best for them, since that they are men, who have nothing either to lose, or gain in this world, but only the service of God, and the salvation of souls.  
Wherefore they, who will have, and use them in this sort, may; and they who will not, may send them to China, and Mogor, where the harvest is plentiful. And if nothing else did hold them in Europe, but pleasure or profit, they would long since have departed of their own accord: for they are not so kindly dealt withal, that they have any great cause to please themselves according to sense; but their contentments, yea (I may say) their delights are crosses, tribulations, slanders, persecutions, and especially, when they come from Anti-Cotons, and their associates, enemies of the Catholic faith. They are never more content, then in such discontentments; never more strong, then when they are thus weakened: never more united to God, then when they are cast of, and separated from this kind of people. All their affliction consisteth in the offence committed by their enemies against God; in the harm, which Catholics receive; & in the loss of the Hugonots souls: Souls, for which they would expose their bodies, & lives a thousand times.  
Notwithstanding they make no great account, nor have any great apprehension of the Hugonots attempts: they know, what they can do, of what weight and value they are: it is all but threats and menaces, which they use most, when they tremble for fear. Caluins' spirit is insolent in prosperity, deicted in adversity; and of it above all the spirits in the world, we may truly say: that he threateneth who is much afraid. They know also, that it is proper to God, to defend and maintain that, which the Devil impugneth, as they have experienced by their return into France. For in exchange of 9 or 10. years of absence from that part of the Country which belonged to the Parliament of Paris, they have since, not only been re-established there, but also established in the whole Kingdom, with more augmentation and increase, than their continual stay could have produced in an hundred years. So true it is, that God recompenseth with usury, whatsoever is done or suffered for his sake.  
Wherefore they have reason not only to hope, but also to be certainly persuaded, that unless God should retire himself from France for their sins, 
Pag. 302.  the Society shall hereafter be employed and esteemed in this Kingdom more than it hath been hitherto: and that in regard of this storm, after which (as is to be hoped) will shortly succeed a quiet calm; especially under the government of so wise a Queen, whom God hath chosen like another Deborah, during the minority of this Great and Little King her Son, and their Master, under the shadow of her Royal protection, the Religious men of this Society so much envy by the wicked, and persecuted by those who know it not, will always breathe the same air of devotion towards God, and of inviolable fidelity towards their Majesties: requiring one only grace for all the humble services, which they desire to yield them; and it is, that when they shallbe accused in common, or in particular, either in manners, or doctrine; it will please them to ordain, that most exact inquisition be made, to chastise them, if they be culpable; or to punish the accusers, if they be found innocent.  
And because the Author, or Authors of the Anti-Coton are obliged both voluntarily by their own word, and necessarily by the quality of the crime of calumniation to tell, and declare their names & qualities; they beseech her Majesty, that it will please her to command, that if within 8. days they do not manifest themselves, all the rigours and penalties, which Gods and man's law prescribeth and enjoineth against Calumniators, may be used against them: and that she would appoint to this end, that extraordinary search, and inquiry may be made. And in case, that they freely name and discover themselves, my Author in the name of all the Fathers, and particularly of Fa. Coton, prostrateth himself at her majesties feet, beseeching her by all the extension of graces, and power which God hath given her, to accord, that justice may be done aswell of Fa. Coton, as of all the rest, if the Calunniators shall verify, & make good that which they have said; and of them reciprocally, if for want of proof, they shall be found convinced of imposture, or slander. And he telleth her Majesty, that this is a matter of no small importance, and therefore she will be pleased, not to attribute this their humble request to importunity. For it belongeth to the service of God, who hath interest in their functions, if they be such, as they are described. The good of her majesties people doth also require the same: for they ought not alway to live in this hesitation, but must be cleared from the sinister impressions, which they may have conceived by reading these infamous libels.  
The reputation likewise of the late King, her majesties dear spouse, the great Henry, their Lord and good Master, is engaged herein; which is stained with the calumniations, that are imposed upon him, whom his Majesty did not only choose, love, and favour; but honour also with the office of his Preacher, and ordinary Confessarius. Likewise her Majesty herself hath part herein, since that she employeth Fa. Coton in the same charges and offices about her son, which he exercised for his Father. The honour of the Lords of the Counsel is touched also, since that they ought to represent unto her Majesty the evils and dangers, which ensue by the societies stay in France, if they be such, as they are accused to be.  
Finally it importeth Fa. Coton much, who certainly hath not deserved to be handled in this sort, innocency is the sister of truth: truth is surnamed the daughter of God, and God himself is called the God of truth, by whose love my Author beseecheth her Majesty, that she will cause the truth to appear, that it may deliver them: & they will beseech him so much the more, that he will be pleased to increase his graces in her Majesty, to make her Regency peaceable, the wills of her Subjects united, and the Sceptre of the King her Son happy, and of long continuance.   

The Conclusion.  
THUS I have run over the whole answer to the Anti-Coton. And though I have omitted many things of good importance, yet I fear, least in some I may seem to have been too tedious, especially writing to you (my Reverend & dearest Fathers) to whom I may justly suppose, that neither these Calumniations of your Society, nor the solutions or answers can be strange or new. But I hope you will pardon my prolixity, & accept of my good will: and hereafter in like occasions, I shall learn to be more wary. For which cause I will omit all other relations, though this City of Paris be no less fertile in this kind, than London itself. For I suppose you know long ere this, how the Treatise of Cardinal Bellarmine, De potestate Summi Pontificis in temporalibus, adversus Gulielmun Barclaium, was prohibited by this Parliament of Paris the 26. day of November last passed, & that this Decree of theirs was recalled four days after by the King himself in his Counsel, assisted by the Queen Regent his Mother, the Prince of Conde, & Earl of Soissons, Princes of the blood, the Duke of Maienne, the Lord Chancellor, the duke of Espernon, of Lavardin, & Boisdaulphin Mareshall of France, Admiral, & great Master of the horse in France, giving large Commission for the Execution of this his Decree & revocation to all Bailiffs, Sheriffs, Provosts, & judges, their lieutenants, and other his majesties justices & Officers to whom it might appertain, as appeareth by the Decree itself, & the Commission dated in Paris the last day of November, in the year 1610. and of his majesties Reign the first.  

By the King in his Counsel.  
Signed Delomenie.   
And with this I will humbly take my leave, wishing you all happiness, and desiring sometime to be partaker of your holy Sacrifices and Prayers. And so I ever rest  
Your Fatherhoods most assuredly to command. F. G. From Paris this 20. of February 1611.    

THE CONTENTS OF the aforesaid Letter.  

§. I. Concerning the Doctrine of the Society impugned by the Anti-Coton. pag. 12.  
§. II. The Solutions to the personal objections against the Fathers of the Society. pag. 22.  
§. III. The Solutions of the objections against Fa. Coton in particular. pag. 50.  
§. FOUR A brief note of the doctrine, and proceed of Anti-Coton and other Hugonots. pag. 61.  
§. V Certain Observations, and Instructions, for the Catholics in France, which may easily be applied to those in England. pag. 70.  
§. VI A Brief Relation of Fa. Coton's, and the Societies proceed; together with a Challenge to the Hugonots, and a Supplication to the Queen Regent. pag. 81.   
FINIS.