A MANIFESTATION OF THE GREAT FOLLY AND BAD SPIRIT OF certain in England calling themselves secular priests.  
Who set forth daily most infamous and contumelious libels against worthy men of their own religion, and divers of them their lawful Superiors, of which libels sundry are here examined and refuted.  
By priests living in obedience.  
2. Tim. 3.  
Their folly, shallbe manifest to all men.  
Luc ●●.  
The unclean spirit went forth and took seven other spirits, more wicked than himself, and all entering dwelled there, and the ending of those men was worse than the beginning.  
Superiorum Permissu. 1602.   

¶ Of the contradiction of fond men.  
PRoficit semper contradictio stultorum ad stultitiae demonstrationem; quia quae ingenio insipientis aut perversae intelligentiae adversus veritatem coaptantur, dum & in concussa & immobilis est, necesse est, ut quae è diverso sunt, & fals● intelligantur & stulta.  Hilar. lib. 8. de Trinit. 
THe more that unwise men do contend and contradict others, the more they make manifest their own indiscretion and folly: for that such arguments as are framed either by their own fond inventions or perverse misconstructions against truth (that remaineth ever immovable and not to be shaken) must needs be found to be false and foolish.   

THE PREFACE to the Catholic Reader.  
MUCH against our wills were we forced these days past (dear Catholic reader) to interrupt the course of our peaceable priestly labours, and to enter into a certain contention and war of writing, not so much against the common enemy of our religion (for that had been comfortable) as against our own tumultuous brethren, in defence of order, justice, and innocency, and of the lawful authority of our Superiors intemperately impugned by them, which defence we called, an Apology of the English Catholic Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, etc. endeavouring therein so to temper the style of our writing, as might be somewhat answerable to the gravity of the subject, & yet exasperated no further the impugner● than the necessary opening of the truth of matters should merely force us unto; and this we hope that every indifferent Reader will have considered, and be ready to bear us witness.  
And this office being once performed for the true information of those that desire to know how matters had passed, our meaning was to go no further in this contention but to return to our reposed life again, and so our hope was, that we might, but alas we● prove the contrary, 
Plut. i● Sy●pos.  and that as a grave author saith: facilior est ortus, quam exitus rix●rum, the beginning of brawlings is easier than the ending, especially when the passions whereon they are grounded, be inward and permanent, as in our case it seemeth to stand, the ground of all these contentions appearing evidently, to be envy and emulation, fostered by ambition, anger, revenge and other such Assistants, which how perilous and pernicious counsellors they be to continue debate, rancour, and malice, and to bring all to perdition that hearken unto them, were overlong to recite out of holy men's writings, yet can I not omit the saying of an old Saint, Pi●mmo●, the Anachorite recounted by 〈◊〉 Cassia●us almost twelve hundred years pas●; his speech is this:  
Sciendum sanè est i●●idiae morbu● difficilius ad medel●m qu●m ●●tera vitia perduci, 
Cassian. col. 18 Cap. 17.  nam eum, quem semel veneni sui pest corruperit, penè dixerim carere remedio: ipsa namque est lues de qua figuraliter dicitur per prophetam: Ecce ego mittam vobis serpentes regulos quibus non est incantatio, & mordeb●nt vos, etc. 
Hier. 2.  You must know that the sickness of envy is cured more hardly then other vices, in so much that when any man is infected with this venom, I may almost say, that he is irremediable, seeing this infection is that whereof God speaketh of by Hieromie the prophet figuratively: Behold I will send upon you deadly serpents, against whom no enchantment shall prevail, & they shall bite you, etc. Thus beginneth he his treatese of this matter, wherein for that divers things are most excellently spoken by him fit to our purpose, and easy to be applied to the present state of our affairs, we think it not amiss to recite some part thereof more at large: hear then his discourse:  
Rightly (saith he) is the biting of envy compared by the prophet to the venomous stinging of a deadly basilisk serpent, whereby the first poisoned serpent of all others, yea the author and inventor of all poison (the devil) was both slain and slew. For first by envy he slew himself, & afterward him whom he envy, to wit our first parent, 
〈◊〉. 2.  according to the saying of the scripture: By envy of the devil death entered into the world, etc. And as he being once deadly infected with this poison of envy could never after be cured, either by the wholesome medicine of penance or otherwise, but perished eternally: so men that suffer themselves to be corrupted with the same poison, and bitings of envy; do become incurable, excluding all helps of wholesome inchauntements of the holy Ghost against the same.  
The reason whereof is, for that the envious are not stirred up to hate others for any true fault, which they see in them, but rather for their good parts, virtues and gifts of God, and so being ashamed to utter the true causes in deed of their aversion, they pretend other idle & superfluous external reasons, which being no true causes indeed, but only feigned, it is but time lost to go about to remove them: the true causes indeed lying hidden in the bottom of their entrails, etc. Nay further this pestilence of envy when it once entereth man's heart it becometh so incurable, as it is exasperated by fair speech, puffed up by humble offices, and stirred to wrath by gifts & good turns; 
Pro●. 22. Secundum 70. Into.  in so much as Solomon saith, nihil sustinet zelus, nothing can content or satisfy emulation; for by how much the party envy is eminent either in humility, patience, munificence, or other virtues; the more potent pricks of envy hath the enuyer to be stirred up against him, nor is he satisfied with any thing but with his death or ruin, etc.  
Wherefore so much the more pernicious and incurable is envy above all other vices, by how much more it is increased, & nourished by those very remedies whereby other sins are cured and extinguished; as for example: he that is angry with you for some hurt received, if you recompense him liberally he is content and satisfied: He that complaineth of an injury received, if you give him humble satisfaction he is pleased again: But what will you do to him who the more humble and benign he seeth you, the more is he offended to see those virtues in you? And what servant of God to satisfy an envious man will leave of virtue and other good things, wherewith God hath endued him? etc.  
Thus writeth that blessed man, and how fully this falleth out in our affair, where Gods holy gifts and virtues themselves are envy at, by them that will not imitate the same, is easy to discern. And if no other proof were extant, yet their own books set forth in such number and with such passion to discredit their adversaries are sufficient witnesses, wherein they set down so many high praises given by other men to their said adversaries, as albeit the parties themselves, do neither challenge nor acknowledge them, yet is it evident, that the envy of these and other like praises hath put these men's minds quite out of joint. Neither remaineth there any way (as it seemeth) for the envy in this case to discharge themnselues of this raging tempest raised against them, but either to change their laudable course of life, whereby they have gotten that esteem which these men envy at: (& this is not tolerable) or for these men to alter their judgements, and see their own follies and passions herein, which we shall endeavour to lay before them in this our treatese, and that out of their own books and writings.  
And albeit we had fully purposed (as before is said) to write no more about this argument, yet seeing so many libels to come our daily so false and slanderous, & so pernicious, not only to Christian unity but also to the integrity of Catholic faith & verity, and those under the names of priests, the very honour of priesthood itself hath forced us to take pen in hand again (contrary to our former determination) thereby to wipe away (if it be possible) some part of that notorious discredit, and slander which justly otherwise may fall upon our whole order if such intemperate proceedings published in priests names, should pass uncontrolled by all kind of priests.  
Wherefore, our intent in this treatese is, to show that either these infamous libels set forth in priests names are not indeed of priests, but of some other that play their parts, or if they come from priests indeed, then must we needs run, in this matter, to the words of our Saviour touching sal infatuatum infatuated priests, 
Math. 5.  such as have lost not only all savour of priestly wisdom, 
Luc. 14.  and shining light of true understanding, but all true spirit also of Christian priests and priesthood, which we shall declare by divers proofs and considerations, taken out of their own books, for which cause we have entitled this treatese. A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of some in England that call themselves secular priests. 
Luc. 11.  Whereunto we were induced the rather as well by those words of S. Paul. alleged in our first page, insipientia corum manifesta erit omnibus: 
2. Tim. 3.  their folly shallbe made manifest to all (speaking of such as made division) as also by that dreadful parable of our Saviour, concerning the wicked unclean spirit, that leaving men for a time, and finding no rest abroad returned, and perceiving the habitation left by him to be well cleansed, but not well fenced, entered again with seven worse spirits than himself, and so made the ending of those men worse than their beginning.  
It were over long, and exceeding the measure of a preface, to set down here, the interpretations and godly considerations of old ancient Saints about this parable of our Saviour, especially seeing that for so much as appertaineth to this our affair, it is not hard for any man to see the coherence and application thereof for that when these libelers were first made priests (if they be priests) and took that most sacred order of clergy upon them, whereby they wear adopted into the peculiar choice and severed portion of almighty God (for so much importeth Clergy) they did not only renounce the spirit of Satan in general, as men do in baptism by those words: ab renuncio diabolo & omnibus operibus eius, etc. but particularly also the profane & secular spirit of the world, and all corruption and uncleanness thereof appertaining to libetty of the flesh, by their straight obligation of chastity devotion & piety annexed to that holy calling above other men, which profane and unclean spirit being once excluded, by the holy character and unction of priesthood, and the house made clean by the broom of holy penance, adorned also with graces and gifts of the holy Ghost, if after the same spirit return again, and find the guard and defence thereof weak by negligence of the keeper, or the doors broken open by the violence of passions (as in our case, alas, it seemeth to stand) he presumeth (saith our Saviour) not only to enter again himself, but to take bad company also with him, to wit seven other spirits nequiores se, more wicked than himself, that is to say more spiritual malicious, more covert and hidden, more obstinate and self-willed, more opposite to charity, and more like to the devil himself, that is a mere spirit, and the head patron and fountain of all wicked wilful spirits.  
For albeit the gross spirit of worldly sensuality be a foul and unclean spirit (especially in a priest) and be also from the devil, yet as Cassianus in the former place doth note, and all other Fathers do observe in like manner, it is no way so dangerous or wicked as are the spirits of more spiritual sins, to wit envy, pride, ambition, hatred, revenge & other like, which are so counterfeit and covered poisons, as often times they are not known nor held for vices, and consequently neither cured nor cared for; nay they pass for virtues, & so are often times taken by the possessors themselves, as for example; envy for zeal in God's cause, pride for courage, ambition for desire of ability to do much good, and so in the rest; whereby it cometh to pass that he whose house is possessed with these most pernicious guests doth think himself well furnished, and in good case, and consequently neither endeavoureth to expel them out, nor confesseth his fault or negligence therein, nor seeketh remedy by the holy refuge of penance, good counsel or other spiritual helps, and hereby cometh it to pass that which our Saviour saith: fiunt nouissim● hominis istiu●, peioraprioribus, the ending of this man is worse than his beginning. Whereunto that dreadful commination of the holy Apostle S. Paul. doth well agree also, who saith: (writing to the Hebrues) Impossible est ●os, qui semel sunt illuminati, etc. & prolapsi, rursus renovari ad poenitentiam. It is unpossible for them that are once lightened by God's grace, and fall back again, to be renewed by penance.  
Which words howsoever we understand them, either that the grace of baptism is here meant, or the word impossible, 
Hebr. ●  taken for hard and rare, every way, and in all senses, it is a most terrible sentence, & aught to move men greatly, that do see themselves fallen from a better state to a worse, and from a quiet, calm, sweet, humble & modest spirit, to a proud, turbulent, ireful, impudent or contemptuous behaviour towards their brethren or equals, and much more to their betters and superiors. And this shallbe sufficient by way of Preface. The rest you shall discern by that which is treated in the Chapters following.   

THE CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK.  

THe Preface to the Catholic Reader.  
The manifest folly and apparent bad spirit of the writers of these libels, in choosing the subject & argument of such late books as they have set forth. CAP. I.  
Their folly and passionate spirit declared in the manner of handling ●he said Arguments. CAP. II.  
Their folly and presumptuous spirit, in making to the●selues such adversaries as they do. CAP. III.  
Their folly & vnsh●mfast spirit in uttering so open and manifest untruths, and contradictions to their own discredit. CAP. FOUR  
Their folly and malignant spirit in objecting certain books to F. Persons, which if they be his, cannot but give him much credit and commendation: with a brief confutation of a fond paniphlet set forth in answer to the book of succession. CAP. V.  
Their folly and deceived spirit in persuading themselves to get credit or recover that which is lost with any ●●●t of men (be they friends or enemies) by this manner of proceeding with clamours and libels. CAP. VI  
Of five other books or rather absurd and scandalous libels come forth since the Answering of the former two; and of ten more promised. CAP. VII.  
Certain directions unto Catholics h●w to discern the truth, and how to bear themselves in this time of contention: with an examination of divers notorious and infamous lies of W. W. in his book of Quod●●bets. CAP. VIII.    


THERE MANIFEST FOLLY AND APPARENT BAD SPIRIT IN CHOOSING the argument and subject of these their books.  
CAP. I.  
FIRST then to begin with the argument and subject of these our discontented priests late books, it shall not be needful for proving our purpose to run them over all which hitherto are six that have come to our hands, the first in latin, entitled: 
The first book.  Declaratio mo●uum & turbationum, etc. A declaration of stirs and troubles, etc. which containing nothing else indeed, but a certain intemperate invective against many good and worthy men, well deserving both of them, & of our country, and replenished with innumerable slanders most manifestly false, and proved by no other reasons, authorities or testimonies, but the words of the passionate writers, hath made all strangers that have read the same to have a strange opinion of english men's humours, when they are in passion; about which point see the table of deceits falsehoods and slanders set before our Apology, and the Apology itself. Cap. II.  
The second book 
The second book.  is entitled: The Copies of discourses, etc. whereof the first part being contrary to the second, doth easily both answer and confound itself ● For that in the foremost discourses all these men's oppositions & impugnations of the Archpriest do stand upon the want of the Popes own letters to confirm those of the Card. Protector, whereby the Archpriest was appointed, assuring us, that whensoever any such confirmation should come from his Hol. there would be no more controversy: and yet the very next ensuing discourses in the same book (his Hol. Breve of Approbation being now published) do show that they were much farther of from obeying the Archpriest, than before.  
And this was the first childbirth after their long and troublesome trayvayling thrust out to the world very unexpectedly to move new troubles at that time when they made profession to have appealed to his Hol. and would attend his answer and resolution therein; which resolution, as since we have seen, came forth soon after against them, though his Hol. at that time knew nothing of these seditious books; the iniquity whereof was and is such, as if they had been seen, it seemeth impossible that his Hol. 
His Hol. second Breve 17. Ang. 1601  would have answered so mildly as he doth, though we know his nature and disposition, wholly bend to mildness, and according to the same disposition, we have also endeavoured in our Apology or answer to these two libels, to lay open the injurious proceeding of our tempted Brethrens in those books, and to mitigate their distempered humours the best we could. 
The Apology.  And for that this Apology is now in the hands of the Readers to peruse, we will say no more thereof, but remit it, and ourselves to their discreet judgements.  
After this came out two other twins at one time the one in English, 
Two others libels.  the other in latin; the first is entitled: the hope of peace by laying open the Archpriests untruths, etc. The second containeth the copies as well of the Card. Protectors letters for the institution of the Archpriest, by his Hol. authority, as also the Popes own Breve for confirmation thereof: The letter also of Card, Burghesi●s Viceprotector in reprehension of M. Charnock● for disobeying of the sentence given by the two Card● in Rome against them and other such like writings. Which two books coming to our hands after our foresaid Apology was ended induced● us to make a certain Appendix 
The Appendix to the Apology.  for unfolding their contents; the one having nothing but some few handfuls of vanity and scurrility laid to gather, unfit to be further treated by modest men, and the second representing nothing else, but the reproof and condemnation of their own contentious proceedings.  
And thus much concerning the four former books whose arguments being as we have rehearsed, we remit ourselves, how great a manifestation it hath been of their own folly, passion and imprudence to take this course of clamorous libeling and defaming their own friends, and thereby also obliging them for defence of their innocency to return answer which they were most loath and unwilling to do.  
But if there were but an inch of folly in writing and publishing the former 4 books, 
A third pay●e of libels.  there is an ell in these last two, that now are come forth: the one bringing us a new relation of the sedition and contention passed in Wisbich: the other: Important considerations to move all uniesuited Catholics (as their phrase is) to acknowledge the mild and merciful proceedings of the State of England towards them for matters of religion, since the beginning of her majesties reign, etc. These two books we say, and the subject thereof together with the manner of handling, and other circumstances before mentioned are sufficient, if nothing else were, to overthrow the whole credit of our discontented brethren, with all sorts of discreet and modest men, not only Catholics, but also Protestant's, as by ripping up some parts thereof shall easily appear.  
For first concerning the relation of matters fallen out in Wisbich, 
The relation of Wisbich.  he that shall have read the sixth chapter of our Apology about these affairs where matters are set down plainly and sincerely with order and perspicuity, without either amplifications or exaggerations (as here is used in this new Rhetorical narration) authentically also under men's hands and letters, and not in words alone, scoffs and jests, as these men do; whosoever we say, shall read that, and confer it with this, & consider the different manner of our writings and proofs from theirs, will easily (we doubt not) see where truth goeth as also the discreed it which these men do run into by ripping up that matter again: yet shall we in this place lay before you some other considerations also to the same effect.  
And first we would have you to weigh attentively that if all were true which these accusers pretend in this their narration of Wisbich (for of this will we treat first) about F. Westons', desire to have that Agency in Wisbich Castle for directing of some in that prison towards a more retired life, which these men contemptuously call Donatisme, 
Regular and retired life called donatism.  or that he had taken the foresaid office willingly upon him when he was elected by the company, or permitted by his Superior to take it, if all this we say had been true (as we shall show after the most points to be false) yet how may that odious consequence be drawn from hence, which these men every where do infer, that all the rest of the jesuits throughout England, if they could have prevailed in this one thing, would by this platform & precedent have gotten the government over all secular priests within the whole Realm; how we say & by what reason doth this follow, or what coherence hath the government over secular priests abroad with the private direction of a few particular men in Wisbich Castle? doth not every man discover great folly here in this forced inference? But now to the antecedent:  
What likelihood is there that Father Weston being a man of those parts and qualities as he is; & having been Provincial (as these men say) of all the jesuits in England, would seek so greedyly for so poorea preferment as is to be Agent, 
Most Improbable inferences and asser●●●●●.  and servant (for Superior they confess he refused to be) to a few of his fellow prisoners in that Castle or that F. Walley Provincial for the present (as by these men he is called (and F. Persons his Superior again in Rome (which two they call afterward most scornfully the one knig, the other Emperor) should so bestir themselves & weary all their friends to get F. Weston, (looking every day rather for martyrdom, than otherwise) such an advancement, with so great trouble and offence in the prison, where he was? And is this credible in men of wit, or to men of reason?  
here than is discovered extreme passion and perturbation of mind in these relators and in nothing more, then that they make it a matter so exorbytant, & undecent for a religious man to have the direction of secular priests in matters of spirit and devotion by way of companies and congregations, whereas themselves cannot be ignorant, that in all Catholic countries throughout the world where jesuits live, it is very ordinary among other means which they use, 
The use and utility of spiritual congregations.  for assisting men in spiritual affairs to institute several congregations & confraternityes of all sorts of people, themselves being Prefects and directors thereof for exercise of all pious works and godliness, and this was in Paris and other cities of France, while they remained there, and is at this day in Rome, Naples, Seville, Toledo, Valencia, Salamanca, and other towns of Italy and Spain and other places, and the fruit of these congregations is infinite for all kind of piety, and in Rome itself it cannot be denied, but that great prelates noble men and Cardinals themselves are of these congregations, wherein private religious men of this order, be ever the heads & prefects for direction and execution of the rules, yet do not those Cardinals or Prelates, think themselves disgraced by this, or account jesuits ambitious, proud or arrogant for taking the same upon them, as these our haughty minded brethren do; neither do they doubt, or fear least by this act the jesuits pretend afterward a government over all Cardinals as these men seem to fear over all secular priests, though the matter in itself be ridiculous.  
Moreover whereas the principal butt of these men is throughout this book (a grave argument or subject no doubt) to show that F. Weston aspired to this office of Ageny in the prison among those priests that desired to live more retired and to have rules of pious conversation appointed them, they do first confess and set down the quite contrary out of his own words and doings, (which ought to be the best trials with indifferen men) and then do seek to prove their purpose by interpreting his meaning to be different from his words and deeds, so as where all spiritual authors do teach us, that according to charity we ought to follow this rule that then when men's words or actions of themselves cannot well be defended, we should interpret well at leastwise their intention, these men will needs follow the contrary rule against F. Weston condemning his intention when his words and actions are outwardly good, 
Galumniating of intention when words and works cannot be touched.  & cannot be condemned as you may see pag. 8. 9 & 10. of this their narration, where they confessing that he refused the office of Perfect laid upon him, yet do say, that he was desirous the thing should be obtruded unto him, etc. By which rule of sinister interpretation, what man is there living that may not be calumniated, and the devil himself is called a calumniator especially for this kind of inference, as you may note in his proceeding against job, 
job. 1. & 2.  & it is most detestable to all good men.  
But that which, most of all layeth open the folly of this whole subject & relation of Wisbich is that our discontented brethren so tell their tale, as whosoever shall read the same with any attention, may clearly perceive of the one side to stand not only the far greater part of the more ancient company, but that which more importeth, desire of order, discipline, recollection, obedience modesty and temperate behaviour, and on the other side all the contrary, to wit, not only the far less number, but freer also in speech and conversation more given to liberty, refusing all rules and order, but only, the common Canons of the Church and Sacrament of penance as they profess, 
Ibid.  condemning for noveltyes and innovations all other helps to spirit and devotion. This we say and many other things tending to this purpose, are as clearly to be seen in this their own narration (if the Reader stand attended) as they are touched by us briefly in our foresaid 
* Cap. 6.  Apology.  
And to this effect it is said of F. Weston: 
Virtuous speeches reproach fully alleged.  He took upon him to control & find fault with this and that, as the coming into the Hall of a hobby horse in Christmas, affirming that he would no longer tolerate these and these so gross abuses, which his pride & vanity, etc. At which his pride and vanity we greatly marveled, etc. And a little after bringing in the said father's speech with D. Bagshaw, they report him to say thus: 
Pag. 9  There are some enormities which we would be glad to avoid, and do therefore purpose to impose upon ourselves a more strict order leaving you and others to follow such courses as you shall think good.  
And to the same effect do these men recite in like manner M. South worths speech to M. Bluet: 
Pag. Ibid.  We are determined (saith he) twenty of us, to draw ourselves into à more strict order of life, etc. thereby the better to avoid such sins as Whoredom, drunkenness and dicing, the same being too ordinary with some in this house. Thus they write & publish without shame to have these things run in print, the particularyties whereof we of purpose avoided in our Apology, and this is their first folly & the second is that they report such manner of speeches tending all as you see, to virtue, reformation and reproof of dissolute and disordered life, whereas on their own side, there is not so much as any such matter pretended. For proof whereof let us hear a piece of M. Bluets speech of reproof to F. Weston brought in by these men as a matter of great commendation for spiritual feeling: 
Gross speeches on the contrary side.  M. Bluet (say they) proceeded further in effect as followeth: Is not the Sacrament of healthful penance, a sufficient remedy for men in our cases to keep us from such enormities? if the means appointed by Christ have not sufficient force to remedy these evils, what extraordinary grace or power can we expect from your supposed authority and laws? Thus they say, contemning hereby (as you see) all particular rules, directions, helps, and orders, for conservation or increase of spirit used by virtuous men, who will not laugh at this doctrine that the Sacrament of healthful penance is sufficient to remedy all enormities? why then are there so many Canons, constitutions, laws, and new ordinances appointed daily for restraining of enormities as well in Colleges, Cloisters, Churches and congregations as other where, to prevent such inconveniences, if only the Sacrament of healthful penance be sufficient? nay why are there prisons chains, galleys, or gallows, if only the Sacramental penance be sufficient & nothing else required, do you see how these good people are de larga manica? as the proverb is.  
Well then, this being the subject and argument of this their whole narration to declare what the one side (being far the greater part) laboured to have, to wit rules order and discipline observed in their conversation, as became priests and confessors in such a place and time, 
The true state of the controversy in Wisbic●.  complaining also of great and foul enormities already committed, and worse feared among them: and then how mightily the other side (being far the fewer) strived against this, and would have no special orders, but such as were common to all men, yea to the losest sort of Christians in the world, nor any other peculiar help or remedy but only the Sacrament of penance to be used, when, where, and so often as every man pleased and no otherways: This, we say being the strife and contention, clear it is, on which side virtue, holiness and perfection stood. And albeit this side should have been overstrict and committed tomuch rigour in retiring themselves from the scandalous conversation of the rest: Yet was their fault (as you see) of zeal & love of virtue, and consequently much more perdonable than the turbulent resistance and impugnation of the other side, that stood in defence of disorder, liberty and dissolution.  
And thus much for the first part of the argument or subject of this former book entituled: The Relation of Wisbiche: which having been handled by them with great untruth and partiality in their first books both in latin and English as we have showed in our Apology, is brought in again now with great indiscretion and folly, renewing the memory of such their disorders in that place as we desired might be suppressed with silence, and that which is worse, they descend to divers particulars, which we for modestyes sake passed over in general terms & so should they also have done according to the rule of prudency: for to what end have they printed the former objection & complaint of M. South worth (so grave & Reverend a man) about whoredom, drunkenness and dicing, etc. which we had omitted: the story also of pewter stolen, of Mary the maid found in one of there chambers, to what end is it published by them, or with what wisdom or discretion? And moreover, they do so wisely handle these matters in their defence (as you shall see in the next Chapter of this book) that they leave things more suspicious a great deal to the Reader than he found them in the accusations: so as in this also they fulfil the Apostles prophecy Insipientia eorum manifesta erit omnibus, etc. 
2. Tim. 3.   
But besides this subject of the excesses and scandalous conversation of some in Wisbich there ensueth also towards the end of this book another argument of far worse nature than the former: for which respect it may be they abstained to make mention thereof in the title or first front of their book, doubting perhaps lest all good and modest men would be averted with the very sight and mention thereof as proceeding of an extreme surfeit of unchristian malice.  
The matter is, 
The second argument of their relation, containing intolerable slanders against jesuits.  that whereas in time of the tumultuous proceedings of these men and their fellows both in Rome, Flanders, and England, many things were spoken, done, & written against the fathers of the Society by their ungrateful scholars of our nation, without all ground of truth, but only through passion, levity, anger, and incitation of others, as appeareth not only by the examination of the things themselves, but by the confessions also of the parties that did accuse, when they were out of passion, and by the sentence of all judges appointed in these causes (all which we have showed largely & particularly in the 3. 4. 5. and 6. Chapters of our Apology) yet these men knowing in their consciences, 
Conscienceles dealing.  and in the sight of all the world this to be true, and that those calumniations objected (or the most part of them) were merely false & devised upon the causes aforesaid, and denied afterward by those that objected them, do notwithstanding set them down now again as points justified or justifiable, and have put them also in print for the further infamation of jesuits, and their whole order, which is a practice of so high and odious malice as we are wonderfully ashamed to mention the same, (but that they have printed it) as coming from any of our nation, and much more from men, of our order and function. But now let us take a view of the things themselves. The first branch or head of this calumniation hath this title.  
An abstract of the memorial sent by certain Englishmen out of the low countries to the Popes Hol. 
Relat. pag. 68  Clement the 8. against the jesuits labouring in the English vineyard: September 1597.  
And here you must note, that in reporting this only title, our brethren do so behave themselves, as you may easily discover their intention to be only to defame; for so much as they know well enough what Englishmen they wear that devised and cast abroad this memorial, 
About R. Fishers memorial.  to wit, Robert Fisher sent over into Flanders by the seditious of Wisbich to that effect, as hath been showed at large in the 7. Chapter of our Apology; where we have set down the examination of the said Robert upon his oath before his Hol. Fiscal in Rome, and how he misliked his own doings therein, bewrayed the falsehood, detected his complices, and confessed all to be devised upon malice and stomach, which our brethren knowing sufficiently by the authentical copy of the said deposition sent into England, and having seen also the public testimony of six very reverend and grave Priests Assistants to the Archpriest against that memorial, as also the letters of many other priests which we have there cited, it is strange that perturbation of mind should so much prevail with our brethren, and the remorse of conscience be so little, as to revive the same now again, and being only in latin before, to print it now in English to the view of all men. And do they not know or remember that the publishers of infamous libels and defamations are as deeply both in the sin itself, as also in Church censures; as are the makers and writers thereof? Who can doubt of this? But now to the contents of the libel.  
The first paragraphe after many falsityes alleged against jesuits, 
Ibid. pag. 69  concludeth thus: They hold no doctrine Catholic and sound that cometh not from themselves, no dispensation auayl●able, that is not granted by them (& which is worse) they have beat into the heads of most, that the mass is not rightly celebrated of any, but of a jesuit. Thus they write. And do our brethren believe this to be true? Again in the fourth paragraph, besides many calumniations they say thus: 
Ibidem. Foolish ex●ggerations.  No jesuit goeth to visit any one (in England) or travaileth from one place to another, but he is richly appareled & attended on with a great train of servants, as if he were a Baron or an Earl? Is this true also in the consciences of our brethren? Again in the fifth paragraph: They never send one scholar out of England to the College of Douai to study there, etc. nay they have laboured by all means utterly to dissolve it. Is this true also? Let the Precedent and books of that College testify?  
In the seventh paragraphe they say: Women also are induced by them to become Nuns, & to leave such goods, as they have, to them, etc. And is there any one example (think you) to be given of this? Or is it any way probable, seeing that Nuns have such need of their dowries for their own maintenance if they willbe received into any monasteries beyond the seas? The eight paragraph beginneth thus: All university men, and such as have taken any degree in schools, the (jesuits) hate, despise, contemn & reproach. And is this verifiable think you, or likely to be true? Their conclusion is this. To conclude (say they) Catholics stand in more ●eare of the jesuits then of the heretics, etc. and that indirectly they cause priests to be apprehended by the enemy, etc. The censure of which conclusion, as also of the spirit and pious disposition of these our brethren which do publish these things in print and in vulgar tongues against the whole order of religious men we remit to all good catholics judgement. And so much of this first memorial.  
The second and third Catalogue of slanders which they put down, as well against the whole Society of jesuits, as also against those that labour in England, are much more deceitfully (though yet childishly) handled by our brethren, than the former. For whereas they well know that these points of defamation by them published, 
Most injurious calumniations uttered by Ch. P. and W. G. revived and published by these men.  were written by some of their own friends, and this very secretly and covertly underhand, & by them sent to Rome thereby to incense the flame of the Roman Sedition when it was on fire, with order to spread the said slanders abroad, but in no wise to discover the authors thereof; these our men without either scruple of conscience, (for the things themselves being notoriously false) or respect of their said friends credit, have divulged them now in print under this title. Certain chief points of accusations wherewith many Englishmen have justly charged the Jesuits, etc.  
But mark here their manifold falsehood: for first no man hitherto to our knowledge either English or other in the world hath offered to come forth and accuse or prove lawfully these points against the jesuits, and much less these many Englishmen that here are insinuated, who writ their calumniations in corners, as hath been said, and sent them to Rome to be spread in secret for so one of them writeth in the 
* Art. 22.  article here set down: use my letters secretly but effectual, etc. And-further where here it is said, that many Englishmen gave up these false accusations, we find but two named in the latin original copy to wit Ch. P. & W. G. who by these men are guilfully omitted, in the English and by us also should not be mentioned but that we are forced in some sort to figure their names by the first letters for testimony of the truth: for seeing they denied the same afterward by many protestations to many, & one of them before a public magistrate; and the matters objected being so absurd impious and apparently false in themselves we would willingly have held silence therein, & cannot but wonder at the folly of these shameless libelers that repeat them here again, and moreover to aver (as they do) that the Fathers were justly charged with them. And we doubt not but that every modest man of what religion or profession soever he be, will wonder also with us when they shall hear and consider both the absurdity of the things objected, and the open apparent malice in setting them forth to the world, with such approbation as here they do.  
For better understanding whereof, we must note that these calumniations which here they set abroad were certain brief articles collected by some of the Fathers in Rome out of a great mass of seditious letters, which at the making up of the peace and ending of the strifes in that city, were partly discovered and exhibited voluntarily upon scruple of conscience by those that had been troublesome, & partly found by chance, or rather perhaps by God's providence, the better to confirm the said peace within the college, which letters had been written and sent thither by the foresaid two friends C. P. and W. G. out of Flanders for the intent before mentioned. of increasing those troubles.  
And for somuch as the said parties during the stirs protested every where that they had no part therein, but rather were sorry for them, these letters being found to the contrary were put together in a good large book yet extant, and out of that book of larger relations were gathered certain brief articles (yet in the very words so near as might be of the writers themselves) which articles had this title: 
See the treatese entitled Act a sedit●osa C. P. &. G. G. etc. Roma, ann● 1596. & 97. contra Patres Societat●s.  Capita quaedam, etc. Certain heads of Calumniations, etc. containing as hath been said a brief some of the chiefest slanders which the foresaid two men, and some few more of their correspondents had written to the scholars at Rome, and by them divulged abroad against the fathers of the Society both in Rome, England, and else where, for their defamation, and thereupon it was thought best that the said Collection of Articles should be sent unto them, or at least unto one of them to be considered of; if by that means perhaps, they entering into the consideration of so great injuries offered, where they professed and owed friendship, might be moved to cease from this course; and to that effect were they sent unto the later to wit W. G. with a letter written in very friendly manner, laying down unto him plainly and sincerely both the iniquity of the things themselves, as also the bad manner of proceeding therein, and after all, the writer saith thus:  
And now Sir, 
Out of a letter of F. P. to W. G. 20. of Decemb. 1597.  as still a friend that wisheth you well, and would gladly have you make up these foul matters as cleanly as may be, I am sorry they have fallen out so much against your credit as they have done, and are like to do, if they pass further; and if you would have followed any part of your old and true friends counsel you should never have waded so far in them. But a little anger oftentimes or emulation, or incitation of others with a free nature, doth draw a man by little and little to many inconveniences. And now I see but two ways for you to choose, the one to set yourself to prove these things that you have avouched of our fathers if you can, or else to give some manner of satisfaction to them, laying the fault upon mistaking, misinformation, or the like. But the best satisfaction of all would be to leave of this course of contradiction, and to attend to peace and union in our nation for the time to come, for that our divisions are odious both to God and man, and none can abide now in this place to hear of them, or of any that will foster them, etc.  
This was then written, and you may easily discern hereby the spirit of peace and quietness in the writer, and how seal an appetite he & his had of revenge, seeing that for so intolerable injuries and infamations offered them (which after you shall hear) they were content with so simple a satisfaction as to have peace for the time to come. 
Desire of peace and quietness in the Fathers.  And truly these things being now past, and well near dead, we are exceeding sorry to be enforced by the petulancy of our indiscreet brethren to repeat or renew the memory of them again, for which cause we passed them over in our Apology, either in silence or generalityes, and here we endeavour (as you see) to cover men's names as much as may be without prejudice of the known truth, and very loath (truly) we shall be, to be constrained in our larger promised Apology to set down these things at length, with the persons, places and other circumstances. Yet must you here note by the way that in the foresaid collection of calumniations sent to W. G. in Flanders, there was adjoined in the latin copy to every article the author also or writer together with the quotation of the place. 
A manifest falsehood & deceit.  or writing wherein it was to be found, which thing our brethren to make the matter more obscure and intricate, have purposely omitted in their English traduction; to the end it might be thought, that many Englishmen had agreed among themselves (as they affirm) to justify these false and infamous accusations, devised by some one only of his own malicious head, which accusations and slanders we shall now repeat unto you, at least wise some of them, for all were overlong, and the foul quality of a few will easily glut your appetite (if we be not deceived) from desiring the rest.  
First then the very first article concerning the whole Society or body of jesuits (for into two branches you remember they were divided) is uttered by them in these words: 
Relat. pag. 76  The jesuits are so ambitious, as not còntent with the bounds which their Fathers placed, they have in their insatiable desire already swallowed up kingdoms and monarchies: 
An absurd contumelious speech.  And then was added in the latin copy where you should find this wise assertion to wit W. G. epistola ad Temp. 13. April 1596. which quotation our brethren thought good to leave out as well in this as in all the other articles, partly not to discover their friends, the authors of these calumniations, partly also (as hath been said) to have them thought to come from the consent of many together. But letting pass this fraud we would ask them sadly & seriously with what conscience can they publish this slander to the world of all jesuits, or of their Society and body as the title ●aith? What kingdom or monarchy have they already swallowed up or devoured (as the latin words import) is not this exceeding madness to proceed with so impotent blindness of passion? But let us hear further.  
It followeth in the sixth article; 
Art. 6.  that if this ambition (of the jesuits) do remain unpunished, the age that is to come shall see, that it will bring in bondage not only prelates, but the very princes and monarchs themselves, whon ●yet she flattereth in her infancy. Thus they report this article, leaving out the citation as before W. G epistolam eadem. And upon this they infer for remedy another article immediately following in these words: 
Art. 7.  They beseech the Pope (in latin rogat W. G. Pontificem) that he will lay the axe to the root of the tree, and cut of this pride of the Society spreading itself far and near, lest if it once arm itself with the authority of his Haul it power out a full revenge upon all others to their destruction, & make an infinite slaughter and massacre of souls, as already they have begone in wretched England, etc. ibid. W. G.  
And furthermore to in●yte his Hol. (if they had been able) to cut down this religious tree of the Society, they tell him of divers most grievous crimes and faults of jesuits without proving any one, or showing them at least to be probable, as for example: 
Art. 9 pag. 77  That the Pope can comound nothing in all his mandates but the jesuits find means to frustrate i● by secular power. And can this be true or probable? And again: 
Art. 20.  that the jesuits do eagerly wait for the death of the Pope, and of the renowned Cardinal● Toled, that they may bring upon all, slaughter & bloudsheed, as they have long assayed, etc. W. G. altaep. ad T●p. 29. Sept. 1596. The quotation is left out. But is the matter likely? or was it christian charity in the writer to cause such things to be put into his Hol. head? The one of the two is now dead, and his soul (we trust) with God: and at his death he left great signs of his love and reverence towards his mother the Society, as he was bound, and as we have showed in our 
* Cap. 4.  Apology: neither hath any slaughter or bloodshed followed from the jesuits by his death, nor is like to do, by the grace of God, whensoever it shall please him to call unto him his Hol. whom we desire and pray for daily, that he may livelong, and so we do assure ourselves the jesuits do also, whatsoever this unchristian calumniation doth cast out to the contrary, which how well grounded it is, may appear by two other that ensue, 
Art. 23.  the one: that the jesuits seek the government of the College of Douai, 
Art. 24  and the other immediately following; 
Art. 25.  that the jesuits by their Machavillian practices go about to procure the dissolution of the same College. But of these matters the Precedent, Doctors and Ancients of Douai College together with the facts and effects themselves will testify against this slanderous tongue, as also against that impious objection, whereby they say in another Article: 
Art. 13.  That it is a known position or maxim among the jesuits: Divide & impera: set in division and then shall you govern at your pleasure. Which is so malicious a conceit against so religious men, that we blush to relate it, albeit they blush not to affirm it; as neither another crime more improbable than this, 
Art. 10.  saying, That the jesuits in Rome do use to intercept all manner of letters of all men what soever, not forbearing the packets of Cardinals nor Princes, etc. What forehead would affirm this, and put it in print? could never yet any one be taken with this, seeing it is said to be used to so many, & so punished for the same?  
But that you may better see their good consciences hear (we pray you) what true and pious protestations they make of English affairs, 
Art. 12.  and Catholics there: N. calleth God & his angels to witness (in latin Deum testatur W. G. & angelus eius) that the greatest part of the Nobility and Clergy in England both at home and abroad do be wail with sighs and tears their most miserable estate, in that they suffer more grievous things under these new tyrants (the jesuits) then by all their other grievous daily persecutions. 
Intemperate scolding against good men.  W. G. ep ad Marc. Now whether this be true or no, that the far greater part (maxima pars) of the Nobility, and the English Clergy both at home and abroad (wherein no doubt must enter all the seminaries also) do thus weep and bewayl● their miseries and calamities received by jesuits, and whether this be so certain a truth, as W. G. may call God and his Angels to witness thereof, and whether these men with a good conscience could publish the same in print, we leave to any Catholic man or civil Protestant to judge. And yet they repeat the very same again as most true and notorious in the article following saying: 
Art. 1●.  That the persecution of the jesuits is more grievous to the catholics then that of the heretics in England: And all this you must note was written in the year 1596. When these later broils and revolts of these our mutined brethren were not yes fallen out.  
Further also they tell his Hol. for his better information in English affairs; 
Very seditious informations. Art. 19  that nothing doth so vex the English catholics as the contempt and hatred (in the jesuits) of the Precedent that now is (in latin praesentis Pontificis) and the slanderous reproaches imputed by them to the renowned Cardinals Toled and Alexandrinus. W. G. epist. ad Temp. 19● Septemb. 1596. And could envy herself (think you) invent more odious and malicious stuff? But yet hearken further: Of three hundred priests (say they) which have entered into England scarce six or seven have fallen away, 
Art. 17.  but of twenty jesuits, eight have revolted: And is this justifiable? Nay is there any one of them that was sent to England hitherto by obedience of his superiors, revolted or fallen? If there be not, what impudensie is it, so boldly to avouch it? what folly also to name so many of their fellow priests whose number we pray God that some of these men do not increase.  
But yet let us hearefurther of English matters and English jesuits set down under another general head or branch entitled: 
The second general brand of calumniations. Art. 1.  Touching the Jesuits in England, whereof the first is: The Fathers of the Society (in England) do descent amongst themselves F. Henry the Superior, and F. Edmund in the prison at Wisbich, and there are 26. articles of their dissension. Thus saith this article, and then is quoted, Ch. P. in colloq. cum P. Bonard●vt patet ex eiusdem literis 27. Sept. 1597. Which quotation our brethren for sparing of their friends do omit though in all their later books they do contradict the whole substance of this article also by complaining that F. Garnet F. Edmund, and F. Persons with the rest are too much united, the one obeying the others beck, etc.  
After this they lay on load, 
Art. ●.  saying: ●hat the jesuits are the firebrands of all sedition: 
Art. 5.  enemies to all secular priests: such notable ly●rs, as none will believe them, 
Art. 7.  no not when they swear: That by the schismatics in England, they are called horseliches and blood suckers. And thus they go on railing and reviling without stop or stay either of shame fastness or conscience, 
●. Cor. 6.  as though it were not written neque ebriosi, neque maledici regnum Dei possidebunt. both which sins these men hear do notably express by their intemperancy of tongue, and yet for very shame they leave out ●6. whole articles, which are in the latin, albeit these which they set down here in English are so slanderous and malicious, as we are ashamed to wade further therein. Yet will we end with one that will make you laugh, or rather pity the blindness of their folly, 
Art. 11.  for thus they write: that F. Holt and his companions had gathered such an infinite mass of money (in Flanders) of the catholics in England, 
A notable ridiculous exaggeration.  for dispensations, or under the colour of expending it to their uses, as many credibly affirmed it to exceed the some of fifty thousand pounds English which make two hundred million of Italian scudes. W. G. ●p. ad Marc. 8. August. 1596. The quotation they omit according to their fashion for covering their friends credit, that wrote this notable excess, but yet do overthrow their own credit in this ridiculous multiplication of two hundred millio●s of Italian scudes, which is more money perhaps then all the princes in Italy or else where in Christendom can lay togethers In the latin copy, taken out of W. G. his letters it is ducenta millia two hundred thousand, which these men either by ignorance or malice would needs increase to the number of two hundred millions. And we have been credibly informed that when F. Persons came to Rome in the year 1597. Cardinal ●urghe●ius, (who at that time was employed by his Hol. as Viceprotector in compounding the stirs of the tumultuous scholars) told the said Father, that no one thing had made his Hol. more clearly to discover, and see the passion both of the turbulent in the College, and of their setters on from Flanders, than this particular accusation written from thence F. Holt of two hundred thousand crowns gotten by him to the Society out of England; for (said he) if it had been some moderate sum, it might have borne some probability of suspicion, but now it cannot be thought true by any man. Whereunto F. Persons answered, that if it could be proved, that the body of the Society or any man thereof to their use had received out of England from their first entrance unto that day, not two hundred thousand crowns, but two hundred pens to be bestowed in benefit of the said Society, and not on English men or the English cause, that then he was content that all the rest objected by the slanderers should be granted for true; which he confirmed by divers examples of English gentlemen dying beyond the seas, as M. Charles Basse●, M. George, Gilbert and others, who left divers good somnes of money freely given to the said society, or to be disposed by them at their pleasure, and namely the later of the two, left by testament yet extant 800. Crowns in gift to the house of probation of S. Andrew's in Rome; 
Legacies of Englishmen refused by jesuits.  Whereof, or of any other such gift, the General that now is Claudius Aquavius would never suffer any one penny to be admitted, either to the use of the Society or to any friend of theirs, but only to be left and distributed to Englishmen in necessity, & to the use of the English cause, as it was. And the college of Rheims had of this and other money left by the same gentleman when he died to the arbitrement of the said jesuits, two thousand crowns in gold, and the body of the Society never a penny, as to this day appeareth by manifest records.  
And thus much by occasion we have been forced to utter in this behalf, having thoroughly informed ourselves of the truth; and we could say much more in this matter of the exceeding charity and charges also of those good men bestowed upon us and our cause, if the shortness of this treatise did not prohibit to enlarge ourselves in such matters. Yet can we not pretermit, but to advertise the Reader, that our brethren in the beginning of this their treatise of accusations against jesuits do remit us to the 52. Page of their book where they write thus: 
Relat. pag. ●  We will put you in mind that after Cardinal Allens death, the students in the English college at Rome ●elt no less oppression by the jesuits their ty●●m●ysing governors, 
The sedition of the English college defended.  than we did at home, etc. It may be that hereafter some of our brethren will set out those tragedies at large, which 〈◊〉 long, and will appear to all men of indifferency to have been very intolerable; in the mean while you shall understand that two or three did write a teat●se of the jesuits dealing and naming it a memorial dedicated the same in latin to his Holiness in the year 1597. etc. The imputations whereof were so very sharp and touched their freehould so nearly as no marvel if F. Garnet bestyrred his stumps to save their credits by all the means and ways he could devise, etc.  
Thus they write, and by their very style you may learn their spirit, and what manner of imputations were objected you have partly now heard before; & for the story of the Roman stirs here threatened we suppose they will not be so fond as to set it forth, especially having read what we have authentically written thereof in the 5. Ch●p. of our Apology, which these men shall in vain go about to dif●redit by bare scornful words without proofs. And whereas they here jest at that reverend man F. Garnet, for besty●●ing his st●mpes (as their phrase is) for saving the jesuits credits, he did no other than any injured or oppressed innocent man could do in such a case against so false and malicious slanders published against religious men, which was to require the testimonies of all the good priests in England for reproof thereof. And to the end no man should say or testify more than he knew (whereof it seemeth these men have little care, who affirm every thing absolutely) he suggested unto them a triple way of writing: the one, for them that knew all to be false (as indeed it was, and may be proved) so to affirm in their letters: the other for such as could not say so much of their certain knowledge, 
Great modesty in the request of F. Garnet.  that the whole accusation was false, but only that they knew not the things to be true, nor had themselves any such opinion or matter to accuse the fathers of; & consequently must needs suspect these things to be false, these (we say) to write so much and no more: And the third way was, that such as could not or would not intermeddle in the articles or matters themselves objected, yet to testify that they were no authors thereof, nor knew any thing of the said Memorial.  
Thus scrupulously, & with so great modesty wrote F. Garnet to the priests of England for their testimonies of only truth in this behalf, for which these gybers say here now; that he bestyrred his stumps, 
Pag. 23.  and was content to play small game before he would sit out, and that he swore by more than his little honesty, there was not a true word in the said Memorial, etc. And that they seldom fall out to be the honestest men who are driven to seek testimonials for their behaviour, etc. which is a style fitter for Ruffian's and soldiers, then for sacred and anointed priests, if they were priests that write this, or had so much inward light of reason or conscience as to consider the absurdity of this base kind of comical writing against such men of their own religion. And as for the testimonies themselves required by F. Garnet, we would ask our people what other way could there be taken by any honest and modest men, for their defence in so public an infamation, then to remit themselves with such indifferency as they do to the report of their fellow priests, and Catholic brethren? did not the Apostles also do the like when need required, and all good men after them, etc.  
Wherefore to end this matter, we say that the good fathers both in Rome & here having been more ungratefully and unworthily, 
The great patience of the Fathers in beating so intolerable injures.  and more opprobriously slandered by the intemperate tongues of some of our country men, than ever perhaps men of such quality were by Cath. people so much obliged to them for their labours and other benefits, as our men are: they have always hitherto taken and borne the same with the greatest patience that men could expect, and have never fought any other revenge or satisfaction at their hands that most have injured th●●, but their true reconciliation and amendment, nor any further justification of themselves then only to satisfy the bare truth in matters objected. And this is most apparent besides other arguments by the end of the foresaid Roman sedition, where such of the troublesome as remained after quietness restored, were as tenderly soved cherished and made of by the fathers, as if never any such matter had fallen out. By which notorious charity, divers of them that had been of those stirs were moved afterward to exceeding great internal sorrow for their former proceedings and some of them also resolving for better satisfaction to enter into the said Society itself. And the like effects of better consideration will ensue also here after in England, we doubt not, in those that be of good consciences, when this tempest of passion shallbe passed, and reason restored to her place, 
The dangerous and lamentable case of them that slander others.  for which we shall pray.  
And in the mean space for that the pitiful state of our passionate brethren's souls doth●ly continually before our eyes, if they should die before they enter into due consideration of penance and satisfaction, we cannot but warn them, especially those that have either written or published or imparted from hand to hand the foresaid infamations against the fathers of the Society or other men, or have consented, thereunto that according to all Catholic divinity, conscience, and reason they are in a damnable state of mortal sin, and subject also to the censures and punishments appointed thereunto, and that they, are bound to restitution in the best manner they can, though it were with the loss of their own good names by recalling the said reproaches & that no ghostly father with safe conscience can absolve them (being in this state) except they promise effectually to make this restitution, or rather do really and actually preforme the same.  
And this not to be any exaggeration of ours, but rather the common and known sense & doctrine of all learned catholics, is evident by their writings about this matter of infamation, the penalties whereof are expressed by both Civil and Cannon laws. 
Cod. lib. 9 tit. de ●am. l●bell. lege unica.  The civil saith thus: Si quis famosum libellum domi, vel in publico, etc. If any defined any infamons libel (though unwittingly) at home or in public or any other place (and much more if he should compose it) if he do not tear and burn the same but manifest it to others, he must die for it, as if he had been the author thereof.  
The Canon law saith: 
Decret. causa 5. q. 1. cap. 1. Qui in alterius.  Qui in alterius famam, etc. He that shall devise and publish either by word or writing any contumelious thing whereby another is infamed, and being found, is not able to prove it, flagelle●ur, let him be whipped, and he that first findeth the said contumelious writing, let him tear it under pain to incur the same penalty with the author. Thus they say; and much more to this effect might be alleged as well for other punishments, as also their obligation to restitution, if this place did bear it, or the thing itself were obsecure, only we shall in the name of the rest, set down some few words of that most learned and pious writer 〈◊〉, and the rather for that he seemeth to speak in the same sense, and feeling compassion which we do of our brethren: for having first defined the case and quality of the sin in his Summarie writing upon the decretals in these words: 
In decres. de paint. d●st. ●. Cap. Sacerd●s. num. 5. & deinceps.  Libellum famosum componere, aut repertum palam facere, grave peceatum est, & gravius. famam ●aesam non restituere. To compose any famous libel, or to publish the same being made by another is a greevons sin, but much more grievous, not to restore the same of them that are injured. Thus he saith, and then he maketh his further consideration upon the same: 
The speech of Navarre to be marked.  Quod multi parum anim●●duertentes, etc. Which thing many not weighing well, do grievously offend both divine and human mayest. and do most miserably clog their own souls with the obligation of restoring the same of those whom they have stan●dered, and which is to be bewailed with ●eares, they scarce ever disburden their said souls in this behalf.  
Thus saith he, which in our opinion, ought much to be considered and remembered by our brethren especially seeing that both 
a Navar. in s●m cap. 27. num. 109.  this man and 
* S. Antonin. 3. part. tit. 2● c. 7●.  other writers do record, that for ●nfaming a whole order of religion, their is a special excommunication, the absolution whereof is reserved to the Pope himself. And whether the forerelated slanders uttered with such a tooth against the jesuits (who by the Sea Apostolic are made partakers of that and other like privileges) may bring our brethren within that case, 
Caet. in s●●m. v●●●. excommunicate  we leave to them and their ghostly fathers to consider and weigh for their own security, 
jacob. de Gr●●●is lib. 2. cay. 137. num. 1●.  which we admonish them sincerely, and as in the fight of God almighty, considering that the foresaid obligation of restitution bindeth not only in the case of true libels (if any would so fond flatter themselves, as to think these not to be such) but also in every false or unjust infamation whatsoever.  
And this shall be sufficient for the present about this matter, except we be forced to add any thing hereafter when the said story of the Roman stirs shall come forth. And hitherto the discreet Reader will easily consider what manner of subjects and arguments these two are of the proceedings of Wisbich, and of the accusations laid against jesuits brought in by our brethren in this former book, which they call A Relation.  
But the other arguments which followeth in the book entitled: 
The book of important considerations, and argument thereof.  Important Considerations, etc. surpasseth all the rest in folly and frenzy, containing not only a furious in●ectiue against particular men, whereunto our Country, and the writers themselves are most bound and behoulden, as the forenamed Fathers of the Society, Doctor Sanders, Card. Alle● and others by name, but all the rest also of the learned Catholic men of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristol, M. Gregory Martin M. William Raynolds, yea those of other countries also, and the very Popes themselves and their doings, as also the holy martyrs in like manner, of our nation, that have suffered and all other good and godly men are injured in this most odious book as by the sequel of this our narration shall appear.  
For first these men to grace themselves with my L. of London, and other higher Magistrates by his means and mediation, and to wreak their spite upon others of their own coat, calling and religion, whose virtues they can neither bear nor imitate, and whose other gifts and graces they do highly envy; are come at length not only to be privy mutineers against their Superiors, and conspirers with the common adversary (as hitherto) but openly also as public enemies to impugn their own cause, bidding war and defiance, to all those that have or do defend the same contrary to their appetite and fancy, which point of madness, they do prosecute in this whole book by six or seven most absurd positions or paradoxes, justifying first, the proceeding of heretics and persecutors against catholics for cause of religion: then excluding all spiritual authority and jurisdiction of the Sea Apostolic from England, as foreign and subject to the law of Praemunire: Thirdly denynig the said Sea and Bishops thereof all authority to restrain punish or force by way of arms either by himself or others any temporal prince for heresy, Apostasy, or whatsoever other crime pertaining to Religion. Fourthly affirming, that if any Pope should attempt such matters he may and aught to be resisted by Catholic subjects, and that themselves would do it though he came in person. Fifthly they lay all the fault of so long and grievous persecution as hitherto English catholics have suffered for religion, upon themselves, and their own doings, not excepting herein, the very martyrs and Saints of God; and further they are not ashamed to affirm, that if they had been of the Counsel themselves they could have done no less, then to have agreed to the said persecution, and to the laws and statutes made for the same. Sixtly that they mean hereeafter to change their former course, and (as their phrase is) to turn over the leaf, and with such resolution as if they should know any disignments or treatese of his Hol. or other catholics for reformation or restraint of heresy by way of force in England they would reveal the same to the persecutors. The 7. and last point is, that they condemn the Semynaries and education of our youth therein beyond the seas, wherein themselves or the most part of them have been brought up, and made that they are now (excepting their sedition) and they dehort all Catholics with great vehemency from sending their children thither counseling them rather to keep them at home, where they assure them, that God will provide other masters even of the ministers themselves, if need be, to instruct them better than in the seminaries they are instructed.  
These are the wise and wholesome: positions which these men have in this book set down, and do handle as the subject and argument thereof, which you see of what quality & consideration they are; to wit, the first full of adulation, and merely parasitical, the second third and fourth pernicious erroneous, and heretical; the fifth wicked and reproachful; the sixth traitorous, and the last ridiculous or rather impious, which in part shall appear by these few words which in this place we are to say of each of them in order.  
The first point of this argument is set down in the title itself of the book, 
The first point of the argument.  which they call: Important considerations to move all true Catholics that are not wholly jesuited (to wit not so base or wickedly minded as themselves to flatter and fawn upon temporal favour) to acknowledge all the proceedings of the state of England against Catholics (since it excluded the Roman faith and fell to heresy) to have been not only just, but also mild and merciful, etc. Thus they say, adding further another piece of the said title in these words: Published by sundry of us the secular priests in dislike of many treateses, letters, and reports, which have been written and made in divers places to the contrary, with our opinions of a better course hereafter, for the promoting of the Catholic faith in England.  
Thus they frame their title: whereby (as you see) they first make themselves public proctor's for the heretics and presecutors, and then open accusers against the presecuted Catholics on their own side. That which they add of the publication of this book, by sundry of them secular priests, we easily believe that they were rather sundry and sundered also, then many united in so wicked an attempt, and that they were not only secular in order and degree, but in mind also heart and desires which S. Paul conjoineth with impiety, when he saith: abnegantes impietatem, & saecularia desideria. As for the treateses, 
Tit. 2.  letters, and reports which have been written and made in divers parts of the world, against the persecution used upon catholics in England, which our new doctors here do protest to mislike; they having been written and made by the gravest and most learnedest 
D Sand. de visib. mon. l. 7. & de schismate. D. Al●en Card.  men of our nation, and others; and upon the grounds and proofs which in their books they have set down, little importeth, what these men may like or dislike thereof now, being unworthy to be admitted for judges or censurers of their masters doings and writings, 
In Apol & cont. justit. Britan.  especially seeing them so transformed by the passion of envy & malice, as they seem to have sold their tongues to the common enemy, 
D. Bristol in his motives.  to contradict whatsoever others have done before them; for which cause also their offered opinions of a new and better course hereafter, 
D. Staplet. in Didimo verid. & alibi.  for turning over the leaf (as after they call it) is ridiculous and contemptible to all catholics of discretion, 
Philopat. against the Proclamation. Pernius against ●●e same.  considering the learning, virtue, gravity, severity, constancy, wisdom and other commendations of these that went before, and the very effects and fruits themselves of their labours hitherto, and comparing therewith the contrary in firmityes and imperfections of these men, and that th●y set up nothing but seek to pull down. And when they come to the end of their book, and should show us what this new course of theirs is, which they call, better for promoting of Catholic Religion hereafter in England, you shall find no other thing prescribed by them but only a flattering persuasion to stick to the State against the Pope and Sea Apostolic (wherein we persuade ourselves that the adversaries themselves do not believe them) & then a vehement exhortation to catholics to send their children no more to the seminaries beyond the seas lest they be infected with the contrary doctrine, which is so foolish and absurd as we are ashamed to mention or relate it.  
And thus much touching the first point. 
The second chief point of the subject.  The second is about the law of Praemunire many times mentioned before by them, and now again greatly urged in the preface of this book, where having railed without all modesty or measure against F. Persons and all other catholics and priests united with him in admitting his Hol. ordinance about the Archpriest, they say thus: 
Epist. pag. 14  As by this means (to wit by admitting the Archpriest) he and his confederates have incurred a double praemunire as in another place (siz in the book of Quodlibets. I mean God willing to declare) so intendeth he thereby to draw you all (good catholics) into the same predicament premunireal and of treason with him.  
Touching this book of Quodlibets here mentioned, if these men do mean thereby that they may say or unsay therein what they list without controlment, then may all the other books also hitherto set forth be called Quodlibets 
The book of Quodlibets.  no less than this, having tied themselves therein to no law either of truth, probability, proof or modesty. Neither can we imagine what occasion this book of Quodlibets may bring to handle more at large this matter of Praemunire, than here, and in other their writings hath been expressed, seeing that applying that law as they do, to overthrow thereby the Pope's institution of the Archpriest, their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and jurisdiction from the kingdom of England, except the prince of what religion soever, agree thereunto. Which doctrine of what quality it is, no man can but see.  
And for better explication thereof we are in this place to advertise the Reader, that albeit we have said so much already in our 
* Cap. 2.  Apology about this matter as was needful for that place, 
About the law of Praemunire.  and the objections made by these people did require; yet having both thought and sought more of that point since, by occasion of the often urging it, we find somewhat to be added here, to wit, that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law itself of Praemunire than the chief substance thereof, which preamble was begun specially under K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the year 1170. and continued on until towards the later end of the reign of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the year 1375. which was but a year before the said King's death, when Wickclif now had begone to stir against Clergy men, and the king being impotent permitted the government most to john of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some, at great variance in those days with the bishops, namely Wickam and Courtney, the first of Winchester, the second of London, and himself not a little incensed with john Wickliff's new devilish persuasions against the clergy and religious men.  
Wherefore a contention being in those days about the collation of benefices and bishoprics in England, whereof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part, they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and many sendings forth and back to Avignon in France where the Popes at that time resided, that such provisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the time to come, but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignities; and whosoever should contrary to this procure provisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or jurisdiction contrary to this law, should incur the penalties thereof. And this to have been the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers, that were catholics, 
Policron. lib. 7. c. 44. Tho. Walsingh ab an 1343. usque ad an. 1376. ex ar●hiuis Reg. & stat. impressis.  is evident by all authors that have written thereof. And in this sense there is no controversy among us, for that later Popes have either agreed thereunto or permitted the same; and we see the like in ure also in other Catholic countries at this day by agreement and composition between the Sea Apostolic, Princes, and Catholic Clergy.  
But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath been another invented by heretics and enemies since that time, 
Registrum Symonis Islepij.  as though by this law all external jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be utterly excluded from England not only in providing of benefices whereunto are annexed temporalityes, 
Nicol haps field in hist. Eccles. Angl. saeculo 14. Cap. 5.  but even in matters also mere spiritual. In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Majesty was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luther's Doctrine at that time, to condemn the Card. of York, and all his English Clergy, 
Saunder de Schisma●e li. 1.  in the loss of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law, 
john Stow anno 1530.  for admitting the authority and jurisdiction of the Pope's legates Campegius & the said Cardinal without the kings express licence.  
And in this sense also hath the Pope's authority been called foreign and external and utterly excluded from England by divers laws statutes & oaths set forth by Protestants against the same, since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification (being plainly false and heretical as you see) do these libelers urge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approve his authority, though merely spiritual, as all the world seeth, as having nor benefice nor temporality annexed to it or joined with it. And so we see with what kind of people these men are drawn by passion to conspire and jump.  
The third point of their argument in this book is to show that neither the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soever hath any authority to restrain, 
The ● point of the argument.  punish, or press by way of force or arms immediately or by others any Christian temporal prince whatsoever, for any delict of heresy, Apostasy, impugnation of Christian faith, extirpation of religion or other crime whatsoever, though never so much danger or damage should e●s●e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendom.  
And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintain throughout their whole book, alleging fond & childish arguments for the same: 
Pag. 19  as that the word of the spirit & not the swords of the flesh or any arm of man, is that which giveth life, and beauty to the Catholic Church and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholic religion without arms: And other such fancies which the anabaptists do use to prove that there should be no external force or civil magistrate used by Christians; and as Martin Luther disputed, when he would prove that war was not to be waged against the Turk for religion, especially at the Pope's direction. And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to catholics: 
Ibidem.  Give no ear (dear Catholics) to any private Whisper or jesuitical persuasions; to the contrary; all arguments that can be brought assure yourselves are false and unlearned sophistifications.  
Thus they say, and thus they assure catholics, but much more sure are we, that this is pride, ignorance, ●olly, and falsehood in them; for that they cannot but know, that all the Catholic learned men of Christendom are against them in this position: and that the proofs and reasons, which they allege for the same (called by these men here private Whisper, jesuitical persuasions, and unlearned sophistications) are so learned and weighty, as they are not able to answer one of them; and if we should here set down the rank of authors that have written of this point within these 400. years, as also in our days against heretics and atheists, and convinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures, councils fathers and theological reasons, to wit, that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christ's Church (according to the common opinion of divines) have not temporal dominion or jurisdiction over christian temporal princes that are supreme in their own states, yet indirectly for conservation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them, he may also use the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint, either immediately from himself or by other princes at his direction; if (we say) we should city here all the learned Catholic authors of all nations that have written and affirmed this against our men's new flattering paradox, we should fill up this whole Chapter with quotations of authors and books; which esteeming to be needless and inconvenient, we have thought better to pass them over, citing only some 
* Divines. D. Th. 22. qu. 40. artic. 2. & q. 12 art. 2. Caetan. in Apol. ●om. 1. Oppose. tract. 2. l. 13. ad ●, & 22. qu 43. Th. Waldensis l. 2. doct. fidei artic. 3. cap. 67. 77. 78. Franc. de Victor ●elect. 1. de pie●ate Eccles. q. penultima, cum relect. de Indis Insulanis p. 1. Paludanus l. de pietate Eccles. So●. i● 4. sent. dist. 25. q. 2. art. 1. Dominic. Baunes in comment. 22. q. 12. artic. 2.  few in the margin for the Readers direction, if it please him to peruse.  
And as for reasons, one or two only may suffice for reasonable men in this so clear a matter; whereof the first & ground of all other is, the subordination that is and aught to be beweene the temporal and spiritual ends of civil and ecclesiastical Magistrates, and their powers; which subordination according to the most excellent declaration of S. Gregory Nazianzen, and other fathers is, and aught to be as the body to the soul, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly things to heavenly things. And as the body is subject to the soul, the flesh to the spirit, and earthly and temporal affairs to those that are heavenly and eternal; so is the end of the civil common wealth subject and subordinate to the end of the spiritual common wealth, to wit the Church of Christ. And as the soul may and doth restrain or correct oftentimes the body, and the spirit the flesh when they go out of order, so may the spiritual governor do the same to the temporal, when he breaketh this subordination and goeth about to impugn the same and overthrow religion, 
Molina 22. tract. 2. disput. 29. art. 3. Bellarm. Car. to 1. cont●ou. Ibi. 5. ca 6. 7. & 8.  whereunto he and his power ought to be subject and subordinate, etc.  
The second reason proceeding of this first, may be, that if some such supreme superiority for restraining of particular princes were not left in god's Church, 
Greg de Valent. 22. disp. 1. qu. 12. puncto 2.  than had not his divine providence left sufficient remedy in the Christian common wealth for conservation and continuation thereof (which notwithstanding he hath promised shall endure to the end of the world) seeing that every temporal prince without subordination to any on head, 
Canonists. S. Anton. 3. p. tit. 22 l. 5. §. 2.  may believe, teach, change, or alter religion at his pleasure, 
Silvester de verbo Papa. q. 7. & à qu. 10. usque ad 14. & verbo legitimus: q. 4.  without any remedy or redress, which were contrary to the high wisdom of almighty God, showed in all other things to which he hath left sufficient power and provision to defend and conserve themselves and their own being.  
And this is so plain and evidenta truth even by the light of nature herself (where any soul or spirit, 
joan Paris de pietate regla & papali in principio etc. 11.  or higher end than earth or earthly things is acknowledged) as not only all sectaries of our time whatsoever do confess the same, 
Navar. I nono de indicijs notab. 3. & alij.  or substance thereof, but jews also and Turks will not deny, but that for defence and conservation of religion any prince may be restrained that goeth about to ouerthrow●the same; 
Greg. Nazianz. in orat. ad populum trepidatem & Imper. comotum.  which we see in like maver practised by innumerable examples recounted both in scriptures ecclesiastical and profane histories, as also by experience of our own days. And this base flattery of these our new fawning brethren to the contrary, is not only fond but also impious.  
There followeth the fourth part of their argument in this book which containeth a brave and resolute protestation against the Pope, 
The 4 point of their argument.  to wit: that if the Pope should come in person with an army where they are, under pretence to establish Catholic religion by force, they would oppose themselves against him, and spend the best blood in their bodies (if any be good) in that quarrel, etc. Behold valiant Soldiers brought up in the Pope's seminaries braving against him: who would beleene this to be spoken by priests, except they avowed themselves to be authors of the book? And how are these men (think you) so soon of priests made soldiers? A little before they talked much of the word, and now upon the sudden they have taken up the sword, to fight against their chief pastor and bringer up, and this also in defence of heresy. Whence (think you) is this mutation? We are thoroughly presuaded (say they) that priests of what order soever ought not by force of arms to plant, water, 
Ibid.  or defend religion. But we would ask them what good arguments have persuaded them herein, or what learned master hath taught them this new lesson, so contrary to their old? Surely we can imagine none, but my L. of London, nor other arguments than anger, envy and other like passions.  
The fifth point of their subject is to cast upon catholics (as hath been said) yea upon the best and most zealous sort, 
The fifth point of their argument.  and upon the martyrs themselves all the fault, hatred and envy of the long and grievous persecutions and sufferings for religion in England, and to drown them (as men are wont to say) in their own blood and (which is more impious) to defame them with all sorts of people both at home and abroad, as traitors, conspirers, and practisioners against the State, and as men of malevolent minds towards both their prince and country: And is this priestlike? is this piety? nay they lay the fault upon the Pope's themselves (as before hath been showed) and is this tolerable?  
But yet they go further, and say that some of themselves, if they had been of her Ma. counsel, and knowing what they now know, 
Pag. 17.  would have given their consents to that which hath been done against Catholics Lo here, they give their consent à posteriori to participate the spilling of so much blood, and the guilt of so many spoilings and vexations of catholics as hitherto have been used, and great probability there is that the justice of almighty God may admit them to that participation at the day of judgement, seeing they desire it so earnestly, and so importunately thrust themselves in now, by offering their postconsent. But would any man believe this of Catholic preeists that are in their right wits?  
If a man should pose them about the proceedings in England for above twenty years before the coming of the jesuits thither (whom now they make the authors of all persecution & sufferings) as of the change of religion itself the deposing and imprisoning of all the Cath. 
Aposing of the iumultuons.  Bishops, the abolishing of the mass, with the grievous punishment appointed for hearing it, the ministering of the oath about the supremacy and other articles of faith, the enforcing to heretical service, sermons and communion, the expulsing from colleges, benefices and dignities, the imprisoning of divers presons, the putting to death of divers as well priests as others. M. Woodhouse, M. Maine, D. Story, M. Shirwood, etc. if all these proceedings and persecutions were used before the jesuits came into England, or that Catholics stirred, how do these accusers of their brethren lay all the fault of rigour and persecution upon jesuits and other catholics of their side? How will they answer or defend this?  
The sixth point of their book, 
The sixth point of their argument. Pag. 5.  is an intimation of their intention and resolute purpose to change their former course for the time to come: Better late them never (say they) we have thought it our parts, being her highness natural borne subjects to acknowledge the truth of the carriage of matters against us, & the apparent causes of it that the blame, may in deed from point to point light and lie where it ought to do, etc. This is their flattering and perfidious preface, and the persons whereon this blame and blood of martyrs must light and lie are not only the jesuits and true zealous priests and catholics joined with them; but the Popes also themselves to wit Pius 5. Gregor. xiii. Syxtus 5. named by them, Card. Allen also, D. Saunders, and others called here their instruments. And then they proceed in their foresaid intimation and denunciation in these words: 
Pag. Ibid.  If the State hereby, may in any sort be satisfied, our own former courses bettered and the realm secured (we promise) that the like shall never her after be attempted or savoured by any of us, but be revealed, if we know them, and withstood if they be enterprised, withal our goods, and our lives, to our uttermost ability, be their pretences never so fair for religion or what else can be devised.  
Lo here new Champions that will fight even with God himself if he should come with force to root out heresy. But will any prorestant living believe them, seeing them so notoriously perfidious to their own people, or rather mere sycophants in seeking to accuse all other Catholics, but themselves, of treasons and machinations against the prince and state? what spirit of the former wicked seven may we hold this to be? Wherefore seeing they do affirm so plainly here that better late than never and that they mean to turn over the leaf (which God of his mercy grant it be not to open heresy and apostasy) it is better also for catholics that they know these men rather late than never. And this is all the advertisement we will give them in this behalf.  
But not to enlarge ourselves any further, 
The 7 poy●●● of the subject.  there remaineth the last part of this subject or argument, wherein they beseech all catholics to pleasure them so much, as not to send their children any more to the Seminaries beyond the seas: 
Pag 4●.  It remaineth then (say they) that you would be pleased to be entreated by us not to send or suffer your children or friends to go beyond the seas to them that so they may be driven if needs they will train up youths, to make them traitors, to gather them up in other countries, whereby they shall not be able so much to infect or endanger us, etc. This is their request, where at we doubt not, but you will laugh; especially considering that if jesuits had not gathered open divers of them in other countries, they had yet lain on the ground as contemptible things both their and here, but hear the reason of their request and you will laugh more. 
Ibid. 4●.  For God (say they) is able to raise up priests out of our own universityes and from among the ministers themselves.  
Lo here a new generation of masters made of ministers instead of jesuits. For bringing up catholics children, but besides teachers they must offer us colleges and maintenance, also or else they bid us to our loss. And so with this as they do end their book, so shall we end this first Chapter, remytting it to the judgement of the discreet Reader, concerning both the wit and spirit wherewith it is written, which yet will more perhaps appear in the others chapters following.   

OF THEIR FOLLY AND passionate spirit declared in the manner of handling the former arguments.  
CAP. II.  
IF you have taken pity (good Readers, as truly we have) of our discontented and distempered brethren their indiscretinon and demonstration of bad spirit in taking upon them to handle and defend so odious arguments, as before have been related out of their two last books, the one treating a defence and patronage of disorder and liberty against virtuous, regular, and retired life, the other two (for now they are three in number as you have seen) of far worse quality tending to open railing and rebellion against Superiors, with manifest errors also in doctrine: much more (no doubt) will you do the same, or rather feel a far deeper sense of compassion in you toward them by viewing over their manner of handling these subjects, which is commonly every where with such extreme passion, lack of judgement, modesty, and moderation, as truly in men of their coat and vocation is most lamentable.  
For whereas an evil argument may sometimes by cunning and smooth handling, 
The extreme passionate proceeding of the seditious.  or by showing wit & learning of zeal, or modesty be made plausible to the vulgar reader, these men do so treat the argument or subject of these two books, as if they were good and tolerable of themselves, yet could they not but become contemptible and odious by their manner of treating, seeing they manifestly declare therein, that no reason, desire of truth, zeal of reformation, love of union, or any other good cause or motive induced them to take this enterprise in hand, but spite and rancour only, envy and malice desire of revenge and other such pernicious inductions; and in the manner of handling their pretensions, they so bear themselves, as every child may discover not only great insufficiency in wisdom and learning, but in all other virtues besides belonging to men of their profession, and that only they are carried away with the fury of passion and rage of revenge, not caring what or how or of whom they say any thing, so they may utter their gall and disgorge their choler upon them, whom they envy, fear or hate. Some few examples we shall here set down, whereby you may easily make a guess at the rest.  
And first of all we shall note one that might seem only to comprehend folly and lack of discretion, if other things uttered by the same party afterward in his discourse did not bring also suspicion or rather demonstration of venom and malice. For thus he beginneth his Preface to the book entitled, Important considerations, etc.  
Right honourable, 
A ridiculous beginning or entrance.  Worshipful, well-beloved, Lords,  
Ladies, Earls, Contesses, viscounts, Vicountesses, Barons,  
Baronesses, Knights Ladies, Gentlemen, gentlewomen,  
Bachelors, virgins, Married, Single.  
All dearly affected of both sexes of all three ages in every degree, 
Epistle to Important Considerations, etc.  state and condition of life, as well for the gifts of graces given you, as you are Catholic (which to God, to our holy mother the Catholic Roman Church, and to the Sea Apostolic doth make you grateful) as also for the gifts of nature given you as you are English (which to your prince and country make you loyal, serviceable and faithful, and of both myneful) give me leave by an epistle pathetical in one general passage to speak unto you all alike, in two adoptive surnames, Catholic and English: with sentences Apostrophal of as great weight and wariness, as the worth of the matter exacteth at my worthless hands: by so much the more made worthier, by how much I might be worthied with a favourable conceit had of you all, not for my unworthy sake, but for your own indemnity for hope of leaving a posterity: for your dear soul's health, dear Catholics dearly affected English, deeply affied, voluntary religious, it is for you, and to you I speak.  
Thus he writeth, and were it not that the galling and spiteful speech which after he useth against divers men of great worth, do argue the writer of somewhat more than simplicity and folly, this might pass with laughter as you see, but hearing him say afterward; 
Pag. 1●.  We do disdain and renounce from our hearts both Archpriests and jesuits as arrant traitors, etc. And again in the very next page thus to glory and profess: Disobedient We are to the Archpriest as an usurper on the ●ehalfe of the Cath. Sea of Rome. 
Pag. 19  And then again for further explication of his meaning: Disobedient we are to the devil, and all his instrumental usurped authorities. 
Malitions speeches of W. W.  And yet further: Never shall the Cath. Church or common wealth of England find so wicked a member as a Wolsey, a Persons, a Creswel, a Garnet, a Blackwel, etc. These we say, and many other like speeches being found every where in this preface, do manifestly show, that not only wisdom wanteth in the writer, but some other more necessary virtues also to a Christian Catholic, and much more a priest as he professeth himself to be.  
But now will we show you another example of folly and malice joined to gather out of the beginning of their second books preface to the end you may see that both were written by one spirit, 
An example of folly and malice joined to gather.  their words are these, yielding a reason of publishing thersaid book against the Archpriest. And at this time (say they) we are the rather moved so to do (to set forth this narration of matters passed in Wisbich) because it hath pleased M. Blackwel our said Archpriest very lately to send to his twelve Assistants to be divulged a certain censure, 
Praef Relat. Wisbich Pag. 1.  or (we know not what to term it) a sheet of paper fraught neither with wit, honest dealing, discretion or learning, but in effect with as many shifts and lies almost as lines in derogation not only of some of the said books set out by our brethren, terming the same (as if either he himself or some of his commanders the jesuits had made them) to be seditious books: but likewise taketh upon him to touch the said contention, not in many words, but with much folly and great untruth, we willbe bold by way of Preface a little to touch them, etc.  
By these words the reader may take a scantling of their contemptuous spirit, who speak so disorderly of their lawful Superior, a man of known virtue and learning, for so mild and modest an admonition upon their first two libels, as you shall now hear by their own relation. For thus they write.  
These are (say they) his words, 
The Archpriests mild and fatherly speech proudly censured by his subjects.  (to wit the Archpriests in his admonition:) The first point of your books (saith he) (meaning the division at Wisbich) was a thing long since ended with great edification, and by the means principally of those which are most condemned by you; It toucheth the greater and better part of that company; it nothing concerneth our authority, it being more ancient and having orders taken at the atonement by their own consent. It is well known at Rome, by whose means they were disanulted, neither is it more unfittinging for those which lived in one house to institute rules for such as voluntarily demanded and accepted them, then to procure a sodality abroad.  
Thus wrote our Reverend Father the good Archpriest and as these men do confess, it is all he wrote of this point of Wisbich and let the Reader be judge whether any Superior in the world could write more mildly & more humbly, especially if he consider the outrageous injuries done him in these two first books or libels set out by his Rebellious subjects against him, and notwithstanding all this his patience and modesty, consider we pray you with what intemperance they do canvas these few words of his here set down. For having recited his words they say.  
Thus far our Archpriest. and it is all he writeth to his Assistants of this matter which we the rather note to show the extremity of his pride in supposing by such an answer to the said books concerning that division to w●pe away those imputations & matters wherewith both F. Garnet and F. Weston, and he himself in some sort are charged.  
Thus write these men, being angry (as it seemeth) that their patient Superior vouch-safed not them more words of contention about this matter of Wisbich in his admonition to his Assistants, which how just a quarrel it is let wiser men judge, but much more, whether so few, so modest and so fatherly words uttered by a Superior without naming any, do merit so contumelious a censure from subjects, as to accuse him of extremity of pride lack of wit and honesty, discretion, learning, truth and humility in writing them. Is it possible that so high pride as here is objected can be gathered out of so lowly words without high folly and higher malevolence?  
But we shall allege you another example in a different kind of folly, or rather frenzy, used by these passionate people which is to grace and praise indeed their adversaries whom they seek most to disgrace, by telling good things of them, and depraving them only by their own commentaries, as in this example last alleged of M. Blackwel, 
Another kind of strange folly and medres.  whose words recited by themselves being most commendable as you have seen they endeavour by fond and childish in●●rpretations of their own to make them reproachful. And the like they do oftentimes concerning F. Weston, alleging both his words and deeds worthy of praise in themselves, and then seeking to discredit the same by their wresting commentaries, whereof we have given some examples in the former chapter, and we may add thereunto now this, which they relate of him, his behaviour and speech when M. Dolman one of their own side came unto F. Weston to request him & the residue (who made the greater part of the company) to return to the common conversation of the troublesome and dissolute again, whose answer to their demand they set down thus.  
Would God (said F. Weston with most earnest affection, 
Pag. 17. F. West. religious words maliciously interpreted.  as it seemed) that you M. Doleman were as able to persuade the rest, as you have done me; for my own part I mind to give over and meddle no further, but to commend the cause to God, assuring you, if I could do the least of this house good for his soul's health, by laying my head under his feet, I would most willingly do it, etc. And thus far this dissembling jesuit.  
Let any true Christian man judge now of this unchristian censure of so mild, godly and Christian words; let our brethren but allege us truly some such of any of their side, and we shall both believe them and praise them; But they can bring nothing of like quality from theirs, and you have heard the quite contrary by their own letters and subscriptions alleged by us in our 
* Cap. 6.  Apology, and here in these books you may read them in every line showing a plain opposite spirit both of speaking and doing. For within a few pages after this again they show their said spirit in scoffing at this blessed man's recollecting himself to prayer, when he was to treat any matter of moment (a thing as all godly men know most laudable, and used by all old saints, as also by the best religious men of our days) for when the foresaid M. Dolman (and as these men say also M. D. Bavyn with him) induced by them and their clamours to desire some final end whatsoever of so odious brawls, came to the foresaid Father to treat about the leaving of, for peace sake, that fraternity or spiritual congregation, which the bigger and better part of the prisoners had made to themselves, for orderly life and avoiding the disorders committed by others; these men relate the matter thus.  
But M. Weston after the new fashion, 
Pag. 23.  desired them first to fall down and pray with him, which done he arose, and framing his countenance as though he would have wept said unto them, etc. Lo thus with contempt they relate as you see the good man's recollection of himself by prayer, before he would treat so weighty an affair, which custom of prayer, these men call the new fashion, for that it is like they use it not, and yet they confess the argument of his speech to have been such, as it caused M. D. Bavyn a wise and learned man to shed tears which these pleasant men also turn to a jest: 
Pag. Ibid.  Then D. Bavyn (say they) to pay M. Weston with his own coin, pretended to be so moved with his words, as if he likewise could scarcely have refrained from tears, which we observing doubted to find him but an halting arbitrator, 
Note this observation.  etc. here you see nothing but scoffing at all piety and godliness, condemning so grave and learned a man, as M. D. Bavyn is known to be, of halting, for that he was so easily moved to tears, wherewith their hearts and eyes are little acquainted.  
The like course they take with that Reverend and learned man F. Garnet, setting down most godly words of his, in his letters unto them, and then condemning his intention (a thing proper to the devil as before we showed out of job) calling him also a devilish politician for the same, 
job. 1. & ●. Pag. 44.  transforming himself into an angel of light; and then for that the said Father wrote to them for their comfort, that not only he, but certain gentlemen also, that had been with him at Wisbich remained much edified of their reunion and peaceable conversation, adding also those words of S. Paul. Testis enim est mihi Deus, quomodo cupiam omnes vos in visceribus jesu Christi: for God is my witness how much good I wish you all in the bowels of jesus Christ; and then of his companions: I assure you that their being with you hath wrought such effect in the hearts of all that were with me that they never saw place or persons which more delighted them, etc.  
To which words our brethren do adjoin this scoff: In deed (say they) these were three or four gentlemen, 
Ibid.  whom we afterward termed his deacons and subdeacons: Lo their good interpretations; who can deal with such kind of spirits? i●rrisores (as the Apostle calleth them) scoffers and scorners, but as another Apostle saith: 
●al 6.  Deus non irridctur, God will not be scorned; and so to him we leave them, though we cannot leave of yet to prosecute this vain of foolish cavilling and calumniation in them, even against very good things, as appeareth by this other example, about the same F. Weston his sitting at table, whereof they relate, that he would not keep any certain place at the upper table as other ancients did, but only took his place as he came, they endeavour to turn all against him by malicious interpretation of his meaning: 
Pag. 46.  M. Weston (say they) did not long sit at the upper table with us, and below M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw, where his due place was, but that he desired, and had it easily granted unto him, that he might leave his said place, and sit in some other as he thought good, whereupon as disdaining to sit where he did before, be bound himself afterward to no certain place but sat (you must think for humilityes sake) now here, now there as he list, etc.  
Lo here a grievous accusation of disdain to sit at the upper table, and together you may note, the great humility and civility of these two their friends here named that took place always as due unto them above F. Weston, whom yet in this book they say to, have been the Provincial of jesuits before he came into the prison, which if it be so, what the place of a religious provincial is throughout the Christian world in respect of M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw all men know that are of experience. but F. Weston, was as forward to contend in humility, and seek alower place as the other were in striving for a higher, and yet this humility also they condemn in him, for that he would not strive with them, nor yet accept any place at the higher table, but sit as he came: which promiscual sitting used by religious men and others living in community we have showed (if you remember) in our Apology out of M. Bagshaws' own letters, that he condemneth, as fit for Anabaptists revived Arrians and those of the Cynedrical congregations of, Genevae, etc. 
Apol. cap. ●. & 9  and what stir there is amongst them for sitting and keeping places even unto the fifteenth difference and degree; appeareth by the form of their new common wealth set down by watson their Secretary (who now is said to have gotten a place also at the Bishop of London's table) cited by us in our Apology.  
We might here allege many other examples in this kind of folly and passionate proceeding, whereby our brethren, not seeing what maketh for them or what against them, do go about to discredit others by such means, as do give greatest credit & honour unto them, as for example when desiring by all means possible to bring in contempt and discredit the venerable, godly and learned Society of religious men called the Jesuits, they tell us every where how strong and powerable they be in all countries, how greatly in credit throughout all Christendom calling also the most famous men of our age secular and religious, priests and lay men, jesuits or jesuited, when they make against them though they neither are nor ever were of that order, and so they call M. D. Sanders, D. Bristol, Card. Allen and others of our own nation, Jesuits, though they were never so; but only friends unto them. And the like also they do with many principal men of other nations yea though they be lay men; as Don Bernardino de Mendoca late Ambassador for the Catholic king in France, and diverse principal gentlemen in England, which is rather to commend and grace the Society then otherwise.  
And the very same course they hold with F. Persons, whom to disgrace they affirm to have led our late Card. Allen at his pleasure, made his books for him, induced him to this, and to that, as he listed; and the like authority they attribute unto him with the late K. of Spain, and this that now is, saying that he did and doth with them what he pleaseth; sending men into Ireland, making armadas and the like. 
Great folly & passion not to see what maketh for them or against them.  The same authority also they affirm him to have with this Pope & with the Card. Protectors getting forth Breves & other orders at his appointment, complaining moreover, that he hath been able to make so many new seminaries in Spain and Flanders, and to send so many priests into England, and to have so many under him at his commandment: all which things and other the like which they allege against him tending rather to his credit if they be true than any ways to his discomendation do argue great folly and simplicity, and great blindness of passion in our brethren, that bring them in against him, seeing they do plainly demonstrate, that either F. Persons is a man of more wisdom, religion, and better parts than they would have him seem to be, or that the Popes and princes which esteem him so much, are very silly and simple people, both they and their counsellors, to be every where so much overruled by him.  
To this kind also of folly and passion not to see what helpeth or hurteth their own cause, appertaineth that which they allege in their Relation of Wisbich of the contentions between the bigger and lesser part of the Catholic prisoners about certain disorders and enormous crimes in life and conversation objected by the mayor part to have been committed by the fewer, and was the cause of their separation and making rules whereof we have treated somewhat in the former chapter of this book, but much more largely in our Apology: 
Apol. c. 6.  which crimes and accusations (say these men) being gathered together in writing contained three whole sheets of paper (so simple and passionate they are as to put this in print) the arbitrement whereof was committed the first time to the foresaid M. D. Bavyn and M. Dolman who meeting to gather to hear that matter, 
Seven articles given up by the quiet part for reformation of the rest.  the bigger part which stood with F. Weston gave up for better decision of the matter seven Articles to be considered by the arbitrators, which were these, as these men themselves relate them.  
First whether (say they to the arbitrators) will you stay the time to examine these articles which any may be accused of? 
Pag. 25.   
Whether you think it secure for us that live and meet together many times in the day (not haunig the means to avoid each other) to have those things proposed and examined, 
Care of keeping peace and charity.  and whether you can compass our quiet?  
That whosoever doth come to declare any matter, shall submit themselves to you, as to their ordinary, to declare without all 
* Lo these men also admit not equivocation in case of lawful trial.  equivocation or lying, any thing which you think necessary to the manifestation of the verity.  
That you do take the promise of every one that is called before you to behave themselves with modesty and good terms. 
Care of modesty.   
This supposed: we are all for our parts contented, that they object what they can against us. 
Great confidence.   
We require also that they shall give their consent, that they are all contented, 
Ponder this.  to hear what may be laid out against them.  
Every thing being heard, that you pronounce sentence against those that you shall find culpable.  
By these articles it is evident what the quiet part meant, to wit, to have the matter decided privately and secretly, and the defects and disorders that had been cause of separation between them, to be uttered modestly by common consent, but yet so as both parties should be contented therewith, and no man's ●ame publicly hurt.  
And truly we do not see, neither can well imagine what better advertisements might have been given to the arbitrators and judges for upright, indifferent, secret and quiet deciding of all matters than these; yet shall you hear what censure our wrangling brethren do give of them, and what quarrels they pick against them; and let the prudent reader be judge between both parties. We shall relate their own words as themselves have set them down: When our said arbitrators (say they) had perused these interrogatoryes, 
Pag. 26.  no marvel though they troubled them being so contrary to their expectation and devised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by their means, and such likewise, as by jesuitical shifts might have been prolonged, if they had list for (we know not) how many years, etc.  
This is their commentary upon the former articles, but why the Arbitrators should be so troubled with them as these men affirm, or how they might seem so contrary to their expectation, and devised of purpose to break of all hope of reconciliation by prolonging matters for many years; no man (we think) but these, can gather out of the Articles themselves, seeing they all tend directly both to clearness, brevity, peaceable and modest treating of all things among themselves, secrecy, indifferency and final friendly and brotherly determination of all matters in strife. And the reader that seeth our brethren to cavil and calumniate so manifestly in this point, will discern their humour also (if he be wise) in all the rest, which yet willbe more evidently discovered in the opposite articles which themselves gave up to contradict these, and to overthrow in deed all hope of true, sincere, and brotherly trial in the crimes objected. They are but 4. in number but yet of much substance to shift their necks out of the collar; we shall set them down in their own words as here they have printed them.  
With these 7. 
Pag. Ibid.  Articles (say they) we were no sooner acquainted but presently we set down these sour, in some sort to answer them.  
We require that sufficient satisfaction may be made for the slander, 
Pag. 26 Satisfaction required formatters past.  and defamation of us by their breach and letter, if sufficient causes cannot be proved for their so doing.  
We require that every accusation, 
A threat to all accusers.  be set down in writing under the accuser's hands sub poena talionis, if it be not proved.  
We will answer in all things according to the order in the cannon law supposing these men to be our lawful judges. 
A mere e●asion.   
We will sustain any censure, 
A confession with a Proviso.  with this condition that being censured by these men, we may be secured thereby from all other censures concerning the matter.  
These are their articles which (as you see) are no answers but plain exceptions, cautions, and cavillations to avoid judgement and to procure a worse breach than before, seeing in the first they require peremptorily satisfaction for things already past, and in the second the name of him that shall utter their defects with obligation to be punished with the same punishment which the sin in itself by law deserveth if he should not be able to prove it Canonicially, which Canonical proof required by them in the third article, is a thing of such length and difficulty for citing and bringing forth witnesses, 
Shifts and cautions to ● annoyed all competent way of ending matters.  and for the multitude of judicial exceptions and delays permitted therein, as it was not possible to use it in a prison: and yet besides all this they add moreover for more security these cautelous words, supposing these men to be our judges, whereby they reserve to them selves a refuge to deny their authority of being judges, whensoever they should judge against them. And finally the last article requiring, that in case they were condemned and censured by those judges, they might thereby be secured from all other censures concerning that matter, showeth well how guilty consciences they had, and how gross disorders they had committed that needed this assecuration.  
And now whether this were not as gross folly in these men to bring forth these matters again upon the stage of the world let every wise man consider, and much more to run to the publication of particular faults objected there privately against themselves, and tending all to dissolution, as whoredom, diceng, playing, and drunkenness, bringing in of hobby horses into the hall, the mention of Mary the keeper's maid, embeseling of pewter, and other such base things which howsoever they confess, 
Very gross folly in relating their own perticulies abuses.  that their adverse part had three sheets of paper of like faults ready to lay against them; and to stand to the lawful proof thereof in particular (as between brethren only for reformation, and not judicially and canonically to their infamation in public judgement) yet neither they in those private informations nor we in our public Apology thought it ever expedient to name the same with the circumstances and parties accused, as these men do here, who seem so much to be overgone in blind passion, as that they neither would conceal such matters nor could probably defend them, and do leave themselves either convicted or suspected of all the particulars mentioned and brought in here by themselves, and of many more in that kind, which is a point of egregious folly in our opinion.  
But now followeth the highest folly of all, which is most to discredit them, 
Their highest folly.  (if we be not deceived) with all civil and discreet men of what sort, sect, or religion soever, who shall hear or read their books, and this is their immodest, scoffing and railing speech. which doth so set out the spirits of them, from whom they come, especially in this our case (the matter, the causes, the writers, and those against whom they are written being considered) as truly the consideration thereof doth deeply grieve us; and first letting pass those things which you have hard before in the precedent Chapter, concerning the whole religious order of the Fathers of the Society, let us here begin with their speeches to M. Blackwel their lawful Superior, confirmed now after his first institution by two Apostolical Breves commanding them dutifully to obey and reverence him in the place of almighty God, how do they use him think you? how do they treat with him?  
First you have hard before how they take him up, 
Most intolerable railing sueches of these distracted priests against their Superior. Pref. to relat.  for half adozen lines most fatherly and modestly written by him, exhorting them to peace in the matter of Wisbich as a thing already ended with edification, but they tell him that there are as many lies almost as lines in his words; that their is neither wit, honest, dealing discretion or learning in them but extremity of pride, etc. You have hard also before their open Appellation from him; 
Epist. before Impert. Consid.  as an arrant Tray●or, usurper from the Sea of Rome, forcibly, violently and most unjustly foisted in upon them. And in this manner of mild spirit, they go forward calling him every where, traitorous Archpriest, unlearned, without wit, jesuited, and vassal of the jesuits: 
Ibid.  and comparing him to john of Leyden king of Anabaptists, and to Donatus and Arrius Archeretiks of Asrick and Egypt, 
Epist. Ibid.  etc. And then further calling him a puppy, dancing after the jesuits pipe; 
Ibid. pag. 49.  a jesuitical idol without conscience or common honesty, borrowing discretion of others, and his credit gotten by falsehood, a man of a quicker pen then either of wisdom or sincerity, a false brother. And yet further: An Archpriest of clouts, 
Relat. pa 57 5●. 65. & ●.  sunburut with jesuitisme, a chief parasite of the jesuits; writing false letters against his own conscience; taken with manifest forgery about his authority, a beggar on horseback; and other such like suitable terms: And when they come; to reason with him as good children and obedient priests they say: Your mastership was f●●re to blame, etc. Speak truly man, for in a right good sense we are your good masters, and so you ought to esteem us. And then again: 
Epist. relat. pag. 5.  We are every man as honest as yourself at least. And then further waxing angry with him, they say: In good faith we are sorry that we are compelled to disclose this fellows falsehood, etc.  
Lo here how they scarce account him for their fellow, whom the Sea Apostolic hath appointed for their Prelate and Superior. And whereas the said Sea and authority had made them his subjects, they by pride call themselves his good Masters, and can we doubt of what spirit this cometh? But hear what followeth of the same spirit against other men.  
The whole religious Society of jesus, they call, the Society of the Devil, 
Against jesuits relat. pag. 42.  and the school of Machevillisme. Mark these modest good men, and their whole doctrine and doings wherein themselves have any mislike, they call by a special contempti●●● name of jesuitisme, 
Epist. relat. pag. ●●.  and phanscisme though yet they confess the whole body of Catholic learned men to agree with them therein, and consequently for this cause, they call them as occasion is offered either jesuits or jesuited, and so they call by name their old masters and teachers Card. Allen D. Saunders and others, and this is the fancy or rather frenzy of these our distracted brethren.  
But hearken yet further and be ashamed with us in their behalf when they talk of the first mission of the Fathers of the Society into England procured by the earnest suit of D. Allen in the name of the catholics (without which it is likely the most part of themselves had not been Catholics at this day, and much less priests:) These good, Fathers (say they) as the devil would have it came into England, 
Import. Considerate pa. 14.  & intruded themselves into our harvest, etc. whereby as you see they affirm the work itself to be of the devil and Cardinal Allen the devils instrument in procuring the same, And then talking of F. Persons in particular, 
Epist. pag. 9  they say: he did as much as art, wit or malice of man or devil could afford him. And further speaking of M● South worth a worshipful reverond priest, and knight's son, 
Epist. relat. pag. 10.  friend to the jesuits, they say; that he was an Italianated companion, and a devil incarnate: which often naming of the devil in such sense as this is, was much noted in Martin Luther at the beginning (if you remember) of his Apostasy and objected to him by. B. Fisher & S. Tho. More, and other the first Catholic writers against him; and is much to be remembered by these our brethren, so long as they remain our brethren, which we wish may be ever, but following this spirit is not like to be long.  
Besides this they call generally the said jesuits, 
Ibid. pag 34. 35. etc. Epist. Import. pag 4 & 5.  proud Nenrods, boisterous hunters, Ies●nical hu●●erists, m●●a●●ill jan practisers, furious spirits m●n without consere●●e 〈◊〉 companions, ambitious hipoerits, and the like, yea they go so far in rancour and malice against these men, as they do allow by name Thomas Bel the heretical Apostata, and relapsed priest his shameless slanders and railings against them. And further they term all catholics that are conjoined with the Archp●●eist and the said fathers infected with 〈◊〉, gallants, abroad, they of the new guises fanciful, etc. 
Ibid. pag. 3●.  And as for the 19 or 20. grave men that were of contrary opinion, and conversation to the 〈◊〉 same prison, of wisbieh they call them every where, 
Relat. pag. 3. 4. 7. & 23.  the 〈◊〉 oft separation, and themselves the priests of the unity. They 〈◊〉 so, poor fools, conspiring companions, and that the verier 〈◊〉 this better luck, ●. Weston they call yoncker dissembling 〈◊〉 of the Hall, 〈◊〉 his cook M. Bra●ston (à reverend ancient priest) an hypocritical parasite, 
Ibid pag 22. 23. 30. etc.  procuring his Agenage amongst the rest with machavillian practices, etc. Of M. D. Bavyn their judge, they say, that he was stess lined with jesuitisme, and a halting arburator, etc.  
Of three Reverend priests, that were procurators of the Archp. in Rome, the one a deane and Doctor of divinity, the other a provost, and the third now an Assistant to the said Archp. they write thus: Standish that honest man must have access to the Popes Hol. with two runagate priests D. I●addock and M. Martin Array, etc. 
Import. Consid pag. 55.  who like very lying wretches, dishonest companions, etc. Of Father Garnet they say: he was a diuelis●● politician transformed into an Angel of light, abase ●assal of F. Persons that be, 
Ibid. pag. 36. 43 53.  sw●●teth by his little honesty, etc.  
And as for F. Persons himself, whom they make the special object, as it seemeth of all their malice, it would require half a book to set down what they ●could against him, and we doubt not but that it willbe no small part of his great merits in setting forward gods cause, to bear with patience (as we hear he doth) such insolent and intemperate railings at these men's hands, who have been so greatly many ways beholding unto him, and divers of them brought up by him, whereby their notorious ingratitude is so much the more hateful both to God and man.  
Now than we would end this Chapter of their folly (in handling their affair) but that we think good to end with some more pleasant phrases of theirs (as we began) then are these bitter galling and venomous speeches now last rehearsed. Hear then how they protest and conclude: Never shall any royal lady of the court, maid of honour, 
Epist. Important pag. 20. 22. 23. Extreme foolish wanton speech.  or da●●sel of rare aspect, qualities endowments or graces, distill the accents of their sorrows in the heceades of cares, carks, and greases, be led away as wives or concubines to base villains swaggering, misshapen, s●addes, etc. Never shall the angels faces the flower of England's youth, the beauty of britains ocean be paid, empared, overclouded with a steep down shower of stormy sorrows, etc. Never shall the vermilion ●iush of English virgins, the womanly modest look of married wives, or the ancient matronlike countenance, of any widow with in the Isle of Albion, be made common to the abortives of the hot Spanish Clime, by our doings, etc. Never shall any tender mother nurse, or sweet babe weep, or any hand wring or heart hurl out volleys of sighs and tears, etc. Never shall any man's or woman's angel be offended or Saint grieved, nor soul punished or pass to purgatory, much less to hell by our means, etc.  
here now may we see and note divers extremes of the self same spirit, as first in bitterness of railing, spiteful, and venomous slandering and defaming, and then soft and delicate niceness in words for women, and if those of their party in the Castle of Wisbich were of this later spirit, no marvel though those of the other side were forced to seek for rules, and no marvel though their last judges and arbitrators in that contention (who yet were known to be their friends and favourits M. Much we mean and M. Dudley having brought both sides to live together again (as in our Apology we have showed) did yet ordain and leave in writing also under their hands (as in this relation is confessed) with the quiet party, 
Relat pa. 46.  that they might separate themselves again afterward if they should think it convenient, that is to say, if these other amended not their former life and conversation, but should fall to the same scandalous behaviour again, which is likely they would never have done except they had seen in their consciences the great causes of the former separation and some Fear also and likelihood that the same enormities and disorders might come in ure again, 
A great prejudice against the contentious part in V Visbich.  by which writing in deed they justified the former separation to have been made upon just and urgent causes, and do give testimony of great disorders on the other side, etc. consequently, this also was not a point of wisdom in our discontented brethren to publish the same in print.  
And 〈◊〉 now or the most part is about the matters of Wisbich as you have seen, and little hath been spoken about the second book (their sixth in order) entitled Important Considerations, etc. 
The argument of the sixth book inti ruled Import. 〈◊〉  whose argument you have heard in the former Chap. to have been the justifying of the proceeding & persecution of heretics, and other adversaries against us, and the whole Cath. cause, laying the fault where it is, and aught to be (as they say) to wit on Catholics themselves, which subject or argument being such as it is, you must imagine is handled by them with no less passion, and consequently with no more wisdom reason or temperance than the former seeing that whereas passion entereth reason flieth, as every man knoweth whereof also ensueth, that whereas the Philosopher saith: Prudentia consistie maximè in eligendis medijs, wisdom consisteth most in choosing fit and apt means to bring our ends to pass. These men being altogether in the fury of passion, no marvel though they do err, in choosing those means both of words and deeds whereby they should effectuate well their designments if they were good.  
And this we have ashewed swell in our Apology upon every occasion offered as also much more in our little Appendix to their other two books, 
The Appendis of the Apology in answer of the 3. and. 4. libels.  The hope of peace, and Relatio Turbarum, etc. wherein they growing more into passion then before (for that this tempest always groweth when the door is once opened unto it) they took to themselves quite opposite means to their own ends; as there we have showed, nothing being more contrary to peace with their Superior, which in the title of the former book tbey precend, than the words themselves of the same title, to wit that this hope of peace was by laying open manifest untruths against their said Superior the Archpriest, then which attempt nothing could be more effectual to continue war, as every one will confess; and in the second book of pretending to relate compendiously the troubles & contentions passed in England and to justify themselves therein, they take the means which are quite contrary thereunto, which is to set down both the Card. Protectors letters and viceprotectors against them, with the Pope's Breve also and other authentical writings of most authority to condemn them; and what blindness or obscurity of passion this was, all men that are out of passion may easily discern; and this is their wisdom in eligendis medijs.  
Moreover their principal end being in that book which they call the pope of peace to excuse themselves from dealing with my L. of London and other adversaries in religion against their own brethren, both in Wisbich and abroad, and against the Fathers of the Society and other Reverend priests united with their Superior the Archpriest, they take this medium to do it by authority of scripture, telling the Reade●, that whereas Christ's disciples, saw at a certain rhyme one casting out devils in his name, who yet did not follow on with them, they forbade him, but Christ willed them to let him alone, saying. 
Luc 9  He that is not against you, is with you wherewith they seem to persuade themselves, to have defended well their own fact by this example, 
A fond application of scripture to defend their dealing with the adversary.  imagining my L. of London his pursuivants and others persecutors to represent that man that did cast out devils, themselves to be the Apostles and disciples following Christ, that looked on misliked the same until Christ said unto them, let them alone. The devils cast out must needs be here the Archpriest and all other good priests joined with him to gather with the Fathers of the society.  
And thus far the comparison seemeth, to run with them roundly; but now with what piety these men may be accounted devils by them that are their brethren and of the same religion; and how they may be said to be cast out in the name of jesus by protestants that persecute them; and how my L. of London his casting them out, may further or advance the cause of Christ (as the other did in casting out devils in Christ's name, though perhaps he was no Christian) all these points we say our men must accommodate themselves, for we cannot tie them together with any convenience of reason, wit, religion or piety and yet notwithstanding we see them so delighted with this proof of theirs and so resolute in the matter itself, as they dare avouch a little after, that if any of their ecclesiastical Catholic superiors should stand against them in this, 
Hope of peace. pag. 13. & 14. Appendix fol. 14.  they would hold them for Principes tenebrarum Princes of darkness, etc.  
Thus they proceed in that book, and do think this their dealing with the heretics a good meaves to pacific matters; & the very like, or rather worse course do they hold in this book of Important Considerations by excepting first against the Pope's authority spiritual, under the pretence of the law of Premunue, and then by protesting to oppose themselves openly in the field against him, if he should use any power temporal, and thirdly by condemning whatsoever hath been said or done hitherto in that affair by catholics to the contrary, bringing their blood upon their own heads (such as have been put to death) and finally defaming them with all the world for practisioners, unquiet people, unfaithful, and traitors indeed to their prince & country, joining herein with the greatest and most bloody enemies, that ever our cause or brethren had in our Country. And is this also a good means, think you to make themselves grateful to catholics either at home or abroad? And will they go to Rome (as they pretend) with this good cause of pacification in their hands? Who doth not see the folly of this proceeding?  
But yet ere we leave this matter we would have you consider, what a kind of Preface these people do make to there treatese, wherein they mean to accuse and make odious all catholics that are against them to the state and government and they speak it by way of interrogation to the catholics themselves, making them their own judges and condemners for thus they say: 
Epi. Import. Con●id.  Is there any sin (dear catholics) rising upon in f●rmyrie and frailty of man, committed by an Apostate, an infidel, an heretic, a schisama●ke, an Atheist cast out of the savour of God and accussed out of his church, but a catholic may and often hath fallen into the same and yes remained constant in his religion to death? Questionless there is nor.  
Thus they say and we say the contrary, questionless there are many things: 
A most absurd assertion about the sins of a Cath. man.  for that an infidel denieth God; an heretic contemneth his Church, a so●ismatike seperareth himself from his head; a● Atheist bele●ueth nothings all which sins Catholic remaining constant in his religion can do. But we do guess at the fond which the writer may have in this place, though his intent be impious to lay this absurd foundation to all that they are to say afterwards against any sort of catholics, especially the Fathers of the Society against who ●e they are to rail their fill, and do not dissemble it even at the first entrance, 
Ibid. pag 3.  for thus they write: The intent of this discourse is in the name of secular priests in general not to impeach any one particular person of the cath●laity of matter of treason and state, etc. nor yet to accuse, excuse, nor any way call in question our common adsuersary. together with the present state, as a point very impertinent to the purpose, etc. for that to meddle with such edge-tools, as the very bandling of them roughly would rend us quite in pieces (our frowned on state considered) were a very preposterous course for men in afflaction, etc.  
This they say of that they will not do; 
A cation 〈◊〉  and then after a long treatese of this negative they signify to the reader what they mean to do, which is to join with the said common adversary in defacing of jesuits and their friends & by name with Thomas Bel the heretical and relapsed Apostata, who they say hath touched the jesuits with pride, 
Intolerable spite and malice against jesuits  ambition, intrusion, usurpatton, incrochment over the secular priests, affectation of sovereignty and the like, which they well allow of, and approve his spirit therein, and then they make a certain objection to themselves as coming from some catholics, how it can stand that Catholic priests may join with heretics to lay open the defects (if any such were) of their own brethren, or rather to lay the faults of heretics upon them, as the persecution of protestants upon jesuits their most opposite adversaries; and for the first part of the objection they answer it easily, affirming that (in their divinity) it is not only lawful to join with heretics in defaming of jesuits, 
Ibid. pag. 5.  but needful and necessary also, for that the contrary (say they) should quite cut of the order of justice stop the course of fraternal correption, hinder the effects of Christian Charity, violate the laws of God and man● etc.  
The second part of the objection and answer to it was forgotten or left out in the text, and therefore having considered better of the matter, they have put it in afterward, in a long marginal note or commentary in these words: The objection of many that are of the spanish faction is very friu●lons (if 〈◊〉 malicious) when they say; why do the priests lay the faults upon jesuits, 〈◊〉 cause of the cath. persecution seeing it is welknowne, that the adver saryes to both priests and jesuits and all catholics are cause thereof, etc. Wbich admit it were true, yet the jesuits being equally guilty with them it belongeth to priests to clear the innocent catholics and leave the jesuits in the suds, and our adversaries to those that have to do with them, etc.  
Lo here the answer or resolution of this objection, that though it were true, that as well protestants as jesuits were the cause of persecution in England (which point notwithstanding it seemeth they would have held for doubtful and only Jesuits to be the cause) yet do they think it reason to leave of the protestants, and to attend only to accuse jesuits and to leave them in the suds. And is not this plain malice and passion confessed by themselves? what wit, what spirit is there in this handling of their affairs? who will believe them, what they say or do hereafter? having already so far discovered, their meanings actions, and endeavours? Wherefore here also we must conclude, as in the former, and all the rest of the Chapters that ensue, 
2. Tim. 3.  In●ipientia eorum manifesta fit omnibus: there folly is evident to all men, and their passionate spirit is hidden to none.   

THERE FOLLY AND presumptuous spirit in making to themselves such adversaries, as they do.  
CAP. III.  
AS wisdom doth consist in considering well first before a man make breaches or enter into war, what manner of adversaries they are with whom he hath to fight; so is there no point of folly greater than not to forethink of this, as it seemeth these our angry men, have not done, but only for satisfying of their present passion have lavished out, and bid battle to as many, as ever stood in their way: among which though there be many personages of great consideration and respect, yet none (in our opinion) ought to have been of so great in this affair as the man most contemned, injured, and impugned by them (as in the former Chapter hath been seen) we meave their prelate and lawful immediate Superior M Blackwel not so much in respect of his own person and gifts of God annexed thereunto, which are known to be both many and great, but of his place and authority given him by Christ and his substitute over the whole body of English catholics both priests and lay-men, which make at this day our true Cath. Church of England.  
For albeit some others here injured also may for other considerations, and aught to be more regarded by them, yet he in that he is God's substitute among them, ordained confirmed and reconfirmed by the Sea Apostolic, and consequently in the place of Christ to guide and govern them (of which kind of men Christ himself expressly saith qui v●s spernit, 
Luc. 10.  me spernit, & qui spernit me, spernit eum qui misit me. He that contemneth you, contemneth me, and he that contemneth me, 
Rom. 13.  contemneth, him that sent me, and S. Paul said, qui potestati resistit, damnationem sibi acquirit he that resisteth, power appointed over him doth draw damnation upon himself) for these causes we say all holy Fathers and spiritual writers do agree that our spiritual superiors are most of all other men to be respected by us, 
Their war with M. Blackwel the Archpriest.  yea before angels themselves, if they should converse with us upon the earth, for that these men's authority is known evidently to be from God, which in angels is not, except by revelation, and consequently that the greatest sin of all other, yea the highest point of spiritual sin, pride, and presumption is, to molest, & make war against them, but much more to despise and abuse them.  
And albeit our discontented people may have this conceit for their refuge, and seek also to persuade others the same (as they do) that having appealed from him and his jurisdiction they are free and not bound to any obedience, or respective behaviour toward him, yet to all men of any capacity and learning this is known to be otherwise, both in reason, conscience and constitution of Ecclesiastical canons. For albeit a man may appeal from one Superior to another in certain cases, 
About their appeal from the Archpriest.  yet that doth not take away the said Superiors authority, but restraineth him only (when the Appeal is lawful and upon good grounds) not to proceed in that particular case until the higher Superior have given his decision. And if he admit not the Appeal, but do remit the Appellantes back again to obey the said immediate superior (as his Hol. hath done in this our case by his breve of the 17. of August last passed) then is their case as it was before, and they more obliged to obey then before. But howsoever any Appeal succeedeth, most clear it is that the party's appealing are bound to obey and show themselves dutiful in all other things while the Appeal dependeth before the higher judge, no less then if any such Appeal had never been made; and much more after the controversy ended and decided, as ours now is, and the Authority of our Archpriest both established and re-established, and therefore for our disordinate brethren to use him contumeliously togeaher with all those of their own coat or others lawfully joined with him in due subordination, 
See the Apology cap●●.  as they do in these their books, cannot but be a most presumptuous & heinous sin in the sight of God, and infinite discredit unto them in the eyes and judgements of all good and godly men to have such a one, and so many dependent of him for their open adversaries, as they are not ashamed to confess and profess in these their books,  
This then in our opinion cannot be but a great point of folly, 
Their abusing of the jesuits.  as was also that to take so universally and generally against the whole order of jesuits using so opprobrious names against the whole body, as in the former Chapters you have heard, for by so doing they can gain no credit but with the heretics that hate the whole order for religions sake; and every Catholic will easily see and consider, that a whole body or society cannot have offended our brethren in any particular matters, and consequently seeing that they concur with Protestants in depraving the whole order it must needs be either of great passion and folly in hating the whole for a part, or for that in judgement and affection they concur herein with Protestants, and hate them even for religions sake, that is for their eminent zeal in Catholic religion. And what credit this may be to them throughout the world with all good catholics, themselves may easily consider; as also what wisdom it is to exasperate without cause so great a multitude of men dispersed over all Christendom, who have done them every where much good, and may do, and both they and theirs have need of them in divers places of our banishment abroad, and persecution here at home, being subject to so many necessities both spiritual and temporal, wherein these men's help unto us hath and may be very beneficial.  
And in this kind also is the inconsideration of our said brethren, 
Inconsiderate exasperating the K. of Spain  notorious, that having received for so many years, and receiving daily in foreign countries most principal relief from the kings of Spain both the father now dead, and the son reigning, and our Cathol. English men's affairs beyond the Seas and namely our seminaries depending in such sort of their good like and liberalityes, as if they should fail us the greatest part of all our stay must fall therewith: these men notwithstanding, as though they had been hired by the common enemy to overthrow our own cause, seek occasion in these books to alienate them both, and the whole nation together by contumelious injuries laid upon them with so intemperate a tongue as no mouth of heretic or other enemy, could utter worse. Let us hear if you please some of their speeches touching both the one and the other king.  
The K. of Spain (say they) aiming at the crown of England with the death of her Ma. 
Epist. p 67.  and subversion of the whole state, together with the utter ruin desolasion and destruction of the whole Isle and the ancient inhabitants thereof, never once showed any care or respect he or his had, to the restoring of the Catholic R●mish faith amongst the English, nay his direct course was taken quite contrary, scilicet, to extirpate the name of all catholics that were English out from the face of the earth.  
Thus they write of his Cath. Ma. And further they are not ashamed in the same place to assure the reader, out of the Duke of Medina his own confession, that he had order rather to spare protestāns if he had pervayled in war then catholics. And what heretic was yet ever so impudent as to affirm this? seeing that both the kings own Edict published in Spain concerning that enterprise, as also the declaration of the late Cardinal from his Hol. do testify and protest the quite contrary, namely that the old good kings intention was principally for the advancement of Catholic religion and relief of poor afflicted Catholics, himself often protesting as most certainly we are informed that he never meant or pretended in his life any temporal interest for himself to the crown of England, and that if he might have had any reasonable hope or satisfaction in the other two points by any competent moderation or toleration he was desirous to have held peace and good friendship with her Majesty and the crown of England above all other princes and kingdoms in Europe and the self same disposition we persuade ourselves by many and great arguments to be in his son the king catholic present, of whom notwithstanding our men that spare none do add also divers contumelious speeches saying; 
Ibid.  that it is not religion which the king present doth care for, more than his Father did before him, but maketh that only a pretence to seduce all catholics, etc. Making them and you all (dear catholics) to cut one another's throat &c. thus they say of him. And as for his nation and people the Spaniards, they rail at them most impudently, 
Epist. pag. 2. Ibid. 41.  calling them base villains, swaggering misshaped swads and known to be the cruelest tyrants that live upon the earth, etc. which intolerable spiteful insolency coming to their ears, as it cannot choose but do, let us imagine what that bountiful king and his people, that have so many of our brethren and children in their hands and dominions, and do cherish them most tenderly, may or will think of this barbarous ingratitude not only in heretics which were more tolerable, but also in catholics yea priests and most of them maintained and brought to that they are, either in Douai, Rheims or Spain, by the said king and nations liberality.  
And this is the deep wound indeed which these inconsiderate and passionate people (not to use more grievous terms) have given & do give unto their nation and to the public cause of religion, 
A deep wound given to the public cause by these passionate people.  which they will never be able to cure wholly, nor scarce perhaps any other for them. But passing forward from the kings of Spain, they go to the Popes themselves according to that saying in the psalm: 
Psal 73.  superbia corum ascendit semper, their pride mounteth higher and higher, and truly a man would not easily believe that priests professing themselves catholics and to have been brought up in the seminaries, and that they would have no other judge of their cause but his Hol. himself would presume to be so audacious, 
Insolent dealing against his Hol. and divers his Predecessors.  as to call in question and condemn the actions of so many Popes together no less contemptiously than those of the K. of Spain before mentioned, whom commonly they do conjoin with the Popes and Sea Apostolic affirming that both Pius 5. Gregory the xiii. and Sixtus 5. did conspire with him, yea thrust him into the invasion of England: 
Against Pius quintus. Pag. 9 ibid.  Did not Pius 5. (say they by way of a feigned objection) practise her Ma. subversion she (good lady) never dreaming of any such mischief? etc. Did not Pius 5. move the K. of Spain to join in this exploit, etc. Had not the Pope and K. of Spain designed the duke of Norfolk to be the head of this rebellion? Did not k. Philip at the Pope's instance determine to send the duke of Alva into England with all his forces, etc.  
Thus and much more they complain of that holy Pope, 
Against Gregory the xiii.  and the like of his successor in these words: Now whilst these practices were in band in Ireland, Gregory the xiii. reneweth the said● Bull of Pius 5. & denounceth her Ma. to be excommunicated, 
Pag 14.  with intimation of all other particulars in the former Bull mentioned. And of the same Pope Gregory they add further thus: The attempts both of the Popes and Spaniard failing in England, his Haul as a temporal prince displayed his banner in Ireland, etc.  
Of Sixtus 5. also his successor, 
Against Syxtus quintus. Pag. 27.  they complain in like manner speaking of the armada in the year 1588. We doubt not but that the Pope as a temporal prince, did join and contribute towards this intended invasion, etc. And mark that always they add as a temporal Prince, for that as a spiritual and Ecclesiastical Magistrate they hold throughout the whole book, that he hath no power at all to concur or appoint any such action, protesting their upon (as 
* Supra ca 1.  before you have heard) that if he should attempt any such thing they would resist him.  
And finally laying the greatest part and occasion of all our English persecutions upon these Pope's inconsiderate and unlawful actions, 
Pag. 39  they say: If the Pope and K. of Spain had never plaited with the duke of Norfolk; if the Bull of Pius 5. had never been known; if never Stukely nor the Pope had attempted any thing against Ireland; if Gregory the xiii. had not renewed the said excommunication: if the Pope and the k. of Spain had vot practised with the duke of Guise: 
Pag. 40.  if the pope had not thrust the k. of Spain into the barbarous action against the Realm, etc. Then (say they) we are fully persuaded in our consciences, and as men (besides our learning) that have some experience, where there is one Catholic now, there would have been ten, etc. Whereby you see that the Popes and Sea Apostolic are judged by these learned and well experienced men to have been the hinderers of the increase of Cath. religion in England, and the original cause of afflictions and persecutions.  
We leave out of purpose, how they deal with this Pope, 
There dealing with Clem. viii.  condemning his action every where in instituting the Archpriest by the Card. Protectors letters, telling, us that he could not do it; 
See the Apologic cap. 3. 4. & 11.  that it was not lawful, convenient, decent, or profitable; that he appointed him without their consent, against the prescript of Church Cannons; intruded him upon, them, gave him authority without limitation and greater, in some respects, than ever creature had, which is as much, to say, that it was more than the Pope had himself to give. His Breve also for the confirmation of his office is contemned by them, and that both in words, saying: that they know not out of what office it was gotten; and that is was lawful for them to demur upon it, (as in the Apology and Appendix hath been showed) as also much more in fact and deed, 
Apol. cap. 11. Append. Pa. 10.  obeying nothing therein contained.  
And further more reproving and condemnig the whole course of his Hol. proceeding with their two messengers Bishop and Charnocke affirming among other things his Hol. to have showed so great inconstancy in that affair about their audience, as to have said and unsaid 4. several times that he would hear and not hear them, 
Epist. to Import. Consid. pag. 15.  at the instance of two opposite Ambassadors, which beside the falsehood thereof (no such thing having ever been) is as great a contumely as to so high a parsonage (his great gravity considered) can be ascribed. All which besides many other things declared in the first and sixth Chapter of this book, touching their intemperate behaviour to-wards his Hol. his predecessors and the Sea Apostolic do evidently declare, that they make war also where the commodity of their cause requireth, against this supreme and highest authority, howsoever now and than they cast out some words of submission for a show, and to delude such catholics as will believe them.  
And these now are 4. general heads or bodies of adversaries which these men have taken to fight against; there remain some other though more private and particular, yet very important to be considered by us, and by them also, if force of passion did not transport them from all due consideration. And first of all offereth itself their adverse part in the castle and controversy of Wisbich Where their part (as we understand) especially these later times being not above 7. or 8. 
Their adversaries in W isbich.  and the other side well near 30. it ought greatly to have moved them in all reason wisdom and humility of spirit, to have either yielded or compounded those matters with less noise, or at least ways being once compounded and ended by others, not to have brought them in disputation and breach again, especially with such intemperate speeches as before you have heard, 
Sc Apol. ca 6.  calling them knaves, conspiring companions, authors if separation, Donatists, revived Arrians, a cynedrical congregation, and the like: For whatsoever man of judgement and indifferency shall consider the odds and differences of these two parts, to wit the number and quality of each side, will easily incline to give sentence against them.  
And first the very circumstance of F. Westons' person, his learning, wisdom, moderation, religion, mortification, and other rare virtues related & admired even by heretics themselves must needs make a great prejudice against them. And then if we go forward to consider the persons also of many of the rest, as of M. Barlow the first Seminary priest of all the rest (if we be not deceived) a man of approved virtue and constancy; 
M. Barlow.  M. Thomas Pond the most ancientest confessor which now perhaps liveth of lay gentlemen, 
M. Pond.  and ever accounted a most zealous constant Catholic; If we consider these (we say) and many other of that company; and on the other part, besides the fewnes, compare the men themselves with these, to wit the two of the oldest and authors of all the contention, what men they are, the 
* M. Bagshaw  one a doctor of his own procuring without licence or order of superiors, and dismissed out of Rome by public authority for his unquiet behaviour; the 
* M. Bluet.  other first a minister, and then so unquiet a priest, as appeareth both by his ordinary intemperate words, and his violent laying hands upon others of the same order; 
See the Apology cap. 6.  and two other young men of the same company whom now they carry with them out of England Champney and Barnaby lately come from the sedition at Rome, 
M. Champney & M. Barnaby.  wherein they had been actors; these circumstances we say considered and weighed, though otherwise the cause itself were not known, which we have handled at large as well in our Apology, 
Apol. ca 6.  as in the first chapter of this book, these were sufficient to make a man of judgement and indifferency to resolve on which side truth and virtue standeth, and consequently it was great indescretion in these our brethren to publish the foresaid men for their enemies as they do.  
There follow in the same rank of their adversaries, 
Cardinal Allen and Doctor sanders their adversaries.  concerning the argument of their book of Important Considerations, two special men of worthy memory of our own nation, and so called by them in all other points, Wherein they are not against them, and their designments, to wit D. Saunders, and D. Allen late Card. we shall show in few words how unworthily they handle them both, and thereby do you judge of their spirit, how desperately they are set to defend their own fancies, seeing that what they reprehend in these men was not only their own judgements but of all other ●earned catholics also of our nation, D. Stapleton, D. Bristol, M. Gregory Martin, M. William Reynolds, yea of all learned Catholic men in like manner of Catholic countries, as before we have showed: against all which these new petty doctors, to flatter the State and my L. of London will needs oppose themselves, as if they knew more than the foresaid learned men of our nation, whose books they are not worthy to bear. But let us see some what of their dealing with D. Sanders and the Card. in particular.  
It little became either M Saunders (Say they) otherways an excellent man or M. Persons or any other of our nation to have intermedied with these matters, 
Pag. 7.  and to write as they have very offensively done in divers of their books and treateses, etc. Lo here their censure and reprehension. 
Pag. 12.  But let us hear further: In the year 1572. (say they) out cometh M. Sanders 
Against M. D. Sanders.  book de visibili monarchia, wherein he taketh upon him to set down how the Pope had sent M. Morton and M. Web two priests before the Rebellion of the North to excite the Lords and gentlemen to take arms. And the rather to persuade them thereunto they signified unto them by the Pope's commandment that her Ma. was excommunicated, etc. Behold here the condemnation of three ancient Doctors joined by these our young masters with that of the Pope himself, and then they go forward.  
Then M. Sanders building castles in the air amongst his books doth magnify the said Rebels to the great discredit of the Church of Rome, 
Pag. 13.  and his Haul actions in such matters, etc. And from this passing to his going into Ireland, they say thus: 
Pag. 14.  The Pope himself in the year 1579. abused still by false pretences, did set forward that course, and sending thither certain forces M. Saunders too much jesuited did thrust himself in person into that action as a chief ringleader, etc.  
But here we would ask these men how they do know that D. Saunders did thrust himself into that action, wherein all good men do wish that he had never been, considering the great good he might have done to all Christendom by his most learned books, if his life had not been shortened that way? But these younkers his scholars, or rather not worthy to be his scholars that so resolutely do accuse him here of voluntary putting himself in that peril how can they prove it? and much les that he was a chief ringleader in that war? or what sure ground have they of this malicious imputation? For sure we are, that we have both heard and seen by letters, that he was not only induced, but also commanded in his Hol. name by Bishop Sega then Nuntius Apostolicus in Spain and afterwards Card. to go in that voyage, not to be ringleader in matters of war, as these men do odiously object, but rather to be a moderator and umpire in Ecclesiastical affairs for direction to that people as occasion should fall out. But howsoever that was, those things being now past, and the man dead, and with almighty God, as we hope and persuade ourselves, for these men now to revive the same again with so great hatred and envy as they do for flattering of the present state (which yet we persuade ourselves believeth, them little) showeth with what spirit they are replenished, and we fear we shall daily more and more see the fruits thereof. And this of him.  
But now let us hear a little how they handle their old good master and foster father and late Superior Card. Allen, 
Their speeches against D. Allen Card.  of whom in their first two books both in latin and English they glory greatly, that he was their common father and founder that begun the seminaries and brought them all up therein, taught and directed them most prudently and kept all in right good order while he was alive, and that he misliked on the other side the jesuits education and government of our youth, and that he was disunited with F. Persons as misliking his nature and manner of proceeding, himself giving contentment to all, beloved and approved of all, etc.  
These things and divers others were in their first two books often incultated, which now are contradicted in these later according to the growth of their spirit in passion malice and folly and according to the necessity they have put themselves in upon these motives to bid war not only to D. Sanders Card. Allen and all the good and learned men of our nation beside, but to all Cath. writers of other Nations also as before hath been said about their fond and foolish assertion set down in these their absurd libels; But yet especially and abo●e all others to Card. Allen, who having seen a false and pestiferous libel of the very same argument with this of Important Considerations, cast abroad in the years 1583. made by some malicious heretics in defamation of catholics and their sufferings who●e little was: 
D. Allens answer to justit. Britannica.  The execution of justice in England, the said learned man made an answer thereunto, intituling it: A true, sincere, and modest defence of English Catholics that suffer for their faith both at home and abroad, etc. And then is added another paragraphe wherein is declared, how unjustly catholics are charged with treason, how untruly their persecution is denied to be for religion, and how deceitfully heretics seek to abuse strangers about the cause, greatness and manner of their sufferings, etc. And finally is added: ut obstr●atur ●s loquentium imqua, all this is done to stoop the mouths of such as speak unjustly. Which these our priests may take now also to themselves as all the rest in like manner which in that learned book of the Cardinal (containing nine large chapters) is uttered against slanderous heretics, and that lying libeler that set forth the said Execution of justice seeing these men have adventured to take their parts and persons upon them and to rail, lie and defame the actions and intentions of the best catholics no less than the other did.  
Which things being so, and the said late good Card. being indeed the most opposite and earnest enemy which they have or many have in this their last argument of Important Considerations, having shaken in pieces by his former book, all the fond reasons and slanderous calumniations which they allege, before they came forth, no marvel though they do handle him contemptuously, and most spitefully in this book, though tempering the matter sometimes in respect of their former praises given him with saying that the good man was abused, that whatsoever he did or wrote to their dislike was by F. Persons induction, 
Reproaches against the Card.  help and persuasion, which in a man of his wisdom and authority is the greatest reproach that can be objected, as though he had been able to have done nothing of himself, but that all he did, camefrom F. Persons, so they say of him concerning his book or epistle written in the year 1587. about the lawfulness of the fact of Sr. William Stanley his giving up Daventry to the true owner, whereof we shall have occasion to speak afterward in this book; now we shall add a word or two of their reprehension or rather calumniation in that behalf. 
Pag. 24.  The defence of that disloyal●y (say they) made by a worther man, but by the persuasions as we think of Persons, was greatly disliked by many, both mice and learned, especially that he laid this for a ground in justifying the said Stanely, that in all wars which may happen for religion, every Catholic man is bound in conscience to employ his forces by the Pope's direction, etc.  
Lo what they mislike both in his ground and action. And after this mentioning again an other book of his which they call; a Treatese penned altogether by the advise of F. Persons in the year 1588. they rail and jest at him extremely, saying; 
pag. 25.  that he laboured with all his Rhetoric to persuade us to join with him to all our destructions, telling us many fair tales, & alluring us with sundry great promises all being meereillusions. falsehoods, an● mast traitorous instigations and jugglings, etc. And then yet further they write thus of him: 
Page. 26. & 27.  This jesuit also telleth all catholics (lo now he is made a jesuit, who was said by them to have been an enemy to jesuits before) the better to comfort them, but in deed to the great scandal for ever of all priesthood, that there was divers priests in the k. of Spain's army ready to serve every man's spiritual necessity by confession, counsel, and all consolation in Christ jesus, 
Pag. ●.  etc. Which kind of persuasions (say they) some being ridiculous, the most very traitorous and these last most blasphemous, as tending so greatly to dishonour of religion we detest and abhor, etc.  
Moreover they writing of the said Card. speech used at that time about the sentence of Sixtus 5. abuse him exceedingly by contemptuons words, affirming first that he was not to be believed, showing neither B●eue nor any other public instrument; and that his own testimony and book written was of so small trust or authority as by Warrant thereof (Say they) we are persuaded it was not lawful for us to have killed a goose, if her Ma. had forbidden us so to do. And a little after speaking of the said book, they call it a scurrilous and unmanly admonition, or rather most profane libel.  
And thus you see how they pay home their so much praised father and master when he cometh in their way. And if there were so great disunion and mislike of nature and conditions betwixt him and F. Persons (as these men have given out in their other books) how is it probable now that he wrote all these things by F. Persons persuasions as now they say; yea that the Card. set his name to some books that F. Persons, & not himself, had made and compounded; these things (we say) do not stand together, and the very truth is that these men in the humour that now they be in, are as great enemies in heart; hatred, and Faction to the Card. as to F. Persons, and so would show themselves if he were alive to contradict or resist them in these their follies and madness, as F. Persons (God be thanked) is.  
And now by this occasion we are moved in this place to say somewhat also (which otherways we had purposed not to have done) of this their enmity & principal hatred against F. Persons uttered so intemperately throughout all their libels, 
Their war against F. Persons.  as they may seem especially to have been written against him and against others only or chiefly for his sake. The reason whereof notwithstanding the more we seek, the less we find, excepting only that general reason which we have touched before in our Apology, that he being the man that hath most benifited them, & above others by way of the seminaries, and after the said good Card. decease, by reason of his place and office (being Perfect of the English mission for those of his Society) may seem chiefly to hold together that cause which these men would divide and dissipate. For this reason (if it be a reason) they being angry with him by the very imagination of his being in place and credit to hinder their designments, they turn all their obligation of gratitude into the passion of hatred, conspiring, and conjuring against him, as the only imagined obstacle of all their factious attempts and desires, though hitherto we do not see, that they have alleged many opposite acts of his part, but only by their own apprehension or interpretation, or suspicions for the time to come.  
For proof whereof, if we run over all their clamorous books hitherto come forth, what one thing of substance do they allege against, the said father, 
Apol. ca 12.  if we set apart, slanders, scoffs and contumelious speeches? & for as for his going and coming out of England it is so justified by us in our Apology, and so many utilityes shown to have ensued thereby to our common cause, as they may be ashamed ever to make that objection again, his joining afterward with Card. Allen, and his proceeding jointly with him both in Flaunders, and Rome for advancing our common Catholic cause and the Card. preferment itself, are such things as they must needs be ashamed to seem to mislike: his founding of seminaries afterward both in Spain and Flaunders whereby divers of themselves have been made scholars & priests, though with much malignity they do carp at the same, in these libels, yet is it shameful to them in the eyes of all civil men be they catholics or Protestants: His coming back to Rome again afterward in the year 1597. we see by experience was the saving of that College, and the present fruits and effects of peace, virtue, and learning there, do reject all slanders that in this point can be objected; his concurring afterwards to procure us a Superior of our own order, upon our own petition, & letters, as in the 
* Cap 6.  Apology we have showed is no ways subject to any just obloquy.  
His proceeding after that again with the two messengers sent to Rome to contradict, was such as their own letters yet extant did commend the same; The end also taken by his Hol. was then approved and praised by the chief of the adverse part, 
Apol. ca 9  and all that followed afterward from F. Persons as appeareth by his letters set down in our Apology, tendeth to nothing else but to conserve that end, peace and union which his Hol. and his high Commissioners the Card. Protectors had made, and to this end had he continually written to the Archpriest and Fathers of the Society as well, as to the other side, and that most earnestly and effectually, as his letters do yet testify. And if any new breach or exasperation have been made or given here in England by any, it hath been without his consent, & contrary to his desire and indeavoures, as by infinite ways appeareth, and not only private men but the said Card. Protectors and his Hol. himself are witnesses thereof in Rome as we are most certainly informed; and all this being so; how and with what conscience, credit, or wisdom can our passionate brethren make him their public enemy, as they do, raging and raving against him as though he were the worst man living, & the greatest enemy that our public cause of the catholics hath, laying all the faults of other men also, either true or imagined upon him: surely this cannot but come from wonderful extreme passion of our brethren, & incitation of the heretics as also from some high provident or secret permission of almighty God for the greater merit of that man, who is so injuriously handled for so many and singular good deeds done.  
And this shall suffice for him in this place, whom if religious modesty and humility did not restrain from just defence of himself, we see not why he might not use the very same that Cicero doth in a certain place against his detractors and enviers, 
An example of defence out of Cicero Orat. Pro Milone.  objecting (as it were) the self same or very like matter against him, which these men do here and else where against F. Persons, which was his power in the Senate: quotidie (saith he) meam potentiam invidiosè criminabantur, cum dicerent senatum, non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem, decernere: They complained daily (to bring me into envy) that my power was such in the Senate, as they determined not that which they themselves thought best, but that which I would have them, this was their complaint of him, and the same is now of F. Persons by these men, to wit that he can do all with his Holiness and with the K. of Spain, and with the Archduke, and with the Card. Protectors in Rome, and with the rest every where. But what answered Cicero. Thus: Quae quidem sipotentia est appellanda potius, quam propter magna in Remp. merita, mediocris in bonis causis, authoritas, aut propter officiosos labores me●s, nonnulla apud bonos gratia: appelletur it a sanè dummodo ea nos utamur pro salute bonorum, coutra amen●●am perditorum. Which kind of credit (saith he) if you will needs call power, rather than a mean kind of authority in good causes gotten by my merits towards the common wealth or a certain grace or favour which the better in respect of my dutiful labours to profit all men do bear me, I am content you call it power in this sense, so we use the same for the health and defence of good men, against the fury and madness of the wicked. Thus said he and whether F. Persons may say the same in his defence, if he would, we leave it to your consideration, having thought good only to cite the place.  
There remaineth yet another sort of adversaries which these men make to themselves whom we are sorry to name, considering what they brag of themselves in these their books, saying, 
Ca pag. 6.  that they are the designed martyrs of our country, the worthy confessors of this age, etc. yet are they not ashamed with open mouth and most violent spirit to impugn the true martyrs of our country that have gone before them in a far different spirit, 
Their war with the martyrs of England.  whom God knoweth, whether ever these men willbe worthy to follow; and in the course which now they take of flattering the state and betraying their companions there is small likelihood thereof, but rather of the contrary, lest they make other men martyrs by bringing them into trouble. And if ●hese blessed men whom we hold for true martyrs already were alive again, and their opinions and cogitations known to these men, they were obliged according to their protestation made in this book to reveal them to the persecutors, & then think you what goodly designed martyrs and worthy confessors these men are, that do willingly put themselves in this obligation, but let us hear what these designed martyrs do write of actual martyrs.  
First speaking of these twelve whereof D. Allen wrote the history in the year 1582. they write thus: 
Pag. 16. & 17.  From the time of the said Rebellion (in the North) there were few about 12● that in ten years had been executed for their consciences as we hold, though our adversaries say for treason. And of those twelve some perhaps can hardly be drawn within our account having been tainted with matters of rebellion: the most of the said number were Seminary priests, who if they had come over into England with the like intents that some others have done, might very worthily have been used as they wear but in our consciences nay some of us do know it, that they were far from these seditious humours, etc. Thus they say, going about, as appear by their whole discourse to make difference in the cau●e of secular priests from jesuits that were condemned with them, and for the self same devised crimes of treason; which crimes these good men would have thought to be true in F. Campion & those of the society, 
Contradicting themselves.  but not in the secular priests. And yet in the very next page going before talking of the said crimes, 
Pag. 15.  they say thus: In all these plaits none were more forward than many of us that were priests, etc. And when they begin their narration or rather accusation of the said twelve martyrs, the first which they name of that rank as guilty of treason is M. Sherwyn a secular priest: for thus they write.  
The calousy of the state was much increased by M. Sherwins' answer upon his examination above 8. 
Pag 1●.  months before the apprehension of M. Campion: For being asked whether the Queen was his lawful souei●igne notwithstanding any sentence of the Pope, he prayed that no such question might he demanded of him, and would not further ther●●to answer. 
Calunniations against M. Sherurin.  Two or three other questions much to the same effect were likewise propounded unto him, which he also refused to answer unto. Thus they say of M Sherwyn to discredit him and his suffering merely for religion, which is as false and malicious a calumniation as possible could be devised by any enemy. For he that shall read the whole story of his apprehension, imprisonment, arraignment and execution written by the said D. Allen upon relation of eye witnesses shall not find that any such questions were ever proposed or so answered by him. For if they had but the least show of any such answer of of his, they would have urged it at the bar, or at leastwise at his death, where S. Francis Knowles having hard his protestation, confessed that he thought him not guilty of the fact, for which they all were condemned, but yet that he was a traitor by a certain consequence. And as for his acknowledging the Q. Ma. to be true Queen, he showed it openly at his death praying for her by name.  
But let us hear how they go forward upon this false ground. For in the very next leaf after they say as followith: This summer in july M. Campion and other priests were apprehended, 
Pag. 20.  whose answers upon their examinations agreeing in effect with M. Sherwyns afore mentioned did greatly incense the State, etc. For among other questions that were propounded to them this being one; If the Pope do by his Bull or sentence pronounce her Ma. to be deprived and after the Pope or any other by his appointment and authority do invade this realive which part would you take, etc. some answered that when the ca●e should happen they would then take counsel, 
Calumniarion against F. Campion & his fellow Martyrs grounded upon ignorance.  another, that when that case should happen he would then answer and not before; another, that for the present he was not resolved; another, that if such deprivation and invasion should be for faith and religion, he were than bound to take part with the Pope, etc.  
Thus they relate the case and do condemn all their answers for traitorous, yielding this most fond reason for the same: The duty (say they) which we owe to our Sovereign doth not consist in taciturnity or keeping close within ourselves such allegiance as we think sufficient, 
Pag. 27.  to offourd them: But we are (especially when we are required thereunto) to make open profession of it, that we may appear unto them to be such subjects as we ought to be, etc. Lo here these martyrs cause decided against them very learnedly, as you see, by these our new designed Martyrs. And a little after rendering their principal reason for justifying of the state in putting so many to death they say: 
Pag. 28.  We find her Ma. to be excommunicated by Gregory the xiii. M. Sherwyn and the rest of our brethren too much Jesuited refuse to answer whether they will take the Q. part, or the Popes, if he should come by force of arms, etc.  
Here you see M. Sherwyn again injured, and all the fault is laid upon the Pope and priests put to death, yea the secular priests also, so as now by their account, neither secular nor religious of the foresaid number were true martyrs: And yet (if you remember) they make a great complaint in their first latin book against F. Heywood as though he had prohibited the reading of these martyrs lives which was most false. Quin (say they) & act a martyrum nostrorum duodecim ab ipso Alane approbatorum, 
Declaratio Motuum. Pag. ●.  & eiusdem jussu editorum promulgationem eidem placuit prohibere. It pleased him to forbid also the promulgation of the acts of 12. 
Amere calunniation.  martyrs approved and set forth by D. Allen. Which accusation as we have said being notoriously false and invented only by themselves, for that never any such thing fell out, yet here now themselves do deny them to be martyrs, and so contradict both D. Allen and themselves. And to this absurdity doth passion bring men, in whom it beareth rule and excludeth reason. And thus much for their hostility which our designed Martyrs have with our true & actual martyrs.  
But surely if it were not over tedious we would ask them by whom they were designed to be martyrs, for if it be by themselves, 
Cypr. de mortalitate versus finem.  S. Cyprian that had the true spirit of martyr do me (as by the event appeareth) saith it is vanity and presumption for any man to brag of that, or think himself fit or worthy or designed to any such high matter; 
Bragging designed martyrs.  And some of these men can remember the saying of a learned godly man in Rome now a Cardinal, who hearing them brag so much every where of their purpose to be martyrs when they were most troublesome and seditious against their superiors in the college, said: Ego nunquam vidi martyres superbos neque refractarios. 
●. Baronius.  I never yet saw proud or disobedient martyrs: And another hearing them often say Nos volumus mori pro fide Catholica, answered piously those words of S. Paul: 
Rom. 9  Non est valentis neque currentis, sed miseventis Dei, it is not in the will of him that runneth, but in the mercy of God. And truly we would ask these designed Martyrs, how many of them have come hitherto to be martyrs indeed? We know some that were opposite to their faction to have been martyred not long since, as may appear by the letter of M. Bensteed set down in the Apology; but of these designed martyrs we know none, nor any like to be by all probability except they change their course. And finally we shall conclude with those holy words of S. Cyprian, 
Cyprian. Ibi.  speaking of this very matter: Nihil prodest verbis praeferre virtutem, factis destruere veritatem. It profiteth little to prefer virtue in words & to overthrow truth in deeds. And how this agreeth to our brethren, let their own consciences and other men's wisdom consider.  
And with this we mean to end this Chapter or consideration of the adversaries which they make to themselves; for to higher adversaries than martyrs reigning with God, it is hard for pride to ascend or oppose itself, yet may their folly and lack of discretion be noted, in that they stick not every where to exasperate all sorts of people against them, as in mentioning the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Northumberland and many other of great houses and families with reproach & many principal men yet living of our nation with contempt. They say also of all priests beyond the seas at this day in the seminaries. What will the State here think of the priests that shall come from any of those seminaries hearafter, 
Pag● 35.  where they must be brought up according to the jesuitical humour, & be sent hither with such direction as shallbe thereunto agreeable?  
Note the word hereafter, as who would say that these men have so done their errands and so belied the seminaries and the manner of education therein, as whosoever shall come hereafter from thence shall be accounted traitors though they were not before. And these be the good offices that these false brethren have done and seek to do not only against all priests, but against themselves also, and those of their crew, though in very deed their worst offices of all are against themselves. For we are so well persuaded both of the great wisdom and most honourable disposition of the Lords of her M●. Counsel, that seeing these people to proceed in passion, as they do, and there upon betray their own side, they will little esteem or believe wha● they say or do on any side, but rather take compassion on them, as of men enraged by force of choler and impotent appetite of revenge, and so do we, and pray for their recovery.   

OF THEIR FOLLY AND unshamefast spirit in uttering open and manifest untruths and contradictions to their own discredit.  
CAP. FOUR  
AMong all other follies that may be devised none can be greater in the sight of wise and modest men, then for one that desireth to be believed, and creedited to utter such improbabilityes, yea manifest open untruths in the speech or writing as may be discovered by every child, & thereby work his utter discredit, by which means it cometh to pass that he is not only esteemed false but foolish also, and not only disinherited when he anoucheth lies, but not believed even when he telleth truth. In which kind we fear the like effect will ensue to these our passionate brethren, who having little care (as it seemeth) what they say or write, so they say much and utter ugly things against those, whom they mislike and would discredit, and affirming the same with great vehemency, yea upon solemn protestation of their soul and consciences, it followeth we say) that when the matters afterward come to be examined and are found false and without foundation (as every where lightly they are, and here also are like to be in divers particulars declared by us) the conclusion must needs be with the discreet and indifferent Reader, that either these men have very bad, or no conscience at all; or else so little discretion and such a wont custom of telling untruths, as they reflect not upon either conscience or credit, when they tell them; and consequently that both truth and falsehood is all one with them, and both uttered with like facility, and therefore the same credit to be given to the one as to the other.  
For proof of this you have heard and seen (if you have read our former Apology) how notorious falsehoods and untruths these men have uttered and printed in their libels about every one of the chiefest points and matters handled by them and refuted by us in thirteen chapters set down by order, but especially in the 2. 3. 4. 11. and 12. 
Untruths before detected and refuted.  And if you will see a great company bound up together in few words, you may read the little brief Catalogue set before the preface to the catholics which is entitled. A table of certain principal deceits falsehoods & slanders contained in the two libels, etc. Some other also you shall see noted and laid forth in our Appendix to the said Apology for answering the second couple of books set forth by them afterward in the same kind; Now we are to consider of a third pair (for by couples & pairs they come forth as twins in birth) and for more brevity and perspicuity we shall lay together a whole farthel of them (we mean manifest and open untruths) in this one Chapter, whereby the reader having taken a view of there spirit may trust them afterward as he shall see occasion.  
And first we may begin with the chiefest point of their purpose through out all their books, 
Import. consid.  and especially these last two, 
Pag. 14.  which is to discredit (if they might) and make odious the Fathers of the Society by laying load of slanders and calumniations upon them, as you have heard a● large in the first Chapter of this book, which being not any way able to prove or make probable (as there we have showed) here they take another way (we mean● in their sixth book called Important considerations) which is to swear, protest and pawn their consciences for the truth of what they say. But with what conscience they do this you shall see by the event, for thus they write:  
These good Fathers (say they) as the devil would have it came into England in the year 1580. 
Ibid. pag. 24.  being the men in our consciences who have been the chief instruments of all the mischiefs that have been intended against her Majesty since the beginning of her reign, and of the miseries, which we or any other catholics have upon these occasions sustained. And again in another place: The jesuits, as we still think in our consciences and before God, have been from time to time the very causes of all the calamities which any of us have endured in England since her majesties reign.  
Thus they protest and swear; and by this let every man judge of these good consciences, it being an easy matter to guess how true this assertion may be, seeing the jesuits came not into England in xxj. years and more after her majesties reign, neither was there any English jesuit abroad all that time of such state or condition or in such place as he might be so much as suspected to deal in any such English affairs, and yet in this time were there many, great, and grievous attempts against her Majesty as these men now affirm, whereby the state was exasperated and the persecution of catholics both begun and increased; as the rising of the northern. Earls, the matter of the Duke of Norfolk, the excommunication of Pius 5. the setting up of the bull. by 〈◊〉. Folton, the dealing of D. Story in Flaunders; the attempt of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, the going thither of D. Sanders and other such offensive things as these men have gathered together to make catholics odious therewith, 
Their slanders convinced to be false by many particulars.  all which were done before any English jesuit set foot in England or had any doings abroad; and how then in these men's good consciences could jesuits be the chief instruments of these mischiefs, and of the calamities thereon ensuing, as here is protected, sworno, and forsworn by them?  
Besides this were not the two doctors named here by them, to wit D. Morton, and D. Webbe whom they affirm to have been the chief dealers with the Earle● of the North, were they not secular priests and no jesuits? Was Pi●● 5. a jesuit? Was not D. Story a secular doctor and no jesuit Was not D. Lewes in Rome a secular priest, who principally (if not only of our nation) is known to have assisted the action of Sr. Thomas Steukley for Ireland, and ye● is not so much as named here by these true men, for that they would have, us think he was of their faction against D. Allen? And finally was not D. Sanders a secular priest also and no jesuit? how then do these men swear so solemnly upon their conscience, that jesuits were the very causes and principal instruments of all the mischiefs and calamities ensued in England from the beginning of her majesties reign? Do not these men condemn themselves here of so many lies and false calumniations as there be matters by themselves mentioned? For seeing they avouch that every one of the things before touched exas perated the state and consequently were causes of the mischeefs and calamities ensued against catholics, and that jointly they do or must confess that no jesuit was then in England or had to do therein; it followeth that to lay all upon jesuits with such asseveration of conscience, as here they do, argueth little conscience, and gaineth them little credit with men of good consciences.  
And this is now concerning jesuits before their entrance into England in the year 1580. 
Slanders against Jesuits after their coming in't England.  wherein all men will grant them to be most fond slandered; it remaineth that we prosecute the time that ensued since, which may be some other 21. years, wherein you shall find the like or worse; for that the poison of malice being once admitted and fostered in men's breasts without resistance, buddeth forth daily more malignant fruits, as you shall see by this examination: and you must note that the end and principal purpose of these men being to show that all the attempts in this space both against her Ma. person and the state came originally from the jesuits, (a fit argument no doubt for such as profess themselves Catholic priests) they do not prove any one or half one to have proceeded from them, especially from him whom they would make the author of all, which is F. Persons, against whom if they had any one scroll or script, memory or witness, or any authentical testimony in this kind there is no doubt but they would here have alleged it, seeing their malice against him is so rank, as every way appeareth; and for so much as they allege none at all nor any other enemy of his, heretic, politic or Atheist hath hitherto done, to our knowledge you may be well assured, there is nothing extant, and so these good fellows do supply with cries and clamours, oaths, and protestations that which they cannot show by any sufficient proof or substantial argument, as you shall better perceive by the examples that ensue, brought in and handled by themselves against catholics, and jesuits and especially against the said father.  
And first we shall begin with that they mention of M. Francis Throgmorton his attempt for which he died (if any such were at all as he was charged with, we would ask, was this by jesuits counsel and incitation or not? no man we think can say yea; for that it is too much known, how that poor gentleman not long before by his brother Thomas his journey into England was drawn into that new crew and unluckily association which was lately begone in Paris by M. Paget, 
The over throw of M. Fr. Throgmorton by the factious.  Morgan, and himself as adherent against D. Allen F. Persons, and their friends, as in the first and fourth chapters of our Apology is touched. And if any man will doubt of this, let him read but the pamphlet set out by the state at that time an. 1584. entitled: A discovery of the treasons of Francis Throgmorion, etc. where they write: Item he confessed that he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throgmorton by letters and conference, and by Thomas Morgan his letters, (two of the principal confederates and workers of these treasons residing in France) with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish Queen and her confederates, etc.  
We would ask further of D. Parry 
About D. Parry.  his sending into England a little after that time to kill the Queen, (as he told her Ma.) was this also by any English jesuits plotting? No truly, for that it is notoriously known and can be proved by witness that D. Allen and F. Persons being at that very time in Paris when he was there, and whence he took his journey into England would not so much as talk with him, or hear his plots, as the two forenamed gentlemen of the contrary part entreated them; whereupon he being offended protested to M. Wat's an English priest in Rouen (his country man) at his passing that way, that he would be their enemy in England; and if all other proofs failed, yet his own confession extant in print doth clear by name the said D. and Father from all dealing with him or consenting to his attempts. For thus he writeth in his own confession set forth after in print.  
In October I came to Paris, 
In the book entitled a true & ●layne declaration of william  where I found my credit well settled, & being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholic gentleman, greatly beloved and trusted on that side, etc. I was (after other talk) desired by Morgan to go up with him to another Chamber where he broke with me etc. 
Parry his treasons at London by C. B. 1584. pag. ●3. & 14.  I told him it were soon done if it might be lawfully done and warranted by the opinion of some learned divines, etc. divers divines were named, D. Allen I desired, Persons I refused by chance came M. Wat's a learned priest with whom I conferred, and was overuled, etc. that it was utterly unlawful, etc. And by this we see not only D Allen and F. Persons delivered from all counsel and participation of this matter but Parry also by his manner of speech to show himself no friend to F. Persons, neither to have durst to comyt his plots to his judgement: and yet hear what these our charitable brethren do write of this and another case.  
Two gentlemen (say they) about that time an. 
Import. Consid. Pag. 23.  1583. M. Arden and M. Someruile were convicted by the laws of the Realm to have purposed and contrived how they might have laid violent hands upon her Ma. sacred preson, etc. And D. Parry the very same year was plotting with jesuits beyond the seas how he might have effected the like villainy. 
About M. Arden & M. Someruile.  Thus they say and would lay this villainy as you see upon the jesuits, as also the other of Someruile & Arden, if any such wear, wherein yet never jesuit (we think) was so much as named in there process or otherwise hitherto so as the malice of these men seemeth to exceed that of the heretics against jesuits by many degrees, as it doth also in another point following touching the overthrow of the Earl of Northumberland M. Shelley, 
The Earl of Northumberland M. Shelley.  and others, by the going of one Mope into England, whereof these men write in these words: 
Ibid.  How the worthy Earl of Northumberland was about this time brought into the said plot of the Duke of Guise, we will pretermit, M. Persons that was an actor in it could tell the story very roundly, etc. it wrought the noble Earls overthrow 1585. Which may justly be ascribed to jesuitical practices of the jesuit Mendoza and others of that crew.  
Mark here gentle Reader the malignant proceeding of these men: first they say they will pretermit how it was done, and yet they name F. Persons wherein are two malignityes; 
Very great falsehood and malignity in these factious priests.  first in pretermitting Mope known to be the actor, for that he was and is a chief pillar of their faction; the other in naming F. Persons, who in all that affair was never so much as mentioned hitherto to our knowledge, the third malignity also is in naming for a jesuit Don Bernardino Mendoza, the K. of Spain his Ambassador in England a lay gentleman yet alive and no jesuit nor ever was. And whether he had any thing to do in those actions or no we know not, but su●e we are that this is a great malignity to call them jesuitical practices as these men do, 
Discovery of the treasons etc. by Francis Throgmorton etc. 1584.  seeing that in the foresaid book set forth by the heretics against M. Throgmorton is set down among his confessions that the foresaid Mope alias Spring that came over and dealt with the said Earl and M. Shelley was otherwise called Charles Paget, and that Thomas Morgan residing in France having brought the said Francis Throgmorton into dealings of state matter with the Q. of Scots and foresaid Ambassador, he and Mope sent M. Thom. Throgmorton to his said brother in England to advertise him by word of mouth of those attempts here objected, all which three actors how they were affected to jesuits & how little union they had with them in their plots and actions all Englishmen know beyond the seas, and may easily be gathered by that we have written in the first & fourth chapter of our Apology, whereby may appear to whom the overthrow of this good Earl (ascribed by these men to jesuitical practices) may truly be attributed and besides is to be remembered that in M. Shelley his arraignment certain confessions of D. Bagshaw highly commended by the Q. solliciter were alleged against the said Earl.  
After this there followeth in these men's narration: 
Import. Consid. Pag. 23.  Hitherto (say they) we might add the notable treasons of M. Anthony Babington and his complices, 
About the matter of. Babington and his fellows.  in the year 1586. which were so apparent as we were greatly abashed at the shamelles boldness of a young 
* F. Southwel.  jesuit, who to excuse the said traitors and qualify their offences presumed in a kind of supplication to her Majesty to ascribe the plotting of all that mischief to M. Secretary Walsingam, etc.  
Mark here the exceeding malice of these men, who to excuse the persecutors, (though never so eager enemies and heretics) seek to lay all hurts upon catholics, and for that (if you remember) these particular examples are brought in, to prove not only that catholics are culpable & guilty of their own afflictions, but also to confirm their former general proposition, that all mischiefs since her majesties reign have been wrought principally by jesuits. And not finding in this fact of M. Babington, not so much as any one jesuit to have been accused or named as participant or consenting to this action, they take occasion to name one at least, that sought afterward to qualify their offences in a supplication to her Majesty. But what is that to the point itself that any jesuit was actor, counsellor, consenting, or privy thereunto? If that blessed man whom they insinuate (now a martyr) did go about to mitigate the matter to her Majesty (they being all Catholic gentlemen that died for the same) and did also signify that M. Walsingham had entertained for divers months the knowledge and notice of that association as it is most certainly known that he did, 
Ant. Ty. G. G. etc.  by the confession of divers that dealt with him therein, and thereby also most probable that the poor gentlemen were drawn thereunto by his malice and craft, what is this, we say, to prove that jesuits were any dealers, attempters, or counsellors thereof? Was there any jesuit so much as named in all the process against them at the bar or otherwise? Were not D. Allen, and F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel all at Rome or Naples at that time, and no one English jesuit remaining either in France or Flaunders to treat with any in that affair? Were not all the consultations about that matter made in Paris with those that were of the opposite faction? Were not the three priests Ballard, Gyfford, 
Evident reproof of th●● falsehood.  and Gratley that dealt therein secular priests and divided from the jesuits as by their own confessions appeareth, which we have cited in our Apology? nay did not Tyrel the priest being made acquainted therewith, and opening the same in general terms to another priest in London being asked that point confessed plainly, that Ballard had told him that neither D. Allen nor F. Persons were privy thereunto, whereupon the said priest disclaimed from it, and refused to hear any further therein; which act of the said priest (soon after taken by the detection of Tyrel and charged with that conference) was cleared for that he had refused to hear thereof; And this to be so appeareth by the register and examinations taken at that tyme. And so by this you may see the upright dealing of these our brethren if any way they may be called brethren:  
It followeth in their Catalogue of accusations against catholics & their doings: 
Import. Considerate. Pag. 24.  The treachery (say they) of Sr William Stanley the year following 1587. in falsifying his faith to her Majesty and in betraying the trust committed to him by the Earl of Leicester who had given him thè honourable title of knighthood, as it was greaty prejudicial to us that were catholics at home, so was the defence of that disloyalty made by a worthy man, but by the persuasion (as we think) of Persons, grratly misliked of many both wise and learned.  
here mark (good Reader) first the odious manner of speech of these priests (if they be priests) against so worthy a man of their nation and religion as is Sr William Stanley, 
About Sir William Stanleyes' rendering of Daventry.  call his rendering of the city of Daventry to the King of Spain; treachery and falsifying of his faith to her Majesty, & betraying the trust committed unto him, etc. which is both malignant and false, for that the place which Sr William gave up was not under her majesties obedience at that time nor Sr William or this soldiers that held the same, were in her pay, but in the pay of the rebelled states, unto whom (those of Daventrie being free before and without any garrison) the Earl of Leicester by deceit and force made them subject, by drawing in an English garrison against their wills.  
It is manifestly false also that Sr William was made knight by the Earl of Leicester as these men here most fond affirm, for that he had his knighthood by Sr William Drury deputy of Ireland long before the Earl of Leicester had charge in Holland; neither can he be said to have falsified his faith to her Majesty as these calunniators object, for so much as he was not sworn to her Majesty in that government, as hath been showed, holding not the town for her, but for the States whom knowing in his conscience to be rebels, and most wrongfully to detain from their true Lord and lawful king that and other towns, the good religious knight thought himself bound under pain of grievous sin (as indeed he was by all true divinity) to make restitution thereof to the true owner when it lay in his hand, no less than when a thief having robbed or spoiled any honest man, and put the booty in pawn or deposition in another man's hand he is bound (knowing the truth) not to keep it for the thief, nor to restore it to him again, but to the true owner, and this we think our brethren in their divinity will not dare to deny, as neither this case following: 
An example clearly convincing the calunniators.  suppose any Spaniard, Italian or other subject of the King of Spain should hold any town at this day in Ireland of the Earl of Tyron, and under his pay, and becoming a Protestant should therewith think it just and reason and himself bound in conscience to yield the same freely and frankly without reward or covenant to her Majesty as to the true owner, would our men (trow you) cry out here of treachery and breach of faith against the King of Spain? And yet if they be catholics, (as they pretend) they must needs confess the case to be no less favourable on Sr William's side, if not much more, both in respect of his great zeal in Catholic religion, and rare piety of life, showed ever since (wherein would God the writers of these books, being priests (as they say) had any resemblance or would follow him) as also for that (as we are certainly informed) besides the former warrant of conscience and justice, he had also for safeguard of his honour a particular Patent from his General the Earl of Leicester when he returned into England, with express licence therein contained to leave the service of the States at his pleasure, which Patent we understand he caused to be showed to her majesties Commissioners at Bullen in the late treaty there, about peace with Spain and Flanders which no man more than he and other catholics desired to have been effectuated. And he being of that renowned virtue and valour that all men know, we doubt not, but he would spend the last drop of his blood in her majesties service, setting the only cause of religion and his conscience a side; so as every way these honest men to flatter the State, and gain some crumbs of grace to themselves, do injure this worthy knight, but hurt him little.  
And this now were sufficient in our opinion to clear this case, both for the actor himself, the virtuous knight, as also the defender our late good Cardinal and F. Persons the counsellor (as these men say) but yet for that the fact is notorious, 
The fact of Sr. Willem Stanley examined by Cath. divinity. Ep. to Import. Consid. Pag. 1.  and hath been twice now impugned by some seditious of our side joining herein with enemies and heretics first in the year 1588. by G. G. and E. G. as in our Apology we have showed, and now by these pathetical people (as they term themselves) but indeed cynical rather or sycophantical calling themselves Catholic priests and so Catholic as none in the world (if we will believe them) shall go before them in that point; we think it not amiss to add a word or two more in this place about Catholic doctrine and divinity what it is herein for better justifying of the foresaid honourable gentleman his noble and most Christian fact and resolution.  
First then the case being proposed, as before we have set down, 
The first point about restitution.  the resolution of Catholic doctrine and schools is this: that if a man have in his hand or custody by what means from whom or with what conditions soever, the goods of another wrongfully taken from him, either by theft, violence, or other unlawful means whatsoever, yea though he were possessor bonae fidei; that is to say, that he neither knew when he took them, that they were other men's goods, nor did consent help or aid the same wrong done; yet if afterward he should come to know the injustice thereof & that it lay in his hands to restore the same, to the true owner it were ever lawful for him so to do, yea he were bound in conscience thereunto under pain of restitution of his own part, except only in two cases, to wit when either he could not restore them of himself to the owner, but with his great loss and danger, or that he had hope that restoring them to the usurper he would make restitution thereof himself, and so save his own credit therein; and this first point is clear and without all doubt amongst all learned catholics, as may appear first by the law itself: l. officium, F. de rei vendicatione, & l. si bonae fidei possessor, ff. de petitione haereditatis. L. in Causa 1. §. ult. ff. de minuribus, & ibid. l. plane, & l. sed ubi. And then secondly by all the most learned and approved writers that treat thereof as a thing whereof there is no controversy at all.  
The 2. point 
The 2. point about restitution of goods wrongfully beteyned.  of Catholic doctrine is in this case (which comprehendeth the fact and state of Sir William Stanley more fully and properly) that if he which received another man's goods to keep from him, be malae fideif possessor, that is if he know indeed the goods to be another man's, and that he did consent or cooperate to the taking or detaining thereof, as Sir William cannot be excused (as it seemeth) but that he did, then is there likewisse no question among divines or Canonists, but that he is absolutely bound by all means possible that he can to restore the same to the true owner, and not to the usurper from whence he had them, notwithstanding any oath or any pretended obligation whatsoever made to the contrary: yea he is bound to this by two bands, the one in that he not only knoweth certainly now that they are the goods of another, but did also know the same when he took them: and secondly that he did and doth cooperate and consent to the unjust usurpation so long as he withholdeth them from their rightful owner, which two bands are so great, as they do not only oblige him to deliver his hands with all speed possible from this unjust detention of the said goods, but further also, that if he should restore them to him of whom he received them, he should sin damnably, & moreover be bound to restitution of the whole to the true owner, out of his own, in case the Usurper otherwise should not restore the same. Which point you may see handled and determined most learnedly and piously as well by divinity as law, by S. Thomas 22. q. 62. art. 7. & Caet. ibidem in Commentaris, and other writers upon that place; And for Canonists Navarre in Manuali: Cap. 17. n. 18. & 19 silvest verb. Bellum 1. §. 3. & verb. Restitutio 3. q. 8. §. 7. Fumus verb. restitutio §. 16. & verb. Bellum §. 11. Caet. in sum. verb. restitutio. cap. 4. & c.  
The 3. point 
The 3. point about him that sweareth not to restore.  is more in particular touching the foresaid oath pretended to be made by Sir William for keeping the town of Daeventry, for the use of the States against the king of Spain the true and lawful owner, which oath by the doctrine of all Catholic devynes though it were a sin in him if he did take it, yet being taken it bindeth not at all, being made against justice and right and consequently of no force. Yea the said divines do add further that it wear an increase of sin to keep such an oath. And consequently each man is bound to break the same. Thus do teach. S. Thomas 22. qu. 89. act. 7. in crop & add 2. & ibid. Caet. in Comment. siluest. verb juramentum 5. q. 1. Navar. cap. 12. num. 15. Toletl. Instruct. sacerd. cap. 22. § Primus est. etc. Fumus verb. jurament. §. 9 & 10. & 17. Conditione 4. & §. 38, etc. and besides these and the rest of this kind may be alleged all the fathers and Interpreters of scriptures treating of the unlawful oath of Herode for the kill of S. john Baptist.  
And this may suffice for Catholic men and all other also that are of good conscience and lovers of justice for the cleared of S. William Stanleys' fact concerning lawfulness & obligation of conscience. 
S. William incurred no dishonour by restoring, but rather the contrary.  There remaineth to say a word or two concerning his honour as a soldier and subject of her Ma. wherein albeit his chief defence and justification be indeed the foresaid obligation of equity, right and conscience towards almighty God which is to be preferred before all other obligation to temporal princes, yet the points before specified or insinuated by us, are sufficient also, though this so strict divine obligation had not been, to excuse him from the opprobrious & contumelious calumniations of treachery and faith-breaking wherewith these seditious people so injuriously do charge him. For if he held not the said city of Daventry of her Ma. as before hath been said, but for the Hollanders, Known subjects at that time of the K. of Spain and that he was not only privy but also present and consenting to the usurpation of that City by the Earl of Leicester against the wills of the citizens bringing in a garrison upon them by sleight; if afterward becoming more Catholic and better instructed in religion, he came to know (as he did) a christian man's obligation in this behalf. And that besides all this he had a patent of his General (to whom he made his oath) to depart from that service when he should think good: the motive of which grant was (as we have heard) not to be under the obedience of S. john Norrice left chiefly in the Earl's place. If furthermore S. William did not sell or make any temporal advantage of that place as soldiers are wont to do, but only as a most christian knight adventured for mere conscience and love of justice to restore the same to the true owner with his own great danger, and with the loss of his father, wife, and children, inheritance, offices, grace of her Ma. and all the rest that his country did, or could yield unto him, only for the same effect and end: If all this be so, and divers other circumstances concurring in his favour, then is there no least spot of dishonour to be laid upon him for this fact, but rathe● great honour hath he gotten thereby both before God and man: and most barbarous is the insolency of these slanderous companions that go about to dishonour him thereby as they do.  
And the like course they hold with our late good Card. their father and master, 
Card. Allen greatly abused by them.  whom Ironice they call worthy man (as before you have heard) but do handle him so unworthily, as all men may see their contempt and hollow hearts towards him, their desire being indeed utterly to discredit him especially about this act of S. William Stanley; in proof and justification whereof the Card. wrote a very christian and learned epistle, which these men do calumniate, condemn and scofat saying among other things that it was made by F. Persons help and counsel, which they say as well to discredit the Card● for making his books by other men's help and counsel, as also to bring in the mention of F. Persons or some other jesuit in every act which they desire to make odious, as though the only naming of a jesuit, (though they had no part at all therein nor were privy or consenting to it (as in this of S. William Stanleys' they were not, nor could he) were sufficient to condemn both the act and them, and to justify their former oath and consciencelesse protestation, that in their consciences jesuits hunc been the cause of all mischiefs and calamities from the beginning of 〈…〉. And this much of this matter.  
Now let us go: forward & follow them in their most spiteful and injurious arraignment of catholics by succession & dissent of by●●●●. 
Pag. 25.  Now we are come (say they) to the year 1588. & to that most (bloo●●) 〈◊〉 not only against her Ma. & our common enemies; but against ourselves, and all catholics, etc. The memory of which attempt willbe (as we trust) an everlasting monument of jesuitical treason and cruelty, etc.  
Note that they trust it will be so, which argueth their charitable meaning. But what if it prove that no one English jesuit either was in that Armada or in Spain at that time to give counsel or consent thereunto? will not this assertion then be a perpetual monument of their perfidious and unchristian malice? Remember then what passed at that time, and confess with us that they are no priests, but rather lost lads that avouch, so apparent false calumniations. For, as before we have touched most true it is, that both F. Persons, F. Holt and F. Creswel being at Rome with Cardinal Allen and no English jesuit at all residing either in Spain or Flaunders when this enterprise was resolved; not only they went not in this. Armada from Spain, but were never so much as asked their opinion or conferred with about that matter as we have often hard them affirm, and is evident to this day by a letter of S. Francis Inglefield written into France at that very time to a certain confident friend wherein he greatly complaineth, 
The letter of S. Francis Inglefeld to M. Hopkins in Paris anno 1588.  that whereas all the world talked that the said armada went for England, yet that neither he nor any other English was admitted to know any thing therein. But let us hear the proof of these men against themselves.  
It is apparent (say they) in a treatese penned by F. Persons advise altogether as we do verily think that the K. of Spain was especially moved and drawn to that intended mischiefs against us by the long and daily solicitation of the jesuits, etc. 
Import. Consid. Pag. 25.  This is somewhat if it were true, but if there be no such thing in that whole treatese, as we most certainly affirm not to be (having read over the whole for examination of the matter) then judge you with us, what manner of men these be, that against their own consciences do lie so notoriously. For if the Card. in that book have these words, or do ever name jesuits or any of their order to this effect or this sense, than never believe us more: and if he do not, then good reason it is, that they hold them for such as they are, whereby also you will see how little they are to be credited in the rest which they say in this place, that this treatese of the Card. was penned altogether by the advise of F. persons which if it had been so it is likely he would not have laid the matter upon the jesuits? but hear as true an assertion as this; for it followeth presently after: 
About this point they belly M. Winstade.  The Duke of Medina Sidonia had given it out directly, that if once he might land in England both catholics and heretics should be all one to him, his sword could not discern them, etc.  
Thus they say: But how directly or indirectly these men might come to know any such thing if it had been spoken; or how likely it is, that the Duke would say so, the discreet reader may imagine. And a little before in the same book they say (as you have heard) out of the same duke of Medina his mouth also; 
Epist. Pag. 7.  that he would rather spare Protestants then catholics. All which put together showeth evidently out of what forge all these devices do proceed, to wit, of blind rancour, wilful malice, lack of conscience, and the like.  
Well; this Chapter of untruths groweth somewhat long, and yet remain there a huge heap sufficient for many books if we would prosecute all, yea those only which are about F. Persons would make up a volume so fraught or rather overcharged with malignant passion against him, who of all other seeketh most to do them good, if they had unpassionate eyes to see it; Wherefore we shall run over briefly some few more that concern him especially, and so make an end, having received from him and others particular information of the truth and falsehood of the matters objected.  
Wherefore to touch them briefly as they●ly in this their book of Important Considerations (for we will omit either all or the most part of those that are in their other libel termed their Relation of wisbich) wherein there are so many heaped together in a certain mad and furious innective of W. W. prefixed in name of the rest before the said book● as these only with the spiteful manner of uttering the same are sufficient to make them known, and to discreedit not only the writer, but all his aiders and approvers with all honest and sober men of what religion soever.  
For first they affirm here, 
Untruths uttered against F Persons See the 12 Chap. of the Apol.  that F. Persons hath se●t sundry of his subjects into Ireland already in the behalf of the Spaniard, and that that war was plotted and solicited by him and his: that he hath entitled the K. of Spain to all the 3. kingdoms of England, Scotland and France, 
Epist. to Import. Consid. Pag. 7. 8. 9 10. etc.  and the lady Infanta to the same kingdoms; that he did constrain the students of the Semynaryes in Spain to subscribe to her interest, forcing them to promise that when they should return into England they would advance her title to their uttermost ability, power and poised of words; that for not applauding to this Spanish pretence of the Infanta, the L. Dacres was driven out of Spain, and all other Spanish dominions, being slandered to be a spy for England, and to have intended to have set the Spanish fleet on fire: That F. Persons hath caused divers of our country to be utterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to lose their lives in Spain, for not yielding to his desire therein: That after he came in post to Rome and would needs have the book of Titles read in the Refectory of the College if it had not been resisted, and that for hatred to the secular Seminary priests he gave out, that book of Titles to have been made by M. Dolman a secular priest, etc.  
These and a great multitude more of like accusations and calumniations, which for brevity and loathsomeness we omit, are heaped together in this place, and sprinkled again throughout the whole book as occasion is offered. And albeit the most of these are so evidently false and ridiculous, as theyneed no answer, yet will we say somewhat to each of them in order: and first of that of having sent divers of his subjects already into Ireland to set forward that war, all men know that F. Persons hath authority over none, 
About the late attempt in Ireland.  but only English jesuits: whereof if any one can be proved to have been sent hitherto into Ireland or any one to be there at this day or any one priest of those seminaries to have been directed by him that way for diverse years than may these slanders have some show or pretence of this their malicious sycophancy but none being at all it maketh them more in excusable.  
Moreover we● ad● that we have seen a letter lately written out of Spay ne by a man o credit, 
The Protestation of Sr. W. Stanley and M. Th. Fitzherbert  about the protestation of two worshipful and honourable gentlemen, Sir William Stanley and M. Thomas Fitzherbert concerning this affair of Ireland, wherein they both affirm and protest upon their souls and consciences, 
about the affair of Irland  that to their knowledge neither they nor any one Englishman else was ever so much as asked his opinion in this late affair of Ireland, nor any one hitherto of our nation employed or sent in that action. And M. Thomas Fitzherbert nameth in that letter one Hewghe Boy an Irishman Agent for the Earl of Tyron in the court of Spain, who residing there many months to deal in this matter, and seeing M. Fitzherbert every day, as lying in the same court, never yet broke the matter with him, nor was willing that any Englishman at all should be privy thereunto, as whom both he and other Irishmen treating thereabout, 
The like protestation for dealing with the K of Spain.  presumed to be contrary to their desires and designments therein. And this can and will the said Boy testify, seeing since that time he is passed from the said Earl of Tyrone to her majesties service.  
And further more the said two gentlemen do protest in like manner (upon occasion offered) that both they, F. Persons and F. Creswel, who have had hitherto most dealings with the spanish King and counsel did never treat in their lives, nor consent that the said king should have any temporal interest in the crown of England, for himself, and much less that any such conquest of our country should be made or attempted, as these foolish malicious people do faygne and give out. And further they protest by the same asseveration, that neither the old king now dead, nor his son now reigning, did ever pretend the same, in word or deed, but always assured the contrary to wit that their only meaning and desire was, and is by their wars against England, that the catholics might be relieved from their most grievous pressures and oppressions for religion, and themselves delivered from continual molestations which in Flanders, Indies and other places they received from England, having a desire in themselves to live in peace and love with that crown above all other foreign nations, as in former times they did when the State was Catholic. This and divers other such points do the foresaid two worthy gentlemen avow in manner aforesaid, & is testified by the foresaid letter which we have seen dated in Madrid the first of October last past 1601.  
By this then most of the foresaid calumniations against F. Persons are discovered concerning his dealing with and for the king of Spain, 
About a letter of F. Persons intercepted.  which is greatly confirmed and made evident by a certain letter written by the said Father himself in great confidence and cipher also (as his adversaries say) to F. Holt in Flaunders from Genua upon the 15. of March 1597. when the said father arrived there towards Rome, which letter or the copy thereof being stolen afterward (as it seemeth) from F. Holt and given to his adversaries, which in some places they have showed, and is like to be that which here they brag of, saying; that his own books & handwryting willbe brought out as witnesses against him. But hitherto they are not brought or alleged, and it seemeth that this in particular whereof we have the copy serveth not their turns so much, as they dare to allege it, finding more sincerity, religion, wisdom and gravity contained therein (though written in secret and confidence) where he might utter himself boldly) than their malignant envy will suffer them to be glad to see, which yet we be enforced in this place through their malignity, not to think amiss to acquaint somewhat the Reader therewith.  
The superscription was thus: To the Reverend Father, F. William Holt, etc. And then within was written this in cipher, as the rest of the letter also is said to have been: A note for F. Holt & such other confident friends as he shall think good to communicate the same withal: 
A lettere of F. P. to F. holt 15. of March 1597.  And then began the letter thus: The principal causes of this my journey are to settle with his Holiness and F. General all such points as shall seem necessary for the upholding of the Seminaries of Spain, Flaunders, Italy, and of the mission of the society to England, and therefore whatsoever shall offer itself unto you about any of these points (to wit) for faculties, government, privileges, maintenance, or the like, I pray you and other friends to advise me with the best speed that may be, for I mean to procure that my abode in Italy be as little as may be, and so I have promised in Spain and for divers reasons it willbe necessary.  
If I can do any good also in compounding or ending the troubles of the English Roman Seminary, and of our controversies between those of our nation else where; I shall do my best, at least I hope I shall make his Hol. and other principal persons understand the true causes and grounds thereof.  
By these two first points we may see that F. Persons journey to Rome was neither in post (as these men say, being 5. or 6. months in coming) nor to cause the book of English titles to be read in the Refectory (as fond here is devised) about which whole matter of succession, he speaketh in his letter so temperately and indifferently, as may shame his adversaries to allege it, for he saith in substance. That he meaneth to proceed therein very softly and coldly, letting his Hol. only to know how matters do stand, & that English catholics do only desire (after her Majesty) some sincere Catholic Prince, 
F. Persons dealing with the Pope about the succession of England.  without respect of English, Scottish, Spanish, or other nation in respect of religion, that F. Persons is not an enemy, to the king of Scotland nor Agent for king Philip, as some have informed showing in the first what good offices he hath done for the king of Scotland for many years, whilst their was hope that he would be a Catholic, and in the second showing by testimony of the Nuntio of Madrid, Patriarch Caetan (who hath written effectually in that behalf) that F. Persons hath always persuaded the king & his counsel, that it will not stand well for his Majesty to pretend England for himself, & that he hath obtained of the king full promise thereof, about which point the Nuntio hath seen the papers, & been privy to the speeches which F. Persons from time to time hath had unto that effect.  
These are the words of this secret letter, and finally he concludeth; that the best of all would be, if to avoid contention, opposition and garboils after her Majesty, such a person might be thought of as would be fit, and stand well both for his Hol. and Majesty Catholic, English and Scotish catholics, the kings of France, Denmark, and all the rest, but who that person or persons be he meaneth to suffer his Hol. to think upon, etc.  
Thus he writeth (as you see) in great confidence and secrecy to his dearest friend, and was to treat to the same effect with the Pope by the commission (as here is insinuated) of the king of Spain himself; And his Hol. can be witness whether he did so or no, and whether he hath changed his course or no until this day. And then let the discreet reader judge whether these cogitations and endeavours of F. Persons do not tend more to peace, union, composition, saving of his country from wars, and garboils, pacifying of Princes round about, and furthering the Catholic religion, which principally is sought by him as the first and chief means of all joy and felicity, both in this life and the next, than the distracted passionate clamours of these few discontented people that cry out to pull down; but set up nothing, that calumniate other men's actions, but can do nothing themselves, being only fit to undo, discompose, wrangle, trouble, cry and curse: but let us see yet a little further.  
They object, 
A vain slander.  that F. Persons hath entitled the king of Spain to all the 3. kingdoms of England, Scotland and France, & the Lady Infanta to the said three kingdoms, Let them show this out of any writing of his; and if they cannot (as is most certain) let them be ashamed of this their shameless calumniation. For in the book of succession, which they attribute unto him, is no such matter, either about the kingdom of France or Scotland for either of those two persons, but rather the quite contrary, which proveth these men not to speak by line or measure or regard of verity, but only what they imagine may sound odiously. And is this fit for priests? yea Catholic priests?  
The tale of the students subscribing, 
A ●ond tale of the scholars swearing in the Spanish Semi●●●●yes.  swearing and promising in Spain to promote with main and might, poised of words dentibus & ●nsibus (as our Orators say) the Infanta her title is much like poetical commentaries and fictions upon some little ground of truth: For all are lies but only this; that our late good Cardinal thinking seriously towards the later end of his days of the perilous state of our country if her Ma. should fail, and what great contention and wars were like to ensue about the succession of a new prince, he was greatly troubled and afflicted in mind, and casting divers ways about how these mischiefs might best be prevented and matters wrought to some moderation and composition both to the contentment of foreign princes and probability to reduce the Cath. faith again into England, he took his pen in hand, and set down a very wise, moderate and pious discourse of his opinion and judgement therein sending the same into Spain with desire to hear the opinions of his friends about the same, who liking it very well and being desirous to have the same continued and set forward, divers of the chief English there, as well lay men as Ecclesiastical, as namely Sr. Francis Inglefield, M. D. Stillington, and others, wrote their like and approbation thereof and requested that the like might be performed from the Semynaryes for encouraging the good Card. to go forward in that pious cogitation. And this is all that in that matter was done or attempted without any promise, oath or obligation at all, so as all the rest which these men ad is either poetical fictions or exaggerations, as we have said.  
The calumniation about the L. Dacres is most false & slanderous, 
About the L. Dacres.  and hath many malignant untruths; That which passed between him and F. Persons is this, as we are certainly informed by them that know it: He went out of England to Vallidolid in Spain about the year 1590. where finding F. Persons beginning his new Seminary, he was most courteously received and treated by him therein, and after some days recommended by his letters very effectually to the court at Madrid where also he was honourably used, from whence he passed to Rome, and there had 60. Crowns a month in gold, paid him by the Spanish Ambassador, which after some time misliking his abode there he left; to return into Flaunders, where it may be that he fell into some discontentements as banished men are wont to do, but this could not be by any reason or probability with F. Persons, seeing he never dealt with him after his departure from Spain, and is presumed to have had the foresaid provision in Rome by his special commendation. Wherefore to say here as these men do that he was held for a spy and suspected that he would burn the K. fleet (whereof we never heard before) is open calumniation laid upon the good noble man himself, towards whom we understand by very certain and sure means that the said Father is and always was very well affected in respect both of his religion and house, whatsoever this seditious writer and makebate goeth about to persuade to the contrary.  
As for the other, 
Another impudent calumniation.  that F. Persons hath caused divers of our nation to be utterly disgraced, discredited, yea and to lose their lives in Spain for being contrary to his designs, is so manifest a slander as we are ashamed to repeat: For what one example can these men allege for saving their credit and honesty herein? It is well known that he hath saved the lives of divers, both by delivering them out of the galleys as also out of the inquisition, as divers can bear witness that are now in England delivered by him. And more it is to be noted, that from the time of F. Persons coming into Spain in the year 1588. until his departure from thence in the year 1596. no one Englishman in any of the Tribunals of all those kingdoms was publicly punished or put to death during those 8. years, whereas before many had accustomed to be. And this change is known to have come principally by the information and entreaty of F. Persons with those Ecclesiastical judges, letting them understand first and above all other things, the true state of men in England, touching religion at this time, to wit, that very few especially of the younger sort (how earnest protestants soever they show themselves) are to be accounted heretics properly and in rigour of the Canons, 
Qentle proceeding with english heretics in Spain by F. Persons means.  as they appoint punishments unto them, for that they lack sufficient knowledge of the Cath. faith, or at leastwise instructions, having never been actually catholics. And albeit this were not so, yet other circumstances there are of great moment to mitigate the ordinary proceeding of Canonical laws and punishment towards them seeing that by experience it was found, that the most part of such m●n being priest upon the sudden or at their first apprehension were ordinarily so proud and wilful as they would rather burn or abide any other punishment then leave or renounce their fancies, but giving them time and instructing them by reason and good arguments they were easily converted, and so it was seen by experience, that in all the foresaid time, & ever since there have not been found perhaps two Englishmen, which being taken or otherwise coming to conference have not been turned and made catholics, albeit some of them afterward again for temporal respects may have perhaps relented at there arrival in England, whereof also many have stood constant. And this is and hath been the manner of F. Persons proceeding with Englishmen in Spain while he was there, quite contrary to the malicious fictions & lying detractions used here against him, for procuring the ruin & death of his country men, etc.  
And finally where these accusants' object against F. Persons that he caused the book of succession to be set forth in the name of one Dolman a secular priest, 
Why the Author of the book of succession was called Doleman.  and this for hatred of that order, we are informed that it is no less false than a malicious cavillation, & that the author of the book neither knew any priest to be named Dolman when he wrote that book, nor so much as thought on him, but alluding to the word of the scripture vir dolorum he called himself Dole-man in respect of the grief and sorrow he bore in his heart for the affliction and calamity of his Country. 
Ezai. 5●.  Afterward it fell out that there was a priest in England called Dolman who being drawn by these men to favour their faction as it seemeth, was persuaded also to complain that he was made to be the author of the book, which no man yet we think that knoweth him and hath read the book, will easily believe or accuse him of, his talon being known to be far inferior to such a labour, and consequently their complaint in this is both fond and ridiculous.  
There ensueth in the said Epistle, that F. Persons in Greenewat made the case clear; 
Pag. ●.  that difference in religion or matters of faith neither ought nor could by the law of God, 
A notoriously of F. P. speech in Greenewat.  of nature, of nations, or custom ever hard of in any nation deprive any one inferior subject (much less said he in the same place any Sovereign) from the right of inheritance or lawful succession by birth or blood to any thing they had right unto otherwise, etc.  
here now hearing them to name a particular place and to avow a matter so stoutly, you may perchance think with yourself (gentle Reader) whether all or some part of this may be true or no, but doubt not thereof; For we assure you upon most certain information had from the originals themselves, that all is most false; F. Persons protesting by his letters that he remembreth not any such place called Greenewat that ever he was in in his life, 
L Manichaeus. l. Arian. l. quicunque Cap. ad aboendam Cap. excommunicamus extra. de haereticis & in 6. de haeret. cap. super lo. Consil la tera. cap 3. de. haereticis.  nor knoweth what, nor where it is. And for the doctrine here ascribed to him he detesteth it, as fond, absurd, and tasting both of heresy and atheism (though allowed here as it seemeth by our people) he being not ignorant that both civil laws and Church Canons do deprive heretics of inheritances, as our men ought to know also. And if the foresaid book of Titles or succession alleged by them were written by F. Persons (as they affirm) then is there proof enough therein to show him to be contrary to this doctrine, seeing that the whole drift of the first book (especially the 6. 7. 8. and 9 Chapters) is principally directed against this doctrine taught (as there is said) by one Belloy a French man, and whom the said first book of titles re●uteth by many arguments: so as these men by running headlong upon F. Persons do break their own horns, and see not their folly.  
But hear yet another calumniation more absurd than this against the same man. 
Ibid. Pag. 14.  There is (say they) a letter of F. Persons own writing wherein is set down in plain terms to this effect scilicet. How the jesuits are the most infested enemies both to the Cath. Church and common wealth, that are this day in the world to be found, etc.  
But here again we require the letter, and ask why it is not alleged with the date and place, and then consider moreover, good Reader, how likely it is that F. Persons (except he were mad) should write these words of himself and of his whole order and whethet these men may be judged to be in their right senses, and five wits that write and put such things in print; though we have heard of a certain letter devised amongst some of them to be printed as written by him which yet others of the said company not so mad as the rest dissuaded them from as a thing that would easily be discovered, yet have they here another assertion within a few leaves after as bold and ridiculous as this, 
Import. Consid Pag 15.  saying: F. Persons so laboured himself and others in England about matters of state how he might set her Ma. crown upon another's head (as appeared by a letter of his own to a certain Earl) that the catholics themselves threatened to deliver him into the hands of the civil magistrate except he desisted from such kind of practices, etc.  
And here also we would ask why they do not express this letter more particularly, & set down the words thereof. For if they mean a letter of his written to the Earl of Anguise in Scotland and intercepted here in England concerning his dutiful affection and good merits towards the K. of Scotland; 
The letter of F. P. to the Earl of Anguise jan. 24. 1600.  there is no such word there in sense nor meaning; if they have any other (which we assure ourselves they have not) why do they not cite it, as plain dealing men ought to do, & as we have done towards them and theirs in our Apology? Why also do they slander the Catholics of England with so base and absurd a cogitation, as to deliver up F. Persons to the civil magistrate, which we assure ourselves never passed through their imaginations, esteeming his discreet and fervent labours for them, and their common cause a hundred times more than all these unprofitable wrangling people joined together.  
And now having been much more longer in this matter than we purposed at the beginning, we would gladly end, pretermitting infinite other such like stuff of the same kind, as in these books are every where found, yet must we not pass over one narration of theirs, for that it toucheth great personages. The story is this; 
Epist. to Import. consid. Pag. 15.  that when their two legates M. Bishop and M. Charnock came to Rome in the end of the year 1598. they went (as here is said) first to the french Embasador residing there, requesting his help to procure them audience of the Pope, 
A notorious fiction and contumely to his Hol.  who inquiring if they had brought the K. his master's letter in their favour, & perceiving they had not, told them that albeit he would with the said letter, if they had brought it, more willingly enter into the said action with them, yet without it also would he speak to his Hol. in their favour, and so he did, making a speech which here in their book they take upon them to set down, and the very words he used whereby he obtained full promise of their audience, with favour at his Hol. hands. Which the Spanish Ambassador understanding of, went presently to the Pope, and made another speech in the behalf of his master, to whom the Pope promised that they should not have audience, which being understood by the french Ambassador, he returned to his Hol. again and renewed his oration and petition for their audience more earnestly than before, and it was resolutely granted him; which being brought to the Spanish Ambassador he went to the Pope with great vehemency the second time, and as it were threatening him from his king made him recall the second time his former promise.  
Lo here a sharp combat framed in the air, never thought of by the parties as we are informed from Rome itself. And first it is to be considered, how bold a devise this is, and how injurious to his Hol. himself, who is made here like a door, opened by one and shut by another, and giving a creak to each one that moveth it, which contumely how far it is from the wisdom, maturity and known constancy of his Hol. in his resolutions all men do know who have dealt with him, and it is extreme audacity for these to devise such absurd and ridiculous matters of him as to say and unsay four times one thing to so great personages. And thus much of his Holiness person.  
But now for the matter itself concerning the narration, 
Great probabilities that the whole is feigned.  how or whether the two messengers went to the French Ambassador in Rome; whether the matter be wholly feigned or no, we cannot precisely affirm, but great probability there is that they were never with him, seeing that their arrival in Rome being about the 11. of December (as in our Apology we have declared) at what time the said Ambassador was not there, but in Ferrara with the Pope, or in his way towards Rome, his Holiness entered not the city, but some 2. or 3. days before the flood, which happened on Christmas eve, and so empestred the city, as there was no going up and down, and much less negotiating, from that time to S. Thomas of Canterbury his day Decemb. 29. when they were restrained and committed to ward by his Holiness order, and thereby had no time afterward to go to the said Ambassador.  
But howsoever this was, we are ascertained by due information taken at Rome both from Cardinal Burghesius' Viceprotector of England privy to all the whole negotiation, and of the Duke of Sessa and Vayena, the King of Spain's Ambassador, whom our brethren appoint for chief actor and orator of pleading this cause (for of the other two Cardinal Caëtan the Protector and Monsieur Syllarie the king of France his Ambassador, the one is dead, and the other gone from Rome) these two great men (we say) do affirm that all this matter to their knowledge is a mere fiction, and that his Hol. when he shall know it (as before this it is likely he hath done) cannot but laugh, and yet be much offended with such audacity to be published in print.  
And of the said Duke of Sessa Ambassador of Spain they write from Rome that he laughed heartily when he heard the Story, 
The speech of the Duke of Sessa about these priest's auducity.  saying: well than they make me at least the better orator of the two who finally prevailed with his Hol. But after his laughter past, he asked seriously. But is it possible that English Catholic priests should have so little shame & conscience as to utter such devices of their own in print, and father them upon us here who never thought nor dreamt thereof what may be expected of them for the time to come? These men (said he) will not stick to fayne letters, writings and speeches to wreak their wrath against any man. To whom it was answered, that this indeed was doubted against some, and F. Persons by name, whose letters they threaten in many places to bring forth, and yet allege none hitherto, for that perhaps they are not yet made, or devised.  
Well then there were no end if we should prosecute all they say and rail against F. Persons as before we have noted, but especially about the restraint of their foresaid two Ambassadors (a pitiful case) of whom they conclude their former narration thus: 
Imp. Consid. Pag. 16. Ep.  By this means (say they) they were excluded from doing their message, cast into prison, cruelly handled, justice violated, all laws broken of God and man, the Pope's Holiness nor any other competent judge under him never as yet hearing of the matter nor of the egregious coggery, 
A heap of follies.  prejudice & blasphemy against the Sea Apostolic and the sacred Majesty of our Sovereign and all other Princes and Prelates abused by these men.  
here now you may see as many impertinent follies and open falsityes as almost there are words for we may go back again, denying truly every part & parcel as they are here set down. For how were they excluded from doing their message, who were heard for 3. months space together both by word, and writing? How can they be said to have been cast into prison and cruelly handled, that were retired only unto two good chambers of the college, and as tenderly cared for and treated as the best in the house? With what probability can they say that justice was violated and all laws both of God and man broken, by this their restraint, seeing it is an ordinary thing daily used upon less occasions than this, to far better and greater men than they? with what shame can they avouch, that neither his Hol. nor any competent judge under him hard their cause, seeing two principal Cardinals and his Hol. Fiscal, both heard, examined and determined the same after three months hearing, conferring all first with the Pope himself, as appear by public records?  
We let pass their immodesty in calling this act of so temperate justice, coggery, prejudice and blasphemy against the Sea Apostolic, and the sacred Ma. of our Sovereign; And we would only ask them how they join these two together, and how the self same thing of restraining a couple of priests may be blasphemy both to the Sea Apostolic and to her Ma● and wherein this blasphemy consisteth?  
We might follow this vain of our passionate and inconsiderate brethren their folly and falsehood (if we would) to the making up of a whole volume, but we find ourselves so wearied and glutted with these (being so gross as they are) as we are ashamed further to discover their infirmities in this behalf for there is neither end nor measure in their fond railing against F. Persons, yea though they be forced to say things to his praise and commendations as before hath been noted: But let us hear one example more if you please.  
When they speak of his journey into Spain in the year 1588. and his doings there, they write thus: He departed from Rome, 
Pag. 28. Ibid.  went into Spain and became a courteour to attend K. Philippe where by Mendoza his fellow jesuits means he grew shortly into so great estimation (not for any goodness in him towards this Realm you may be sure, but rather in respect of his deadly hatred against it) that he procured a Seminary to be erected in Vallidolid. 1589.  
Consider these words (gentle Reader) and weigh the exceeding folly and malice of the writers; He went to Spain to be a courteour, got great estimation, and yet hath gotten nothing for himself in all these dozen years, by all his favour and estimation, but only to erect some Semynaries for our nation, what courting is this? or what courteour followeth this course to get nothing for himself but for others? yea for those that profess themselves his enemies as secular priests do; if we may believe these men affirming it every where. These are mere insulsityes.  
Again they say; 
About Don Bernardino de mendoza & his friendship with F. P.  that he got his credit in Spain by Mendoza his fellow jesuits means, etc. But we have showed before that Don Bernardino de mendoza was never jesuit but a lay nobleman. He was not in Spain when F. Persons went thither, nor for divers years after, for that he resided in Paris as Ambassador for his king, where he had much more friendship and correspondence with M. Charles Paget and M. Tho. Morgan men of the opposite party (as is known) then with F. Persons between whom and him we have understood for certain that no one letter or message passed for many years together, to wit after the most disastrous affair of Ballard, Babington, etc. whereunto he being drawn perhaps to intermeddle more than was expedient by the foresaid men and others (though we cannot accuse him therein) and perceiving both Card. Allen and F. Persons then in Rome greatly to have misliked and complained thereof as a matter so highly prejudicial to the life and states of many good catholics in England and of the Q. of Scotland herself, he never had any great confidence afterward with the said two men, and when he returned after some years to Madrid, where F. Persons was, we understand that there passed great expostulations between them two about that & some other such matters, wherein the said Ambassador had been thought to have been overmuch misled by the foresaid men & their mates.  
By this than you may see in part how likely it is that F. Persons should get his estimation and credit in Spain by Don Bernardino de Mendoza his means, and much more how probable it is that the said Father procured a Seminary for English priests and students in Vallidolid not for any goodness in him towards this realm, but for his deadly hatred against it, etc. who could imagine such fond malice to be in men? And yet if we would enlarge ourselves upon this point, we should never make an end; for against this man it seemeth their whole conspiracy lighteth; And he may well say out of the psalm opprobria, exprobrantium ceciderunt super me, read the Catalogue of slanders set before the preface of our Apology and the 12. Chapter of our said book that treateth of this man in particular, and then lay them with these which we say here and that we have related in the first Chapter of this book and you will see sufficient store, and yet more will ensue after, for that no one part can be touched by them without his particular impugnation, whom they imagine to stand more in their way (for letting their seditious designments) than many others joined together. And so consequently they are forced by their own folly and passion to assail him every where, and this we fear to their own confusion in the end, God grant it be not. And so enough of this.   

OF THEIR GREAT FOLLY and malignant spirit in objecting certain books to F. Persons, which if they be his, cannot but give him much credit & commendation, with a brief confutation of a fond pamphlet set forth in answer to the book of succession.  
CAP. V.  
TRuly it is said that envy and emulation are two blind guides, and that anger and passion do oftentimes wound more deeply the assailant, than the assailed. You have heard how boisterously (not to say furiously) these passionate people have run every where upon F. Persons dentibus & ensibus, (to use their own phrase) and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits towards our common cause and them, in particular as we do, yet knowing them, as we may by these their books and libels, and beholding their outrageous dealing with him, we must needs think the better of him for it, and that there is some great good thing in him, for which they envy him so exceedingly, and discover such rancour and malice against him, as they seem to be content (we mean of the principal that write these books) to put out both their own eyes according to the proverb so they might put out one of his. But this is the nature of envy. Let us now examine some more particulars of their proceedings with him.  
Besides all their former railing and calumniation against F. Persons, 
4 books specially objected to F. Persons.  whereof we have treated hitherto, they object now further (to leave nothing untouched) the writing of certain books four in number, whereof 3. are extant in print, and one only in written hand. The first is in latin under the name of Philopater containing an answer to the English Edict, and most rigorous law set forth against catholics in the year 1591. The second is in English named a Wardword to the Watchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inveigh against by name, 
Philopater contra● Edictum 1591.  and yet in the first of them their own cause (if they be Catholic priests) as also the Seminaries and English martyrs are so diligently de●ended (especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections) as if envy had not utterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of virtue and gratitude, but of humanity also and civility, they would never so enueigh against this book written in their behalfs, as neither against the second, to wit the Wardword, 
Wardword An. 15●8.  which is wholly to the same effect, and to defend the most innocent Catholic recusants of our country against the bloody slanders and imputations of that cruel minded knight.  
The 3. and fourth books objected by them are the conference about Succession or Titles as they call it, and the high counsel of Reformation, (for so they fond term it) of which two books we shall speak somewhat more in this place, but most of the last, for that it is not in print, as all the other three are, and so may be viewed and examined by the Reader himself, to whom we give only this advertisement, that none of the foresaid three have F. Persons name unto it, and consequently are no otherwise known to be of his making but only by their own conjectures, albeit all three are such, as be they his or no, they yield little matter of advantage to these poor men but much rather of grief and envy, as by reading them will appear. And as for the third of Succession we shall discuss some points thereof afterwards being urged thereunto by their often carping thereat and a childish answer set forth against it in print. Now we will begin with the fourth, whereof they write thus.  
This Polypragman Persons (say they) set out a book entitled: 
Epist pag 12. to Import. consid.  The high counsel of Reformation of England, etc. wherein he will have the old Roman Agrarian law, so firmly established in this land, & no fee simple of inheritance shall be left for any English from the Prince to the freeholder to possess, enjoy, and leave by succession of birth, and blood to his posterity, as to his next heirs, further than as the Spanish jesuitical court, counsel and governors shall appoint for them.  
Lo here a great and heinous charge, and if any one sentence thereof be true or sincerely set down then shall we be content to believe them in all the rest, and if we prove them to be all and every one of them merely false, than you know what to think of them.  
First then we grant, 
The Treatese entitled: A memorial for Reformation when time shall serte.  that upon search made we have found that the said Father (not altogether untruly called here Polypragmon, for the multitude of his cares and labours in our public cause) having had occasion above others for more than xx. years, not only to know the State of matters in England, but also of many foreign nations and Catholic kingdoms abroad, hath used like diligence from time to time to observe and note to himself certain excellent things found in other places, which are not so much in use among us in England nor were when it was Catholic: Which observations he having imparted sometimes with certain confident friends, they seemed to them of so great importance for the time to come, as they entreated him earnestly to put them at least in writing for himself and for others after him; to public good; when time might serve to use them, if now he would not make them common, as he signified in no wi●e he would.  
Hereupon he then being at Sivil in the year 1596. and receiving letters from his Superiors to return to Rome for appeasing the tumults there he was more earnestly entreated, that before his departure he would perform the same, and so he did, calling it, A memorial or Remembrance for them that shall live when Catholic religion shallbe restored into England, wherein he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath observed and noted to be thought and considered of at that time, and either to be taken, or rejected limited, changed or altered as they should think best, all which appeareth by his own Preface to that treatese, which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose, we shall here set down word for word as we find it in the said book, whereof we have procured a true copy out of the original, though with great difficulty, for that no copies are given abroad but only to some few confident friends to have a sight thereof, and give their judgement of the matter.  
But yet before we set down the said Preface we may note the falsity of these first words of our brethren, affirming the book to be entitled: The high counsel of Reformation for England, etc. whereas it is only entitled; A memorial for Reformation, etc. containing certain notes and advertisements, etc. gathered, and set down by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor ever was set out or published (as these men falsely affirm) but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest friends only, to the end aforesaid. 
Many foul falsities and calumniations uttered together.  Thirdly the whole calumniation that followeth of the old Roman Agrarian laws pretended thereby to be so firmly established, as no fee simple of Inheritance shall be left for any English, etc. All this (we say) is so notoriously false, as the plain contrary is therein to be found. First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmly established or set down by way of resolution but only suggested to be considered of, 
Memorial part. 3. C. 4.  secondly it is both often and expressly provided in this book, that the old ancient laws customs and uses of England, how so ever some of them may seem incommodious, and different from other nations in divers points, yet are they not easily to be changed or altered, but rather conserved and persited, by other good things to be added unto them, which being considered, and the peevish and malign calumniation of these men thereby understood, we shall leave them to their wrangling and lying humour and so pass to set down the said promised preface of the memorial whose title is this.  

The Preface of the author showing how and why these notes were gathered, and the principal parts to be treated, etc. 1596.  
The notes and observations of this memorial following, 
The preface of the Memorial of Reformation.  were gathered & laid together in time of persecution, when there was no place to execute or put them in ure, and it is now more than 17. or 18. years past, that the gatherer began first to put some of them in writing, and having had the experience of the years which have ensued since, and his part also of travel in the Cath. affair of his country, and seen the practice of divers other Cath. nations abroad, he was desirous (in case that himself should not live to see the desired day of the reduction of England) yet that some of his cogitations and intentions for the public good thereof might work some effect after his death, and that thereby other men might be the sooner moved to enter into more mature consideration of these, and such other like points, yea and to descend also unto many more particulars than here are set down, for that the gatherers' meaning was only to open the way, 
The motives and meaning of gathering these notes of the Memorial.  & to insinuate certain general and principal heads that might serve for an awaking and remembrance at that happy day of the conversion of our country unto such persons as shallbe then able and desirous to further the common good, and to advance almighty God's glory with an holy zeal of perfect reformation, who yet perhaps may be so entangled with multitude of other business and cogitations at that time as they will not so easily enter into these, except they be put in mind thereof by some such memorial, and advertisements as here are touched. And what is said in this Treatise for the kingdom of England is meant also for Ireland so far forth as it may do good, seeing the author desireth as much benefit for God's service and good of the nation to the one country, as to the other.  
And for that the principal members and branches whom this memorial may concern be three, 
Three parts of this Memorial according to the 3. chief members of our commonwealth.  to wit, the whole body of the realm jointly, and then the Clergy, and temporalty apart: therefore the same order shallbe observed for more perspicuityes sake in treating the matters, that are to be handled, according to these three parts: First of things that appertain to the whole body of the Realm in general, and then to the Clergy and laity in particular, dividing each one of these two later members into his particular branches also, as namely the Clergy and spiritualty into Bishops, priests and religious men, and the laity or temporality into the Prince with his counsel, the nobility and commons, making of every one of these chief members their particular Chapters also a part, as in prosecution of this Treatese shall appear.  
And to the performance of this, 
Two point● of encoragment to the gatherer.  the author was encouraged especially by two points, which for divers years he hath been persuaded in; the first that God will most certainly at his time appointed restore the realm of England to the Catholic faith again, as may appear by the evident hand he holdeth now in the work: the other that England being once converted may be made the spectacle of all the world, and an example of perfection to all other Catholic countries and churches round about it, if want of zeal and good will do not hinder it, in those that God shall bring to see that blessed day, which the gatherer of this memorial hopeth will not. And with this hope he setteth down the notes and advertisements ensuing.   
This is the Preface verbatim, and by this you may in part conceive of the Author's whole drift and meaning, which he prosecuteth afterwards according to the former three parts, to wit of the whole body jointly, and then of the Clergy, Churches, schools and universityes particularly, and lastly of the laity or temporalty, making 10. Chapters of the first part, 7. of the second, and 5. of the third, proposing divers and sundry most excellent observations concerning each one, quite contrary to all that, which his detractors, do here or else where set down or insinuate upon mere suspicion, conjectures and upon the very name or hearing of this book without reading or seeing it, only to contradict his endeavours, whom they have neither virtue nor ability to imitate.  
It were over long and not standing with our purpose of brevity in this place to allege (as we might) many excellent places out of this memorial for our comfort, yet some few pieces shall we touch as it were for a taste, and to discover these men's malicious envying humour. The first Chapter of the first part hath this inscription. Some special reasons why England above all other Realms ought to procure a perfect reformation when time shall serve, etc. And then it followeth in the Chapter thus:  
If ever nation under heaven were bound to show themselves grateful to almighty God, 
The first chapter of the first part of the Memorial.  and turn heartily and zealously unto him, and to seek his highest glory by a perfect reformation of their country, when his divine Ma. shall open the way, it is the English nation for these reasons following.  
First for that no other nation in the world, 
Favours of God.  on whom God hath laid the scourge of heresy hath received so many helps and graces to resist the same, as England hath done, which is evident by the multitude and valour of English Martyrs, by the fortirude and zeal of so many and such confessors, by the constancy, patience, and fervour at home, by the store of seminaries abroad, and by the servant spirit of priests brought up in them and by many other favours and privileges used towards the English nation in these our days. All which do require an extraordinary demonstration of forwardness in English catholics when the time shall serve, to be answerable in some sort to these extraordinary benefits.  
This is his first reason, whereunto he addeth 4. more of no less moment, which we notwithstanding are forced for brenityes sake to pretermit, our intention being only to give a taste, both of the argument handled in this book, and of the manner how it is handled, yet for that the fourth reason being further considered by us, seemeth to bear with it an evident demostration as well of F. Persons sincere and plain meaning as also of his good opinion of these priests that now make so many clamours against him, we are induced to set it down also, being written, as is evident, before these broils fell out. Wherefore let us hear if you please his words.  
Fourthly (saith he) the facility and commodity that there is and willbe in England to make this perfect reformation, whensoever God shall reduce that country doth greatly convite and oblige us to the same, for we shall not find that difficulty & resistance by the grace of God in England, 
F. Persons hope of English priests.  which good men do find in divers other Cath. Countries, for bringing in of any reformation that is attempted, and that which the very Prophets found ever among the jews, and that Christ himself did find among the scribes and pharasyes, to wit, the repugnance, of corrupt, perverse & stubborn people that will contradict and resist their own benefit; we are not like to find (I say the infinite mercy of our Saviour be blessed for it) either backward bishop or dissolute priests, or licentious religious men or women, to oppose themselves against so holy a designment, as this our reformation is; or if any one such should creep in among the rest, he would not dare to show himself, nor should he find followers: all is now zeal and integrity in our new Clergy: (almighty God be thanked for it) and no less in our laity and Catholic gentlemen of England, that have borne the brunt of persecution for so many years; so as if we should want the effects of a true and sound reformation at the next change again, it would be for want of some zealous men to solicit and procure the same. For on the behalf of the Realm & Country I persuade myself most certainly, that there will be no difficulty which ought to animate such as feel the zeal of god's glory within their breasts to join hands together (as S. Luke saith all Apostolic men did in the primitive Church) and each one to seek above other to have a part in the happy procuration of so holy and important a work.  
These are his words. And by this now may any man consider what evil mind F. Persons had in gathering these notes of Reformation, and whether he were deceived or no in his opinion and hope of these priests good concurrence therein that impugn so fearsely now the very name of Reformation, saying that it was made to put jesuits in government, whereas throughout the book we find not so much as once any mention to be made of them, but all the high Counsel of Reformation (as scoffingly they call it) to be committed by name to Bishops and Noble men to be appointed by the Prince and parliament, etc.  
The second chapter is entitled thus, 
The second third and 4. chapter of the 1. part of the Memorial.  what manner of Reformation is needful in England, etc. And the third: How this Reformation may best be procured, and what disposition of minds is needful for it in all parties, etc. And the fourth: How all sorts of people, to wit catholics, schismatics and heretics may be charitably dealt withal at the next change of Religion: Which fourth Chapter beginneth thus, being forced for brevity to pretermit the other wholly.  
After union and good disposition of mind in all, & a hearty reconciliation to almighty God, willbe necessary a sweet, pious, and prudent manner of dealing and proceeding as well with such as have been friends as enemies, as well catholics, as schismatics, protestants & persecutors. 
How constant catholics are to be dealt with all Luc. 17.  And as for known catholics which have been constant and borne the brunt in time of persecution though for their own parts they ought to follow the most holy and secure counsel of our Saviour: cum omnia feceritis, dicite quia servi inutiles sumus, quod debuimus facere fecimus; nothing presuming of themselves or vaunting over others, but expecting their reward with humility at God's hands; yet is it evident, that in all reason and justice and law of gratitude, they are to be chiefly respected, etc.  
Thus he writeth with much more of this first sort of men, which we are forced to pass over for avoiding prolixity; and no less charitably writeth he of the second sort called commonly Schismatics, of whom he saith thus:  
As for Schismatics or close or weak catholics that have fallen, 
Schismatics  denied, or dissembled their religion, if they have done it of frailty, and have not been persecutors the more compassion is to be had of their estate, and the more sweetness to be used in raising & restoring them to the unity of God's Church again, etc.  
Thus he writeth and then showeth the best and most pious manner of reconciling them, and from thence passeth to the third point which concerneth heretics, as well such as easily will return, whom he judgeth most courteously to be dealt with all, as with those that are obstinate, towards whom, and their reduction he persuadeth most charity, labour, and patience to be used, standing longest upon this point of all other. And surely to show the charitable disposition of this man, most contrary to that which the envy of his emulators do point out and ascribe unto him we are resolved in this place contrary to our former purpose to set down some good part of his speech in this behalf which is this ensuing.  
And this (saith he) for them that will return, 
Heretics how to be dealt with.  but as for enemies and obstinate heretics, whether they be of malice or of ignorance, another course seemeth necessary to be taken for their reduction and satisfaction, 
MemorCa. ●. Pag. 37.  which is to endeavour by all ways to convince them if it be possible of their errors, & this by reason and sweet means, as far as may be, whereof I shall touch some particulars in this place.  
And first of all perchance it would be good considering the present state of the Realm, and how generally and deeply it is, & hath been plunged in all kind of heresies not to press, any man's conscience at the beginning for matters of religion for some few years, to the end that every man may more boldly and confidenntly show his wounds, and be cured thereof, which otherwise he would either cover, deny or dissemble to his greater hurt and more dangerous corruption of the whole body. But yet it may be provided jointly that this toleration be only with such as live quietly and are desirous to be informed of the truth, and do not preach or teach, or seek to infect others And by experience it hath been seen that this kind of suffering and bearing for a time hath done great good and eased many difficulties in divers towns rendered up in the low countries, which being mitigated at the beginning with this entrance of clemency never greatly cared for heresies afterwards.  
This is the beginning of his discourse, whereof he addeth afterwards many reasons, & setteth down also divers means & ways in particular, how heretics might best be persuaded or convinced, whereof one is, free, public and in different disputation to be granted them, with most equal and sure Laws and conditions, whereof he saith thus.  
But for convincing their understanding in matters of controversy, 
A public disputation with the heretics.  I could wish that a plain contrary course were taken by us towards them, from that which they have used towards us, seeing that our cause doth bear it, which is of contrary state and condition to theirs, for whereas their cause being false and infirm, they would never consent to come to any indifferent trial or disputation with the catholics, I would wish, that seeing our cause is true and substantial, and the more it is tried, the more it will appear, that once at least at the beginning full satisfaction were given by all English catholics to them, and all other heretics of the world, by as full free, equal and liberal disputations as possibly could be devised within our Realm, etc.  
Thus he writeth, and then setteth down divers particulars about the means, laws and conditions that might be prescribed for the good preformance of this affair, concluding in these words.  
And thus much for gaining of those, 
Pag. 51.  that have been deceived by error, and are of good nature, and think they do well, and do hold a desire to know the truth and follow the same, and finally do hope to be saved as good Christians, and do make account of an honest and true conscience, though they be in heresy, etc.  
So saith he, and much more which we omit; and by this we may see in part this man's disposition, & that he resolveth nothing of himself, but only propoundeth to be taken or left in part or in whole, as shallbe thought best. And thus much for a taste of the first part of this Memorial.  
The second part of this work concerneth the Clergy, 
The second part of the Memorial.  containing Bishops, Priests, Churches, universities, and religious orders both men and women; and hath this title to the first Chapter thereof: Of the Clergy in general, 
Pag. 1●6.  what they are, and aught to do at the next change, and how sound to be united with the laity, etc. which Chapter beginneth thus.  
Having to speak of the Clergy in general which God from the beginning of his Church vouchsafed to name his own portion, for that they were dedicated more peculiarly than other men to his divine service, and our Saviour to call them by the most honourable name of the light of the world and sale of the earth, 
The name of● Clergy.  the first point of all to be remembered unto them, seemeth to be, that if ever there were a time wherein the effect of these names were needful to be showed, and put in execution, it willbe now at the beginning of our countries next conversion, whose fall and affliction may perhaps in great part be ascribed to the want of these effects in former times passed, etc.  
And furthermore it may be considered, that the State of the Clergy in England after our long desired reduction and happy entrance of some Cath. Prince over us, and after so long and bitter storm of cruel persecution, willbe much like unto that which was of the general Church of Christendom in time of the first good Christian Emperor Constantine the great, 
The state of the church in Constantine's days.  after the bloody persecutions of so many infidel Tyrants that went before him for three hundred year together, at what time as God on the one side provided so many notable, zealous and learned men for the establishing of his Church as appeareth by the three hundred and eighteen most worthy Bishops gathered together in the first general counsel of Nice, so on the other side the devil ceased not to stir up amongst the Clergy of that time divers and sundry divisions, emulations, contentions, some of indiscreet zeal against such as had fallen and offended in time of persecution, and some other grounded upon worse causes of malice, emulation and ambition, tending to particular interest, whereby both that good Emperor in particular and all the Church of God in general were much troubled and afflicted, and many good men scandalised, and God almighty's service greatly hindered, and the common enemy comforted.  
And considering that the times, men, matters and occasions may chance to fall out very like or the same in England whensoever it shallbe reduced to the Catholic faith again, great and special care is to be had, least semblable effects should also follow to the universal prejudice of our common cause.  
Wherefore this aught to serve as a preparative both for our Prince and people, to put on the same pious and generous mind that Constantyne did, 
A consideration for the prince and people.  to bear patiently with the infirmities of men, and remedy all matters the best he may, and the people, but especially priests to beware of like deceit of the devil, and among other things if perchance in time of persecution cause hath been given or taken of offence or disgust between any persons whatsoever, that have laboured in God's service and do tend all to one end, to procure effectual now, that it be altogether cut of, and put in oblivion, and this especially amongst the Clergy, and by their means also amongst others. And if there should be any unquiet or troublesome spirit found, that under any pretence would sow, or reap, or maytaine division, that the holy Apostles counsel be followed with him, which is to note and eschew him to the end that all may join cheerfully and zealously to the setting up of this great and important work of reformation. And thus much for concord.  
This is his beginning of the second part, and conform thereunto is the prosecution thereof, showing in the second and third chapters how bishoprics, deanryes, and other chief prelatyes ought to be provided with the first and what manner of men are to be procured for them. And whereas some of these calumniators, have given out and written also in books, that this father would first destroy the ancient subordination and hierarchy of the english Church this is refuted by the very titles of these chapters and much more by his whole discourse therein, and secondly have affirmed that he would have no clergy man to have any propriety in any ecclesiastical living, but only to be put to pensions, this also is evidently false, in Bishoprics, deanryes, Archdeanryes' Canonryes' and the like, as may appear in the chapter here mentioned; for that he persuadeth these first of all to be provided of incumbents and thirdly it is no less false in particular cures and common benefices, as is clear by that he suggesteth Cap. 2. for their furnishing with fit men by way of opposition and trial both for learning and manners. And whereof then think you arose the calumniations of putting priests to pensions? you shall hear it out of the fathers own words:  
I have spoken before (saith he) of English preachers to be sent over into the realm with diligence at the beginning, 
Cap 3. part. 2. Pag. 1●7.  allotting to every bishop so many as may be had for that purpose, and that he divide them as he shall think most needful, and that for some years it willbe more commodious perhaps for the public and more liberty for the preachers & priests themselves to have no appropriation or obligation to any particular benefices, but ample commission rather for all parts, with a sufficient stipend to live upon, until things be better settled.  
Lo here that which is spoken to great good purpose for some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge, and this for a while, to the end, they may attend to all places, is turned odiously by these men to all priests in general. What will you say of this malicious kind of dealing? but the narrowness of this place suffereth us not to pass herein any further.  
There remaineth then the third part of this book concerning the laity, 
The third part of the Memorial.  containing the Prince with his counsel, the nobility & communality, and hath this title in the first chapter thereof: Of the laity & temporalty in general, & of their agreement, and concurrence with the Clergy most needful for both their good, the difference also of both their states. And then the Chapter beginneth thus:  
By that which I have spoken in the first Chapter and second part of this memorial about Cleargymen, 
Cap. 1. 3. part.  the difference and distinction may appear, that is betwixt these two principal branches of a Christian and Catholic commonwealth, to wit the Clergy and laity, which is a distinction observed from the very beginning of Christian religion, 
The distinction of Clergy and laity.  and the primitive Church, as may appear by the first, second, third, eight, seventy, and divers other cannons of the first general Counsel of Nice where often mention is made of this distinction. 
Tertul l. de Monog.  And before that again Tertullian a most learned and ancient writer not only setteth down the same distinction of clergy and laymen as received generally in his time; but showeth also, and reprehendeth earnestly the emulation and envy that even then begun by art of the devil to be in divers of the laity against the Clergy, etc.  
We cannot prosecute the rest at large but only give you a guess what manner of matter it is, which ensueth by the first entrance; and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel, beginneth thus:  
As the Prince in every commonwealth is the head and heart, 
About the Prince and his Counsel. Man pag. ● 227.  from whence all life and vigour principally cometh unto the same, so above all other things is it of importance, that he be well affected and disposed, and so much the more in England above other countries, by how much greater, and eminent his authority is, and power with the people, more than in divers other places, by which means it hath comen to pass, that England having had more store of holy kings in ancient times than many other countries together, came to have also religion and piety more abundantly settled by their means then divers realms about them, etc. Thus there.  
The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words: 
Pag. 247. Nobility and gentry. Mem. Pag. 247.  By the nobility of England, we do understand according to the fashion of other countries, not only noble men of title but gentlemen, esquyres, knights and other degrees, that be above yeomen, husband men, and the communality; in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons (I mean of knights esquyres and gentlemen) there is not that distinction observed betwixt their degrees in foreign countries, as in ours, and I take ours far the better, and more laudable order.  
This nobility then and gentry being the chief members of our Realm, are carefully to be preserved by our Catholic Prince in their ancient honours, dignities, and privileges, and whatsoever injury or disestimation hath been laid upon them these later years by occasion of heresy, it is to be removed, and particular inquiry is to be made by commissioners appointed by the parliament, For this purpose, wherein and in what points the nobility of England hath been injured, dishonoured or oppressed to the end that supplication may be made to the Catholic Prince for remedy thereof.  
And as the ancient nobility of England in times past came to that dignity in the commonwealth, and to their credit & estimation, both with Prince and people, first for their piety and zeal in Christian religion, and secondly for their fidelity and valour in service of their prince and country, so their heirs and posterity must conserve the same, by the self same means, etc. And so he followeth on with many other considerations which we pretermit.  
The 4. Chapter of this part is entitled; Of the Inns of Court and study of the common laws, 
The Inns of Court and study of laws.  with divers considerations also about the laws themselves, etc. About which subject divers important points are suggested for making that study to flourish with more honour and profit of the weal-public and the students good.  
The 5. Chapter is; 
The communality Mem. Pag. 283.  Of the common people of England, and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of: which Chapter beginneth thus: The communality being the body and bulk of the Realm, and those that sustain the poised and labour of the same, they are greatly to be cherished, nowrished, esteemed & conserved; and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God, great care is to be had of their en●itching, for that as Constantius the Emperor was wont to say, the princes true treasure, are the coffers of his subjects, and especially of the communality, who if they be poor, and needy can neither pay their landlords nortil or manure their ground, nor help the Prince in his necessities.  
And by the communality in this place I understand labouring nun, servingmen, husbandmen, yeomen, aertificers, citizens, and merchants, all which labour and ●oyle to the end that others may live in rest. And in England their condition (as before I have touched) was wont to be more prosperous and happy, then in any country else of the world beside, and may be again by the grace of God, with the restoring of true religion, the loss whereof brought not only spiritual, but also temporal misery upon us all and our Realm, etc.  
Thus writeth he there, laying down many excellent means for comfort of this communality, which we will not prosecute in this place for brevityes sake, nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese, but only remit ourselves to the judgement of the indifferent Reader to guess by this little he hath seen what manner of matter, and with what piety, moderation, and tender love of our country the whole is written; which these men so spitefully do malign and cavil at. And this shallbe sufficient for a taste of this fourth book.  
Touching the third entitled: 
About the book of Succession.  A conference, about the next succession to the Crown of England, had in the year 1593. for that it is in print, and in the hands of many, and the contents thereof sufficiently known, we shall need to say less, but only to note unto the Reader, the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren, in exclaiming now so eagerly against it, which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked well and highly commended, and whereas it is known that it came forth with the consent, liking and approbation at least of our late Cardinal Allen, Sir Francis Englefield and others, the most principal catholics of our nation beyond the seas, as by their own hands is yet extant, what malapert sauciness is this of a few younglings so bitterly now to inveigh against it?  
And if we will consider the contents thereof we shall more marvel at so insolent dealing of these indiscreet and rash green heads, 
Rash sauciness in green heads.  devowed wholly (as it seemeth) to carp at other other men's actions, though they understand them not. For what argument (we pray you) could there be more important, grave, serious, and necessary to be handled at that time when this book was written (English affairs standing as they did, and do) then the matter of succession to our crown, whereof both religion and Realm, spirituality and temporality for the most part dependeth, especially the subject of the former book, (for two they are in number) is of such weight and consideration, and so ought to be with catholics, as it were irreligious to be ignorant or careless therein, to wit, that in all pretence and pretenders ro reign over Christians and succession to crowns, 
The first book of succession.  the consideration of true Cath. religion is the principal point to be respected, and that this is conform to all laws both divine and human but especially to the ancient accustomed laws of our land, and that no good Catholic may or can dispense with himself or others in this point for any humane respect or consideration whatsoever, which point is so substantially proved by all variety of learning both ecclesiastical and profane, and by so many examples and customs of all nations in 9 several chapters, as our envious brethren cannot turn their hands to answer any one thing therein contained, though never so much they malign both the matter and the writer. And this of the first book handling matters in general against heretics and Atheists.  
But the second book of this conference containing ten Chapters passeth further on from generalityes to particularityes setting down all the particular titles, 
The 2. book of Succession.  pretences, and pretenders which are or may be probably of the blood royal of our land with an open protestation of all indifferency therein used, without hurt, hindrance, or prejudice to any, which Protestation for that it wipeth of all the cavillations which these men or others of their humour do endeavour to lay against the writer, as though he had penned the same partially in favour of some particular prince, we have thought good to set his own words down in this place, which ate these.  
Having to speak (saith the common lawyer) in this discourse of many princes, 
A protestation of the Author.  peers and nobles of the royal blood of England (to all which by law of nature, equity and reason he affirmed that he bore reverent honour and respect) and to discuss their several pretensions, rights, interests, and titles to the crown, he said, that his meaning was, to offend, hurt or prejudice none; nor to determine any thing resolutely in favour or hindrance of any of their pretences or claims, of what side, family, faction, religion or other party soever he or she were, but rather plainly and indifferently without hatred or partial affection to or against any, to lay down sincerely what he had heard or read or of himself conceived, that might justly be alleged in favour or disfavour of every viteler.  
Thus writeth and protesteth he, and seeing that whatsoever he putteth down in this affair, is registered in our own chronicles, and both the authors and places always cited by him for his defence, and for the descent of blood and genealogy in every preson named, and that the objections and arguments to and fro in every pretence and pretenders are laid forth clearly without partiality, we do not see what reason or probability in the world our discontented priests can have (if they be catholics) so intemperately to exclaim against this book, which in the judgement of far wiser catholics and more disappassionate than themselves was most needful at that time, when it was written, and is greatly profitable now and willbe most of all hereafter for so much as the first part thereof openeth men's eyes to see their due obligation to religion above all other respects and considerations, 
The effects of the two books of succession.  and the second showing the variety of pretenders together with their reasons and propinquityes of blood and other pretences, & giveth more scope to them that shall have to do therein, that if the said due circumstance of Cath. religion be not found in one, it may be sought and preferred in another, which is no small help and commodity to right meaning consciences.  
And thus much now being opened and declared, we would ask of these our out cryars, what they have in reason to say or reply in this case? They tell us in divers places of this last libel of Important Considerations, and other where, that the writing of this work is greatly misliked and thought prejudicial; and that for this cause that one M. Paget (a chief man of their crew) hath answered the same, 
About M. Pagets' answer to the conference about succession.  which maketh us somewhat to marvel. For albeit we have seen a certain vain pamphlet set forth about this matter, & said to be printed at Colen 1600. (others think rather at Paris) Entitled: A discovery of a conterfes Conference, etc. And though we doubt not much of M. Pagets' affection in these affairs, neither of his desire to contradict the supposed author of the said book of succession (as you may well perceive) by that we have alleged more largely in our Apology:) and albeit on the other side we easily persuade ourselves that the writers of this last railing and heretical libel of important considerations do know sufficiently who was the true author of the foresaid foolish pamphlet for the good intelligence they have one with another of that contradicting company, yet hardly can we yield to think so basely of M. Pagets' wit (howsoever his will be) that so contemptible a thing should come from him and his pen: we would rather think it to be of a certain neighbour of his, of greater title in learning, but of less discretion and capacity in wit or reason, whereunto if nothing else yet the very fond and ridiculous title would induce us which if you will hear it all, 
A fond title of conterfeits.  is this: A discovery of a counterfeit Conference, held at a counterfeit place, by counterfeit travelers, for the advancement of a conterfet Title etc. Whereunto if he had added By a counterfeit Catholic or companion, all had been full of counterfeits, & it had fitted both the known vanity of the counterfeit doctor's style, and the quality of his person.  
There followeth the Preface or Epistle to the author of the Conference, 
A foolish preface.  wherein no one thing of moment is handled, but a quarrel picked against him for not putting down his name, whereunto we may answer with those words of S. Paul: 
Rom. 2.  Inexcusabilis es o homo, qui iudicas, in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas, cadem enim agis q●ae iudicas. Thou art inexcusable that judgest another condemning thyself by judging him, seeing thou dost the self same things wherewith thou findest fault in him. The writer of the Conference putteth down his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no, it little importeth, the reason thereof is before by us declared in the next precedent Chapter. This other pamphleter cometh forth without any name at all, and yet quarreleth with the other, for not putting a name; is not here more then S. Paul's condemnation against so impudent a caviller?  
But let us pass from a vain and idle Preface to the barren bulk of the work itself, which is more ridiculous and absurd than the preamble; what do you think that this discoverer hath performed in his whole little barking pamphlet against the foresaid book? Hath he answered (think you) any one reason, argument, example or discourse therein set down throughout those nineteen large Chapters contained in the conference? No truly, nor hath so much as gone about to do it. And wherein then doth he spend his time and paper in this discovery? you shall hear briefly, and thereby know the man.  
First he showeth himself very angry at the common opinion of men about the estimation and credit of this book generally (whereat also W. W. doth storm exceedingly in his epistle to the Important Considerations:) The author (saith he) is so extolled for sharpness of wit, 
Discovery ●ol. 1. Envy against the author of the book of Succession.  plenty of much reading, cunning in conveyance, abundance of eloquence, and other graces, as none can find any want or default, etc. Do you not see here envy accuse and condemn herself?  
Secondly he taketh in hand, and this in divers parts of his Discovery to show that the setting forth of this book could not be with the privity of the K. of Spain that is now dead, or he that now reigneth, nor pleasing to either of them, for that it hurteth his cause (a very wise and pertinent argument) and that other betrer means might have been devised (if he forsooth, and his fellows had been called to counsel) for the advauncment of the K. honourable designs, 
Folly and flattery.  services and offices (for so are his words (Marry (saith he) in ordine ad Deum & usque ad arras, and more than this I am sure (quoth he) so good a king will not require, etc. Do you see how careful this discoverer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spain? how desirous to further his honourable designs and services? in ordine ad Deum & usque ad arras? shall we think this to come from M. Paget? We can hardly believe it.  
Thirdly he taketh in hand to give many grave notes upon the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference, and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dialogue or conference about succession, as also the place named by the author are counterfeit as in the title of his answer you have heard him avouch, which is so egregious a foolery as nothing can be more, for with this substantial reason he may refute every thing wherein feigned persons are brought in to speak; and consequently condemn and reject for counterfeit things, all Plato and Tullyes' works written in dialogue manner, affirming that those their conferences and persons therein named were for the most part feigned and counterfeited. And is not this also a point of great wisdom?  
Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that therein two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be judges of so great and weighty a controversy about the succession & not law itself? But what a jest is this? As though law is not best uttered by lawyers? or as though to determine weighty controversies, the readiest way were to bring many law books into the place without lawyers to expound them? Who seeth not the cavilling vanity of this man?  
Fifthly he misliketh and complaineth grievously that the civil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference whereof he inferreth; that the intention of the writer is (when time shall serve in England) to have the civil law of Caesar (for so his words are) preferred before the ancient municipal laws of our Country; which municipal laws he affirmeth Pope Eleutherius to have appointed to Lucius king (saith he) of all the great Brittany and to have commanded this at the request of the British nobility and people (above 1400. years passed) that Caesar's civil laws should be Abolished, etc.  
Mark here (we beseech you) the learned discourse of our wise Doctor, because the civilian speaketh first & more largely in the first book of the Conference, and contrary wise in the second; and for that the said first book is before the second book therefore he inferreth, that the writer had a purpose to prefer the civil law before the temporal. 
Many ridiculio●s ab i●dityes of the discoverer.  Is he, not worthy a doctorship (trow you) that so reasoneth? As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesar's civil laws and to plant municipal laws, or that these municipal laws that now are in England (brought in principally by the Conque●oun and increased since by acts of Parliament, as all men know) were in Brittany in Pope Eleutherius his time; or that K. Lucius, was king of all the great Brittany as here is avouched unto us; or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demand these municipal laws at the Pope's hand, as this wise discoverer affirmeth, these things (we say) being such strange noveltyes as they are, required some proof, at least at the Doctor's hand, if he will not be held ridiculous, as most of these things are alleged by him: but citing none at all, every man will judge of him accordingly.  
In the sixth place after much complaint (as hath been touched) that the Civilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more than the temporal, he saith thus: 
Discou. Pag. 10.  The temporal lawyer for his part must follow an echo, not between two hills upon stoppage of breath for modesty and fear but in plain fields not subject to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond, 
Most fond complaints.  etc. Consider here a very grave complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answer and allow the Civilians speech. But hear yet a much graver and earnest against the travelers which being present at the speech do speak also themselves sometimes for varieties sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them; which thing greatly misliketh this wise discoverer, for which cause he writeth thus against it.  
Furthermore (saith he) the travailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers, 
lbid. Pag. 1●.  by a couple of odd shifts, else all will not go strait, for by the means of their ranging throughout divers countries we must have a common opinion settled eurey where, that all is true which these two have said, and agreeable to the laws of nature; and consequently the common ●ame of their horrible blasts must●course both air and earth, etc. This is his complanit for that point.  
In the seventh place you are to ponder certain notes of his set down in the margin of his book, whereby (for brevityes sake) we leave you to guess what is handled more at large in the text. First then he complaineth in one note thus: That the Queen must seem to be put in security for her time (for these are the words of his marginal note) and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality, as may appear by these other marginal notes following, to wit, first, 
Discou. Pag. 20.  that the writer of this conference, neither profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession. And then again to the same effect he maketh this other annotation: The disservice done to the king by this Conference. And yet further in another margin: 
Ibid. Pag. 22.  The book of Conference was not printed with the late King's priu●●y or liking: And yet against This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spain. By all which you may see how dutiful a servant to the K. of Spain this discoverer would make himself, 
Great profession towards the K. of Spain his service.  which yet lying in Paris, we marvel much that he would profess so openly, as also how he will like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England (we mean the revolted priests) who in all their late books and libels do band against the said king and show egregious hatred and enmity towards him.  
But each one of these good fellows speaketh for himself and for the time present, and as it standeth best for him at that instant, having no other union or agreement with his follows but to impugn a third: and all their barking is, but as of little whelps, against them that pass athwart them; and when all is done they may be gotten again with a bit of bread. And we have seen a letter of one of them written from Paris to Spain not long since, wherein he offereth that if he might have but 4. or 5. Crowns the month from that king, he would be content as before. And we have the original letter to show if need be, though for this time we will conceal his name.  
And the like may you presume of this eager discoverer, that if any least commodity might be had from Spain or else where he would quickly bite at it (as he did while it was to be had) though for the present, they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the foundation of their favour and credit, as well in England, as with the K. most Christian by professing aversion from Spain; and this is thought a wise politic course by them, but the end will prove all. And so we return to the treatese of our counterfeit discoverer again.  
We have showed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vain and idle discovery not touching any one substantial point of so many of great moment as are contained and handled in the said two books of succession. For to speak nothing of the second book wherein matters are treated historically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest, of the succession of any crown than is treated in the first book by the author of the conference, 
Great & important points handled in first book of succession.  as for example, whether government ●e by law of nature, divine, or human? how monarchies and kingdoms were begun and continued, and by what right? how great and high reverence is due unto Princes? and yet how in some cases they may be restrained or chasisted by the common wealth? what interest Princes have in their subjects, goods, lands and lives? How oaths made unto them do bind, and what oaths princess themselves (as namely those of England) do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how far they bind? What is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therewith? what are the principal points which a Catholic and godly common wealth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crown or Principality, and how grievously they do sin that neglect these considerations, for interest fear negligence, or other human respects, etc.  
All these and divers other most worthy and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference (to say nothing of the second, which is yet of more variety) with great abundance and store of proofs, arguments, and demonstrations, whereof no one at all is answered, or so much as touched by this discoverer, but only certain impertinent trifles, as hath been said, and thereby is discovered his own weakness, and his folly displayed. And yet to the end not to seem wholly to say nothing he standeth finally upon two fond calumniations: the first: that the conference containeth popular doctrine, perilous to Princes, states and common wealths, etc. 
Ibid. Pag. 18.  And hereof he giveth certain vain and foolish examples of Antonio Perez, 
Two ridiculous cavils.  that raised some trouble against the K. of Spain in Arragon, and of George Buchanan in Scotland, and of the Prince of Orange in Flanders, etc. But this cavil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference & others that ensue, showing that there is no reason why the lawful, grave just, and orderly proceeding of true subjects and moderate common wealths against pernicious or unlawful princes should be stained or their just authority left them by all law both divine, and human, should be denied, for that some wicked and trouble some subjects have against law and order misbehaved themselves against their lawful princes.  
The other cavil is, that this conference is injurious to the king of Scotland, 
The 2. cavil more malicious about the K of Scotland.  with whom the discoverer would gladly get some credit by malicious impeaching of others, and to this end he noteth in his margin these words: The authors extreme malice against the king of Scotland. 
Ibid. Pag. 14.  But whether this lightheaded discoverer doth show himself more malicious in setting down so malignant a marginal note, or the author of the conference in writing so temperately and reverently, as he doth, as well of the king of Scotland's pretence to England, as of all other princes and pretenders to that crown beside, let the indifferent reader be judge. Sure we are that in reading over that part which toucheth his Majesty of Scotland, we never discovered any the least malice at all in the writer, but rather a very indifferent mind to have the uttermost right of every man known without offering wrong or injury to any; according to which indifferency the said king of Scotland's title is set down in the very first place in that book as first and chief pretender among the rest, neither is there any one thing emitted (to our knowledge) that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title. And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared, nothing is avouched, which is not openly known to be true neither any thing urged or exaggerated more, then against the rest: neither doth this flattering malignant discoverer so much as object any such thing done or attempted by the author of this conference, nor can he with any show of truth so do. And if the said author any where doth show less desire of the advancement of the King of Scots his title towards England (which yet in words we find not expressed) while he is of different religion from him, and no Catholic, his Majesty is wise enough to consider that he could not do otherwise according to the chief and main principle set down throughout that book about the necessity of true religion (that is to say Catholic) required in all pretenders that must or may be admitted by Catholic subjects. Which principle being granted (as in the Conference it is proved and demonstrated by all arguments both human and divine) to be a most true, Christian, religious, and necessary principle, it followeth (we say) that the author being a Catholic could not possibly according to the sincerity of that religion (though otherwise he loving and reverencing the K. of Scotland never so much) wish or desire his preferment over catholics whilst he remaineth of the opposite Religion.  
Nether can this flattering discoverer, or his mutinous partners (how desirous soever of gaining favour) say or do the contrary, if they be Catholics (as they profess) and have Catholic consciences, and will conform their actions thereunto, for that all true Catholic doctrine and piety is against them in this behalf.  
And finally whatsoever this malevolous calumniator doth prattle in this place of the Author's evil affection towards the king of Scotland to grace himself by another man's injury, yet if he be the man that he is taken for, and that the author of the Conference be the party, whom the other and his consorts 〈◊〉 give out; it is easily seen and descried by their former doings, who do bear most true good will to that king the one being constant in desiring his conversion to Catholic religion, and thereby all true advancement, both in this life, and the next; the other variable up and down, here and there, and after many windings and turnings and castings about, as offering their services now to one, and now to another, do now at length fawn upon him for private interest whom before they most impugned, and this upon bare need, being broken of, where once they hanged on. And this is sufficient for the present argument in hand, and for confutation of so fond an answer to the book of Succession.   

THEIR FOLLY AND Deceived spirit in persuading themselves to get credit, or recover that which is lost, with any sort of men, be they friends or enemies by this their manner of proceeding with clamours and libels.  
CAP. VI  
IT is said by a certain spiritual wise man of some others that in their own sight seemed far more learned and wise than he: obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: 
●om. 1.  their foolish heart was blinded, not to see and consider (though they were learned philosophers) that which every simple man of mean understanding being lightened with God's grace may see and behold, to wit, that they ran to their own perdition; which folly also and blindness, we fear hath so possessed the deceived spirits of these our passionate (if not possessed) brethren, as we may say the same words of them: Obscuratum est insipiens cor eorum: for that having suffered their hearts, to be obscured, and overwhelmed with the perturbation of envy, emulation malice, revenge, anger, and other like enchantments and sorceries of their souls, yea rather ●uryes (as we may say) of spiritual madness do rage and run a desperate course of railing and raving against all that stand in their way without any respect of persons, state, degree or merit, or of their own condition, calling, or function, or credit thereof, and have not so much inward light of understanding or consideration as once to ponder or weigh with themselves (as it seemeth) what other men will think of them, or weather it will turn to their credit or discredit, help or hurt, relief or ruin, thus to proceed, wherefore to assist them somewhat in this consideration and to the end that we may lay before their eyes some few points of that which is most probable to ensue in this behalf, and thereby to stir up their memory and help their judgement in this contemplation. We shall run over briefly the chief parties or persons with whom they may persuade themselves by this their manner of outeryes and printing libels to gain or loose credit, and to repair or utterly overthrow their own reputation.  
And first of all we may consider of foreign catholics in all countries Christian, 
The consideration of foreign catholics what they will think and say.  what they will think of them, when hearing (as they have and do) of the tumults raised by them here in England, and before in Rome, and other places, which are now renewed again and more published then ever in other nations, sending abroad lately their chief Captains to divulge the same by their journey through Flanders, France and other kingdoms and provinces towards Rome as they pretend and give out, but as we persuade ourselves they mean not to go thither (having done, said and written as they have) no more than they went or sent thither for prosecuting of their Appeal, when lawfully they might, and should have done, before his Hol. determination made thereon, but they (as now for certain we understand) never so much as caused the same to be exhibited in Rome from them or in their names, and much less prosecuted or proved according to law, notwithstanding all their clamours and vaunts in the mean space made here in England as though they had made the same appeal lawfully and with true intention to follow it, which was not meant in deed, but only to gain time and liberty, and to persuade simple men that they were out of all obligation of obedience to their Superiors, whilst that controversy lasted, & to make a plain delusion of themselves and others.  
Well then this is their manner of proceeding hitherto (which is of all mutinous and seditious people) to make outcries and great noises that they have received great injuries and intolerable oppressions, and other like grievances, & that they will both say do and prove, and yet do mean nothing less, but only as cursed children to vex their mother and trouble the whole house where they are, by crying without cause only of stomach and stubbornness and the more they are sought to be quieted and appeased by reason, the more they cry and skrich.  
We have hard of their late journey from Dover to Calis, from Calis to Newport in Flanders 
The late ●orney of the seditious by Flanders.  where the Pope's Nuntio was, sending first a messenger or two before like great men that doubt of their own estate to ask a passport or safe conduct (consider how confident these men are in Cath. Countries, that they need such protections of his Hol. ministers) which being granted, they went thither. And it is to be noted, that one of their precursors sent before, and falling into the company of a certain Irishman in the way that went to the Camp., he told him, and by him others, that he was a jesuit, thereby to get the greater favour at Cath. men's hands● so as you see, that when they are among good catholics they say they are jesuits, and when they are among heretics & other of that humour they say they are enemies to jesuits. But now to their dealing at Newport.  
First they showed there divers passports, 
Two kind of passports from England.  the first as of banished men (and this you must think was to serve for deceiving some good catholics, and to move them to compassion of their state) but after being urged they plucked out another much more general and ample full of favour and privilege to pass how, when and where, and with what they would; and this was aswell for their safety and protection at the ports as also to grace themselves with all sorts of protestants or other adversaries of jesuits or catholic religion beyond the seas, seeing that in Genena also this passport would make them very grateful.  
Having showed their passports, they began to deal with the Nuntio of their affairs, telling him first a notorious●ly, to wit, that the cause why they durst not come unto him● without a passport, nor had dealt with him before, was for that they had heard him painted our unto them (by some of the otherside you must imagine) for a severe, inhuman, bitter and tetrical nature (for these are the words of the Nuntio reporting them afterwards) and that now finding the contrary by experience, they would deal confidently with him: and then conform to this principle of flattery and false preoccupation they related unto him many other untruths in like manner no less gross and odious as this; as for example that many priests in England being of their side and faction durst not write their minds freely unto him for fear and terror of the Archpriest and jesuits, in which kind of false detraction against those men they ●o enlarged themselves as though they were the greatest tyrants in the world, and themselves full innocent, mild and meck creatures not offering but receiving wrongs and injuries, and that for their own parts they were most ready to conform themselves to his Hol. will and his L. in all points; which when we saw written these days we remember the lowly answers given by Luther and his friends at Augusta to Card. Cae●an the Pope's legate, registered both by Coclaeus Surius and others in the year 1520. and what ensued after, we will not forbade in matter of religion (God forbid) but in sedition we see it already, and God grant the other do not follow also in some of them at length. But let us return to their dealing with the Nuntio at Newport.  
After many complaints the Nuntio at length as a wise man passing over their clamours, 
The causes uttered of their tumults  and pressing near the point itself, he urged them to utter the principal causes of this their so scandalous tumultuation, they resolved all upon two principally. The first that the Archpriest had taken away some of their faculties for small and light causes; the other that he had not given them and theirs, part of certain alms sent unto him to distribute. The Nuntio marveled to hear no greater causes of so great motions, and offerred if this were all, he would take upon him himself to end the matter, writing back first to the Archpriest to require his answer, which they accepted of, offering moreover that two of theirs should go back into England to carry the said letters, whilst the rest, to wit M. Bagshaw and Bluet passed further to Paris to confer with certain of their companions there about this matter, and so the Nuntio accepted all for that time, not being acquainted with their deceitful manner of speaking and dealing, nor having understood of their malicious books printed against catholics, and the Popes Hol. himself, whereof soon after their departure he had notice, and consequently he wrote into England in another style concerning their being with him, than he would have done (as after he said) if he had been so far privy to their doings and meanings before. He showed them also an authentical copy of his Hol. Breve of the 17. of A●gust last passed, wherein their whole cause of Appellation is rejected and decided against them, and they commanded most severely to obey and to be quiet. And the like also did show to them or their fellows, the Nuntio in Paris, but all was not sufficient to quiet them or bring them into order again, having promised (as is likely) to their true patrons in England to pass further in this strife.  
Wherefore they departing from Newport towards Paris they passed by Lisle and Douai, 
D. Giff.  and as in the former place they received (you must imagine) no small good cheer and encouragement from one of their chief Captains residing there, whose hand and heart is known to be deeply in these broils for many years; so in the second, to wit, in the College of Douai, 
Their being at Lile and Douai.  though for treaty, they received all competent courtesy, and were convited twice or thrice by the Precedent, Doctors, and other grave men of that house, yet were they dealt withal notwithstanding plainly, touching their negotiation and told the truth, and the grievousness of that scandalous and sinful action was laid open unto them, but in vain as it seemeth, for they uttered by words no less folly and fury in divers points, then in their shameful libels is contained, which being testified by the witness of them that heard them proveth the said libels to be theirs, or at least to be written and set forth by their consents; From which notwithstanding some of their crew have seemed of late to disclaim, but these men showing to disavouch nothing we shall attend to hear what they will do in Rome.  
And thus now have we brought our Appellants so far as Paris (for thither they went from Douai where they are further to demur upon that they have to do or how to proceed in their enterprise, being cried out of in the mean space by all principal English Catholics beyond the Sea● (as we are certainly informed) for this so horrible a scandal given by them. And if Englishmen do so, then much more would we have you consider what Catholic men of other nations abroad in the world (●●●ve began to say) will think and speak of these men, that have set such a fire and made such a division in our own little afflicted Church at home, such a one and with so great and dangerous damage of the public cause of religion, as never they willbe able to recompense or satisfy.  
And truly it is strange to hear what is already written up and down through other countries about this their affair and manner of proceeding: For we have seen letters both from Germany, Flanders, Venice, Rome, Paris, 
Speeches and reports in other countries of these men's negotiation.  & other places every one telling divers particulars of them, their journey, and messsage: but the common agreeing in this, that they are messengers sent by the Queen and Counsel of England to the Pope to offer liberty of conscience upon condition, that the jesuits with the Archpriest & his friends may be recalled out of England: others go further (for suspicion you know hath no end, affirming that they are hired to make debate and set sedition, and to divide catholics one against another, and finally to be spies against them, both at home & abroad, and that they are in the way also to be heretics themselves or worse, etc.  
These things are written, related and easily believed by many: and now consider you, whether this be a good way for our brethren to recover their same again, which they fond say was taken from them by jesuits and the Archpriest before, while they were quiet, which yet we cannot see how it can be verified in the sight of any wise man, seeing that the little pamphlet of schism (whereof they most complain as calling them schismatics, 
A vain quarrel about the pamphlet of Schism.  for their first rebellion) though it were somewhat sharp yet was it neither printed nor published to the world nor did it name any one man in particular, and was soon after recalled again by the Archpriest upon the first atonement, and consequently could not be said truly to infame any man, but he that would name himself to be within the compass of those censures and hard speeches used therein and cited by the author out of Church Cannons (for they are not his words but of the said sacred Canons) against Schism and analytics.  
But suppose there had been just offence given by that treatese, was this other a good means (●ow you) to remedy their fame? Was not this according to the fable of Esope of the fish that leapt out of the frying pan into the fire? But let us pass from these other countries to Rome itself, and to the censure of men there, where their cause is like to be tried and ended (and so we wish withal our hearts) what (think you) will men judge and speak of them there, even upon the first rumour of these their new stirs? so many having been made by them and their fellows there before, & so obstinately maintained by the chief of these that are tumultuous here now? Will not his Hol. remember what passed for three years together almost in that most scandalous tumultuation of turbulent students in the College? 
What men will think & s●y in Rome.  Will he not remember the end that ensued, the means that were used, the manners of the men, and the effects that they brought forth? Will not the Card. Protectors, Visitors, and other officers employed by his Hol. in appeasing those tumults (such we mean as yet are living, & knew how these matters past) think well of our nation and tell a good tale for these people there, when they shall hear of their new attempts? Will not Baronius, Bellarmine, Boscius, and other learned men, that have written so high praises of our English priests heretofore, be more than half ashamed now when they shall understand of these men's writings and doings to the contrary?  
And as for the Roman broils and seditions and other raised afterwards else where by the same men and their consorts there are extant divers letters, and writings of three principal Card. Ca●tan, Burghesius and Sega the first two being Protector and viceprotector, whose latin letters these men of mere folly and vainty have printed of late as testimonies against themselves in their book entitled Relatio compendiosa turbarum, etc. The third was appointed visitor of the said College and tumultuous people by his Hol. that now is. So as all thre● being lawful superiors and judges in this prejudicated naughty cause, their condemnation against them must needs be of undoubted credit and authority with all wise and indifferent men.  
And for that of the four priests which are said to be in Paris for the present of these tumultuous, we find two by name in the Catalogue of the said Card. Sega prefixed before his visitation and entitled Catalogus eorum alumnorum, qui in Collegie Anglicano tumulinantur ann● Domini 1596. 
The troublesome now were tumultuous befor● in Rome.  A list of the students that are tumultuous in the English College, which are. Anthony Champney and Francis Barnby, and that a third is found in the register of the same College to have been expelled by the Protector Card. Boncompagno nephew to Pope Gregory the xiii. in the year 1585. under the name of Christophor Bagshaw and that we understand further that many of their other chief companions remaining in England are contained also in the same catalogue or list of the Card. visitor (which list hath 38. names) and furthermore for that moreover the true causes of that tumultuation were the very same which have been since and are for the present of these of England, to wit, liberty and freedom from all subjection with hatred of order discipline and superiority, & that the same men were principally impugned there which are now, to wit the fathers of the society that held them in order: and besides all this that the very self same points were pretended then by the tumultuous which are now, to wit, that the fathers of the Society should be called forth out of England and be put from the government of the seminaries: for these causes and considerations (we say) though in our Apology 
Apol. cap. 5.  we have set down some points of this wise and learned Card. Sega his judgement in this matter so long and diligently handled by him, aswell about the spirit of these our tumultuous people, as also, of their manners & merits, we think good in this place to ad somewhat more of his deliberation and grave resolution in this affair taken out of his formentioned book of visitation of the College dedicated to his Hol. upon the 14. of March 1596. especially we shall let you hear what he writeth about the two foresaid demaund● and petitions made by the troublesome of that time, and renewed now again by these of ours, to wit the removing of the fathers out of England, and from the government of the seminaries, of which matter he writeth to his Hol. thus, in the 25. Chapter of his book, the title of which Chapter is this: Petitiones alumnorum tumultuantium, etc. The petitions of the troublesome scholars together with the brief answers of the fathers, etc.  
And here you must note that he had in four and twenty former Chapters set down all the complaints and accusations of the said tumultuous with the father's answers and reproof annexed to every thing objected: and now here in the 25. Chapter he setteth down the exorbitant demands of the said tumultuous for redress of all of which demands the first is this that followeth: 
An insolent demand.  Vt amoveantur Patres Soc. non tantum ab Anglia, verum etiam à regimine huius Collegij Romani: that the Fathers of the Society be removed not only from England, but also from the government of the Roman College.  
This they demanded then, being two chief points (as you see) in one demand, though they moderated the second by naming only the Roman College where they resided: but our tumultuous now not contented with that, go further, and do demand to have them removed from all the seminaries, yea from those also that were erected by them and their peculiar labours. But what answer doth the said Card. visitor set down of the Fathers made to this demand, you shall here it in his own words and we shall recite them first in latin to the end the Reader may see the pure and elegant style also of that learned man besides his wisdom, piety & experience. Thus than he putteth down the father's answer.  
Ad hanc petitionem nihil aliud respondent Patris, 
Card. Seg a invisitat. Colleg. Angl. Anno. 1596. ● Cap. 25.  quam ut sua S. prosua prudentia ac voluntate statuat, quod maximè ad Deigloriam expedire iudicaverit: Societatem enim non sponte sua, sed nonnulla etiam reluctatione, iubente sede Apostolica, utramque hanc provinciam ab ●nitio suscepisse, maximisque deindè laboribus, molestijs, periculis, & sanguinis etiam profusione per viginti ferè annos administrasse, cofruct●●, quem omnes vident; non deesse alia quoque alibi loca ubi suam operam S●c. homines utiliter etiam ad ●andem divinam gloriam, eodem Domino cooperant impendant, se nullam difficuliatem, in utraque Provincia di●●●●enda habere; im● Collegij dimissionem R. Patrem Generalem aliquoties iam precibus apud S. S. instanter v●sisse ne tantis molestijs ab ingratissimis his tumultuantibus perpetuò afflictet●r.  
These are the very words of that good Cardinal as they lie in the book of his Visitation; and for more perspicuity to the vulgar reader we have thought good to put them down also in English thus:  
To this petition (saith he) the Fathers of the Society answered no other thing, but that his Hol. might determine according to his wisdom and will, what he should think most expedient for the glory of God, 
A modest answer of the Fathers.  seeing that the Society had not taken upon them from the beginning any of these two charges or burdens (to wit, the government of the college and mission of England) of their own choice or election, but by commandment of the Sea Apostolic, with some difficulty or resistance of their parts, and that since that time they have borne and prosecuted the same with great labours, molestations, dangers, and with effusion of some of their bloods for the space of almost xx. years together, whereof have ensued these fruits which all men see by increase of Catholic religion in that realm, and that there want not other places also in the world where the men of this Society may employ their labours profitably to the same glory of almighty God by the help of his holy grace, and that they for their parts have no difficulty at all in leaving both these charges (if his Holiness will) & that the reverend F. General of their order had already divers times most instantly beseeched his Holiness that they might give over the government of the Roman College, thereby once to be delivered from so great molestations as he was continually afflicted with by these most in grateful tumultuous people.  
Thus he wrote in this Chapter, 
Cap. 25.  and then in four other that do ensue he setteth down first what the speech and reasons of the quiet scholars were against these tumu●●ous, 
Cap. 26.  and then in the next: 
Cap 27.  what their petitions were for restoring of discipline and good order to the College overthrown by these men. 
Cap. ●8.  To which end also followeth another Chapter, containing: The petitions of the Fathers to the same effect. And after that again a distinct Chapter entitled: 
Cap. 29.  A catalogue of abuses brought in by these tumults and seditions to the manners and conversation of the scholars against both study and piety, which of necessity are to be reform. All which Chapter & discourses being ended he setteth down in the 30. Chapter this title:  
Quid de tota remihi videatur: 
Cap. 30.  what is my judgement of all this affair. And then beginneth he the Chapter thus: jam ex iis quae ab utraque part prolata hic exhibui non solum videt Sanctitas vestra, in quo statu, res huius, Collegij sint, sed etiam pro sua singulari sapientia intelligit, quid de tota re statuendum sic, ut me de eadem pluribus disserere iam non magnoperè necessarium videatur, praesertim cum adsit Illustriss. Card. Caëtanus Anglicanae nationis Protector, cuius consilio atque prudentea facilius, & commodius quaecunque huc pertinent transigi, explicarique possint. Vetunt amen ut vel aliquam villicationis meae rationem reddam, cum bona S. vostrae venia, meam de praecipuis huius negotij capitibus sententiam hoc loco paucis aperiam.  
Now (saith he) your Hol. doth see by those things which I have here laid forth from both parties not only in what state the affairs of this College do stand, but moreover by your singular wisdom you will easily consider what is to be resolved of all, so as it shall not be much necessary that I should use many words more about this matter especially seeing that the most honourable Card. Caëtan Protector of the English nation is present, by whose counsel and wisdom all things belonging to English affairs may better and more commodiously be determined and declared. 
The judgement and resolution of Card. Sega Visitor.  But yet to the end I may yield some account of my labours in this visitation. I shall with the good leave of your Hol. lay open also mine opinion about the principal points of this business.  
Thus writeth he, 
Cap. ●1.  & then to the next Chapter he maketh this title for the beginning of his resolution: Patris Societatis ex Anglia nullo modo esse revocandes, ut tumultuantes censent. That the Fathers of the Society are no ways to be recalled out of England, as the tumultuous do think expedient. And this point he proveth by many reasons and prudent considerations which we for brevityes sake cannot allege at length as they lie in his book, 
Why the jesuits are not to be recalled out of England.  but in effect, these are the principal, to wit, that the said Fathers being of a spiritual body which besides the ordinary helps of secular priests, for spirit, discipline and mortification have divers other special helps also to the same effect by the institute of their order, and are more practised therein by the excercise both of their nouitiate and the rest of their life, and more bound thereunto by their several vows, cannot but have more force, skill, and use in spiritual managing of souls, than every other priest, that lacketh those particular helps. And consequently to remove them out of the English Clergy or mission now, were as it were to let forth the best and most digested blood out of a man's body thinking thereby to cure and preserve ●im.  
Moreover he addeth that the said Fathers being men of direction and having correspondence both with those of their own body that govern the seminaries abroad, as also with them in England and else where; and being united together with a more special link than other men are, that depend each one of themselves, have thereby better notice of the virtue, talents and merits of every particular priest that cometh into England, and consequently can better assure the catholics what is in them, and how far they may confide of each one, than any other sort of men can, which is no small point of moment in these dangerous days for true information and assurance of Catholics in like cases. And then they being moreover subordinate, as we have said, the one to another with in the Realm, and all to a general superior abroad, more certainty may be had of them, and better remedy against any one of them that should misbehave himself, than there can of any other that have not any such particular Superior nor will not, as appear by these men's dealings. And albeit there be many also among the secular Clergy most grave, wis●, learned and virtuous, who do also the same good offices as occasion is offered, yet are they principally assisted and holpen therein by the said Fathers good correspondence, etc.  
After this the Card: allegeth the known fruits of the jesuits labours, industry, and piety every where not only in other countries, but also in England, and in this mission itself and that this demand of the troublesome cometh but of envy, emulation and malice and so concludeth: Quis sanus unquam dixerit magis indulgendum esse paucorum quorundam improbitati & invidiae, quam multorum pietati & industriae? Certè quisquis infoeslicissimo illi regno Soc. operam aufert, ille planè totius illius terrae salem, imò & afflictissimae illius Ecc. solemn tollere videtur. What man that is in his right wits will ever say, that we ought rather to attribute more to the naughtiness and envy of a few; (troublesome) then to the piety and industry of so many good men? Truly whosoever goeth about to take from that unfortunate kingdom of England 〈◊〉 labours of the Society in these days he seemeth to me to take away not only the salt of that land, but even the Sun also of that afflicted Church, etc. Thus wrote he, and this was his judgement both of the matter and men.  
And having thus determined their first demand, he cometh to treat the second in the Chapter following making this title thereunto: 
Cap. 32.  Patres à regimine Collegij non esse removendos, ut alumni inquietiores postulant. 
Why the fathers ought not to be removed from the gournment of the College.  That the fathers of the society are not to be removed from the government of the College, as the unquiet students do demand. And then he beginneth thus: Quot autem ijdem ●lumni a●rius urgent, ut videlicet à regimine Collegij Patres amoveantur in eo etiam iwnilis animi impetus, atque ut lenissimè dicam imprudens eorum Consilium agnosco. That which the self-same troublesome scholars do urge most eagerly to have the Fathers removed from the government of the College, in this point also I do discover both the rashness of their young minds (and to speak most temperately) their imprudent counsel, etc. Thus saith he for which he allegeth many particular reasons and testimonies also of principal English men that are no jesuits whose judgements & opinions about this point of the father's government he had required by letters as well from England, as Flanders Spain and other places, who all agreed, that it was neither convenient nor possible (without overthrowing all) to deprive the seminaries of the Father's government and assistance. And as for reasons he allegeth divers, saying among the rest, thus:  
Si impotenti & lubricae isti aetati fraena laxentur, ut in sua manu positum esse sentiant à quibus velint ipsi gubernari, quorsum res tandem evasura sit, quis non videt? If the bridle of matters should so be let loose unto this impotent and britkle youth, so as they should understand that it lay in their hands to be governed of whom it pleaseth them; who doth not see whether the matter would come at length? to wit, every day to change their Superiors, and demand new masters, teachers, and the like. And then he demandeth them where they would find so many sufficient and expert priests both able and willing to take the labour to govern so many seminaries, both in Rome, Spain & Flanders? divers other reasons & considerations he allegeth which we are forced for brevityes sake to omit; But thus you see their two principal demands decided negatively.  
But yet he resteth not here, but goeth further to treat of the remedy and reformation of the troubles raised by those seditious, and so frameth his sequent Chapter thereof under this title: Quaenam remediae praesentibus his tumultibus videantur, adhibendae; nimirum ut seditiosi dimittantur, caeteri rectè instituantur. Cap. 33. what remedies were best to be used for pacyfying these present tumults, to wit, that the seditious he sent away, and the rest that remain be well instructed in good order and discipline. here you see both the question propounded and answered also in the very title; yet about this matter he disputeth at large with ●n ample discourse putting down first this ground: praestat proculdubiò paucos habere modestes, 
A ground of the Card for Reformation.  & docilet quam multos per●icaces & dyscolos, praestat habere nullos, quam omnino pra●uos. It is better to have a few modest and tractable students than many disobedient and dissolute, yea it were better to have none, than altogether evil.  
And then passing a step further, he showeth that the way to tame these troublesome is not to grant them what they desire, or to remit any thing in discipline for their outcries: nisi fortè dicamus (saith he) equi faerociter lae●ciuientes impetus, detractis penitus frenis facilius atque commodius posse cohiber●. Except perhaps any man would say, that the most easiest and commodious way to tame the fury of violent wanton colts, were to take quite away their bridles and let them run & do what they list. Lo his opinion being a stranger unto us; and what coltish behaviour he saw in some of our troublesome at that day to make him have this conceit is easy to guess.  
But what would he say now, if he were alive to see some elderly horses also become col●s again, & ferociter lafcivientes, fiercely wanton? would he not give counsel (think you) not only to put on bridles and saddles, but also good spurs for their better taming?  
And this if we respect their merits and deserts, but as the same good Cardinal notwithstanding all this, when he cometh to put down his judgement in particular how the said tumultuous should be dismissed and sent away, he persuadeth it to be done with all sweetness and gentle usage; so would he do no doubt in this other case of our new turbulét crew, if he were in Rome at their arrival these. And the like course by all probability will his Hol. according to his accustomed clemency take with them, 
According to his accustomed clemency  if they go thither; and so we all do most earnestly desire and that all may be well and sound examined and ended.  
And yet to prosecute the argument of this Chapter somewhat further, to the effect we have begone, we cannot but advertise our said brethren of their great folly and indiscretion in taking this course of clamours in their way towards Rome for recovering as they pretend their same, nothing being more opposite and contrary theirunto then to profess a cause so many ways rejected, and condemned there already as partly by his Hol. own Breves, partly by this Card. sentence of visitation, you have already heard, especially they adding publicly two circumstances, which must needs with his Hol. make their matter far worse.  
The first, that whoras in the former stirs of Rome, 
1. Naughty circumstance.  it was but suspected that heretics and the common enemy had secretly their hand therein, and were either aiders or abetterers to make those demands of removing jesuits from England and from the Colleges, now it is openly known and confessed, that they are the chief dealers and styrrers thereunto.  
The second not much unlike to this, is, 
2. Wicked circumstance.  that whereas in the former broils of Rome, some of the troublesome did under hand only and by indirect means seek to bring in some prince's Ambassadors, to favour their sedition by making it a matter of State, as though they had been contradicted only by men depending of Spain: now these our brethren do manifestly in the sight of all the world attempt the same seditious course, by running to ●aris, and seeking to inform falsely his most Christian Majesty that he hath interest in their tumultuations, and that it is a matter of State for him to favour them, for that they oppose themselves against Spaniards and jesuits devoted to them, Which unchristian devise, tending to set Christian princes together by the ears about our country affairs, as it cannot be but odious to God and all good men that hear of it, so above all other it is injurious to his Holiness whose spiritual authority and ordinations are drawn by these men to matters of state (as we have before both in the Apology, and this book noted) about his Hol. institution of the Archpriest maliciously drawn by them to matter of Praemunire, and no less malicious is this to entangle now their obedience to wards his Holiness with interest of secular princes.  
For we would ask them here seriously in all law of reason or honesty, 
A point to be considered of tumultuous proceeding.  what can it concern the state, either of the King of France or Spain, that these men should obey or disobey the Ecclasiastical substitute of his Holiness in England? Is this to be made a matter of state by these new Statists? is this a thing to intrecat secular Princes and monatches with all? no truly, but only where there is intent to set sedition, and to put in garboil and variance secular princes with the Pope, & thereby themselves to be free to say and do what they list under the protection of some of those princes abused by them, as Martin Luther and his partners did under the protection of Frederick Duke of Saxony when they meant to be tumultuous, and to break with the Pope himself, protesting on the other side no less obedience than these men do now, though we hope these mean better, but the course is not unlike nor other effects hitherto.  
These points then and circumstances (as we said) his Hol. of his wisdom cannot but consider; and then hearing furthermore (as is probable he either hath or will do) of their bold and intemperate speeches uttered already in their books● as that his Holiness could not appoint them an Archpriest without their consent, and that in doing so he did against the Church Canons, warning him also very presumptuoufly of his dawnger of damnation thereby in those words of the scripture, 
Lib. Copies of discoutles.  Qui amat periculum, peribit in eo. He that loveth danger shall perish therein; affirming moreover, that they had sufficient power to examine and demur not only upon the Cardinal Protectors letters, as they did, though written in his Holiness name expressly, 
●ope of Peace.  but upon his Holiness letters also themselves if they had come from him, etc. And conform to this when his Breve came, they saying thereof; that they knew not out of what shop it was procured. And then further, 
Relat. Pa. 57  that his Hol. was not endued with the worthy gift of the holy Ghost, termed discretio spirituum, when he made his deputation to the Card. Protector for ordaining the Archprist, etc.  
And then again, 
Import Consid. Pag. 11.  that his Holiness was deceived in sesting up the Archpriest, as Pius 5. was in his fact against her Majesty, and that it was no unusual thing with Popes so to be deceived in matters of fact, etc. And yet moreover; that the Archpriest is an usurper in the behalf of the Sea of Rome, 
Imp. Consid. Pag. 20. 21. 22.  that F. Campion M. Sherwyn and other martyrs ought plainly and reseluttly to have professed to stand against the Pope if he should move arms for religion, and not hold their peace or eschew the question as they did, etc. That his Hol. hath no authority. to move war for religion against any temporal prince whatsoever, or for whatsoever cause or pretence, etc. And that they will oppose themselves against him if he should come in person in any such attempt, and that they will also reveal whatsoever they shall come to know therein. 
Imp. Consid. Pag. 〈◊〉  And finally that all the hurts, damages, losses, deaths, rackings and other calamities hitherto suffered by catholics in England are to be laid not so much upon the persecutors, as upon the rash, unlawful and inconsiderate doings and writings not only of Englishmen, but especially of Popes themselves, as Pius 5. Gregory the 13. Syxtus Quintus. and now this Pope, for concurrence in this last attempt in Ireland, etc.  
When all these things (we say) shallbe read, heard and understood by his Hol. and that they profess to do this for recovering of their good names and credit both with his Hol. & others abroad, you may easily guess what willbe thought of them, and what opinion willbe conceived both of their affection & wisdom in choosing such means to obtain their purpose. And so much shall suffice for Rome and foreign nations and countries.  
And now it shall not be amiss to return to England again, and to consider what credit or reputation, they can gain there, by this their manner of proceeding. For first with catholics who doth not see the infinite injuries which they have done them and do lay daily upon them, 
Their credit with catholics.  by discrediting so much as lieth in them, both their cause and persons, and that with all sort of men both at home and abroad; Their cause, in that they would persuade the whole world that all is sedition; conspiracy and rebellion among them, and not matter of religion: Their persons in that they make them the true authors and occasioners of all their own troubles, vexations and damages by their own indiscreet and temerarious actions, as hath been said. They justify also the cause of the persecutors & do lay the fault upon the presecuted: & what greater injuries can be offered then these:  
Moreover by these their later books and libels (they discovering notoriously, their passion venom of stomach, indiscretion, intemperance, lack of conscience modesty, shame and other such points, as are evident to those, that read their said books) this cannot but work in all catholics whose minds are holy bend, and endued with the contrary virtues a great disreputation and aversion from them. We pass over their follysh speeches used commonly against all catholics, whom they think not to favour them (which are in effect all) calling them, 
Epist. to Imp. Consid. Pag. 17.  mad dogs, set on by jesuits to bark and bite & devour their dear ghostly Fathers, etc. And then again a little after in the same place: Whereas (dear catholics) many of you do account us disobedient, true it is that we are so, and 
* a pious wish.  would to God that you were so likewise. You infer heerupon that we are factious, seditious rebellious, malcontents, schismatics, etc. (mark how good opinion catholics have of them by their own confession) but therein you do belly us by false suggestions, put into your green ignorant, passionate, affectionate, indiscreetly zealous heads.  
Lo what Epythetons they give them. And in other place they call them, 
Epist. Pag. 8.  fanciful fellows of the new fashion, infected with the Spanish pip, iniesuitated, and the like. But it little importeth what names or contumelious speeches they use towards them in respect of the things themselves, and crimes objected, and urged against them, as before hath been said, whereby they seem to labour to overthrow directly (so much as in them lieth) the whole merit and honour of the Cath. cause, and of Cath. mens sufferings, making them not to be for conscience, but for practise against the Prince and state, a most wicked and iniurions devise practised principally by Constantius the Arrian heretic, and jultan the Apostata as Ecclesiastical histories do recount. And this is held for the principal point, wherein these unfortunate men are thought to be hired by the public adversary in religion to join with them in this Capital slander against their own brethren and cause confirming herein the reports of our heretics in foreign countries who tell staungers that no man is troubled in England for matters of conscience, but all that are punished are chastised for other delicts: than which unworthy reproach all men of judgement do see that nothing can be more falsely, slanderously or injuriously laid upon our public cause. For avoiding of which our late good Card. strived so much in his learned book against the libel of English justice, as all men know, and these men jest at and impugn. This then being the effect of these men's labours and endeavours, and their whole stryse and contention, being to divide, disgrace, and discreedit both catholics and their cause, we may imagine what credit they are like to gain with them by these their doings. And so much of this.  
But yet further it shall not be amiss to ponder also what reputation they are like to win at length with the very adversaries themselves, 
Their discredit with the adversaries.  who (setting a side the contrariety of religion) being many of them very wise and discreet men, and of no evil nature and condition (especially of those, with whom these men are said to deal) they will easily discover the great and strange passion of these men together with their intemperate spirit, and that they do not this, they do or say for any love towards them, but for revenge towards us, not of judgement or affection, but of envy and precipitation, and there upon it must needs follow that albeit their treason for the time he admitted yet must the traitors be contemptible; and to this effect have we a notable story recounted both by Eusebius & Zozomenus of Constantius, Father to our great Constantine, who was governor, once of England, and perhaps the fact itself fell out here, & so much the more to be noted by us.  
The foresaid two authors do recount, that this Constantius being a notable wise man, 
A notable fact of Constantius father to Constantine.  though a heathen, at the same time, when Dioclesian and Maximinian the Emperors to whom he succeeded afflicted infinitely Chirstians every where, he (though misliking that extreme cruelty) yet to seem also to do somewhat, for that he was declared Caesar & successor of the Empire, made an edict or proclamation, that so many of the Christians about him as would sacrifice to his Gods should not only have his favour and enjoy honours in his court and common wealth, but be used and trusted also by him above other men, and such as would not, though he meant not to put them to death, yet would he exclude them from his friendship and familiarity, and from all dignities, etc. This being done, every man began (say the foresaid authors) to show his affection, some retired themselves with grief and sadness, some held their peace, some denied flatly, but none of all these had intention to please the Prince in his demand: others there were, that thinking by this occasion to win the spurs, and get themselves credit and authority above the rest, came fawning to Constantius and his officers, offering to do what he would have them, and thereby show their true dutyful affections towards his Ma. and the state, with other such like flattering protestations, 
A just reward to flattery.  whereof when Constantius heard, and had considered well of the matter, he caused them all to be thrust out of his court, deprived them of the honours and offices which before they had, and the other that had refused of conscience so to do against their own religion, he willed to be called back from exile, advanced and trusted above the rest, using that notable wise saying, as Eusebius recounteth it: Quomodo fidem erga Imperatorem (saith he) servare poterun● inviolatam, 
Euseb. l. ●. de vita Constàtini ca 4. & 1. Zozom. li 1. Ca 6. Eccles. historiae.  qui aduer sus Deum persidi esse manifesto convincuntur? Quapropter hos procul à regali suo domicilio statuit ainandandos; illos verò stipatores suos & custodes regni consti●uit. How can they keep their faith inviolate towards their Emperor (saith he) that are convinced to be prefidious toward God: (and their own religion) For which cause he commanded these (that flattered) to be banished far from his royal palace, and these other (that dealt plainly and sincerely, though contrary to his will and commandments) he took them into his own guard and defence and made them guardians of his kingdom.  
Behold here a worthy wise example, which our English magistrates cannot but remember and think of, and our brethren ought not to forget to doubt rather, and fear least the like may happen unto them in tyme. For albeit our adversaries be content to use them for a time, as for a rod to beat us with all, and thereby to increase our affliction, yet rods commonly are cast away or burnt afterward when the turn is served or the occasion past. And this (we say) in case the Prince and state should mean to punish us more by their incitation or assistance offered, which yet we hope they do not, but rather (as noble minds are wont to do) will conceive the more compassion of our grievous sufferings by that they see us betrayed also and injuriously vexed by our own, and if God almighty should at length move their hearts (for which we pray daily) to hearken unto that most honourable and wholesome motion so often propounded by the best catholics for some toleration in religion, whereof these men also do whisper and brag much in corners as they pass through foreign countries, as though they were designed Ambassadors for the same, and that at their demand the matter were in consultation: yet do we most certainly assure ourselves, knowing the gravity, honour, and wisdom of our Counsel as We do, that this is but a vain vaunt; and that when God shall inspire them to hearken to this proposition, they will deal with other manner of men of the Cathol. party then these, who being divided from the rest, that is from the body, head, and principal of that cause, can have little credit to treat or set forward any such weighty affair, in the name of the rest, being like skayles that bear each one their castle on their own backs, that is having no further reputation than themselves bear about with them in their own heads and imaginations, or give it out by their own tongues to such as will believe them. And so much of this.  
There remaineth to say a word or two of foreign Princes, 
Their credit with foreign princes.  whose favour they seek to gain by this their dissenting from their fellows, as namely with the king of Scotland, to whom they sent first to offer themselves, as divers ways we understand, and after that to the K. of France by their known Agents in Paris, promising to be at his disposition, and to oppose themselves against all pretences for Spain, etc. but these are devices so ordinary in court, and with so great monarchs as these are (we mean to offer mountains, and to curry favour by accusing others) that it cannot work any great impression in them, especially considering how little these men can do either pro or contra in the weighty affair which they pretend about the succession of England, and this, whether we consider either the protestant party or the Catholic of our realm, for that with the former they have but very poor credit hitherto, except they go forward, and with the second perhaps much less except they turn backward; and so for the time they rest between both, which the wisdom of princes and their counsellors will soon espy and discern; especially his Majesty of Scotland (being very wise as he is reported) will easily hear and come to know, 
His Mayest. of Scotland.  that since they dealt with him by their late messengers to offer their services, they have dealt again another way in England, and have devised a new discourse about the succession (as we are credibly informed) more to the taste of some great personages of our State, whose present favour they most desire.  
He will ponder furthermore, that if they be truly Catholic as they pretend, then can they not with a good conscience to God and to their own religion desire sincerely, and from their hearts, whatsoever they say or pretend, his majesties government over catholics, except he be of the same religion, which if it were, then is the desire of his preferment not only theirs, but common to all catholics: and if it be not, then are they in the case of those flatterers of Constantius, whereof we spoke before, and not unlike to be so esteemed by him as those were by the other, though not so roughly handled. And finally his Majesty of Scotland will weigh and remember that whatsoever these men do say or do, they being of so small consideration and credit as they are, and so mutable as we have showed, and their motives so weak and passionate (as by their own writings and doings appeareth) no great account is to be made thereof.  
And the like may be said of his Majesty of France, who being so great and potent a monarch as he is, must needs every day have store of such poor sawning people running unto him for their own interests, but yet with pretence of offering services against Spain, whom though in wisdom and law of princely royalty he cannot presently reject, yet considering with maturity of former points and circumstances, to wit, what they are, why they come, from whom and against whom? what grounds they have to work upon, to what end they tend, what they can perform, and other the like, he will quickly both discover and discard them, for seeing by his wisdom, that to deal much with these men, can neither be honourable not profitable, as tending rather, to alienate then oblige, or gain the Catholic party in England. And this will prove the true event of this action, if we be not deceived, and when they shall have spent in Paris the good sums of money which they carried out of England with them, and shall want the supplies, which now perhaps they hope and expect, and shall hear from all places (as already they do and will daily more and more) the general bad opinion that is of them among all good Catholics, both English and other, they will then begin (if we be not deceived) to see the folly of this bad and mad course taken in hand, which we beseech God they may so do before it be to late to amend it. And this is all we shall say of this matter, for the present.   

OF FIVE OTHER BOOKS or rather absurd and slanderoous libels come forth since the answering of the former two; and ten more promised.  
CAP. VII.  
MOST pitiful it is to consider how the frailty and infirmity of man once beginning to slide, cometh soon after to rush on with violence and precipitation if stay be not made in time, like as when a violent river stopped, or bayed up beginneth to break forth at a chink or two and the breaches not remedied at the first it overfloweth all, making a deluge irremediable, even so falleth it out in this disorder of our transported brethren, who beginning to exceed the limits of modesty and truth upon anger emulation and other such passionate motives as before have been mentioned, and not staying themselves with the consideration either of reason, conscience, or religion, have now made such an open breach to all licentious liberty of unshameful railing, and being (as the prophet saith) de●rita front have so enured both tongues & pens with a certain vain of opprobrious and contumelious scolding, as every day there come forth and appear new books from them, the later ever worse and more intolerable than the former. In which kind, since we took in hand the answering or examining of the former two, five other are come to our knowledge, & in the last of these ten more are promised, not books but volumes: so as you may see whether this breach of modesty that seemed but little in them at the beginning is now come in so small time, you will remember the poet, amisso frontis, petulans, ruptoque, pudore, proruit in praeceps invenis, etc.  
But to the five last books already come forth, 
Propetuis.  albeit in truth they are such as do easily answer themselves, and punish also sufficiently their authors with contempt and infamy for their intemperate style, nor do deserve either to be read by discreet men, or refuted by them that have no time to lose, yet we have thought good for this once to give a stort taste of each of them in this Chapter advertising the reader, that if he will vouchsafe to reduce them and all their substance, to the former heads & Chapters by us mentioned, to wit what argument or substance they contain; with what wit, grace or modesty the argument is handled; against whom and by what sort of men, what notorious lies, manifest slanders and clear contradictions they contain; these points (we say) and such other being considered in each of these books, the judgement will quickly be made both of them, their substance, quality and authors, as by these ensuing short notes analisis or anatomy is easily also to be seen.  

Of the libel entitled, a sparing discovery of English Jesuits, and of F. Persons proceedings, etc. §. 1.  
THis is the title of that book, and for the posy thereof is written under all this sentence: Eccles. 4. Vidi calumnias quae sub sale geruntur, etc. which is so fit a sentence not only to discover but also to condemn the writers (the contents of the book considered) as we think in the whole scripture would be found, for that the whole narration here set down is nothing else indeed but a texture of infinite false calumniations against innocent men, and those oftentimes so scurrilous & immodest as we are forced sometimes to spare the very naming thereof, and consequently, the word sparing discovery in their title, might have been spared and left out, seeing they spare neither modesty shame or conscience, nor yet their own credit in disgorging their gall against far better men than themselves and namely the whole body of the most reverend Society in general, so well deserving of them, or F. Persons in particular their hountiful benefactor, how ungrateful soever they be to acknowledge it.  
And truly it were overlarge and loathsome to set down here their intolerable wanton malapert and mad speeches 
Intolerable speeches against Jesuits in general.  uttered only in the very preface or Epistle prefixed to this wicked libel we have in hand yet some you shall hear for examples sake; and first they take in hand to aver this general proposition, 
Epist. Pag. 2.  That in very deed the jesuits are men of the most corrupt manners, imperfect life, and stain of religion that live in the Cathol. Roman Church this day, 
Ibid.  etc. And yet further. jesuits drifts overshadowed with hypocritical zeal, pharasaical pretence and Cath. show of true religion, etc. set forth a counterfeit of moral perfection, concealing the essentialles of Christian Catholic religious piety, because they are not in them to be found.  
And yet further exhorting all men to fly them as most wicked men and dangerous enchanters they say thus: 
Pag. 4.  Manifest it is, that whether you give any thing to jesuits, or receive any thing from them the very gift, receipt, contract, bargain, condition, familiarity or act of intermeddling with them, is a plague infectiue● a poison remediless, a pitch that floods of watery tears (what if I should say bloody) will not wash away, so dangerous are their enchantments & ● charms, etc.  
Thus they say: and did you ever hear Christian people speak or write thus of a whole body of men of their own religion? But they go forward defying and defaming without exception all jesuits and their actions, calling the effects of their travels in England: 
Pag. 5.  the unsavoury fruits of their luckless labours: And then further. What foul, loathsome, and fearful vices are among them pharasaically overshaded with a pretence of religious zeal, 
Pag. 6. & 7.  I could (saith he) here touch, if confession reue●lors, if murders, if extortions, if cozenage, if what not dreadful offences worse than these (if worse may be) can touch them, etc. They are failed and fallen from all religious piety in general; 
Most wicked speech.  and I might take occasion here (say they) in this anotomie-lecture of the jesuitical ghosts, the diversyty of such wicked spirits as transforming themselves into angels of light do lead more souls to hell, than the fiends of most ugly shape appearing in their own proper colours, etc. I ●ight dedact also a triple alphabet of their machavillian practices setting down their rules atheal, making all lying, perjury, swearing, forswearing, murder, incest, sacrilege, symmony, idolatry, and whatsoever else, to be lawful, profitable commendable and necessary, etc.  
This and other such like stuff he writeth in this his Epistle or prologue saying further of himself, 
Pag. 〈◊〉.  that he cannot let pass any of his brother's works that have hitherto or shall hereafter come to his hands without an exhortative epistle unto all true English hearted Catholics to beware of jesuitical poison. And then in the same place having revealed in this order against so many hundreds or thousands of men whom he never knew he becometh very humble and devout upon the sudden, desiring of the Readers, a charitable remembrance of his poor sinful soul in their Catholic religious devotions, and then concludeth as orators are wont to do with dixi, as though all were ended with that word. But a man that is acquainted with Christian divinity and church discipline would think that somewhat more satisfaction were to be required for so hideous and horrible detractions, slanders and infamations against so many venerable men, then to end with dixi, that his poor sinful soul termed so by him in jest hath need of more effectual remedy in deed then a bare remembrance of other men in their devotions, which yet we (having ●ead his libel and sinful dealing therein) are moved with true compassion to yield him, 
The sinful soul of will. watson.  praying God that the poor sinful fellow may have grace to acknowledge in deed, as well as in words his poor sinful soul to be overladen with a heavy sinful burden of so horrible sins as by so many most unchristian calumniations uttered, he hath incurred.  
But to the end you may know better this sinful lad, and his poor sinful soul in deed, and how great need he hath not only of a charitable remembrance, but of earnest prayers, sighs & sobs of his friends, and of some sharper remedy also in himself, to get him out of his sinful suds, whereof he jesteth against jesuits, I would have you but hear the very first entrance of this his epistle, which discryeth the man sufficiently what is in him, & in what state he is, for thus he beginneth his Epistle.  
Wise was the painter in his amorous conceit who in portrayting out the porport of Venus, 
Epist. Pag. 1.  drew her picture, with so great art, sleight and significant resemblance of her natural blazon, as the portrayt of her foreparts all over shadowed with the porch where she entered in, 
A beastly beginning of a book.  posteriora eius on the back, being only seen going into the temple, presented an abstract to the beholder's of so rare excellency, as the type of the prot●t upon by signs and symptons seemed to say: give back enamorades of ladies bewtyes, seek not to see the face of the peerless, content your curious eyes with this, which though the meanest part of the delightful object, yet of that perfection, as wherein you may behold the works of dame nature to be so far above reasons reach, as wit and art should skip beyond their skill, if they should attempt to set forth the worthiest parts of this goddess paragon sance peer. And yet was Venus but a very strumpet, a common quean, fitter for Vulcan the blackesmith then for Mars the Captain and more admired at, talked of and followed for her wanton tricks, in satiable lust, and shape to frame an eye to vice, them for any complimental perfection to be found in the purest parts of her filthy carcase or lineaments of her vading, though seeming fair, sweet, blissful cheeks shrewded in the auriflame of carnation die, dropped in every line mathematical with argent and gules, milkewhite and scarlet red.  
Now if you did not know this fellow before, you may take a scantling of him both in body and soul by this narration and thereby make a guess how poor, defectuous and sinful he is in the one and other. For as for his body and outward feature (if you know him) you will hardly think him a fit creature to talk so much of natural blazons or enamorades of ladies bewtyes, etc. or of royal damsels of rare aspect, himself being so wrong shapen, and of so bad & blinking aspect, as he looketh nine ways at once, as scarcely he can discern any thing that toucheth not his eyes, which yet we object not as nature's defect, but as representing rather the state of his mind, which seemeth by this filthy description of Venus and her posteriora so often mentioned as also by the wanton imaginations of pleasing objects, and sweet blissful cheeks, and other such lascivions phrases that he is so deeply overwhelmed with sensual and venereous apprehensins, contemplations and desires, no marvel though he cry out so hideously against jesuits that are sworn enemies to the very thoughts thereof: and we know both by experience and otherwise that there is no other motive of enmity greater than this set down by the holy Ghost contrarius est operibus nostris, 
Sap. 2.  jesuits are of contrary life, spirit, judgement, will, works and manners to him, and what marvel then is there if he profess himself so mortal an enemy to them.  
Yet we do know and can testify that the time hath been, 
Epist. to Imp. Considerate.  when this sinful and wretched poor fellow being in extreme necessity both of body and soul, and in other sort of suds than he now threateneth to leave jesuits in, had his chiefest relief by some of their means, though now most ungratfully he forget the same, paying them evil for good as honest men are wont to be paid from such as he is. But a judgement day will come to justify all; and for that this lost lad and true stain of his religion and order (as falsely and wickedly he calleth the jesuits) is permitted by God and used by the devil at this time to so public a reproach of our profession, as all the world seeth, by so many infamous books as come daily forth from him or through his hands we are forced in this place, full sore against our will and purpose to discover the man somewhat further unto you, 
The discovery of Wil. wats.  to the end you may see what a pillar and proctor the factious have chosen to themselves for their bookemaister, to defame by his labours their brethren and whole religion, this being the especial service, for which it seemeth M. Bluet so carefully made his peace with the counsel when he wrote to M. Much (as in our Apology we have set down) that M. Watsons' peace was made if he would, 
See the lettere of Bl. to Much. Apol. cap. 13.  which will (no doubt) was to agree to some such good service of their side, as this is, which now he performeth under the direction of my L. of London, of whom yet we cannot but marvel (being otherwise of that judgement and temperate nature which some men report him to be) that ever he would use so base and absurd an instrument as this fellow is, having been taken by them in so many trips as he hath. But you will say that to a base work a base instrument is fittest; and we see herein verified that observation which Philippus Cominaeus maketh in his story, to wit, that in time of sedition the worst men do grow fastest, and he that in a quiet and ordinate state of things should be abject and nothing esteemed in a troubled state becometh admirable: by which means William Watson (for so at length he putteth down his name in his book of Quodlibets) who in time of quiet was worth nothing, now by broils is become upon the sudden a great master in Israel among our mutined brethren, whose common wealth is no less disordered since their rebellion against their lawful Superiors, then that of the jews, since they left their obedience due to Christ and his law; and for that we shall have occasion after to mention often this book master of theirs or perfect rather of their print, we are forced here to tell you briefly somewhat for better knowing him.  
His coming out of England and manner thereof we know not in particular, nor greatly doth it import, only we know that he came to the English Seminary of Rheims in France a poor little begging boy, 
The being of W. watson at Rheims.  where being taken of charity, his first allowance was for a good time pottage only and licking the dishes which other men had emptied before him: after this he was admitted to serve at the table, and carry away dishes: after that again he was admitted to make beds, sweep chambers and other like offices belonging thereunto, in which kind he served especially one M. Boast a good priest and a holy martyr since, which if he had known then or suspected that the squint eyed boy (for so he called him) would have proved so wicked a man he should never have comen (no doubt) within his chamber door. And yet further you must note, that all this while Wil. Wat's. beside his poor estate was the most contemptible and ridiculous thing in all that house for many years, for that his grace was in tumbling and making sport to others, for which his body (if you know him) was fitly made, and so he passed by the name of will was, or what tumbler all that tyme.  
But at length after divers years pretending much humility and devotion, he was upon compassion and favour made priest and sent into England, where for a time he used himself not evil, but by little and little falling to liberty and sensuality, and not having either sufficient wit or learning (but especially grace) needful for the government of such a charge, he fell into divers great disorders and absurdities, whereof one was his foul fall by going to the protestants Church, and thereupon also the discovery of many catholics to the persecutors, whereof M. Bishop (if you remember) speaketh, in his depositions at Rome 1598. and we have made mention thereof in our 
* Cap. 9  Apology, and the matter is notorious, and if there were not so many witnesses thereof yet living as there be, yet his own letters written thereof, to ask forgiveness of priests for his fault were sufficient which we have seen under his own hand with this date and subscription.  
Farewell from my Chamber uncertain the 13. of December 1588. Your poor afflicted friend through bodily persecution and spiritual discomfort. William Watson.  
This was the end of his letter, but the beginning was as followeth:  
Reverend Fathers (to whom this my true confession with low submission and humble supplication shall come to be read, 
Watsons' confession.  heard or seen) may it please you (for God's sake) with compassion to hear my woeful case, and thereunto, according to your (I doubt not) unfeigned and Catholic charity, I beseech you make answer to mitigate my pain. I do freely acknowledge to my woe, shame and grief, to the devils confusion, and to the ever advancement (I trust if with reverence I may speak it) from henceforth evermore of God's glory, and our holy another his espoused church Catholic, that my deadly fall (known to many in generalty, but to few in respect of the particular circumstances) was in this doleful wise:  
After that I had been two days in Durance I (hearing that I should be urged to go to the heretical Church) wickedly determined (after a great though short conflict had with myself) to prevent their evil attempt by pernicious policy, in requesting conference with some learned protestant, which being granted, 
His pernicious policy.  I did (though feignedly yet altogether unlawfully) so far condescend by a little and a little unto him, that lastly I went to their heretical service, with this intent (and truly with none other at that time God he knoweth) thinking thereby to have escaped their hands, adding hereunto a blind supposition, that in such an obscure place, I should not give scandal to any Catholic by that wicked act, because (those being compelled oftentimes that will not come voluntarily) it should not be known (till I had escaped) whether I came without or with my own accord.  
But as this was a mere dissimulation with my Saviour, so did he justly punish me for the same: for as soon as I had 
* let him also think of his now.  deprived myself of his heavenly grace, I had no power to resist that which before I did always most detest and abhor: so that where I thought by schismatical policy to have dallied with God almighty until I might have escaped the hands of men, and so to have returned unto his holy Church again, he most justly (seeing my presumptuous sin) gave mine enemies power over me in such sort, that although both at the court and other places in the time of my durance, I had utterly denied my being with any Catholic after my release of imprisonment, yet that wicked heretic Topcliff, did urge me so far, to tell where I had been and whom I knew (protesting that my show of coming to the Church should not serve, except I would reveal such things unto him) that I most sinfully at the last did condescend unto his devilish request, though at the first I was of that mind, rather to have suffered death then to have proceeded to any further wicked●nesse than that (which was to much) in going to their heretical service. And so departing, etc.  
Thus far we thought good to recite of his own letter, pretermitting a great deal more that followeth, wherein he setteth down the particular acts and circumstances of his bewraying and betraying catholics, for which he confesseth that he was so much eschewed and abhorred by all catholics, as he complaining thereof saith:  
My burden is too great already for me to bear, but that God of his mercy, I trust, will ease me with this grace, yet I feel none so great discomfort now in my misery, as the want (I dare not say of charity) but of compassion amongst catholics of this my wretched state, in so much that it is not sufficient to deny me bodily relief (as some hard hearts have done, 
W. Wat abandoned by all catholics.  in refusing to help me with a cup of cold water, or a glass of beer) but further those that pity this my wretched life are glad to hold their peace, lest they should be suspected for speaking in my cause, and therefore are privately warned by their friends not to meddle with or in my defence, if they will escape blame. I therefore humbly desire all good catholics, first of forgiveness for that which is past: secondly of their charity to judge of me no worse than they know: thirdly if they can accuse me of any crime, whereof I have not accused and do not accuse myself for God's sake let me know it, and appoint the punishment due unto me for the same and I will withal my heart submit myself unto their censure, and undertake the pain. Last of all, whereas I hear that divers are incensed against me (by wrong information truly as I suppose) in accusing me of a new, great and fearful sin in presuming to celebrate being in the state of excommunication, or at least of irregularity (as they say) whereby (if it were so) I have incurred a new irregularity & consequently a great sin, 
He had more need to look to this matter now.  if invincible ignorance did not mitigate the offence (as I doubt not but it would) as being a thing whereof as yet I never stood in doubt and therefore had no cause to examine the case. I will therefore set down my case plainly according to the true confession which I have already made and set down in this writing, and that is, first that my lamentable fall was public in respect of my schism and alienation from God's Church not by public revolt at the bar before a judge, but before civil magistrates in a court of common causes. Secondly my great sin of accusation which divines do call Clerici percussio was not public, neither in respect of the company nor place, but private as written in my chamber or wards, and sent unto that wicked Tyrant (very wickedly indeed) closed up like a letter, etc.  
here lo you may see W.W. his accusation of his own offences, which grace would God he had not lost since; and that this is his own style you may judge in part by the defence he hath made in his book of Quodlibets about the multitude of his parentheses, misliked (he saith) by some Readers. Secondly you see after his accusation and confession, both a complaint against the severity of some catholics, with some excuse of himself. The complaint we think verily to be false: for what Catholic (think you) would deny a cup of water, or a glass of beer (except there where no glass in the house) to so miserable a poor fellow standing in bodily need, though never so much spiritually offending by his fault? As for his excuse or defence it is very simple and ridiculous as you see especially in that point, where he saith that his great sin in accusing catholics is called by divines Percussio Clerici, striking of a clerk whereby he showeth that he hath no learning at all nor knoweth what he saith in matters of divinity, or if he do and have any light or remorse of conscience left him (as then he seemed to have had) let him consider in how far worse case he standeth now, than he did then having scandalised so much the more catholics in this fall, 
This fall of W. W. greater than the former.  then in that, by how much this is more public and prejudicial to the common cause, hurtful and injurious to infinite particular persons belied and slandered by him, and that this is voluntary conspiring with the common enemy whereas that was upon fear and frailty, this is of mere malice, envy, pride, and other like motives the other upon infirmity: so as there is much more cause for him to accuse himself of Percussio Clerici then before, seeing the most part of them that are injured by him are priests and percussio linguae striking with the tongue is by S. A●gustynes judgement grounded on scriptures the most grievous and dangerous striking and wounding of all other violences. 
In tract. super Psal. 63.  And consequently this miserable fellow having added this sin to his former is in far worse state of damnation, no doubt, if he repent no●, and may better bewail his sins now then before● when he wrote the conclusion of his letter thus: I now take my leave (saith he) in most humble wise, beseeching God to grant grace, strength & constancy to all such as do stand, & to us sinners that have fallen true repentance, with continual contrition, and sorrow for our sins so long as we live in this vale of tears, etc.  
Lo here in how good a mood he was, when he wrote this; and if he had been constant therein, he had never fallen into that desperate case, wherein now he hath plunged himself. But soon after this he returning to his former, licentious course abroad, and then being taken and breaking prisons, we know not how often, and once with the death of some of better merit with God, as it seemeth then himself, he became in short space to be so gay and gallant with horse and man, and his little body so decked and loaden with jewels, chains rings, bracelets, and other such ornaments gotten partly by importunity, partly (as we are informed) by shifts, and other like means (whereof we could recount here divers particulars, if we had but half the desire to discredit him, as he hath malice to belly the jesuits) as none or few in England were more notorious for those matters than he; and being in this state, and living as it were in outlawry with the state by his breaking of prisons, and in no credit with catholics for his disorderly life, and notorious foolery, having made a ridiculous common wealth a little before about sitting at table & other such proceedings among priests and gentlemen, 
See Watsons common wealth Apol. Cap. ●.  the seditious lacking men of audacity to make more stirs, and imagining him to be for their purpose, M. Bluet (as before hath been said) made his peace with the B. of London, if he would yield to the condition appointed him, which by all likelihood was this to rail against jesuits, the Archpriest and their friends, write and print books by the Bishop's direction: and this was William Watsons' holy vocation in the state and dignity of perdition wherein now he standeth. And so much for his person at this present.  
Now let us pass over to the book itself set forth by him here in his brethren's name (as he calleth them) that is to say the mutined & discontented priests, though no man in particular setteth his name thereunto. 
The substance of the spa●ing discovery.  And this fellow in his Quodlibets saith that some do disclaim as well from this as other books set forth in their name, whereby we see, that all is but mutiny, dissension, and disagreeing among themselves, and their writings of no substance, ground, or care of truth, but only to rail, revel and revile, as turbulent spirits are wont to do, until God from heaven or magistrate upon earth repress them.  
And so now if we will begin to examine this book entitled A sparing discovery, according to the former points and chapters set down by us before, we shall first find, that for argument or subject this hath none, but only to rail at jesuits in general and F. Persons in particular. And secondly for handling, it is far more shameless foolish and malicious than any of the former. Thirdly though it be meant and directed principally against the men aforesaid, yet breaketh it out also most insolently against any other, that is thought by them not to favour their faction and rebellion: fourthly for open lies, manifest untruths, apparent contradictions and intolerable slanders (which is the fourth consideration before specified to be weighed in their books, if you remember) this is so replenished, as it is unpossible for us to examine them in this one head or member, without making a whole volume in answer, especially if we should descend to particulars; yet some examples for a taste shall we touch unto you, & thereby you may guess of the rest, noting only by the way, that together with impudent lies we mean to join also for brevityes sake the absurd, wicked, and impious speeches in testimony of their good spirit and holy constitution of mind, & in the one and the other we shallbe as brief as possible we may be, for we are weary of so loathsome matters before we begin.  
First then they begin this libel with an odious comparison taken from the Scribes and Pharasyes' in the old law, as representing (say they) our religious orders now, but yet greatly, reprehended by Christ, etc. which heretical objection is answered aswell in the old time by the ancient Fathers S. Basil, S. Chrysostome, S. Nazianzen, S. Augustine, S. Gregory (which were all religious men, though priests and bishops also) as in like manner by all the writers in controversies in our time against Lutherans, zwinglians, Caluinists, Atheists scoffers and ribalds, of which later sort the writer of this sparing discovery showeth himself to be, as also a most ridiculous companion, in that after he hath said of jesuits, that their followers presume to affirm, 
Sparing discovery Pag. 1. 2. & 3.  that they are more free from error, more familiar with God, more particularly illuminated, and more specially endued with the spirit of guiding souls, etc. which if a man did say, it was but an imitation of S. Bernard. speaking of religious men rar●ùs cadunt, 
Bernard●●.  velotiùs surgunt, securiùs ambulant, saepiùs irrorantur, etc.) he addeth presently of himself and his: We profess and glory in our calling, that we do not bold is necessary for the better credit of our functions to vaunt of our more near acquaintance with the almighty than our predecessors and brethren have had: that we are most confident not only in the excellency of our priesthood, but also in the assurance, that we in the execution of our functions have a sufficient direction of God's holy spirit, etc. and do pray with all our hearts, that God will evermore deliver our secular priests from such familiarity (as jesuits have) with his divine majesty, etc.  
Lo here two points: the first of pride, and as high presumption as any heretic lightly in these our days can profess, to wit, that they are most confident of well by the excellency of their priesthood, as by the assurance of God's holy spirit, that they shallbe sufficiently directed for the execution of their functions: 
Great vanity and profanity.  as though either priests by their character only were made secure from sinning, or erring, or that these few companions (for as for the greatest part of priests in England twenty for one to these, we know full well do detest this vanity) had any spiritual assurance of God's spirit above the rest, or may confide or glory therein with lesser vanity than all sectaries do of our days.  
The other point is of impiety and Lucianisme, jesting at all spiritual devotion and familiarity with God by frequent meditation, contemplation and other like celestial virtues most highly commended by all ancient fathers in true servants of God, but contemned by this good fellow that hath no feeling thereof according to the saying of S. Paul. animalis home non percipit ea, quae sunt spiritus Dei: the sensual or carnal man doth not understand those things that are of the spirit of God. But let us go forward, you see how they begin.  
And truly it were an endless course to follow them in their exorbitant railings and lying, first against the Society in general, & then against F. Persons in particular. For of the first they say: 
Notorious railing against the society in general. Pag. 6. & 7.  That albeit the order of the Society being approved by the Pope, is to be honoured, etc. yet few do live according to their calling, but rather as if religion were nothing else but a mere political devise, etc. Machavillian rules are raised up by them for rebellions, murdering, of Princes, etc. Few King's Courts are in Europe, where some of their masterships do not reside of purpose to receive and give intelligences to their General in Rome, etc.  
These are their own words with infinite more of like untruth and immodesty which were overlong to recite: We shall touch some few matters of innumerable objected by them, but no one proved or provable. He accuseth them of slandering the State of England with injurious handling of catholics both abroad and in prison: 
Pag. 10.  they falsify the doings of the state (say they) ●e they never so apparently true, etc. For either they do pretend, that the parties that confess things committed were urged thereunto with tortures, 
Maike these fellows drifts to discreedit catholics.  or that it was a plot of the state to make all catholics odious, or that there was no such matter at all, or that we wot not what, but they have always some shift to blear men's eyes to the discredit of all proceedings in such cases within the realm; if any of our brethren die in prison, it is said they were poisoned or famished, if any kill themselves, it is given out they were murdered, etc.  
Behold here the complaint against jesuits for speaking in defence of catholics against their presecutors. And are not these proctor's (think you) worthy of their fees for this good office done? But hear another more wicked and impious than this in the very next page, where complaining of jesuits (though very falsely and foolishly and against all Cath. learning, as before we have showed in our Apology) that they teach men to avoid certain bloody questions by equivocations: this (say they) amongst others is one of their rules, etc. As for example: one demanding of you, whether if the Pope should come in warlike manner to invade this land by force of arms, would you take his part or the Queens? you framing this answer in your mind, 
Odious and wicked questions proposed.  we will take the queens part, if the Pope will command us so to do: may by their doctrine give this answer lawfully, videlicet we will take the Queen's part, & conceal the rest, whereby he that asketh the question is plainly deluded, etc.  
Behold here young new Herodians that move and renew most odious and dangerous questions about Caesar and his tribute, all tending (as you see) to entangle catholics again by a figurative manner of accusing jesuits after the question hath been solved by the shedding of much innocent blood of martyrs & the memory thereof almost extinguished by length of tyme. But hear yet another example more odious than this: And other examples (say they) they may ask us (to wit the persecutors) whether we have taught that her Mayest. hath no interest to the crown of England? and we answer, that we have not so done, jush say they you equivocate with us, you keep this in your mind, videlicet as long as the B of Rome will suffer her, etc. 
Pag. 12.  Did you ever hear such wicked devices to bring innocent men into hatred and danger? What could these bloody companions say or do more to endanger their brethren, then to bring in this odious dispute?  
But now hear another impiety exercised by a sleight and figurative speech suggested to them (no doubt) by heretics to bring in contempt, suspicion, and aversion, the holy sacrament of Confession and wholesome use thereof, 
Pag. 16.  saying: Understanding how that our jesuits are most rigorous in their taking of men's confessions, whereby they know as well by the servants as by their masters & mistresses their several confessions, all the secrets in those families: the wives against her husband, the husbands against his wife, and the servants of them both, etc. What heretic could write more odiously than this? And may not the like inconvenience be urged against all priests? yea against themselves, if they be worthy to hear confessions? Surely this is more like some ribalds speech then of a priest or Catholic.  
There ensue a huge multitude of notorious lies repeated again in this libel which were handled by them before, and refuted by us in our Apology. 
Pag. 17. & 18.  As for example, That the jesuits were banished out of all the seminaries within the State of Milan (an evidently as there we have proved) by Card. Boromaeus: 
Apol. Cap. 4.  That Card. Allen should say of jesuits at their first entrance into England, that they would prove but thorns in the sides of secular priests: (a shameless assertion, as many ways is convinced) & many other such points there discussed, whereto now we add, that all that they talk here Pag. 19 20. 21. etc. about alms and money wrongfully taken by jesuits and their followers, is as false as they are shameless to report it, being never able to prove any one particular.  
All their irreligious scoffing and depraving of the spiritual exercises (from the pag. 21. of there libel unto 28.) 
Against the spiritual exercise.  used by jesuits for reducing men from sin and wicked life, to a more clear & feeling knowledge of almighty God which being mental exercises consisting principally in heavenly meditations, are highly commended by all learned Cath. men of our time that have either read them with attention or experienced them in themselves being confirmed also expressly by the Sea Apostolic, & tried by example of infinite men's conversions to be an excellent rare instrument of God's divine glory in these our days, all this contemptuous, and scoffing spirit (say we) against sovereign helps and remedies must needs come either of infidelity, or notable profane irreligiosity, and lack of spirit and sense in God's affairs; and consequently it is very probable, that some egregious Apostata, or other heretical or Atheal head, had their parts also in so wicked a work.  
And thus much for the jesuits in general. But as for F. Persons in particular there is no end nor measure of their outrageous detraction when they fall on him, as though he were the only but against which all heir fiery darts of hellish hatred, & serpentine tongues were directed. 
Most spiteful & malicious dealing against F. Persons in particular.  And yet if you consider what hitherto they say or write of all their books against him you shall not find one point of moment alleged by them whereat worthily they may take just offence, but as mad or possessed men that rave and rage most at those that most seek their good and most have assisted them hitherto. And truly in this our English Cath. cause & reduction of our country it seemeth that God hath suffered him to be in signum, cui contradicetur, as a mark o●signe set up for all sort of bad people, atheists, heretics, apostates, seditious, contentious, tumultuous, disastered, and dissolute to inveigh against, and this is to the imitation of his master and Saviour Christ, who was, and is, and shallbe to the world's end a sign of contradiction in the highest degree to all wicked whatsoever.  
We have answered both truly and sufficiently in the 12. Chapter of our Apology such malicious and envious calumniations, as these his passionate emulators in their first two books uttered, of which two books the first being in latin & read in Rome by divers great men that had some acquaintance in English affairs, they found therein so many and manifest malicious slanders (especially against F. Persons) as they professed afterwards to have been ashamed in reading thereof and to have wondered at the impudence of the writers; and more to esteem of the said Father then ever before, by discovering the devils envy against him. And among others we understand for certain, that the most honourable, wise and learned Card. Burghesius. Viceprotector of England giving up the said book to his Hol. protested upon his conscience, that he had read many things which himself knew to be stark lies and malicious inventions against the said Father in particular, and thereby made a guess at the untruth of all the rest.  
And further you have seen by that we have discussed in the forenamed chapter of our Apology, how many most evident and apparent calumniations we have there refuted, which here yet & in other their ensuing books these miserable men (for you know what a pitiful torment envy is) do repeat, affirm, urge, and amplify again, yea have procured heretics also to publish the same in their books, as appeareth by that which a certain impudent minister O. E. (but not exceeding the malice of these) hath written and printed of late, about the illigitimation of F. Persons birth, which these his emulators in their first latin invective do but call in doubt, saying that the said birth was of evil fame (raised to wit by themselves,) but now (as wicked men are wout to do) they pass further and affirm it in all their later books for a thing certain, having devised beside, that his Father was parson of a church, and that thereof he was called Persons but as then we answered, so now again having informed ourselves since that time of more particulars, we affirm & avouch that this is a most unchristian and devilish devise to slander and defame their neighbour, and neither is nor could be true.  
For clea●ing of which so egregious, a calumniation we have made diligent inquiry and do find that the said Father was borne in the parish of Stowey in Somerset shire in the year 1546. a year before K. Henry died to which parish there came soon after out of Devonshire to be vicar their (for parson their is none) john Hayward a virtuous good priest that had been a cannon regular before, and this man lived there for 30. years together, until after F. Persons departure out of England, who having been his master in the latin tongue, and liking his forwardness in learning did ever afterward bear a special affection towards him, all the time he lived, but yet was there never any least suspection of that which these malicious people have devised and given out, as those do and will testify that lived at that time, neither could there be with any probability, the one being borne (as we have said and appeareth by the register book) before the other came into that country neither is it likely, that he should have been called Persons (as they fond say) for that this priest was a parson, seeing that benefice is no parsonage but a vicarage as all men know: and more like it is he should have been called Hayward after the said priests name, and not by his office if he had been his son:  
Moreover, as in our Apology we have said F. Persons had five brothers & sisters elder than himself by the same mother and father borne all many years before the foresaid priest came to that country, & other five younger than he, whereof one is now a preacher here in England, & chaplain to a noble man, and all called by the name of Persons; divers uncles also, nephews, and cousins there are of the same name; and how then do these lying lips, urge so much that he was called P●rsons, for that his Father was Parson of a benefice?  
Finally we have showed in our said Apology that his parents were right honest people, and of the most substantial of their degree among their neighbours while they lived, and his Father was reconciled to the Cath. Church by M. Bryant the martyr, and his mother a grave and virtuous matron living divers years, and dying in flight and out of her country for her conscience, and was never so much as suspected for any such matter as these wicked companions have devised. And if there were no other argument, but that neither F. Persons himself nor any friend of his had never any doubt or least scruple thereof hitherto (as may appear by that neither in his entering into religion nor holy orders of priesthood, any dispensation was required or sought for) this we say were sufficient to any honest man that is timorous of God and measureth other men's consciences by their own, to convince this exorbitant malice of these consciencelesse railing people, that make no scruple to publish so false a matter, & impossible to be known to them for a thing most certain, whereas in true conscience by Christian Cath. divinity it is known to be a heynons deadly sin to publish such a matter of infamy, though it had been true, (if it were otherwise secret and not known before) but much more to devise and spread the same of malice, or being devised or brought in suspicion by others to avouch and divulge it, as in all their books they do, wherein we can say no more (considering, there desperate course) but remember with fear the saying of the scripture, impius cum in profundum venerit, contemnit; The wicked man contemneth all when he is once over the ears in sin; God help them out if it be his holy will; but yet in the mean space we are forced to admonish them that this & other such slanders must needs lie heavily upon the consciences of the devisers or publishers, and be a dangerous chirographum against them at the day of judgement, except they repent and make due satisfaction here, which either willing or unwilling once they must do (est enim qui quaerit, 
joan. 7.  & indicat God grant they do it in this life, whereunto we have showed before that their ghostly fathers are bound to oblige them if they will remain free themselves from the participation of so great iniquity.  
And thus much we have thought good to add about this scurrilous objection so often repeated and ●o odiously brought in by them in all their later books: and as for the rest though in every new book they tell again the very same things which before they invented, and by often telling do seem at length as it were to believe them (for so it falleth out often in coining a●d frequent repeating of lies) yet for that our former answers be such as do evidently demonstrate the falsehood and folly of the said calumniations and calumniators (especially about F. Persons departure from Oxford, 
Many calumniations against F. Persons passed over as answered before.  going into Italy, entering the Society, mission to England, and return thence into France, with other his public and private actions since) we mean not to write again here that which there we wrote, but to remit the Reader to our said Apology, and only here to add a word or two about certain new fresh cavillations framed since the writing of their two first libels, among which one is this, which followeth:  
To wit that F. Persons, 
Spar. discon. Pag. 1●.  within these later three years brought D. Bagshaw and some others for his sake in danger of his life about the stratagem, undertaken by one Squiar that was hanged, etc. But how mere and malicious a cavil this is, all men may easily see. For D. Bagshaw was never in danger, 
A mere and malicious cavil about Squiar & D. Bagshaw.  that we know, but in special favour with the state, and so both his usage at home and his late going over Sea do testify. The same doth witness also his authority with the keeper in Wisbich while he was there, his friendly calling up to London and usage in the tower, his power to draw thither from Wisbich whom he li●ted of his adversaries, and other like circumstances which agree not to a man suspected, and brought in question of so heinous a crime as poisoning her Majesty and never quit by any trial which we know.  
Secondly this fiction of Squiars attempt is sufficiently discovered already and proved to be a mere fiction in deed, and so it appeared by the miserable fellow at his death, and hath otherwise been declared by evident demonstrations of Catholic books, and no man but a counterfeit or cavilling Catholic would for shame make ●●●ention thereof again: But howsoever that matter were, F. Persons cannot with any probability be presumed to have had any part therein he being at that time in Rome and the thing feigned to be done in Spain. So a● here is nothing else but malignity with folly and improbability showed.  
Another cavil is about F. Persons speech with one james Clark in London before his departure over the Sea, to whom he should say, that he meant to go to Padua to study physic and not ever to be a papist, offering also to swear the same. But this seemeth a●●ale of a tub neither probable not important, for neither do they say that he swore in deed, and if they did, yet will you easily see how far they were to be believed against F. Persons, who are ready of pure malice and swelling envy to conspire and swear, against him every where if thereby they might hurt him. But whatsoever talk he might have with M. james Clark, 28. years passed before his departure out of England about being a papist for the time to come (which word you know is odious in England, and was at that time, and not a term professed by us) and whatsoever M. james Clarke might report thereof (which yet if he be the man whom we imagine it is not like he would report injuriously of his old friend) yet God be thanked F. Persons proved after a good Catholic, and if he had not it is very probable (and morally also sure) that many hundreds who are now such, had not been so at this day, in which number we may reckon divers also of them that write these pestilent books, so ingrateful are they to God and his instruments for their so great and singular benefits.  
That which followeth of Cardinal Allens opinion of F. Persons violent nature, 
Pag. 43.  is a violently or slander raised against the one and the other, and refuted before both by the testimony of the Cardinals own letters yet extant, as also of such as lived nearest him and knew best his intrinsical judgement affections and censure of men, others also that know the said Father and converse daily with him, and do consider his actions, even towards these violent and virulent people that strive so desperately against him do both 〈◊〉, and some also reprehend the contrary disposition in him.  
There ensueth another long reprehension of F. Persons for dealing in Sir Thomas Stukley his action for Ireland and setting it forward in the year 1578. 
Whether F. Persons furthered S. Tho. Stukley his action.  which only cavil, if there were nothing else doth evidently convince that these libelers have neither wit not honesty to see or care what maketh for or against them. For first as hath been touched F. Persons at that time had not been above 2. or 3. years at most in the Society, and was a student of divinity in Rome, and not yet priest, and consequently cannot be presumed to have had any hand in such public affairs, & secondly it is notorious to all men, 
Doctor Lewes after B. of Cassano.  that M. Doctor Lewis afterward Bishop of Cassano, Archdeacon at that time of Cambray, and referendary to his Holiness being the principal Ecclesiastical person of our nation in Rome was the chief and only man that set the action of Sir Thomas Stukley forward with Pope Gregory the xiij procuring the said Sukeley to be made marquess, and to have the forces he carried with him, and upon that point had he the controversy with Sir Richard Shelley Lord Prior of England, which these lying people do mention here, and lay to F. Persons charge: which matter both Doctor Fagon and other Irish men yet in Rome (as we are informed) will testify against our Appellants when they come thither, & against these their shameless books, if they deny them not, as no doubt but they will, which Irish men were taken by violence out of their beds at midnight to be carried away with Stukely, as was also M. Myvers an Englishman, and M. Thomas Clement should have been if he had not saved himself in a Card. house which he will testify to this day being alive in Flanders, and that he conferred first his whole affair with F. Persons who disliked utterly such hard proceeding both with him & others; and had some disgust with D. Lewes about the same, which Doctor notwithstanding th●se false libelers do never once so much as name in all this matter, he being the chief doer as hath been said and this for that they will have men think that he was of their faction against the Card. and jesuits.  
All that which followeth for divers pages against F. Persons (if it be against him and not much more against themselves:) 
Pag. 45. 46. 47. etc.  us that by practices and factious disposition he came to be made Provincial of the jesuits that were to be sent into England: 
A heap of jyes against F. Persons.  (a good disposition you must think to get credit amongst such men) that he entered with two subjects only Campian and C●tam: that M. Blackwel bewailed his coming in, as an unfit man to be sent; and that it was an indiscreet fact of Doctor Allen to send him, that the Catholics also misliked it, and told him plainly, that if he desisted not from his courses they would deliver him into the hands of the civil magistrate: that F. Heywood and he strived about superiority: that he made great collections of money pretending therewith to relieve prisoners, but having once fingered the money fled therewith into France, etc.  
These (we say) and a huge heap of other such wilful calumniations as do follow in this book we find to be so false (having informed ourselves of the truth) as if they can prove but any one of all these points to be true but only the first that he was made superior of the mission of England, and sent in with F. Campian & another, but not Cottam; if they can prove we say but one point only of these and many other which they name, we shall say they are honest men in the rest, and if they can prove none of the former, nor of a hundred more beside set down by them in this, and other their books for truths, we shall yet be more liberal with them, and give them another to prove which followeth immediately in their fabulous Lucianical narration, which is so famous a●ly, as it may deserve a crown to be painted in the margin, as some learned men did to some of Luther's, written (no doubt) by the same spirit of spite and lack of shame, that this is, and consequently if our libelers will save their honesty let them bring forth some proof of this tale, 
Pag. 47.  which is; that F. Persons coming to Paris (in the year 1584.) and desiring to exempt himself from the subjection of the Provincial and other Superiors of his order there (for always these good Christian men do ascribe some naughty meaning to all his actions) he persuaded them that the Q. of England and her counsel did pursue him with such diligence, as they had sent over already two men to murder him in Paris, for which cause it was not convenient for any one of the Society to go abroad with him, but that he might go alone, & to make the matter more probable he hired a couple of Englishmen with no small some of money accompagned with a flemming to come 〈◊〉 the College late as night and to inquire for him, where with the Father's being somewhat terrified suffered him to depart to Rome, etc.  
This is their tale, which being devised by one of them is avouched and printed again and again in all their later books, with some addition always by him that cometh after the rest, 
Foolish improbabilyties  and how probable this tale is that F. Persons living in Paris in his habit (which cannot be denied) should seek to go out alone without a companion, thereby to be the more safe from violence, or that he should procure to be delivered from the subjection of the Provincial & Superior there by such a stratagem (as they call it) and with so much cost, seeing it was in his own hand to stay or not stay with them, being not their subject: this we say is easy for every man that hath common sense to judge but much more for that we understand that he went not to Rome immediately from thence, as these men give out but above a year afterward with D. Allen from the Spa, where the said D. had been extreme sick in the year 1585. And finally having informed ourselves thoroughly of this fact, we find that there was never any such thing either done spoken or thought of by the said Father or his Superiors, until this ridiculously & so many others came abroad in print; the infamy whereof we leave unto the relators, and mean to pass no further in this matter having been longer therein then otherwise we meant, to the end to satisfy such objections as follow in the other books also, of which it seemeth that this is a compendious abstract containing a farthel of lies packed up close together, which in the other libels are somewhat more delated though in substance the same, etc.  
And surely if impudence herself with never so brazen or iron a face should step forth to scold against all truth, honesty modesty & other virtues at once, she could not behave herself more desperately than these fellows do in this their book. For if you would have a list only of loud lies most lewdly and desperately faced out in this libel, and hitherto not so much as named or touched by us, you may view over the pages following, 
A list of loud lies.  to wit pag. 30. the whole story of D. Gyfford his convention before the Nuntio in Flaunders for slandering the Society and stirring sedition in the college of Rome, & that F. Baldwyn did first ask him pardon in name of the Society, etc. The quite contrary whereof is evident both by the order of the action itself (the Doctor being convented, and nor conventing) as also by the Nuntio his express letters yet extant about that matter.  
Page 31. that Robert Fisher (who spread their infamous libel against the Society) was sent from Rome to the galleys of Naples, 
A notoriously about R. Fisher.  and remaineth there a galley slave (others ad he was slain) whereas the contrary appeareth by his own letters written to Rome from Viterbo (a quite contrary way to Naples) after his departure from thence, & this doth testify the whole company of English scholars then in Rome, who both saw his good treaty there, and read his letters afterward.  
Page 32. The whole tale about D. Lewes being their General visitor (as they say) and namely his procuring, 
A notable fiction about a chain of pearl.  to hush a notorious fraud of the jesuits for alluring a gentlewoman in the City of Perugia to give them a rich chain of pearl without her husband's privity, etc. whereupon (they say,) the Society should have been expelled from thence. All this we find upon search to be so notorious a lie, as that neither the bishop of Cassano was ever General visitor over the jesuits in his life, but only was joined for companion to the Bishop of Montreale for visiting seculars and some certain religious in Rome, and that his authority never extended to Perugia, though it be within the State of the Church, and that never any such thing happened in Perugia concerning the jesuits, as the fact and chain here mention, and consequently never any such hush needful, etc.  
The like monstrous●ly in the same page is, 
A devised prayer against the B. of Cassano.  that devised prayer of the jesuits against the B. of Cassano: Vel Tur●a, vel mors, vel daemon cum cripiat à nobis. And almost as impudent is the other that followeth page 34. that F. Hieronimo F●orauanto Rector of the College would not suffer the students to visit Card. Allen upon his deathbed himself desiring it, whereas all that live now in Rome of the Card. kindred and family do testify the contrary that they wear all there at 2. or 3. times.  
No less shameless and yet more insolent is their speech of Card. Bellarmyne page 37. and iterated so often in their other books to disgrace him to wit about his speech, that Pope Syxtus 5. was damned, etc. 
Most wicked and impudent suspicious.  but more impious are the suspicions cast out by them in the same places about the poisoning of the said Syxtus 5, and of Pius 5. before him, as also Card. Allen, the B. of Cassano and others by the jesuits, etc. which we are sure the devil himself will not object for that he knoweth the contrary.  
The sending also of F. Haywood for penance into Calabria, where he never was in his life set down pag. 49. and the dealing with the Duke of Guise to have intelligence with the Queen of Scotland the Earl of Northumberland, and others in England anno 1583. laid by them to F. Persons, but proved before to have been done by Mope or Charles Paget their chief pillar sent into England for that purpose.  
Their accusing also of F. Persons for Parry his fact sent into England as himself confessed by Thomas Morgan & that crew; The accusing and depraving the institution of the seminaries in Spain pag. 53. and that Card. Allen wept for sorrow in Rome when he saw the oration made by an English scholar in Vallidolid to the King at his coming to the English College for thanks giving in the year 1592. and that this oration is left out in the printed book set forth about that matter (as they affirm) pag. 54. These we say and a hundred other assertions, as wild, mad, and insolent as these are set down without any proof at all; but their own words, and so recounted as though they were without all controversy true. This desperate course (we say) is such as seemeth rather to be of frantic and possessed men, then of moderate and well conscienced Christians, and therefore we leave further to refute the same remitting them to that which we have said before.  
Wherefore to conclude, seeing that this whole libel is nothing else but a connexion of monstrous lies, absurd prophanityes, malicious fictions and conscienceles calumniations, we will follow them no further, either in defence of the whole Society or of F. Persons in particular, whose actionns are so openly known by apparent public facts to the general good of our country, as these wretched and miserable men's hearts that write so despitefully against them, may sooner break with envy and rancour, than any least discredit come unto them by these furious barkings in the sight of wise and indifferent Reader.  
And here now the very multitude of these outrageous libels with the immensity of hatred, hellish spirit, & poisoned entrails discovered therein, do force us against our former purpose to cut of and stay all further passage and proceeding in this horrible puddle of lies, slanderous invectives & devilish detraction, for that the very looking them over, doth weary the heart of any true Christian, and consequently whereas before we had determined with ourselves to give you some tastes or examples out of them all, yet now finding the multitude to be without end, and the quality so base, vile, and malicious as the venom of any lost or loose tongue armed with audacity, and defended with impudence, stirred up with envy and enraged with fury, and bounded no way by any limits of conscience, piety or fear of God can vomit or cast out to defame their brethren: finding this (we say) we have thought good to cease here without further stirring the loathsome rags of so filthy a dunghill.   

Of the libel entitled A Dialogue betwixt a secular priest, and a lay gentleman, etc. §. 2.  
Having been overlong in examining the former libels we shallbe so much the shorter in this that followeth. The title is, as you have heard A Dialogue, etc. and the author thereof is esteemed by many to be M. Much, one of the chief Appellants gone to Rome; and for the little substance thereof, it may be well enough (though we doubt not but he will deny it when he cometh thither) the invention of the book is a devised talk had betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentlemen: before which treatese W. W. to wit, whyly Wat tumbler before mentioned hath put as wise a preface as he is wont to the other books of his fellows that come forth through his hands. And as this worthy work deserveth, bestowing 7. or 8. pages, to prove by all laws and lawmakers, 
Ridiculous writing.  divine and human reasons, and authorities, that man's nature is so weakened by the fall of our first parents, as jesuits may sin also, and consequently are no better than other men: which is like to the discourses made in the beginning of K. Edward his days to allure old priests to marry by telling them and proving, that concupiscence doth remain after baptism, and consequently all must needs have wives or do worse, though indeed the discourse of W. W. be much more fond if you examine it.  
The bulk of this treatese is much conformeable in substance to the folly of the Preface, though in words it be more temperate, for that it goeth about to defend and justify the secular Clergy against Jesuits of many slanders devised by themselves and never laid upon them by the Fathers of the Society, so far as we can learn or understand, which may be proved aswell for that these men are not indeed the secular Clergy of England (as falsely they presume) but certain unworthy rags thereof torn and rend from that honourable body by their own wilful mutiny and rebellion, as also that these plaintiffs were never hitherto charged in particular to our knowledge with those several accusations which here they set out against themselves by any of the fathers or their followers but only so far forth as they have either accused themselves or else (which is the same in effect) have gone about to purge and defend themselves before they were accused, 
Absurd accusing and defending of themselves.  as namely, in the matter of schism; their dealing with the Counsel; their Appeal to Rome; their hatred to the jesuits; and their dealing in matters of State, which are the five chief general points members & branches whereunto this little new wrangling Clergy of ours do draw the slanders uttered against them, but whosoever shall read their books with attention and indifferency, shall find that they are more desirous to quarrel and pick matter of slander against others then able to prove themselves to have been any way slandered, and whatsoever is there said being but repetitions of things uttered in their former libels & fully answered by us in our Apology and some former parts of this present book we will remit the Reader thither, and leave both the libel & the author, who if he be the man that he is given forth hath just occasion by the writing of this book to think his burden of conscience more increased since his last dealing with the old good Queen Mary priest, who justly refused to hear his confession, except he would be ready to acknowledge his sin and make restitution of fame, for that he had offended in concurring to the setting forth of the two first books answered by our Apology: which refusal and admonishment, though proceeding of mere conscience in the good old man, and of love also to this man's soul (if he had been endued with so much grace and humility as to consider it) he took so evil (thinking belike that he being so great a master in Israel should have his confessor to follow him, & not he the others judgement, in such matter of restitution) as he not only fell out with the old Father, but went & told it also most profanely to a lay gentleman, laying the fault upon a Reverend priest Assistant to the Archp. dwelling not far of & threatening him as though by his counsel this denial of confession had been made unto him, 
〈◊〉 a letters of this matter subscribed by divers hands decemb. 16. 1601.  whereby he made three several witnesses as you see of his pride and arrogancy or rather of his ignorance and obstinacy, seeing as we have showed before in this book both Navarre & all other learned devynes do hold this case of detraction and infamation which they have used in these libels to bring with them irremissable obligation to restitution, of their fame whom they have slandered and discreditted, and so we doubt not but any learned Catholic man in christendom at this day (if he be not one of their faction and complices) will say, and knowing truly their case will not dare to absolve them without they offer themselves effectually to perform the same, and so much the less M. Much then the rest of his fellows, by how much the less remorse of conscience he frameth to himself thereof, and yet presumeth to know more than others. His sin also of railing and bitter slandering the whole company of jesuits in this libel is so much the more wicked and odious both to God and man, by how much the more he is beholding and most deeply obliged unto them, for that they both took him into the College at Rome by extraordinary favour (being a poor rude serving man before) and used such special love and charity towards him afterward (to make somewhat of him) as moved envy to many others. And this is evident as well by the testimony of all them that lived with him in the College as also by the printed narration of john Nicols where he complaineth of the undeserved favours showed always to Doctor Dodipol Much which contumelious speech though we approve not in the Apostata, yet showeth it the ingratitude of this fellow against those men now, and so much the more in that he cannot but speak against his own conscience in so many malicious things as he hath set down contrary to that, which heretofore he hath written with his own hand, and testified with his own mouth whereof good proofs are extant, and some you have heard in our Apology, and seeing that he sued to be of the Society having a vow also thereof as himself to divers hath professed, and the Society differing his admission (as prudently they are wont) to a better satisfaction of his nature and behaviour; for him now to slide so far back, & run so desperately to the other extreme, as to profess himself their public enemy (which yet is not rare in such cases wherein divers of his companions are also with him) this spirit (we say) how far it may participate of secret Apostasy from religious vocation in the sight of almighty God we leave to the discreet reader to ponder with himself, and to weigh the events; which commonly in such men are from bad to worse, and so to God's grace and their own consciences we leave them.   

Of the libel of A. C. to his Cousin. §. 3.  
THere followeth in the number of these libels one see forth by A. C. entitled an answer to a letter of a jesuited gentleman, etc. who if be the man that we do guess, we do not greatly marvel, that after so great variety of State and formerlyfe as some of us have known him in, he become now to his l●st preferment to serve the seditious for a scold against jesuits who have been his masters and best friends for many years beyond the seas, where both he and his had need of their friendship, and never wanted it. For some of us knew him first, a little wanton idle headed boy in the English college so light witted as once (if we remember well) he went up with a rose in his mouth to preach or make the tones (as there they call them) before all the college out of a pulpit. After that he fell to such devotion, as he not only took the oath of the college to be priest, which now we see how well he hath observed, but also pretended to be an Angustin friar, and proceeded so far therein, as the friars every day expected his entrance, but how far he proceeded therein for vow or other obligation we will not affirm for that we are more fearful of conscience to avouch things we know not for certain, than he seemeth to be to protest and swear matters that he knoweth to be false. Wherefore what he did in that behalf then; or what dispensation he hath had since that time in the one or the other we leave it to his own conscience at the last day, only it may be taken for an advertisement to good catholics that younkers which slide back from so high good desires and purposes do ordinarily slip afterward into dangerous pit● and dungeous of disorders, and contemn when they be in the depth. But let us go forward.  
From this spirit of religious and ecclesiastical life he fell back again soon after to the spirit of poetry, forsaking the ordinary study of the house, for which he was dismissed and sent by the charity of the fathers to the College of Rheims thinking thereby to save him from further falling, but being arrived there, he presently became an enamorate, and fell in love with one of Cardinal Allens nieces, and proceeded so far therein, as he presumed to write a letter to the said Cardinal to request his consent that he might marry her, but the Cardinal took it in so high disdain (knowing the levity of the lad) as he gave order presently that he should be put from Rheims also, from whence he went to Flanders and became a soldier first amongst the English under Sir William Stanloy, where his unconstant head suffering him not to stay he went to serve among the Spaniards, and had beside, by Father Hol●s help and assistance a pension of 25. crowns a month, and so having eaten of the King of Spain's bread for diverse years, he cometh now to pay both him for his maintenance, and the jesuits for their good turns towards him with this infamous invective which here he hath printed against them both, with as great spleen and spite as any malicious stomach in the world could utter against mortal enemies.  
He divideth his whole discourse into three points in his first page to wit, Appeal, State, jesuits, adding thereunto this sentence Recta securus, which if Recta be understood in the ablative case it agreeth not unproperly to his case, who seemeth to run securely & without fear in the right way to perdition, whereunto do lead him not only the vanity and inanity of the young man's head, but his poverty and need also, in respect whereof it seemeth he would gladly get in with some of them that be in authority, whereunto he thought good to make this prologue, and his brother's living is a great allurement. God grant we see not him pass further than hitherto is professed by him for where charity is overthrown, faith soon after is quickly shaken; but now in a word to the substance of his book.  
The first point concerning Appeal and matter of schism, is already determined by his Holiness especial Breve, to wit, the Appeal rejected, and the controversy of schism prohibited from further dispute under deign of excommunication ipso facto; into which this man must needs have incurred if he knew of the said Breve when he wrote this book, and if not then at least ways the book itself remaineth forbidden under the same pain and punishment. And albeit this were not so, yet were it but lost time for us to answer this quarreler that seeketh but matter of strife and occasion to rail at the Archpriest, and his Assistants his spiritual Superiors that never deserved evil of him, and he not understanding the substance of the controversy tatleth without any purpose at all, saying the same in effect, but yet much less and worse than others of his crew have said or written before him, and spendeth both time and wind without knowing what he talketh: as for example hear one reason of his.  
Then again (saith he) for the jesuits that they are notable schismatics in this case, it is not their disclaiming from being members of the body of the seminaries but of another body, 
Pag. 27.  videlicet, their own society that can excuse them, for that to be a schismatical member to a body is sufficeth to be membrum genericum to that body, though not specificum &c. And hereby the discreet reader will see how wise an uniesuited gentleman this is to instruct his cousin the jesuited gentleman in matter of schism.  
The other point about State matter is as learnedly handled by him as this. hearken to one reason of his against the Pope's authority to move war for religion. 
Pag. 40.  Besides this (saith he) that Christ did never delegate any such power to S. Peter, as tradere gentem in gentem, that being a mere temporal revenge and he but his Vicar spiritual, yea he expressly rebuked him for drawing his sword, & cutting of Malcas his care, etc. And do you not see by this reason, that this young gentleman soldier, is fitter to cut of boy's ears, then to reason of State-matters or to hack at the Pope's authority by such arguments as these are?  
But what saith he of the third point about jesuits? Oh here is his vain in deed, to rail and revel against them, who (good men) have been always careful, so far forth as in them hath lain to stay his shitle brains, and to make him careful of some christian constancy, but all in vain as it seemeth. We pray you hear him a little, & judge of his vain in malediction. The truth is it (saith he) that a jesuit is a piscator, but not like S. Peter, 
Pag. 12.  animarum so much as pecunia●●m, and therefore his fishing is ever best in a troubled water, etc. And then further a little after: Have you not heard, I pray you, how not long age a jesuit here in London erected a kind of family of love, lecturing by night 3. or 4. nights together to his auditors all women, and those fair ones for the most part? Have you not heard of the night meetings for fear, 
Pag. ●3.  a● least wise I am sure you have heart of many and do know some, who mis●ing their wives the white have scratched their hearts, whore it iched not, and bit their tips, etc.  
Do you hear this lascivious companion going about to discredit good and virtuous men, and in them the whole Catholic cause, by the messore of his own beastly and sensual imagination? Do you think this is a Catholic, but only in the very ryne and paring? No no, this is a copes mate shrouded in a Catholics coat, an Apostata in his heart from God & all piety, & so we fear that in the end, he will prove, howsoever in the mean space he make a show to believe the Cathol. Doctrine, but denying (as the Apostle saith) the virtue force & feeling thereof both in words & deeds.  
And as for particular impudencyes in this treatese of his he is not ashamed to avouch, 
Pag. ●●.  that F. Persons not many years since did offer by his letter and messenger both which (saith he) are yet extant) to be her majesties true intelligencer from Spain, & is this likely? That the king of Spain after the loss of his Armada ran to an altar, 
Pag. ●●.  and taking a silver candle stick swore a monstrous oath, that he would waste not only all Spain, but also all his Indies to that candle stick. but he would be avenged on England, etc. which how likely it is, all they which knew the said King his grave and modest nature may easily guess. 
Pag. ●●.  That the jesuits have by letters gone about to reproach and desame Cardinal Allen since his death, alleging for proof the words of Doctor Haddock to Sir Francis Inglefeld. been profect● obije. etc. which Doctor was never jesuit in his life nor ever wrote such words in latinor English since he was borne. That F. Persons having hired a couple in Paris, 
Pag. ●7.  whereof he saith, that he knoweth one 〈◊〉 come one evening late to their college gate with pistol half in sight and half out, and so wish angry looks to speak with him. etc. and himself with pale look and trembling members to 〈◊〉 the Rector, etc. that very n●ght he was conveyed privily out of the College with mency enough in his purse, the next day he took his journey to Rome, etc. which how self a devise it is, before hath been handled. That the said F. in his book of reformation doth appoint all bishops, Deans. Prebends, persons, etc. to be pencioners to the Popes Hol. and to have no other pr●prictyes, etc. but 4. jesuits with only 2. seculas priests of their choosing to be his Holiness Collectors of these renews, etc. Whereof no one word, or the like is found in that book, nor ever passed by the writers cogitation, as may appear by that weeyted before.  
And finally his deadly and devilish hatred to jesuits in General, and to this man in particular, to whom notwithstanding he was wont to profess great obligation for his spiritual good, as he is not ashamed to conclude thus of him: In brief, 
Pag. 102.  if he have been a judas to God's church and his country, to the disparaged of the seminaries, etc. And now where you find such ungrateful traitorous and judas-like natures to them that have been benefical to him and so profitable to God's Church and his country as this man hath been, what disputing is there with him? We leave him to God's judgement, and so an end of that.   

Of other two libels, the first called a Memorial, the other the Quodlibettes. §. 4.  
IF the former three books lately come forth, stuffed as you have hard with infinite slanders, lies and reproaches, would require as many volumes to answer them and lay forth the malice & untruths therein contained then much more would these two books that ensue demand the same, the first being only an infarcement of malicious devised calumniations, partly laid together in England and partly supplied in Flaunders by the factious crew, as the author himself Robert Fisher returning afterward to himself, & going to Rome of purpose, 
The examination of R. Fisher in Rome Martij 1●. 1595.  to discover the same and discharge his conscience did declare under his oath to his Hol. Fiscal, as by public record appeareth, which Robert Fisher confessed also, that notwithstanding divers of the points he had to set down were known and proved to be false before he came out of England, yet was he willed to set them down, and publish them when he came to Flanders. He discovered also his complices both in England and Flanders; in England the faction of Wisbich, whereof now the heads are gone to Paris and Rome: 
D. Griff.  in Flaunders the two Doct. of the Cleargle in Cambray and 〈◊〉, whereof the first is gone 〈…〉 which we beseech Go●● may be merciful unto him in this behalf: 
D. Giff.  The second 〈…〉 we hear hath written letters of late into England to some friends of his (though nothing of his humour) of no less seditious falsehood than were the points of that Memorial, affirming that he never liked the proceedings of such as either in word or work have dealt or written against the State of England, whereas notwithstanding, no man ever flattered so much the late Card. in that kind as he nor any man of the nation hath been so intemperate in his words hitherto as himself, for which we could allege his sermons in Rheims while he was there, his orations also to the Duke of Guise, 
D. Giffords'. letter to Doctor Allen 7. Maij 1516. together with Sir Franc. Walsin ghā● passport and letter unto him 14. Maij 1585.  and other princes at their coming thither, his speeches to many private men yet alive, his letters extant to D. Allen Sir Francis Inglefield and others, with such speeches of the highest in England, as very modesty maketh us to forbear to repeat, except we beforced thereunto.  
And finally his printed book, de justa Reip. in principes impios authoritate, whereunto his name is set, doth contain such violent matter against all Princes, but especially him of France at that time (being also a Catholic) and with whom he had nothing to do, as it is most ridiculous now to see him write into England as he doth against modest religious men, who never came near by ten degrees to the acerbity of his spirit against both Prince and State, which we offer ourselves to prove at large in another more ample treatese, if we be required thereunto. And for the present it shall suffice that this memorial of Fisher was recalled by himself, disavouched by the chief suggestors afterward, impugned as ●●lfe and devilish by the chief and most gravest Clergy men of England, as appeareth by a letter of six 〈◊〉, testifying the same, & many other letters of the gravest priests of that realm; and finally so absurd in itself, and apparently forged and malicious, as the very reading thereof did cause men to abhor it, together with the devisers and publishers thereof, 
The 6. A●●stants letter of the 2. of Maij 1601.  and yet have these shameless creatures presumed to divulge the same now again in print, but it is their condemnation withal men of judgement, piety or other good respects.  
As for the other great gross libel entitled: A Decacordon of ten Quodlibetical questions, 
The ●ececordon or book of Quodlibets.  wherein the author framing himself (as he saith) a qu●libet to every Quodlibet, decideth an hundred cross interrogatory doubts, etc. This is so ridiculous (but yet impious) a piece of work, as we dare say never came hitherto out in our tongue, by any sort of fond, furious mad or pathetical men whatsoever. For whether you consider the Quodlibets or the Quilibets that is to say either the work itself, and questions proposed or the author and answerer (to wit will wat the ●umbler) nothing can be imagined more contemptible or contumelious. His questions are foolish, impertinent, trivial but yet audacious; His answering rash, unlearned; confuse and inconsiderate; his speech and manner of handling fantastical, scurrilous, infamatorie, and for the most part contradicting himself, and the purpose that he hath in hand: He spareth no man that standeth in his way, nor beareth respect to any state or condition of men at all, friends or enemies.  
And finally it is a most lewd libel fraught with foolery, ignorance, audacity, and notorious impudence and irregilious impiety, and would require as many volumes, as he hath Quodlibets to set forth the egregious impicty, and contemptibility of this ridiculous Quilibet, which hereafter may chance be done, though in a far shorter sum, when the rest of his books promised of this argument shall come forth. And in the mean space we understand that the latin interpreter of our English late Apology, hath taken upon him in that language to say somewhat by way of a certain Appendix to the said Apology, as well of this Decacorden as the other former libels of that sort and suit: whereunto we remit ourselves, thinking this to be sufficient for this place.    

CERTAIN DIRECTIONS unto Catholics, how to discern the truth; and how to bear themselves in this time of contention with an examination of divers notorious and famous lies of W. W. in his book of Quodlibets.  
CAP. VIII.  
ALbeit we doubt not (good Catholic Reader) but that you are weary to hear and peruse these things already uttered against our brethren, and no little grieved to behold such scandalous contentions raised & continued among professors of one and the self same Cathol. religion, yet cannot we let pass to trouble you somewhat further, and to add a few words more of this matter in the end of this treatese which may serve for some direction in this troublesome and perilous time, for such as have not so great experience of like events.  
And the first advertisement amongst others may and must be to fly to the contemplation of God's inserutable providence, whereby he permitteth these scandals to fall out; in which high providence we shall find not only the necessity or inevitability of these disgustful accidents, but the profit and utility also, albeit the first be more easily seen and confessed by vulgar men than the second, but both are most certain. For as for the first about the necessity of these accidents it is sufficient to remember the word● of the Apostle, oportet haereses esse, 
1. Cor. 1●.  it is necessary that heresies and divisions should be; and then the words of our Saviour: 
Math. 1●.  necesse est ut veniant scandala; 
Of the necessity of scandals.  it is of necessity that scandals should fall out, etc. And furthermore he that will but consider the practice of almighty God in this behalf, from the first planting of Christian religion until this day, how among the Apostles, the Deacons, the disciples, the first believers, the bishops, pastors and other learned men that followed in all ages, how this providence and discipline of almighty God did exercise them in this kind, of scandals, breaches divisions, contradictions, contentions, treasons, afflictions and combustions of mind (called so by the Apostle, when he saith: 
2. Cor. 12.  Quis scandalizatur, & ego nonuror, who is scandalised, and my heart borneth not for it) he that considereth this (we say) will easily see the necessity and inevitability of this probation every where in God's work, and consequently in our English cause also and reduction of our country, being so great and weighty a matter as it is, and no man will greatly marvel to see the devil rage and raise up so many scandals & stumbling blocks therein as he doth, but rather will marvel that he doth not more, and that he had not done it sooner considering matters how they have passed. And this for the first point of the necessity.  
As for the second of utility, 
Of the utility of these scandalous contentions. D●ut. ●2.  more men doubt, as not seeing so easily what profit or emolument may be expected at least wise in our English cause) by these scandalous and enormous attempts, which bring with them so many apparent hurts, perils and damages, but God that draweth out mel de petra, oleumque de saxon dur●ssimo, honey from stones and oil from the hardest rocks, can bring forth good also (if he will) of these so great evils. And to speak of that we see, and begin to feel already of his Fatherly mercy therein, one great and important good effect mentioned by S. Paul in the place before touched, 
●. Cor. 11.  hath begun now to show itself, which is, ut qui probati sunt in vobis manifesti fiant; that those that be of proof amongst us, may come to be known publicly by these means; that is to say, their zeal, their fervour, their fidelity to God and his cause, their union with his servants and other such like points.  
Another effect is uttered by the holy prophet S. Simeon in S. Luke's gospel, who having said of our Saviour yet an infant: Ecce positus est hic in ruinam & in resurrectione● multorum & in signum cut contradicetur, etc. 
Luc. 2.  Behold this child is set for the ruin and resurrection of many, and for a sign which shallbe contradicted, etc. he addeth presently, ut revelentur ex multis cordibus cogitationes; all this shall happen to the end that the cogitations of many hearts may be revealed, as though he had said, that one principal end and purpose why God sent his son into the world to be contradicted by many troublesome spirits was thereby to make known the good from the bad, and reveal the cogitations of many men's hearts which otherwise would be hidden, and this to the ruin or resurrection of many, etc. behold here a mysterious effect, and such a one as is deeply to be weighed and pondered by those that desire to comfort themselves in the secrets of God's judgements for permitting so great strife, contention and scandals in his Church as he doth.  
But now if we will apply this to our own particular case, 
The application of the former places of scripture in our case.  thereby to instruct and comfort ourselves in this doleful and disgustful affair of our brethren's scandalous clamours & contradictions, and that any should ask us what particular good or utility may be expected thereby, in England or to English catholics? we answer: First that the effect mentioned by S. Paul, to manifest those that are of proof among us, is evidently already seen, for that many good Catholics both in England and abroad as well of other nations as our own seeing the indignity of this scandalous fact of division set in our church by these disordinate and discontented priests have marvelously showed their compassion, love and zeal in behalf of union, order and discipline and of all good men impugned by the seditious which otherwise perhaps they would not have done, if this occasion had not been offered; others also that lived only to themselves before and meddled with no other men's actions seeing now this, manifest assault of Satan (under priests coats) against our whole cause and religion have stirred up themselves to knit and join with others of the same zeal to resist the enemies malice herein. And this for the first important effect prophesied by S. Paul: ut qui probati sunt, in vobis manifesti fiant. A manifestation (no doubt) which will turn to the everlasting praise of many, for standing zealously in this breach against sedition, whose fervour and fidelity would not perhaps otherwise so much have been known, or published, seeing that the standing against open known enemies is not so markable oftentimes as the withstanding of domestical.  
But now the second effect, of revealing men's h●rts and inward cogitations, mentioned by S. Simeon, is also diligently to be considered by us, for that the same is more pertinent and important also to this our English affair then the former, for that by this revelation made of hearts and minds by this contention, English catholics do come to know what substance & weight there is in every man, and how far he may be credited when time shall require, which is a point of no small moment as matters stand with us, for if this revelation and discovery had not been made by this occasion, but that so great a depth of dangerous and poisoned humours, as now is broken out, had lurked in men's breasts until such times as their ability might have been equal to their naughty will for setting of division and raising broils in our cause & country; what remediless hurts might have been wrought (think you) both in the one and the other? but now being revelated, the prediction of S. Paul, so often by us repeated before will no doubt take place, 
2. Tim. 3.  ultra non proficient, insipientia enim eorum manifesta erit omnibus. They will not be able to go much forward in this their attempt, for that their folly willbe manifest to all men.  
Well then, 
Revelation of 3. sorts of people.  and what willbe the end, think you, both of men and matters in this affair? Surely for the matter we have no doubt at all, but that it will receive utility by this temptation, for that the holy ghost hath avouched it, factet cum tentatione proventum, God will give profit also with temptations, and this profit is evident for that our church after this storm past, will remain as, 
Math. 3. Luc. 3.  area purgata & ventilata, as a barn floor swept and cleansed and our corn both winnowed and purged.  
But as for the men that have moved this tempest, though we would be loath to make ourselves prophets in their cause and success, but rather do pray heartily for them, that it may be good, yet if we will consider matters according to the former prophecies of scripture or else by the foresight of reason and discourse (which are the best grounds of prophecies of temperate and wise men in these our days) we may probably make this triple conjecture that some (especially the writers & publishers of these late libels and principal dealers with the adversaries) are like enough (if God work not a miracle) to pass further, and become as Th. Bel and others have done before upon like and perhaps less ground of passion, & malice; and these are to be deplored as you see: others that do offend upon evil information only, or have been misled by other men's persuasions, not seeing the danger whereunto they are drawn will (we trust) upon sight of the truth return again, and these are as heartily to be embraced and highly esteemed, as if they had never run away, the ground thereof not being evil intention; but sinister information.  
A third sort there is, that probably will stand indifferent, & doubtful for a time, and according to this, will good men's opinions be also of them, to wit dubious and uncertain until they see the final issues of their actions, and thus cometh our Church of England as you see, to know her people distinctly, as well by manifestation of their actions as revelation of their thoughts which are the two effects mentioned; prophesied by S. simeon and S. Paul.  
It followeth that we say somewhat how catholics are to bear themselves in this time of trial, which point may be considered either in respect of the enemy, and persecutor, or of the trouble some of our owneside, that vaunt to be in credit and favour with them, and say that the fault is ours, 
What carriage is expedient towards the persecutors ●.  that we are not also: And towards the former sort of men together with our Prince and State, there is no doubt or question but that the dutiful manner of carriage hitherto used by our English recusant catholics in all humility, patience longanimity, obedience and true spirit of Christian sufferance (whatsoever these brabbling people do or have calumniated them to the contrary) is absolutely the best way, and most pleasing in the sight both of God and man, and the principal means whereby we may hope that God will one day have mercy upon us and our country and inspire the hearts both of our Prince and State to deal more mildly and mercifully with us.  
Yet notwithstanding if any question or matter should be urged against religion, faith or conscience in any one point of Christian Catholic doctrine and belief, therein it is necessary for every good man to stand firm and immovable, 
Where and when catholics must stand immovable.  and to say with the Apostles: 
Act. 5.  Oporiet mag is Deo obedire quam hominibus. We must obey God more than men. And in this point we do not think that any one religious Protestant in the world holding his faith for true, would not do and say the like, if the case were his, and concerned his religion, and consequently the yielding or going further of these our unquiet spirits in matters that be against true Catholic Doctrine, & to urge other men also to the same for gaining to themselves some temporal favour & credit, or to make thereby others odious whom they envy or mislike, is more perfidiousness to God, than fidelity to the Prince or State, and so ought it to be held by all men of wisdom and judgement of what religion soever, and no ways to be imitated by those that be true and sincere catholics. And thus much for their carriage towards the Prince and state, and persecutors in Religion.  
And as for the second sort, which are our passionate disordered brethren, broken out from us these months past by intemperate heat of emulation and contention, the best direction that we can give for Cath. men's behaviour and carriage towards them is, 
Carriage towards the troublesome  as towards brethren and friends in a frenzy or trance, or as men rather possessed with violent and raging spirits; that is to say to wish and work all good unto them that may be procured by good means, but yet to beware of coming into their fingers, or within their reach whiles they remain in the fit of their fury, and to the end we may know and consider with what spirits they are possessed or ruled by for the present albeit we have discussed the matter somewhat particularly in the preface of this book, and more largely throughout our Apology, but especially in the last Chapter thereof, yet now having seen and discerned more of their condition and state by reading their later books and by the manner of their proceeding and progress in their affairs. We mean in this place to ad somewhat to that which we have said before, noting first by the way, that the difference of spirit between man and man, 
Difference of spirit, what great diversity and contrariety it maketh.  is the greatest and most important difference that in moral matters can be observed which holdeth also in beasts, birds, and other creatures according to the proportion of their inferior spirit or natural instinct, as for example, two eggs put in one nest, the one of a dove, the other of a hawk do bring forth two young birds, whose bodies at the beginning are not so easily discerned as the difference of their spirits is seen as soon as they grow up. And the like is in the whelps and cubbes of dogs and foxes the one naturally running to man's conversation the other flying, which diversity of spirit, and inward instinct, bewrayeth quickly the contrariety of their natures, nor is this only seen in creatures of divers kinds, but even in those that be of the same, as two young colts of one breed the one of a generous, the other of a jadish inclination are so opposite the one to the other in the whole course of their future life by this diversity of spirit as the one is of much value, the other contemptible.  
And if this hold in horses & other unreasonable creatures, that have only the participation of the inferior sensual part of soul or spirit, how much more is the difference to be noted in man, whose higher part guiding all the rest, dependeth of the worthiness of his spirit for life and action, wherein two men that be brethren in birth, and as like one to the other otherwise as nature can proporture them, yet by this diversity of spirit may they be as opposite one to the other not only as things of divers kinds that be enemies by nature, as hawks & doves wolves and lambs, foxes and dogs but far more, even as much as heaven and hell. And this we see by example as well of Cain and Abel Esau and jacob, Lucifer and Michael borne brethren, as also by evident reason, seeing that the spirit of man is that whereby he is ruled, and the stern of all his actions governed, so as if that be nought, corrupted, perverted or coinquinate with malice, envy, pride, ambition, or other such plagues and spiritual poisons, he followeth that with all violence, as a bark carried away under full sail with pernitions wynds to her assured ship wrack upon rocks of perdition.  
And on the contrary side he that is blessed of God with a good spirit, he floweth on sweetly, though more softly and calmly to the assured port of ever lasting salvation, and these two men though never so like in shape of body, or near in propinquity of flesh, office, charge, degree, vocation or other such conjunction upon earth, yet are they indeed more opposite and contrary the one to the other, than any reasonable or unreasonable creatures whatsoever, except only the good and bad angels Michael and Lucifer, by us before mentioned so as a good and bad spirited man do differ much more than a man and a beast, or then a wolf and a sheep, which cannot be expressed sufficiently by any other example then by Satan and Christ, when he was upon earth which very contrariety remaineth still between men that participate the one or the others spirit. So as to conclude you need not (for true discerning of men) to seek any other note, sign or argument, but only to look upon their spirit & marks thereof, whether they be of Christ or his enemy Satan, according to the counsel S. john: 
1. joan. 4.  Probate spiritus si ex Deo sunt, prove spirits whether they be of God or no. 
Rom. 3.  The reason whereof S. Paul giveth: Quicunque enim spiritu Dei aguntur, hij fitij Dei sunt. For whosoever are ruled by the spirit of God, they are his children, and contrary wise those that are not governed by that spirit are children of Satan & not of God: for so the same Apostle affirmeth plainly in another place: 
Rom. Ibid.  Si quis spiritum Christinon habet, hic non est eius. He that hath not the spirit of Christ pertaineth not unto him. For which cause he addeth so carefully in the end of his letters: 
●. Tim. 4.  Dominus jesus Christus cum spiritu suo vobiscum. Our lord jesus Christ be among you with his spirit. And when he would commend himself and his determination in matters of virginity, marriage, divorce, and other such of great importance, he allegeth this for chiefest argument: 
1. Cor. 7.  Puto autem quod & ego spiritum Dei habeam. I do persuade myself that I have the spirit of God my Saviour.  
So then all the controversy or doubt, which here may be; is, who have the spirit of Christ or go nearest there unto in this contention, 
Who are likest to have the spirit of Christ in this contention.  for that this being known it cannot be denied but that whosoever followeth or favoureth the worse spirit, (except upon misinformation) he showeth himself to be ruled by the same spirit. And as for the spirit of Christ our Saviour which must be our pattern herein it is evident both by testimony of all scriptures, as also by the example of his life while he was upon earth, what it was: For Esay 
Esay 11.  the prophet foretold a seven fold spirit should be in him, to wit the spirit of Wisdom and understanding, of Counsel and Fortitude, of knowledge and piety, and of the fear of God. But himself appearing afterward upon earth, not only confirmed all this to be true, and other things written of him by the prophets; but preached further, and showeth in his actions, the spirit of humility, mansuetude, meekness, patience, modesty, sobriety, truth obedience, poverty, charity and the like, which spirit, whether our discontented brethren, in their late actions words, and writings have showed or no, or rather the quite contrary spirit of pride, envy, renenge, elamors, slanders, calumniation, disobedience, and the like, is easy to judge by that which before we have represented out of their books and doings.  
And now if we would but relate unto you the hundredth part of that which is uttered of this wicked spirit in their last book (hitherto seen by us) called Decacordon or Quodlibes, we should tire you and make your ears glow and your charitable hearts to rue with the hearing thereof. For first if we would begin with the very name & nature of Quodlibets which the author setteth down in his preface, saying; that in this kind of writing it is lawful for him to d●spute, whether God or the devil he to be honoured? whether our blessed lady were an adulteress or common woman or not? etc. Who will not say, but that this Quodlibetical companion, call himself a quilibet, hath a profane, audacious and impudent spirit to propose and put in print such questions; and than that he hath a spirit also of foolery & lack of understanding in conjoining with these questions other against himself, to wit, whether a Seminary priest or a jesuit ought sooner to be credited, esteemed of, and followed? etc. Whether a jesuit be a good or bad man? whether their doctrine be crroneous, 
Ibid.  treacherous and seditious or not? etc. Which questions being joined by him with the former, may seem no less absurdly brought in and called in question then the rest. And finally he concludeth his preface thus.  
I will hold the indifferent, 
The conclusion of W. W. epistle to the Decacordon.  dispassionate and diligent Reader with no longer discourse of a peramble, but leaving all to his best conceits, I commit his sharp wits or her swift thoughts to the speedy encounter of this buck of the first head in the quest at every Quodlibetical relay, set in the pursuit of their gain, etc. And now we would ask the same dispassionate reader, what wit or sense is there in this writing? What gravity, what maturity, what consideration worthy of a priest or sober witted man? Is Spiritus sapientiae & intellectus (the first spirit of Christ mentioned by I say) to be found here? But let us pass from the Preface to his book, or as he calleth it, his buck of the first head.  
The first and most notorious point of his wicked spirit (contrary to that of Christ, and all good Christians and Catholic men since that time) is against religious men, and their profession, affirming first, that all are corrupted. I have made (saith he) an historical discourse, of the beginning, 
Quodlib. Pag. 49.  progress, end, and fall, of every religious order, as well of the Basilians, Antonians, and other among the greeks, as also of the Benedictines, Augustine's, Franciscanes, etc. among the latynes, etc. Secondly he taketh, a position in hand refuted & condemned not only by S. Thomas of Aquine and other writers of that time, 
D. Tho.  but S. Chrisostome also, & other ancient Fathers, writing against such irreligious companions in their days & the position is, that the life & State of secular priests is more perfect, than the state of religious men; for thus he frameth his first article of his third general Quodlibet●.  
Whether the jesuits, 
Pag ●.  or any other religious order be to be preferred before secular priests or not? And then he holdeth the negative. Who ever hard (saith he) or made any question, 
Pag. 15.  but that a secular priest was to be preferred before a monastical person? And again in another place; All seminary and secular priests are Superiors to jesuits, 
Pag. ●.  or at least their betters. And yet further in another place. 
Pag ●.  The secular priests, as worthier and superior presons, are ever to be credited and preferred before the jesuits in matters of any account. And that you may know how humble he is, he describeth these his high minded secular priests thus: 
Pag. 6.  A gallant troop of as grave sages, and as fine a breed of wits as the world this day enjoys, etc. 
A ridiculous definition of a secular priest. Pag. 4.  Rightly called seculars because they have the cure and charge of souls laid on their backs to direct all that live in a secular worldly, and temporal State.  
Thus he saith: & to the end you should not mistake him, as though he meant of the jesuits only, or of any other particular religious order, he setteth down this general proposition: 
Pag. ●●.  Therefore still (saith he) is a secular life of more perfection than a religious, etc. Now we would ask what spirit this is? what sanoureth it of? what doth it breath forth? Is there here any thing else, but pride, emulation, ignorance, temerity and folly? But let us hear further the effects of their good spirit?  
He signifieth page 42. that he would have, 
Pag. 42.  all jesuits except (saith he) they amend their manners and reform their order damned for heretics, and thrust out of God's Church, as Apostatates, and Atheists, etc. as those jetting jugglers (the Pharasyes') were out of the temple of jeruss ●Iem, etc. Do you see what spirit of fraternal charity here is? Nay he goeth further to affirm, that their order is no religion at all, and the persons thereof neither secular nor religious, whereby he incurreth a plain excommunication ipso facto, 
Pag. 61.  by the Bull of Gregory the xiii. which beginneth: Ascendente Domine in ●●●●lam, etc. confirmed and ratified again by Gregory the 14. But it seemeth this man little esteemeth censures of Church or Pope, being engulfed in the main Sea of outrageous malice, which showeth itself most egregiously, 
Pag. 35.  in that he persuadeth jesuits to become Apostatates and leave their religion. I pray God (sayeth he) they may reform themselves in time by coming 〈◊〉 of their order and Society, etc. and then conformable to this good & godly prayer he saith of F. john Gerrard (who both for his birth education, learning spirit, wisdom religion zeal, modesty, and all other Christian virtues, 
Persuading men to Apostasy.  is more fit (as you know) to be this man's master, than he worthy to be the others man) Well well poor man, I pity his simplicity, that being otherwise of a good nature, he is much blinded and corrupted in his life and manners by being a jesuit, 
Pag. 4●. ad marg.  which society would God he did and would forsake, etc. What spirit is this? could Martin Luther himself or any other Apostata, give other counsel in such a cause?  
And for that this fellow and his companion's do delight themselves so much with secularity and Apostasy, and divers yea the most of the chiefest heads of this faction are notoriously known to have slydden back either from the habit or vocation of religious life to secular, and that it is probably suspected, that a notorious Apostata or two have had their hands also in the compiling of these wicked Quodlibets we shall put, them only in mind of the sentence and judgement of S. Bernard as good and wise a man no doubt as any of them, and known to have had the true spirit of Christ by the public testimony of his Cath. Church, who talking of this very matter of going out of religion, whereunto these fellows exhort jesuits, doth make it such an horrible act, and the sin so great in him that goeth out, and others that cooperate with him therein, as is dreadful to read. But his conclusion is this: Quid plura? dissimulatur lex, 
Bern. Serm. 63. in Cant.  abdicatur ius, fas proscribitur, derelinquitur timor domini, dantur postremo impudentiae manus, praesumitur ille remeraerius, ille pudendus, ille turpissimus, plenus ille ignominia & confusione saltus, de excelso in abyssum, de pavimento in sterquilinium, de 〈◊〉 in eloacam, de caelo in caenum, de claeustro in saeculum, de paradiso in infernum. What shall we say more of this horrible fact of Apostasy or going out of religion? 
S. Bernard. judgements of Apostatas.  When once a man is come to this resolution, he dissembleth the law of God, he casteth from his sight all equity, he banisheth all justice, and the fear of God is cast away, and so he giving himself last over to impudenty he presumeth to make that rash, that shameful, tha● filthy leap full of ignominy and confusion, from a high state to a dongton from a fair paviment to a fowl dunghill from a seat of dignity to a loathsome place of filth, from heaven to earthly mire, from a monastery to the world, and from paradise to hell. Thus saith S. Bernard, and by this may will Watson who calleth himself here, john indifferent and wilful Will, 
Pag. 28.  see what good counsel he giveth to jesuits in persuading them to make this wicked and miserable leap so described by so great a Sayn●. And hereby also we see the difference between these men's spirit and that of S. Bernard.  
Wherefore being over long to treat matters in order we shall touch only certain brief heads of his discourses here and there, whereby you may better discern his spirit. He inveigheth greatly & at large against the Fathers of the Society pag. 140. and after that for divers pages to gather for that they admit not into their Society every man that offereth himself but, 
Pag. 48. ad marg.  that they examine them well, and take their chayse, etc. for which most laudable diligence herevyleth them in these words: Tow progeny of vipers, you offals of scribes and pharasyes, who hath taught you to eschew iram venturam, to sequester yourselves from the world? to take upon you the state of perfection? and to include and exclude, to chase and refuse whom ye list, and to thrust, back whom you like not of that gladly would 
* This is spoken perhaps for that divers of that crew, have been refused by God's providence and wisdom of the Fathers that foresaw their conditions.  enter in etc. Is this your perfection of life? is this your zeal of souls? etc. ●y blasphemous wretches you prei●●dice christ, etc. No no seditious Choristes, Dathanians and Aby●onistes, there is no ●ne Scripture, no Canon, no decree, no tradition of Church, no consent of Doctors, no rule, no principle, no lest clause in the foundation of your society, that makes for you in this point, of singularity election & choice. And then a little after again.  
No no proud pharasyes, you are deceived, non est personarum acceptio coram Deo neither hath be left the kingdom of beaven to be given to one more th●n to another etc. 
Railing at the fathers for using choice in admitting m●.  And what spirit think you cometh this of? Is it folly or madness? Is it spiritus vertiginis or arreptitius, that so invigheth against the spirit of discretion and probation in the Fathers before they admit men to the high calling of religious life? We would ask him what he will say to S. Paul writing to Tymothy a Bishop, about admitting men to priesthood, 
● Tim. ●.  saying: Manus citò nemini imposueris, etc. do not lay thy hands easily upon any man to admit him to holy orders. And if any Bishop should admit all that offer themselves unto him to serve God in that vocation, & this without trial or notice had of their worthiness; would he praise this man so much trow you as he raileth at the jesuits for making diligent trial of those whom they receive into their order? who seeth not this madness?  
Again page 279. and 280. he would have no more youths sent to the seminaries, but new laws rather to be made for inflicting grievous punishments upon them that send them thither. And this also you see from what spirit it proceedeth. Furthermore he threateneth the Catholics page 305. that he & his fellows, will surceaese from the execution of their functions, and from the increasing of that number, that will not be advised by them, etc. that is to say, to be enemies with them against the Archpriest, and jesuits, and consequently also against the Pope himself. And further: They will convert no more (as few God wot they have done already) if this be not graeunted them. Of what spirit proceedeth this, trow you? Is this the spirit of Christ? is this of his Apostles?  
But if you will see the pattern of a strange spirit indeed framed wholly of deadly hatred and temerity, do you read what this author of the Quodlibets doth write in divers places of his books most intemperately against F. Persons, that never perhaps saw or knew him, nor he the other, for if he had, and were in his right wits he would never write as he doth. 
Pag. 236. 237. 238. 239. etc.  I mean, saith he (after much reviling used against him) the great Emperor, irregular, abstract, quintessence of all coins, coggeryes, and forgeryes, who flying hence with the spoil of many poor Catholics, practised in Paris to be exempted from the check of the Parisian Provincial under pretence that the Queen had hired certain persons to murder him, etc. This is that famous conquer●●● that hath bathed all England in priest's blood, etc. This is he of whom his own General reported that he was more troubled with one Englishman, then with all the rest of his Society: This is he of whom Cardinal Allen held opinion that he was a man very violent and of an unquiet spirit, 
Devilish ●ayling against F. Persons.  and of whom M. Blackwel said that his turbulent head and lewd life would be a discredit to the Cath. cause; and in few, the general conceit of all that ever have thoroughly conversed with him is this, that he is of a furious, passionate hot, choleric, exorbitant humour, etc. a most diaholical unnatural, and wicked fellow, unworthy the name, nay cursed, be the hour in which he had the name of a priest, nay of a religious person, nay of a temporal or lay jesuit, nay of a Catholic, nay of a christian, nay of a human creature, but of a beast or a devil, a violator of all laws, a contemner of all authority a stain of all humanity, an impostume of all corruption, a corruptor of all honesty and a monopole of all mischief, etc.  
We leave out ten times as much as this in the same and other places. 
Answer to divers calumniations against F. Persons.  And seeing his lack of shame, charity and honesty is such as to wish that F. Persons had not been a man nor Christian but a beast or devil, consider whether the devil himself could speak more like himself than this fellow doth, not only by railing but also by open lying: For as for his going out of England with the spoil of many poor catholics, it is a most malicious falsehood, as 
* Apol. Cap. 12.  other where also hath been showed, seeing that F. Persons and Father Campian both being wholly maintained by the liberality of that most excellent zealous Catholic gentleman M. George. 
M. George Gilbert.  Gylbert took nothing else in effect of any other, neither had they need. And as for a certain contribution and collection that certain gentlemen made at F. Persons instance to be sent to D. Allen for printing of the new testament in English which arrived to some 2. or 3. hundred pounds, we having informed ourselves, do find that never any one penny thereof entered into F. Persons power, nor can this calumniator, or any other ever bring proof in any one point to the contrary.  
The other Parysian fiction, is refuted in the former Chapter; and for the three foul lies that do enfue concerning the speeches and iug●ments of the General, Card. Allen, and M. Blackwel, they all are witnesses of the falsehood thereof; the General yet living, and esteeming of F. Persons, as the offices and charges committed unto him both of the English College in Rome, with the oversight and Praefecture of all other seminaries & English men of the Society do testify. And for the Card. do bear witness not only his actions and letters set down in the 
* Cap. 4.  Apology, but his nephew also M. Tho. Allen, and M. D. Hadock his kinsman, 
Three notorious lies fathered upon F. Claud. Aquaviua, Card. Allen, M. Blackwel  and master of his chamber, M. Roger Baynes his Secretary and Mator domo all most intrinsical to the Card judgement, sense and meaning, who living this day in Rome do detest this wicked fiction of the Card● evil opinion or speech of F. Persons. The third is here in England to answer the matter both by word and writing, accounting himself noless injuriously slandered by this wicked forgery, then by other infinite like dovises framed against him, which these malicious people have devised of their own brain.  
Wherefore leaving this odious and ireful vain of railing, which hath no end mean or measure when it beginneth against F. Persons, it is a strange thing to consider their passion in this behalf, for this fellow having alleged in one place a very moderate letter of F. Persons written by him from Naples in the year 1598. 
A lettere of 〈◊〉 much abused.  though somewhat corrupted both in word and sense in the allegation as by the true copy we have discovered; in which letter the said Father doth very gravely set down for excuse of the troubles in the English College at Rome, some extrin secal causes also not known or considered by others, this fellow was so much troubled therewith that he wrote as followeth: 
Pag. 128. & 129. etc.  I could not (saith he) with patience set band to paper after I had read this letter, but walked two or three times up & down my chamber trembling in anger with my heart as high as my head, to think on the villainy of this Persons; cursed be the hour wherein he was borne, this filius peccati, sacrilegij, iniqu●t atis, diaboli, etc. o monster! woe worth the wretch, we worth thee and all thy jesuicical brood! etc. Behold here, did you ever hear Hercules fureus upon a stage Is this preistlike? is this christian manner of writing against our even Christian? To what manner of spirit will you ascribe this?  
And yet must you note here, that this man or mad fellow rather is brought by God's just judgement to condemn himself in a marginal note, 
He condemneth detraction and useth it. Pag. 124.  not full three leaves before these outrageous rave which note saith thus: Of all other sins detraction is holden of devynes to be most dangerous, because fame styeth furthest, and would the back byter never so fain make restitution, yet he can never possibly perform it. Thus he saith and more to this purpose in that note, whereunto we add only those words of our Saviour: Deore tuo te judico, serve nequam: 
Luc. ●9.  I do condemn thee by thy own mouth & confession thou wicked servant. And so much for this.  
We are weary, and therefore we desire to make an end. If you will see more of these men's spirit, read pag. 134. 135. where they affirm jesuits doctrine, to be erroneous & heretical, for that they teach the Pope's ordinations to be obeyed. Read their contemptuous discourse, of the little respect due to his Holiness excommunications, pag. 178. 183. how they call their Archpriest and immediate Superior, Antipape, Antichrist, & golden calf. They say that in matters of succession for our Realm, they mean to abstract the same clearly from matters of religion: pag. 150. as though religion were to be had in no consideration at all, about the next successor; and in the mean space, they write, that they desire nothing to themselves, 
An abject quiet sought by the seditious.  but an abject quiet, in a froundon state, page 198. which is as much to say, as to eat and drink and live quietly with other sensual abiections without care of gaining souls or procuring other perfection in them that are gained, if it be conjoined with danger of persecution or temporal trouble. And who then doth not see this spirit what it is, and whether it tendeth. But let us yet hear some other marks thereof.  
You have heard in our 
* Cap. 9  Apology what a stir W. W. keepeth in his spiritual commonwealth about places and pre-eminences, and sitting at table just as our Saviour describeth the matter in the gospel of pharasaical vanity, 
Matth. 22.  amant primos recubitus in caenis, etc. they love to have the highest places at the table, etc. But now in this book as a fuller treatese of all their spiritual designments he handeth the matter much more largely in divers places, showing thereby how he and his fellows are mightily impressioned with this vanity of sitting in the higher place, and himself telleth stories of his own shameless striving for the same with men of great calling, being fitter for his own baseness, evil feature, and contemptible qualities to sit lowest at the table's end, or to be thrust out of the parlour into the hall or kitchen, then to sit with such men as he braggeth that he hath done, if he be the man of whom he writeth. Hear his first complaint.  
Old Pinny (sayeth he) the Innkeeper of Broadway in Somersetshire, 
Pag. ●●.  would always take the highest place at the upper end of the table, 
A grave complaint against hosts for sitting at the upper end of the table.  whosoever had been his guest, which though in some sort his old age might excuse, yet is the contrary course more commended among civil gentlemen & nobles generally, etc. And I once being in company where ● secular priests being at supper with a noble person, his L. would not sit down until they all were set, jesting merrily, that priests and women had always the pre-eminence in the land of peace, etc. But now that a religious man should have or look for a place of honour or pre-eminence, among men, having by solemn vow renounced all earthly honours and dignities, etc. was never hard of before this day. And this much in that place against Pinny his host, that sat above him, and in commendation of the noble man, that gave him the upper place.  
But in another place he handleth the matter more largely showing three valiant exploits done by a certain priest (which we may imagine was himself) at the table side against other three all gentlemen and the one a priest, that would have set before him: 
Pag. 117.  A very fit example (saith he) taking his argument about striving for places at the table) was of la●● showed by a secular priest to three sundry persons all catholics, and one of them a priest also jesuited, the first being a lay gentleman, but of meaner calling then either of the other to whom he gave place at table, hand, wall and style, because he saw it proceeded of simplicity, incivility and rudeness in him, etc. To the second having given place also before time, because he was an intruding person, and one that thought himself no small fo●le, being able to dispend eight hundred pounds by the years, the said secular priest reasoning with him at one time about these matters, etc. took him by the sleeve, as they were going to dinner in a Catholic company, where they were sure, and thrust him back sitting down before him & telling him in plain terms that the case was altered, & that albeit he had winked at his arrogancy before, yet now for the honour of priesthood, he must make him know his duty & give place to his better, etc.  
To the third (which was a gentleman priest) understanding that he had boasted of this gentility & noble alliance, & that therefore he was to be preferred before any other secular priest, that was not a gentleman of equal calling with him, they jumping just together upon a time at dinner, he put him back, and after the table was drawn taking him a side he said: Sir, 
Extreme vanity and folly.  I understand you boast much of your gentility preferring it before your priesthood, it is a foul bird that defiles his own nest, a base minded, ignorant, and unworthy priest, that knows not whether he takes his place according to his dignity & calling or Noah, & as worthy to have his skin razed, cut of, & flayed both from head and hand, & so degraded, as an abuser of nobleness and gentry deserves to have his colours reversed, his arms pulled down, & his coat pulled over his ears, & so degentred for ever after. Know you therefore Sir, etc.  
Mark here the spirit of humility and meekness in these men, and to what case they are come, that dare not only do these things and commit these insolencies, but brag of them also in writing. Here is fulfilled the saying of the holy Ghost, 
Prou. 2.  gloriantur, cum malè fecerint, & exultant in rebus pessimis. They do glory in doing evil and triumph in the greatest wickedness which they commit.  
We might here consider of many other things as vain, false and wicked as these infarced throughout this book, without all conscience, modesty or respect of christianity, if time did permit us, and that we were not overcloyed with these. 
Pag. 12. 13. 37.  We might set you down how wickedly many gentlewomen, and noble personages are here discovered, descried and dishonoured, some by name, some by signs and letters and other like most perfidious detections. We might lay open unto you how seditiously the author of this book goeth about to set rancour, 
Pag. 3●. 113.  malice and sedition between the noble houses of Arundel, howard's Dacres, and others. How he threateneth catholics with new persecution, if they abandon not the Archpriest, with the rest of his clergy and Father's o● the Society, 
Pag. 194.  against whom he threateneth, that he and his companions, 
Pag. 25.  like angry sleeping dogs unwillingly awaked by them, will now both bark, bite, & leap in their faces, etc. all which showeth the quality of their spirits.  
But no one thing showeth the same so much (as often we have noted) as their most impudent devised and forged lies both against the Society in general, 
A notorious spirit of lying.  as page 311. That the King of Polonia is defeated of the kingdom of Suetia only by their treacherous, ambitious & tampering aspyres (a thing notoriously false as is most evident) as also against F. Persons in particular without number or limitation. As for example that he wrote a letter to the Marquis Huntley of Scotland about that kings title (to whom we understand he never wrote letter in his life) & that he sent a jesuit priest to the late Earl of Essex to have him take a pension of the king of Spain (a mere forgery as we are ascertained) & that the said Father (under benedicite be it spoken (saith he) cozened a very reverend priest and ancient gentleman old M. Midleton of three hundred pounds at least; 
Pag. 150.  and that he dealt with him about the succession of the lady Infanta to England, 
Pag. 306.  & her marriage there.  
These (we say) and infinite such other bold assertions being altogether known to be false, and uttered without all remorse of conscience, do plainly discover the spirit of Satan delighted principally with lying. 
Confutation of the lies about Middleton.  For as for this Midleton among the rest which often is mentioned by these companions, we have informed ourselves of grave men, that were in Civil when he came thither and know all that passed there in his affairs, and do avouch that this Middleton, whom he calleth old being of some forty years of age coming out of England into Spain with some store of money hidden about him (though not half so much perhaps as here is mentioned) about the year 1594. bringing with him a youth that was his brother's son, and arriving first at the English College of Vallidolid, and hearing that F. Persons was at Civil, he resolved to go thither, but yet in such miserable poor sort, as though he had been a very beggar in deed in respect whereof he did not only take the alms of the said College of Vallidolid, but of all other houses also of the jesuits in the way, which is 300. miles, offering to lie in their stables and hayloftes amongst their servants, when they had no room within the house, as at Cordu● by name where he got 30. spanish rials of alms, which had been gathered in the Church at a sermon for a poor Italian, this man making his necessity to be greater than his, and then coming to Civil he so assaulted F. Persons with weeping and tears, and by intercession of D. Stillington and M. Martin Array his country men and others, as he took his nephew for scholar into the house, and himself also for commoner through their infinite importunity, but yet so as he offered to pay his own commons, and somewhat also at the beginning for his nephew, who being a very proper youth died soon after, and that greatly occasioned (as he said) by his uncles untemperate dealing with him, and after P. Persons was departed from Civil to Madrid, his said uncle the old Midleton was removed also by the Rector out of the College for his intolerable, passionate and unruly behaviour, which yet the Father returning to Civil did seek to remedy most charitably, and being importuned by his continual solicitations with tears and cries, yielded also at length to have him made priest by privilege of the Seminary, 
The ingrateful behaviour of M. Midleton towards F. Persons.  which he once having obtained & F. Persons departed thence again he fell out with the Rector again and with M. Martin Array and other friends, and so went he away from Civil insalutato hospite, and going thence to Madrid he found F. Persons there, who offered again to provide for him in the Seminary, or residence of Lisbon, but he refusing to go, stole away secretly from Madrid also and went towards Rome in the year 1596. and in the way falling into the company of a Spanish gentleman that loved greatly F. Persons, he made himself his dearest friend and scholar, and thereby got the most part of his charges; but when he came to Rome, he joined again which the troublesome there, where F. Persons arriving soon after he excused the matter, and asked him pardon, by whom he was very courteously used, and often times invited to the College, and being afterward taken in a certain tavern with some disorderly scholars and put in prison, he was delivered again soon after by F. Persons means, and besides this when he meant a little after to depart from Rome the said Father not only procured him the grant of xxv. Crowns in gold of his Hol. for his viaticum, but also agreed with one Don Andrea de Cordua a noble Spanish gentleman in Rome auditor of the Rota that M. Middleton should go down with his nephew a young noble man, into Flaunders in form of a certain tutor, and thereby have his charges born by the way, which yet took no effect, for that two days before they should depart according to his former tricks he delighting more in private begging then otherways to be provided for, departed secretly out of Rome, without taking his leave of F. Persons, or any of the English College, in so much as great doubt was conceived what was become of him until some months afterward it was understood that he had passed begging through Germany into France where he placed himself in service with a certain Bishop, and thence again in the year 1600. he returned to Rome, and repairing to F. Persons was by him most courteously received and entertained for divers days in the College, notwithstanding all the former pranks played and ingratitude showed, which he fell unto afterward again, joining with them that were factious abroad, and so went from Rome again without saluting him.  
And this is the whole true story of M. Midleton so often objected by our seditious people in their libels, for which cause we have thought best to relate the same once at large, to the end you may by this one example judge of many more of like kind alleged against F. Persons, the truth whereof we have received by the relation of divers grave and Reverend priests that do know all this to be most true, and can prove it by many witnesses, and that F. Persons never so much as talked with Midleton in his whole life of the Infanta to his remembrance, or of her succession or marriage in England, he being no fit man for such treatyes, and much less that F. Persons ever had penny of his money by cozenage or other ways, but that whatsoever he brought to Civil with him, he carried away again, excepting only that little contribution which for himself and his nephews commons he paid to F. Peralta the Rector of that College, as he will testify, which was much less than they spent, or otherways could have had for double in other places. So as hereby you may see the truth of these libels, or rather the lying spirit of the writers.  
There were no end if we should go forward to repeat but the hundredth part of notorious slanders and lies which are divulged in this infamous book of Quodlibets, 
About the book or Memorial of Reformation.  nay it would ask a particular volume to answer the manifest untruths, and shameless assertions, that are in one only article of one of his Quodlibets, to wit the second article of the fourth Quodlibet where among many other absurdities and notorious lies, he presumeth also like a bold blind bayatd to put down resolutely and particularly, the Decrees & particular statutes (as he termeth them contained in the forenamed book ascribed to F. Persons about the reformation of our English Church in a Catholic time, of which book we have written sufciently before in the 5. Chapter of this work, and only have to add in this place, that the audacity of these people, is such, as not having seen or read that book as appeareth by their writing, yet do they every where urge the same, first under a known false title devised by themselves, calling it, the high Court of Reformation, 
Supra Cap. 5.  the true title being, A memorial for Reformation, etc. as hath been declared; and then setting down such decrees (whereas indeed nothing is decreed but suggested only throughout that book) as never were made, written or thought of by the author, but rather the quite contrary.  
As for example they say, the first decree is, that when England shallbe restored to the Cath. faith, no orders of religious people, shallbe suffered to return into England or be permitted to live within the Britons Ocean (as their words are) but only jesuits & Capuchynes, & this for that Capuchins taking no rent or temporal possessions, the jesuits shall remain with all, etc. Whereas first he that readeth the said Memorial shall not find the jesuits so much as once named throughout all that book; and secondly there is no speech of British Ocean or Scotland therein contained, but only of England. And thirdly the plain contrary to that which they affirm is expressly set down in divers parts of the said Memorial, to wit, that all religious orders approved in the Church of God, without exception should be restored in respect of the public injury done to all by their expulsion, which is set down in one place thus:  
And for that religious orders have been more defaced, 
Memorial of Reform. part. 1. Cap. 7.  dishonoured & persecuted in our realm, then in any other Christian country in the world, perhaps it would be convenient to make such amends and recompense as is not beside in any other kingdom, to wit that all the approved religious orders, that are in the Church of God, should be called into England, and placed jointly in the city of London at least, for that it is to be presumed, that this city would be capable of all, and from thence they might be derived afterwards by little & little into other places of the Realm as commodity were offered, 
About the restoring of religious orders into England.  and as men's devotions should require, and as they should be proved to be most profitable and agreeable to the state of our country, but altogether to be in London, and that in the perfection of their first institution would be a most excellent thing, and a privilege above all other kingdoms in the world, where all religious orders are not seen together, and much less in the perfection of their first institute and observance, which ought to be the condition of admitting any order into England at our next reformation, be they men or women, to the end that the greater glory of God be procured in all things.  
Thus saith the memorial in this place which is afterward repeated again upon divers occasions, as namely in the second part and 6. chapter, where it is said: that as on the one side it is greatly desired (as before hath been noted) that all the approved religious orders of God's Church should be admitted again into England for more honourable satisfaction of impietyes committed against them in times passed by their ejection; so is there no less desire of good men, that such persons thereof may be called, as will promise the perfect observation of their first institution, and rule, and thereby be true lights and salt of our country indeed, etc. This is there written: and now let every one judge how honest and true a man he is, that putteth forth these Quodlibets, and so shamefully avoucheth the contrary.  
The second act enacted or Statute (saith he) made in that high infernal Consistory, 
Pag. 93.  was concerning Church & Abbey lands, etc. all which must be under the holy Society of jesus, presently upon the establishing of the spiritual monarchy, which done, their Father General must call out 4. jesuits and two secular priests, (who must be also demi jesuits) & these six vicar's (I pray God not of hell, for of heaven they are not) like six Dutch peers shall have the lands, 
Pag. 94.  means, etc. resigned over to their hands, for to allow to Bishops, persons, & Vicars, etc. a competent stipend only to live on, even as the Turks Bassas & Genisaryes do live under him.  
Thus writeth he as out of the said book whereof no one word is there but all to the contrary. The third Statute (saith he) was made concerning the nobility & gentry, such as (to omit others) Sir Robert Cecil, Sir john Fortescue, etc. with sundry other knights and Squyres, all which were limited by that blind profane parliament, what retinue they should keep, how much should be allowed them to spend yearly, etc. And do you not think these men to be more than half frantic that publish such devices in print?  
The fourth Statute (saith he) was made concerning the common laws of this land, & consisted in this principal point, that all the great Charter of England must be burnt, 
Pag. 94.  & all the manner of holding lands in fee simple, fee tail, frank almain, etc. must be brought into villainy, schoggery and popularity, etc. Thus he saith; but if you read the book itself you shall find the plain contradictory of all put down in the said Memorial. For in the fourth Chapter of the third part thereof which is entitled: Of the Inns of Court and study of common laws, etc. the whole course of the same laws is persuaded to he continued with supply of some points that may be found wanting and reformation of others that may be abused, so as all this here alleged is a mere fiction in the air.  
The fifth Statute (saith he) was concerning Calumniation, with a proviso in the foresaid Statute that whosoever did offend a jesuit, or speak against this high Counsel of Reformation, it should be lawful for the Fathers or their Synodical ministers to defame, detract & calumniate him or her at their pleasure; be who they shall be, noble peer, or Prince, Bishop, Cardinal or the Pope himself, etc. To this devised Statute, we know not what ro say, seeing there was never any such word or thought.  
The sixth Statute (saith he) in the foresaid high Counsel of Reformation, may weary well be called the Statute of Retractation, which is a hot counterblast to the former horneblast of Calumniation, & it goes under the tenor of a proviso, that if such & such things do happen, than the persons defamed, contemned and condemned ad inferos alive, shallbe as highly exalted, advanced and elcuated ad caelos after their death, etc. This they write, which being matters of mere madness, as you see, and never dreamt of by the author, deserve only contempt and compassion for answer, especially seeing that in the end of all their babbling about this book of reformation & Statutes therein contained, they conclude their whole treatese thus:  
Happy were some men, 
Pag. 109.  if they might but have a sight of that Statute book, etc. No doubt, but he should find notable stuff in it, that would serve for many purposes, etc. 
Confession of their own folly & maliced  This he seemeth to say of himself confessing hereby that he never saw the book by him impugned, so that whatsoever he hath set down in almost 20. pages together against the same is not only without book but also must needs be forged and devised by himself. And this is sufficient to show the man's honesty and the credit of his companion's and cause.  
All which being considered little more needeth to be said in this place, for direction of discreet & prudent catholics how to bear themselves (which is the argument of this Chapter) in this time of controversy and contention raised by the common adversary and maintained by his instruments, wherein we can say no more, but as the holy Apostle S. john said unctio docebit, 
1. joan. 2.  the sweet direction of God's holy spirit willbe a sufficient guide unto catholics in this behalf; 
1. Cor. 12.  and the discretion or discerning of spirits so often and highly commended by S. Paul, 
Hebr. 5.  and by us before recommended will yield abundant light for the same.  
For he that shall but a little consider with himself on what side goeth the spirit of modesty, 
Some considerations for discerning the spirit of our contentious.  patience, longanimity, obedience, truth, charity, mortification, fear of God and the like, and on the other side the plain contrary spirits of clamours, rage, revenge, envy and emulation, audacious speeches, disobedience, contempt, resistance, temerarious assertions, false and slanderous asseverations, as out of their books have been showed. He that will weigh further with himself, where how and when, and by what men, and against whom and upon what causes and motives these emulations and contentions were first begun, and have been continued since and what manner of men out of all sorts of discontented people have run unto them against their Superiors, masters, Fathers, & benefactors, & what ends the most of them have had or are like to have, according as in our 
* Cap. 2. 3. 4. & 5.  Apology we have declared. He that will ponder moreover how, and by whom this great work of England's conversion was begun, and hath been maintained since, and is brought to the state wherein now it standeth, and that the union of this body hath ever consisted in due subordination of one to another, which these men now cannot abide; it willbe very easy to frame a sound judgement of the whole cause and men that handle it.  
For first denied it cannot be, that priests and jesuits joining all together at the beginning of the seminaries, both at Douai, Rheims, Rome, and other places afterwards, to wit, D. Allen, D. Saunders, D. Stapleton D. Bristol, D. Webbe & many other grave men of our nation, 
Who do gather & who do disperse.  together with the help, credit, and assistance of the Fathers of the Society, both there and else 〈◊〉 did set this cause first on foot, and have promoted the same ever since, with conjoined labours of teaching, preaching writing books and the like, and God hath prospered their labours, as by the effects we see, which being so it is easy to perceive what spirit this is now which goeth about to separate and disjoin all this again, under fond and odious pretences, that they are of divers bodies of divers societies and of different vocations? etc. Is not this that devilish spirit of dispersing; so much detested by Christ himself in the gospel? Consider we pray you, who do gather and who do disperse.  
And then further if we consider wherefore these dispersers have made all this trouble and division, all this foul breach in our public cause that was so highly honoured and admired by strangers before, and have alienated so many men's hearts from us, and given so much matter of joy and laughter to our enemies at home: 
Why our contentious priests have stirred so much.  if we examine what hath been the foundation of all this we shall find no other by their own confession, but for that an ecclesiastical Superior was put over them without their ask or consent. But was this a sufficient cause (trow you) to make so great broils in such a time and place, as this is? Suppose he had been an evil man that was so appointed (as no moderate Cathol. or Protestant we think will affirm that know him) had it not been more modesty, meekness and prudence also to obey, as the rest of the Clergy did (being twenty to one of them and their faction) then to have made these scandalous broils, for which their souls must one day answer to almighty God?  
And yet further when afterward upon their first tumultuation that little treatese of schism was written with divers sharper words than some could have wished, but yet taken out of the Canons themselves, and suppose it had been oversharply and unadvisedly done, yet seeing it was never printed, nor passed furrher than the hands of particular men at home, can this be an excuse to such multitudes of horrible slanderous books and libels published fynce for revenge both in English and latin, to the utter infamy of our cause and Nation?  
No heretic or Archeretike, 
All heresies have some show of just cause given them at the beginning.  that ever was, wanted some probable show of offence or expostulation at the first breach, as may be showed in every one of them: and if we believe the writers of our time Martin Luther had no small occasion given him by the Dominicans, for depriving him and his order of the preminence to publish the Pope's Bulls. john Caluyn also had a great exasperation by the Bishop of Noyon in France, that burned him in the back; But was this enough (think you) to justify or excuse the scandals that after ensued by their seeking of revenge? One thing is certain in this our case, & not unlike to theirs (especially to that of Luther) that as he knowing well his superiors mind and judgement to be against him, and not daring openly to contradict them, gave fair words and promises for a good space, but ever did the contrary and passed from worse to worse: so our trouble some people knowing from the first beginning of the institution of the Archpriest yea before he was appointed, that his Hol. judgement and affection was wholly against them in this contention and emulation against the Fathers of the Society (for he had told divers of them so by his own mouth in Rome before they came from thence and this with very sharp speech as in the 
* Cap. 4. & ●  Apology is showed) yet went they forward in protesting in their first books, that their quarrel was only against Card. Cai●tans letters, and the credit thereof, and that any least word of his Haul own writing should quiet them and end all controversies; and yet now after two Apostolical Breves written to content and satisfy them, and divers other letters both of the Card. Cai●tan, and Burghesius, and others to the same effect to testify his Hol. will, desire, judgement, resolution, determination, and commandment therein, yet are they more troublesome and less satisfied then before and do break to further scandals every day more than other as you see.  
If any man will marvel at this, and ask the true causes, we can answer no otherways, but that this is God's judgement against them for breaking union and unity so highly commended, and earnestly commanded by Christ in his work. But if we will seek for some other causes also a parterei, 
Causes of obstinacy.  there want not divers, especially that of ambition, liberty of life, and their promises and obligation to their new patrons my L. of London and orhers; All which being considered; no man ought to maruay le if they hold out with great obstinacy in she contraspem, as M. Bluet saith in his letter to M. Much, even against the remorse of their own consciences. God send them his holy grace to see the danger whereunto they run. And with this we end this whole treatese.  
FINIS.