A new and large discourse of the Travels of sir Anthony Shirley Knight, by Sea, and over Land, to the Persian Empire.  
Wherein are related many strange and wonderful accidents: and also, the Description and conditions of those Countries and People he passed by: with his return into Christendom.  
Written by William Parry Gentleman, who accompanied Sir Anthony in his Travels.  
LONDON Printed by Valentine Simmes for Felix Norton. 1601.   

A new and large Discourse, of the traveles of Sir Anthony Shirley Knight, by Sea, and over Land, to the Persian Empire.  
IT hath been, and yet is, a proverbial speech amongst us, that travelers may lie by authority; Now, whether this Proverb hath had authority, from that authority, which some travelers have usurped (never by justice granted) to lie; or whether their report (albeit most true) yet exceeding the belief of those auditors that will believe nothing that falls not within their own ocular experience, or probability of truth, squared by the same: whether (I say) from one, or both of these grounds, this proverb hath sprung, I am uncertain: but certain I am, diverse there are (entiteling themselves travelers, for crossing the narrow seas, to the neighbour parts of Picardy peradventure, or the low countries perhaps) from thence take authority to utter lies in England (at their return) by retail, which they have coined there in gross. And as sure I am, that many honest and true travelers, for speaking the truth, of their own knowledge (for in the world are many incomprehensible miracles of Nature) yet because it exceeds the belief of the unexperienced, & homebred vulgars', they are, by them, concluded liars for their labour. How could a man, from his birth confined in a dungeon or sightless Cave, be brought to conceive, or believe the glory and great magnificence of the visible, celestial, and terrestrial globes, with the wonderful works of the great Author of Nature in the same? Nay, were such a one suddenly transferred to the top of some mountain or lofty Turret in a summers day, from whence he might behold the glory of the heavens, replenished with that most admirable Cresset, who for his glittering and divine glory, provokes many nations of the world to perform divine adoration thereunto. To see (I say) those resplendent and crystalline heavens over-cannoping the earth, invested most sumptuously in height of Nature's pride with her richest livery; the particularities whereof, were they described according to the truth of their nature, it might breed a scruple in the natural man, whether Man were (for transgression) ever unimparadized or no. And such a man, of whom I speak, would (like a soul suddenly transferred, by the hands of Angels, from earth to heaven) be beheavened with the joy he would conceive, by reason of so glorious a prospect, and such soul-ravishing and sense-bewitching objects. The application hereof is apparent: for were men merely homebred (and in that respect but as the man confined to his Cave) abroad in the eminent and oppulent places of the world, as also in the most remote and obscure corners of the same, and there with insearching and well discerning eyes, to behold the rarities (surmounting admiration) therein included, he would (no doubt) be rapt up with ceaseless wonderment, or wondrous amazement at the sight and consideration of them. For mine own part, I am resolved to make a true relation of what mine eyes saw, not respecting the judgement of the vulgars', but contenting myself with the conscience of the truth; besides which, (I protest) I purpose to write nothing. This by way of preamble: now to the matter.  
Therefore, first landing at Vlishing, we were honourably received and entertained, of sir Robert Sidney, lord Governor of that garrison: from whence we went on foot to Middleborough, where we took a small hoy that carried us that night to Sierichzee. From whence we then took our journey to Somerdicke: From whence we likewise crossed the water the next morning, and at night we lay at Brill. Hitherto we passed on foot, hearing poor soldiers to carry our baggage, by reason that the frost was so great, that horses were not able to pass, and the way unusual. From the Brill the next day we crossed the water; and landing, we had wagons that conveyed us and ours to the Hage: where, no sooner being alighted, but that sir Anthony (attended by us) went to visit his Excellency, consociated with master Gilpin the queens Agent thither, where continuing not passed an hour to complement with the Prince, he withdrew himself to his lodging to repose himself: whither (not long after) his Excellency and the States sent fifty great flagons of wine, together with his Pass through his Country, whereby he was to take convoy as he thought requisite. The next day to Leiden, so to Vtricke, to Dewborough, and then to Collen, the passage whereunto was somewhat dangerous; by occasion whereof we had sir Nicholas Parker's troop of horse to convoy us thither; our company having 25. of his horses to ride on, & 25. more of his troop, besides the cornetbearer to accompany us to Collen, which we did in 6. days, spending one night merrily.  
The next morning, sir Anthony giving the troop that were his convoy a bountiful reward, sent them back again; we taking our journey forward thorough those parts of Germany, as Frankfurt, Norembege, and so to Augusta, altogether by coach. From whence we hired horses to pass the Alps, in respect that it was not passable by coach. And from thence we were ten days passing to Venice, whither we went, with resolution to aid the duke of Ferrara in his wars against the Pope; who (good duke) fearing the Pope's curse, gave over the wars, as the Pope would: howbeit we remained in Venice ten weeks. In which time, sir Anthony went to the Duke thereof, who entertained him with all princely complement, sending him to his lodging, a roy all banquet of all kind of confected sweet meats, and wine in great abundance; which continued a long time. Who likewise commanded that we should have liberty to see any thing in the city worthy the sight, which accordingly we saw, to sir Anthony's no small cost; for in his rewards, he was there, and elsewhere, most royal.  
To write of the fashions and dispositions of the Germans and Italians, were a matter not worth my pains, because it is so well known to all men, that knows, or have read, or heard any thing: therefore I will go forward with our journey, and write of matter more novellous, and less known to my homebred countrymen, for whose sake (chief) I have compiled this Discourse.  
In May next following our departure from England, we set forwards from Venice, in an Italian ship, which we had compounded with, amongst others, to convey us to Aleppo; but by occasion of some jars we had with some Italians (passengers as we were) in the ship, they landed us in an Island of the Venetians called Zanc, unto which place we were two and twenty days passing: the captain assuring us, that we should have passed it in ten days, which made us provide but for aftéene days victual; those fifteen days being expired, our victual quite spent, and having seven days travel further in that ship, we could for money, nor by no means get any victuals of those unkind Italians, whereby we had been very grievously distressed, but that certain Persians (though Pagans by profession) being in the ship well victualed, and seeing the impious and dogged disposition of those Italians, supplied all our wants for that seven days gratis. In which time, an Italian in that ship, using some villainous and opprobrious speeches towards our Queen's Majesty, and the same not heard of by sir Anthony, nor any of his company in two days after, but then made known by an Italian that attended master Robert Shirley: whereof when sir Anthony heard, he forthwith caused one of our company so to heat him with a billet, that it is impossible he should ever recover it. In the performance whereof, he made a great outcry, whereupon all the Italians were up in arms, being in number some three score persons, and we but four and twenty. Howbeit, we were (with weapons drawn) priest to defend and offend. The captain of the ship thereupon demanded of sir Anthony how any man durst intermeddle, in that kind, under his command? Whereunto sir Anthony replied, that it was an injury, tending to the reproach and indignity of his Sovereign, which he neither would nor could endure; and therewithal told him, if he would suborn or abet him therein, the one side should welter in their blood. And our side being rather desirous to prosecute this point with sword, then with words. Sir Anthony's brother gave the captain a sound box, which was very hardly digested, and much mischief had like to have fallen thereon; but by means of certain Merchants in the ship, more fearful of their goods then of the loss of their bloods (and yet fearful enough of either) pacified (with much ado) both parties, Howbeit either part lived watching and warding until they put us on shore, on the said Island of Zant: where they left us hopeless (God wots) of going forwards or backwards. There we continued ten days, in which time we hired a Greekish ship, being an open boat, and very old, and full of dangerous leaks; yea so dangerous were the leaks, that in eleven days (in which time we passed from Zant to Candia) continually during all that time four men had as much toil as possibly they could endure, to lave water out of this rotten boat: which was so weak, that if even then we had had but ever so little rough weather, there had all our hopes, together with our carcases, perished, and we never have arrived at Candia. Where we made our abode some twelve days, until our boat was repaired, and made fit to brook the seas. In which time, the Governor of that I'll (being a Duke under the Venetians) sent for sir Anthony to his Palace to dinner, who also sent to his lodging, a very great and costly banquet, and likewise permitted us (in great favour) to pass round about the town, to see the strength thereof; which was reasonable well fortified with ordnance and other adjuncts of war, especially on that side that lay towards the sea: the other parts not so strong, for the ditch about the Town was dry. The Inhabitants of that town and Isle are (for the most part) Greeks, whose manners and behaviours do verify our English proverb, which termeth any man, pleasantly disposed (by reason of wine, or otherwise) a merry Greek; alluding to these Greeks, that always sit drinking and playing the good fellows before their doors: some dancing arm in arm up and down the town: Some others making some other sports, to procure laughter; and thus gamesomely do they pass their time, as if they were created but for the matter of pleasure: So that to me it seemed no little wonder, that that Nation, which heretofore made all the world admire their wisdom and learning, who (in regard of themselves) held all the world beside, but Barbarians or barbarous, should now become such cup shot companions, tripping their nimble wits with quick and subtle wine, thereby turning all their deep policy, into deep carousing, and shallow jocundity. But, Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur in illis. Having spent those twelve days, as aforesaid, in Candia, among those merry Greeks, we eftsoons embarked ourselves for Cyprus, to which we were some nine days passing: where (as the saying is) the Italians (with whom we passed to Zant) did our errand (like knight's errand) against our coming. They made report to the Turks inhabiting the same I'll, that we were all pirates, and that they should do well to lay hands on us, & to carry us to the great Turk their emperor, because, besides that, we were pirates, & came into Turkey, but as spies. Whereupon the Turks laid hands upon us, even upon our first arrival, threatening to have brought us to Constantinople: howbeit they staird us in Cyprus' two days; in which time, they were indifferently well qualified, in hope of money we promised them, and which they had, to their full contentment, ere we parted from them.  
This was the worst welcome which we received on shore since our departure from the English shore, and made us most to doubt our safety. But within two days passage of Candia, as we came towards Cyprus (which I had almost omitted) there is also a Greekish Isle (whose name (I am ashamed therefore) I have quite forgotten) whereupon we touched and watered, which is some half mile over, having one religious house therein and alone, with about some twenty Greek friggets inhabiting the same, which is (as we thought) an other Eden; and the most pleasant place that ever our eyes beheld, for the exercise of a solitary and contemplative life: for it is furnished with the foizen of all Gods good blessings. All kind of fruits (as apples, pears, plumbs, oranges, lemmonds, pomegranates, and the like) in great abundance groweth there: with most pleasant gardens, replenished with all manner of odoriferous flowers, and wholesome herbs for salads, or medicines: wherein breaketh forth many fresh and crystal clear Springs of water: having therewithal, cattle▪ (as beeves and muttons there naturally bred) more than sufficient to serve that house. In our traveles many times, falling into dangers, and unpleasant places, this only Island would be the place where we would wish ourselves to end our lives. They have also this help, that if they did want aught, shipping continually passing by that way, would soon supply it.  
From Cyprus (as from a place we had small reason to take pleasure in, our entertainment was so unpleasant) we hired a very small boat of some ten tun (there being none other to hire) to transport us unto the Holy Land, the which was but four and twenty hours sailing. But the Turks (our Taxers) told us, that there lay Galleys fraught with thieves that rob all that passed that way: notwithstanding, we hoist up sail, and put ourselves to Sea thitherward, abandoning ourselves to all the roving adventures of Fortune, being accompanied with an other boat which held her direct course whither we were bound, which was taken (as afterward appeared) and her men drowned. But, as God would have it, (to whom, as well for that, as all our other many many preservations, beyond all probability and expectation, we were infinitely bound) our boat, by the way, being taken by an indirect wind, to that our direct course, we thereby fell down upon Tripoli. Who being guided by an omnipotent and neverfailing Pilot, we passed out of the sea into that famous river Orontes; along the which we held our course up into the country, the janissaries or soldiers thereof flocking about us, threatening, that if they might not have what they demanded, they would cull out such of our company as best pleased them to serve their sodomitical appetites, and most vile and villainous purposes.  
This while we sent to Antioch, not three days journey off, for certain janissaries, to safeconduct us thither, which janissaries were of our Interpreters acquaintance, who being come, the other left us immediately, and so we passed to Antioch, conducted by the janissaries which we sent for thither, where we remained six or seven days, for the company of certain Merchants that were bound to Aleppo, being six days journey from Antioch, between which Cities, in the way, were from time to time, divers robberies committed by some two hundred Arabs, until that instant that we were at Antioch, where we heard, that the janissaries of Aleppo issued out against these robbers, part of whom they killed, and the rest put to flight, by means whereof, our passage was cleared to Aleppo, whither we were bound, and where we were right well entertained, by the English consuls, and the rest of the English merchants. There we remained about some six weeks at the English houses, and feasted (for the most part) while we there continued. And being examined by the Bashaw of that place, touching our intendment, sir Anthony answered, that we were Merchants, desirous to trade to the utmost confines of his countries; which was granted by the Bashaw, with his Pass, together with the English Consuls and vice-consulls.  
Leaving here awhile to prosecute our journey, I will speak somewhat of the fashion and disposition of the people and country; whose behaviours in point of civility (besides that they are damned Infidels, and sodomitical Mahomet's) do answer the hate we christians do justly hold them in. For they are beyond all measure a most insolent superbous and insulting people, ever more priest to offer outrage to any christian, if he be not well guarded with a janissary, or janissaries. They sit at their meat (which is served to them upon the ground) as Tailors sit upon their stalls, cross-legged: for the most part, passing the day in banqueting and carousing, until they surfeit, drinking a certain liquor which they do call Cough, which is made of a séde much like mustard seed, which will soon intoxicate the brain, like our Metheglin. They will not permit any christian to come within their churches, for they hold their profane and irreligious Sanctuaries defiled thereby. They have no use of Bells, but some priest three times in the day, mounts the top of their church, and there, with an exalted voice cries out, and invocates Mahomet to come in post, for they have long expected his second coming. And if within this six years (as they say) he come not (being the utmost time of his appointment and promise made in that behalf) they have no hope of his coming. But they fear (according to a prophecy they have) the Christians at the end thereof shall subdue them all, and convert them to christianity. They have wives in number according to their wealth, two, three, four, or upwards, according as they are in ability turnished to maintain them. Their women are (for the most part) very fair, barbed every where; and death it is for any christian carnally to know them; which, were they willing to do, hardly could they attain it, because they are closely chambered up, unless it be at such time as they go to their Bastoves, or to the Graves, to bewail their dead (as their manner is) which once a week usually they do, and then shall no part of them be discovered neither, but only their eyes, except it be by a great chance. The country aboundeth with great store of all kinds of fruit, whereupon (for the most part) they live, their chiefest meat being Rice. Their flesh is Mutton and Hens; which Muttons have huge broad fat tails. This meat most commonly they have but once in the day, all the rest, they eat fruit as aforesaid. They eat very little beef, unless it be the poorest sort. Camels for their carriage they have in great abundance; but when both them and their horses are passed the best, and unfit for carriage, the poorest of their people eat them.  
They have one thing most usual among them, which though it be right well known to all of our Nation that know Turkey, yet it exceedeth the credit of our homebred countrymen, for relating whereof (perhaps) I may be held a liar, having authority so to do (as they say and think) because I am a traveler. But the truth thereof (being known to all our Englishmen that trade or travel into those parts) is a warrant omnisufficient for the report, how repugnant soever it be to the belief of our English multitude.  
And this it is, when they desire to hear news, or intelligence out of any remote parts of their country with all celerity (as we say, upon the wings of the wind) they have pigeons that are so taught and brought to the hand, that they will fly with Letters (fastened with a string about their bodies under their wings) containing all the intelligence of occurrents, or what else is to be expected from those parts: from whence, if they should send by camels (for so otherwise they must) they should not hear in a quarter of a year, for so long would they be in continual travel. As for example; when any merchandise are to come out of the east Indies, to Mecha, or elsewhere of like distance, pigeons are carried from Mecha or Aleppo before hand, which is a quarter of a years passage, than they tie (as before is mentioned) the said letters about the pigeons, acquainting thereby their factors what commodities they have, and what are like to prove most vendible: by means whereof (whiles their camels are three noneths in coming) they know what merchandise is fit to be kept, and what to do away.  
Now to return where I left, and so to go forward with our journey: we passed from Aleppo through the heart of the Turks country, the strength whereof is very small, whereof the christian Princes are ignorant, (as it seems) for if they knew it, as we do, that with all circumspection observed it; doubtless, they would with no great difficulty utterly suppress him, or so extremely distress him, that they would constrain him to embrace the christian faith, and rest at their devotion, or at least remove his seat from the holy land, and parts adjacent. And to give the Reader a taste how probable this is, (lest I should be held, as one that knoweth not whereof he doth affirm) there is (as it is there commonly reported, and as commonly known) in all Palestine and Syria, but one thousand and five hundred janissaries that guards those cities of Aleppo, Damascus, Antioch, and jerusalem. As for Grand-cagro, they are not able to stir for diverse Arabs that lie in the hills betwixt jerusalem and it: between whom and those Turks of Grand-cagro there is deadly feud, as the Scot speaketh. As for Babylon and Balsera, they have likewise continual wars with those Arab's of Arabia Felix. Besides, there are a great number of christians borne & bred in those parts, which would most willingly be assisting for their liberty.  
From Aleppo we set forwards in the midst of August, accompanied with our English merchants three day●●●●●uit wit, until we came to a Town called Beerah, or Birrah by which runs the most famous river of Euphrates, parting Mesopotamia and Syria; where we rested six or seven days, whilst boats were preparing for us, and other Turkish merchants: that being done, we parted from our merchants, and betook ourselves to the said river of Euphrates, on the which we were somo three and twenty days passing down the same. In which time we came by a castle called Racca, where we were to take in fresh meat, and men to row. But lo, there it happened, that a Turk being in one of the boats in our company, discharged his piece towards the shore at random, where he most unhappily slew a Turk of the town, (the bullet entering his brain:) by reason whereof, our boat, aswell as the rest, was stayed, and we constrained to make satisfaction for the man's death: which cost sir Anthony for his company some hundred crowns. Which being paid, and we discharged, we held on our course from thence some two or three days passage, where we were eftsoons stayed by the King of the Arrabs there living upon the rivers side in Tents: before whom we were brought, whose hands we kiss: and demanding what we were, and what business we had in those parts, we replied, we were Englishmen, and Merchants by our trades, coming for traffic into those parts of the world. Whereupon this good king told us that he must needs see our merchandise, which we (God wots) durst not contradict: and so he borrowed (without a privy Seal, or bill of his hand) some thirty yards of cloth of silver, until our return. That being done, we had licence to depart to our boat. In whose camp we saw nothing but a multitude of cammelles, mules, asses, horses, sheep, and goats: from whence we passed to another town called Anna.  
From thence, to a town called Dire, by which there is a lake or pool of very pitch, which in their language they call, the mouth of Hell. It swells in the midst thereof to the bigness of an hogshead, and so breaketh with a great puff, falling flat, and thus continually it worketh: whereof there is no bottom to be found, albeit it often hath been tried by all means. There was nothing else worth the noting, until we came where we were to pass by land again. So we sent for camels and horses to Babylon (being two days journey from us) to carry us thither. Where being no sooner come, for our welcome, we had all our merchandise arrested, for the use of the Bashaw of that place, to be paid therefore, at his price and pleasure: howbeit we had licence to provide ourselves an house, and he dealt better with us than we expected; for he gave us, by estimation, half the worth of our goods, which was good pay, from so ill a debtor. Yet he extorted from sir Anthony a great deal of plate made of pure emerald, which he purposed to bestow on the Persian king, by us called, the Sophy. Howbeit we prevented him, for the one half of our goods, which was carried into the town in another Turks name that came with us, for which favour, we gave him (by agreement) forty crowns. At Babylon (being thus entertained) we remained a month, or more, in which time a Dutchman, being one of our company, had like to have preferred us all to the headman's handling. For, being one day drunk (according to his wont) and withal, bearing a grudge to some of our company) went in that mood to some of the chief Officers of the Turks in Babylon, made signs to them that he had some matter of importance to deliver to the Bashaw, touching sir Anthony. Which Officers sent for an Armenian a christian, that was then in town, who had used sir Anthony exceeding well, and was beloved no less of these Officers, to whom they showed the signs this Dutchman had made. He forthwith answered, that he was a drunken companion, and that sir Anthony had often beaten him for his immoderate bowzing, and continual drunkenness, which was (as he said in our excuse) the only cause he thus played his part. And withal, desired them to suffer their janissaries to beat him well, and to send him so beaten to his master. Which was done (by their command) accordingly. Whereupon sir Anthony was constrained to chamber him up close, until we were past danger: leaving money with him to carry him back to Aleppo.  
During the time we stayed in Babylon, we had all kind of fowl, flesh, and fish, with great store of venison very cheap.  
The old tower of Babel is three days journey from this place, which by common and just report of the inhabitants of this City, is about the height of Paul's, at this time, as they by towers of the like height, in our estimation described it. It is not hollow, but solid throughout; the base, or foot whereof, is about a quarter of a mile in compass. It consists of Bricks baked in the Sun, of great breadth and thickness, interlined with canes pleated like mats, which remain much less perished than the Bricks.  
The tower which is called Nabuchadnezers Tower, stands hard by new Babylon, which is fashioned much like the other (as it is said) but not so high as that we saw, by which doth run the famous river Tigris, taking his course through the City, and so along by this tower.  
Thus, having spent a month, and somewhat more, in new Babylon, in great fear and perplexity, by reason of the drunken Dutchman's signs and tokens (as before is mentioned) staying the most of that time for a Caravan of the Persians, and a great company of Merchants, we received Letters from Aleppo, by which we were wished to make all possible speed from Babylon, for that we were discovered there; signifying thus much further unto us, that there were letters from thence in all post addressed to stay us. 
A Caravan is a great many of Camels laden and men in a company, not much unlike our Carrier's (many in a company) here in England.  By chance this Caravan of Persians were gone but one day before we received these Letters, and had they been gone four days before, we would soon have overtaken them, in regard of their heavy lading. But after the receipt of these Letters, it was but like the spurring of the most free horse to hasten us after them, for without taking leave, we stole slily away, and were soon with them: who would not go the direct way whither we were bound, but passed through the Medes country, which was five or six days journey out of the way on pilgrimage, unto a certain Sanctorie, a prophet of theirs; whom we were moved to accompany, more for fear, than for any devotion. In which country, as we passed, we saw (that which was ruth to see) the confused ruins of marvelous great towns, which had (as it should seem) flourished when the Medes triumphed, and their commonwealth prospered. This pilgrimage ended, we went on from thence directly the course we had determined: demanding of the Persians, whether we had any more of the Turkish Governors to pass, who answered, they had one (& that very mighty) called Cobat-bag, by whom we must of necessity pass. At which answer it had been an easy matter to have found a company of poor hearts near their masters mouths; for to us remained no hope, but that we should have been inter●●●ted there. Yet, as God, and good for tune would, some of them (better bethinking themselves) remembered another way, through one Heyder-bags country; who was neighbour to the other, howbeit at continual wars with him, in regard whereof we had good hope he would aid us. So entering the first night into this Heyder-bags country or jurisdiction, the other hearing thereof; sent unto our company, that if we would not return and come by him, he would in the morning with his troops cut us into gobbets. Then were we in worse plight than at any time before: notwithstanding we resolving to sell our bloods as dear as we could (since avoid that extremity we could not) we there upon sook heart of grace, and about midnight we arose with bag and baggage, and so held on our course through Heyder-bags country. When in the break of the day we might descry a troop of horses coming towards us, which we verily imagined to be the enemy: but we were luckily deceived, for it was he that governed that Country, who came to our succours, and safely to convoy us through the same, having had some intelligence before of our progress that way.  
Which having passed in safety, through his gentle assistance and conduction, we were indifferent well at heart's ease; albeit we had six days journey to pass (ere we should enter the confines of Persia) through the Courdes country, which is by interpretation the shéeus' country. The people whereof are altogether addicted to théeving, not much unlike the wild Irish, so that as we passed through them, every night we did encamp, they slily stale more or less from us, watched we never so warily: else would they do but little hurt. This people do live altogether in Tents, keeping of cattle.  
Having passed this pilfering people, we then happily entered the king of persia's country, where upon our first entrance we thought we had been imparadized, finding our entertainment to be so good, and the manner of the people to be so kind and courteous (far differing from the Turks) especially when they heard we came of purpose to their king. We passed from the bordures nine days journey, ere we came to Casbin, where we expected the residence of the king: during all which time we passed by no great Towns worth the noting, until we came thither, having sent a Currier before, to signify what we were, to the Governor of the City, lest, by our sudden approach, our welcome should have been the less, and his marvel the more. Who thereupon prepared for us, a house of the kings, furnished with such ornaments as befitted a great State. We came into the city by night, for that we would not be first seen in our traveling apparel. Howbeit the Governor the next morning, together with the chief of the king's house, came with a great train, to salute sir Anthony, assuring him that his coming would be right pleasing and acceptable to the king: but signified unto him, that he then was, in person, against the Tartars, his borderers, with whom he had wars) to whom, at that time, he had, in a pitched field, given a mighty overthrow. And thereupon dismissed a post to the king, signifying unto him, that there was come, a christian (right well attended) to see him, by reason of the great fame he had heard of him. Which when by the post he understood, he made as much expedition as possibly he could (with respect had to his great affairs) to come to sir Anthony. There we remained some three weeks before he came.  
In which time we were banqueted, and right royally entreated, by the Governor and the king's Steward, who brought us to the king's gate, to offer that homage that all strangers do, that is, to kiss the entrance of his Palace three times. Against the kings coming, we appareled ourselves in the best manner we could, with such stuff as we brought with us, that is to say, sir Anthony himself in cloth of gold, the upper coat and under. His brother, in cloth of silver, the upper and under. Six Gentlemen, their lower coats silk, the upper, cloth of silver. Four of his chiefest servants, in silk under-coates, the upper, crimson velvet. The rest of his servants, in a pretty kind of bombast stuff, all the upper coats, watchet damask; our whole number being six and twenty, which made a very seemly show, the fashion of our apparel somewhat differing from the Persian.  
Now by this time that we were thoroughly thus furnished and fitted, the king approached within five miles where he encamped: from whence he sent to his Governor, commanding him to furnish our company the next day with horses, to the end we might come forth to meet him on the way, which was performed an either part accordingly. He coming in great triumph, having borne before him, advanced upon pikes, one thousand and two hundred heads of the conquered Tartars; whose king, and his son, he led along in triumph, having taken them prisoners: which triumph was continually more and more graced and augmented, by the country as he passed, each one endeavouring (according to his power) to give him welcome from the wars. Himself being accompanied with all his nobles and great men in diverse troops, that we could not see any thing all the way, but men and horses, with such thundering of trumpets, kettle drums (carried upon camels) and such like instruments of war, that a man would have thought, heaven and earth were tilting together. Their trumpets being all strait, some two yards and an half in length, having such a deep, harsh, and horrible voice, that it would amaze a man to hear them, if he never heard them before. At length we were brought into the presence of the King, as he thus passed in triumph: we all dismounting our horses to kiss his foot (as the manner is) sir Anthony first, who offering to perform that complement, the king, out of special and unusual favour, put his hand between his mouth and his foot, and would not permit him to do it, so all the rest in order kissed his foot: which being done, the king called sir Anthony unto him, told him that he was right hearty welcome to him, and to his country, which ere his departure he said he should find indeed. Who suffering not sir Anthony to reply, caused his horse to be brought, and so we road on next to the king. Where, in a while after, we might see a great troop of courtesans of the city come riding richly appareled, to salute the king, and to welcome him from his wars. Their apparel little differing in fashion from the men's, but only in their head attire and upper coats. They wear breeches, and ride astride as men do, and came with such a cry as the wild Irish make. The multitude of people were so great (consisting of Actors and Spectators) that we has much ado in six hours to pass three miles, which was from the place where we met the king, to the market place of the City. Unto which at length being come, the king brought us to the door of the house where we should alight, situate in the same, commanding one of his great men to place us therein, whilst himself rid about some hour or two to see the shows and matters of triumph performed. Which being done, he returned to sir Anthony, where being set upon the ground, with carpets under him, according to the custom of the country, commanding stools to be brought for sir Anthony and his brother: there sir Anthony made his Oration: which being ends, the king discoursed with him of his traveles, of his native country, the manner of government there, and of diverse other things that accidentally became then subject to their discourse: the particularities whereof sir Anthony answered, to the kings high contentment: and further, possessed the king with such a burning desire to invade the Turks dominions (by reason his strength was so small, as before is mentioned, and then at large sir Anthony unfolded) that he would on the very neck of that his late victory, before his blood was cold (as it were) have entered into action against the Turk, to the which sir Anthony ceased not to animate him, for a double grudge he bore him, to wit, for being such a mortal enemy to Christ, and for using them so like mortal enemies, being christians: howbeit, that expedition was, for a time, deferred, yet nevertheless fully resolved on. These, and the like, made the King instantly to conceive so exceeding well, and grew more and more into such liking of sir Anthony, that once a day at the least, he would send for him to confer, and complement with him: yea sometimes he must be sent for to come to his bedchamber at midnight (accompanied with his brother) for that purpose.  
The king continued in that town about some thirty days, where many nights the people entertained him with spectacles and shows in their basar's, which we do call shops, all covered over head, as the Royal Exchange. At which always we must meet the king. Their manner is to make the greatest show of those wares they have, in four long streets, in the midst whereof is a round kind of stage, covered with costly carpets, whereon is laid all kind of fruits, confections, and wine for the king to banquet withal.  
After that he hath seen all the shows, towards night, they set up as many lights as possible can stand one by another, consisting all of lamps; so that, by estimation, there burneth at once in those four streets a hundred thousand lamps, so close upon, and round about their stalls upon the ground, that a man can hardly put his hand between each lamp. After which sights, he goeth to that place appointed for the banquet, where banqueting till midnight, being solaced all the while with all kinds of music, of Instruments, and voice, with boys and Courtesans, dancing strange kinds of jigs and Lavoltaes: without which Courtesans, no banquet, be it never so costly hath any relish with them. Howbeit no man's wife comes thereat; neither is it possible (or if it be, very rarely) for a man once to see a woman if she be once married, and her husband living, no, though it be her own natural brother. So iclous are husbands of their wives loves and chastities, and such cause of suspicion is there amongst them in that respect. There is a custom in that country, that if the King purpose to make any man great, by enoblizing him, he hath a very rich chair set with stones carried after him, wherein he placeth that man at his banquet in public assembly. This chair was brought for sir Anthony to sit in, and he by the King placed therein accordingly. Which made the people much to admire that accident, in that he vouchsafed that high favour to a stranger, without desert, or experience of his wórth: whereas accustomably he would have great proof of a man's worthiness, before he would so vouchsafe to dignify him. Instantly as he caused sir Anthony to sit, he gave him his own girdle from about him for a further favour: which was all of some golden stuff, very curious and costly, three yards long, and an ell broad.  
Three days after he sent a Present to sir Anthony being a certain demonstration of the great estimation he had him in. Which was, forty horses furnished with saddles etc. four of which were very rich and fair, fit for the proper use of any Prince, twelve camels for carriage, together with fix mules, four and twenty carpets, most of them rich and fair, three Tents or Pavilions, with all other necessaries of house; last of all, six men laden with silver. The steward that brought it, told sir Anthony that the King had sent him that, to defray his charges till the next remove, which was ten days off. I need not speak more of the King's bounty, let the world, by this, imagine the rest, and how he entreated Sir Anthony.  
And albeit the fashion and maver of the Persians is not unknown to many of our English nation, as having, by their own travels, attained that knowledge: or by reading, or credible report been informed thereof: Yet somewhat to speak touching the same, I hold it not altogether amiss, for the better information of those (my countrymen) that do not so well know it. For their sitting at meat on the ground, with their manner of food and feeding, it is much after the Turkish guise. Their devotion as the Turks, but somewhat different in religion. As the Persian prayeth only to Mahomet, and Mortus Ally, the Turk to those two, and to three other that were Mahomet's servants. Against which three, the Persian still inveighs, and hath in all towns, men that carry axes on their shoulders, challenging them to rise again, and they are there priest to encounter them by force of arms.  
They use much exercise, as hawking and hunting, with very much shooting. Their hawks are excellent good, which they bear on their right hand, without hood or bell.  
The merchandise and commodities which Persia yieldeth, are silks, both raw, and otherwise, of all suits and colours. Spices, drugs, pearls, and other precious gems: together with carpets of divers kinds. These, with many other commodities of this nature, Persia plentifully affordeth.  
They writ from the right side of the paper to the left like the Turks, contrary to our manner. Their Letters or Characters being so irregular, and (as we would think) deformed, that to us it seemeth the writing of some utterly unskilful in letters or learning, or as a wild kind of scribbling, that hath therein neither form nor matter: howbeit they affirm their writing is most compendious, and every letter (well near) with his circumfler importeth a whole word, though consisting of many syllables.  
They have not many Books, much less great Libraries amongst their best Clerks. They are no learned nation, but ignorant in all kind of liberal or learned Sciences, and almost of all other Arts and Faculties, except it be in certain things pertaining to horses furniture, and some kinds of carpetting and silk works, wherein they excel.  
They have neither gold nor silver from any mines of their own, for they have none: howbeit they have money made of both kinds, in great plenty, together with some small coin made of copper, like our Bristol tokens.  
Their conceit of Christ is, that he was a very great Prophet, and a most holy and religious man, but no way comparable to Mahomet: for Mahomet (say they) was that final prophet, by whom all things were, and are to be perfected and consummated. They further say, that because God had never wife, therefore Christ cannot possibly be his son.  
If any man conspire treason against the king, or otherwise capitally offend him, he is punished, not only in his own person, but in his whole Tribe.  
If they affirm any matter with an oath, they swear by God and Mahomet, or Mortus Ally: and when they would be believed, they swear by all three at once.  
They circumcise their children at seven years old, according to the custom of their neighbour the Turks.  
In making water, the men kowre down like the women, and when they do it, they have a spout or springer, to spirit some part of their water upon their privy parts, aswell men as women, which they hold as a kind of religious duty, and which in no sort must be neglected.  
They buy and sell men and women in the market, which is a principal merchandise of theirs among themselves. If they buy any young women there, they feel them every where. If a man buy a bondwoman for his own carnality, and she prove false to him, he may (by their law) kill her, as he may a dog in England.  
In praying, they turn their faces towards the South, as we do towards the East, because Mecha where Mahomet is encoffined in iron (which by force of a Temples roof, consisting of Adamant, hangeth, as it were, by way of miracle in the air) lieth in Arabia, which is South from them. To which, whosoever shall go on pilgrimage (as many of them do) they are ever held for most holy and sacred Saints, which they call Setes, and not only themselves are so reputed, but the posterity of that man are so accounted, and of themselves are so persuaded. For if one shall in any thing contradict them, either in saying or in doing, they will overrule him, and exact credit and belief with all obedience, by saying he is a Saint at least, and therefore, on pain of damnation, must be believed, and highly esteemed although he lie never so loudly, and do never so lewdly.  
Their buildings are (for the most part) made of brick, hardened in the sand, not made with fire, as durs are: wherein they have very little furniture other than carpets upon their floors; and such the poorest man hath, but the goodness thereof is according to the ability of the owners: their houses are all made with flat roofs without, covered with a kind of plaster, or earth spread plasterwise.  
Near unto a town called Backo in Persia, there issueth out of the earth in the manner of a water-spring, a certain kind of oil, in great abundance, which they (from all parts of the Persian dominions) do fetch upon Camels, Kine, and Asses, to burn in lamps, which are the lights they use in their houses.  
The people are now very courteous, using all strangers with great kindness and civility, especially since this King hath governed. Howbeit (by report) they have been heretofore little better (in that respect) than the Turks.  
The names of the parts of Persia, that in times past were distinct kingdoms, are Casuin, Hasphane, Seraze, Knghgollo, Sister, Curdistan, Hammadan, Kirman, upon Corrozan. These this King had when he came first to the crown; these following he took and won since. Tuntabas, Cough, Corrazon, Buchora, Vrgans, Taskane, Strabat, the kingdoms of Mascendran, Marcu, Rustendar, Nure-cugge. The kingdoms of jeglands'; the first jegland, Rest, Saughtoser, Caskeger, Tawlis, Aderbegsan, being a great kingdom.  
These towns following were lost by his Predecessors to the Turk. viz. Tawris, Seruan, Samachy, jange, Berthe, with many others; which the Persian doth now hope to recover; being far better able then in times past, for that he hath drawn all the forementioned towns and parts into his possession: which, when his Predecessors would invade the Turk before, these would impeach and molest them behind: so that now he stands secure from all invasion of the borderers, whereby he is able to carry all his force clear, without interruption against the Turk, which at the least will be four hundred thousand strong. Upon which undertaking he is (as before was mentioned) fully resolved: but first by sir Anthony's advice, he is determined to join in league, amity, and confederacy with the Christian princes, by means whereof, he may the sooner prevail in his purpose, and thereby utterly suppress the Turk. Howbeit his counsellors were all obstinately bend against these determinations and proceedings at the first, yet the king with his general, who is a Georgian Christian (still animated and provoked thereunto by sir Anthony's forcible persuasions) were resolute and confident in the cause, and being so irremovable, at last prevailed, and all the rest absolutely assented. And by that mutual consent of the king and his counsel, no man was thought so sit to be employed in Embassy to the christian princes (to the purpose above recited) as sir Anthony being a Christian, and the first mover of the king to these undertakings, appointing a great man of the Persians to accompany him in those businesses, but the whole burden thereof to lie only upon sir Anthony, who undertook the same accordinglyly.  
Which being concluded, and thus undertaken, we were ready to depart from the King's court, lying then at Hasphane, when suddenly there came news of a Portugal friar, that was coming thither, accompanied with two other friars, and four servants: this friar stayed some three miles off the town, and sent the other two with letters to sir Anthony; whereby he signified unto him that he was the last King of Portugese's brother, and that he was sent by the King of Spain as Procurator general of all the East Indies. Sir Anthony believing it, went himself, accompanied with as many christians as he could get, to the Frigate. And after mutual greetings, he told sir Anthony, that hearing of his great and weighty businesses, and so godly a work (he being a great bishop of the king of Spain's) came posting night and day to assist him therein. Which sir Anthony was right glad of, and to manifest the same the better, he brought him along to his own house, and there dislodged his brother to lodge him.  
This being done, he told sir Anthony, that he greatly desired to see the King, for that he had a present to bestow on him, which sir Anthony soon procured. But now, by the way, this present was delivered him in trust, to be delivered to the king, howbeit he presented it in his own name, in requital whereof the King gave him a Crucifix worth (by estimation) a hundred pounds and better: which villainy, and many others, sir Anthony afterwards discovered, though the mean while he held him for a holy man.  
Ere we departed from the King, he would feign (by the King's Commission) have been an Agent in the present action, wherein sir Anthony was principally employed, and likely he was to have been one, with universal consent, but that the writings & all other things thereunto incident were before perfected and finished. And seeing he could be no actor (as he desired) by reason thereof, he entreated sir Anthony to procure the King's favourable letters, in his behalf, to the Pope, and the King of Spain; which sir Anthony did accordingly. In requital whereof, he began (underhand) to deal with those of the King's council, which had been backwards in the beginning of these businesses, who assured them, that sir Anthony was not able to perform so great a negotiation. Which sir Anthony perceiving, he made all the haste he possibly could to be gone, the rather, because he had waded somewhat too far with this execrable friar, who the first night he lodged in sir Anthony's house, found the means to have a Persian courtesan to lie with him, and so had night by night during his continuannce there; which if he wanted, he would hire a boy zodomitically to use. And that he was a sodomitical wretch, it doth appear hereby: sir Anthony at his first coming, bought two christian boys in the market, which afterwards he bestowed on this Friar, whose name was Nicolao deMelo. He no sooner had them, but he was in hand with them concerning his sodomitical villainy. The boys finding whereto he was inclined (being incessantly importuned by him, to yield to his beastly desire, complained to him that sold them, he likewise to the Officer, the Officer to the King, by means whereof the King espied his villainy. Whereupon the king sent for the boys from him, and sent him word, that were it not for sir Anthony's sake, he should lose his head.  
Soon after we departed, taking the Friar and one of his fellows with us, having eighteen days journey from the Persian Court to jegland, where we were embarked to cross the Caspian sea. In which time, the friar confessed he was but an ordinary Augustine friar, and in a gamesome vain he further confessed how he would bring men's wives, after he had shriven them, to his bent, as taking advantage of their confessed faults: and to close up this, and such like good talk in the day, we should be sure to take him with a whore at night. And I will tell you a jest concerning him, which I had almost forgotten.  
One day, at Casbin he sent his man to a whore, féeing her with two Chickens, (which is two rialles) to come unto him at night, taking upon him the name of the Ambassador. The kind wench being true of promise, came unto sir Anthony, who demanding the cause of her coming, she told him all, etc. So the wench went away gratis with the money, the friar not daring to demand it.  
Thus having merrily passed the time with this sorry Friar, and being come to the place where we should be embarked, we stayed there one month for the Persian Peer, that was to go along with us, as before is mentioned.  
Upon whose coming, we presently embarked ourselves for Haster-caune, which is the first landing place of the Emperor of ruscia's country to Persia ward.  
Upon the Caspian sea (which we were to cross) we were two months before we landed: which time we endured with much pain, and no less fear, having (besides the natural roughness of the sea) very much foul and stormy weather: by reason whereof we had been like to have suffered shipwreck, which twice struck on ground, so that we were constrained to disburden the same of a great part of our substance. Howbeit in the end God so blessed us, that in two months we came to our wished harborough. Where being arrived, the Governor having intelligence of our landing, sent a Captain with a guard to receive us, and to conduct us to the castle of Haster-caune, where was landed but the day before, an Ambassador that the King of Persia had sent a month before, only to make our passage through the Emperor of Ruscia his country.  
From which castle to Musco town we were, by river, and by land, ten weeks passing. All which time sir Anthony and his company, with the other Ambassadors, and their attendants, were all at the charge of the Ruscian Emperor (for so is the custom of that Country, to all travelers of that nature, as long as they are passing through his dominions) who eats such meat as is brought before them gratis, having withal, a guard set over them, so that they are little better than prisoners, as long as they are within the limits of his territories.  
From Haster-caune we pasit by boat along the mighty River of Volgo, until we canie to a town named Negson, which was seven weeks passage. In which time, we saw nothing worthy the noting, but three or four wooden Eastles or blockhouses to guard that River, which River doth bring marvelous great commodities to the Emperor, and to the whole country.  
diverse Tartars passing from place to place about that River, living in little houses made upon wheels, and are carried too and fro, having abundance of cattle, live so in subjection to the Emperor, paying him tribute, etc.  
One only fair City we saw all that while called Gassane, wherein we were: from whence we passed to Negson a or said, where, by the way, fell out a tar between sir Anthony and the other Ambassador, because sir Anthony presumed to reprehend him for divers misdemeanours which he committed, to the dishonour of his king and country: Insomuch, that had we not had guard in our company, one of us had killed another. Leaving here a while, I will turn again to the Friar, who was by this time grown into mortal hatred with his fellow Friar, of whom before I spoke, whose name was Alfonso, a Friar of the order of Saint Francis. Which Friar had acquainted sir Anthony, that Friar Nicolao had spent his life most lewdly in the Indias, the particularities whereof he at large related.  
Morcover, he told him, that by reason of his licentious life, the king of Spain had sent for him, because he did much more hurt than good in those parts, but never would come until now that he was going thitherward.  
He also told sir Anthony, that that present which he delivered the king of Persia in his own name, was sent by a friend of the kings from Ormous, by another, who had withal, a letter to the king. Which bearer, (being of his acquaintance) he inveigled and enticed, by the gift of fifty Crowns, and fair words, to deliver him the present, together with the Letter to carry to the king, who finally prevailed with him. And when he came to Persia, he suppressed the letter, but delivered the present in his own name, as before is declared.  
Upon discovery of which villainies, sir Anthony took him prisoner, and earried him along with him, as one deprived of former liberty.  
And being come to Negson, we stayed there near hand a month. Towards the end whereof the Emperor sent a great man of his Court thither, for to accompany and conduct us to Musco, who gave the pre-eminence to the Persian Ambassador, in that he was Ambassador to the Emperor from the Persian, and sir Anthony but a passenger through his country, as he esteemed him, and so did use at his pleasure, to fir Anthony's small contentment, until we came to Musco, where we were entertained in the best fort they could, with a crew of aqua vitae-bellyed fellows, clad in coats of cloth of gold: which show being ended, for the first encounter those coats were put up again into the Treasury or Wardrobe, and we shut up in prison for ten days, yea all access of others to us, or we to them was thereby utterly harred. In which time we sent to entreat, that either our English merchants might be permitted to come toous, or that we might go or send to them for necessaries, because we were not fitted with clothes, (as we thought) convenient for the Emperor's presence.  
Where upon the Lord Chancellor sent for the merchants, inquiring of them what sir Anthony was, and whether they durst give him any credit. To whom they replied, that he was nobly descended, and allied even to the best men of England: yea, and that they would give him credit for as much as they were worth.  
Here upon they had liberty to send us such necessaries as we sent for, but no liberty to come to us, much less we to them.  
The tenth day we were sent for to come before the Emperor after their order, which was, to lay down in a note, how every man should be marshaled in coming (being all on horseback) wherein the Persian Ambassador was appointed by the Emperor to have the first and chief place, the next, that Persian that was sent but to accompany sir Anthony, and the last of the three should be sir Anthony hymsefie.  
Which when sir Anthony perceived, he utterly refused to go in that order, because that he, to whose trust and charge the whole business had been cemmitted, and by whom the same was solely procured: by which Persia likewise should be infinitely benefited (specially he being a christian, and they Pagans) should be put hindermost in the march, that was the foremost in the matter.  
By the means of which refusal, he purchased the emperors displeasure: and to manifest the same, first he took the Friar from sir Anthony, and gave him his liberty to go whither he thought good. Next, he daily sent his great Dukes to examine sir Anthony upon divers frivolous particularities, to prove, if they thereby might grope out some matter of advantage against him.  
Thus daily he was extremely vexed and molested by the Emperor, the Persian Ambassador, withal, setting on the Friar underhand, to devise all the villainy he could against him, as to say, he knew sir Anthony to be but a man of mean parentage, and also, that he was come but as a Spic through the Country for purposes tending to his own good, and not of Persia and Christendom, as he pretended. Whereupon they took all the king's Letters from him, and opened them, to know the purport thereof.  
Soon after sir Anthony and the Friar were brought before the Commissioners to be further examined: where sir Anthony (being inflamed with choler, by reason of his exceeding ill usage, notwithstanding the goodness of the cause of his coming) demanded whether the Emperor did ever purpose to send any Ambassadors to any other Countries? Protesting, that if ever he met with them in any parts of the world, besides their own, he would endeavour to let them know he was not half so well entreated in Ruscia, as the cause of his coming of right deserved, and the Emperor, by the laws divine and civil aught to have performed, and the rather, because he was a Christian, such as he pretends himself to be, and came (as became a christian) for the general good of all Christendom, the Persian being stirred up thereunto by his only means. Whereupon the Friar in terms thwarted sir Anthony, whose blood already boiled, with the excess of his choler's heat, which as then abounded. And being by that graceless and ungrateful Friar further provoked, he (not able, though instantly he should have died for it) to suppress his heat, gave the fat Friar such a sound box on the face (his double cause of choler redoubling his might, desire of revenge withal augmenting the same) that down falls the Friar, as if he had been struck with a thunderbolt. Which being done, (with that courage and high resolution which well appeared in his looks, words, and deeds) they forthwith gave over examination, because they had too far examined sir Anthony's patience, which well they with fear (as I think) saw, and the Friar (almost past fear) did far better feel. Whereupon they went instantly to the Emperor, and informed him of all that had happened, and how sir Anthony was resolved. For which (as by the event it appeared) he was used the better. For from thence forward we had liberty to go to the Englishmen, of whom we were very honourably entertained, and royally feasted. Howbeit we were constrained to remain there six months, expecting every day (for all this) some mischief to be done unto us, or to be sent into some part of his country to be kept, where we should not have heard from our friends in haste, which we feared worse than death. Yet, in the end, we were eftsoons sent for before the privy council, where sir Anthony had his charge to be gone, which was no small joy to us all.  
But the day before we left Muscovia, it was my fortune to see the King, and his Queen, in ceremonious and triumphant manner passing out of the City, with a great Image, and a huge Bell, to offer to a certain Friary some thirty miles off, which was performed in this sort. First, all the morning divers troops of horse passed out of the City, to stand ready to receive him at his coming out of the gate. About midday the King setting forwards, his guard foremost, all on horseback, to the number of five hundred, all clad in stammel coats, riding in rank, three and three, with bows, and arrows, and swords girt to them, as also hatchets under the one thigh. After the guard were led, by twenty men, twenty goodly horses, with very rich and curious saddles, and ten more for his son and heir apparent, being a child of twelve years of age. After which was led, in like sort, twenty beautiful white horses, for the queens chariots, having only upon them a fine sheet, and on their heads a crimesin velvet bridle. After them came a great number of Friars in their rich copes, singing, carrying many pictures and lights. After them followed the greatest part of the merchants of the City. Next them was led the King's horse, for that day, together with his sons: the king's saddle and furniture most richly beset with stones of great price and beauty. Then followed the Patriarch, with all the archbishops, Bishops, and great Prelates singing in their copes, very rich and glorious, having huge Images borne before them, being very richly inlaid, with precious gems of diverse colours, and lights about them. Then followed the king himself, who had in his left hand his son above mentioned, and in his right hand his cap. Next him came the Queen, supported on either side by two old Ladies, her face even thickely plastered with painting, as were the other Ladies (according to the custom of the Country) her body very gross, her eyes hollow and far into her head, attended with some three score very fair women (if painting (which they hold a matter religious) deceived not the judgement of mine eye.) All whose apparel was very rich, beset with pearl curiously wrought, having white hats on their heads, with great round bands laden with pearl. We never saw hats worn by any women in the Country, but by them only. Next unto them was drawn three huge chariots, the first with ten fair white horses, two and two, the second with eight, and the third with six in like order: which chariots were all very rich and gorgeous within and without. After which, all the noble men passed in coaches. Then was carried, in a great chest, the forenamed Image, guarded by a great man and State of the Country, with some five hundred under his command, for the guard and convoy of that Image. And last of all came that huge bell, being of twenty tun weight, drawn by three thousand and five hundred men (not being possible to be drawn by oxen or horses) in manner following. They fastened six exceeding long hawsers, or mighty great gable ropes in six lengths to the frame whereon the bell was placed. In this rank of ropes were placed those three thousand and six hundred men, with little cords over their shoulders, fastened to the great hawsers, drawing after the manner of our Western bargemen here in England.  
The poised of the Bell was so g●●at, that passing along the streets of Musco (being paved with great square pieces of timber set close one by another) the wood of the frame or carriage whereon the bell was drawn, set the timber of the streets on fire, through both the woods chase together, so that some were feign to follow hard after, to throw on water, as the timbers began to smoke. And thus was this bell and the Image eonueyed to the Friary, as hath afore been said.  
The next day following we took our journey (that is to say, in mid May) towards Saint Nicolas to take shipping, which was some six weeks passage by land and river. During all which time, we saw nothing, in a manner, but woods and water. But being come to the sea side, being the place where we were to take ship, we stayed there one month for provision for our journey.  
In which time we were divers times invited aboard English ships, where we were royally banqueted at the Agents charges and the merchants. To the solemnisation of which banquets we had three hundred hundred great shot. And as we stayed there, one Master Megricke a merchant came from Musco, and brought the Friars two letters with him, reporting that the Lord Chauncallor, in satisfaction of the wrong and ill usage he extended to sir Anthony, sent after the Friar to the borders, who took both his letters and all his substance that he had deceitfully and lewdly gotten in many years before in the Indias from him, leaving him not so much as his friars weed: and whether he caused his throat to be cut, it was uncertain, but not unlike.  
Thus, as this lewd wretch had (as peradventure he thought) passed the pikes of God's judgements bend against him, and threatening his ruin, for his several villainies, and that (as to him perhaps it seemed) he was now even entering the confines of his own country, furnished with Letters in his commendation, from the Persian mighty Potentate, to his liege lord the king of Spain, whereby he thought to have attained (notwithstanding his former lewd life in the Indies) great reputation and preferment, even than was he overtaken with a vengeance, and paid home with a mischief, to the utter loss of his Letters, wherein so much he joyed, his substance that was all his liveloode, and (as it is most likely) of his life, the lewdness whereof brought upon him these unexpected (yet well deserved) miseries.  
A good caveat for all those, that under God almighty's coat, will play all devilish pranks, whereof there are but too many (in these last days, and therefore the worst days) crept into his holy church, in all quarters of Christendom, making the same sacred house of pr●●er (which ought with all prayer and holy endeavour to be preserved from all pollution and polluted persons) a very den of thieves, as it is in the Gospel, that walk continually in sheeps clothing, but inwardly they are ravening Wolves: They are known by their works.  
From hence we took ship for Stoade, being six weeks upon the Sea, ere we could recover it. In which time we were continually tossed and tumbled with contrary Winds: and once had been like to have been utterly cast away, so that we all were overwhelmed in despair, as we were at point to be in the Sea, but that (by God's protection and direction) we (past all expectation) fell upon the Flie. Where, (having divers Letters of sir Anthony's to his friends in England) I parted from him (he holding his course toward the Emperor of Germany:) from thence I came to the Tassel then to the Firm: so to the Hage: from the Hage to Vlushing: And finally, from thence to Dover, where I landed in the midst of the month of September, in the three and fortieth year of the queens majesties reign, and in the year of our Lord God, one thousand six hundred and one.  
FINIS.   

I. D. of Hereford in praise of William Parry Gentleman.  

TO creep like Aunts about this earthy Round,  
And not to gather with the Ant, is vain:  
Some find out Countries which were never found,  
Yet scarcely get their labour for their pain:  
Whereby I gather, there they gather not,  
But rather scatter. Better lost than found  
Were all such Countries. Will, such is thy lot,  
Thou hast lost ground, to find out other ground,  
Yet thou hast found much more than thou couldst lose,  
Though thou couldst lose more than the Seas confine,  
For thou hast found that, none could find, but those  
That seek, as thou hast done, for Wisdoms eine,   

And that's Experience, no where to be seen,  
But every where, where thou (good Will) hast been.   Tam Arte Quam Marie.