A Discovery of I. Nicols minister, misreported a jesuite, lately recanted in the Tower of London.  
Wherein besides the declaration of the man, is contained a full answer to his recantation, with a confutation of his slanders, and proof of the contraries, in the Pope, Cardinals, Clergy, Students, and private men of Rome.  
There is also added a reproof of an oration and sermon, falsely pretended by the said Nicols to be made in Rome, and presented to the Pope in his consistory.  
Whereto is annexed a late information from Rome touching the authentical copy of Nicols recantation.  
IHS  God hath exalted him, and given him a name which is above all names. Philippens. 2.ver.9. There is no other name under heaven given unto men, wherein we must be saved. Act. 4. ver. 12. A lying witness shall have an evil end. Pro. 21. An non ex hac odiosa impudentia, pullulabit mox impoenitentia, matter desperationis? Bern. Ser. 42. in Can.  

1 A preface showing different proceeding in catholics and their adversaries, with a division of the book into three parts.  
2 The first part containeth a narration of john nicols, with a refutation of certain vain and false vaunts, made of himself.  
3 The second part containeth a confutation of many malicious slanders, uttered by nicols against Catboliques, but especially and more in particular, against the Pope, the Cardinals, priests, and religious men, the English students in Rome, divers particular persons, and against the city of Rome itself: where also the contraries, to Nicols reports, are declared.  
4 The third part containeth an explication and defence of certain controversies, misunderstood and absurdly perverted by Nicols.  
5 Nicols oration & sermon published in english since the writing of this book, & pretended by him as made in Rome, & presented to the Pope, are convinced of forgery by manifest absurdities, impossibilities, and contradictions.  
6 Also, there is added a late information from Rome, of the true copy of Nicols recantation in that place.  
7 Lastly, there is put down, an example, 〈◊〉 a taste of Nicols talon in railing at both sides.   


TO the indifferent Reader.  
IT IS one point among other o● very bare brokers, to extol immoderately very base wares. And it is not the guise but of needy & distressed warriors, 
The adversaries poverty.  to receive wi●h trumpet to place of dignity, every ragged and wandering fugitive. Which two things notwithstanding, (with no small discredit of their own cause) some adversaries of ours have followed of late, in so greedy receiving and advancing to the pulpit, with measureles commendation, one john Nicoles, far unfit (in mine opinion) for so great a do, being but a rejected thing of the contrary part, a silly grammarian, and twice revolted minister. Whose recantation, or railing, rather, invective, published not long since from the Tower of London, 
In february Ano. 1581.  I could more willingly have pitied then answered (knowing the man's feebleness as I do) but only for that, he surchargeth with slander so many other men, yea Princes and states, in that his declamation, as it was hard for me (which before god in my conscienes knew all or most of it to be forged) to hold my peace in so manifest untruths, and by silence to yield credit to the many malytious and reproche●ul reports.  
The dealing also of our adversaries in this case and she like, moved me not a little to answer, who shame not to proclaim triumphs upon so base conquests against their mother the Catholic Church, who hath borne them and brought them up, and who, if she would but a little follow the same course, 
Different dealing in Catholics & their adversaries.  not in falsehood and malice, as they do, but in evident truth, either by noting the known vices of her enemies (which rather she sorroweth and heartily be waileth) or in vaunting the gain of such as daily, by god's g●ace return again from rebellion: she might easily in both these things, match and overmatch the lavish tongues of her revolted children, were she not restrained by charity in the one, and by gravity in the other. For touching the first, who doth not know that if in lieu of this and the like, t●● notable infamous a●tes of ministers preachers only, in this one Realm of England, for the space of one doson years past, 
Look the crown off●●● and other like records.  w●re gathered into some one book, ●or the view of the world: they would be more in quantity, and in quality more heinous, than all that they have gathered by great labour & much falsehood, in their several books, out of the lives of the worst Catholics, for these thousand years past, over all the whole world? And yet these men forsooth, came as prophets to reform us and our father's lives, and therefore in reason should have lived more exactly themselves. And touching the second, who doth not see, the great variety of important learned personages, which from time to time, upon trial of the truth, do retourn● unto us, even from their ministery, and they also of other quality and talent, then séelye john Nicols, who, in good sooth, is not worth the taking up, being sound in the street, and yet we vaunt not of each thing in print, nor stir we tragedies upon little trifles. We are content to leave this to our adversaries, whose fraud or fervour is, to make mountains of molehilles, and great speech upon small matter.  
If any man will doubt wh●ther such return of Protestants be made unto us or Noah, as I noted before: passing over other places, let him cast his eye, but upon these Seminaries, and Colleges on this side the seas, where English students are, and he shall find a great and principal part thereof, to have been in times past, not only of there religion, but also towards there ministery, 
ministry to priesthood.  who on the contrary, can not show me any one Priest in these later years perverted by them. I add (in these later years) for that, albeit in the beginning of heresy, when first the banner of sedition was raised against the Church, great multitudes of people revolted together (as in all commotions is wont to hap, by some general fa●se suggestion of the principal rebels): 
cause of former revolting and present re●urninge.  yet afterward, the heat being past, and more calmer consideration coming in place, men have stayed themselves, and hearkened to the cause, and divers also returned, which in the first fury ran out with the rest, of which two sorts, both the one and the other remain better fortified for resisting of like error for the time to come.  
The means which have been used generally, to priests taken these later years (for I will conceal tower matters in particular) for the withdrawing of them in religion, have been many and strong, and qualified in both extremities of rigour, and allurement, promises, and minaces, and yet (so great is God his goodness) no one, I say not any one, hath unto this day faultered. But of ministers which have offered themselves to us in this time, it were long to recount the particulares, and yet have we nothing to compel them unto our part, except evidence of truth, n●r any thing so allure th●m, except poverty and honesty.  
It is no marvel then (all circumstances considered) if such s●ore be made of one john Ni●ols, a ●●●●gate of their own ●ampe. For even the Eagle herself must bait on flées when she can finger no feathered fowl. If any one man of more sufficiency might have been gained, 
why john Nicols was preferred to the pulpit.  john Nic●ls had been spared; but seeing it could not be, and that somewhat at that time must needs be uttered, for the more defacing and bringing in hatred the Catholic religion: some of zeal were content to use his person, for the avowchinge of that, which either he or other could devise for that purpose, and so was his recantation published, with common fame that he was a jesuite of great learning and renowino, to which recantation I am now briefly to answer according to the cheese points thereof, which in effect I find to be three: 
A Deni●i●n of the book 〈◊〉 to three part●  the one in vaunting of himself: the second in s●ander●nge of others: the third in willing of certain controversies, by ●●bling them before he understood them.   

vaunting of himself.  

The first 〈◊〉  For the better understanding of this first part, as also to see, how little cause this little man had to trouble us with bragging, it ●ot be amiss to set down in words, some short progress of his life, declared by himself to his fellows in Rome, and publicly known to others there, namely his course from Wales to England, from England to Flaunders, from Flaunders to Rome, and from Rome, to the pulpit in the tower of London, wherein I will speak nothing, but such as is commonly known, or confessed by himself. Other matters suppesed of greater importance, I will utterly ●mit. If hereafter upon trial they break forth unto the world, I shall take no comfort therein, for in good sooth I much pity the man, and wish● only his repentance to pardon, and not his infamy to desperation.  
john Nicols therefore was borne at Cowbridge in Wales, 
A Narration of john nicols.  and afterward a minister in the west parts of England. In which art how he behaved himself, I am not to dis●●●●e or reveal, only himself vs●●●●en to declare, how that he p●●●ched commonly certain sermen of one ●●●brooke as his own, and thereby 〈◊〉 ●hered o●n on of very good and 〈…〉 Also, that he procure 〈…〉 benefices by Simony an● that M. dean of Paul's and he could never agree, which I suppose was for no good demeanour on his part. But in trade of time, being enforced to depart England, either for his conscience, as he would pretend, or for worse causes as some suspect, he passed over to Flaunders, and there applying himself to the religion and manners of the place, played some time the soldier and some times the minister, until being weary of both, he departed thence, and passing by cambray, (being helped by the liberality of English men there) he took his walk towards Italy, where he served a Bishop for certain months, and finally, after a space, he came to Rome, attired ridiculously in an old cast purple cassoke down to the ground, geeven him by the same Bishop.  

john nicols behaviour at Rome.  Being come to Rome, and devising how to get some credit there, thought it best to offer himself to the inquisi●tion voluntarily, and so he did, by the conduction of one M. Moris, accusing himself grievously, for that he had forsaken the Catholic Church and fal●len into heresy, making himself also a minister of the same, for which fault he craved pardon, and for more satisfaction both to God and the world● he desired most earnestly, to be admitted to a recantation or abjuration of his former errors, which was granted unto him. He abjured therefore with all t●e vehemency he could devise, and after that, made suit to be received as scholar, into the English College or Seminary there. Whereunto, albeit for his apparent insufficiency some dela●e and difficulty were made, yet finally he was admitted, and delivered over (as the manner is) to the posers to try what study he was fit for, who found him very raw in the latin tongue, and therefore determined him to the study of Rhetoric and Humanity: wherein having spent some time, he was advanced to the study of Logic, but not being able to wade in so great matters, he was removed again thence, as non proficiens, and shifted of to the study of certain cases of conscience more easy for his capacity, wherein, 
john Nicolle ability in learning.  notwithstanding, he profiting little or nothing, the College began to be weary of him, and the rector, taking occasion of the roman air, which this fellow was persuaded that it 〈◊〉 his wit, as also wrought some distemperature in his body, 〈◊〉 hansomlie rid she College of him under 〈◊〉, that the Seminary of 〈◊〉 in ●●●unce was more conu●●ient 〈◊〉 ●●alth. john Nicols therefore departing Rome towards Rh●mes, in the company of some other English men whose journey late ●o England, f●ll into consideration upon the way, as is thought, what disgrace would ensue upon this departure, and so betook himself to a new resolution, which was, to slip secretly from his companions, which he did, near unto a city called F●ligno in Umbria or the Dukedom of Spoleto, and so came directly into England, where in short space he met with Sir Ow●n Hopton, who converted him soon after in the tower of London.  

Collections out of the premises.  By this it appeareth firse, that Ioh● Nicols was no jesuit, nor yet Priest, nor yet so learned and principal a man as was given out. Se●endlie it appeareth, that his recantation now, is no great novelty, seeing he hath practi●sed the like before with such facility: nor hath the tower of London more certainty in this, than had the Romish Inquisition hold in the other, but rather much less, this being made in prison, the o●●●r in liberty: this upon fear, the other voluntary. Lait●●e, it seemeth (the man's importance being no greater th●● appeareth) that this his revolution needed not to be celebrated with such triumph of printing, preaching, and presence of noble men, except it were only for the honoringe of his convertour and patron Sir Owen, whose good nature seemeth to be, to make great store of a little gain, especially if it come far of, and from Rome, as this did.  
It appeareth further by consideration of the premises, that john Nicols his vaunts powered out in his book to his own commendation, are as void of probability, as fraught with vanity, especially those, which imply great ability, as to preach before the Pope and others, with sufficiency in the learned tongues, etc. whereof I must speak a word or two for the descrying of his lack of modesty, whereof I shall be forced to complain often in the sequel of mine answer. First therefore to begin with the principal matter which he reporteth for his credit, to wit, his oration and sermon before the Pope, let us hear what he saith. 
john Nicols vaunt of preaching b●●ore the Pope.  I had before that time (saith he) made an oration and a sermon in the latin tongue, presented before the Pope and four Cardinals, and before all them that were with the Pope in the consistory. If you my brethren yet prisoners within the tower, deny the assertion thereof, yet to your shame and my credit, they that go to Room for pleasures sake, may safely go to the Pope's Protonotori●, dwelling fast by S. Peter's Church in the inquisitorye Palace, or to any of his clerks, and there make inquisition of my name, which is registered in three great paper volumes, of such as are always present writing in chambers, to whom all men without danger may resort, where turning to my name, they shall find the sermon and oration, containing ten sheets of paper, for the which the Pope gave me great thanks and so did the Cardinals, with all the rest. Here you see a long childish recital, with many particulars, much vanity, little wit, and less truth. He would make you believe that he had been both orator and preacher to the Pope, which, if you saw but only his visage, you would hardly give any credit unto. I could improve him also by the testimonies of almost an hundredth English men, that time present in Rome, but his own particulars shall sufficiently confute him.  
first he putteth not down whether his oration and sermon were one or two things, but if they were two, than it is to be understood, that sermons are not made before the Pope in the Consistory, but in Constantine's haul within the Pope's palace by Toletus only, 
Toletus The Pop● preacher.  a famous learned man, of the Society of jesus, or in his absence by some other equal to himself in learning, and appointed by like authority. Orations are made sometimes in the Consistory, but only upon the coming of ambassators, and for matters of estate, except the fridays in lente, when chosen men of each order of religion have plac● to preach in the latin tongue. So that hitherto I see not how john Nicols could come to preach before the Pope, and four Cardinals in the Consistory, both in respect of the causes alleged, and also for that I could never yet find so few Cardinals in the consistory with the Pope, as four twice or three times told. The rest which he addeth implieth manifest contradictions & impossibilities. For the Pope's Protonotorie dwelleth not in the Inquisitorie Palace, by S. Peter's Church, nor hath he any thing to do with that Palace, and much less doth he keep clarks writing there in chambers: for only the Inquisition hath to do there. If Sermons and Orations made to the Pope, were to be registered in paper volumes (as they are not, and much less in three at once as Nicols sayeth, his was) yet this nothing appertaineth to the Pope's Protonotorie, or to his clarks. How the Pope also should give john Nicols such thanks for his stuff, 
Improbabilities of Nicol●●aun●e.  as he sayeth, he did, I can not conceive. For in the Concestorie, the Pope's place is so far distant from them, which come thither to make orations, as he can not speak unto him, nor doth he use to thank any man that speaketh before him, what so ever he be: much more impossible is it, that the Cardinals and the rest in the Consistory, should give him thanks for it, as all they will bear me witness which know the place, and presence of the same. Great learned men, and famous Orators, have departed thence without particular thanks, albeit they did their matters with great commendation, such is the gravity and state of that place. So that all this long tale of john nicols, hath not only no probability, but in deed no possibility of truth.  
Hear some perhaps will ask, how then, hath this tale no ground or colour at all whereupon it was founded? to which I answer, yes, but such a ground as his best friends are least beholding to him for it, and such, as greatly discovereth his shameless disposition. Mark the Stratagem. You have hard sometimes of scholmasters which make thei● boye● kiss the rod, wherewith they were beaten: even so doth john Nicols with the protestants. 
john nicols abusing his new friends.  For having made voluntarily and maliciously, an abjuration of their religion in the Inquisitorie palace of Rome, containing ten whole sh●etes of reproach and slander, would now make them yield thanks for the same, by calling it a sermon before the Pope, in the Consistory. If he get credit by this dealing, as he pretendeth to do: his hap is good, to deal with men so favourable to his order. For surely, if he should have dealt so in some other countries, where ministery is not sufficient to excuse dishonesty, it would rather have fallen out to his cost, than his credit, and the deludinge of such men, would have been thought worthier of pillory than print.  
After this, he maketh a second vaunt of an other sermon which he made in the latin tongue, 
john Nicols se●mon at dinner time.  requested (as he sayeth) by the Perfect of studies, upon the festival day of Peter ad vincula, certain English doctors of the City and some of the Pope's chapel, with other strangers being present at dinner. He telleth not in what place he made this sermon. You may perhaps imagine it to hau● been in sum great auditory, for that h● mentioneth Festival day, Doctors, Pope's chapel, and strangers. But I will open the mystery, that you may judge of his vanity who troubleth you with such toys. The Perfect of studies in the English roman college, is wont to command (and not to request) the students committed to his charge, to write some thing for the excercise of the latin tongue, & to recite it in the hall, at the time of dinner, and this excercise the unlearnedst of all the College audideth not. Amongst whom John Nicols, upon S. Péeters' day ad vincula, was commanded to do the same: and behold he hath published it in print, with many falsehoods and vanities annexed. For, that he preached, it is false: for it was only an excecise of learning. That he was requested, is false: for he was commanded. That it was festival day in Rome, is false: for they keep it not holy day there.  
That he preached there against faith and the new testament, as he aftarward affirmeth, is most false, as they which were present can and do, testify. Now, that this sermon, was before English doctors of the city, is vanity: for there could not be above some one, for the rest were departed the city: and for Englishmen to dine there, was an ordinary matter: that some of the Pope's chapel were there, is a notable vanity: for that they were only two seely singing men, hired servants of the College to teach the students to sing, at such time as they waited not at the Pope's chapel. That there were other strangers present, is no less vanity: for that they were but ordinary servants of the house, one, the manciple, and tother the master of the chapel in the college, which both are citizens of Rome, and yet not strangers.  
Thus you see what importante stuff this fellow bringeth to praise himself withal. But whatsoever he braggeth or lieth of himself, yet may you guess what a sufficient preacher he is, by that, that his fellow students, used commonly to recreate themselves, with his sermons, which he would at their appointment, utter, extempore, 
john Nicols stool doctrine.  from the top of a stool, and namely those sermons which he had preached before in England in time of his ministry, repeating them with all actions and gestures which he had used before. He would tell also by name, how he had flattered this or that man present at his sermon. Which properties made him so contemptible and ridiculous in all men's judgements, as they would not have employed him, among all other, to preach in earnest, before any grave auditory, albeit his learning had been sufficient to perform it.  
But now because we talk of learning, some man perhaps may say, that John Nicols seemeth to have his part in that, espciallye in the tongues, for that in his epistle dedicatory to sir Owen Hoptone, he alleagethe one sentence in Greek, and another in hebrew, out of the bible, which argueth that he hath skill in both. To which I answer, that this is also a vaunt of vanity, and a mere fantastical flourish of folly, which john Nicols and his favorours' thought good to use for the casting of a mist before some men's eyes, and for more probability of that, which with full mouth was given out, of his exceeding great knowledge and facility in these tongues. But I know and can avouch the contrary, for I am privy to his defect, not only of wit and discretion, but also of knowledge in these tongues, whereof he vaunteth, and if I were not, yet could I easily make conjecture, both of the one and the other, by these two sentences, which he putteth down for show of great● knowledge.  
For touching the first, which is discretion, mark the circumstances of the matter. 
john nicols discretion.  He had made in that epistle, a long impertinent request, that Papists would leave their errors and embrace the truth: for performance whereof, he biddeth them never to forget two sentences: the one out of David. 
Psal. 34.  He that loveth life and desireth to see good days, let him keep his tongue from evil, and his lips from speaking deceit. The other of S. Paul: 
1. Cor. 6.  You are bought with a great price, glorify therefore God in your body and in your spirit which are of God. What pertain these two sentences to the matter which he handleth? or why should thes be kept more in memory by the Papists, than other sentences of the scripture? and much more, why must these sentenses be alleged in strange tongues, the one in Greek and the other in Hebrew? especially to that man, whose great business may hardly permit him to understand either of them, and perhaps was overmuch troubled with the latin before? but this is john Nicols discretion, to have no consideration either of man or matter.  
Now for the second (which is his skill) it discrieth itself in this one little sentence which he hath put down in Hebrew, 
john nicols skill in hebre●  which (besides the false orthography in divers words) he hath so mangled and perverted in writing it out, as there is no sense at all left in the same. For where as the words in the Hebrew text do stand thus. 
Psal. 34. ver. 13.14.  What man will (have) life and loveth days, to see good? keep thy tongue from evil and thy lips from speaking decepte. He hath so corrupted it, as it standeth thus Days loving lives willing man what good to see and thy lips from evil thy tongue keep decepte from speaking. Is it likely (think you) that this Doctor hath any great skill in the tongue, which could not write out two lines without so many gross and absurd errors? But these are the flourishes, wherewith the ears of the simple people are fed instead of better learning.  
Hitherto as you see, john Nicols laboureth to get himself some credit of learning for his preferment. Now shall you see, what shift he maketh to procure and gain some opinion of honesty, which he feareth to be the more difficult point, and therefore pleadeth more earnestly for the same, especially that men should think, this his last conversion to be true, sincere, hearty and zealous, and not spotted at all with hypocrisy, or dissimulation. The which, albeit he should mean as he speaketh, yet all men will not strait way believe him therein, for that th● reward of a known liar, is, not to be credited when he telleth a tru●● 〈…〉 less● will they trust that, which he ●●●eth of his undoubted perseverance unto the e●●, for if the Apostle say truly, 
●ac. 1  that, ●●●●o ●ble hearted man is unconstant in ●●l his ways. The is it also likely to be true, that a double or triple tonged man after so many recantations, will not be very certain in all his promises.  
Why his former protestations should have more likelihood of sincere meaning then this, 
How unlikely that john Nicolles deals plainly.  I have given some reasons in another place, seeing they were voluntary, made in liberty without hope of reward. But why this renegation should be more credited than the former, I see no reason at all, except only because it is the last, and so will remain until he make another.  
But he taketh away all suspicion of dissimulation, by asking us a certain unanswerable qnestion. How can I (sayeth he) be a Protestant outwardly and a Papist in heart with a mind to be saved? This question (I say) were hard to answer, were it not that he answereth it himself in his own book a little before, where talking of his preaching in Papistry, he uttereth these words. Thus I did wilfully fight against God's word, albeit my conscience cried within me day and night, that, this is not the ●ighte way etc. These words (I say) do answer the doubt, for if he could dissemble against his conscience then, why may he not also now? if he could speak one thing and think an other then, what shall let him to do the same now? if you respect his words, they were then more vehement bitter and reproachful against the protestants, than they are now against us: if you consider his meaning, he saith it was dissembled, I think it was as he spoke, but howsoever it was, neither words nor meaning had certainty them, and much less now. For you know the saying, 
Cicero.  Qui semel verc●undiae limites transierit, eum gnaviter impudsntem esse oportet. 
1. Timo. 5.  And S. Paul giveth but a hard sentence of those which have broken their first faith and promise. And as for that he addeth, of his mind to be saved, it is of small importance, for I think, that rare, troubleth him little, as it may appear by the rest of his dealings, which I shall have after occasion to touch.   

slandering of others.  
WE HAVE had a view in the former part, 
The secod● part.  of the one side of John Nicols his tongue, very smooth, as you see, & clear in his own praise. But now if we turn up the other side also, we shall find it no less cankered and venomous in the slander of his neighbour, than the former was currant in his own commendation. And here before I pass any further, very grief of mind enforceth me to ●●eake a word or two in detestation of a certain familiar property of John Nicols, which is wilful & malicious detraction● For as it is a great fault to favour detraction in any degree, or to utter easily a true reproach to the infamy of any man: so to devise lies and slanders without any reason or ground at all, and to avouch them of a man's own knowledge, as John Nicols doth, is a point of a very deadly resolution, made, within the den of a desperate heart. What cause I have to utter these words, shall appear in the sequel of this part, which for more perspicuites sake, I will reduce unto certain genaral points, according to the diversity of parties which are slandered in the same.  
But first by the way I am to examine a reproach laid down by Ihon● Nicols in the very beginning of his book against all Catholics, by which you shall have a guess of his truth in reporting other matters hereafter. 
A taste of john Nicols truth in reporting.  He saith therefore amongst other things in his preface, that Catholics hold the soul of Aristotle to be in purgatory, thence to be delivered by dirges and masses. And this is the first and formest of his reports against us, the which how malicious, gross and impudent a slander it is, all the world can witness, which seeth our books wherein we hold more than the plain contrary. For we are so far of, from saying that infidels or heretics go to purgatory, as also we teach that many. Catholics depart hence strait to hell for their wicked lives, and only such go to purgatory, as die in the favour of God, 
This place is so interpreted by saint Aug in psa 37. & li. 21. de Ciu. ca 26. & li. de fide & ope. cap. 10. & in psal 80.  but have not done such penance for their sins, as God's justice requireth, and therefore they are to be purged by fire after this life and so saved, as S. Paul signifieth 1. Cor. 3. by the interpretation of the holy Fathers. We teach then (as it may appear in the Council of Florence in li●eris unionis, 
Orig. ho. 12. & 13. in Hiero. & ho. 25. in Nu. & ho 6 in Exod. Greg. lib. 4. dia. cap. 39 Beda in ca 3. Luc. ) that there are three sorts ●f men which die: one very good, which ●oe strait to heaven: one very evil which go strait to hell: one mean betwixt both, which go to purgatory, and ●here may be relieved by the piety of the ●iuing This was the doctrine of the Catholic Church twelve hundred years ●ast, set down by S. Austen a chief dortour of the same Church in, divers places of his works most plainly, as in his Enchiridion cap. 110. Whose words are these. 
Doctrine about the dead in S. Austin's time.  Nether is it to be denied, that the ●oules of the dead are relieved by the pity of their living friends, when the sacrifice of our Mediator is offered for them, or else alms are given for them in the Church, but yet, those things profit only those, which deserved whiles they li●ed, that these things might profit them after their death. For there is a kind of ●yfe, neither so good, but that it may need ●hese things after death, neither so evil, ●ut that these things may profit it after death. But yet there is another kind of ●ife so good, as it needeth not thes things: ●nd again another so evil, as it can not be holpen by those things, when it is o●● gone. Wherefore, in this life all me●●e● is to be gotten, by the which a man may be relieved or oppressed, after this lives But let no man hope to obtain that, at God his ●ande after he is dead, which he neglected while he was alive. Wherefore these things which the Church doth use for the commending of the dead, are no● contrary to the saying of the Apostle (a● we shall stand &c.) for that each man whiles he was yet living in flesh, 
●. Cor. 15.  gate himself this merit, that those things might profit him. For they do not profit every man: and why do they not profit all, bu● only for the dinfference of life which ec● man did lead in his body? therefore, when sacrifices either of the altar, or of any o●ther alms, are offered for all those tha● died in baptism, for the very good, they are thanks giving: for the not very evil they are propitiations or intreatinge fo● pardon: for the very wicked, although they help not the dead, yet they comfort in a sort the living. Hitherto are S. Au●sten his words, and he repeateth the ver● same again in his second question t● Dulcitius, and the like, in his 21● book o● the city of God the 24. chapter. Whereby it appeareth that his Church taught them, as directly against our adversaries, as we teach now. But of these matters we shall have occasion to speak more in the third part of this answer. Only here I meant to confute the slanderous lie of john nicols, and to give you some show of his shameless forehead, wherewith I must have often combat hereafter in this second part, which now I begin, according to the division promised before of the principal parties slandered in the same, which for methods sake may be reduced to this order. 
The order of this second par●  First of the Pope, secondly of the Cardinals, thirdly of the priests and religious folks, four of the English students in Rome, fiftly of particular persons, lastly of the city of Rome itself, for that all these have tasted of the whip of john Nicols tongue without exception.   

Of the Pope.  
john Nicols for lack of matter rather than malice, could have been content (as it seemeth) to pass over with silence the Pope which now is, but only for breaking the custom of his companions, and offending the appetites of his compartners, who could not have take● well the omitting of the Pope, being the principal object of their divinity. For which cause, he is enforced to follow the custom, and to say somewhat against him, be it never so little, false, or impertinent. But before he cometh to bite his person in particular, common use teacheth him, to snarre at all Popes in general, which he doth with this usual reproach. You shall have no Pope (saith he) that teacheth the people how to live in the true fear and love of God. Which he attemteth not to prove, but taking i● as a thing clear & evident, and as a principle granted in their own schools, he cometh to Gregory the thirteenthe sayings 
An unthankful confession.  Peradventure now you will say that this Pope is a holy man: Although I am indebted unto him 50. or 60. l. in money, yet will I not, neither can I, but speak the truth of him & cet. In which words he seemeth to me, to say thus much. Peradventure you will say, & the world will bear witness, that the Pope which now is, is a most just, wise, liberal, and virtuous man, and I my self have proved the same, besides the ●recepte of fifty or threescore pounds in liberality from him, yet now, because I am in hope of greater gain in England, and because I shall not otherwise procure me credit, or content my benefactoures: I must lie, and rail, one crash against him also, though mine own conscience condemn me for it, and the whole world be witness of my slander.  
But here before I pass any further, I must deliver unto the Christian Reader, 
An advertisement of S. Ansten about the Pope.  from as learned a man as ever lived in Christ his Church, an advertisement most necessary for thes our times, wherein, every tongue is exercised in depraving of him, who, if he were the worst liure in the world, (as God be thanked is altogether contrary) yet were he to be reverenced for his place and dignity, I mean the Pope or Bishop of Rome. The advertisement is from S. Augustine that famous and learned pillar of Christ his holy Church, who, being troubled with heretics and renegates in his time, as we are now, which inveighed against Rome and her Bishops as ours do, (for always the malefactor detesteth the lawful judge) warneth Christians, not to think the worse of the authority and doctrine of the Bishop of Rome, or of his see Apostolic, if at any time his life should be wicked, or if heretics (which always seek to slander him) should bring matter of truth, touching evil life, against him. Wherefore, having reckoned up for proof of his faith, the succession of Bishops of Rome, from S. Peter unto Anastasius which was Pope in his time, and confirmed the infallibility of that succession by the promise of Christ to S. Peter. Upon this rock will I build my Church etc. 
Math 16.  He addeth: To this order of Bishops (of Rome) which is derived from Peter to Anastasius, 
Aug. epist. 165. ad gene  which now sitteth in the same chair, if any traitor, in those times had crept in, 
A wicked Pope spottethe not the popedom  yet should it have been no prejudice to the Church, and to innocent Christians, to whom, our Lord foreseeing, said of evil prelate's: Do as they say, but do not as they do, for they say and do not. 
Math. 23.  And this Christ said, to the end, that the hope of the faithful should be certain, and never shaken with the tempest of sacrilegious schism, being placed in God, and not in man. By which words we see, that the evil life of any Bishop of Rome, ought not to diminish our reverence or obedience towards him, no more than if he were a Saint.  
But in an other place, S. Austen dealing against a railing heretic, as I do now, handleth this matter more properly to our case. If all (our Bishops) (sayeth he to Petilian the Donatiste) through out the world were such as thou most vainly dost cavil: yet what hath the chair of the Church of Rome done against thee, in which Peter sat, 
The Bishop of Rome sitteth in Peter's chair, which heretics call the chair of pestilence.  and in which at this day Anastatius doth sit? why dost thou call the chair or see apostolic, the chair of pestilence? If thou do it for the men, whom thou thinkest to speak the Law, but not to do it: did our Lord jesus Christ, wrong or injure the chair wherein the Pharases sat, for the Pharases? of whom (notwithstanding) he said: They say and do not. 
Math. 23.  Did not he commend that chair by Moses, and yet (reserving the honour to the chair) reproved the Pharasees? For he sayeth. They sit on Moses' chair: Do as they say, but not as they do, for they say and do not. If you (heretics) would think on these things, 
Apply this to our time.  you would never blaspheme the chair apostolic, in whose communion you are not, for the men, whom you infame. But what is this other, than not to know what to say, and yet you can not but speak evil? This far S. Austen against john Nicols and his fellows, who fill up books with reproaches and slanders of the Bishop of Rome.  
But now let us see, what this accuser bringeth in particular, against his benefactor the Bishop of Rome: (for I will pass over all general reproaches, wherein each heretic aboundeth according to the measure of his own invention.) first he chargeth this Pope, 
The first crime objected by john nicols against 〈◊〉 Pope.  with taking away certain merchandise from Turks, in his haven of Ancona, whereupon ensued the like entreaty towards Christians, from Turks in Constantinople. But this is a false charge, feigned of himself, or received from some his like, in some tavern upon the way, as he passed by. For the Pope hath no league at all or truce with the Turks, whereby either Turks repair to his dominions, or his subjects to the Turks. Wherefore if he stayed any Turkish vessel at all, (as I can not learn that he did) it must needs be some pirate, and not any merchant. Whereby it appeareth, that which he addeth, to be of his own invention, that the Turkish Emperor should writ a letter to the Pope, desiring restitution of his goods, and yet could not get it, whereby he was enforced to stay Christian's goods in Constantinople etc. This I say is invented, to bring the Pope in hatred.  
For first, the Emperor of Turks useth not to write letters to Princes, of so small matters, as the staying of one private ship is, and much less to the Pope, with whom he hath no league, as is said. Secondly, if he had written any such letters, it had been hard for john Nicols to know it, being of so bas● an estate in those countries, as he was, except only by some tavern or barber's shop, where princes matters are more talked of, then understood. Thirdly, if the Turkish Emperor had wroten (as john Nicols saith) yet is it not credible that the Pope would have stirred him against Christians, by denying so just a demand, which in conscience he could not do, seeing he hath not only done more, of himself, then that cometh too, but also procured other Princes to do the like, and that without any letters of so great a Potentate as the Turk is, namely, at my being in Rome, I saw a great man of Swetia delivered from the Inquisition, 
The Pope's justice and clemency.  with restitution of his money which was taken at Milan, and also an English ship or two, delivered from Naples, which had been seized on, there, by the Inquisition, for their misdemenaur before: which all was done by the Pope's request, albeit they were taken in other Prince's dominions. Some also, which now live in England, falling into the Inquisition in those countries, can give testimony of the Pope's justice, in restoring them their own, upon their dismission.  
finally, the Pope having no subjects of his own dominions in Constantinople (as I noted before,) could not hurt Christians there, by staying a Turkish ship in Ancona, for that other Princes, having league with the Turk, as the French men, venetians, Florentines, and other, they must have enjoyed their liberties, how soever the Pope and Turk had disagréeed.  
But now, how far of the Pope is from voluntary hurting of Christians in Constantinople, and how careful to do them any good he can, especially those which are in servitude there, it may partly appear, by this which I saw him do myself, at my being in that City. There passed through Rome towards Venice, and so to Constantinople, forty Turks, delivered from the Galleys in Naples, upon exchange of so many Christians to be delivered from like bondage in Constantinople. These men being very poor, made supplication to this Pope for some relief, 
Liberal alme● given to Turks.  who gave them five hundred french crowns, willing them to procure so much courtesy as they might, to Christians abiding in their Emperors dominions. By which it may appear, how unjustly he is slandered by his malytious and ungrateful scholar.  

The second crim objected.  The second crime wherewith John Nicols chargeth this Pope, is, That he should put a certain County out of his living, in Macerata, not paying him half the value: for the preferring of his son james to the same. But this is more apparently false than the other was before, for that the world can witness that there is no such fact done, & that the Pope's son james, hath no such county. Reason also teacheth us, that it cannot be true, for that Macerata being under another Prince his dominion, to wit, under the duke of Urbine, the Pope hath nothing to do, touching Counties possessions there, to displace them from the same. And in places and times when just occasions hath been given of gaining of greater matters then John Nicols talketh of, as of the dukedoms of Ferrara & Urbine themselves, which for want of ishew, were like to turn again unto the Church, from whence first they were given: this Pope hath well showed how far of he is from all extortions, seeing he hath confirmed again to the former families, in respect of their virtues, the said states and dukedoms, which lawfully he might have taken.  
And as for his son james, whom John Nicols saith, He hath raised from a beggar to a marquis, able to spend thirty thousand crowns by the year. True it is, 
The Pope's son.  that this young gentleman is well able to live partly by his own friends, before the present dignity of his father, being of a worshipful and wealthy family, and espetiallye by the King of Spain, whom he serveth, and from whom he hath received divers good preferments. It was reported also, that the house of Sforza, in which he is matched by marriage, had some talk with the King, about exchanging or buying a certain state for his children in the Kingdom of Naples. But yet nothing is done, so that both are false, that he was a beggar before, or that he is a Marquis now. Nether could John Nicols understand of these matters, but only by the servants of the Roman College, whose lips are larger commonly in such reports, than their knowledge certain: as also we may see, in John Nicols himself who pretendeth no small privity to this man's coffers and ability, which notwithstanding he could not learn but by them only which knew it least. For albeit this man be the Popes only son, begotten in matrimony before his father's priesthood: yet his father's moderation is such towards him, (as also towards the rest of his kin and carnal friends): as his very enemies can not reprehend it, and good men are maruailousllye edified by it.  

The third crime objected.  The third accusation, wherewith john Nicols presseth his benefactor the Pope, is, For taking from a monk two precious stones, worth a hundredth thousand crowns, which he had brought from India, and presented to this Pope, which he acepting of, in stead of reward, put the monk in prison for departing his Abbey without licence. And this is accounted a great point of iniquity, which is marvelous, the party wronged being a monk, from whom to take not only movable goods, but also his Abbye and life too, had been no offence in a protestant Prince, by the cannons of new divinity. Marry in the Pope all things must be heinous. But yet before indifferent judges, I might ask this question. If the matter had been true, and if the Pope had taken these jewels from the monk, as from his subject not capable or fit for so great riches, and had also punished him for leaving his cloister without order: what law or reason maketh this matter so heinous as is objected? but I am persuaded, that all this whole tale is either false or mistaken. For divers which were in Rome since and before john Nicols, do report no such thing to have happened in their time, but only that a Spanish merchant, which dwelleth at the foot of Trinity hill, towards Porta del populo, 
john Nico● changing a merchant to a monk.  brought a jewel not long since from India, of some good value, and being accused by the letters of certain bishops of India, that he had gotten the said jewel wrongfully, was put in prison by the Pope, until he had laid the same in safety to abide the trial of law: which thing happening at john Nicols being in Rome, might give him occasion to err in his report, and to turn that to a monk, which happened in a marchante. Especially his capacity being not of the clearest clearest to distinguish matters, and his intelligence of affairs, coming unto him from such obscure parsons, as easily might huddle up chalk for cheese. And in very deed it seemeth not a matter probable, that a poor monk should light upon jewels of so great value, and be suffered to wander the country with them, as john Nicols reporteth.  
This then is all wherewith john Nicols chargeth the Pope, which notwithstanding, may well be called nothing, 
john Nicols accusations proved to be nothing.  in the consideration of indifferent judges. First, for that they are but trifling matters in respect of the manifold great affairs of Princes, whose troublesome & infinite dealings, are subject to suspion of greater iniquities, if they should be called to judgement, before the tribunal of our imaginations. Secondly, for that, if they were both great and heinous, and also true: yet were they no prejudice to religion, whose slander here is sought, for the reasons alleged by S. Aussten before. Lastly, for that they are false, & supposed only by john Nicols, as may appear by that already hath been answered, and also by some things which hereafter shall ensue. For thanked be the holy providence of our merciful Saviour, he hath blessedly provided for the malice of our time, by placing in that room, so virtuous and just a man, as may stop the barking chaps of all his spitful and slanderous enemies, especially in this crime of covetous iniquity, objected against him by the shameless ingratitude of him only, who confesseth the receipt of more lberalitie from him in few months, 
Great ingratitude.  than he could have gotten at home in many years. I say Pope Gregory is greatly wronged, to be charged with that vice, whereof never Prince in man's remembrance, hath had so many testimonies of the contrary virtue. The monuments of his bountifulness, piety and exceeding liberality, are extant to the view of every manes eyes, whom malice hath not blinded.  
I could here fill up books, with recital of infinite particulars known to the world, and confessed by his enemies, which would seem wonderful unto the reader, touching his munificence and works of charity, but the place serveth not, and perhaps it may hereafter be declared by others. Now it shallbe enough to note only in two or three words, the diversity of ways, whereby this holy man poureth out his liberality to the needy, and then let the indifferent reader judge, whether it be likely, that he which esteemeth so little his own, will use extorsion for the spoiling of others.  
There is a virtuous preacher in Italy, named julius Rasius Hortinus, 
julius Rasius Hortinus.  who about two years past, made certain collections of things done in Rome. This man notethe that the Alms and charitable deeds of this Pope, are of two sorts, the one, certain, firm, and standing, & openly known to the world: the other, secret and uncertain, given out only as occasions do require. For the which notwithstanding, this Pope every year, layeth a side one hundreth thousand crowns, albeit many times this sum is not sufficient for that purpose. He reckoneth up many particulars to prove this his saying, 
The Pope's extraordinary deeds of charity.  which I omit. As for example, that within the space of five years, he gave extraordinarily (besides his standing pensons to that purpose) above two hundred t●owsande crowns to one good work only, which was, to the relief of poor widows, and to the marriage of orphan girls and other, which without that help had been in danger to have fallen (for need), to a lewd kind of life. The like occasions are innumerable wherein his aid is demanded, as in the often necessities of pilgrims that come to that city: of Christians taken by the Turks and moors: of poor people falling into misery within his dominions, and also for the faith abroad: of hospitales, religious houses, Churches, Colleges, schools, confraternities, and the like: which all in their needs, make recourse unto him and are never rejected without some relief.  
But now for his certain and standing works of mercy, they are far greater without all comparison. For first as Rasius notethe, 
Ca de principum vita.  there are above three thousand parsons which have their daily maintenance out of his palace of Vatican, 
The Pope's ordinare expenses in deede● of cha●itye.  whereof very few are his own servants, for that they have their standing wages besides, but they are but they are such, as live abroad in the city, and receive thence, every second day, their portions of bread wine and raw flesh, to the value of a crown a week, for which purpose the Pope, besides the wines of his own dominions, buyeth every year, a thousand and five hundred butts of wine out of the Kingdom of Naples, whereof the King Catholic giveth him the custom. Besides this, the numbers are marvelous of English men, 
Strangers relieved.  Irish men, Scots, Flemings, Germans, Hungarians, slavons, Greeks, Cypriotes and others: which being molested for their consciences at home, repair to him for succour, whereof none are rejected, but all helped according to their necessities and his ability, as some of them have 30. crowns a month, some 20., some 15., some 10, some 6, and none less than 4., which I have hard of.  
Besides all this, are his standing pensions to hospitals, and to sundry orders of poor religious houses, which being in great multitudes, must needs be very chargeable unto him, especially his munificence being, to give so abundantly as he doth, and such liberal portions: for I understand of one religious house only in that city, which receiveth yearly from him above 5000. crowns in ordinary alms, besides all other.  
After this, are schools and learned men, 
Universities & learned men  maintained by him in divers places, but principally in his universities of Rome, Bononie, and Perusium. For example: in Rome, he hath Muretus, 
Muretus.  and in Bonony, Sigonius, 
Sigonius.  both men of great name, and entertained by him with several stipends, of little less some than of 1000 crowns yearly. The other readers also of these universities, are many, and very sufficient, depending, all, or the most part, of the Pope's exhibition: as in Rome, there are 30. readers in the Colldge named Sapientia, 
Rasius cap. de colleg.  and the meanest of them, hath yearly for his lecture 100 crowns: and the most, much more. And besides these, he giveth very large entertainment, to many learned men of all professions in Rome itself, as divines, Lawyers, Orators, poets, Antiquaries, Grecians, Hebritians, Arabians, and Syrians, which remain there for the ornament of that city.  
Last of all, and above all, are his Seminaries, and Colleges which he hath erected and founded upon his own charges, for the virtuous training up of youth, as well in other countries as in his own. 
Seminaries in Rome.  And in Rome, the Seminaries are many which he hath erected. Whereof the first is Seminarium Germanicum: 
Germanicum  for the use of Germans, which cost him 37. thousand crowns, the first year, and now hath endued it with twelve thousand crowns a year, of annual rents. The second is, 
Hebreum.  Seminarium Hebraicum for the use of young jews, converted to the faith, wherein they are brought up in exact study of divinity in the Hebrew tongue, under Christian Rabbins, for the confutinge of their nation, when they come to be of sufficient knowledge. The third is, Seminarium Grecum, 
Grecum.  wherein the children of the Greeks are brought up, gathered from divers parts of the world, and are instructed by learned men of their own language, together with the latin tongue, for the confutinge of their country's errors, and for the converting of such iufidells, as live there amongst them. The fourth is, Seminarium Anglicanum, 
Anglicanun.  for English men only. The fift is, Seminarium Hungaricum, 
Hungaricum.  for Hungarians and slavons. The sixth is, Seminarium Belgicum, 
Belgicum.  newly begoone for flemings. The last is, Seminarium Romanum, 
Romanum.  for the Italians, wherein their is great store of most goodly youth, albeit the most part of this Seminarye live not of the Pope's charges, and this is all with in Rome itself.  
But now, if we look into other countries, this Pope hath many more monuments of his munificence, 
Seminaries out of Rom●●  especially Seminaries maintained at his charges, as the English men in Rheims: 
Rheims.  the Scottish men in Paris: 
Paris.  the French men in Avignon: 
Avignon.  the Zuisars in Lucerna: 
Lucerna.  the Bohemians in prague: 
prague.  the Dutch men and Polonians in Uienna: 
Vienna.  and in divers other places hath he the like, espesially in Germany, which now I do not remember. But it shall be sufficient to have named these, for here hence we may gather a conjecture of the rest.  
Now then, this being so, let the unpartial Reader judge, how likely a matter it is, that this Pope disboursing his own so abundantly abroad, will pelf unjustly from other men at home, as his scholar john nicols, for good will, accuseth him.  
Noah, Noah, this slander hath no jot of likelihood, as I noted before, but was uttered for custom's sake, & for pleasing of their humours, who feed of reproach against the sea of Rome, and against the man sitting there, whatsoever. God give them his grace, for the during of their Frenzy.  
I would here end, to speak of the Pope, but that I am enforced to add a word or two, touching an impertinent quarrel, which john Nicols picketh to him, for his pontificality, that is, for the reverence which Christians in respect of his room and dignity, exhibit unto him, which being in dead a very reasonable thing, and such as may be given without flattery, and received with out pride: yet the malice and envy of heretics can not bear it, but in great ●eate of speech they inveigh against it.  
john Nicols, here toucheth two points: the one, that men kneel downe● as he passeth by: the other, that he is borne upon men's shoulders, of both which I will speak.  
And for the first I answer, 
Kneeling doū● for the Pope's blessing.  that seeing we kneel down to temporal princes and governors, in respect only of the high governor, whom they represent, not expecting any thing from them except temporal commodities: much more of right may we kneel down to a spiritual magistrate, who governeth by a higher title, them the temporal doth, for that, he is the instrument and angel of God, by whom all heavenly gifts and benedictions are derived unto us. He succeedeth in the place of Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Melchisedech, Isaac, & jacob, of moyses and Aaron, of all the holy Prophets, of Christ and his Apostles, to deliver God's blessings unto us, if we humbly seek the same. For which cause, it hath always been the fashion of Christians, to ask with humility the benediction of priests, and if of all priests: then much more of the highest Priest of all. And this is the cause why men do kneel down unto the Pope, not to addore him, as malice slandereth, but to reverence him in honour of Christ, whose person he beareth, and to receive by him Christ his benediction, whose room he possesseth.  
This I say is the cause why men kneel down unto him, which thing, whosoever reprehendeth, must needs do it more of envy then of reason, seeing he cannot but grant, that some honour is to be given unto him which blesseth another, for that S. Paul sayeth: 
Heb. 7.  That the better always blesseth the lesser. And of reason, we must needs think, that the blessings mentioned in the scripture as received at men's hands, for example of Melchisedech by Abraham, 
Gen. 14.  of Isaac by jacob, 
Gen. 32.  of Israel by the too sons of joseph, 
Gen. 32.  of joshua by the two tribes and a half, 
Gen. 49.  and of Solomon by the whole congregation of Israel, 
3. Reg. 8.  were received with some external reverence, 
2. Paral. 6.  especially that of Aaron, which is more like unto ours, for that he was high Priest, and also for that he is reported in scripture to have Blessed the people after sacrifice, 
levit. 9  by extending out his hand, w●ich ceremony whiles he did (and being high Priest) it is like the people showed some external reverence, by bowing themselves or the like, seeing good men were wont in that time, to cast themselves upon the ground to honour other upon less occasions. As jacob to Esau, 
joshua. 7. 1. Reg. 20. 25.  joshua before the ark, David to jonathas, Abigail to David and the like.  
Now, touching the second, which is, that at certain high festival days, 
Bearing of the Pope on men● shoulders●  he is borne from his palace into S. Peter's Church, (for at no other time or place is that thing used) it is a matter so reasonable (the circumstances considered) as can be offensive to no indifferent wise man, and much less give occasion of such invectives and exclamations, as are used against it, or rather against all religion for this one thing.  
The matter standeth thus: At certain principal feasts of the Church, the Pope useth to leave his private chapel, and to come d●wne to service in Saint Peter's church At which time such great multitudes of people expect him there, to receive his benediction, and very many also, to see him, which never saw him before, being strangers & come from far countries to visit those holy places: as it is impossible for him to pass in, and out, thorough the press, and to be seen to give his benadiction to all, except he should either ride or be borne in his chair. And to ride, it were very unseemly and inconvenient, having to pass through all S. Peter's great church, where the most press is, and also for the passages of stones and steres. Wherefore they have used always, to lift him up in his chair, and so to convey him through the multitude, and this is all the matter, which is so much exclaimed at. Which notwithstanding, being done upon such considerations and necessities as I have said (for at all other times he goeth on foot or rideth) it rather noteth malice in them that malign it, then convincethe pride in him that admitteth it, or any fault at all in the well meaning Christians, who upon so just causes do both● desire and o●fer it.   

Of the Cardinals.  
Next after the Pope let us see what john Nicols bringeth against the Cardinals. Wherein I must be shorter than in the other before, both for that I have not so● much spare time as John Nicols in the Tower may have, as also to obey the wise man's counsel. 
Prou. 26.  Answer not a fool, according to his folly, lest thou also becume like unto him. Which sentence, that I bring not against John Nicols without just cause, shall appear by his manner of accusing the Cardinals, which is very fowl as followeth.  
First (saith he) I will begin with your Cardinals, the pillars of your church. Have not they beautiful boys, with whom they commit the sin of Sodom, as I have hard by the Romans, 
How this sin is punished in Rome, ●ee after in the answer to Rome.  and by a gentleman who served to Cardinal Sfoisie, who travailed by land with me from the city of Ancona to Venice? have not these young Cardinals' pretty wenches in their palaces, 
An improbable slander.  whom in the day time they call either their sisters or cousins, and in the night time make them either their bedfelowes or concubines? And do you not know, how that there was a young Cardinale, a Prince, 
An impuden●●lye.  burnt at Rome not long since, by a common quean of the skewes, and took from her the french disease wherewith he died miserably. This is john Nicols unclean accusation of the Cardinals, grounded only (as you see) upon a bare interrogation, which always may be answered iu●siciently with a No. But for that I will not imitate his slanderous manner of dealing, I mean to add proof and reason to my Noe. Yet, first I am enforced to complain of some other men, whose wisdom or gravitey should have stayed the publishing of such scurrility, as here is put down, against so many honarable parsons, and some Princes also, without any proof or reason at all.  
I do appeal herein, to the consciences of all modest and civil gentlemen, be they of what opinion in religion soever. 
The publishing of Nicols scurrility against law both of nature and Nations.  Whether it be not against all law, both of nature and nations, and against the dignity of our kind, being men, to suffer so shameless filth, both loathsome and intolerable to any chaste ears, without all proof, to be cast out against so noble parsonages, which never offended us, and to be published in print, to the view of the world. If some wicked man should adventure the like against vs● in other countries, and should set down such particulariteis of dishonesty, either heard, or devised, against our Nobility and Magistrates, and should offer to print it: would not very natural shamefastness cause men to suppress it, were they never so contrary in religion? yes surely. For there is human respect to be used, even towards our enemies.  
Although therefore the base spirit of Nicols, shamed not to set abroach such dregs of dishonesty, to the reproach of so many worthy men: yet, me thinketh, respect of common civility, should have moved those, by whose allowance the matter passed, to have stayed or qualified so reproachful infamies, powered out without certainty or ground of truth. For what doth he bring for proof of his reproaches, but only an uncertain hear-say, & the report of a wandering serving man, if it be true, as I think it false, that any such conferred with him. And is this sufficient to publish the avouchment, of the infamous & horrible crime, against all Cardinals without exception? The whole matter is quickly answered. For the first point is a mere supposal, suggested by envy, and uttered by malice. For the Cardinals keep no such beautiful boys, neither is there any light suspicion of such wickedness in any of them, and if there's were, they could not esape the severitis of justice excersised in that place upon this detestable sin. The second point, is an improbable slander, for that Cardinals keep no women at all in their houses, Noah not their own sisters. Nether shall a man see any woman repair to any Cardinal's house, except upon special known business, in the company of men, with whom they depart presently again, and yet this thing is so rare a matter also, as in mani● years you shall not see some few to use it.  
The third point, of the young Prince Cardinale, is an impudent and apparently, reprovable in the face of all the world. For there was no young Prince Cardinal in Rome these many years, but only about three years past, 
Card. A●striacus.  the Cardinal of Austria, cousin german to the Emporour, who, albeit he were young, yet according to his virtuous education, he lived in Rome most innocently, as also he doth now in the court of Spain; without all spot of such infamy as John Nicols would enforce upon him. But ●et Nicols name the man that died in Rome, and prove but this one reproach ●o be true, and I will yield in all the rest: ●ut if he cannot, then let him be sorry that ●e hath reported it, or his favourers that they have published it, or at least, the simple reader, that he ever believed it, being so ●niust a slander.  
And albeit this might stand for a sufficient answer, to so unsufficient an accusation: yet for the more satisfaction of the reader, and to show how far of the lives of Cardinals are, from occasions of thes objected abominations, (being all together occupied in virtuous affairs) I will touch briefly, the order of life, and common excersises of the most of the Cardinals, 
The excersises of Cardinals in Rome●  with their particular inclinations, which for the most part, is in one of thes four kind of virtuous excersises following, that 'tis to say, in governing the Church, in advancing learning, in exercise of charitable deeds, and in rare example of Pastoral life. In each whereof, albeit I name but few, which are principal and always present at Rome: yet must you understand, that these men have their adherentes and followers, both in Rome, and abroad in other countries also.  

Wisdom in government.  And for the first, which is government, I will name only three: that is, Cardinal Como, Savello, and Morono, whose singular gifts in that matter do excel. Cardinal Como, 
Como.  is Secretary to the Pope, and directeth all actions of state, which pass from him. Cardi. Savello, 
Savello.  is vicar general in spiritual matters, and governeth the Clergy, with great zeal and sincerity. Card● Morono, 
Morono.  is dean of the Consistory, and is commonly employed in Embassages abroad, wherein he hath showed himself a man of great value, especially in his last iornie to Genua, about 4. years past, when by long labour, and peril to his own parson, he quieted & set at union, by the help of Benedictus Palmius of the Society of jesus, the citizens of Genua, so far in discord amongst themselves, the commonalty against the gentlemen, as it was like to have turned to the ruin of the city, for that they were now entered into violente murdering one an other. To thes are adherents in matter of estate & government, Card. 
Cardinals employed in matters of state.  Aragonia, Sforza, Altemps, Ferra●a, Columna, Vrsino, Gonzago, Farnesio, Alexandrino, Sansisto, in Rome, Granvello, Guisio, and others abroad: employed by these men's direction.  
For the second, which is learning, 
Excercise of learning.  I might name the most part of them all, but for brevity, I will name only four, Sanseverinus, 
Sanseverinus.  Sirletus, 
Sirletus.  Alciatus, 
Alciatus.  & Hossius lately decessed. 
Hossius.  Whereof the former two, being very expert in the tongues, do promote with special care, the study and knowledge of the same, as by that which I mean to speak of their exercises, shall appear. Card. Sanseverine, is protector of the Hebrew Nation, and of their Seminary which they have in Rome, whereof I have spoken before. Besides the care of which College, he maintaineth divers excellent Hebritians about him, from sundry parts of the world, and he hath beside certain learned Rabbins converted, which every saturday repair to the Iewes synagogues, to convert them, or to confound them, out of their own law in the hebrewe tongue. Furthermore, he hath at certain days in the week, a Congregation or meeting of learned hebritians, who in ●h● presence of him ●elfe, & divers other Cardinals and Prelates, do examine and discuss the hebrewe writings of all th● old Rabbins, taking out only that which shall be thought buy th● Congregation, to be blasphemous against Christ and unsufferable, and the rest to correct, and make clear with anotations, for the better understanding of students in that tongue. And by this means, we are like, err it be long, to enjoy all the Hebrew commentaries, 
The Syriac and Arabic songs in room  and other discourses upon the old Testament, which will be no small help to students in divinity.  
Besides the promoting of the Hebrew tongue, this Cardinal hath also, by the Pope's appointment, a special care of advancing the Syryan and Arabian tongue in Rome, but principally of the Arabian, which is common to all the east parts of th● world, both of Asia 〈◊〉 Egypt, for hel●● of which countries, their is also a peculiar. seminary now th●●ght upon, and a very gold print erected in Rome, this last year, for the diwlgatinge our auctors in that tongue: which is done chiefly by the Patriarch of Antioch, which about three years ago, fled from the Turk, to Rome, 
The patriarch of Antioch fled to Rome.  and there is maintained by the Pope, according to his degree, with many learned Arabians about him, who write and translate many things in that tongue by his direction, he being very learned in divinity himself. There is used also, as a principal instrument in this matter, one johannes Baptista Romanus, of the Society of jesus, a jew borne, and once a learned Rabbin amongst them, but now a zealous Christian, who was sent about three years past, with divers companions into Asia, and there wrought great fruit in our faith, and returned again after one year, requiring more labourers to be sent thither, and for a proof of the people's capacity, he brought with him two excellent boys, of very a quick and sharp understanding, by seeing of which, the Pope was the more moved to think of a Seminary for the● Nations, and to prefer other matters before recited for their commodity.  
Card. Syrletus, is protector of the Greeks and of their Seminary, being himself excellent well studied in that tongue: and as Sanseverin furthereth the hebrews so doth he, by all means possible the Greek, and hath a like Congregation of learned Grecians at certain days of the week, 
Greek exercises under Sir ●etus.  as the other hath of Hebritians, and they have now almost ended the examination of the Greek Bible, according to the Septuaginta, with the help of great variety of ancient copies from many parts of the world, with conference of all the old Greek Fathers, which work is thought will be very profitable when it shall come forth in print, the which being done, they mean to proceed to other matters of no less commodity for the furtherance of Christian divinity. To these are aiders in the advancement of learning (besides the forenamed) Card. Saints, Leomeline, Maffeus, Sancta Croce, justinian, Cornaro, Sangeorgio and others.  
For the third, which is bountiful liberality in works of charity, 
Works of charity.  God be thanked, I might bring many examples, but without injury to the rest, I will name only a few particulars, whose present monuments of charity are more apparent to the world. Card. Cesius hath bulded in our time for the monastery of destitute maids, such as before their coming thither, were in peril of dishonest life, a very fair Church, with other necessaries, to the value of 30. thousand crowns. 
Card. Burrho●meus.  And Card. Borrhomeo hath bestowed 40. thousand crowns in a Church for the Mal Maritate, whereof I will speak more in mine answer for Rome. 
Card. Farnesius.  Card. Farnesius also, hath disbursed already above 80. thousand crowns in a Church for the jesuits, the thing being not yet half finished: and his alms beside, are known to be very liberal, partly, to poor Hospitals, partly, to other poor people, to whom be giveth certain stipends, and pensions to the number of a 100, so that the whole some of his expenses in charitable deeds, are thought to amount yearly to 30. thousand crowns, or not much less.  
I could reckon here, many particulars of other Cardinals, but that time serveth not. Notwithstanding, I can not omit to say a word of Card. Medici's, 
Car. Medices●  brother to the Duke of florence, who besides other deeds of piety, 
Anno 1575●  did use in the late year of jubilee, to repair often to Trinity Hospital, where great numbers of Pilgrims did always remain, 
A very rare example in a Prince.  a●d there (putting on an aprens) did serve them at table, and not only relieved them with money of his own, but also became a gatherer for them amongst his friends and acquaintance, to the great edification of others, and comfort of those poor men. And finally there is no Cardinal that I have hard of, but doth (besides his extraordinary al●es) allot out monthly, some certain s●ome of money to be distributed to the poor, as may appear in the books of Hospitals and other poor houses, wherein you shall see noted, how much these houses receive from each Cardinal every month.  
For the fourth and last, which is rare example of Pastoral life, 
Rare example of pastoral life.  amongst many I will name three, whom the world doth both know, and wonder at: That is, Card. Caraffa, 
Caraffa.  Paleotto, & Borrhomeo. Caraffa is a young man abiding coommonly in Rome, and his virtues are rare in all kind of zealous Christian behaviour, that is, in earnest study, often prayer, great labour, much preaching, marvelous abstinence, and fervent desire of the advancement of virtue and true religion.  
Card. Paleotto is Bishop of Bononie, 
Paleotto●  endued with no less zeal in God his cause, whose wise and watchful gonerment may appear by the decréees of his Provincial synods extant in print, and his singular virtues, may in part be conceived by that, which I will say of Card. Borrhomeo whom in government and life he seeketh to imitate. Only I add this of Paleotto, that he preacheth incessantly, and distributeth every month to the poor, that, which amounteth of his Bishopric above his own necessary expenses. He is singular well learned himself, and a great Patron of all learned men.  
Card. Borrhomeo is bishop of Milan, 
Borrhomeo. the mirror of Prelates of our time.  and seemeth to have received the same spirit in government, which his predecessor S. Ambrose had. For he is a pattern of perfect prelacy to the world, and his doings are such, as in deed are scarce credible in these our days, but only to them that have seen them with their eyes: his labour seemeth intolerable, both in visiting his provinces for the most part a foot, and also for his continual preaching, commonly eu●ry day, and some time twice or thrice in one day, & upon occasion of need he stayeth in the Church 40. hours together, as he did of late, bestowing the one half hour in preaching and the other in prayer, of all that time: and the people coming and going from far parts to his Church of S. Ambrose in Milan, to that his 40. hours' exercise. 
This exercise is called in Italy la Quarantena.  His diet is most slender eating only once a day, and that in the refectory with his servants without difference of meats. His exercise is after dinner to hear his Chapplens' discourse upon some spiritual matter, red at dinner time, (for all the● dinner no word is spoken, but one readeth the scripture for half an hour, which is all the time that his dinner dureth:) his sleep is not above 4. or 5. hours in the night: he hath a College or Seminary of priests in Milan erected & founded at his own charges, to whom (for the most part) he maketh every day an exortation, & spendeth one other hour with them in spiritual conferences.  
At the time of the last great plague in Milan, about 4. years past, all men fleeing for the terror of death, he by no means would be persuaded to departed, but persevered there all the plague time, 
A marvelous example of a loving Pastor  going to the infected himself, & ministering the Sacraments unto them: & when they lacked necessary maintenance, he sold away all his household furniture, (as appeareth yet by his naked chamber walls) & distributed all unto them. Besides this, every friday during the plague, he went bare footed to the Church before the people, bearing the cross himself, & reciting the Litanies● with streams of tears, so long, until God turned his hand from that City: every night before he goeth to bed calling all his people together they have prayers, & spiritual meditations in his chapel, to which also strangers of the Town some time resort, amongst whom there came once a wicked catif & discharged a pistol upon the Cardinals back, 
A wonderful miracle.  as he was knéelinge in prayer, but God delivered miraculo●ly his servant, for the pellets passing only through two thin cassoks & his shirt, stayed at the skin & pierced it not, as it was there found & showed in the presence of many, which are yet alive to testif●ie the same. Much more might be spoken, of this rar● man, but this may suffice, to show that Cardinals are not so wicked men, as John Nicols doth affirm. And generally I may add, that as many Cardinals as are bishops in these days, as none of of these in Rome are, (for the Pope suffereth no Bishop to lie from his bishopric, but to be resident, according to the Council of Trent, 
Sesio. 23. cap. 1. ) they are all of very good and exemplare life, as might be showed in particulars, and by the most virtuous lives and deaths, of two late Cardinals' arch bishops of Naples, and Augus●a, was declared.   

Of Priests and religious men.  
john Nicols accuseth the clergy of Rome and Italy, in two things, the one of ignorance, the other of dishonesty. For the first, he saith: Their Priests in Italy, are for the most part unlearned. I demanded of some of these Italian priests, in the Italian tongue, wether God the Father and God the holy Ghost, had bodies, they answered yea. Well then seeing their priests be ignorant & cet. Here you see, john Nicols, borne in Cowbridge, vaunting over the Italian, and condemning him of doulfeshnes, which is some what more ridiculus, than the Ape scoffing at the fox, for want of a tail.  
That the Italian priests are commonly well learned, 
Italian Priests learned.  I could affirm of mine own experience, and prove it also by the infinite books, which are daily set forth by them, in all sciences, but especially in their own language, which they esteem as much as the latin, and have ●urnished the same with all variety of authores, which ever wrote commendably in any tongue. But why Italian priests, should not be so ignorant and unlearned as John Nicols reporteth, I could yield many more reasons, whereof the first and principal is, their great wit and capacity, joined with a great desire of knowledge, and therein to excel all others. Which things, being compared with other helps, whereof I will now speak, must needs bring forth greater effect of learning, and learned men in Italy, then in other places where the like helps are not.  
And touching the helps to learning, 
Helps to learning in Italy.  which Italians, besides their excellent wit, have above other men, they are many. For first, in stead of our two universities, 
Universities.  Cambridg and Oxford, they have their Pavia, their Padua, their Ferrara, their Bononie, their Sienna, their Perugio, their Rome, their Salerno, their Naples, and some other universities, besides their great schools not much inferior to Universities, 
Schools.  as Turin, Milan, Mantua, Brescia, Cremona, Venice, Florence, Genua, Macerata, Aquila, Cosenza: and other places where commonly the jesuits do read. Also besides their provincial Seminaries, 
Seminaries.  which according to the Council ●f Trent, 
Ses. 25. ca 18  every Bishop that is able, hath in some town within his diocese, which in Italy amounteth to be some hundrethes.  
To this now, if we add their facility in obtaini●ge the latin tongue, by the vicinity which it hath with their own: also the variety of all sciences written, or by translation, in the Italian tongue: also the great store of learned men and teachers amongst them, and the continual conference which they have with learned strangers, who daily come unto them: lastly, the great and often exercises which Italian priests have, in preaching to their flocks, or expounding the catechism every sonnday and holy day, according to the council of Trent: 
Ses. 24. ca  we shall find it very unlikely that Italian priests could not answer john Nicols whether God the father & the holy Ghost, have bodies or Noah.  
If there were any such matter talked of (as I doubt very much): yet the error might easily be committed, 
A probable ges●e of Nicols false report.  either by them in not understanding John Nicols Italian, or by him in not perceiving their answer. For they mistaking his eydle demand (which no man but his like would have made) might answer him to another question of some discretion, saying: that God the father, and the holy Ghost, being without bodies, might notwithstanding be represented unto us in bodies, as God the father was represented to Daniel, 
Dan. 7. Math. 3.  in the shape of an old man, and the holy Ghost to John Baptist, in form of a dove, & that the Church lawfully useth the same now. This I say, they might perhaps answer. But for the other question, whereof no child in Italy is ignorant, it was as impossible for Italian priests to answer so grossly, as it was easy for john Nicols simplicity to ask it, and for his malice to report it now in print.  
The second thing which Nicols objecteth against Italian priests, and especially them of Rome, is dishonesty in life, which he proveth not but only, by his accustomed way of interrogation. And first of Monks, 
John Nicols slander of monks answered.  Was there not (saith he) at Rome a whole monastery of such as bear a silver cross in their hands, and are apparelled in blue, full of women, that went in habit of thes monks, and were they not espied at the last, and escaped unpunished. To which I answer, there was no such thing, and all Rome will bear me witness of the same, as also many English men, which all Nicols time were there, and never heard mention of any such enormity. And it appeareth by that which he addeth. Of their unpunishment after they were known, That all, is his own invention, for filling up his book, and flattering his exhibiters. For that such matters once known, escape not unpunished in Rome, 
Severe justice upon a friar.  appeareth well by the justice done upon a Spanish friar in his time, for a less matter than he reporteth, albeit in the same kind: that is, he was publicly hanged at the bridge of S. Angelo, for running out of Spain with an other man's wise, which fact of his, was the only great offence heard of in Rome by any of his profession these many years.  
Noah less impious, is Nicols second slander against all priests, of Rome, where he saith, 
Nicols slander of Prieste● refuted.  That they go without punishment openly to the stews, and that he hath seen them with his eyes embracing the queans. Which is so false a slander as hath greatly to fear the saying of Scripture, which is, 
Pro. 21.  That a lying witness, shall have an evil end. For it is so false, that such things are practised or permitted publicly in Rome, as the half of that which he reporteth, is sufficient to depose any priest from his living in that place, and to suspend him from his function, and beside, to procure himself, half a dozen stretches of the Strappado, 
The strppado●  which is greater punishment, than all clergy men in England, would willingly admit for such offences Wherefore his exclamation is ridiculus, where he saith. Oh if a minister herein England should commit such abhoemination and scape unpunished, how would you cry out & cet. This I say, is ridiculus. For what their ministers do commit in this kind of sin (notwithstanding their own wives) we hear and other men see, and the world abroad can witness, and how severely they are punished, some late exampels have declared. And yet we cry not out, except to God alone: nor endeavour we to proclaim all in print, & if we would, (as perhaps we may hereafter being thus provoked:) yet have we truth sufficient to put down, & need not damn ourselves by lying, as Nicols seemeth resolved to do.  
I do not defend all priests in Rome for saints, as you will not, I think, all your ministers our reformers. But this I say to the confu●ion of your malice, (which all indifferent men that know the place will testify with me,) that as little outward scandal is given in Rome, as in any one place of the world beside. To which I will add without detraction from any place, that I have found more inward honesty, learning, zeal, religion, & devotion, in secular priests of Rome, then in any place else of Christendom.  
He that will make proof of this, let him frequent the florentine congregation of secular priests, 
The exercises of Secular Priests in Rome.  at S. jeroms church by the English College, or at their new church named Puzzo Bianco. Also let him repair to the rosary Congregation, at our ladies church Supra Mineruam, and he shall hear every festival day such spiritual exercises in those places, that is, such learned discorses on spiritual matters such exhortations to virtue, such detestations of vice, such deep considerations of our end, and things belonging to our end, of our account after death, of casualties in this life, and of our duties in every man's present estate: as is able to move any hard or stonnye heart. And all these exercises are done, by the secular priests of Rome, with great pain, much studdye, and no small charges, and yet all this is voluntary, and not by any compulsion. 
The effects of spiritual congregations in Rome.   
By means of these learned and zealous exercises, much good is done in Rome, upon divers persons which come to hear them, being of all sorts many, both temporal and spiritual, and amongst other, divers wild young gentlemen resorting thither, of curiosity to hear, are often times so pierced by speeches uttered in those exercises, as they presently change the order of their life, & become most virtuous and sober the rest of their days. sundry great mutations of life are wrought also, in greater personages by help of the said exercises, which would never be, if the Roman priests (who are doers in the same) were such wicked livers, as john nicols affirmeth.   

Of the English students in Rome.  

john nicols slander of the students refuted.  john Nicols, to omit no part of a perfect sycophant, picketh occasion of quarrels and detraction to his own felow-students of the Roman College, who never offended him, but rather from whom he hath received great love and courtesy. And because he had no fact to charge them withal, he invented a very odious matter, which was malicious words against her Majesty, and divers of her honourable counsel: also, against some other chief men in ecclesiastical causes. The effect of which words were, that they threatened, forsooth, the foresaid great parsonages, if ever there came a contrarietime, to requite with rigour, the rigour now received. And pretending that he would not name the parsons so threatened, yet childeshly he putteth down the first letters of their names, and that with such art and secrecy, as each man may read it, and understand it. Wherein he followeth so apparently his own invention or his enditers' direction: as he nameth divers men, whom, I dare avouch, no student in that College knoweth, and much less threateneth. But it séemethe that john Nicols hath made a league with hell, 
Esa. 28. Psal. 138.  and therefore careth not how far he wadeth in this way of wickedness.  
If he had put down, any particular circumstances, 
John Nicols slander of the students refuted.  as proofs of his accusation, it had been easier to have improved his falshold. But bringing nothing, but a bare assertion, I must refute him with a mere denial, until he bringeth further proofs, only adding certain likelyhods which indifferetly considered may lead the reader to the discovery of his malice. Whereof the first is, as I noted before, the naming of such men here as are not known to any of the seminary. The second is, the naming of so many as hardly could be talked of by them, or remembered by him. The third is, for that the times of meeting and talking together in the seminary, are both rare and short, and commonly in the company of some strangers, who understanding not our matters or particular men, give occasion of other talk. To this now, if we add the malice of the reporter, and how many other apparent untruths he hath uttered, and how many absurd contradictions, hath and shallbe, gathered out of his own words, and how easy & plausible a matter it was to devise this thing at that time without controulment: I d●ut not but the wiser sort will quickly descry the whole.  
But I cannot let pass without adding somewhat to that which toucheth her Majesty in particular. To whom I know thes virtuous students (notwithstanding this slanderous acusation) bear all dutiful good will and affection, 
The students dutiful meaning towards her Majesty.  excepting only their consciences in religion, whose conformity they cannot frame, to her majesties proceedings. This they have showed in reverent speech to divers of the contrary religion, who hath been with them in Rome, & are now England. And in show of this, immediately upon the erection of their College, they caused her majesties arms to be drawn very fair in gold, and with convenient ornaments erected them in the haul of the College. In token of this also, they appoint certain every month to pray for her majesty, and her counsel in particular. The manner of which is this.  
In the beginning of every month, they come all together in their haul, and there after some prayer made, each man taketh by lot, a little scrol of paper, wherein three things are written. 
The Queen's Majesty prayed for by the students in Rome.  First, the name & festival day of sun saint of that month ●o come. Secondly, some rare sentence of scripture. Thirdly, some special thing which the whole College much tendereth. The first is written, for that each man shall take that saint which falleth to his lot, for his peculiar protector under God, that month, to pray for him. For which cause, each man readeth the life of his saint, and noteth some virtue out of the same for his own imitation. The The second is written, as a posy for each man to meditate, and put in practise that month. The third, is written, to be prayed for by him to whom the paper happeneth. Now, amongst other things which they pray for, there is nothing more common, then pro Regina Angliae, 
So they use to pray pro summo Pontisice. pro Imperato re● pro Rege Catholico. pro Rege Christianissimo. pro Regina Scotiae. & cet.  for so they use to write, and to read it aloud in the hearing of all men, and this john Nicols cannot deny. which thing the students would never use to do, if they were so maliciously minded towards her Majesty, as he falsely reporteth.  
Now touching the excommunication of her Majesty by, Pius Quintus, which Nicols maliciously accuseth the students, 
The students cleared about the excommunication.  To have renewed again at midsummer last, was twelve month, & to have published at Rome & Rheims by fixing them upon pillars, & by sending them through out Italy, Spain, and a part of Germany. There is no one part true, but all is mistaken & spitefully perverted: for the matter was only thus. In Christmas week was twelvemonth, Anno 1580. there were found in Rome certain copies, of the said excommunication, and sent to the Bishop of S. Assaphe by Car. Allexandrino, which copies the said bishop suppressed, for any thing that we know, neither was it known whether the said copies were of the old print of Pius Quintus his time, or printed since.  
Now the students of the Seminary are wrongfully charged by John Nicols in all these points. 
Nicols great malice in matter of death against his fellows.  First, for renewing the same: for they renewed them not, nor can any man affirm whether they were new printed or no. Secondly, that they published them on pillars at Rome and Rheims: for there was no such publication made at all, and the students never saw within the Seminary any such copies, for the matter was secretly suppressed, as I have hard said, and scarce any man knew of it in Rome itself, by which also appéerethe how unjustly they are accused to have dispersed them, throughout Italy and Spain etc., seeing no such copies ever came to their hands.   

Of particular parsons.  
The particular parsons wronged by John Nicols are divers, but I will touch only the principal. First, 
Nicols slander of two learned men.  he reproacheth two excellent learned men, th'one M. D. Allen, the other, jacobus Pais, reader of divinity in Rome, saying that, D. Allen demanded whether we might not worship the timber whereof the image is made, as well as the thing represented? And that the other answered, yes: which slander is so gross, as it needeth no further confutation, but only to name the men of whom it is made, for their opinions are extant to the contrary, as shall more appear in handling the third part of this answer.  
Not being contented to have injured Father Pais, with this absurd report, he proceedeth to charge him & his fellow readers, with much more odious matter. For of Pais he saith: that he uttered these words in latin in presence of 300 scholars. 
nicols slander of Fa● Pais refuted.  The Pope's good will is tried & known, and his purse is ready: but either fear withdraweth King Philip, or power forbiddeth him, so that he dareth not to convey his army into England.  
For answer whereof, I say, that albeit, it be not easy to convince apparently a shameless liar, talking of matters past, & in far countries, especially to us who have no access to plead for ●ur selves, nor course of justice to examine our cause: yet by such means as in this case a● possible, I will prove this report false & malicious.  
First, for that john Nicols being no scholar nor hearer of Fa. Pais, but always present at an other lecture of Petrus Gambacurta, reader in cases of conscience, the same hour wherein Pais did read, could not hear Pais to utter these words, which he feigneth him to have spoken in his lecture to the scholars: neither is it probable that he heard them by report of other, for than would he have named both the man and the circumstances, which he neither doth nor can do.  
Secondly, F. Pais being a private religious man, attending only his lecture, & dealing neither with Court nor courtiers, 
Evident con●iectures.  could hardly come to understand so secret meanings of great Princes, & if he had known any such thing, it is not likely that he would have proclaimed it in a public school, where no occasion could be given of such matters, especially in particular princes. And if his own wisdom could not have directed him in this yet the respect of his superiors in the Society, would have restrained him, who severely interdicteth to their readers and preachers all mention or glancing at matters of particular Prince's ●siats. But what do I stand to confute by circumstances so manifest an untruth? the matter is easy to be tried. There are 3. or 4. priests in prison lately come from Rome, who for divers years have been hearers, and have miss no one lecture which Pais red, but have received all in writing: let their dictates be seen, and if that be not sufficient, let them be demanded upon their oaths, whether ever they hard Pais say any such thing. Let nicols come before them, and lay down the particulars, and by all those ways he shallbe proved a slanderer.  
After this john Nicols, as now contemning all, 
prover. 18. Psal. 56. Psal. 13.  being entered (as it seemeth) to the depth of iniquity, and making his tongue a sharp sword, and his throtte an open sepulchre, to wound and bury whom soever he pleaseth: passeth on to fouler reproach, which is: That a Reader in positive divinity in Rome, should say in the hearing of 200. scholars, that any man of worship in England, might give authority to the vilest wretch that is, to seek the death of our Sovereign Queen. But this venomous dart I will repel as the other before, by the unlykelyhods of time, place, matter and persons: and by the testimonies of those priests now prisoners in England, who must needs have been present at the words, if any such had been uttered by their reader. Which priests being many, and superiors to Nicols in all respects, both of age, discretion, honesty and learning, aught to countervail his only assertion. Besides this, if Nicols will put down the time and occasion of his speech, and also name the reader (for there are but two in positive divinity that is, Robertus Bellarminius in controversies, 
Bellarminiu●●  and Benedictus Pererius in scriptures) I will procure the readers own Apology, 
Pererius.  with the subscription of all his scholars, in defence of himself, from this unjust slander: for these learned and sober men, are so far of from such desperate points of doctrine: as the plain contrary hath often times been hard from them, and may also be gathered out of their several dictates now extant in England, especially out of the dictates of their fellow readers in scolastical divinity, I mean Achilles Galiardus, 
Galiardus.  and Stephanus Tuccius, 
Tuccius.  in their late Lectures de legibus.  
All which being so, it appeareth that Nicols reports have no truth or ground, but were only devised by himself, 
The drift of Nicols slandering the jesuite readers.  and others, to serve that present opportunity of time, wherein it was said, that certain jesuits, among other priests were come into England, and daily expected to fall into the magistrates hands, whose rigour was the more to be procured against them, and the people more to be incensed, by these odious reports of jesuite readers in Rome.  
But let Cain take heed, 
Goe 4. v. 10.  for Abells' blood will cry vengeance from the earth. And albeit Cain do get a bodily protection for a time, 
Goe 4. v. 15.  and a reprobates mark, that no man may hurt him, yet is he not free: 
Psal. 2.  there will come a reckoning day, and a judge to strike with an iron rod. 
Psal. 9  And if beside, there be any such, whereof the Prophet complaineth, who lie in wait for innocent blood, and have not the judgements of God before their eyes: let them be assured, that he seeth them, who protecteth the afflicted, and whose hands they shall not escape, all be it they receive praises and blessings now for their iniquities. And for nicols, I can give him no better counsel, then to meditate at his leisure these two verses, uttered by the holy Ghost.  Quid detur tibi, aut quid apponatur tibi ad linguam dolosam? 
Psal. 110.  Sagittae potentis, accutae, cum carbonibus desolatorijs.  

Of Rome.  
Now come I to the greatest eye sore of our adversaries, which is Rome, a City that yieldeth great matter of talk, and furnisheth not only our books to the print, but also our pulpits and tables in England. Whatsoever is amiss in Rome, overthroweth our Catholic and Roman religion. As though our faith depended of those crazed walls, so often beaten down & possessed by the enemy, 
If Rome were most wicked, yet were it no prejudice to Roman religion.  without hurt or blow to the religion of Rome: or as though, if that city were destroyed or sunk: the Bishopric of Rome might not remain, & the Bishop still head of Christ's Church, albeit he were in India & dwelled in a barn: or, to come near to our purpose, as though, 
1. Pet. 5. Apoc. 18.  if Rome were the wickedest city under heaven (as it was when S. Peter & S. john called it Babylon yet Christian religion might not be good in it, as it was at that time, when it was Babylon, 
Rom. 1.  For even at that time, S. Paul commended the true and holy faith of a wicked Rome. 
Au. li. 2, cont. lit. Petil. ca 51. Iten ep. 16 5. ad Gene.  Wherefore this is but a point of a wrangling heretic (as hath been noted many hundred years ago) to condemn the faith, because of the place: the See Apostolic, for the vices of the city: the substitute of God, for the frailty of a man: and Moses' chair, for the life of a Pharasée.  
But yet in truth let us see, what they bring against the City of Rome, for I deny not, but as in a great and populous city their must needs many sins and faults be committed: and that (I think) our adversaries will not deny also, in their most reformed cities of England.  
But the question is, of the public face and government of Rome, which our adversaries, for the slander of our religion, declare to be permitted in all kind of vice and licentious living, which is not so: 
Rome less reprovable than other Cities.  for as there be some evil there, so are there many good, and more examples of virtue in that City, then in any place else of the world whatsoever, as by that which I will say more clearly shall appear. And first, as I did before about the Cardinals and priests, I will refute john nicols particular slanders, and afterward show the contrary virtues.  
nicols therefore, 
Nicolles' first slander of Romans answered.  beginneth by demanding, as before he used to do (for other proof he hath none) How do the Citizens (of Rome) live (sayeth he)? was there not lately a great rich citizen, that had a place to the which resorted many young Roman gentlemen, who committed the sin of Sodom one with an other? and were they not spied out at the last? & did not they all scape punishment, except one poor man which died for all? & did not the Romans say that he died wrongfully? for that the sin of Sodom was but a trick of youth? For answering this, I will begin with that which is last: what soever some poor abject in Rome might tell john Nicols in familiarity, of the lightness of this detestable sin: (for no man of wit would either say so, or confer with Nicols about such matters) yet, it appeareth by himself that it is not so tawght there, nor so taken by the magistrate which inflicted death upon one for the same. The which thing, albeit he confesseth: yet, as his fashion is, he either grossly mistakethe, or perverteh impudently, a matter done and known in the sight of the world, and reprovable by as many, as wear then in Rome. For the thing touched not any Citizen or Roman young gentleman as he forgethe, but thus. There were seven lewd rogues, some spaniardes, some french men, and some Italians, that meeting some times in grottes or caves, without the wales o● Rome, were suspected to commit this horrible abomination. whereupon the Sbirri were sent out, 
Sbirri are catchepoles.  to watch and apprehended them, whereof the other having distrust: two of them ran away, and five were taken, all which five, were hanged at the bridge of S. Angelo by Tiber's side, 
How Sodomi is punished in Rome.  and afterward burned to ashes at the place where the fact was espied, in the sight of more (I think) then twenty thousand people: by which may be conceived, Nicols honesty in the rest.  

Nicols 2. slander of Rome answered.  But he goeth on against Rome, saying. What murder is there? insomuch that no man can sit in his waggon without danger of life. It may be, that sitting in wagons is dangerous in Rome, for I never saw any man ride in them there, except it were coming out of the country, but in Coaches you may see five hundred every day riding up and down, with out danger of life or any other hurt. And I never heard of any in our days which were assaulted in their Coaches, but only, about twelve month ago, or more, there was agoodlye french gentleman, son and heir, to the County De la Ponte, 
The death of young County de la Pont●  who having enmity with a certain Italian rider, belonging to the Cardinal Altems, was challenged by the said Cavallarizzo or rider and his companions, as he passed the streets in his coach, whereupon the said french man and his servants and companions isshewinge forth to figthe: was soon after slain, to the great discumforte of the City, and grief of the Pope, as appeared by the diligence used in apprehending the malefactor. For albeit certain Roman gentlemen, had conveyed him out of the city: yet was he gotten again, and after divers torments, excecuted. So that I see not what this act can make against Rome.  

Nicols third accusation of Rome.  And yet Nicols proceedeth further against Rome, for he saith. Have not the Romans six streets full of Courtesans and harlots, who pay a yearly tribute to the Pope. And be there not through out all Rome Queans, who lay out of their windows carpets, & their gowens, which is a sign to them that pass by that there they may have a woman for money. At shrovetid, what horrible abuses are there practised at Rome without punishment, do not men go in women's apparel, the gentle women out of their windows throw rose water, which is a token to them that pass by, th●t there they may defile their bodies one with an other. Here Nicols hudleth a great deal of malice against Rome, and proveth it only by his accustomed bare interrogation. To which I shall make sufficient answer by gathering out only the several lies, uttered in these few lines, which are in number no fewer than eight.  

eight untruths in one report.  For first, it is false that Rome hath six streets of Courtesans, for it hath but one, whereof I will speak more at large presently. Secondly it is false that these Courtesans pay tribute to the Pope, and if they did (as they do not) yet were it a punishment, and not an allowance of their life, as when you make a Catholic pay money for his not coming to church, you do not allow thereby of his absence, but you punish him for it. Thirdly it is false, that there are queans through out all Rome: for if any be taken out of that one street, named Bordello, she is presently whipped about the town. Fowerthly, it is false, that they are dishonest women who hang out their Carpets and gowens at their windows: for having no gardens to air their clothes in, they use to hang out the same at their garret windows, as also in London they are accustomed to do. Fiftly, it is false, that horrible abuses are practised in Rome at shrovetide, for in this Pope's time, there are permitted no other pastimes, to be spoken of, at shrovetide, but only running with horse, an old exercise of the getlemen Romans. At which act notwithstanding, there want not some religious men, every year to be present, and by occasion of that great assembly, to speak some thing of edification to them. And as for masks or other dishonest sports, they have not at all permitted. Sirthly, it is a shameless lie, that m●̄ go in women's apparel & women in men's, at that time. Seventhly, it is false, that all gentlewomen do use to cast out rose-water upon goers by, at the time: for they are only certain that dwell near to the course of the horses, where great repair is. Lastly, it is a malicious slander, that such water is cast out in token of dishonesty. For the best & noblest personages use to do it, upon their friends as they come to see the course of the horsemen, & not for dishonest meaning, as John Nicols interpreteth. So that, be the things never so honest or lawful of themselves, this man draweth all to a corrupt meaning as you see.  

Of the permision o● the stews.  But here, before I pass any further, I must say a word or two touching the stews in Rome, the permission whereof by the Pope, & by other Catholic Princes in their countries, is accounted so heinous a matter by our adversaries, as it may not be answered, but that we thereby allow of unchaste life. Which is a most false & wrongful charge, as may apéere by that which followeth. First the Pope, with all Catholics that ever wrote, condemneth & detesteth the act of simple fornication, as a deadly sine, & damnable to the doers, without repentance. And our adversaries shall never be able to charge truly our Catholic doctrine with the contrary. Secondly, notwithstanding this detestation, the civil magistrate may, for the avoiding of a worse inconvenience, tollerat or permit this sin in some degree, without fault, 
Tolleratinge of stews no alowinge of them.  & without any allowing of the sin itself. As God doth tollerat with wicked men and with many wicked acts in the world, which he detesteth, & might, notwithstanding, let them if he would: & yet he doth not allow of them for that he permitteth them. Thirdly that a naughty & wicked thing may sometimes be necessary, & consequently tolerated without fault. (the corruption and lewd inclination of men supposed) It appeareth plainly by S. Paul, who saith, 
1. Cor. 11. Math. 18.  that heresies of necessity must be: & by Christ, who affirmeth that scandals must needs come, & yet neither Christ allowed of scandals, nor S. Paul of heresies. Fowerthly I might ask, why the protestants in England, do permit usury by their laws, that is, doth not punish men for taking under ten of the hundredth? They must needs answer that they allow not of the sin, but that they do it for the avoiding of a greater inconvenience, which is, lest by punishing all usury (as the Catholic Church doth) no man would lend any money at all.  

The causes why the stews is permitted.  So than the Pope, and other Christian Princes, for the avoiding of a greater inconvenience, seeing the corruption of some men will always be such, as being restrained of this, would break to worse matters: and having learned by long experience, (as S. Austen affirmed also of his time) that if this public sink should be taken away, the infection would rush into private houses: (as in part (I think) may be noted in our own country, if we compare the chastity of our father's days, when such a place was permitted, with the times which have followed since the taking away thereof): considering also, that the tolleratinge with this public sink, is no ways any allowance of the sin: for these causes, I say, Christian Magistrates, have always permitted this public scandal, protesting to their subjects, by the words of S. Jerome, which he useth in a like matter, upon Christ's words. 
Li. 3. comment. in math. 18.  It is of necessity that scandals should come, but yet, woe to that man, which by his fault maketh that to be, which otherwise in the world must needs be. That is to say, of necessity there must, for causes, a stews be permitted, but yet woe unto him which haunteh the stews, or useth this permission. So that the thing is permitted of necessity in general, but no man's going thither, allowed in particular.  
Whereof it cometh, that there is no prince in the world which doth or can use more means, than the Pope doth, 
Means used by the Pope for withdrawing lewd women from their naughty life.  to draw all men from that vice, & to reform those miserable women themselves, which live in that kind of life in his dominions. For first, they are shut up in one street, with a note of infamy, not only to themselves, but to all those who repair unto them. Sec●ndly, they are debarred of all spiritual consolation, for they remain unable to receive any sacrament, as long as they abide in that trade of life. Thirdly, they are deprived of all credit or countenance in the world abroad, so that, if any of them should be found in a Coach, both horses & Coach are, ipso facto, forfeited Fowerthly, they make no testament, except they have lawful children, but all their goods must go to the convertites, 
Convertites.  that is, to those which are converted from that kind of abominable life. Fiftly, the Pope causeth every week, some religious men to repair to that place & there in the midst of the street, to preach hell & damnation unto them for their wickedness. And lastly, he hath provided a goodly monastery for all them, which will leave that state, to enter into, & there to be maintained whiles they live, with a very competent & sufficient provision of an honest & virtuous life. By which means, divers are recalled daily from their wickedness. Which things being so, let the indifferent reader judge, how unjustly the Pope is charged with allowing of their lewd behaviour, as God, who is not partial, will one day declare.  
Thus, having answered John Nicols untrue & slanderous reports of the city of Rome, it shall not be amiss, according to my promise, to bestow sun few words in declaring the piety, of this city, which every man that hath seen it, & is not blinded with partiality, will easily confess, to be greater, then in any place of the world beside. And first, in talking of the chief head head, the Pope himself, & of the Cardinals, I have showed how for matters of learning it doth excel, having in it, 
The multitude of students  Seminaries & colleges of all nations & tongues, also two distinct Universities, as I may term them, for besides the schools of Sapientia, where 30. sundry learned men do read, the jesuits schools have above 1200. shollers which frequent them, besides the students of law in the college of Capronica, 
Capronica.  & besides the great houses of religion, where also are learned readers, & have often public exercises of disputation one with another, to the great commodity of all students in that place.  
After this, in my speech of the priests & clergy of Rome, 
Congregations in Rome.  I showed what congregations & conferences they have in spiritual matters, to the great instruction & edification of all strangers that repair thither. In which kind of piety, I touched but the lest part, for besides those congregations that I named, there are divers others, & where as the number of Societies or Compagnies of secular men in Rome, 
80. Societies in Rome.  amount to above 80. there is never ● Compagnie, which maintaineth not a church or a chapel with some number of priests, with whom, sundry times of the wek● they have conference in spiritual matters.  
Now then, to pass over to the deeds of piety which are corporal, and which appertain more in particular to the Citizens themselves, I must say generally that there is no good work of charity, that may be devised, which is not exercised among the Citizens of Rome. For proof whereof, we have to consider, that all need commonly is found in one of these 7 sorts of people, 
Seven kinds of men upon whom the Romans use principally their charity.  and consequently charity to be showed upon them, that is to say: children, sick folks, strangers, prisoners, oppressed with debt, oppressed with sin, and adjudged to die. Upon all these, do the Romans exercise their deeds of charity in great abundance.  

1 Children. Societas S. Spi●itu●.  And first for children, the company of the holy Ghost receiveth as many Infants, as come, and because many are ashamed to bring their infants thither openly, there is a secret place where they may lay them down and not be seen, so that the multitude of infants which are brought, is very great, and commonly never less than 200. and the number of Nurses there continually maintained, is never fewer than 100 Besides this society, there is another house appointed for Orphan boys, in Antonines baths, 
Thermae Antonini.  and another for Orphan maids, in another place named gli quattro Coronati, and each house receiveth 100L. All which children coming to ripe age, are distributed into two sorts, the boys, some to learning, and some to handiecraftes: the maids, some choose to enter into Monasteries, and the rest have portions allotted them to be married away, as shallbe showed more hereafter.  
For sick men, 
2 Sick folks.  the provision of Rome is marvelous. For besides the hospitals which each Nation hath there, severally, the Romans have made great provision for all sick men by their hospitals, 
Hospitals in Rome.  which in number are many, but four do excel above the rest. If a man have an ague, than he may go to the hospital of S. Spirit, 
S Spiritus.  if he have a fresh wound or hurt, he may go to the hospital of our Lady, 
S. Mariae de consolation.  if he have an ache, than he may go to the hospital of S. john: 
S. Io●nnis Lateranensis.  if he have a festered sore or incurable disease, he may repair to S. james his hospital. 
S. jacobi ad po●tā populi.  In all which places he shall find as good provision, of meat, drink, clean beddinge, phiscike, surgery, and diligent attendance, for nothing, as commonly he could have for his money in the city, or rather better, for which cause, many gentlemen do remove from their own houses, to the hospital of S. Spirit, for recovery of their health: which hospital of S. Spirit hath commonly no less than 300. sick persons in it, with goodly partitions for men and women, gentlemen, and of the poorer sort. S. james his hospital receiveth in number 155. men, and 45. women: the other two hospitals receive few less: all things are kept so sweet and clean in these hospitals, that many noble women, Ladies and gentlewomen do repair often thither, to comefort the sick, as also very many gentlemen, especially the holy days, bringing with them some what or other to present unto the sick people for their comefortes. These haspitals are thought to spend above 150. thousand crowns by the year, which depend for the most part upon the alms of the Romans.  

3 Strangers.  touching strangers the liberality of the Romans is very great, for besides the particular hospitals which are in Rome, for every country, there are divers hospitals of the Romans, appointed out for the receipt and relief of poor strangers. 
Hospitium ●riita●is.  But the hospital of the Trinity excelleth all the rest, which, all the whole year of jubilee Anno 575. was never empty of great numbers of stranger's: and some days they received 14. thousand together, with abundance notwithstanding, of meat and lodging, and with so good entreaty, as divers noble & gentlemen of Rome, would repair thither to serve the said Pilgrims and to wash their feet for love and devotion.  
For Prisoners, 
4 Prisoners.  the care of the Romans is singular, above all other nations in the world. 
Societas charitatis.  For they have amongst them a company named the company of charity: which company, by licence of the Pope doth choose every year, two officers for the relief of the prisoners, the one a protector, who hath to defend the poor prisoners that are wronged, by law or otherwise. The other a proctor, whose office is, to make sufficient provision for meat, drink & other necessities for them. Thes men also do see, that all things pass orderly in the prisons, & that all the prisoners have divine service said before them daily: & that there come every week once or twice, preachers, to preach unto the said prisoners. lastly, that there be convenient books of piety and devotion in every prison, tied with chains for all to read: and that all books of scurrility and dishonesty, be removed thence, by which good means, and other used by them, many profit more in piety by one months imprisonment, than they had done before, in many years liberty.  

5 Men indebted  For men indebted, the Romans take very charitable order. For first, they have a great bank of money, called mons pietatis, 
Mons Pietatis.  out of the which all bankrupts or other poor people may borrow money without interest, bringing a pawn or sufficient sureties. Secondly, the company of charity, by help of other Romans do deliver out 80. ●uery year, which are imprisoned for debt. Thirdly, the society of S. Apostle, useth to go about the city, and to inquire of poor gentlemen or gentlewomen who are behind hand, and are ashamed to ask help, and if their debts be not very excessive, they seek means to discharge them.  

6 livers in open sin.  touching those that live in sin, & lewd life, or are in danger to fall into the same, the Romans do practise great piety. For first, touching maids destitute of friends, 
occasions of sin how much shunned in Rome.  which for need might fall unto an evil trade of life, they marry every year of their own charges above 500 as after shall appear more in particular. Other they place in monasteries, and 140. they maintain from time to time in a house named S. Catherine's besides those which I named before. Secondly, for them that be married and can not agree with their husbands, and by that mea●es are in danger to turn to dishonest life, the Romans have built a goodly monastery dedicated to S. Martha, and named it Delle Mal Maritate, 
Mal Maritate of S. Martha.  in which house such young women may live virtuously, under the government of certain grave Noons, until they be reconciled to their husbands again. thirdly, for them that are now dishonest and will be converted, they have a house to maintain them in, as I noted before, called the house of Convertites. 
The house of Convertites  Lastly, because, they which once enter into this house, of Convertites, may not turn back, or go fourth again, but must persever there all their life, (which many of these dishonest women can not at the first resolve themselves to do.) Therefore have the noble matrons of Rome procured another house, called Casa pia, 
Casa pia.  behind Pantheon, where these women may come for a time, to prove what they will resolve upon, in which time, the said matrons, 
The great care of ho●est life in Roman Matron●.  do omit no means to persuade them from all dishonesty for the time to come, and do offer to provide for them by good services with virtuous gentle women, if they can not resolve themselves to enter into the monastery of Convertites, & by this means also many be reclaimed from wickedness & sin.  

7 Men adjudged to die.  Concerning these which are adjudged to die, the citizens of Rome do show themselves very charitable & peitiful: for they have amongst other, a Society named the company of mercy, 
Societas mis●ricordia●.  who receive into their costodie, all such as are condemned to die, towards whom they use all humanity and gentle dealing, never leaving them day nor night, until the time of execution be past. If the prisoner have any children, they promise him to take order for them, and so they do, as also for his debts, if he be troubled with any: if he have any enemies, they bring them unto him to be reconciled: after that, they read good books unto him and cause virtuous men to preach and make exhortations to like effect: they watch also with him, and cause prayers to be said for him, and finally they accompany him to the place of execution, & thence receive his body & bury it, causing certain Masses to be said for his soul.  
These are the general points of the good works done in Rome, which I have touched briefly, leaving out many more things than I have mentioned, for brevities sake. But he that would conceive the multitude of thes works, which are done by the Romans, let him but read the books of the Societies or companies in Rome, which being in number above 80. as I noted before, & every society, besides the ordinary service of god, exercising some particular good work: 
The cause of so many good works in Rome.  it must needs be that such good works are many in Rome. I have made mention before of the society of charity, which have care of prisons, & of the society of mercy, which taketh care of condemned men, and of some other Societies which have care of Hospitals: But yet those are not all the good deeds, which those societies do: for the society of charity doth besides give 50. crowns a month, unto the Convertits, & doth marry 22. maids yearly, giving them 30. crouns a piece with new apparel: also it distributeth every sounday great quantity of bread unto the poor.  
Now, if I should speak of all other Societies, 
strange liberality in marrying of maids.  I should be to tedious. But yet by thes two or three words which I say of a few, you may judge of the rest. The Society of the Annunciata, 
La compagnia dell Anuonciata.  do bury strangers and poor people which die in Rome, causing masses to be said for them, and it marrieth every year 180. maids giving each of them 35. crowns, with new apparel. The Society of the Conception, 
La compagnia della Concettione.  doth marry every year 30. maids, giving them 20. crowns a piece with apparel. The Society of S. Angelo, marrieth every year 20. maids, with 25. crowns a piece and apparel. The Society of Confalones, 
La compagnia delli Confalonieri.  marriethe yearly an uncertain number, with 18. crowns a piece and apparel. The Society of Brescians, giveth 20. crowns. The Society of Bononians, 35. crowns. The Society of Neopolitans, 35. crowns The Society of S. Apostolo, besides helping of poor gentlefolks, doth attend to make peace between enemies. The Society of Weeping, 
La Compagnia del P●anto  doth go to poor people and visit them in their sickness, at their own houses, and giveth them physic & all necessaries besides, with apothecary ware. The Society of the Name of God, 
La Compagnia del nom● di Dio.  besides other good works attendeth to reprehend them which blaspheme or swear, or abus●, the name of God The Society of S. Laurence in Damaso, besides other good things attendeth always to wait on the blessed Sacrament, and to go before it with lights, when it is carried to the sick. The Society of S. Marcellus, attendeth principally, to procure prayers and masses to be said for the souls of all Christians departed. Besides all this, every one of all these Societies, and the rest, have their particular deeds of charity, several to themselves, as peculiar little hospitals, houses for orphans, and the like.  
And this shallbe sufficient for the Societies or compagnies. Besides all which, the alms and good deeds of particular men, 
Alms and good deede● of particular men in Rome.  are infinite, for divers Romans will take upon them divers particular works of charity, as some to maintain one or two poor scholars of other countries, (as the under Penitentiary maintained always an English man or two) and so other, of other nations. Some will take upon them to help in particular, some religious house. Some to sustain some poor family. Other to visit every day once, the sick people of some hospital, especially those that are in worst case, and next to deaths door. Besides this, there is scarce any artezane in Rome, which hath not some chapel in some church, with a vault in the same for the burying therein of his family, which chapel he maintaineth of his own charges. Moreover at the station days of Rone, 
Great alms given at station days in Rome.  which are every holy day in the year, & every day of the lente & sundry days beside, (these station days are days of repair to some particular churches in Rone for devotions sake) you shall scarce find a citizen which will not be there, or some of his howshould for him to pray with the rest, & bestow somewhat on the poor which are there to expect alms, in great numbers (notwithstanding the hospitales): & it is almost incredible how many there are in so much that this last year of Jubelie, the Pope seeing the infinite number● of beggars, about the churches where the stations were, spoke to his officers, to entice them away, who did so, and offered them meat and drink in the hospitals, and a julio a day beside, 
a julio is vi. d English.  for a month. And yet they would not take it. Which being told to the Pope, he commanded them to be permitted still, saying, 
The Pope's saying o● many beggars.  That their sight did much good in procuring men to compassion & to give alms, which otherwise many would not do. And so in deed it fell out, for money was given in such plenty that year, as a great man of Germany said that he thought, that more alms was given in ready money in Rome, then in all the provinces of his country.  
last of all, I will add one thing in testimony of the Romans piety & devotion, 
The order of the Romans in taking voluntary discipline for th●ir offences in the holy week.  which many in England, will rather laugh at, than imitate, which is, that upon maundy thursday, before easter, they use to go to S. Péeters' church, late in the night, whipping themselves until the blood stream from their bodies. They go, their faces all covered, except only ij. holes to look out, & upon their bodies they have only a shirt of sak●cloth cut so behind, that their shoulders appear naked, where, with whipcord they beat themselves, for more than the space of one hour together. They go commonly above 600, in a company. The Societies, of the Trinity, S. Marcellus, and of the Confalons, are chiefest in this matter. And they are each of them, a hundred commonly every year. Now, the beaters go in order, two and two, and between every two beaters, go two other with torches. To see only this spectacle, were a matter to move any man whatsoever. Besides these Societies, many private men, do punish themselves very grievously in this holy week, for their offences past. Who covering their faces in such sort, as they may not be known, they go to all the churches of the city, or the most part, beating themselves pittifullye, until the blood do run from them in great quantity. All which may suffice, for an answer to John Nicols, touching this second part.   

Spilling of Controversies.  
IN THIS third part, 
The third part  I must for two causes, be very short. The one, for that more hath been spoken in the second part before, upon urgent occasions of Nicols his slanders, them was meant at the first, unto the whole book. The other is, for that to dispute with John Nicols in Controversies, that is, with a grammarian in grounds of divinity: is as lost labour, as to argue with peddlers in points of Poetry, or with a Collier in cunning of Chivalry. He understandeth not the state of that which is in question, nor conceiveth the meaning of either part aright. The authors which he citeth, he never read, but took them up at second hand in English books where he fell upon them, namely in those of Hanmer & of Philip of Mornay, whence often he borroweth whole pages together. hereof it cometh, that his allegations do pass from him much mangled and perverted, with evident testimony of the man's insufficiency. 
John Nicols insufficience.  For some times he mistaketh his authore: some times he nameth him not at all: often, he alleagethe some ●t random, without citing any book or place: other times he coteth, but with error. And yet, so little s●kil as he hath, he knoweth to falsify a place for his purpose, or to corrupt it by translation, & if that will not serve, yet to fill up the page with stuff impertinente or against himself. For which cause I have named his dominges in this part, Spilling of Controversies.  
The matters offered at by Nicols in his book, are divers: as of the Church: of miracles and revelations: of Images: of Purgatory: of Prayer for dead: of prayer to saints: of good works: of the Sacrament of the altar: of the Supremacy: and of the Pope. But all is done (according to their fashion) without order or method, beginning, or ending, by jumping in only upon certain quillotes of controversies, and by s●karring at th●m with certain broken shafts of other men's quivers, shivered in pieces long a go, and beaten back upon his cōpagn●ons. But the grounds of thes matters, are neither touched nor conceived by him, & much less the pith of any one point discussed, as shall appear in part by this brief aun●ere, albeit I can not stand to disclose the whole.  
touching the church, 
Of the Church.  John Nicols, letting pass all declaration of the state of the question, & other groondes of more intelligence, is content only according to his sckil, to object against certain marks of the Church set down by Catholics, to distinguish the true Congregation & church of Christ, from all Congregations in the world. For better understanding whereof, & of this whole Controversy, most needful of all other, to be rightly understood, I think it not amiss, in most brief manner, to lay forth some few grounds of the same. Not so much for the answering of John Nicols objections, which are of no importance, as for the better conceiving of whatsoeur is in question between us & our adversaries, in this matter of the Church. 
What the Church is.   
First therefore we do all agree, 
Math. 16. Act. 5. Rom. 16. 1. Cor. 6. Act. 20. Eph. 3. 2. Tim. 2. 1. Tim. 3. Math. 13. Exod. 19 Cant. 1. 4.  that the true & holy church of Christ, is a Congregation of Christians, professing his faith & dedicated to his service, & so highly respected by him, as being bought with his blood, & linked by the bond of his eternal ●oue, is become his own house, his kingdom, his peculiar possession, his darling, ●is spouse, and his own body. To To which Church of his, 

1. Cor. 11. Ephe. 5. Ephe. 1. 1. Cor. 12. No salvation out of the Church.  
Aug. Ep. 50 & 1●2● li. de vnit● eccle. cap. 4. & 16. li. 4 de sim. cap 10.  
Cyprian li. 1. ep. 1. li. 4. ep 2. & trac. de simpli. prel. Iren. li. 4. con here cap. 13. Chris. ho●●1 in ep. ad eph F●lgēt. li de fide. ca 37. 38● 39 Pacian ep 2. ad ●●m Greg● li. ●4. cap. 2. ●or. A●e●● 204 & ●● psa. 82● ser. 181. de ●ē   all his promises are meant, all his gifts given, all his blessings directed, all his graces powered out, all his love assured. S●condly, we also agree, that seeing this is so, that is: seeing this congregation is the only house of God: no man can look for wages at Gods hands, as his servant, except he be one of this household or family. And seeing this Church, is the only spouse of Christ: no man may have him, for his father, who hath not this Church for his mother. And seeing this Church is Christ's own body, whero● himself is head: no man can be a member of Christ, or receive any influence of grace or life from him, except he be a member of this Church. Whereof hath followed that common sentence of holy● Fathers against heretics and schismatics o● their times, ●hat out of the Church is no salvation. That is, do a man what he can, out of the unity of this Congregation, yea although it were to suffer death for Gods cause, yet cannot ●e escape damnation.  
Thirdly, Catholics do deduce of these premises, that se●ing this Church or Congregation is so necessary to be known and repaired to of all men, 
The true Church is visible.  as hath been said, that is, that no man can be saved, except he repair unto h●●, enter into her, hear her, obey her, and the like: 
Cyp. li. de. simpli. Ire. ep. 1. ad Dan. Aug. li. 4. de bap● ca 1.  they do deduce (I say) by infallible consequence, that this Church or Congregation, must be visible to man's eyes. Otherwise how shall we repair unto her, whom we cannot see? how can we complain unto her, 
Math. 18.  as Scripture biddeth us? why shall we be damne●●or disobeying her, as Christ threateneth us? 
1. Cor. 15.  How shall we receive the Sacraments and true interpretation of Scripture from her, if she be invisible? 
Act. 20.  How did S. Paul persecute the true Church of Christ? 
Aug in psa 30. & 47. & 44. li 2. ●ō. Pet. cap. 32. tract. 1. & 2. in ep. ad Io. Orig. ho. 30 in math● Chris. ho 4 in ca● 6. Esa.  How doth he say, that God hath put Bishops and Pastor's t● govern it, if it be invisible? The holy Fathers of the primative Church, have laboured much in this point against heretics, who always had this shift, to say, that the true Church was invisible, and therefore their obscure and new upstart congregations might be it. Whereof S. Austen writeth at large against the Donatistes● But the said Fathers, overthrew this refuge of heretics, by many places of scripture: As where the Church is promised to be a hill, upon the top of all other hills: 
Esa. 2. Deu. 2. Mich. 4. Psal. 18. Math 5. 1. Tim. 3. Math. 18. Gen. 22. Aug. tract. 19 in epist. joan. & jer. in haec onnia. loca.  a tabernacle of God placed in the soon: a city inobscurable built upon a mountain: a pillar of truth, erected for all men to repair unto: and a benediction for all nations to participate of, as well jew and Gentile as others.  
By which and like places of scripture, the holy Fathers do prove, that the true Church of Christ is not invisible, but so visible and subject to all men's sights, as all may know her, repair unto her, enter into her, hear her, obey her, and follow her, that will, except heretics only as S. Austen sayeth: 
Aug. li. de unit. count Peril. ca 14. & in Psal. 32.  Who do blind themselves, and will not see so great a hill, and if they do see her, yet they run from her, according to the spalme: They saw me and yet ran out from me.  
four, the Catholics do deduce of the premises that, 
The true visible Church cannot err.  if this true visible Church of Christ, have so great privileges from him, as to be his spouse, and his own body, as is said before: also if no man can be saved but by repairing to her, and obeying her direction: then is it necessary that Christ should (according to his promise) so govern her by his holy spirit, 
Au in Psal. 147. & de unit. eccle. ca 13 20. Math. 28.  and direct her unto the end by continual assistance, as she may never be deceived in doctrine of faith, or bring her children into error. For otherwise she might become of the spouse of Christ, a strumpet and an apos●ata, as the Donatists said she was in their time, and as Luther said she was in his time: 

S. Austen detesteth all su●h as say so  
Conc. 2. in Psal. 101. 1. Tim. 3.   and so Christ his Kingdom should perish, and the work of his passion become frustrate: also, otherwise, why is she called by the Apostle a pillar of truth, for us to repair unto in all doubts, and why are all men commanded under pain of damnation to hear and obey her, 
Math. 18.  if she may err and deceive those that take direction from her? 
Leo ep. 31. Math. 3. ●3.  Moreover, if this visible Church might err, and so perish, how then shall the barn floor, containing corn and chaff? The corn ●●●de, 
Ephe. 4. Aug. li 22. de civi. ca 15. & 18.  containing wheat and cockle? (understood literallye of this visible Church) remain unto the end of the world, as Christ affirmeth that they sha●l? How doth S. Paul say, t●at this visible Church shall continue under visible pastors and teachers until we meet all in unity of faith? etc.  
Finally, read S. Austen only of this absurdity. That Church (saith he) which was the Church of all Nations, 
Aug. in ●sa● 101. concio. 2. vide. Chris. ho. 4. inca. 6 Esa. & ● Orig ho. 3. in mat.  is she not now? Is she perished? they say so that are not in her. O impudent speech: is she not because thou art not in her? nay, see lest thou be not in her, for saying so. For she shall be, though thou be not.  
Fifthly, Catholics do deduce out of the premises, that seeing the knowledge & finding out of this true Church, 
The necessity of infallible mar●es to know the Church.  is so necessary to all men, as hath been said, and as no man can be saved without it: it is certain, that Christ hath left ●ome such manifest, sure, and infallible marks, to know this true Church and Congregation from all other congregations in the world, as no man may be deceived therein, except he will wilfully blind himself. This is agreeable both to the mercy and justice of Christ, who foresaw in his providence, the doubts that would rise about this matter. For which cause also S. Aus●en saith. 
Aug. in psal. 32.  That the holy Prophets spoke more plainer of this Church, than of christ himself. Foreseeing that more controversies should rise about the Church, then about Christ etc. Of these marks therefore, we are now to entreat, so far as Nicols giveth us occasion. Which thing because it is of all other, of most importance, (for the true Church once found, 
Why heretics are so angry with the marks of the Church.  all other controversies are ended) the heretic strivethe most in this point, to avoid the true marks, which descry his estate, and to forge other marks, which are no marks at all, nor any way to be found in his church: but yet may be challenged by him, and not so evidently improved by the contrary part.  
But for the examination both of his & our marks, 
Three properties of true marks.  it is to be noted, that true marks of the Church, should have these three conditions or properties at the least. First, that the mark should be better known, and easier to be found out, than the thing marked by it. For otherwise it could be no good mark, being more, or no less obscure than the thing itself, which it ought to make manifest unto us. Secondly, that the mark be proper only to the thing marked, and not common to many other, for than it should no more make manifest the thing we seek for, than any other. Thirdly, that the mark be such, as our forefathers used in the primative Church, to prove their Church true, against heretics. Now then, let us examine briefly both our marks, and those of our adversaries, according to these three properties and conditions●  
Our adversaries bring two principal marks, 
Cal. li. 4. in. ca● 1. num. 7. 8.9.  whereby they would have the true Church to be tried: the one is the true use of Sacraments: the other the true interpretation and preaching of God his word: which two things, albeit they be pri●iledges of the true Church, and only found in the same: yet, can they be no external marks to show unto us the said Church, 
Heretical marks re●uted.  for that they want all those three properties of true marks before recited. For first, they are as unknown to us as the thing we seek for: it being as hard and obscure, and as much in controversy, who do preach the word sincerely, and administer the Sacraments aright, as it is, whi●h is the true Church. Secondly, these two things are not so proper to the true Church, but that every heretical congregation may and doth in the sight of the world, challenge the same unto itself, & consequently it can not be a good mark to distinguish their congregations from the true Church. Thirdly the holy Fathers did never use thes two marks against the heretics of their time, but rather did reject than when they were brought for marks by heretics, as they are now: 
Li. 3. ca 19 de bap. con. Don. & ep. 48. ad Rog. li. 1. ca 29. cont. Cresc.  as it may appear by S. Austen in divers places against the Donatists, Rogatistes, and other heretics, which did labour as he sayeth: That their error may be named truth, & their wickedness justice, for the sacraments & scriptures which they hold for a show & not to salvation.  
The Catholics on the other side, do alleag more certain, easy and manifest marks, for trial of the Church, which marks have all the properties before recited: & albeit they use to bring 15. or 16● several notes or signs, all founded in the scriptures, by view whereof it is most esie to discern the true Church from all other: yet for brevities sake I will name only four, three whereof are impugned by john nicols in his book.  
The first mark is, that the true Church is Catholic, as our creed teacheth us: 
1 
Catholic.  
Au● ep. 170. add Sever. Lirin li. adver. here.   which word S. Austen expoundeth thus. The Catholic Church is that, which is spread over the whole world: & an other father not long a●ter him, exponndeth that to be the Catholic or universal Church which holdeth that faith, 
●ero. dial. con. Lucif. Pacian. ep. ● ad Simp. Aug. li de vera religi. cap. 7 tract. 118. in joh. in psal. 49. & 147. li. 2. cont. Pet. cap. 55. ser. 131. de tempore.  that hath been h●lde generally by Christians, every where, and in all times, since the beginnings And generally all the holy Fathers do use and urge this mark, against all heretics, proving that church only to be the true church, which being planted by the Apostles and their successors, was spread over all parts of the world, or the chief parts thereof: whereby it took the name of Catholic, and that all other congregations, which afterward began in corners, or by some one or few men contrary to the more part of Christianity, can not be the true Church, but heretical Synagogues. 
Li. de utili. cre. cap. 7.  Whereas there be many heresies amongst Christians (saith S. Austen) and all will seem to be catholics, calling other men heretics besides themselves: the Catholic Church is but one, more plentiful in multitude if we consider the whole world, as all men will grant. And again. 
Ep. 165. ad gen.  If an Angel from heaven should say, leave the Christianity of the whole world, and hold the parts of Donatus: he ought to be accursed, for that he goeth about to cut thee from the whole, and to thrust thee into a part. And again. 
Li. 4. de simb. ca 10.  Whatsoever Congregation of heresy, sitteth in a Corner, she is a harlot and no mother. Now whether this mark agree to our church or theirs, let our adversaries judge.  
The second mark of the true church is, Antiquity. 
2 Antiquity.  For as God was before the devil, and as the good seed was sown in the gospel before the cockle: 
Math. 13.  so was Christ his true church, before all heresy, and all heresies have sprung up since our Catholic faith was planted, which thing may be showed in this manner. 
See of this. Aug. li. con. Ep. funda. cap. 4. jeron. ep ad Pam. & Ocean. & dial. con. Lucif. Hillar. li. 6. de trin. ante medium.  For that in every notable change or alteration of religion, these six things may be showed. First, the authore of that new religion: secondly, the new doctrine which he taught: thirdly, the time when he began: fowerthly, the place or country where he began: fifthly, that some men resisted and impugned this new doctrine at the beginning: sixthly that some other few men first began to embrace the same. And all these six things, we can show in every heresy since Christ's time, as also of the doctrine of our adversaries. But they can never show the same of the beginning of our doctrine. And therefore, it appeareth that their doctrine is new and heretical, and ours ancient and Catholic. This argument of antiquity, all the Fathers have used against heretics of their time. 
Lib. de prescrip. con. here.  What are you, (saith Tertulian to certain heretics) whence & when came you? where have you been hidden so long? 
Lib. 2.  And Optatus against Parmenian. Show the beginning of your chair which will challenge the holy Church unto you.  
The third mark used by the old Fathers to know the true Church, 
3 Succession.  is succession of bishops, from the Apostles time, especially in the sea of Rome. 
Lib. 3. con. her. cap. 3.  For so saith Ireneus above 1300 years past, reconinge up all the bishops of Rome from S. peter unto his time. And adding that by that succession of bishops, all heretics were confounded. The same saith Tertulian, 
Lib. de prescrip.  Let heretics lay forth the beginning of their churches, let them turn over the order of their bishops coming down by succession's & cet. 
Epi. her. 27.  Epiphanius also useth this argument of reckoning up the bishops of Rome for proof of the Catholic faith and confutation of heresy. The like doth Optatus and S. Augustine against the Donatists. 
Oopt. li. 2. cont. Pa●m. Au. ●p. 165. & 42.  Willing them to do the like, if they mean to acquit themselves from heresy. And the reason of this, is, for the Christ, leaving his Church to be governed by his Apostles, which were bishops, and they by their successors: whosoever came in afterward not by this lawful and ordinary door, of ordination & succession, 
john. 10  except he bring extraordinary proof of his extraordinary vocation, must needs be a thief & a wolf as Christ noteth, and as all heretics have been, seeking to intrud themselves, by extraordinary ways, and means, starting up in particular countries, and making themselves governors, without any lawful calling.  
The fourth mark of the true church is unity & consent of doctrine. 
4 Unity and consent.  For as the devil is authore of dissension, so is God authore of unity and concord: 
1 Cor. 14. Math. 12. Vide. Aug. Li. 18. de tri. Li. 52. & 41.  & the true Church being the body of Christ, & ruled by his holy spirit, which is always one and the same, must needs keep one faith and one doctrine. And heretics, being governed by the contrary spirit, must needs change their opinions, as the malice of that spirit changeth. For which cause the holy Fathers have always used this as an invincible argument against heretics. For that the Church, hath endured so many ages in great variety of times, and infinite men have written in divers countries, in divers tongues, and upon divers occasions. And yet in all thes writings they have agreed in all points of faith so many hundred years together, which is a sign of one holy spirit governing their doings from time to time. Contrariwise, heretics, albeit they began but in some one country, yet could they never agree any space of time in one opinion, but would range from one thing to another, until by dissension, they were all extinguished again. So Ireneus writeth of the first heretic Simon Magus, 
Iren. li. 1. ca 21. cont. her.  whose heresy was soon divided into the sects of Menandrins, Bisilidians, and Saturnians. 
Li. de bap. cap. 6.  So S. Austen writeth of the Donatists, whose first heresy was quickly divided into many secttes. 
Epi. li. 1. con. her. to. 3.  So Epiphanius testifieth of the Marcionistes: of whom in small time sprung the Lucianistes, the Appellians, and severians. The very same doth IIreneus write of the Ualentinians. 
Iren. li. 1. ca 5. Aug. de her. ca 6.  And S. Austen of the Manachies': and Epiphanius of the montanists, 
Epi. li. 2. to. 1 & her. 80.  and of the Massilians. And Rufinus of the Arrians, who almost every year changed their religion, as S. Hilary also witnesseth. 
Hil. li. 1. ad Const. Eua. li. 3 & .4.  Finally of the Eutychians and other heresies of the east, Euagrius and Damascen bear witness. 
Dam. li. de. 100 heret.  And of our age it is evident also, how many sects have begun since Luther. Fredericus Staphilus counsellor to the Emporoure, 
Staph. li. de concor. Lu.  showeth how Luther's scholars were quickly divided into three sects, that is, into anabaptists, Confessionistes, and Sacramentaries, and they again subdivided into other sects, insomuch that in his time they were 34. but now are many more. So that by this mark it is easy to judge which is the true Church and which is the false  
Now then let us examine, what John Nicols objecteth against these marks of the Church, which, although if be so impertynente and ridyculous as it is not worth a confutation: yet for the reader's instruction in their manner of dealing, I will say a word or two about it.  
Against the first mark, 
Nicols objections against the ●irst mark which is, Catholic fol. 25.  he obiectethe out of Exodus 23. Ne insist ito vestigys' potentiorum ad mala. Fellow not the steps of stronger than thyself to do evil. which he translateth thus: Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil. Which is not according to the words put down. And albeit, it be according to the words in the very text, yet is his fault double. First, to put down one thing in latin & and an other in English, 
This trick he useth in many other places.  and secondly, to devise latin words himself, which are not in the text. But to graun● this and all the rest which he bringeth against wicked multitudes, as of Turks, jews, Infidels & heretics, 
Math. 7. & 24 Luc. 12.  which often times are more than the good: also that Christ his flock was small in the beginning, & often oppressed after by persecuton: 
jereni. 18. Esa. 53.  & cet. What is this to the purpose? we talk not of all multitudes but o● Christians: nor of Christianity in the beginning, but after it was spread over the world: nor of vices in manners, but of error in faith. In res●●●t therefore of Infidels & other wicked of the world. Christians are but few: & very mu●h fewer at the beginning in respect of the number which they are now: & for manners, both now & then, the more part parhapes licentious: but this is nothing to our question. For notwithstanding all this, we say, 
Catholic and private.  that after Christian faith was once spread over the world, by the Apostles & their successors, and was received in unity by the followers thereof, and thereby named Catholic: whatsoever private Congregation began afterward among the said Christians, or shall do to the worlds end, teaching different doctrine from this first received general doctrine, 
A sure mark to know an heretical Congregation.  and disagreeing to the universal multitude of Christianity, (as Arrius Pelagius and Berengarius did in their times, and Luther in his:) this private Congregaton (I say,) is convicted to be heretical, by this first mark, of Catholic. 
The Church tried by Scripture.  Nether is that refuge of heretics any thing worth, when they say, the Church must be tried by the Scripture: for we grant that further forth than they do, and therefore we bring all our marks out of the Scriptures, as by examyninge of them may appear.  
Against the second mark which is Antiquity, 
Nicols objections against Antiquity Fol. 22.  Nicols objecteth out of job 32. Old men do not always understand judgement: which is not worth the answering: for albeit private old men may lack wit, yet Christ's old spouse, which is the Church, can not.  
Secondly he allegeth out of Philip of Mornay, 
Phillippe of Mornay translated by field  that the Church is compared to a ship on the sea, to a city, and to a man's body: all which decay by old age and need reparation, and therefore the Church in like manner. To which I answer, that, by as good consequent I might argue, 
Io. 15. Apoc. 5.  Christ is compared to a vine and therefore needed to be lopt: also to a Lion, and therefore needed to be fed with raw flesh, which is absurd. For similitudes must not be like in all things: especially, in the matter whereof we talk, where comparison is made in perfections, and not in defects. For the Church is compared to a ship on the sea, 
Math. 8.15.  in that as a ship is tossed by many waves and yet not drowned: so the Church by many persecutions, & is not overwhelmed. Also to a city and human body, for that, as they have their members one above another, and one ruling the other by good laws: 
1. Cor. 12 Ephes. 4.  so she hath her division of functions as S. Paul expoundeth.  
Thirdly he objecteth, that Cain was elder than Abel, Ishmael then Isaac, the jews law, than Christ's law, and yet antiquity made them not the better. I answer: that we hold not, all old things to be the better: for so old boots were better then new: but in all alterations of religion amongst Christians, the elder religion is absolutely the better, for that as I noted before, 
Math. 13●  the good corn was first sown by Christ, and after the cockle cast in by the devil.  
Fourthly, he objecteth the east Churches of Greeks, Armenians, and Ethiopians, which are fallen into errors, and yet are as ancient as the Church of Rome. To which I answer, that letting pass the comparison of their antiquity, I say their errors are not so ancient, but that we know when they began and upon what occasion, and were controwled even at the beginning which is sufficient for our purpose. For our adversaries can never show the like of the Roman religion.  
Lastly he bringeth in certain Fathers, as Ignatius, Tertullian and Cyprian, inveihing against noughty wicked customs. But what maketh this against vs● We defend not noughty customs: nor is our question of such matters: but note john Nicols discretion in this place, in citing S. Cyprian, in his second book and third epistle, where he inveigheth against certain lewd priests, which upon an evil custom, 
Wine and water in the sacrifice.  did use to consecrate & sacrifice wine only in the chalice, and not wine and water together, as Christ taught them, and the Church used, as he sayeth: and is this against us, or against our adversaries'  
Against the third mark which is succession, 
Nicols objections against succession. Fol. 27.  Nicols bringeth more store of objections, all or the most part out of Phillippe of Mornay his book, which book (as I hear) beareth some sway amongst simple men in England, but how undeservedly may appear partly by his arguments here answered and before: which in deed are the substance of that vain treatise. First therefore Nicols objecteth, that, upon the chair ●f Moses, sit the Scribes and Pharisees: ●hich is as direct a place against his own purpose, as may be devised. For ●hrist by those words, commandeth expressly Christians, to ob●y those which ●it by succession in Moses' chair, albeit they be Scribes and Pharisees, that is, most wicked men in life. By which also, is answered his cavil of Annas and Ca●phas, who though they were evil men, ●et were they by succession in true authority, and consequently to be obey●●, until the old Testament (by ●hich they held their dignity) was abrogated, by entrance of the new. 
Cip. li. 2. ep. 3. & li. 4. ep. 9  whereof S. Cyprian writeth excellently in too epistles of his.  
Secondly Nicols objecteth S. Paul's ●ords to the pastors of Ephesus, thus. ● know, 
Act. 20.  that after my departure hence, ●aueninge wolves shall enter (and succeed me) and out of yourselves shall (by succession springe up) men speaking ●erue●slye: By alleging of which place only, if there were no other, we may conceive the proceedings of our adversaries. For, to make this place for him, which is alltogeather against him, he hath added of his own so much 〈◊〉 soundeth with him, which is, 
Mark thi● mangling of Scripture.  (Succeed●● by succession, spring up &c.) and ha●● left out so much as made against him as, (not sparing the flock: to draw awa● disciples after them &c.) For the word● uttered by S. Paul are these. 
Vareis.  I know this, that after my departure, there shall enter in upon you, ravenous (or greeuous● wolves, not sparing the flock, and ou● of yourselves their shall arise men spe●●king perverse things, to draw away di●●ciples after them. This sentence condem●neth john Nicols not only of forgery in translation, but also of folly in all●●gation, for it maketh directly against h●● party, being meant literally by S. Pa●● of heretics, who should enter by in●trusion upon the flock, as Luther an● Calvin did, and not by ordinary vocati●on and succession: and for this cause, eue●ry word, hath his proper emphasis. For he sayeth: 
Eiseleusontai ●is hymas  They shall enter in upon you, which importeth intrusion and not succession or orderly vocation. He sayeth: not sparing the flock, and not, their flock: to signify, that they were not their ordinary pastors by succession nor the people their flock. He sayeth● not: there shall spring up, which is proper to succession: but, there shall arise up, or lift up themselves to dignity, without vocation, 
Anastesontai.  certain men speaking perverse things, to draw away disciples after them: which also is added to signify, that these men, had not disciples of their own, because they were no pastors. And this you see, that albeit we grant, that a man which came lawfully to a place by succession, may afterward fall away and become an heretic: yet heresy cometh not by succession, as S. Paul signifieth in this place, and therefore strange is their folly and impudency, which blush not to bring this place for proof of the contrary.  
Thirdly, nicols rangeth further from the purpose, alleging S. Jerome his saying: That they are not always saints children, which possess the place of saints. As though we did hold that they were: and that the Turk were a Saint, for possessing the Saints places in Jerusalem. This is a strange kind of argument against succession. But he addeth against the Pope without citing any place, that: The Pope is heir● of S. Peter's goodness. And that: He receiveth holiness from his chair etc. To which I answer, that the Canons do command e●ery man, to have a reverent judgement and opinion of their pastors, and to think (except they see apparently the contrary) th●t God will give them (for their office and dignities sake) sufficient grace and holiness to discharge their duties in that room. And this is only against rash condemning of our pastors, & not to iusti●ie them, as the words there added, 
A maliciously.  & maliciously left out by all heretics, that cite the place, do plainly declare, which are these. 
Dist. 4. can. 10. in gloss.  It is not said here, that they (the pastors) are holy, but that they are presumed as holy, until the contrary be manifest.  
Fourthly, Nicols objecteth the example of the jews, who refused Christ & his doctrine, and denied his priesthood, for that he came not to th●m by succession, adding, that if we had been then alive, we would have rejected him also for the like caus●, as we do now Calvin & Luther and other Ghospellers, with much other like tedious trash. To all which I answer, that this argument maketh greatly against his own side, as the most of that did, which he objected against us before. For the jews sin was not, in refusing Christ for lack of succession: for they might well have denied his ordinary vocation for the want, seeing they had an express law from God, 
Nu. 1.4.8.  that none should be priest, but of the Tribe of Levy, whereof Christ was not, but of juda. But the jews sin was, in rejecting Christ's extraordinary vocation, which was prophesied to them by Moses before, that it should be as his was, 
Deut. 18.  and which Christ did now prove by many evident supernatural miracles, and yet they would not receive him. This Christ himself testifieth, saying: 
joh. 15.  If I had not done the works among them, which no other man hath done: they had no sin. And again: 
joh. 14.  Believe me for my works sake. And again: If I do not the works of my father, (that is supernatural works) believe me not: but if I do them, then if you will not believe me, believe my works. 
joh. 10.  Again: 
Luc. 7.  when john Baptist did send to Christ, to know whether he was the true Messiah or no: he wrought miracles only in their sight, and bid them tell john Baptist, what they had seen and hard, signifying that, that was a sufficient testimony, 
Extraordinari vocation not to be admitted without miracles.  and without that he were not to be believed. The like he hath showed in all those that ever he sent beside himself, to reform or instruct the people, by extraordinary vocation without succession: as in Moses, Aron, and all the Prophets, the apostles also, and divers other after them, as Anthony, hilarion, Benedict, Dominicke, Francis, and others, which being no pastors by succession, were sent extraordinarily for the help of the Church, but their vocation was declared, by evident miracles. And so also must ●ur new pastors and prelate's show their extraordinary vocation by evident miracles, seeing they can not plead ordinare succession, or Canonical ordination, except they will challenge more unto themselves, than the very son of God, who required not to be admitted, (as I have showed) but only upon that testimony, concurring together with the Scriptures which spoke of him.  
Nether is that dry shift of Philipe of Mornay, or rather childish evasion, to be admitted, where he saith, that it is a sufficient miracle for the protestants, that one poor friar Luther hath made so great an alteration in the world, 
A strange miracle whereby the protestāns prove their vocation.  in so few years: and so many thousand men have forsaken their old religion upon the only blast of his mouth. This I say is very ridiculous, and worthy of such a divine as he was. For by this argument, Arrius, Donatus, Manicheus, Pelagius, & above all other, Mahomet, wrought very great miracles, and proved their vocations substantially, because they drew from the truth, so many thousand men to follow their errors. Nay, rather it is an evident argument that Luther was a wicked deceiver, preaching plausible doctrine to itching ears. 
2. Tim. 4.  For you shall never find since their was any orderly form of a Church, and ecclesiastical government in the same, that either such as were sent extraordinarily to reform it, had so great rushing of people unto them, (for that their doctrine was unpleasant in reprehending men's vices) or that they withdrew those few which followed them, from the obedience of their former pastors, 
Note this observation.  ruling them by right of succession, as Luther did, though those former pastors were never so wicked in life. Nay, more, Christ himself which came to plant a new law, and new pastors also, and to remove from there places the scribes and Pharisees, yet for the little time they had to endure, (which was until after the new testament was sealed with his blood, 
Math. 8. Marc. 1. Luc. 5. ) he taught obedience to the said Pharasies, as may appear by sending the lepers unto them, and by charging all men to do as they commanded. 
Math. 23.  And this is greatly to be noted as a very plain detection of our adversaries.  
Fifthely, Nicols obiectethe, that the jews bragged of succession from their father Abraham, and yet Christ saith they were of the devil: so divers that came to their bishoprics by succession, 
Ihon. 8.  were her●tiques after, as Nestorius and Samosate●us. But all this (as the other) is quite from the matter. For we grant (as I said before) that those which succeed in good men's places, may alter and become wicked, and play also the heretics or apostatas. But that religion which hath come down by succession from the beginning, as ours hath done, can not be false: nor that religion which raiseth itself, against the same without succession, and the other marks before recited, (as all heresies have done) cannot be true.  
Lastly, he objecteth that we, by this succession of the sea of Rome, do tie our religion to one place and province. Which is not so, but it is his, & his fellows gross error in mistaking us. For albeit we hold the Bishop of Rome, as successor of S. peter, to be the only supreme pastor of all christianity: yet is it not necessary, that he should be in Rome, or any way tied unto that city, but i● that whole city were destroyed, desolate, and waste, and all Europe beside in the possession of our enemies (as it was in old times of persecuting Emperors:) yet might there a man be chosen to that dignity and bishopric in Egypt, Asia, or India, and should be as much Bishop of Rome, and have as great authority, as he that sitteth there now, and his faith, be called the Roman faith, were h●e never so poor or mean a priest of any other country. 
In his bad answer t● Owlet.  Wherefore we do not make our Catholic religion local or of one province, as besides John Nicols, the pert master of pembroke Haull very undocterly affirmeth.  
I might here add a pleasant objection of John Nicols, which he urgeth in great earnest against succession, & that is, that the Turk at this day possesseth four Patriarkcal sees by succession, and that Antichrist in the end of the world, shall con● to his tyrannical authority, by succession. & cet. Which is as true, as that his religion cometh from Christ and his Apostles by succession. What right the Turk hath to the four patriarchal sees, & Antichrist to the rule of the world by succession, the same hath his religion and her prelate's, to the government of Christian people.  
And thus I have answered all that they object against the first three marks of the true church. For against that fourth which is unity, they say nothing, nor can they bring any excuse of their own discord, but only that we have sects among us also, as Benedictins: 
Variety of religious orders no sects in the Cotholique Church.  Dominicans, Franciscans, & other orders of religion. Which is as absurd an illation, as: you have in your body fingers, toes, ears & like parts, & therefore you have distinct bodies, and are a monster. For as fingers, toes, and ears, are not bodies, or divisions of one body, but parts and ornaments of the same, because they receive all life, nourishment, & spirit from one soul: so divers orders of religious men and women not differing in faith, but in manner of life in the Catholic Church, are parts and ornaments of the same church, according to the propheci of her before made: The Queen stood at thy right hand in golden apparel, 
Psal. 45.  environed with varieties. These varieties, are the varieties of states, degrees, professions, & orders in the Catholic Church, which all, agreeing in one fountain of faith, and taking nourishment, life, and spirit, from that unity of faith, as divers members from one soul: do not impair, but beautify the unity of that body, which is the Catholic church, and therefore are not to be called sects, as the Lutherans, calvinists, and Puritans are, which differ in matter of belief and doctrine. For all that hath been said therefore, or ever can be hereafter, I do not see, why our ●aith and Church is not proved true and ●ur adversaries false, by thes four marks of Catholic, antiquity, succession, and unity. And if we once gain this, we need no longer to dispute of controversies.  
Having ended this first and chiefest matter of the true and false Church, I must confess unto the reader, that I am unwilling to wade any further with john nicols in contention about particular controversies. 
Cau●es whye● nicols is no further answered in particular controversies.  Frste, for that all the rest which he hath, is old broken ware, patchte up with pieces of sundry books, either answered or rejected long ago, which notwithstanding is made worse, by his unorderly inserting of it here, without just occasion: and especially, by his adjoinders unto it of unseemluly railing. As, after he hath uttered the objections before mentioned, against the true marks of the Church, he followeth with full mouth, for divers leaves together, against Rome: alleging Mantuan the Po●t, and Budeus, with barnard of Cluniac, without citing any place, to prove, that Rome had vices in it: wherefore he con●●udethe, and exhorte●he his brethren, the priests, and other prisoners in the tower, to leave Rome, and cleave to England, seeing the Church of England, had not so many heretics and church-robbers in it, as the Roman Church hath.  
Secondly, he rovethe so wide from the point of each matter that he handleth, as he seemeth to be ignorant, both what we and his own fellows hold. For about miracles and revelations he laboureth much, to prove that false miracles and revelations are not to be credited, which we grant unto him without proof. And touching Purgatory, and prayer for the dead, and invocation of saints, he affirmeth them to be late inventions of Popes and papists, whereas his own companions, 

In his book against Purgatory  
Pag. 306. 115.316.320 and against articles pag. 39   namely Fulke in his late answers to Doctor Allen and Doctor Bristoe, confesseth, that all those three errors wear received i● the Church above 1200. years paste, that is, in the times of Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, and upwardly, and that those Fathers with other, believed them also. In oppugninge Images, he bringeth a great heap of quotations against idols, & thinketh that sufficient. Against the Pope he disputeth not, but raileth, & conncludeth in the end with an impudent lie out of Philip of Mornay, saying: That the Pope hath caused men to dispute, that he is not simply a man, but a partaker of the divine nature with Christ. 
A malicious lie against the Pope.  See the shameless forehead I pray you, of men blinded with malice. The very words of the decretal alleged, are these: talking of separating of a Bishop from a certain Bishopric which he held unlawfully. Not man, but God doth separate, whom the Bishop of Rome (vicegerent in earth, 
Prope Innocentius de transl. cap. quanto.  not simply of a man, but of him which is also true God) doth separate, rather by Gods authority than man's, upon consideration either of the necessity or utility of Churches.  
Thirdly, he hath a property either of ignorance or malice, to tire his answerer by citing of things which are not to be found, albeit they be such for the most part, as we would grant without citing. As for example he allegeth S. Austen li. 2. ca 20. de consens. evang. against seeking of Christ in painted walls: but no such thing is found there, nor yet occasion of any like matter. He allegeth S. Chrisostome hom. 30. in Math. repeating the pharisees words to Christ: which, albeit it toucheth not the matter: yet no such thing is to be seen there. He citeth William Nubridge li. 2. ca 15. & 25. for S. Thomas of Canterbury his words to the Bishop of Menze against Rome: 
A new kind● of alleaging● doctors.  but no such matter appeareth in that place, nor any mention of the Bishop of menze. He citeth Allen Cope dial. 1. pag. 18. for false miracles before Images in our Churches: but read the place, and you shall see there no like argument handled. He allegeth S. Basil mistrusting his own works in psa. 32. which although it be not against us: yet must I note, that no such thing is there to be seen. I could give divers other examples, but this is sufficient: to which do you add, that he nameth almost twenty authores without citing any place: and many things without naming any author. As for example, where he urgeth his fellow prisoners, the priests that came from Rome, with this great authority in latin, and after englished. One sayeth: that whiles the romish priests, endeavour as much as they can to preach things, in show, agreeable to health of souls, then, teach they no few things, tending to perpetual destruction of souls.  
This one, that sayeth this, is either john Nicols only, or else some other of less credit than himself, if it be possible to find a creature of less credit. And was not this a forcible text trow you, to be recited in latin, out of the pulpit, and to be translated in english, and to be urged in that audience, for the stirring of hatred against those learned and virtuous priests?  
four, it is a world to see, what his demeanour is in the places rightly alleged: 
Nicols conclusio●s.  for first, of nothing he will infer any thing: and commonly, his consequent hath no coherence or affinity with his antecedent. I have given some examples before: as, because Jobe sayeth, that old men understand not always judgement, therefore antiquity is no good mark of the true Church. Because Christ said to his disciples little flock, therefore the lesser congregations amongst Christians have always the better faith in religion. I could show you hundreds of these illations through out his book. Secondly, if his wit serve him not to draw some false consequent from the place, than audacity supplieth to corrupt it by translation: whereof, besides that which hath been noted before, I will bréeflye show one example here, in steed of many which I omit. He citeth a place out of S. Austen, against prayer to Saints: where he sayeth his words are these, talking of Saints departed: 
Aug. lib. de spiritu & anima ca 29.  Such is their care for the living, that they know not what we do: even as our care is for the dead, that we know not what they do. By which words, Nicols would have men think that S. Austen disallowed prayer to saints which is contrary to Fulks opinion, 
In his book against Purgatory pag. 315. 316.317.  who confesseth Austen to have defended this superstition, as he termeth it, & raileth on him for it: but we shall easily reconcile the matter: for S. Austen is not contrary to himself, though he be contrary to Fulke and nicols.  
The occasion of S. Austin's words was this, he had said immediately before, that Saints in heaven did not understand or see our state here of their own power, or absolutely of themselves, but by other means which he putteth down a●t●r: yet, lest upon this his saying some man might take occasion to doubt whether they had any care of us, or were to be prayed unto or no: he preventeth the matter thus. 
Compare this with Nicols translation.  Ita tamen ect eis cura de vivis, quanquam quid agant omnino nesciant, quemadmodum cura est nobis de mortuis, quamuis quid agant utique nesciamus. nesciunt quidem mortui quid hic agatur: sed dum hic agitur, postea audire possunt ab eyes, qui hinc moriendo ad eos pergunt etc. ab angelis qui hic nobis presto sunt &c. spiritu etiam dei revelante etc. Which is truly translated thus. Albeit (the saints departed) know not at all what the living do: yet have they care of them in such sort, as we have care of the dead, albeit we know not what they do. The dead know not in deed what is done here: but yet, when it is done here they may hear it after, 
How Saints know our necessity's  from those which depart hence to them by death, or from Angels who are preseent here among us, or by the spirit of God reveling it unto them. Now by this little, considder our adversaries dealings I pray you, 
Against Purgatory. pag. 306.315.316 349.78. 279.435. 247.194.  who, albeit at other times, being priest, do confess all the old Fathers to be of our side, and to have erred with us, as Fulke doth of S. Ambrose, Austen, Tertulian, Origen, Chrysostom, Gregory, & Bead, by name, with most reproachful and contemptuous words against them for the same: yet, when any thing passeth from them, to the simple people, they are so greedy to colour it, with sun credit of the old Father's assent, 
New Doctor● desirous of antiquity in shewe●  as they will rather venture to corrupt some place or other, then to lack some little show of antiquity. So they are not ashamed, holding the heresy of Uigilantius, about invocation of saints: to cite S. Jerome in defence of it, who wrote against Uigilantius for holding the same. So, holding the heresies of Aerius, about prayer for the dead, and of jovinian about fasting, virginity, and marriage of Uotaries: they blush not to cite, Epiphanius, Austen, and jerom, who are open enemies to them for the said heresies.  
But yet john Nicols hath one gift-more, which is also an usual talon amongst his companions: & that is, to enter freely upon a place, manifestly & directly against himself. And perforce to rent therhence some little doubtful speech or other, sounding towards his purpose, & to set it forth for the authores own meaning, without all scruple of conscience in the world: as though our writing in controversies were juggling, only to deceive the reader and not to instruct him for his salvation. Good Lord into what desperate times are we come? this cannot be but obstinate wilfulness, and full, determinat, resolute malice: but let us see an example of this. I may not stand to recite much, for that I hasten, and somewhat may be gathered by that which hath been said before: but yet one place I can not let pass, whereby you may easily judge of the rest.  
John Nicols was fight against the blessed sacrament of the altar, and lacking furniture, was so bold as to lay hands on holy S. Ambrose, and by violence to borrow some argument from him: and finding him in deed very poor for that purpose, was feign to be content with two doubtful lines, which might be wrested to his opinion, amongst more than two hundred, plain, and evidently against him. The words alleged by Nicols are thes, 
A notable ex●mple of abusing the Fathers.  As thou hast received the similitude of his death, so dost thou drink the similitude of his precious blood. By which words simple people must believe, that S. Ambrose healed not the real presence Christ his very body and blood in the sacrament, but only the similitude forsooth. Which, how true it is, and what consciences these men have which allege thes things for deceiving the people, shall appear by the rest of S. Ambrose his words in the same place, which are these. First making the question.  
Thou perhaps wilt say, (of the sacrament) it is my usual bread. 
Amb. li. 4. de sacr. ca 4.  To which he answereth. This bread is bread, before the Sacramental words: but after the consecration is added unto it, of bread, is made the flesh of Christ. This therefore let us prove: how can bread become the body of Christ? by Consecration. The consecration, by wbat words, and by whose words, is it made? By the words of our Lord jesus: the speech of Christ maketh this sacrament. But what speech of Christ? that forsooth, whereby, all things were made. God gave his commandment, & the firmament was made: God gave his commandment, & the earth was made: 
How bread b● cometh the flesh of Christ  God gave his commandment, and the seas were made: God gave his commandment, & all creatures were made. Seest thou then, how powerful the speech of Christ is? why then, if the speech of Christ had so much force as to make things be, that were not before: how how much more powerful shall it be, to make those things be, that were before, and to be changed into other? The firmament was not: The sea was not: the earth was not: but hear him speak: 
Psal. 148.  He spoke the word and they were made: He commanded, and they were created. Therefore now to answer thee: (I say) It was not the body of Christ before consecration: but after consecration, I tell thee, that now it is the body of Christ. He hath spoken the word, and it is made (his body:) he hath commanded, and it is created. Thus far are S. Ambrose his own words.  
After this, he useth many examples to prove the same, especially four. The first, that Christ against all reason and nature, was borne of a woman without hurt of her virginity. The second that Christ against natural reason, made the red sea divide itself, at the touch only of Moses rod. The third, that Christ with putting a piece of wood into a bitter well, changed the nature of it. The fourth, 
4. Reg. 6.  that Christ caused Elizeus to make iron to swim upon the water against his own nature. Of all which examples, he inferreth that we ought not to doubt of this miracle in the Sacrament. For thus he sayeth: Of all these things thou seest, what the heavenly speech (of Christ) is able ●o work: so that, thou hast learned now, that of bred is made the body of Christ: 
water & wine in the chalice.  & that wine and water is put into the chalice, but by the consecration of God his word, it is made blood. And after this, follow imm●diatelye the words alleged by Nicols, and they follow by way of objection, as from one which sayeth, that he seeth not the form of blood, but of wine. For these are the words: But perhaps thou wilt say, I see not the form of blood: to which he answereth. 
The form of wine hath the similitude of blood in the Sacrament.  But yet it hath the similitude: for as thou hast received the similitude of death, so also dost thou drink the similitude of precious blood, to the end that their should be no horror of raw blood, and yet it may work the price of redemption. Thou hast learned therefore, that, that which thou receaveste is the body of Christ. Thus far S. Ambrose.  
In which words he yieldeth a reason, why (though in the Sacrament be true blood) there doth remain the form of wine: and the reason is, (as he saith) for the avoiding of horror, which men would have conceived if they should drink his blood in natural form. Wherefore, seeing the form of wine, hath the similitude of blood, it was appointed that, that shape or form should remain stil. And so, albeit in the sacrament we drink very blood, yet in external form we drink but the similitude of blood: for avoiding of horror, even as in baptism we receive but a fimilitud of death, 
Rom. 6. Colos. 2.  by putting water upon us, albeit our soul doth die in very deed, from the state and common wealth of the devil, sin, and bondage wherein it lived before as a subject. This reason of the forms of wine and bread, remaining after consecration in the very body and blood of Christ, S. Ambrose in divers other places expoundeth diligently, as namely, after in the same work. 
Lib. de sacr. cap. 1.  Even as (saith he) our Lord God jesus Christ is the true son of God, not by grace only, as men are, but as his son of the substance of his father: 
Mark this r●●son & comparison o● S. Ambrose.  so is it true flesh which we receive, according to his saying. And his true blood is our drink. But perhaps thou wilt say, as some times his disciples said, when they heard him say, Except ye eat my flesh. etc. 
joh. 6.  How are thes things true? I see the similitude, but not the verity of blood. First I have told thee, how Christ his speech, is able to change and convert the kinds of nature. Secondly when Christ his disciples could not bear his speech but departed, hearing that he would give his flesh to eat, and his blood to drink, etc. Lest more should say the same, because of the horror of raw blood, etc. therefore thou dost, receive this sacrament in ●imilytude, & cet.  
Now I appeal to the consciences of all Christians which read controversies for desire of truth, and not of contention, whether it be likely, that Nicols could pick out those two lines amongst all the rest in S. Ambrose and not to see or read the other: especially, that long discourse which follow the imediatly● upon the same matter in the chapter following? where having handled the very words of institution of this sacrament, both out of the gospel & also of Paul, he addeth: 
Ambr. li. 4. de sacr. ca 5  Vide singula. etc. Consider all: before consecration it is bread, but after the words of Christ ended, it is Christ his body. So So, before the words of Christ, the chalice is full of wine and water, but when Christ his words have wrought their effect, there is made that blood which redeemed the people. Is it possible (I say) that Nicols and his fellows did not see th●se things in Ambrose? or if they did, what graceless impudency is this, to make a show as though S. Ambrose made for them whom they saw so evidently, so abundantly, & so earnestly against them? These things and the like, as I said before, have, discouraged me from following John Nicols any further in thes controversies. wherefore I will leave him here, only adding two or three words to a few places of Fathers, which may seem to the unlearned, to make some what against us. About the Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome he allegeth one Nilius, 
Of the Supremacy.  de primatu Ponti Roma. who should say, that the bishop of Rome hath no more authority over other patriarchs, than they over him. But I find not this authore, and I think he erreth, for Hanmer, out of whom he took the most part of this matter, alegeth him by the name of Nilus, and somewhat other wise in words than Nicols reporteth. But neither find I any such work under the name of Nilus. For of that name I know but two of any antiquity, & they both martyrs: the one mentioned in Eusebius li. 8. ca 22. 
* This Nilus works the 2. Nicen council affirmeth to be corrupted in that time by heretics . the other in Nicephorus li. 14. ca 14. neither which, have any such work reported. Wherefore when we shall have better intelligence of the authore, our answer shall be more particular.  
Secondly he allegeth confusely out of Cyprian two places together as one text which are in divers books and in divers matters. 
Lib. de sim. Prel.  But the last is only of any importance (for the first is against himself directly) which last, is ●aken out of the bishops sentences gathered in the provincial Council at Carthage, where S. Cyprian saith, 
Vide Cyprian. Li. 1. ●p 3. ad Cornel.  That no bishop in that Council made himself bishop of bishops, or did by tyrannical fear compel others to his opinion, but that it was lawful for every bishope there, to think and speak what he would. Which he saith, ●or that the Novations had given out the contrary of him, that is, that he compelled men to his opinion & played the tiran over other, which was false: but yet that he denied not by this the Bishop of Rome to be Primate, and to have authority over them all, it appeareth both by that he sent all their determinations in this Council, to be admitted, or rejected, by Stephanus, Bishop of Rome: as S. Jerome witnesseth. And Stephanus used his authority: 
jero dial. count Lncif.  For he condemned most worthily this Council as S. Austen affirmeth. The same also, appeareth by that, 
Aug. li. 3.6. 7. de Bapti.  that Felicissimus the Novatian with his companions went to Rome, to complain to Cornelius the Bishop, against Cyprian, to have him deposed. 
Cy. li. 1. ep 3 ad Cornel.  And that the Bishop of Rome, as general pastor of all, might upon causes depose any Bishop of an other country: it appeareth by Cyprian himself, who desireth Stephanus Bishop of Rome, to depose by his letters, one Martianus a Novatian, 
Cyp li. 3. ep. 13. ad Steph  Bishop of Orl●ans in France, and to substitute an o●her in his room. And for the liberty here mentioned by Cyprian, for Bishops to say and think what they list in matters of controversy: 
Aug. li. 3 de Bap. ca 3.  S. Austen expoundeth it, not to be understood generally in all matters, but in controversies not yet discussed.  
By this also is answered, that which followeth in Nicols, out of Cipran without citing the place. That Cyprian should complain of some lewd men's running to Rome against him: which is true. For he complaineth to Cornelius the Pope, of Felicissimus & Fortunatus novatians that without just cause, came to complain of him, to the said Cornelius, 
Cy. li. 1. ep. 3 ad Corneli.  & he commendeth Cornelius for not accepting their accusations, nor yet the letters which they brought against him. By which act, as also in all the epistle, he confirmeth most plainly the Primacy of Rome. Wherefore, all the which follweth in Nicols is most impudently inserted of himself, to wit: That Cyprian complained of profane men, & schismatics, which withdrew themselves to the Bishop of Rome, wickedly persuading themselves, that the Bishops of Africa had less power, than the Bishop of Rome. But S. Cyprian hath no such thing.  
The last that he citeth about this matter out of S. Chrisostome: 
Chri. ho. 83. in Math. ●a. 23.  Who soever shall covet primacy over bishops in earth, shall find confusion in heaven: & he that shall contend to be head of all, shall not be reckoned in the number of Christ his servants. Although it may be truely spoken of him, which shall covetously and ambitiously contend to be Primate, having no right to it: yet I find no such thing in the place alleged, nor in any other place that this quotation might lead me unto: for the 83. homely is not upon the 23. chapter of matthew, but upon the 26. where no such thing is● but all against them, of the Sacrifice of the eucharist. Secondly, upon the 23. chapter, there are the 73.74. and 75. homilies, wherein also no such thing is found. Finally, that Chrisostome acknowledged the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome, 
Chris. ep. 1. ad Innocen.  it may appear plainly by his epistle to Innocentius the Pope: by whom he desireth to be restored again to his Patriarchship, (being unjustly deposed) and that his deposers might be punished by him. And that the said Innocentius practised this authority, appeareth by that he excommunicated from Rome, 
Niceph. li. 13. ca 34.  both Arcadius the Emperor, and Eudoxia his wife, for their unjust dealing against Chrisostome, in Constantinople.  
touching Images, he erreth altogether, in heaping up matter against Idols, which we more detest than they: but yet h● bringeth a long place out of Arnobius against the Gentiles, where, among●st other things he saith to them: 
Arno. li. 8. cont. Gent.  We neither worship nor wish for crosses: you that consecrate wooden gods, do adore in deed wooden crosses as parts of your gods, In which words (to let pass nicols corrupt translation almost in every line,) Arnobius only telleth the Gentiles, that Christians neither worshipped, nor wished for crosses in that sense, as they objected, to wit, to make them Gods: for so the Gentiles (being reproved by Christians of their idolatry) replied, that the Christians were Staurolatrae, 
Mark this reason for images.  that is, idolaters to crosses, as much as the Gentiles wear to other things: which Arnobius denieth. And yet, hereby it appeareth that Christians used some honour and reverence to crosses in those days, or else the Gentiles would never have objected idolatry of crosses unto them, as both Arnobius in divers places, & Tertullian testify that they did. 
Tertu. in apolo. ca 26.   
After this, he objecteth two places of Epiphanius against Images: The first is without quotation: but yet it is found in the second Council of Nice, 
Sy. 7. Act. 6  objected by heretics then, as it is now, and there it is answered by another Epiphanius, in the name of the Council, and proved by many arguments to be none of Epiphanius his words, but foisted in by the wicked Iconomachians. The other place also, 
Epip. ep. ad joan. Hieros'.  which is against the hanging up of men's pictures in the Church, is added by heretics, to a certain epistle of Epiphanius, and is perhaps that second place, which the Council affirmed to be inserted, 
Act. 6.  (for it speaketh of two) but whether it be that or Noah, it is evident, that it is added by heretics as the other before was: both for that, the epistle of Epiphanius was perfectly ended before these words ensue: 
Hier. ep. ad Pammac. count. joan. Hiero.  And S. Jerome to Pammachius reciteth almost all this epistle of Epiphanius translated by him, and yet maketh no mention of these words. And it is reported in the seventh general Council, how that the scholars of Epiphanius after his death, builded a church in his honour, 
Synod 7.  and put his image in the same, which they would never have done, if he had taught them, that it were idolatry to have any man's image in a Church. And this shall suffice for this third part. For all the rest which Nicols bringeth, either is against himself, or impertinent to the purpose, or so plain, as each man may easily answer the same.   

Touching his oration and sermon presented in the Pope's consistory.  
Having ended my former answer to john Nicols recantation, there came unto my hands a new book of the same author (for now he hath gotten the name of an author, and promiseth fertility in printing books hereafter) The title whereof was: 
The title of Nicols second book.  The oration and sermon made at Rome, by commandment of the four Cardinals, and the Dominican Inquisitor, upon pain of death, by john Nicols lately the Pope's scholar. Which after I had read and a little considered, I could easily have broken into some extremity of laughter, had not compassion stayed the same, conceived partly, towards the man himself, whose end I did see must needs be subject to shame and confusion, by publishing such untruths as were not long justifiable, but especially towards those, whom so miserable a fellow (by reason of their partial affection) had deluded in so gross and palpable absurdities, as partly by that which already hath been spoken, and partly by these lines following, may appear.  
Before I enter to speak of his oration & sermon, I will briefly run over an epistle of his, to the Merchant ventures, containing a narration of his own adventures, with denial of certain informations given of him in writing by some man, belike, that knew his behaviour and detested his doings. Where, albeit he seemeth to disaduouche some little points reported of him by me before, yet the matter is not so rejected: for that there are witnesses of his own speech here in, from which only we received intelligence of thes things: & by denying that which followeth, of his voluntary repair to the Roman Inquisition, 
Nicols voluntary offering him sel●e to the Inquisition.  a thing so evidently known to the world: he showeth of what verity his other denials are. He was before his coming to Rome, reconciled to the Roman church as he saith: and he had dwelled with a bishop the Pope's Protonotorie, a good space: what then had the inquisitors to do with him now, who meddle with none after reconciliation, although they had been ministers and preachers of herestes before: as may appear by divers English ministers returned to the faith, of later years. How could also the Pope's Protonotorie, give Nicols entertainment, or keep him in his service so long space, if he had not seen him free from the Inquisition? but Nicols struggleth the more in this point, to cover thereby that manifest false lie, which he hath put in the very title of his book, About the pain of death assigned to him, if he first made not that sermon and oration. By which invention, he pretendeth two things: the one to excuse his own abusing the protestants in Rome, as done upon fear: the other to bring the Pope into opinion of cruelty, and thereby to diminish in her Majesty compassion towards afflicted Catholics in England. But all men, though of very mean understanding, know, that pains of death are none proposed to them which any way yield, to forsake ●her heresies, & much less to him, who confesseth himself reconciled before, & in favourable credit with the Pope's Protonotorie. Wherefore, take this among the rest, as a malicious and wicked machavelian lie.  

Nicols confession of his own folly.  To other matters in the same epistle he answereth diversly. For some he granteth, albeit with qualifications: as that he was ridiculous to the college in his exercises: but (he saith) it was the point of an orator to move laughture. Also that he preached on a stool to his fellows: but yet not often (as he saith) but only being merrily disposed● Other things he cloaketh with vaunting himself & slandering of others: as his not going forward in logic, he atribureth● not to his own inability, but to the malice of one Ferdinando his Perfect in studies, evil affectioned to welsh men, as he reporteth: but it hath no probability of truth, that either he, being an Italian & a good man, had such partial affection in our diversity of countries: or if he had, that he would use it in such a matter, as this is. But yet to make this more credible, or rather more ridiculous, he vaunteth himself over all the students in the College or Seminary, affirmming: 
Nicols vanity  That he was the best orator amongst that rout, and taught the most of them all to speak true latin. Adding also to divers of them certain foolish nicknames according to his small discretion, as though he had been preaching under a may pole, and not writing a book to present unto a Princess. But the latin epistle before the said book unto her Majesty, as also the other, written to his Patron before, well showeth us the skill of john Nicols in the latin, and disclosethe the man's intolerable vanity, in bragging of that, wherein he knoweth nothing.  
The rest which Nicols addeth in his defence, implieth so manifest falsehood and contradictions, 
Nicols con●tradictions.  as may teach us how little credit is to be given to that, which he hath spoken before. For where as I have sheewed in mine answer, 
See pag. 38. in his first book taken out of hanmers first book.  that he hath taken whole pages out of other men's books, yet saith he, Not so much as one sentence or clause had I by other men's industry. 
Fol. 115.  And whereas he writeth in his former ●ooke thus: 
Fol. 11.  You may easily gather that I was no true lover of the true gospel, when as I so sharply spoke and preached against the professors thereof: Being touched now for the same, he writeth in this book: 
Fol. 19  As for defaming the protestants, I never opened my mouth to use any such speech. Again in his first book, his words were these in the beginning of his narration. 
Fol. 10.  A discovery or laying open of my zeal in popery, and how I preached before that Antichrist in Rome: Now in the second book, being charged with the same, he denieth it thus. Whereas thou wryteste, that I wrote in my book, that I preached before the Pope: 
Fol. 20.  I wrote no such thing, the book is extant, who that will may read it. Again he writeth in his ●ormer book: 
Fol. 13.  I had before that time made an oration and sermon, presented before the Pope and four Cardinals in the Consistory: Now he writeth in this book: I made an oration and sermon presented before the Pope, and all his Cardinals in the Consistory: To these absurd contrarieties is Nicols driven so soon●, for defending his avouched lies, notwithstanding in his last book he sayeth thus: Four things have caused me, to be circumspect in writing this book: to wit: fear, care, necessity, and affection's Fear afflicted me, care compelled me, necessity bound me, affection wounded me. 
In the Epistle to the Reader.   
But now, to reason a word or two with Nicols, about this feigned sermon and oration: How durst you john, be so bold, as to abuse the whole state of England with so manifest and obsurd a lie? What probability is there in your report? You made this sermon & oration (as you say) in Rome: where? in whose company? what one English man knoweth of it? where had you books to seek so many authors as you cite? you confess you were not yet of the College: and we know that the hospital where you lay, had not books to lend you: where could you have so many books without the knowledge of any one English man? But suppose you made it miraculously: how came it into the Consistory, as never any such matter before it? how and wh● came it to be presented to the Pope, and Cardinals? to read it over, it was to long, being twelve sheeets of printed paper, and much more in written hand. And yourself confess, that you pronounced it not: how then? how could the Pope, and Cardnales, & all the Consistory thank you, if they knew not the contents of your sermon? Or if they had understood it, how could they have thanked you, for so many foul & slanderous reproaches, uttered against them, and God's cause, in this your new devised sermon? Doth the Pope give men leave to revile him & God's church, and afterward rewardeth them with thanks? It is to evident, how much you abuse your new friends, John, and yet it willbe much more evident ere many weeks pass, when authentical testimonies shallbe published of this matter. Letters are gone to Rome as you prophesied, and will return such news thence shortly, as will make your best friends ashamed of your doings.  
I can not but marvel at certain of my country men, who otherwise being of a very great capacity, for partial affection in religion, can be content to be abused by such absurd scrolls, as john Nicols casteth abroad. Wherein, besides the lack of truth, ground, and learning, there wanteth also common judgement and discret●●on. Mark I pray you what decent kind of speech he useth in a book, which was for the queens Majesty to read. Speaking of the students of the English College, (most excellent young men and such as contend in learning, with the Spanish and Italian, and give admiration to other countries, whereof Nicols was absolutely the worst, and rejected thence, as unable for that company: 
Nicols speec● absurd to a Queen. ) after his brag, that all learned the latin tongue of him, he saith. They have such blockheades that studdye philosophy there, as M. Dodipole Oliverius, M. Doater, Doctor, I would say, Mushe, with twenty more etc. And again. They cannot preach, either for that they quaff to much wine, or sup to much pottage etc. And again, making odious comparison betwixt these students of Rome, and the hand-craftye ministers of England, whom he disgracethe with the reproach of stitching, and cobbling preachers: he saith. 
What Preachers in England by Nicols report.  There was not one amongst threescore, that could preach as well as our common tailors & shoemakers in England. And again, talking of his own state h●e saith very gravely: I mean to abide in England, hap well or hap ill, England hath no fellow, better it is to live in poverty, then to be whipped on the seas (as I should if I went over again) and be taught to row, 
Nicols grave and wit●ye speech.  having thereunto as good towardness, as Tom Collier thy father's man. And again, talking of his book he concludeth wittily in these words. This book is ended, Momus hold thy peace, for there was never Momus that ever thrived unless he became a mome for his labour. But perhaps you will say, this was in English: his vein may chance to be better in latin. In deed he affirmeth himself to have been the only orator of the Roman College, but me thinketh his latin epistle to the Queen refuseth to bear him witness, except it be for that I understand it not, as in deed I do scarcely in divers places of the same, as for example this huge heap of flattering words in the title. 
Nicols vein in latin.  Augustssimae serenissimaeque Principi cunctis honoris dissemina●i dispersique sermonis celsissimae sedis dignitatis summae amplitudinis atque amplissimorum graduum maiestatis ●itulis dignissimae, etc. Marry, as his beginning is very hard and lofty: so is the ending, somewhat easy and familiar: for having prated for the Queen, thus he endeth. Papista tacet, Christianus dicit Amen. Sic concluditur Epistola: det Deus bonum eventum. Which in English is thus: The Papist holdeth his peace: the Christian sayeth amen: so the epistle endeth: God send us good luck. And what luck John meaneth by this, he signifieth before in the same epistle, where he exhorteth the Queen's Majesty, 
Nicols lab●●rethe for wages.  ad pauperum Scolasticorum inopiam sublevandam, incredibili animi studio contendere et incumbere, to contend and apply herself by all meenes, to ease poor scholars needs. And this is that perhaps which hath caused many good prelate's (as is reported) to make public collections for him, in divers shears abroad: which if they continue, and do pay him well his stipend, we shall want no books against Rome, nor new invention of lies from time to time. 
Nicols promised book of pilgrimage how true it i● like to be.  For so he promiseth that we shall look shortly for a book of pilgrimage, wherein we are all to be undone: and for a taste of the truth of that book, he hath put down 3. or 4. manifest lies, which he promiseth to repeat again in that book. For first: he calleth this Pope a murderer, and proveth it only by the wars in the lower countries, whereof he sayeth, that this Pope is the only cause. As who would say, the King of Spain had not warre● there, before this man was Pope. Also he calleth him an adulterer, saying: the Cardinal of Sansisto in Rome to be his bastard, whom all men know to be borne of his own sister. Besides this, he calleth him a thief: for causing some Abbots and Priors in Italy, to disburse some money towards the maintenance of the English Seminaries in Rome & Rheims: as though this had been thievery, if he had done it, as he did not: or as though the English Seminaries did press the Pope more, than so many other as I have named before, maintained by him with greater charge.  
But are not our adversaries ashamed of these dealings? do they not see the tail of these stratagems, to reflect the discredit upon their own heads? what a miserable cause is theirs, which can not stand but by such devices? It is a world to see, what pillars of defence they have, what grave writers in their cause: what books they suffer to come out against us daily.  
Of late, in the midst of our persecutions, there came forth a weighty work of 40, shéets of paper, made by one Thomas Lupton, 
Luptons' persuasion fro● Papistry.  entitled A persuasion from Papistry, (he would have said, a dissuasion, but that Papistry & persuasion began both with a letter.) Of this author's estate and calling I can not yet learn, but that he séemethe to have been some physician in time, for that much of his matter passeth from him in rhyme: 
In his epistle to the Queen.  To the great comfort and joy (as he hopeth) of her highness, being framed by him not trowblingly, but lovingly unto her subjects. This man's drift is, (as he sayeth) to prove all Papists to be english enemies, and extreme enemies to England: which in effect he proveth thus. Papists do love the Pope's law: 
Luptons' arguments against Papists.  the Pope he loveth not God almighty's law: the queens Majesty she loveth God almighty's law, & her law is all one with his: how then can the Papists love their Queen, & country? Again: the Papists cry upon their Queen Mary: and we cry upon our Q. Elizabeth: And is not Queen Elizabeth, I pray you, as well a King's daughter as Queen Mary? as well a King's sister, as Queen Mary? as lawful Queen of England (I will not say more) as Queen Mary? why then, how can Papists be otherwise but eng●she enemies, and extreme enemies to England? These and the like arguments in sense, though not altogether in the same words, he dilateth according to his kind of eloquence, through out all the first part of his book, though he make no parts at all.  
In the second part, he wandereth by certain controversies: but, as without all wit and learning, like an english doctor, citing all his matter out of jewels defence of the Apology. For his martyrologue, and Cowpers Epitomye of the Chronicle: so, without all modesty, or limitation of lying For he saith, that the Papists hold: 
Pag. 99 96. 99  The Pope to be very God: the light of the world, and the savour of mankind: that they print him in their books: 
L●ptons lies.  Our Lord God the Pope: that the Pope also acknowledgeth the thing, taking himself in deed to ●e a God. 
100 98. 172. 193. 131. 171. 5.6.  That he dispenseth both against the old and new Testament: 
* See of this the society of the name of God before mentioned, & let not the Puritans glory, as though they only did ●orbid swearing.  That he biddeth us not to forbear swearing any day: that he alloweth all priests to have harlots: that he giveth licence for money to keep as many concubines, as a man wil● that his fast is, to cram in as many banqueting dishes as men can: that all Papists are wor●e and deserve more death, than drūckerds● thieves, murderers, and pirates. This is Luptons' charitable doctrine with many things more which I omit.  
In his third part, he proveth his religion b● evident and manifest miracles, out of M● For his Acts and Monuments. As for example: that one Bu●ton bailiff of Crow●and in Lincolnshire, 

Luptons' miracles.  
Pag. 294.   for compelling a Curate to say Mass, (upon zeal of papistry) in the begining of Queen Mary's days: was afterwards for his punishment, called K. by a crow that fl●w over his head, and besides that, his beard imbrued with the crows dung, that she let fall upon him, which dung did so stink upon his b●arde, as made him continually to vomit for divers days, 
* 
Simple fellow● that ●org●t ●y cutting o● his b●arde to save his life  
Pag. 92.   until he died most miserably. Again, that in King Henry's days, the Earl of willshyre and others, going to Rome as ambassadors to the Pope, refused to kiss the Pope's foot, when he held it out to them: at what time the Earl's dog (having more devotion to it, as he sayeth, than they) not only went and kissed the Pope's foot, but also snatched at his great toe, 
* Poor Pope: that had no chamberlain to ●epe out dog's  signifying thereby, that it was a part more fit for dogs to kiss then men. All these things, and many more the like, he proveth out of M. For his Martirologe, otherwise called Acts and monuments, tied with long chains in all Churches of England, to be read with devotion.  
After Thomas Lupton, followeth Thomas Knell, of the same predicament, but in a higher degree. For he, to the utter extirpation of Papistry, from the face of the earth, taketh upon him to prove, that: All Papists, whether they be teachers or hearers: are in doctrine Schismatics, in faith heretics, in religion hypocrites: in worshipping idolaters, in obedience traitors, by nature dogs, in manners hogs: unfaithful to all men: common persecutors of the scriptures and Church of God.  
Do you not think we shallbe vanquished, when our adversaries army hath such captains and champions? especially, if rhyming Elderton join with them, 
Elderton●●●●●tle jerkes for a jesuit to become a trew● Israelite●  assaulting us with his jentle jirckes, & condemning our cause from the tribunal of an ale bench. Is not this a beggarly war●rap trow you, which pawneth out such rags for robes? what miserable poverty are our adversaries brought unto, when they are feign to publish such scurrility, for divinity, rhyming for reasoning, shameless railing for orderly disputing? but let them proceed on still: they can by no way pleasure or profit us more: let than publish Nicols book of Pilgrimage, wherein he promiseth to revile us from top to toe: to ring the alarm bell against us, to power out all his venom at once, & to empt the very sink of slander upon our cause. What shall this annoy us, or whom shall all this filth defile? As long as their shall be either honest, virtuous, learned, wise, modest, noble or gentle mind in Enland, so long shall we gain by these their proceedings.   

A new information from Rome of I. Nicols.  
As I had finished & delivered this treatise to the print, there came unto me an honest, discreet & learned gentleman from Rome who affirmed that upon the sight of I. Nicols book there, & other informations of his doings in England, search was made for his oration and sermon of ten sheeets of paper, presented in Rome before the Pope and registered (as he saith) in three paper volumes in the office of Inquisition. The matter was easily found out, and a copy taken word for word by public Notaries: the common scale also of the office, was added unto it, and (as this man remembreth) the most of all the chief officers names subscribed: but yet for some other further approbation (as I think) the thing is not hitherto sent from thence, or at least not yet come unto my hands. Wherefore the Printer being not able to stay, nor I certain how soon it will come, I judge it not a miss, to give the reader some general intelligence of the matter (until the thing itself may be published in print) upon the report of this discreet gentleman, who both saw it and read it, and remembreth well the principal contents thereof.  
First therefore he reporteth, that john Nicols made neither oration nor sermon in Rome, nor that any such thing is there registered or remembered. But only his recantation is there to be seen, of less than a sheet of paper in written hand, 
Nicols oration & sermon of ten sheets become an abjuration of less than one sheet.  together with a long preface, which preface is an ordinary thing of that court, containing the causes of his repentance and voluntary offering himself thither and the like. After this John Nicols cometh to put down his own faults committed before in England, both in doctrine and life. And for doctrine, the reporter saith, he hath numbered up all the particular heresies which ever he héelde or taught, and this, with very significant words: as that he taught the detestable heresy of Luther, against prayer for the dead: the blasphemus heresy of Caluine against Christ's real presence in the sacrament, or the like. About life, the reporter remembreth not much in particular, but only that he saith there. Ego possedi duo benefici● unum simoniace & alterum gratis. That is. 
* He reported notwithstanding afterward that he had them both by Simony.  I possessed two benefices, one by simony, the other freely. Having declared his faults, he taketh in hand the detestation of them: especially, of those in doctrine. And there (as the reporter sayeth) he bestirreth himself in deed: for he useth such vehemency of words, as recantation, renunciation, abnegation, detestation, abjuration, an● protestation, as he never heard nor could imagine the like, with thundering amplifications of condemning those heresies with their authores and followers, to th● bottomless pit of hell.  
Last of all, ensue his penance, enjoined him for his faults confessed, which he then promised to perform, so far, as in him lay: what they were in particular, the reporter remembreth not, but only in general, that they were of fasting and praying and other good exercises, whereof now I think John Nicols taketh little care. But yet one thing more there is, not to be omitted, which the reporter merrily told me, of the beginning of John Nicols abjuration, which was thus. Ego johannes Nicolaus filius alterius johannis etc. I, john Nicols son of an other john: Whereby the Romans learned, what was latin for john ap john.   

An example of john Nicols talon in railing at both sides.  
THAT the pages following should not be empty, and for the readers better instruction in john Nicols good qualities I thought it not a miss to put down an example or proof of his ability, or rather facility, in speaking evil of both parts as his occasions have served heretofore, or may here after. That which I will put down, shallbe his own words taken out of his last book, that is, out of his forged oration and sermon, which oration and sermon seeing he never made in Rome, as I have proved before: it is evident that he hath devised them in England for his exercises, Pro & Con, to get some admiration & speech of him thereby, without disfavour. And therefore he hath tempered his talk so, as he hath spoken some what worse of Catholics then of protestants, and yet bad enough of them both.   

Of Protestants.  
IN his oration against the protestants he calleth them: 
Out of his oration before the Inquisitours●  Prating and babbling preachers, corrupt livers, usurpers of ecclesiastical livings, ambitious of promotion, proud and stately, ruffians in apparel, pamperours of their gorges, lavish and ryotus, unstable of promise, swearing and forswearing themselves for a straw, wanton & lascivious followers of alebenches, heretics and sectaries, one a Zwinglian, another an Anabaptist, one a Libertine, another a Puritan, one a Caluinist, another a Lutheran, of wicked, profane, reckless, and lewd life, and their religion correspondente to the same, more abhorring the name, than the natures of ●picures and Saducees, not esteeming of the immortality of the soul, and in life inferior to the beasts of the filled, far worse than jews, instruments of Satan, murderers, enemies of God's truth, and his Church, bubbles of water, flourishing for a time, and believing what they list, but continuance shall deface them, and destroy them with worse deaths, than it hath done Arrius, Pelagius, and all other heretics. And of England in particular he sayeth: 
Of England in particular.  This monstrous Realm contemneth and despiseth the truth, and being full of blind ignorance, and a Chaos or heap of all kind of heresies, knoweth not whom to believe, upon whom to call, what trade of life to lead, Gods blessed doctrine, nurture, direction and rule of man's life, is little known there: wickedness, iniquity cogginge, and cozening, and corruption are horrible in her.   

Of Papists  
Against catholics he saith: 
Out of 〈…〉 mon before Pope.  The Church of Rome persecuteth all Christians: her sentence is burn burn: her badge, let us lay wait for blood: her head blasphemy: her shield tyranny: her breast injury: her eyes, fire: her girdle fornication: her breath, poison: her tongue, the sting of death: her feet ready to shed innocent blood: her sword violence: her cross persecution: her pardons, iniquity: her triple crown presumption: her keys ambition: and all her doings abomination. Her champions and upholders are great swarms, of Cainites, Giants, Sodomites, Egyptians, Scribes, Pharasies, Herodians, Monks, 
Pretty stuff for the Pope to thank him for.  Friars, Cardinals, Adulterers, idolaters, Parasites, poisoners, Pardoners, Bawds, Flatterers, Traitors, Rebels, Murderers, thieves, Cannibals, Varlets, Shavelings, Eategods, Makegods, Hypocrites, Illuders, Conjurers, Wiches', Knaves, Enchanters, Exorsistes, Monsters, Worshippers of a wheaten cake, horrible, abominable and detestable Blasphemers, and chosen children of the Devil himself.  
These are john Nicols modest, sober, and charitable words: witnesses of his new hearty conversion, & declaring the spirit that now possesseth him. For 〈…〉 thstanding, his hap wa● 〈…〉 & almost incredible, but that he telleth it himself, to wit, that he should receive thanks & reward at the chiefest ●●●●●●es hands of the world, for them: 〈◊〉 he doth also now commendation from the Protestants, for his invective & abjuration against them before. He is a very fortunate man, that what soever he doth turneth to his gain: he may welsay, that both Papists and Protestants observe the rule, 
Math. 5. Rom. 12.  Of restoring good for evil: but yet the Papists more thenthe Protestant's for that they rewarded him best, being most injured, and that to their faces.   

A question upon the Premises.  

jaco. 1. ve. 8. Gal. 2. ve. 18.  DOTH a fountain out of the same hole, yield both sweet and bitter water? And: IF I build up again the things which I destroyed, do I not make myself a prevaricator or double offendor?  

The answer.  

jaco. 1. ve. 8. P●o. 20. v. 3.  A double hearted man is unconstant in all his ways: And, All fools are full of contumelies.  

Eccl. 27. v. 12 Eccle. 10. ve. 12. & 13.  A fool doth change as the Moon. And, His own lips shall overthrow him: The beginning of his words is folly, and the last that cometh from his mouth, is a wicked error.    
FINIS.