A TEMPERATE WARD-WORD, TO THE TURBULENT AND SEDITIOUS Wachword of Sir Francis hastings knight, who endeavoureth to slander the whole Catholic cause, & all professors thereof, both at home and abroad.  
Reduced into eight several encounters, with a particular speech directed to the Lords of her majesties most honourable Council. To whom the arbitrament of the whole is remitted.  
By N. D.  Psalm. 71. vers. 4. judicabit Dominus pauperes populi, & humiliabit calumniatorem. God will judge his poor and afflicted people, and will make the st●nderer to stoop. 
Imprinted with Licence.  
ANNO M. D. XCIX.   

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.  
I Can much have wished that Sir Francis hastings, who giveth himself for author of a certain injurious pamphlet, published some months past, against Catholics, and entitled: Awache-word, or whosoever made that biting libel for him, with intention to dishonour him with the title, as on the one side, he nameth himself knight (and all men know the hastings to be of a very honourable family, and one also to be knight of that name) so on the other, had he observed some term and style of nobility or gentry in his writing: in which case, I had either wholly spared this labour of answering him at all, leaving him only to the censure and rebuke of his equals, for meddling in so base an excercise, as calumniation and railing is, in this his old years, or at leastwise, should he have received his check and refutation, with that regard of worship and honour, as otherwise had been due to his rank, place, and person.  
But finding him so far forgetful of all knightly temperance in his tongue, and of all civil carriage in the drift and current of his book, as he holdeth no rule or limit of modesty at all, but enraged rather (as it seemeth) with a furious vain of invective spirit, spareth neither God nor man, so far forth as they concern the catholic cause, or the cause them: he must bear with me, and lay it to his own demerits, if I be driven to encounter with him in some more eager and sharp manner, at certain meetings, then either I allow of by mine own liking, or then the reverend respect I carry to his house and family, and the particular affection I feel towards some of his own name and lineage, would otherwise have induced me.  
Who will not confess, but that lying, forging, and falsifying, ignorant vaunting, odious scoffing, malicious calumniations, seditious interpretations, bloody exaggerations, Barbarous in sultations over them that already are in affliction and calamity, aught to be far from the nature, pen, and tongue of a knight or gentleman? and yet these are the flowers or rather furies of this skolding discourse, as afterwards you shall see by that which is to be treated. Wherein if the lives honours, states, and livings, of home-born subjects, were only touched, and brought in question (as they be) it were more tolerable, though no way tolerable, being done unjustly, but the heat of this hasty knight resteth not here, but rusheth further, to the open assault of foreign monarchs also, their honours, fame, and reputation, which is less tolerable, and consequently, hath need of some more sharp and forcible rejection.  
The violence of the Puritan spirit is not unknown to the wise of England: whereunto also France and Scotland will bear sufficient witness. It hath been kept down many years, by the valour and prudence of the Protestant, and the known professors thereof have been held lean and hungry by her Majesty, to no small benefit of public peace and so may be still, while the Catholic party hath also some poised and sway in the balance against them. If Sir Francis be one of them, it may seem perhaps expedient in his wisdom, that (her Majesty growing now fast in years) things be brought to some trial by garboil in her days, for that afterwards, more than one part may chance to join against them: wherefore if they might now oppress the catholic party by the hand of her Majesty, their own would serve afterwards more easily to do the like against her and hers, and the way and means to effectuate them both may seem perhaps no wise to be more potent or speedy, then to drive many at home to desperation, by fears and terrors of oppressions, and by opprobrious injuries, and personnal slanders, to enforce foreign princes, of the same religion, to implacable ire and indignation. And this is the proper course that Sir Francis taketh, throughout his whole sedious wachword. Which to cover the better, he falleth to extreme flattery of the other side, especially of the state, and of her majesties person in particular; which are the fittest baits to cover such hooks, as angle after popular favour, for a further fetch.  
To this man than I am to answer, as the substance and tenor of his accusations, fictions, or calumniations, shall lead me, reducing all that I am to say, for better order and memory, to eight or nine principal heads, branches, and arguments, under the name of encounters, wherein I doubt not, but the apparent truth of divers points will come to light, which hitherto have lain hidden and obscure, in the understanding of many, hoping that the discreet reader will pass over these few lines, with a benevolent, or at least, an indifferent eye; reserving the final judgement of all, to the Lords of her majesties Council; whom, I myself have chosen for umpires and arbiters of the whole controversy, and so I end this entrance and will pass to my first combat and encounter with Sir Francis hastings.  Your hearty friend that wisheth your best and greatest good, N. D.  

THE PRINCIPAL PARTS OF THIS WARD-WORD.  

THe preface to the reader, about Sir Francis hastings manner of proceeding.  
The first encounter, about blessings or cursings, received by change of catholic religion in England. page. 1.  
The second encounter, concerning certain absurd growndes of catholic religion, feigned by the knight: and the defence of Saint Thomas of Canterbury. page. 11.  
The third encounter, touching forged perils, to have been procured to her Majesty by Catholics, both before and since her reign. page. 27.  
The fourth encounter, about certain principal Englishmen, injured by name, as Bishop Gardener, Cardinal Allen etc. also about father Persons, and other jesuits. page. 41.  
The fifth encounter, about jesuits, and father Persons in Particular, whether they seek the Queen's blood, as S. Fra. affirmeth. page. 55.  
The sixth encounter, of Catholic recusants now in England, and the fault of disloyalty falsely laid against them. page. 72.  
The seventh encounter, of foreign princes slandered, and first about the Bishop of Rome, whether he be Antichrist or no. page. 90.  
The eight encounter, about the present king of spain, and the Spanish nation, injured by Sir Francis. page. 102.  
A speech to the Lords of her majesties privy Council, remitting the judgement and arbitrement of the whole controversy, to their censures: as also the judgement and petition of the answerer, for ending or composing of matters. page. 119.    

THE FIRST ENCOUNTER, ABOUT THE BLESSINGS AND BENEDICTIONS, which Sir Francis affirmeth to have come to England by the change of Catholic Religion.  
WITTY was the answer of him who being demanded, 
Antigo. of flattery.  what enemy was to be holden for most perilous and pernicious; said, that of domestical enemies, the flatterer; for that his wound is received commonly with delectation, and by covering the truth, and praising the vices and imperfections of the party flattered, he doth lead him pleasantly and without resistance, to perdition.  
And as this is true in particular men (as all the world doth experience daily) so much more hath it his effect in great communities and common wealths; where the greater part being lightly of the simpler and more imperfect sort, they are easily carried away with the poisoned melody of these Sirens songs of adulation, & so he that will read over the stories of the beginnings, proceedings, fall and overthrow of realms and countries, shall find the principal root of their ruin or changes; to have been the ear and credit given to flatterers, before the sincere council of them that spoke more plainly, though les pleasantly. Let the only example of the people of Israel serve for this time, who being often told by holy men, and prophets of God, of their dangerous estate, would never believe them, but hearkened rather unto flatterers that smoothed all, and told them of blessings; in so much as God himself resolved one day to say plainly unto them (though it profited little) P●pule meus qui te beatum dicunt, ipsi te decipiunt, 
Esa. 3.  & viam gressuum tuoru● dissipant: My people, they who say thou art happy, they are those that deceive thee, and do mar the way, where thou art to pass, thereby to overthrow thee.  
He that will consider with judgement and indifferency, the present estate of matters in England and round about it (& this especially by reason of change made in religion) & shall read together the flearing tale, 
The present state of English blessings.  which Sir Francis hastings telleth us in the first lines of his book, of the infinite and innumerable blessings received (as he saith) by the said change: he will either say, that the man lacked wit and discourse to see the deformity and contradiction of his own talk, or else modesty and shame fastness in uttering it.  
For notwithstanding the rare parts, and good intentions, of her Majesty in this her government (which no man denieth, nor yet conjoineth with the evil success of this alteration of religion, as well known not to have proceeded of her own inclination at the beginning) who is there so simple that discovereth not, or so evil affected that ruth not from his heart, the difficulties already grown and growing daily by this most unfortunate and fatal alteration of religion? which this man calleth, The fountain and wellspring whence all the rest of this our little Islands benefits and blessings do issue and flow. Nay doth not the silly fellow himself in all this furious, and scornful libel of his, endeavour to lay before us a thousand fears and frights of imminent perils, which he saith hang over us by the division of hearts, of hands, of judgements, of affections, of parts and partial●ties, and factions within the realm? Or is his whole argument any thing else in effect, but a timorous abodement of infinite ruins, that do beset the realm, at this day? And are not his own words these, after a long discourse of perils? I doubt not (dear countrymen) but that you are men of wisdom, and can easily conceive, what dangers we stand in, by that which hath been set down before. And a little after: The life of Religion, of Queen, & Country, is at the stake, etc. And how then doth he pipe unto us this feigned note of melancholy music, amidst so many dreadful cares and sorrows? hath he not red that: Musica in luctu importuna narratio, 
●●cles 22.  it is importun chanting, when other men are weeping? but let us hear his manner of speech.  
If I should take upon me (saith he) to enter into the enumeration of all the benefits, and blessings, that from the almigh●i have been powered upon this little Island of England, etc.  
Here Sir Knight, seeing you mention our little Island, you must take in Scotland also, or else you err in cosmography, and then your meaning must be, that Scotland in like manner as well as we, hath tasted of the same benedictions, by change of religion, as no doubt but it hath, with all other regions and countries near about us, who being quiet before and settled in one universal and general religion, did by England's alteration, receive the like impression and motion in themselves; yet more than the rest (by their nearness) Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, and France. Into the enumeration of all which countries miseries, tumults, calamities, and desolations, happened by that change, if I should enter with Sir Francis to recount them, I should find a far more ample subject to enlarge myself upon, than he in reciting his blessings, though he descended unto very poor ones.  
For to begin with Scotland, 
Scotland.  and to say nothing of the Battles, Murders, destruction of Countries, Provinces, Towns, Cities, Houses, and particular Men, which we have seen in that Realm within thes forty years, that the change of religion hath been attempted; no man can deny but that three Princes, two Queens, and one King, the Mother, Daughter, and Husband, have been all brought to their bane, by this occasion; besides the overthrow and change of so many Noble Houses and Lineages, as Scotishmen can recount, 'mong their Hamiltons, Dougleses, Stewards, and others; as also the Irish will tell of their Noble Desmondes, and other Peers destroyed. But Flaunders & France 
Ireland● Flaunders● France.  have no end at all in these coumptes, when they begin, they are so many. And all this, as they say (and is evident) by the Lamentable consequence of our change of Religion in England, which drew them after us, or at leastwise gave example, heart, and help, to their change and eversion also.  
But not to step from England 
England.  itself, where principally this blessing bringer doth vaunt that his blessings are powered out in abundance, let us examine the matter indifferently among ourselves: we are Englishmen, and we talk to men of the same language and nation, that know the country and condition thereof: and many have seen the change, and knew the stare of things therein before the alteration, or at leastwise have heard thereof since: by their fathers and grandfathers, This is not a contention about Terra Virginea, where only we must believe Sir Walter Rawleighes Relations, or Sir Humphrey Gilbertes about Terra Florida. Let every man than look about him, and say what he findeth or feeleth of these blessings, or maledictions in himself or others.  
I for my part shall only for better direction of men's judgements, give this advertisement, that all blessings of a commonwealth may seem to be reduced to two heads or branches, the one spiritual, belonging to the soul and conscience; the other temporal, that concerneth the body and weal-public. Let the consideration of the spiritual, go before, for that they are the worthier and most important for true Christians to be considered and esteemed.  
There was in England before the alteration, 
Spiritual effects by change of religion.  one God worshipped and adored after one and the self same manner, not only throughout this little Island of England, and Scotland, but also of the whole body of Christendom, one faith, one belief, one form of service, one number of sacraments, one tongue in celebration, one sacrifice, one head of the Church, one obedience, one judgement in all, 
joan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4.  with other like points and circumstances of union and unity, which made a general uniformity also in the peace of men's minds, and is a benediction so highly esteemed & commended by the Apostles and Christ himself as nothing more in Christian doctrine.  
This was in England before the change, but now in these points, we English of the new profession, are not only different & divided from the general body of Catholics in Christendom (with whom we were united before) but also among ourselves and with other new sectaries sprung up with us or after us, we have implacable wars and are divided in opinions, as from Lutherans in Germany and Denmark, from Zwinglians in Switzerland, from calvinists in Geneva, France, Holland, and Scotland; and at whom what combats our Bishops, Counsellors, and moderate sort of Protestants, have to defend their Parliament Religion and Q. proceed as they call it, against Puritans, Brownistes, and other like good fellows, that by show of Scriptures do impugn it: All Englishmen know and see by their books daily, so as this first and greatest spiritual blessing of unity and uniformity, we have lost and not gained by out change of Religion.  
But here our Knight perhaps will say, that the blessing consisteth in that by this change, they who follow the Parliament Religion allowed by the state of England, (I do say Perhaps, for that I know not but rather do doubt much, whether Sir Francis doth follow it or no) have the only true Religion among all others, that do err, or at leastwise his puritan Religion, and thereby that they only have this blessing by the change.  
And, no doubt, but he said much if he could prove it of the one or of the other, 
About certainty in religion.  but this seemeth impossible (I mean) that he should either prove it to me, or know it himself, but only by his own particular guess, which maketh not faith, but opinion and fancy; for I would ask Sir Francis, or any such man as he is, that determineth so resolutely, that his only Religion among so many others (as are extant at this day) is true, and all others false; whereon doth he ground his certainty?  
Two only means can Sir Francis have to guide himself in this case, first, that he hath received his doctrine of such or such persons, preachers, Ministers, or Doctors, whose learning and knowledge in this behalf he trusteth absolutely: & then is his whole faith builded upon the credit of man, as is evident, and consequently is nothing worth, nor no faith at all. The other way is, that he believeth it, for that it ●s founded in scripture; but this way to Sir Francis must needs be as uncertain as the other, if not more; for that to be sure that it is ●oundly grounded upon scripture, he must first read himself his whole belief expressly in scriptures, which is much for a man of Sir Francis occupation to do, & then he must be able to judge of many other points, belonging to the same, as namely, that the book is surely scripture, that he readeth. And then that the translation which he useth is truly made, out of the learned tongues of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin: And lastlly he must be sure of the true sense and exposition, which also are hard matters, for a man of Sir Francis learning, and much more for others that know less than he.  
Yea and when all is done, if he had all these helps needful for such a matter (as he hath not) yet were it but a private man's opinion, and consequently his faith should be grounded but upon his own particular judgement, which maketh no faith at all, but opinion only as often hath been said, for that faith must have God's express authority for her foundation.  
So that to conclude, the first blessing which Sir Francis in particular thinketh to have rec●yued by this change of his religion, is in effect, that, whereas before, when he believed the Catholic and universal faith of Christendom, delivered unto him by the universal church, as founded on scripture (which church Christ and his Apostles, gave him express commission to credit) his belief was properly faith and founded upon a rock, that could not fail: now, having left that fortress, and cast himself into the waves of new opinions, he hath nothing certain at all, but so much as he list to choose of himself, or of other men's opinions; which choice is properly called heresy, for that the word heresy in Greek (as all learned men know) signifieth nothing else, but a certain election and choice in matters of religion, to wit, when a man leaving the common consent of the general Church, chooseth only to follow that which his own private judgement induceth him unto.  
And to make this more plain, 
A plain demonitiation against Sir Francis.  how all these people have no other rule of belief but only what their own fancy leadeth them unto, I ask Sir Francis (not of any catholic Doctor, nor of any ancient father, as S. Augustin, S. jerom, or the rest, whom easily he would contemn) but rather, of his own Doctors, Martin Luther, john Caluyn, Theodore Beza, and such others, whom he supposeth to have been servants of God, and endued with his holy spirit: and all the world knoweth that they were more learned than Sir Francis; yet why should he believe his own judgement more than theirs in points of faith? wherein they differ from him, as Luther about the real presence, and the number and form of Sacraments, and many other points; Caluyn in matter of the QUEEN'S Supremacy, which he denieth. Beza in the whole government of their church. Or why should I believe Sir Francis or his new masters of England, rather than these that were more learned than he or his? or what reason, rule, or foundation, have any of these men, to believe their own opinion, more than others, but only self will and fancy?  
This then is the first and greatest spiritual benediction (or malediction rather) that I find to have happened to our realm and nation by this woeful alteration of religion, that whereas before we had ● direct rule, squire and pole-star to follow, which was the universal church; now, every man being set at liberty, holdeth, believeth, and teacheth what he listeth. Nor is there any way or mean left to restrain him, for straight way he appealeth boldly and confidently to the scriptures, and there he willbe both master and pilot, and boteswayne himself, to govern the bark at his pleasure, for he admitte●● no judge, no interpreter, no authority, no antiquity, nor any other manner of trial; which is the greatest madness and malediction that ever could happen among men of reason.  
And I have been the longer in this first blessing, for that it is the head and wellspring of all other spiritual miseries, ensued by this alteration upon us, which now in haste I will run over as men are wont to drink a medicine with as little stay or reflection as may for the evil savour.  
After assurance, stability, and union in belief, the next greatest spiritual benedictions that can be expected of any doctrine, 
What effects of virtue new religion hath wrought.  are the good effects of virtue which it worketh in men's minds and manners, as it was foretold by Esay the prophet, that Christ's doctrine, should so alter men's conditions and natures, that such as were most fierce, savage, and wicked before, should by this doctrine become most humble, 
Esa. 11.  kind and gentle. The wolf (saith he) shall dwell with ●he lamb, and the pard shall lie with the goat; the calf, lion, and sheep shall abide together: and a little child shallbe able to govern them all.  
Well then: hath the protestants doctryn wrought these effects of peace, meekness, mansuetude and agreement? I have touched before the bloody tragedies raised in France, Flaunders, Scotland, and other places, upon the first rising thereof, I might add Switzerland, and Germany, where their own stories do testify, that above a hundredth thousand people were slain within one year, by the rebellion and wars of the countrymen against their Lords, 
Sledan.  for the controversy of religion, such humility obedience, and meekness of heart imprinted presently this new doctrine when it came.  
But let us see other effects, Christ's doctrine exhorteth to Penance, to Mortification of the flesh, 
Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth. 7. & 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. & 14.  to Continency, Virginity, Fa●ting, Praying, Alms, voluntary Poverty, renouncing of the world, & the like. Are there more of these effects now adays in England or before? Or are there more in Sir Francis and his men, then in ours? doth he and his gospellers pay their debts better than Catholics do, or keep better Houses, or more Hospitality, or ●rayse their Rents less, or take less Fines, or use their tenants ●etter, or lend their Neighbours more money, without usury? Or do they help to Marry more Poor men's daughters, and other such like good Works of Charity? Is Pride in apparel, Gluttony, Drunkenness, Lechery, Swearing, and For swearing, Covetousness, Cruelty, Falsehood, Deceit, Thievery, Lack of Conscience, Oppressing of poor men, more of less nowadays in ure or before, when yet this change was not made? Let Sir Francis answer me to this and not he only but the whole country round about him, and then let him tell me with witnesses, whether they be Spiritual blessings or curses that have ensued upon this change of Religion so much commended by him, and so I sh●l pass to weigh his temporal benedictions, which perhaps he esteemeth far more than these spiritual.  
For better understanding whereof, 
Temporal effects by change of religion.  men are wont to bring into consideration two points. First, what was likely to have been, or ●allen out, if the the change of Religion had not been made in her Majesty's time, and then what hath ensued upon the change made.  
To the first they say, that if as her Majesty entered most happily and joy fully into the Crown of England, by general consent of all, and promoted especially by the peculiar forces of Catholics, that were at that day most potent without comparison; and that, as her Majesty entered catholicly, that is to say, showing her●self in all points of religion and behaviour à Catholic, according as she had done also before in her sister Q. Mary's r●●gne and was now crowned and anointed catholicly by a Catholic bishop, at a Catholic mass, and other like circumstances; i● she had continued that course still, & not yielded to the persuasions of some new counsellors, against the judgement of all her old (a● in deed she was hardly brought to yield thereunto at the beginning, for that she foresaw by her wisdom, divers of the inconveniences, that sithence have ensued) then say these men, if this had bind so, both her Majesty and the realm had been most happy at this day. And in particular they allege these benefits following, which of all probability would have fallen upon us.  
First, her Majesty at this day had had a most flourishing kingdom united both to her, 
Strength & felicitic by union.  and among themselves, in Religion, judgement, affection, fidelity, and friendship, as other realms Catholic of the world are seen to be, and as ours for above a thousand years together with much honour and felicity, is known to have remained.  
Here of had ensued that none of these fears and terrors of Conquests, Invasions, 
Security.  Assaults, Treasons, Conspiracies, and the like, which this Wach-man endeavoureth to lay before us, had ever come in consideration. For that England united in itself, hath ever since i● was a Monarchy, made other Kingdoms and Provinces rown● about it to fear her forces (as by matters happened in France, Ireland and Scotland, for many ages is evident) and she never greatly feared any.  
Thirdly, England had had her Majesty at this day by all likelihood a joyful mother of many fair and princely children, 
Issue of her Majesty.  for tha● the principal cause of her graces not marrying is to be presumed to have proceeded of the different Religion of foreign Princes, who desired the same on the on side: and on the other, the inequality of blood in her own subjects, for such advancement. For to attribute this great resolution of her Majesty, to the only love of sole life and Maiden head, I doubt how it can be justifiable, seeing that among Catholics where such profession is more praised and practised, they use sometimes to draw out even vowed Nuns from their Cloisters to marriage, for so weighty a cause, as is the saving of succession in so great a crown as England is known to be. And among protestants virginity is not of that necessity or merit, as for it to incur so great inconveniences, notwithstanding the base and servile flattery of this crouching Knight, who casteth in now and then the memory of a Maiden Queen, without respecting the deadly wound which his country receiveth thereby.  
Fourthly, 
Establishment of suecession.  of this had followed the sure establishment of the succession of this Imperial crown in the blood and race of the united Royal Houses of York and Lancaster, and of the line of the Noble King Henry the seventh, which line being now to end with her Majesty, in the direct descent, is like to bring great dangers to the realm. For albeit there want not of collateral branches, yet their causes are otherwise so implicated for diverse respects, but especially by difference of religion (which had never happened if the change had not been made) as no man can tell what willbe the end, and most men do ●eare extreme calamities thereby.  
Fifthly, if religion in England had not been changed, we had had no breach with Rome, 
Union with Rome & see Apostolic.  nor consequently had the excommunication followed, whereof so great noise hath been made in the world abroad, and so great trouble at home. And what the union and friendship of the Bishop of Rome may import, even as a temporal Prince, the effects showed of late in France, where especially by his endeavour and authority matters have been compounded that seemed very hard and desperate before, not only between that King and his own subjects, but also between that crown and spain and the states of Flaunders, which without such an arbiter and umpire would very hardly, have ever been accommodated.  
Sixthly, England had continued in her old ancient amity and leagues most honourable with spain and Burg●ndie, 
Ancient leagues.  and with their dependants, and consequently had avoided all these long and costly wars, which by that breach we have been enforced to maintain with loss of so many worthy men, and expense of so great treasure, as easily may be imagined, and the quarrel not yet ended.  
Seventhly, so great and bloody wars and tumults in Christian kingdoms round about us, 
Wars abroad.  had never happened, as before in part hath been declared; and all the world doth impute the principal causes and motions thereof, unto the diversity of religion in England.  
And lastly, most doleful alterations in our own country had been avoided, 
Damages received at home.  as the deprivation in one day of all the sacred order of Bishops in England, with their perpetual imprisonment, for that they would not subscribe to this infortunate change of religion, wrong out in Parliament, as all men know, by the odds only of one or two voices of lay men. The disgrace and abasing of so many noble houses, with overthrow of others, whereof let Norfolk, Arundel, Northumberland, Oxford, Westmoreland and Dacres give testimony. For of the rest I will not make mention, seeing perhaps themselves would be loath I should, all which had passed otherwise by probability, if religion had not been altered. The continual and intolerable affliction also of so many honourable and worshipful Gentlemen, had never happened, for persevering in their father's faith, whereto our country was first converted from infidelity, without any other offence objected or to be proved against them, but only refusing to accommodate themselves to this change. 
Recusantes.  The torturing, hanging, and quartering, of above a hundredth Preestes for the same cause; the most of them good Gentlemen, and youths of rare wit, learning, and other parts, which other Common wealths would highly have esteemed, and so would ours too in times past, and will again in time to come, when these blasts shall once be overblown.  
All these inconveniences and calamities had been avoided, or the most of them, if change of Religion in England had not been made; so that the innumerable benedictions, which this poor man would needs threap upon us, by the change, do come to be in effect these that follow.  
First, 
The some of all that hath been said.  in Spiritual affairs to have no certainty of Religion at all, as hath been proved; no stay, no foundation, no rule, but only every man's own private judgement, and fancy, wrangling and jangling without end, and without judge or means to make an end: Novelties without number, and liberty of life without fear or force of Ecclesiastical discipline to restrain it. And then in temporal matters the blessings are such as have been discovered; our Realm divided and shivered in a thousand pieces; our Princess old, without children, or hope of any, our Crown without Succession, our old friends and allies made our enemies, our new friends uncertain, our own flesh and countrymen most pitifully divided within their own bowels, and most miserably tossed and turmoiled both abroad and at home: abroad and in other countries, with Prisons, Irons, Chains, Galleys, and other Afflictions, even to Death itself; for being Protestants, Pirates, Spies, Practisers, or other such imputations incident to enemies. At home afflicted with no less persecutions of our own Magistrates for being Catholics, or deemed to be such. So as I would fain know, who are they in our little Island that feel these innumerable benefits and blessings by change of Religion, which this gentleman talketh of, seeing there are very few either of one Religion or other, that taste not of the miseries whereof I have spoken, either in themselves, their friends, children, servants, kinsefolks, goods, honours, or otherwise, and most of all the Realm and Commonwealth itself.  
It may be Sir Francis sitteth easier than other men, having gotten some fat morsel to feed on, by this change, yet ought he to have some sens and feeling also of other men's griefs, or at leastwise so much wit as not to put himself to sing in public, when so many thousands of other men do weep and complain. And so much of his blessings.   

THE SECOND ENCOUNTER, ABOUT CERTAIN ABSURD GROUNDS and principles, forged by this Knight to be in Catholic Religion.  
WE have taken a scantling in the former encounter of this our knights folly and flattery, now followeth a fuller view of his cogging and lying; for these two virtues commonly go together, 
Senec●.  qui adulator, idem & mendax, saith one; the flatterer is a liar in like manner. For neither truth can stretch herself to flatter: nor flattery can be manteyned without lying. This man then, after he hath flattered the state of England so grossly and fond as you have heard, by telling them of the innumerable benedictions powered out upon the whole Island by the change of religion, now he will needs take upon him to set before our eyes the spiritual miseries and maledictions that Catholics were in before this change, to wit in Queen Mary's days, and in former reigns of ancient Catholic Princes, by reason of certain absurd and false principles, which (as he saith) were then received for truths in matters of Religion.  
But before he come to set down those principles, he maketh for his preface ascertain poetical description of the dark, cloudy, and misty state of things in Queen Mary's time, in these words.  
It is not unknown (saith he) to many yet living, 
Devised da●●●enes.  neither can it be altogether ●idden from the younger sort that lived with them, what a dark misty cloud of ignorance (which brought in popish idolatry and all manner of superstition) did overshadow the whole Land, etc. (and again after.) In these dark and cloudy days, lest the sunshine of knowledge should dispearce the mists of ignorance and give light to the dim of sight, etc.  
Doth it not seem that this grave gentleman describeth the lake of Avernus in Italy, or some foggy marsh in England, or some smoky kitchen or wood-howse of his own without a window, when he speaketh of our famous Country in former times? Above a thousand years the state of England and the Princes, People, Nobility, and Learned men thereof had continued in that Egyptian or rather Cimmerian darkness which he describeth under, clouds, mists, and shadows, until his new Sun-shyne doctors came in to enlighten the same. And it was accounted then as w●se, learned, valiant, noble, and flourishing a Kingdom, as France, Italy, spain, and other Catholic kingdoms be at this day; where if one of these our enlightened, & Sunborne, English ministers should appear, he would not dare to open his mouth in schools or matters of learning, among the great number of most excellent learned men, which there are found, as we have well experienced by such of our protestant people as now and then do go abroad to forrayn Universities, and are quickly brought to confess, their inequality in this kind, for that they scarce understand the very ordinary terms of the learned sciences which the other do possess. And as for Q. Mary's reign in England, 
Learning in Q. Mary's reign.  it is evident to all those that have judgement to discern what learning and wisdom meaneth (and indifferency to confess it) that there was not a more learned Clergy in many ages before. And in respect of these poor creatures that occupy now their prebends, and sit in the Sunshine of their New-pretended-gospel with their wives and children round about them, they were great Rabbins and Patriarches. One Tonstale of Duresme, one Watson of Lincoln, one Christoferson of Chichester, for learning: one Fecknam of Westminster, one Gardener and on White both Bishops of Winchester, for wisdom and learning together, were able to hold at school all your Sunshine Clergy at this day, for term of life and after, as by their works and writings yet extant doth well appear.  
But let us see how the knight goeth forward in his tale; after he hath told us of these clouds, mists and darkness, that then reigned, he addeth these words: whereunto (saith he) was added, and wherewith was mixed, all bloody and savadg cruelty against those that desired knowledge and were any way enlightened by God's grace, 
manifest untruths.  with a glimmering or small insight into true religion. For though it were but only a desire to read upon the holy book of God; either the old or new testament, than heretic was his title, heresy was his fault; ●●d for this was he called before the Romish Clergy to receive their censure, and ●●ch never departed from their clowtches till they had brandeled them to the ●aughter.  
This is his narration. Wherein first we must separate open and manifest lying, from fond and rude ignorance: for that the former is less sufferable (in a Knight that holdeth account of honour) than the second, especially in matters of Divinity. And truly I am sorry that the writer of this book calleth himself knight, to whom in law of Chivalry a ●●ā should not give the lie, but with obligation to defend it in the field, ●ut for that I do presume when he resolved to write and publish this book, and to divulge so falls, fowl, and slanderous a libel, and to injure ●o many men's honours therein, as he hath done, and the honour of God and of his Saints especially, which is less to be tolerated, he made account to renounce all privilege of Knighthood, Gentry, and Nobility. For this cause I am moved to make less scruple in that behalf when necessity is offered.  
And here I must begin in this very place to tell him, that two manifest untruths, properly called lies (for that they are wilful) are set down by him in the words alleged, and known to be such to very children and novices in the Catholic Religion.  
The first, that it is holden for heresy, or ever was, to read upon the Bible or book of God (as he calleth it) in what language soever, 
Untruth.  for even in vulgar tongues it is permitted to infinite lay people in all Catholic countries, by licence of the ordinary, as all men know, and it can not be denied.  
The otherly is, that for this fault only men were called before the Romish Clergy in England, 
Untruth.  and brandeled to the slaughter.  
These I say are apparent fictions; let the Knight defend his honour in avowing them. It remaineth only to me to lay down what the Catholic Church did ordain in this behalf, and what reasons she might have to restrain some of this man's dim and glimmering people from reading at their pleasure, upon vulgar Bible's without licence, or without the spectacles of competent learning and understanding requisite for to profit thereby; & how far this prohibition of the Church stretched, and whether this may justly be accounted bloody and savage proceed or rather prudent and provident circumspection for simple men's safety.  
First then, most certain it is, that no man or woman, was ever forbidden 
How reading of Scriptures was forbidden & why.  to read any part of the holy Scriptures in any of the three learned languages, wherein they were written, to wit Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. And secondly, the restraint that was made of vulgar translations, as French, Dutch, English and the like, was only that no such translation, should be admitted or used, except it were first examined by learned men by order of the Bishop, & Ordinary to see whether it were well and truly translated or no. And then such men and women of the laity were permitted to use the said translation approved, as should have licence of the said Ordinary, and be thought fit and able to profit, and not to take hurt or hindrance thereby; others had the same in effect and substans delivered unto them by sermons, books, and other means.  
This was the order; let indifferent men judge and determine what cruelty or mercy, impiety or piety, might be herein. For first, no man will deny but if the translator did not put down truly and sincerely the words of Scriptures in his vulgar translation, than the simple reader that cannot discern, should take man's word for God's word, which were great inconvenience, and for this cause only (if none other were) most necessary was it, that some order should be set down for examining of translations, whereby might be distinguished when God and when man speaketh in the Scriptures. And secondly though it were certain that the words of Scripture were ●et down truly in vulgar translations, yet if the same reader by ignorance did take out of the true words a false sense; then sucked he poison in steed of wholesome doctrine. 
Comparison.  If then in a fair and pleasant garden, there should be this danger, not only that one herb taken for another might endanger a man's life, but the self same heard gathered and dressed in different sort, might be eigher poison or treacle, who would condemn the master of the garden, if he suffered not every one indifferently to gather herbs there, but such as either had skill of themselves to discern, or were directed by others how to gather and use those herbs to their help and health, and not to their hurt and destruction: and to the very same end was the prohibition that ignorant people should not read Scriptures, but with leave and direction.  
Who can deny but that S. Paul talking of the Scriptures as they were in the Learned tongues (especially of the old testament) saith of them; 
●. Cor. 3.  litter a occidit, Spiritus autem vivificat. the letter or literal ●ound doth often times murder the reader, & the only spirit that is the internal true and spiritual meaning of the Scriptures, doth give life. And albeit S. Augustin in his learned book de Spiritu & litera, 
Ad Marcellinum.  doth extend these words of the Apostle to a farther meaning also, yet he teacheth this too, and so do the rest of the ancient fathers, namely S. Hierom ●d Nepotianum, handling the story of king David 3. Reg. 1. where the ●ong virgin Abisag was sought out to heat him in his old age: S. Hierom saith, that if we should follow literam occidentem, the murdering letter, it seemeth a jest and fable, but if we fly to the hidden spiritual sense and meaning, it is most holy.  
But now let us ask of you Sir Knight, how will your unlearned ●eaders those whom you call dim & glimmering people, discern these things without a guided, such as the Catholic Church doth appoint for expounding the Scriptures to simple people, by Catechisms, Sermons, Homilies, teaching of pastors, and the like, without delivering the whole Bible into their hands, to be used or abused to their destruction.  
Furthermore you cannot deny, but that the understanding of Scriptures is a particular gift of God, 
Understanding of Scriptures a peculiar gift. Apoc. ●.  reserved especially unto Christ, who had the key to open the book sealed with seven seals, as S. john testifieth, and to the same effect is it recorded in S. Luke's Gospel for a singular grace, bestowed by our savour upon the Church, tun●●peruit illis sensum, ut inteligerint Scripturas. 
Luc. 24.  Then after his resurrection did he open to them the sense, whereby they might understand Scriptures of themselves. For ever before he had interpreted the same lightly unto them, as in the Gospel appeareth. 
Act. ●.  He sent also S. Philip the Apostle by commandment of his Angel, to go and interpret a certain place of the Prophet Esay, unto the great Eunuch & Treasurer of the Q of AEthiopia, when he would convert him. And it is to be observed, that albeit Christ might have opened the sense of the Scripture to himself immediately, yet would he send him a guide. Yea though the said Eunuch were learned (as may appear by that being an AEthiopianred the Prophet in Hebrew) and though he were also instructed in the jews religion (as it is proved by that the story recordeth that ●he came to adoie in Jerusalem) yetall this notwithstanding, was he so far from the pride of our peevish proud protestant people now a days, which make no bones at any difficulty of Scriptures, as when he was asked by S. Philip, Putasneintellig●s, quae legis? 
Ibidem.  thinkest thou that thou vuderstandest the Scripture which thou readest? he answered, how can I understand it, except some body do expound the same unto me? which answer I believe many a good wife in London, that goeth up and down with her Bible under her arm, would be ashamed to give if she were asked whether she understand the whole Bible or no.  
These then (Sir Knight) are the reasons why some of those your glimmering and enlightened people, were restrained by Catholic discipline to read upon (Gods book as you call it) vulgar translations; no● to bar them from light as you maliciously calumniate, but rather leas● they being but half blind should become whole blind, that is t●● say mad and obstinate blind of ignorance, and unlearned blind; for such effects do ensue some times of the rash reading of this book of God, when thereof is engendered falsehood and Heresyen, that is, the doctrine of the devil, for proof whereof, let us consider whether in a● thousand years together in England, France, Germany and other places of Christendom, while this prudent restraint of Catholic church lasted, of not permitting all ignorant people to read Scriptures at their pleasures, 
Experience of hurts come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignorant.  in vulgar languages, without an interpreter, there arose so many Sects, heresies, and alterations about Religion, as there have risen in fifty or threescore years, since this reading was left open to all; there is no comparison. And if we consider only England, the● matter is evident, that more sects have sprung up of late by many degrees. Yea though we leave all other sects that are permitted, or wi●ked at in England, & respect such only as have been punished openly by the magistrate, namely such people as have been whipped or burned in London, Norfolk, and other places for Heretics, in the time o● her majesties reign that now is, for denying Christ himself or other● points of the blessed Trinity, being altogether unlearned people, as our Chronicles testify, of whom I ask, had they ever fallen into such errors and obstinacy, but only by reading Scriptures in the vulgar language? had ever william Hacket dreamt himself to be Christ, or william Geffrey before him, but by this way? we see then the inconvenience.  
In King Henry's time when Tindal had translated and printed the new Testament in English at Colen, and began to sack means to have them dispersed in England, the laws and king's commandment being then against it; there was a certain foul fusteluggs, dishonest of her body with base fellows, as was openly reported, whose name was joan knell alias Burcher, 
Ioan● Burcher burned.  if I forget not, who beginning to be a great reader of Scriptures herself became a principal instrument also in that time to dewlge such Bible's as were sent, especially in the court, where she became known to certain women in authority; and to convey the books more safety, she used to bind them in strings under her apparel, and so to pass them into the court: but her nearest friendship was with An Askew, whom king henry afterwards caused to be burned for denying the real presence in the Sacrament of the Altar.  
But this other scripturian profited so well, as in the fifth year of king Edward's reign she was burned also by the protestants of that time, for denying Christ to have taken flesh of the Virgin Marie. Who when she was codemned to die, spoke very scornfully to the judges, and said: It is a goodly matt●er to consider your ignorance; it is not long ago since you burned Ann Askew for a piece of bread, and yet came yourselves soon after to believe and profess the same doctrine, for which you burned her: & now (for sooth) you will needs burn me for a piece of flesh, & in the end you will come to believe this also, when you have red the scriptures and understand them, and when she came to die in Smithfield and D. Story endeavoured to convert her she skoffed at him, saying, he lied like, etc. and bad him god read Scriptures.  
And thus much may serve for the repelling those clouds, mists, and darkness which this wach-woord-giver will needs imagine to be among us, for that all cobblers do not clout Scriptures in our commonwealth. But let us see now what positions and principles he saith we have for our direction amidst this darkness.  
In these dark and cloudy days (saith he) lest the sunshine of knowledge should disperse the mists of ignorance, and give light to the dim of sight, this position was set down for their maxim or rule in fallible; 
The first forged position.  that ignorance is the mother of devotion, and that the sacred word of God, which was given to be a lantern to all our feet, and a light to our steps, was forbidden to the lay sort (for so they called them) as matter unfit for them to look into, etc.  
How manifest a falsehood it is that reading of Scriptures is forbidden to all lay men, is sufficiently showed by that which goeth before; for in any of the three learned tongues, any lay man or woman may read them at their pleasure, & in vulgar translations also such as have licence. And I think Sir Francis will not deny, that many of the laity understand latin; how then, and with what face complaineth he so piteously or rather hypocritically, that the sacred word of God which was given to be a lantern to our feet, etc. was forbidden to the lay sort? Again what malapert ignorance is it in him to scoff (as he doth) at the word lay sort, with this parenthesis (for so they called them) as though the Catholics of late days had made this distinction between laity and clergymen; 
Distinction of laity & clergy.  whereas from the very Apostles time in all Fathers and general Counsels the words and distinction is ordinary? As in the first Counsel of Nice near thirteen hundred year agone almost in every canon, namely in the 1. 3. 8. 17. 18. 19 the matter is handled expressly. And before that again, 
Origen. hom. 7. in Herem.  Origen proved the same distinction out of the words of Scriptures themselves; and S. Epiphanius, S. Hierom & other Fathers, have done the same since. Here then is much malice, 
Epiph. Episc. ad loan. Episcopum Hierosol. Hieron. Cō. in cap. 12. Hierem.  joined with gross ignorance, in our Knight of the word. But let us see his forged position, wherein we affirm ignorance to be the mother of devotion.  
If Catholics did hold that ignorance were the mother of devotion, then might they hope to see Sir Francis Hastings a devout knight in time, for that he is ignorant as ever lightly took pen in hand to write. But we deny this maxim or infallible rule to be ours (Sir Francis) and do say that it is your calumniation only, and that among us it is neither maxim nor minime. 
Maxim.  And for you to prove it a maxim you must show that all Catholics or the most part do hold it. And to prove it a minime 
Minime.  at least you must show that some one doth hold it: neither of which you can ever do, and so you remain disgraced. It may be you have heard it objected by some idle or ignorant minister there, that invented it for sport, and knew neither what science, or ignorance or devotion meaneth. And it seeming a pretty ies● unto you, you thought best to put it in your note book, against this occasion of writing your wach-worde; whereby you awaken men to discover your own folly and ignorance, and the malicious peevishness of your sect, that hath nothing to found itself on, but upon feigned calumniations against Catholic doctrine.  
And this were sufficient to refute you with shame, and to put you to the proof, seeing you have written and printed, that we hold this position. But I will go further with you, and deal more liberally, and send you to one who will tell you perspicuously what all Catholics do hold in this behalf about devotion, and her mother and● daughter also, that is both of her cause and effect. And this is the famous universal Doctor, 
D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest. 82. ●r. 20.  S. Thomas of Aquin, who above three hundred years agone set down the Catholic doctrine in this point. And what he holdeth we all hold; which were a hard thing to find amongst you, that all agreed in one for a far shorter space of time. And if you will have also a more ancient author, read S. Augustin lib. de Spiritu & anima, ca 50.  
But let us see what S. Thomas saith, first he showeth how devotion is a special act of religion, 
What devotion is, & whence it proceedeth.  importing nothing else, but a devowing of a man's heart to the prompt service of almighty God. And secondly he showeth that the intrinsical immediate cause of devotion in us, is contemplation and meditation of God's benefits, and of our own defects, according to the saying of the Prophet, 
Psal. 38.  in meditatione mea exardescet ignis. the fire of devotion waxeth hot in me by meditation. And thirdly he declareth by divers arguments that the proper effect of devotion is gladness and hilarity of mind. So that here ignorance entereth neither for mother, nor daughter, nor grandmother, nor sister of devotion but rather the contrary, devotion proceedeth of knowledge gotten by meditation, both of God's perfections and of our imperfections, as hath been said: and S Augustin in the place before alleged, saith in confirmation of this, Meditatio parit scientiam, scientia compunctionem, compunctio deu●tionem, devotio perficit orationem. Meditation bringeth forth knowledge, knowledge compunction, compunction devotion, devotion maketh perfect our praiere where is here then mother ignorance alleged by Sir Francis?  
And further to make more evident the wilful malice of these good fellow's, that devise matter to play upon, S. Thomas maketh this objection to himself. 
Why the best learned are not always most deuout●  If contemplation which breedeth knowledge be the cause and mother of devotion, how happeneth it, that the greatest wits, and most learned men, and most apt to high contemplations, be not ever the most devout, but often times the simpler sort, as women and the like, do f●el more devotion than they? To which he answereth, that those contemplations only serve to bring forth devotion, that are fit to engender in us the love of God, and compunction of our sins, as S. Augustin also noteth. In which cogitations simpler people do exercise themselves often times with more diligence and affection then the greater learned men, who are distracted with other speculations, appertaining rather to speculation then motion of mind, and in this sense said most truly S. Paul, 
1. Cor. ●.  scientia inflat, charit as edificat, knowledge doth puff up with pride oftentimes, but the love of God and our neighbour, is that which maketh up the building, and devout john Gerson, mallem sentire in me compunctionem, quam scire eius definitionem. I had rather feel in myself compunction for my sins, then know his definition.  
Thus then you see, Sir Francis, that we hold not ignorance for mother, nor daughter, nor kinswoman of devotion; but rather to the contrary, we hold that devotion is founded and proceedeth of knowledge, whereof Catholics have been ever and in all ages, 
The Catholics more authors of knowledge then Protestants.  more studious and greater enemies to ignorance, than protestants can with any reason presume, for demonstration whereof, I would ask you Sir Francis (if you be a man of any discourse) who have left more monuments of science or knowledge to the christian world, your men or ours? who have builded our schools and universities in England? who have founded our colleges? who have instituted the degrees of Doctors, Licenciates, Masters, and Bachelors, and appointed preferments for them, you or we? And to speak of positive Divinity only and Scriptures, whereof you will seem to brag, who have conserved and published the Bible in the learned tongues of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, even in our days? Were not the Biblia Complutensia, in all three tongues printed and set forth by the expenses of a fransiscan friar Cardinal Ximenes Archbishop of Toledo, within these three or fourscore years? And were not the last Biblia Regia set forth in four or five tongues by Catholic men, by the authority and charges of his Catholic Majesty of spain? And are not the Commentaries written upon the Scriptures by Catholic men even at this day, above twenty for one, more than those of Protestants? why then do heretics, like apes brag, and prate in presence of lions, that in every kind o● learning do bear them down? But now to the second position.  
When they had thus settled this blind course (saith our knight) to keep the people from knowledge, etc. Then they offer an other position, 
The second feigned position.  that it was not for lay men to meddle with matters of religion, that belonged only and wholly as 〈◊〉 privilege to Priests; thereby making them secure and careless of God and a● godliness.  
In setting down of this forged position, there is some subtlety joined with impudency. For first in the former part, where he saith we hold, that it is not for lay men to meddle with religion, he subtly leaveth doubtful this word (meddle) either to signify that lay men must not determine or define matters of religion, or else not to meddle or care for them at all. In the former sense we grant, that in Synods and Counsels, where controversies of faith are to be treated, Priests and Clergymen have only authority to define and determine: 
Act. 20.  for that S. Paul saith that they are appointed by the holy Ghost to govern the church, though before they come to determine, they do help themselves also by the learning of lay men, and take their judgement when they may give light, as in all Counsels is seen. But in the second sense it is most impudent that he inferreth, that hereby we would make lay men secure & careless of God, & all godliness. For how doth it follow? The Queen of England doth refer, the determination of all good laws, orders, & virtuous proceed within the realm, unto the voices of her privy counsel, or of the parliament, ergo hereby she maketh free, secure and careless, all the rest of her realm, from observation of good orders, law, and honest behaviour. Or in the self same matter of religion, I may argue thus, the determination of matters of faith is remitted only at this day in England, to Bishops & ministers, and not to their wives; ergo hereby those ●ood wives are made secure and careless of God & all godliness: there 〈◊〉 no difference in the consequence at all.  
Wherefore as malice here lost her eyes, so doth she also her wits in ●hat which followeth; for presently he leapeth to rail upon the ●aints of heaven, and namely upon S. Thomas of Canterbury (though impertinent to his purpose) for he was treating of lay men as you ●aue heard, whom he saith we make careless of God and all godliness, ●or that we refer the determination of controversies in religion, not ●nto them, but unto Priests only, and now let every one consider how ●his consequence holdeth (which ensueth) and it is enough (saith he) ●f one of these fellows come diligently and devoutly to hear mass, & go to confession once a year, to be as religious a man (secundum usum Sarum) as could be wi●hed; and though he were to be tainted and to be taxed with the grossest sins, ●et Rome by the authority from their vicar general, had at rik to hale them into the ●able of their Saints, and so to canonize them; as we have example of Thomas Becket in Henry the thirds time, whose treasons to the prince were apparent and manifest, etc.  
But before I answer in the cause of S. Thomas, 
About S. Thomas of Canterbury.  I will advise this calumniator, first that his skoff of a religious man, secundum usum Sa●um, is ridiculous on his side, if we compare him to his holy ministers that follow the use of the tavern at chaering cross, & do neither hear mass nor go to confession once in seven years, nor mean to amend or ●●ake satisfaction; and than it is a great lie, that we require nothing else ●ut going once a year, and a far greater that men of the grossest sins ●re made Saints among us: and finally nothing else is here but jests and lies.  
Secondly I put Sir knight in mind, that talking of lay men, S. Thomas example (that was a Priest and head of Priests) was not to his purpose. Thirdly moste grossly and ignorantly he erreth in the times; for that S. Thomas his death and canonisation was in King Henry the second and not the thirds, as fond he affirmeth: but above thirty years before king Henry the third was borne. Fourthly that this poor man maketh an unequal match to fight with Saints, and will rest in the end with a broken head.  
And finally that he saith S. Thomas his treasons to his prince were apparent & manifest, is a manifest slander. For there is nothing in all the whole discourse of his controversy with King Henry the second, that savoureth of treason, or that impugned any one law of the realm then in ure. For that the recourse he made to Rome, was lawful at that day, as it is now in any other Catholic country. The controversy was only about the liberty of the English Church, which the king sought to abridge, and the other as primate to defend Nor did the king or his officers charged him with treasons, nor could they by any show of justice. For if in every contention or dissension that a spiritual subject, or Ecclesiastical Prelate may have with his temporal prince, the subject shallbe condemned of treason (according to this servile censure of Protestants, that to flatter princes make them absolute lords both of body and soul) than john Baptist also must be accounted a traitor, that dealt so peremptorily with his king Herod, that was his liege Lord in temporal affairs. Or if you will have examples of Christian princes, S. Ambrose must be a traitor, first for resisting openly his Lord and king Valentinian the younger, & then for handling so hardly the elder Theodosius Emperor, 
Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. & lib. 5. c. 17. & deinceps.  in Milan, as he shut him out of the church, and made him go home again with shame and do penance. S. Hilarius also, & S Athanasius shallbe traitors, 
Zozom. lib. 8 fere per totum.  for their contentions with Constantius their lawull Emperor and temporal Lord, who banished them from their bishoprics. And the former of the two wrote two vehement books & invectives, against the said Emperor, and yet no man ever accounted him a traitor for the same, but rather a great Saint, for his Christian liberty and constancy. S. Chrysostome in like manner shallbe condemned for a great traitor, 
Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16.  who had greater contentions with his temporal Lords, 
Zozom. lib. 8. c. 17.  Arcadius, and Honorius, Christian Emperors, and with their wives, Theodosia, and Eudoxia, then ever S. Thomas had with king Henry the second. 
Niceph. l. 14 c. 43.  For he preached against them publicly, with great vehemency, and thundered out excommunication against them, and was twice banished and driven out of his Bishopric by their disfavour, and died in exile. And yet was he never called or accounted a traitor, but a singular holy man; and Theodosius the younger son of Arcadius, brought his body, with great solemnity, honour, and reverence, into Constantinople, and wept most bitterly for the sins of his parents in persecuting so blessed a man. And as the story saith, 
Math. Paris.  made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his father's sins. As did also often our king Henry the son, for the offence of his father in being some cause of the death of this just man, his pastor and spiritual father.  
Well then to conclude this matter, treason there was none, nor could be in this contention of S. Thomas against king Henry; for it was done with all due respect of the Archbil hopes part, and according to the laws ecclesiastical, both of church & realm. And as for the man's behaviour and actions in the rest of his life, if we believe three or four historiographers together, 
Vide apud Lippoman, & Surium Mensae Decemb.  of great credit and sanctity, that lived at the same time and conversed with him, they were admirable in all kind of virtue. His death was by wilful murder, without justice or commandment of king or any magistrate, as all the world knoweth. His canonisation was presently upon his death by diligent inquiry of all facts and circumstances, and by universal applause of all christendom. King Henry the second excused himself of the murder, admitted his canonisation, builded his shrine and sepulchre, adorned the same with great gifts, came thither in person, and not only denied (as I have said) that his intention ever extended to his murder, but also took severe punishment and penance of himself for the unjust wrath that by incitation of others he had conceived against so holy a man: 
Edoard in vita D. Thom●, cap. 26. K. H. his voluntary penance.  of which penance of the kings, one that lived at the same time and saw it, writeth that he opened his naked shoulders at the sepulchre, and received first five jerks at five Bishops hands, and fourscore and three at so many monks ●andes, and after lay on the bare ground, and other such circumstances, as in the author you may read.  
All those that had been enemies to the blessed man, or had had part in his death, came after to great misery by God's just judgements. And finally, all the Christian world for these four hundred years have holden him for a glorious martyr, and builded many a church to God in his memory, in other countries: many great monarches have come to England of purpose to visit his sepulchre, and others have sent great presents and donaries. Many miracles have ●yn recorded by grave authors and public testimony of the whole ● land, to have been wrought by God at his sepulchre, in witness of his sanctity. All these testimonies then being extant in the world for so many hundred years together, let any man judge whether they ought ●ot to be of more weight with a wise and pious Christian, than this ●raynles calumniation of a mad hasty hot spur, that knoweth ●ot what he saith, and much less careth or endeavoureth how to prove it.  
But let us see now his third position that he feigneth to be among ●s, as a ground of religion. These two irreligious & profane grounds (saith he) ●eing laid, though you have seen that the knight hath laid them as fi●ions of his own & grounds of ours, they proceed to a third, 
The third feigned position.  & set it down ●r a Popish ground also, that it was a dangerous and deadly sin for any man 〈◊〉 disobey the Pope and his clergy, in any of their orders enjoined and commanded: in such reverence and regard must he and his clergy be had, that the meanest● mass Priest coming with authority from him, 
Impudent calumniation.  must be obeyed under pain of damnation, though he command that which is blasphemous before God in Christians, and disloyal to men in subjects.  
This is his narration, from which if ye separate a manifest lie o● two with some fond exagerations (for without this kind of leui● the poor knight can make no batch) as for example, that the Pope an● his Clergy must be obeyed though they command blasphemies against God, and disloyalty against princes, which is a shameless slander, and that the disobedience (if he speak of omission) in any one order enjoined by Pope and Clergy is a deadly sin, and the like: if you separate (I say) these over lavishing of the hasty knight; all the rest he objecteth is rather commendation of Catholic religion, than any reproach at all, for in that he saith we obey the meanest priest as the highest, if he come with authority of the highest, he showeth thereby that we have among us true obedience and subordination, and tha● for conscience sake. Not respecting so much the person that commandeth, as him for whom, and in whose name and authority h● commandeth; and therein we fulfil, the precept of S. Paul. Obedite pra●positis vestris & subiacete eye, 
Heb. 13.  ipsi enim pervigilant, quasi rationem pro animabu● restris reddituri. Obey your Prelates and humble yourselves unto them (he distinguisheth not between high and low) for they keep diligent watch over your souls, as men that must render account thereon to God. And in other places he saith, that this obedience must b● with such reverence, humility, and inward affection, as unto Chry●● himself, 
Ephes. 6.  whose substitutes our spiritual superiors be, though never so mean or contemptible in man's sight.  
And again, S. Paul saith, this obedience must be, non solum propte● iram, sed etiam propter conscientiam, 
Rom. 13.  not only for fear of punishment, but also for conscience, that is under pain of deadly sin, or of damnation, though this wise knight do jest at the phrase, which yet is the proper phrase of S. Paul himself in the same place, saying, qui autem resistu● damnationem sibi acquirunt, those that resist to obey, procure damnation to themselves. And this is answer sufficient for so idle an objections that we obey the meanest mass Priest coming with authority of the highest, in which matter I could teach Sir Francis a spiritual poin● of doctrine, if he were capable of it, and most true, to wit, that the meaner the substitute is, that is obeyed in the name and place of any potent prince or superior, the greater honour is done to the said prince or superior, and the greater virtue is argued thereby to be in him that obeyeth, for that he is not induced by any talon or commendation of the said substitute to obey him, but only for love, respect, and reverence, of the party whose authority he hath and in whose name he cometh, and by this way a catholic man that obeyeth a mean Priest coming in the Pope's authority, or a mean qualified Pope coming with the authority of Christ, loseth nothing, whatsoever the pride of heretics do prattle to the contrary, and so much of this.  
There remaineth then only the fourth ground or position 
The fourth feigned position.  to be examined (for he would needs have a whole mess of them) and this he setteth down in these words following.  
And having thus made an open passage without stop to the mark and matter they aimed at, & so hemmed men in, as they could not see which way to escape danger, but by them that laid the snare for them, they propound unto them a mean of delivery from all dangers (even when they sinned immeditly against God) which is a pardon from his holiness, 
Shameless lying.  and absolution from his holy Priests. But if the decrees or ordinances of their Romish synagogue were transgressed, hardly any mercy was to be had.  
Thus writeh our knight if you will believe him, but having taken him trip, in so many falsehoods, forgeries, and calumniations before, I presume that the discreet reader will give credit to him and his assertions hereafter, by weight and measure, looking to his fingers as well as to his lips, as men use to do when they deal with egyptians. Now then let us examine what truth there is in this tale of his.  
First and foremost, who seethe not, how egregious a cavil it is, to say, 
Many caviles and falsehoods.  that Catholics by teaching men to obey their superiors simply and ●or conscience sake, and under pain of sin as you heard also S. Paul to teach, that thereby they do bring men into snares, 
Rom. 13.  or hem them in as this man's phrase is. By which argument he may prove also, that God himself when he gave the law to the jews, did hem them in to snares of sin; which yet the Apostle so vehemently confuteth in the ●. and 8. chapters of his epistle to the Romans. Secondly, it is a notorious untruth to say, that the means we prescribe of delivery from ●ll dangers of sin, is the Pope's pardon: and a far greater and more impudent lie it is, when he addeth by a parenthesis (even when they sin ●mmediatly against God) for that the Catholic doctrine is clear in this ●oint, that the Popes and Churches indulgences, 
Vide quest. 26 & 27. addit. 6.  avail not to remove mortal sins, 
Tho. ad 3. p. & caet. tract. 9 opustul. de indulgentijs.  but only are given where all such sin, is already pardoned, by contrition and confession, and virtue of the Sacrament, ●nd that there remaineth only some temporal punishment in this or ●he next life to be remitted. Neither can the Pope pardon the guilt of sin itself by any other way then by the means of the Sacrament of confession, and absolution (which Sacrament hath his force of the blood of Christ) as every ordinary Priest authorised to hear confessions, may do the like.  
And so thirdly, it is great ignorance in our knight if not malice, to join together (as he doth) the Pope's pardon and the absolution of his holy Priests, which have great difference in this matter; for that the pardon stretcheth not to remit sin itself (as hath been said) but only the temporal pains depending of sin, after it is remitted: but priest's absolution in the Sacrament of confession is sufficient to remit any sin, 
joan. 20.  if the penitent be contrite, according to commission given by Christ, quorum remiseritis peccata remittuntur eyes, & quorum retinueritis retenta sunt, whose sins ye forgive shallbe forgiven, and whose sins you shall retain shallbe retained. So then absolution is a different matter from indulgence & pardon.  
Fourthly, that the transgressions against the decrees and ordinances of the Catholic church (which wickedly he nameth the Romish Synagogue) be more hardly forgiven among us, than greater sins and those namely that be immediately committed against God himself is a shameless slander, and never taught by any Catholic man i● the world, and so unworthy to be further refuted.  
Now than he having set down these four absurd grounds of religion in our name, feigned by himself, and accompanied with so many o●ther lies and falsehoods, as you have heard: you shall see how he maketh his conclusion, 
A fond conclusion.  and triumpheth as though he had done somewhat of importance: these are his words.  
Thus have you the blind course they sought to hreed us in, by debarring us the clear light of the holy written word of God; & the carelessness they sought to settle in us of all religion, by making it a thing impertinent to us, as though we had no soule● to care for, etc.  
This conclusion to him that hath red the former foolish positions with their confutations, may serve for some disported and recreation to behold how his seely knight bestirreth himself upon castles builded in the air by himself, falls imaginations, & sotish apprehensions o● his own, especially in a long ridiculous discourse that he maketh immediately upon these words in his book; where imagining that al● goeth by pardons with us, and that pardons may be had for money, he inferreth that all rich men may easily be saved in our religion, without any difficulty: and yet saith he, Christ taught us, that it was a●●asy for a camel to pass thorogh a needle's eye, as for a rich man to go● to heaven: & so he marveleth how these things can stand together.  
To which I might answer, that it seemeth as easy to teach a bear to play upon a taber, as to learn Sir Francis to be a good divine, and that I would more easily take upon me to make a camel to go through any needle's eye (in the sense that Christ spoke it) or any rich man in the world to enter into heaven (if he would follow my counsel) then to frame Sir Francis old head to understand the depth of Catholic doctrine. And therefore amidst his doubts, I leave him to his ministers, except he will resolve to be a catholic and go to confession, for then his ghostly father, by the penance he may chance to en●oine unto him, will let him see and feel that all goeth not by pardons, nor yet by money among us. And that there is another more straight needle's eye for him to enter (seeing he is rich) then the buying of pardons, if he will go to heaven after the catholic manner; to wit, by contrition, confession, and satisfaction, which God grant him to do, for otherwise he will never come there, seeing that the open and easy cart way of only faith, is far different from the needle's eye and narrow path that Christ speaketh of.   

THE THIRD ENCOUNTER, ABOUT GREAT PERILS SUPPOSED TO be wrought to her Majesty by Catholics, both in the time of Queen Marie and since. With the cleared of divers particular men that are slandered therein.  
AS the principal mark that parasites do commonly shoot at with great Princes, is not only to handle pleasant and delightful matter, to gain grace to themselves, but to mingle also biting stuff now and then, whereby to pinch and draw blood of their neighbours: so this gentle knight, having heaped many things together by battery and forging, in the beginning of his book, to claw thereby ●he present state & prince, as in the former two conferences you have ●een: he entereth now upon a more odious argument, to exasperate ●oth the one & the other against Catholics, 
The malignity of Sir Francis.  whom he would gladly ●aue destroyed, if the strength of his horns, were according to the measure of his hatred. But he being but a barking beagle among the ●owndes of Huntingdon, though never so cruel and bloody mouthed I hope so to rebate his choler before I make an end, or at leastwise his force, as albeit he bark still yet shall he not much bite, nor do any other effect of moment, then discover the worm of heresy, that lieth under his poisoned tongue, inciting him to fury and woodness against Catholics.  
First then touching perils passed by her Majesty, during the reign of Qu. Marry, this gentleman writeth thus in recital of the same.  
I hasten to put you in mind of our most blessed and happy delliverance out of this spiritual pit and thraldom of popery and superstition, by lady Queen Elizabeth, as the instrument: whose peril and danger before she came to that ability to perform this holy work among us, I may not pass over; for by God's goodness only and wholly she was preserved, her life being maliciously and with great cunning shot at, by the Romish clergy, then in place of credit. For Gardener that most proud and bloody monster, left no corner of his wit unsought (being wise enough to work mischief) but set all his skill and cunning awoorke to shorten her days, and to prevent her by bloody slaughter of her sacred person, from ever being our Queen: and no reach of man can yield me a reason of her doliverance, but the mighty God of power, etc.  
In which words you may see how our poet to make the success of his feigned comedy more wonderful and plausible, frameth strange mister●es and miracles of mil-wheeles, devising mtghtie dangers and main perils avoided without any means human at all; neither is there any reason able to be rendered to him of his riddle as himself affirmeth, but I shall endeavour to solve both the one and the other and that without any miracle, by human reason only if Sir Francis can understand it, and now I begin.  
That the state of lady Elizabeth now our Sovereign Queen, 
The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Mary's tyme.  was subject to divers suspicions and dangers during the reign of her sister Queen Marie, no man of discretion in matter of state will deny, or can greatly marvel at; for she being the next heir to the crown, and her sister having no issue, nor any great probability ever to have: and furthermore being presumed by many, to be inclined to a different religion, though she showed it not, & that all the discontented of that state depended of her, and made their recours unto her as to their rising sun & future hope; no marvel though she was bad in jealousy, especially seeing the often and perilous attempts of Wyate, Courtney, the carew's, Cobham, Throgmorton and the like, did seem to lean also that way (for I will enter no further to discus those affairs) and so did hold both the Queen and state in suspense and care. Which circumstances what dangers they are wont to bring to future pretenders, divers examples under our former kings, and lastly that of the Queen of Scots in our days, may easily teach us.  
But that the life and blood of her grace at that day, should be so earnestly & maliciously sought after, by so many & so potent men and means, as this knight here and in other places of his book, doth affirm, and would have believed, to wit, by Bishop Gardener then Chancellor, by B. Bonner, D. Story, and all the Catholic clergy by name: and furthermore by the King of Spain himself & by all Spaniards; by the Queen also then in government, & consequently by her counsel and nobility with her, and by all catholics together, who had power at that day to do as they thought best, and no impediment either at home or from abroad (that I know) to let them in their ●●esignments, and yet all this notwithstanding, that nothing in this affair so much desired should be effectuated; this passeth indeed (if it were true) all rule of reason, and might set Cicero to school again, who teacheth in his thetoriques', for an evident for me of argument, that, qui potuit facere & voluit, fecit. he that both would and could do a thing must needs be presumed to have done it. Which yet, in this our case holdeth not, as it seemeth, for that our knight affirming that the parties aforenamed would have made away the Lady Elizabeth, and I assuring that they could; yet is it evident that she was not, and ●herefore either I am deceived in their power, or he in their wills, or some other secret cause must be sought out, which he will needs have to be miracle, but I think it not necessary, and so shall endeavour to re●ell the mystery by way of reason if it may be.  
First then, I do not deny, but that the preservation of Lady Elizabeth's life in Queen Mary's time, may be referred to the providence of almighty God, as the first and principal cause, who above our reach ●or reasons to himself best known, doth dispose of all matters, but especially of princes lives and states: yet deny I that no secondary or immediate human causes can be found to have concurred also with ●his providence of God, as this our miracle-maker affirmeth: for I can ●ecount him divers causes and those pregnant also, and potent, which ●id concur in those days to the preservation of her grace, which being most evident and true, 
Causes of security to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Mary's tyme.  do deliver the case from all such necessity of miracle as this poor knight would persuade unto us.  
And first of all was the age and young years, beauty, felicity, meekness, and other good graces and talents of the princess herself, which ●rought much with all sorts of men, but especially with the Spaniards, and other strangers, and above all with the young king himself, as often his nearest about him at that day have reported since. And namely the Duke of Feria while he was alive, who being then but Count and sent Ambassador from the king (then lying in Flanders) to visit Queen Marie, had such earnest and special charge to visit and comfort the L. Princess Elizabeth immediately after his Embassage to the Queen, that all of the court of England marveled at it and some perhaps did not greatly like of it, and in very deed the young lady was so extraordinarily favoured, and affected by his Catholic Majesty, and all his nobility present with him in England, as it is most base & barbarous ingratitude in this sycophant to deny it now, and monstrous incivility to accuse them of cruelty in this behalf, their affections being so notoriously known to the contrary in those times, and this was one cause and perhaps not the least of her grace's safety.  
Secondly, was the general hope that most men had of her graces being a Catholic, as than she bore herself both in word & deed, hearing two Masses among other things every day, one for the quick, and the other for the dead, and receiving no servant lightly into her house or service, nor retaining any towards her, but with this express condition, and many other signs and arguments that way.  
Thirdly, was there a great reason of state, that stood mightily also for her grace's safety at that time, in that if she had failed, the next potent pretender seemed the Queen of Scots, them married to the Dolphin and heir of France; who by this means might have come to be king of France, England, and Scotland together, which thing many Englishmen but more Spanish, could not abide to hear of.  
Now then, let our miracle-maker tell me, whether these be no reasons, and whether no reach of man can yield him any reason of her grace's deliverance. If his reach and insight in matters of state be no greater than this, it is no marvel though he be not of her majesties counsel, though he flatter never so deeply for it, and thus much may be said of her grace's dangers in Queen Maries tyme. Let us see now what hath happened since. This notable calumniator beginneth thus.  
But when this our Sovereign Lady Q. Elizabeth was fully possessed of this her princely place, 
Wicked calumniations.  and had the royal diadem and crown, with the applause and liking of all true hearted Englishmen, both nobles, clergy, and commons, as a due by right belonging unto her; then began Satan to rage, and his ministers to fret and chafe.  
I would ask of this Sir knight, by whom was Queen Elizabeth put in possession of this her princely place, & by whose hands & helps received she this royal diaden? was it by hands of protestāns only or principally, or of Catholics? he cannot say of protestants, for he nameth also here the clergy; whereof none of the principal (that is of the Bishops that had hand in this work) was then a protestant; and very few of the nobility, & far the less part of the commonalty: now than could these men that were Catholics, fret and chafe so soon, to see her Majesty placed in the crown, wherein themselves had willingly and freely placed her, advanced her, crowned her, and anointed her, taken her oath of preserving the laws and privileges, of ●he realm, and sworn fidelity to her again? These calumniations of this carping knight are but tales of a tub, to entertain fools & igorant people, that know not how matters passed at that day. But let us examine notwithstanding, some particulars of the hostilities which he allegeth: advising first the reader by the way that if it be honourable ●o her Majesty now (as it is) to be named sacred and anointed, as the wanderer himself seemeth also to take it, for that often he useth the ●ermes, this also she hath only and wholly from the Catholics, for ●hat protestants do not use but rather do jest at the ceremony, calling ●t greasing, 
Leu. 4. & ●. Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19 15. 16. 17.  especially in Priests, to whom yet first of all and principally this sacring and anointing by God's ordinance was used, and afterwards to kings and princes by imitation only of Priestly dignity in ●his behalf: and these are the benefits her Majesty hath received of Ca●holiques; now to the hurts and perils objected by this calumniator.  
In the first place he bringeth in D. Story, 
About Doctor Story.  whom he titleth by the ●ame of a bloodsucker, as he called before B● Gardener, bloody monster (for ●ou must note as he is light witted so is he foul mouthed also) & he allegeth against D. Story, that he should say in the first parliament when he saw how matters were like to go in religion) that if his counsel ●ad been followed in Queen Mary's time, they had stricken at the root meaning ●ereby (saith this man) the bereaving of our dear Sovereign of her life: a bloody ●each of a bloody traitor, who afterward was brought by a good chance from be●nd the seas, indicted, arraigned, found guilty, and condemned of treason, & recea●ed his judgement at the seat of justice, and was executed accordingly, as he was ●ell worthy at Tyburn: and so may all speed that wish to Queen El●zabeth as he ●d. Thus far the accuser.  
In which narration, three things may be considered: first Doctor ●ories words; then the interpretation thereof by this accuser; and eirdly the punishment which he suffered for them. And in all three ●u shall see more passion than truth, and more rigour than reason, ● I be not deceived, whereof let the reader be judge with in●fferency.  
For the words themselves, they had never yet any other proof th● they were spoken, to my knowledge, but only that his enemies affirmed them (to make him thereby more odious) when they had him in their power, and desired his destruction For I never heard that himself confessed them, either in liberty, captivity, at the bar, or at his death, and that he should not speak them (though he had thought them) when Queen Elizabeth was now settled in her crown, as this K● affirmeth (he being known to be wise and no fool) all reason may induce us to think and believe, seeing they could not serve to any purpose but to his own ruin.  
But let us suppose secondly, that he should speak them & say, th● he was sorry they had not strike at the root of heresy itself in Queen Mary's days; why is it necessary we should admit the bloody commentary and heavy exposition only of his enemies? and namely o● this his malignant accuser, who will needs have him mean by those words the bereaving of our dear Sovereign's life? was lady Elizabeth (I pray you) taken to be this root of heresy in Queen Mary's time being held by most Catholics to be no protestant at all, as befor● I have showed? why might not D. Story mean rather (if he had spoken those words) of some Bacon, some Cecil, some Cook, som● Knoles, some Throgmorton, some Russel, & many other like, that were known protestants in Q. Mary's time, supporters of others, and practitioners against the present state, and yet suffered, yea born out by known Catholics, while other poor cobblers, clothiers, carriers, ● such like were punished? at which manner of dealing I do confess, tha● D. Story being a man of zeal in his religion, 
Doctor Stories z●le and complaint.  misliked exceedingly a●● stormed also publicly one day, before the Bishops & privy Council, in a public consistory (for that Councillors also for honour's sake, and to protect their friends and kindred, would needs be inquisitors in that government) complaining grievously of this abuse, in somuch as he would needs have given over publicly his office 〈◊〉 Commission in presence of all the rest of the inquisitors and Councillors together, for that some of the said Council had opposed themselves against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretic, which he took very unkindly, and then indeed he● foretold them freely what would ensue of this their partial manne● of proceeding. Whereby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresy remaining and not touched, was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry, within the land (in which number perhaps your brother the Earl and yourself also ●id enter) then of lady Elizabeth at that day, for that in deed she was not the root then, nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards, but of those other inferior roots which I have mentioned.  
But yet let us grant further, for argument's sake, that he did speak those words as a Counsellor, in those days, and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Mary's time, 
A counsellor may speak freely.  yet do I ask why should they be made treason or punished for such, in this Queen's reign? was not her Majesty as subject then, and the D. as a Counsellor, and thereby bound to speak freely that which ●he thought surest for his prince, and realm at that day? it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady (and yet perhaps not that neither, seeing the father in such a case, doth speak often times against his only son or daughter) but treason in no rigour right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Government of her Majesty that now is, to speak what he thinketh freely, about any person that may pretent to the crown hereafter. Wherefore, though all this were true which this man aleadgeth (as many arguments prove them to be falls) yet D. Story leaving afterward his country, & going over the seas either with licence or without (when there was no statute to the contrary) and being brought home again by force ●nd treachery of a shipman, that allured him into his ship, and so carried him away; all this I say maketh neither treason, nor any other trespass of moment, in the sight of indiferent men, and consequently neither his hasty arraignment, condemnation and execution upon his return ●wherof this cruel hearted knight triumpheth) doth so much prove that he was guilty of great crimes, as that he had potent & passionate enemies (as Christ had before Pilate, that by shoots & clamours sought his blood by any means whatsoever) for that he had been a more zealous catholic then some other of his coat and degree, in Queen Mary's ●aign, fo● which catholic men think, that he is to receive a great ●rown of glory and fame also eternal upon earth. And so the trial of this matter lieth still in the dark to be examined by that great judge when he cometh to look over the judgements of mortal men and re●eal that which is amiss. And so much for this matter.  
Next after D. stories affair, 
About the Bul. of Pius Quintus.  cometh in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus, with the excommunication of her Majesty, which serveth for a ●ommon bugg against all catholics every where, as well at bars benches, and places of justice, where other particular and personal accusations do want, as also in pulpits, schools, sermons, books, and declamations, for making up the complete furniture of those places; & still it is so urged, as though all english catholics must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope, and so be participant also of the offence given thereby against her Majesty, if any way they believe or admit his Ecclesiastical jurisdiction and authority; which consequence notwithstanding is so apparently falls and cavillous in itself (for that all catholics were not privy to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf) and it hath been so evidently refuted heretofore, by divers most clear and manifest reasons and treatises, that I mean not to stand at this present upon that point, especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is, in matter of dispute: whose ridiculous proposition in this place, that no mortal child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms, or to depose princes, or to dispense with subjects for not obeying etc. 
A ridiculous proposition.  seemeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and story, but of so base a breast also and servile a cogitation, as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality.  
And no doubt, but if such a knight had lived in Nero or Caligula his time (that would needs be Gods) he had been a fit fellow to fall down and adore them; and tell the people most religiously, with both hand● held up to heaven (as he doth here) that no mortal child of man had power to judge of their doings (being great and high princes) or to deny them obedience in any matter having once sworn obedience in temporal affairs, for this is our case here, whether a prince once admitted and established, may be touched afterwards or disobeyed in any matter, or for any cause either of religion or otherwise, and that by any mortal child of man, and our tender conscienced knight resolveth the case that he cannot, and consequently that the romans did evil in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods, and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once received, for what cause soever, for all this ensueth of his fond and heathenish position.  
But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark, read over the four books of kings, and he shall see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men, and the same allowed also by God himself. And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchy, both before and since the conquest, he 〈◊〉 ha● find very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men (seeing they are now dead that made them) which yet he must approve for good and lawful, except he will impugn the succession of her Majesty that now is, which is not likely, seeing the poor man flattereth so seriously with all the art and power he can. And therefore leaving this matter as over long an argument for me to ●andle in this place, I shall only consider briefly of three points upon this his speech, that may yield sufficient light to the matter in hand.  
The first is, 
Three things considerable in this knight's accusation.  that whereas this accuser affirmeth the Catholics of England to have begun to fret and chafe against her Majesty, as soon as she was in full possession of her crown, and consequently to practice treasons by the Pope of Rome, let it be noted out of our own chronicles, what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came forth, 
Anno Domini 1570. regni 13.  and thereby they shall see, how many years (which were a dozen at the least) passed after her Majesty's coronation, before any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome, so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her majesties state and diadem, as this parasite prattleth, but upon ●ome other cause given rather from England, as himself after page 57 of his libel confesseth in these words: The king of Spain and Pope's malice (saith he) to the Queen, is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight, and sister to Queen Marie, but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome; &c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope, and the Pope not with her.  
But secondly let it be considered, in what manner this banishment of the Pope was contrived, 
Incitation of Popes by the English Protestants.  & that in this time of peace between Rome and England, after the Queen's entrance, what was done at home by us against the Pope, to stir him to this act of hostility. First, not only the whole body of religion was changed, that had endured above a thousand years and this contrary to expectation and promise, but divers peculiar statutes were made also, against the Bishop of Rome by ●ame, with the most spiteful and opprobrius words & terms, that any malice of man could devise: all the whole Catholic body of England enforced to swear against him, and his authority by name, or else to incur most grievous and capital damages: the like detestable oath was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land. All the clergy was deposed and deprived of livings & liberty, only for adhering to the Pope's religion, & the Bishops & other principal prelate's of our land, committed to prisons, holds, and restraints, for the same cause, and there continued unto their dying day, for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute. Then such as would leave the realm or i'll were inhibited, those that stayed at home were enforced to participate, not only of these other, but also eating new devised Sacrament b●ead against their consciences, condemned also and anathemazed by the lutherans, first founders of this new religion The Pope every where was cried out of & reviled, made a matter of scorn & infamy, not only in all sermons pulpits and conventicles, but also in comedies plays and interludes, by every base and contemptible companion.  
In the schools of universities most ridiculous propositions were set up as paradoxes, 
Contemptuous proceeding.  to be defended, that the Pope (forsooth) was Antechriste, the man of sin talked of by S. Paul, and other like toys. And that which moved perhaps more than all the rest, was that these things were not only practised & allowed of in England and Ireland subject to her Majesty; but were begun to be introduced also by ou● means, that is, by the turbulent attempts and practices of protestants (her Majesty perhaps knowing little thereof) in all the realms and regions round about us; and namely in France, Flanders, and Scotland, where the wars, tumults, rebellions, divisions, sects, heresies, and other outrages came to be so many and excessive great, as the lawful and naturàll princes of those countries, seeing themselves so far endamaged and highly endangered thereby, were enforced, first of all to complain unto the Pope, as chief pastor and common father of all to use such spiritual redress, as he might for his party, in respect o● his ecclesiastical sovereignty, whilst they prepared also to defends themselves, and their troubled countries by force of arms.  
Not malignity then of the Pope and his adherents against he● majesties crown and diadem (whereunto willingly they had concur●● and assisted) moved this first breach and bickering as this malignant barking-whelp would beat into men's ears, but necessities of great●● violence enforced the same. And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion, had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany, to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had ever ensued. And let this stand fo● the second notandum, whereby is overthrown all this slanderous ca●lumniation of the knight.  
The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this ac● of the Pope's excommunication is in itself, or how far it may in reason and justice (without malice and calumniation) be stretched against th● Catholic subjects of England.  
In itself it was an act of jurisdiction between two superiors, 
The excommunication against the Queen.  th● one Ecclesiastical, the other temporal, wherein the subjects sentence or consent was never asked nor admitted.  
Secondly, it was no new thing, for that we see and read that th● like hath happened often and upon many occasions, between th● Bishops of Rome and divers other great princes, commonwealths Emperors, Kings, and monarches, and sometimes also with kings of England, and of late with the king of France, as all the world knoweth. And yet the subject is neither afflicted nor accused for it, nor ●nforced to change their old received belief about the Pope's authority in such matters, though in that particular fact for reverence of ●heir natural Prince, and due respect in like manner to the other, ●hey will not meddle, nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope ●ad just reason or sufficient information whereupon to proceed, but with dutiful love and honour to the one, and to the other, they choose ●ather to commend the matter to almighty God, which is the only ●hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subject to perform in such ●ases, when two superiors shall disagree, until God by his goodness ●hall determine the controversy and bring all to some happy end, as ●e hath done of late in France, where after the foresaid excommunication by the see Apostolic, the same king hath received exceeding great favours and benefits from the same sea; and Bishop, which almighty God grant we may once see also in our country, to the con●entment of all parties, and thereby all such hasty hoate-spurres as this ●s, who still would kindle more fire, and bring all to desperation may ●e rejected and put to silence.  
And with this I might end the matter of her majesties perils, 
Other hostile actions objected.  were 〈◊〉 not that this plaintiff proceedeth on with a long rehearsal of other hostile actions, committed (as he saith) by English Catholics also against her Majesty. As the rising of the two earls in the north, northumberland and Westmoreland; the rebellion of divers of the nobility in Irland; Doctor Sanders going thither, Master Francis ●hrogmortons practices in England, M. Charles Pagets' going ●orth of the land, the other two earls, of Arundel, & Northumber●ands commitment, and the like. All which are over long to examine more in particular, and all put together do weigh so little in the matter we have in hand, as by that which followeth shall appear.  
None of all these actions broke out to any hostility, saving only ●he two earls rising, and gathering their tenants together in the ●orth, where yet there followed neither battle nor bloodshed, and ●hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the court, ●ut they were severed again and retired into Scotland & Flanders. And this is all the actual rising, that hath been among Catholics within England during the reign of forty years; notwithstanding ●ll the pressures, vexations, dishonours, rapines, slaughters, impri●onments, and deaths which they have suffered in this space, at the hands of Protestants, Puritans, and Atheists for their religion. Which afflictions laid together have been more than ever subiecte● since England was a monarchy, suffered at home in this kind.  
Now then mark that which followeth. If we look one our own chronicles, 
Of the patience of Catholics.  we shall scars find any one Princes reign (though o● far fewer years than this) even when the people were all of one reli●gion, and none of these afflictions and pressures laid upon them, bu● that many more commotions, troubles, and rebellions happened, then in this long time, and among so infinite exasperations have ensued. And if we look upon the short reigns of king Edward & Queen Mary, and the part of king Henry's time after alteration in religion, there is no comparison. And whence cometh all this (trow● you) but of the singular virtue and unspeakable patience of the Catholic subjects of our time under her Majesty, that have lived and suffered all this with gronning only, and secret tears, without further breach to defend themselves, or revenge their injuries.  
And truly when foreign nations do both see and read the bloody list of laws made against Catholics and Catholic religion in England, within these forrtie years; and do hear of the rigorous execution of the same, together with the incredible molestations that thereby are laid upon so great and potent numbers of people, that lack no●●corage also to adventure even to death itself in favour of their said religion, they rest astonished, and do wonder how either the countri●● can remain void of continual tumults, or the prince free from infinit● daily perils; seeing that desperation in such matters is the next door to all extremities, especially the persecution being so rigorous and violent, so universal and exorbitant, as infinite people are interessed and touched thereby, either immediately by themselves, or in their children, servants, kinsfolks, or friends, whereupon finally they do greatly admire (as I have said) the modesty, patience, and longanimity of the English Catholics. And so much the more, for that the Protestant when he is under and disfavored, hath no patience at all, but breaketh out continually to most violent tumults and rebellions.  
If we do consider the deportement of the protestants in Queen Mary's time, 
The patience of Protestants.  and how every month almost they had either rebellious or new turbulent practices against the state and Queen (not being ashamed at length also by public books to make all women incapable of royal government) a man would think this fellow very shameless, 
Goodman's book.  not to blush to make this discourse against Catholics, so soon after those broils of his own people. And yet these differences are to be noted in the cause, first that Q. mary's government dured but atle more than four years, and this of her Majesty hath done forty: ●en were the principal protestants not touched nor pressed, but now ●o Catholics at all is spared: they were restrained only, from brining in of novelties, these are forced to renounce their old religion, that ●om the first conversion of the land they and their fathers have professed, and vowed to keep: they had few or no foreign princes of their religion round, about to give them courage or assistance, these have ●e most and strongest in Christendom, and yet are quiet: and this for England.  
But if we pass our eye beyond this little Island also, and consider ●hat revel these friends of Sir Francis, though not of Saint Francis, 
The revels of foreign heretics.  ●aue made in other countries, since the beginning of their innovations to wit in Germany, France, Flanders, Poland, Swethland, Demnarke and Scotland, against their true and lawful princes; what ●rmies, camps, battles, and insurrections, what desolation of country's, cities, towns, and lineages, they have caused; and what slaughter ●nd havok of Christian blood they have procured; more impudent and ridiculous will this clamour and exaggeration of our crouching knight ●eem to be, about two earls only, 
Northumb. Westmerl.  that upon fear of force gathered ●heir servants, neighbours, and tenants together, and presently fled, ●nd of two or three other gentlemen, whereof the one was put to death ●or having a description of certaynes ports and havens only found in ●is chamber, 
Fr. Throg. Char. Pag.  and for that he had some intelligence with the Queen of Scots and with Don Bernardin de Mendoza Ambassador for the King of Spain resident in England (though nothings else could be proved against him) the other went beyond the seas for that he could ●ot live with his conscience at home, and never hurted them since. And of two earls more committed, the one upon suspicion, and nothing proved against him, that was known before his piteous death, which God only knoweth how he came unto: the other for flying first for his conscience, 
Northumb. Arundel.  out of the realm (he being taken on the sea and brought back again) and after divers years of imprisonment without any further matter laid to his charge was after condemned, principally if not only for a Mass heard or caused to be said in the tower of London, which was such a treason as all his noble ancestors would have been glad to have been condemned for, & his posterity may glori that he was: for that never Earl in England since it was Christian was ever brought to the bar for such and so glorious and so holy a treason.  
And to conclude all these accusations in deed laid together against English Catholics are but very trifles and trivial things, that daily happen in most quiet & peaceable commonwealths, where no man is afflicted by the state at all. But that infinite greater and more heinous stirs and breaches have not been raised within the space of forty years, where so deadly differences in religion, and so continual persecution against so great a body have been in ure; this I say (as I said before) that to men of judgement and indifferency, and of experience in government, is a marvelous wonder, and a most famous canonisation of the patience, magnanimity, and fidelity of English Catholics; and her Majesty and the realm are happy that they have such subjects. And if they will not believe me, let them but turn the leaf a little against protestants, puritans, and other new sectaries, and restrain them from their desires, and pinch them with persecution, but a quarter of that they have done to Catholics, and they shall see and feel by experience which kind of people is more apt to obey, or to work turmoils and perils to their weal-public and governors. And thereby also will appear the vanity and malice of this impertinent and spiteful slanderer, who endeth his invective with these words.  
There is no end (saith he) with this people, their practices are pestilent, their persuasions perilous, their platforms traitorous, and to serve their turn they want not cunning to execute all: so violent they are in their villainies and treasons, and so shameless they are in their falsehoods and dissimulations. And again: by this taste you shall see the brutish vilanyes of our bastard countrymen, and understand what just cause there is to detest both the traitors and their treasons, etc.  
To all which I answer, that a railing tongue untied, is a wild beast without a bridle, and to ruun after him with a cudgel, though at certain turnings many blows and bastinadoes may be given him (as in part there hath been I suppose to this man, by convincing his falsehoods, railings and calnmniations) yet is it a wearisome exercise even to the giver himself, and therefore I will let him run, until wearied by his own fury, he become more calm, and enter into some more temperate cogitations, if not of truth and charity yet of christian honour and honesty, and with this I end our third encounter.   

hastings WACH-WORDE. THE FOURTH ENCOUNTER, ABOUT BISHOP GARDENER AND Cardinal Allen, by name, and of their unworthy and slanderous usage by this wachwoord-gever.  
THough against all Catholic people that come in his way, the tongue of this knight be very lavish & approbrious (which neither proceedeth of chivalry nor yet of nobility) yet two principal persons above others he seeketh chief to disgrace and wound in his discourse, which are D. Gardener Bishop of winchester, and high Chancellor of England in Queen Mary's days, and Doctor Allen late Cardinal of Rome. Two such eminent subjects for Ecclesiastical men, as setting a side the only difference of religion which made them ungrateful to the present state, our land hath not had lightly ●heir equales in many ages before. Both of them of high wits, 
The Comparison between Bishop Gardener, & Cardinal Allen.  exquisite learning, and singular good natures, both of rare virtues, the one ● chief Counsellor to two great princes of our realm, the father and ●aughter, and the other fit to be Counsellor to any prince living, and was of council to the highest consistory in Christendom, Bishop Gardener was carried through great variety of prosperous and adverse ●ortune, and ever showed himself superior to them both, except once ●nly in his youth & prosperity, when he went a little astray by fear, ●ut sore repent it soon after. Cardinal Allen that never was in properitie at home, but trained up for the most part of his days in ba●ishment, and in the disgrace and frowning countenance of his country, for religions sake, bore the same with incredible constancy and alacrity, and towards the end of his life was highly advanced to ho●or for his virtue by foreign potentates, as the world knoweth. B. Gardener was a master and common tutor to English young nobility ●n his days, and his house a famous school of great men's children ●n England. C. Allen was a public father to all sorts of that age●nd to all degrees that left their country for religion, and he procured ●hem both houses and schools in foreign nations. The Bishop was ●beral and had much to give of his own while he was suffered to possess it; the Cardinal though meaner in temporal wealth yet munificent of mind, and so much respected and credited by others that were richer than himself, that he gave more perhaps in his days then the other was able of his own, according to that of the Apostle, qua● egentes, multos autem locupletantes, 
2. Cor. 6.  as poor, and yet enriching many others. And to be short, a peerless pair of prelate's they were whyl● they lived, and full unworthy to be thus baited by the wild tongu● of this slanderous backbiter, but let us hear in particular what he● saith of them.  
Of Bishop Gardener you have heard before his encomion or commendation, 
Of Bishop Gardener.  where he said. Gardener that most proud and bloody monster left no corner of his wit unsought, to shorten her majesties days, and prevent he● by the bloody slaughter of her sacred person, from being our Queen. And afterward again making his invective against the Catholics, that fo● conscience refuse to go to Church, he saith thus.  
The recusants of our age cannot profess nor make greater show of loyalty and love to our dread Sovereign, neither can serve her outwardly with greater appearance of faithfulness, nor can protest more deeply by words and oaths, their true and good meaning to her, than did Gardener, Bonner, and Tonstal, to her noble father and brother, which they did confirm by printed books. For Gardener did writ● his book de vera obedientia, and Bonner added his epistle to it. And Tonst● published a flat treatise against the Pope. But when these two noble Prince's wer● called to their last and everlasting home and kingdom in heaven, and Queen Marie possessed the government of this kingdom upon earth, than Gardener did tear o● his glorious viso, and showed himself in his right colours and shape; for he an● his complices never rested till they had brought in the Spainard, and had matche● him in marriage with the Queen, by which they betrayed God, her, and the whol● realm.  
This bloody intention by this link thus strengthened, then cometh Gardener ou● publicly in pulpit with this sentence, 
Rom. 13.  hora est iam nos de somno surgere perverting the sacred scripture most profanely and blasphemously to his bloody purpose, etc. this far goeth the accusation.  
And first here you see there is nothing but blood and bloodiness, when he talketh of Bishop Gardener; whereof I could greatly marvel if this poor man followed either rhyme or reason in any discourse that he maketh, for verily I believe, that if a man should ask any good natured Protestant that lived in Queen Mary's time, and hath both wit to judge, and indifferency to speak the truth without passion, he will confess that no one great man in that government, was further of from blood and bloodiness, or from cruelty and revenge, than Bishop Gardener, 
Bishop Gardener his gentle nature.  who was known to be a most tender-hearted and mild man in that behalf; in so much that it was some times, and by some great personages objected to him for no small fault, to be everfull o● ●●●●●●on in the office and charge that he then bare: yea to him especially it ●as imputed, that none of the greatest and most known Protestant's in Queen Mary's reign (and some of their names I have mentioned before) were ever called to account, or put to trouble for ●ligion: which also was noted in divers criminal great causes, and ●amely that of the lady Smith burned for killing her husband, the ●rd Sturton executed about Harguile, and the Duke of Nor●umberland beheaded for public rebellion. All which three (to ●aue others) it is known that Bishop Gardener laboured earnestly ●r to save their lives, and this only upon compassion, and he passed ● far in this behalf as he wauted not some rebuke for the same, espe●ally about the last, to wit the Duke, for whom he sued importune, notwithstanding he had been extremely misused and injured by ●he said Duke in K. Edward's time (or at least permitted by him to be ●iured by others) as namely to be deprived of his dignity & Bishop●ke, & held in the tower all the time of that government, wherein the ●uke ruled all, but yet the duke being condemned to death, & knowing ●e gentle nature of the Bishop, & that he was nothing vindicative, he resolved to rely upon him of all other men, & so made petition (after sen●ce of death given against him) that he might speak only with the Bishop before his death, as well about matters concerning his soul ●nd conscience, as also for disposing of his other affairs. Which pension being granted, though somewhat hardly, by the Queen and council, for that it had been hindered by the Duke's adversaries that ●new and feared in this case the Bishop's tenderness of heart; at last he ●as sent to the tower in the company of an other Councelor to be present at their talk, who afterward recounted (and I have heard it ●om his own mouth) the hearty tears that the said Bishop shed at ●e sight and conference with the Duke, who after much speech said ●o the Bishop towards the end with great affliction of mind: My ●ood lord B. And is there no hope at all for me to live, 
The Duke's speeches to Bishop Gardener.  and to do ●ome penance in the rest of my days for my sins past? alas let me ●ue a little longer, though it were but in a moushole. To which the Bishop answered, o my lord, I would God that any thing could have contented your grace but a kingdom, when you were at liberty and ●n prosperitier: and now also, I would it lay in my power to give you ●his moushole, for I would allow you the best palace I have in the world to be your moushole, and I do offer to do for you what I can possibly. But yet for that your offence is great, & sentence is passed against you, and your adversaries are many, it shallbe best for you to provide for the worst, and especially that you stand well with God in matters of conscience and religion, for to speak plainly, it is mos● likely that you must die.  
To that the Duke answered, that he would dispose himself, and desired he might have a learned priest sent him for his confession, 
The Duke of North. religion.  and spiritual comfort. And as for religion (said he) you know (my Lord B.) that I can be of no other but of yours, which is the Catholic: for ● never was of any other in deed, nor ever so foolish as to believe any of that which we have set up in King Edward's days, but only to use the same to my own purpose of ambition, for which God forgive me, and so I mean to testify publicly at my death, for it is the truth, & so he did, and his confession was put forth in print, as the world knoweth, and at this day much of it extant in Stows chronicle● B. Gardener went away with an afflicted heart for the Duke, & shed many a tear for him on the way as he returned, 
Stow. ●n. 1. Reg. Man●e.  and presently went to the Queen and entreated so earnestly for him as he had ha● gained her consent for his life, which so much terrified the Duke's adversaries, as presently they got the Emperor Charles (that was i● Flanders) to write to the Queen a very resolute and earnest letter that it was not safe for her nor the state, to pardon his life, and with that he was executed.  
All which story I have been enforced to repeat a little the more larger, thereby to check the malignant speech of this our sycophant knight, against so worthy a man, whom he will needs make ● bloody and cruel monster, and to have sought maliciously the death of her Majesty when she was Lady Elizabeth. Which was so fa● of from his condition and nature (especially she being at that time an object rather of love and compassion then of envy and hatred) a● I dare say he doth him apparent and wilful wrong. Yet it may be, that he hath heard somewhat about the discovery of a certain bracelet, imputed to the Chancellor in examination of Sir Thomas Wiattes affairs and his complices. In which bracelet it was said that all the secrety of that conspiracy lay hidden, 
A mysterious bracelet.  and that the Chancellor did pierce the matter further than others, which may be als● true, that point belonging then to his office and obligation, but that he ever used or urged the knowledge gotten thereof to the lady's peril, this hastings neither in haste nor by leisure will ever be able to prove. And so much of this point touching her majesties person.  
Let us examine the rest that he writeth of B. Gardener, some ● the words were repeated before, but here they are necessary against by reason of the commixion with that which followeth.  
The recusants (saith he) cannot profess more loyalty and love to the Queen that now is, than did Gardener to her father and brother, writing a book de vera obedientia, etc. But when these two noble princes were dead, and Queen Marie in the kingdom, than he did tear of his glorious vizard, for he and his compli●ces, never rested until they had brought in the Spaniard, and matched him with Queen Marie, by which they betrayed God, her, and the whole realm.  
It seemeth that this poor silly man is either very ignorant in matters of our own realm, 
Of Bishop Gardeners fall.  or very badly bend to tell manifest untruths. For who knoweth not, that albeit Bishop Gardener at the beginning of king Henry's defection from the church of Rome, being born away with the stream of the time, and with some fear of the kings violent proceeding, and not very full instructed perhaps in that controversy of the Supremacy (for that it was at the very first entrance to his Bishoprik after the fall of Cardinal Wolsey) shaken also with the frailty of human infirmity, he shrunk with S. Peter, and stepped somewhat aside in that book of his, de vera obedientia, etc. But yet how soon he did recall himself again, and condemned his own doing therein, and how much also he prevailed in secret with the king himself in that point of doctrine, you shall hear afterward by his own testimony. And as for king Edward's reign, it is a flat fable and fiction which our knight telleth us, of Bishop Gardeners following the sway also of that time: for it is well known, that he being one of the chiefest among those sixteen counsellors that were appointed by king Henry's testament, and earnest charge of mouth at his last hour, to govern his son and realm, during the minority of the young king, with express commandment also of the dead king, that neither protector should be chosen, nor yet any point of Luther's, Zwinglius, or Caluins' religion brought in, Bishop Gardener as a faithful counsellor strived what he could at the very first entrance, to have both these orders of king Henry observed. But ambition overbearing all, first a Protector within 40. hours after the king's death, and then soon after an innovation also of religion, was thrust upon the realm, by violence of some that packed together for their gains, more than for devotion: which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist, he spoke his mind plainly touching religion, in a sermon before the young king and council upon Saint Peter's day (which was but five months after king Edward's reign) for which sermon, he was sent to the tower the morning after, and lay there prisoner all king Edward's time, and came not out, until Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london when she was Queen, delivered him and other catholic prisoners together, 
Sto anno 1. ●d 6.  and how then doth our steel-brow-knight, writ, that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and son, and never showed himself in religion until both of them were called to their last home, and Queen Marie entered the crown: let some friend blush for him if he have not shame to do it himself.  
Again, it is as great an untruth and as gross ignorance besides, to say, 
About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Mary's days.  as this man doth, that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard, and mached him in marriage with Queen Marie. For that every child acquainted with that state knoweth or may learn, that Bishop Gardener was of the contrary part or faction that favoured young Edward Courtney the Earl of devonshire, and would have had him to Marie the Queen, whom Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual child in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the marriage was held for certain, but that the contrary side and especially the Lord Paget, partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edward's time, and partly for the jealousy he had (perhaps) of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland, his greatest enemy, who in king Edward's reign had endeavoured utterly to disgrace him, they procured (I say) the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen, about her marriage with the Prince of Spain, which they did so urge to the said Queen, and with so many arguments against Courtney (especially that he was neither sound in body nor religion) as they got her consent, and subscription to the said letters of the Emperor. And then there was no further dealing to the contrary; for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding love and reverence to the Emperor Charles her Cousin, as she would not fail in her word given to him for all the world. Whereby we may imagine what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that favoured Courtney did receive by this change of the Queens will and purpose, and thereby also perceive the folly and temerity of this rash accuser, who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard, which yet if they had done, or had been cause of that greatest and most honourable marriage, that for many ages hath been in Christendom, and of greatest consequence, if issue had followed thereof; if this (I say) bade been so (as it was not) why did they betray therein both God, the Queen, and there country as this wise Censurer affirmeth, what grounds, what reason may there be alleged of this triple treason? God received by this marriage the strengthening of his true religion, the Queen got the greatest noblest, and richest husband that was extant in Europe, our country got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure, without loss of any as hereafter shall be showed. And wherein then stood this great offence?  
But let us pass over these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his praise and skill is only in arms; yet one point more must I examine, wherein he condemneth B. Gardener, and this is for his sermon made at S. Paul's cross, upon the words of the Apostle to the Romans, h●ra est iam nos de somno surgere. It is now high time for us to rise out of sleep, 
Rom. 13.  the night hath gone before, the day is come, etc. and the rest that followeth there. All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight saith very peremptorily, that it was most profanely and blasphemously perverted by the said Bishop, and that to bloody purposes, which we shall now à little discuss.  
This famous sermon was preached, as I said before, at Paul's cross, 
The Sermon of Bishop Gardener at Paul's Crosse.  after the marriage was celebrated between the King and the Queen, who both were present at this speech of the Bishop now also high Chancellor, and there present in like manner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolic, as also the Ambassadors of the Emperor, french King, and other Princes, and a marvelous great learned and noble auditory besides, as ever perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after. The chancellors discourse was, how long they had run astray, and been in darkness of division and strife among themselves, since first king Henry left the old trodden path of his ancestors, kings and Queens of England in matters of religion, and broke from the union of the church of Rome, and of other catholic kingdoms round about him, and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep, and to look about them.  
And in this discourse and sermon, the Chancellor uttered two principal things among other, that greatly moved the whole auditory.  
The first was the hearty and humble accusation of himself for his ●all, and consenting to King Henry's will in that book de vera obedien●tia, which he did utter with so great vehemency of spirit and abundance of teàres, as he could not go forward, and was forced divers times to make some pauses; which in such an audience (especially of strangers, also he being the chiefest person of the realm after the prince, we may imagine what a temporal shame and confusion it was unto him, and how greatly it would move the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly, of his own accord, without compulsion and with such earnestness as he did. And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his, the end declared; for when he fell sick afterward, and drew near unto his death, he desired that the passion of our Saviour might be red unto him; and when they came to the denial of Saint Peter, and how after Christ had looked back upon him, he went out and wept bitterly; the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there, 
Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death.  and see whether his sweet Saviour would vouchsafe also to look back upon him, and give him some part of Saint Peter's tears, for (saith he) negavi cum Petro, extui cum Petro sed nondum flevi amare cum Petro, I have denied Christ with Peter (meaning that subscription to the supremacy of king Henry, I have gone out with Peter (meaning the participation of that schism, but yet I have not wept bitterly with Peter; so bitterly as I should do, and by often repetition of those words, and ask God sorgevenes with cries and sighs he entertained himself until great floods of tears came down upon him, and so gave up the ghost.  
The second notable point which the Bishop uttered in this sermon, was concerning king Henry the eight his lord and master, which moved the auditory no less than the other. And this was that the said king a little before his death, had dealt with him very secretly and seriously, 
K. Henry the 8. inclination to reconcile himself.  to have sent him to a certain dyat in Germany, under pretence to treat other matters, but in deed the chief point should be, to seek out some honourable way and means (as from himself, and not from the king) either by the Emperor, legate, pope's Nuntio, or other fit instrument, to reconcile him again to the church of Rome. And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true upon his oath and fidelity to God and the world, and to the memory of the said king his master dead, whom he showed to love so tenderly and dearly, as he wept most bitterly also in that place, for that this holy motion had not taken the effect he desired, attributing the let thereof to God's severe judgements, and to the great difficulties which the said king found of making that reconciliation with his honour and reputation, which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counseled him, then in so weighty a work of eternal salvation ought to have been.  
Thus then was the substance, and these were the circumstances of that sermon. Let us now consider whether the theme he took, iam, hora est nos de somno surgere, were fit and to his purpose or no: or whether it were profanely & blasphemously perverted, as this wise gentleman affirmeth, who taketh upon him to censure the matter.  
First let it be considered, that if ever any man of our realm might take upon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our commonwealth, as a Counsellor, and of his own knowledge, Bishop Gardener might do it, which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalities within our land, such chopping and changing, such pulling down and setting up, as he might fitly call the time a time of sleep or dream. For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly, and out of hand they pass away, and contrary representations come in their place, so had Bishop Gardener seen in the public affairs of the realm, no less alterations of comical and tragical acts, after he came to be a councillor.  
For first he had seen his own king and master, king Henry the eight, so earnest in the defence of the catholic faith, 
The sleep and dream noted by B. Gardener in England.  & of the sea of Rome in particular, as he wrote a book in defence thereof, though he were dissuaded by some of his counsel to do it, for reason of state. And after that again being to send this very man, Gardener (than his secretary) to Rome for his Ambassador, about soliciting of the divorce between himself and Queen Catherine, he commanded him to tell the Pope and College of Cardinals, that whatsoever they determined in that matter, he would accept it with all indifferency, and ever be a most obedient child of the Roman church. And this commission he gave him in the presence of Cardinal Wolsey, and yet soon after he saw the same king so changed, for the affection he bore to an other party, as he broke with the Pope and church of Rome, and pulled down the said Cardinal, and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for virtue and learning of all his realm, or of any other foreign kingdom of Christendom, and whom he had loved before exceedingly, to wit, Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More Chancellor.  
Again, Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soon after of the party, for whose love he had first begun to make all those stirs, and to put her to death openly, and yet to continue his former breaches, and to run from one difficulty to an other, and from one inconvenience to an other, & never to stop the fountain from whence all this unquietness came. He had seen him also pass from on wife to another, to the number of six, dismissing some and putting others to death, according to the affection or disaffection which he bore to each of them for the time. He had seen him make divers and different acts of parliament, 
Seem. Henr. 25. cap. 22. & ann. 28. cap. 7. & 17.  in prejudice or preferment of his own children, now for their legitimation and inheritance, now for the contrary, as by the statutes themselves yet extant in print, is evident to the world. And from the liking or disliking of his said wives, he passed also to the liking or suspicion of his own kindred, subjects, and familiar fr●nds: of which he pulled down so many, as by the stories may be seen. And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him (that knew him full well) that after he once left to love that person, which by God's law and man's he was bound to love above all others (to wit, his first wife and Queen) he never loved any person hardly and constantly afterwards.  
Moreover, he had seen the poor king so cumbered, and troubled about matters of religion, 
K. Henry's perplexity about religion.  as was pitiful to behold. For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken up in his choler against the Pope, seemed to touch his honour so near, as he might not show to yield any one jot therein: and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholics as denied the same, though otherwise he both loved and highly esteemed them● and on the other side, his judgement and conscience in matters of the Catholic truth against the protestants and all new sectaries, convinced his conscience and understanding, as he clearly uttered in the statute of six articles which judgement also enforced him to burn as many of that fide ● were convicted.  
And finally being wearied towards his later end, with these combats of conscience and honour, judgement and passion, he conferre● with Bishop Gardener as you have heard, about the main remedy and only sure redress of all, which was his returning to the union of the Roman church, and the rest of Christendom.  
And besides all this, Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king, brought to such straits and doubts in his later hours of life, about the weightiest affairs that he had in this world, as he could not tell what to determine ordain or establish, for the security of his own children, especially of his only son prince Edward, tha● had but nine years yet of age and for that cause was the father's heart more pensive about him. For first he was afeard to leave any protector unto him, remembering the event of king Edward the four●● his children under their uncle protector the Duke of Gloucester. And secondly, he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think, least after his death the perilous waves and floods of heresies should enter upon him, by the very same gate that himself had opened.  
Whetfore both these points he forbade expressly, and appointed for execution thereof sixteen governors, as I have said, with equal authority, all in his opinion (or the far greater part) very catholic. But he was no sooner dead, but all these orders of his were overthrown, and a protector made, the third day after the kings death, and soon after religion changed, and the law of six articles abrogated, and as little regard had to king Henry's will and ordinances, as if he had never been king of this realm, or master to the breakers. And among other these changes, was displaced Gardener himself, one of the chief of those sixteen appointed for governors by king Henry, and not only thrust from all authority, but sent also to the tower of London prisoner, as before I have showed; and other Catholic Lords removed in like manner from the Council, for like ends and purposes.  
Then began a new world of making new Lords, 
The stirs in king Edwardes days.  new Earls, new marquesses, & new Dukes, & in dividing great states offices & dignities in good fellowship among themselves, & all in the name of the child king (though he were not yet crowned, nor three weeks passed since his father's death) New men also were called out of Germany, to wit (Peter Martyr and Martin Bucer two apostated friars with their wenches) that had been Nuns who must come to teach a new religion in England; but with express condition to be indifferent to reach that sect & opinion, either of Luther, Swinglius, or Caluin, or other that should be determined and agreed upon by the Parliament then in gathering together; and so they were contented, and with that condition they were sent the one to Oxford, and the other to Cambrige. Then was the new English form of service drawn out in haste by certain of the Protectors chaplains in Somerset place in London, not fully agreeing to any of the Captains doctrine aforesaid, but somewhat mingled of them all and much also of the Catholic rite and form, all which was approved soon after for apostolical and established by the lay part of the Parliament, (for the clergy reclaimed) and all men enforced to sweat unto it, and so for the old religion received by the universal church, and continued in England for above a thousand years, and confirmed by so many miracles at the beginning, as S. Bede and other ancient authors do affirm, and allowed by the consent of all our learned English for so many ages, now was there a new religion devised in corners & set up by certain obscure and hungry fellows in haste, within the space of two months, and authorized by a parliament of unlearned lay men to be the rule of our salvation.  
But in the mean space the Duke of Somerset now head of this church (for that the child king was at play & could think nothing of it) attended principally to his temporal advancement & to purchase good old land, and caused his servants to set forward the new religion, without troobling him therein, saying that all should be examined and approved afterward by the authority of the young king, as true head of the Church, and so it was.  
Then followed great tumults and rebellious in the realm, as also jarring and falling out of the great protestant Councillors among themselves. The protector first cut of the head of his brother the Admiral, and then the Earl of Warwick cut of the head of the Protector, and divers of his friends, and made himself duke of Northumberland, and then plotted with the duke of Suffolk to cut of all king Henry's children, and to bring in Suffolk's daughter and northumberlands son, as they did. For which soon after both their heads were cut of also by Queen Marie, and Catholic religion was restored again to the state wherein first it was, when king Henry her father began this tragedy, and first put all out of joint.  
Thus passed the matter briefly, and all this Bishop Gardener had seen and passed through, and had played his part in divers acts, and pageants, to wit, as an actor in the beginning and as a patiented after, as hath been showed. And being now restored to his old estate again, and more over made Chancellor of the realm, and looking back upon the dream past, had he not (trow you) just cause to preach, hora iam est nos de somno surgere, it is time to arise from sleep, wherein we have slumbered these twenty years and more, in such variety of tossings, and to walk with more light and stead fastness for the time to come? let it be left I say to the judgement of every discreet reader, whether this theme & parable were fitly chosen and well applied by B. Gardener or no, or rather blasphemously perverted, as our Hunting divine Sir Francis will needs have it, and so much for this time of Bishop Gardener.  
About C. Allen, 
Of Cardinal Allen.  for that I have been over large in B. Gardeners affairs, I mean to be very brief, & so much the breefer for that the matters objected against him by this accuser are very cavils, if we consider the substance of the thing itself; for he saith, that this English traitor, though he were a Cardinal at Rome and sworn to the Pope's pantable hath sent from thence many slanderous and seditious pamphlets, and in one (which was the treatise against the English execution of justice) he seemeth to wish that doctor Sanders and doctor Bristol, had spared to speak so much in defence of Pius Quintus Bul, against her Majesty, and yet he doubteth not to affirm, that these two learned men of ●reat zeal and excellency, had their special reasons to do so; which he will neither descend nor reprove, etc.  
And further he proceedeth (saith this man) to excuse all the priests and students beyond the seas, and all such as have come over, and saith, that all of them ●ince that censure of his holiness (to use (saith he) his own words) did use all reverence and respect to her Majesty, uttering in no preaching, speech, or book, ●o not at the hour of their death and martyrdom, nor ever before in any their confessions to the magistrate, any disloyal word against her Majesty.  
These words reciteth hastings out of the discourse against their English justice, as words of moderation, or rather blushing as he termeth them, for that which was done before, and yet he saith that ●n an other treatise of defence of Sir William Stanley's act in giving ●uer Deventrie to the king of Spain, the Cardinal cometh to ●tter himself as far as either Sanders or Bristol, or any other, in approbation of the said excommunication; which thing albeit this knight ●o greatly condemn, yet cannot I any thing marvel thereat; considering that the Cardinal's opinion (being as he was) could be no other in substance touching matters of controversy, than was that of doctor Sanders, doctor Bristol, and the rest. And though for peace, ●●oderation, and edification, he liked well in others, and specially ●n the younger sort of priests, that they should avoid all occasion of ●ateful speech in this odious controversy, yet might he speak his mind plainly (being in the place and dignity he was) when occasion should be offered, which I shall endeavour to express more clearly ●y the example following.  
In a great and noble house, where there are many children of the ●elf same parents, 
Why Doct. Allen. D Sande●s and other like might utten their minds more plainly.  if those parents do come to breach and to fall out between themselves, what can the children do but besorowfull and ●ent, and sigh at such contentions, without taking willingly any ●arte, for that they love, fear, and reverence both the parties that ●●e fallen at debate for which respect also they dare not so much as to ●terpose their iugdmentes and censures in the controversy except they ●●e forced, and especially they onger sort of children, who be fit to ●eepe and morn such contentions, then to determine them with ●heir verdict: yet it is not so altogether with the elder brethren, that ●eing come to man's estate, learned and wise, & seeing the breach to grow greater daily between their said parents and superious, have authority and right to speak more freely than the rest. And not only to entreat for peace, but to interpose also their judgements (though ever with due reverence to both parts) as well in the question de iure as de facto; that is to say, not only to judge and discern where the greater authority or higher pre-eminence of commanding lieth by right, either in the one parent or other, in the father or in the mother, but also in the particular fact about which they fell out, to wit, who had more reason than the other, or who was most in fault: which second point is much more hard & hateful, & subject to offence, than the first, & yet may discreet & loving children say their opinion also in that behalf, when need requireth, without breach of due respect & duty.  
Even so then standeth the case in this our controversy. Her Majesty being our Queen is thereby also a mother, 
How the Q is ou● mother, and he Pope our father.  and nourisheth us her subjects as a careful parent: the Bishop of Rome to all catholic men of the world is their spiritual father, that hath principal care of their souls by God's commission; and for such hath he ever been taken, and is at this day in all the catholic states and kingdoms of Spayne● France● Italy● Germany, Pooland and other provinces, that hold the ancient belief of Christendom. And so hath he been held also by all our ancestors, kings and Queens, clergy and temporalty of England, for above a thousand years together But now our said two parented are fallen at debate, for which all their Catholic subjects, who are children to them both, are heartily sorry, and do lament the case: all sorts of people commonly both lay men & priests within England, do hold their peace and sob at the matter as younger children, and do only attend to pray to God for their good atonement, and so do the rest also that are abroad in other nations. But yet if doctor Sanders, doctor Bristol, doctor Stapleton, doctor Allen, and such like, that are men of greater learning, antiquity, and judgement, and elder brothers among the rest, if these men (I say) do put in their judgements concerning this controversy of their parents, as well de iure, as de factor that is, do tell first what authority and iurisdicton either temporal o● spiritual each one of these two parents and superiors have, & wherein they are or aught to be subordinate the one to the other: and secondly de facto ipso if the falling out itself do insinuate where and by whom the cause of this breach and discord was first or principally offered, and which part hath most fault in this contention and disagreement; if they do this (I say) as any subject may do in any other Catholic kingdom of the world, without offence in like controversies, between his prince and the Pope, why should this act be made so heinous a crime by this our skolding knight, as to call so worthy a man (as our late Cardinal was) an archtraitor, a tugling companion, a shameless dissembling liar, that villainously stuffeth his book with blasphemous slanders, devilish persuati ns, and impudent lies against her Majesty? Let all men judge of this man's immodesty.   

THE FIFTH ENCOUNTER, ABOUT JESVITES AND FATHER Persons in particular, whether they seek the Queen's blood, as Sir Francis affirmeth.  
FOR the ground and foundation of all that is to be examined and discussed in this conference and encounter, I shall first set down the accusation of Sir Francis, in his own words, which are these that ensue.  
I do not hear (saith he) that the Pope's holiness is so purged from ambition, or so reconciled to religion, as he meaneth not to continue his claim for the Supremacy, or will cease to settle the dregss of his poison and superstitious doctrine among us. I cannot perceive that the thirst of Parsons, and his pew fellows, is yet quenched, for seeking the blood of our dear Sovereign, and in her the destruction of us all, the cause remaining still for which heretofore they have sought it, etc.  
This is the knights narration or rather calumniation, fraught (as you see) with his ordinary terms of dregs, poison, and bloodshed, with which his accustomed knightly speech is wont to be raw-fed. Wherein so much as concerneth the Pope's holinsse, sbalbe considered of more amply afterward, in a particular conference that we are to have about his holiness actions, authority, and jurisdiction.  
Now only is to be noted the fond and ridiculous manner of Sir Francis fantastical writing, 
Sir Francis ridiculous.  telling us very gravely that he doth not yet hear (for belike the poor man doth much hearken after it) that the Pope's holiness is so purged yet of ambition, or so reconciled to protestants religion, as he meaneth to leave of his old claim of spiritual Supremacy over England, or his endeavouring to settle Romish doctrine among us (for I omit willingly the terms of dregs and poison, as more fit and proper to Sir Francis dish, who feedeth upon so many old heresies, condemned for poisoned dregs, by God's Catholic church for so many ages past) and this tale of Sir Francis, is no less ridicul●●● and childish, then if he should say to any temporal prince, or to the Queen of England herself, that he seethe not her Majesty so purged yet from ambition, as to leave of her claim of commaundry over all her tealm, or of settling justice in her name throughout her dominions, for that no less proper and essential to the Pope's office and state, is Ecclesiastical Supremacy over all christian nations in Ecclesiastical matters (as after more particularly shallbe proved) then to her Majesty the commaundrie over England, in temporal affairs. And as to her Majesty by virtue of her royal authority it appertaineth and incumbeth, to settle and maintain justice throughout her realms, so to the Pope's pastoral and Apostolical authority is annexed the obligation of preaching, and settling his doctrine (by himself or others) throughout all Christian states and kingdoms or that may be christian, which obligation groweth by that great and high commission given to Saint Peter, in special manner above all other Apostles (as after shallbe demonstred) by Christ himself over all christian souls, in these words thrice repeated: pasce oves meas, pasce agnos meos, 
joan. v●t.  feed my sheep, and feed my lambs. Which feeding he could not perform, nor can his successors, but by doctrine to all, and government over all.  
And therefore whensoever Sir Francis (sitting in his watch) shall discover or hear, that the Pope's holiness leaveth of this claim of Ecclesiastical Supremacy, or is so purged as he becometh a Protestant (which none ever yet was, nor willbe by all likelihood) let Sir Francis know, that he leaveth also to be Pope; and whensoever he ceaseth to endeavour the establishing of his Roman, universal, & catholic doctrine in England, or any other country else, where sheep or lambs of Christ are, or may be had, there he ceaseth also to perform the duty, for which the Popedom or principal See was ordained by our savour. And consequently a very impertinent and childish discourse was this of Sir Francis, about his holiness purgation, and reconciliation to Protestants religion. Let us see (if you please) the rest concerning father Persons and his pew-fellows (as he scornfully calleth them) whom albeit he slandereth falsely in the imputations laid against them, about seeking the Queen's blood, yet doth he much honour them all, in joining them in slander and calumniation with the Pope himself.  
First of all then, for that it seemeth that by father persons pew-fellows, this pleasant gentleman understandeth those of his order & society, known commonly by the name of jesuits I shall first treat somewhat of them, 
About jesuits in general and their contradictors.  and their estate and doings in general, and afterward descend to father Persons more in particular, though moderately of them both, in regard of the friendship that for many years I have held with them, and lest any man should attribute the things I am to say, rather to affection, than judgement in this behalf.  
Notorious it is to them that have experience in the affairs of our days, and much more that travail through divers countries, and do weigh with judgement what passeth in the world, that these kind of men (I mean the jesuits) as they are greatly loved and esteemed by most catholics, so have they many adversaries and maligners also, & those not only such as in matters of faith and opinion do dissent from them, both Heathen, Turk, Heretic, Atheist, Infidel, and other like (that all jointly do band against them) but divers others also of catholic profession, for other causes; so as it seemeth, that to them may be applied not unfitly, that saying of the Roman jews to Saint Paul, when they spoke of Christian religion newly begun de secta hac notum est nobis quia ubique ei contradicitur. 
Act. 28.  This only we know of this new sect of Christians, that every where there is contradiction made against it, to wit, by jews, gentiles, philosophers, astronomers, necromantes, heretics, vicious and divided Christians, and other the like, and to say the truth, it was no evil sign (though uttered by enemies) of the excellency of the thing itself, for so do divers ancient fathers gather in their apology for the Christian cause, against the heathens, that objected this matter; they gather, I say (and namely Saint justine Martyr, 
justin. apol. 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol. adversus gentes.  and Tertullian) the great perfection of true Christian and catholic doctrine, by this general contradiction made of all hands against it, and this partly for that truth is one, and errors many, and that excellent things have ever many difficulties, and that Christ foretold this, & finally, for that the trial of gold by many and strong fierce, showeth it to be pure, if it abide and bear them all; in which sense the holy ghost said of the just man Certamen forte dedit ille Deus, ut vinceret, 
Sap. 10.  God hath given him a strong battle, to the end he might win, and thereby his victory to be the greater. And king David speaking in the same sense of himself, and other servants of God, 
Psalm. 79. 7.  complaineth sweetly: Posuisti nos in contradictionem vicinis nostris, thou hast put us in contradiction even to our own neighbours, that is, to them that make the same profession also of thy service with us: and finally of Christ himself it was foretold: Eccepositus est in signum cui contradicetur, 
Luc. ●. Isai. 8.  behold he is put for a sign against the which great contradiction shall be made; which in his passion was chiefly seen, whereof Saint Paul speaking to the Hebrew Christians, 
Heb. 12.  said: Think of him which did suffer with patience so great a contradiction of sinners against himself, and he not weary, nor faint hearted in like occasions. 
Causes of tribulations to God's servants.  This then perhaps may be some cause of so manifold contradictions, by sundry sorts of men at this day, against the jesuits, if as they bear the name so also they draw near to the life & steps of jesus their master, whose particular badge and livery seemeth to have been ever that his nearest followers and dearest friends should have most contradiction in this life, for so the life of all his Saints do testify, which is nothing else, but a rehearsal of their contradictions and difficulties, and himself discusseth the matter very largely in Saint john's Gospel, where having showed extreme love to his Apostles and disciples, and said, that now they were no more servants to him, but rather friends, for that he had imparted with them all his secrets, he telleth them this secret also for the upshot of all, about contradiction and opposition of the world: 
joan. 18.  If the world hate you (saith he) know ye that it hated me before you, if you were of the world, the world would love that which is his own, but for that you are not of the world, and I have chosen you out of the world, therefore the world hateth you, remember the saying which I was wont to use unto you, that the servant is not greater than his master. Thus Christ in familiar and confident speech to his best beloved: in which sense also he said after his resurrection to Ananias, about Saint Paul, when he had chosen him to be his favoryte: vas electionis est mihi, 
Act. 9  etc. ego ille ostendam, quanta oporteat eum pati, pro nomine meo. He is a chosen vessel unto me, and I will show him how great matters he must suffer for my name, and so he did afterward, laying so many contradictions and tribulations upon him, from all hands, as the poor man could not tell which way to turn him: ut taederet etiam vivere, 
2. Cor. 1.  that he was weary even of his life: for that on one side the jew, of another the gentle pursued him, of an other false brethren betrayed him, of an other heretics made divisions, of an other seditious Christians raised factions against him, and added pressures to his chains, of an other side worldly Christians waxed weary and forsook him as himself complaineth.  
And for that our age also wanteth not of the same quality of men for exercise of such as profess the same occupation of seeking souls that S. Paul did, 
divers sorts of contradictors of jesuits.  it is no marvel though the jesuits do find the same effects; for albeit jews and Gentiles do not trouble them so much now as they did S. Paul (though also they want not their contradictions and persecutions also in divers places of the world where they bestow their labours) yet all the rest of the good fellows before mentioned our age hath them in abundance, for as for those that make division, saying: 
1. Cor. 1.  Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego Cephae. I am of Luther, I am of Calf, 
1. Timoth. 1●  as also others qui circa fidem naufragau●runt (as S. Paul saith) that have made shipwrak in matters of their faith, we have greater store and variety of them and much more cunning, diligent, and spiteful they are, against such earnest Catholics as jesuits be, than were those heretics of S. Paul's time, though they were troublesome enough.  
Furthermore for falsi fratres false brethren whereof he complained, 
2. Cor. 11.  to wit, false hearted catholics which either of cowardness, coldness, lak of zeal, of constancy or confidence, do betray the cause, and the best friends thereof, the store is also great. Moreover there want not many a Diotrephes, 
1. joan. 2.  qui principatum in Ecclesia amantes, verbis malignis garriunt, as Saint john complaineth, such, as to be of more authority themselves, they talk malignantly of others. Many also of that generation who of malice endeavour, 
Philip. 1.  suscitare pressuram fratrum vinculis, to stir up pressure and more acerbity to the tribulation of their own brethren, 
1. Timoth. 1.  sundry like Hymenaeus and Alexander repellentes bonam conscientiam, that cast of all care of a good and godly conscience, falling to vice, wickedness and dissolution of life, and these also presently become enemies of jesuits, as the other were of Saint Paul, for that their manner of life is contrary. Many a Demas in like manner is found, 
2. Timoth. 4.  qui diligunt saeculum, who love the world, and for this love, not only do break from good men, as Demas did from Saint Paul, but also do slander, calumniate, and speak evil of them, lest it might seem that without just cause they broke from them, and left their friendship. And finally many causes there be, which do procure hatred and emulation at this day unto jesuits, which may be understood in part by this which hath been said, but yet for more perspecuity I will reduce all to three general heads, which are, their rule and profession, their learning and doctrine, their life and conversation.  
The first, 
Profession of jesuits.  touching their rule, institute, and profession, is the same in substance which all other religions have, to wit, three essential vows, leading to perfection, by obedience, chastity, and voluntary poverty, against our three sworn enemies, the flesh, the world, and the devil, 
1. joan. ●.  and against their three squadrons mentioned by Saint john, the concupiscence of the flesh, the concupiscence of the eyes, and pride of life. Some particularities also are added for more restraint, and for the necessities of these times, by their first founder Ignatius, as that they vow particularly to go to all parts and places of the world in missions, for gaining of souls, where they shallbe sent: that they can neither seek nor accept of any worldly preferments, or dignities whatsoever, unless it be laid upon them by such a superior as may force them to take it under pain of mortal sin, which is only the Pope: that they must teach and preach freely, without taking any reward or recompense at all, that they may accept the charge of schools, universities, and colleges for the advancement of learning and piety, of which points, some may breed them emulation (as you see) of our own people, as the other, much hatred, fear, and contradiction of heretics, besides a certain malignant spirit that some have naturally against religious life (though otherwise catholics in opinion) thinking that course and habit to condemn theirs of imperfection, whereof you may see more for ancient times, in those three books that Saint Chrisostom wrote in his days, 
Chrysost. Tom. 5. & hom. 2. de vit. monach. Basil. serm. de institut. monachi. Nazianz. ●rat. 1. in julian. Apostate.  adversus vitae monasticae vituperatores, against the reprehenders of monastical life: and Saint Basil and Saint Nazianzen, do often treat the same argument. And for later ages you may discover the same spirit against the most excellent and holy religious orders of Saint Dominik and Saint Francis, when they first began, as is set down by Saint Thomas of Aquin, in his treatise contra impugnantes religionem, against the impugners of religion, and by Saint Bonaventure of the same age, in his apologia pauperum, the apology for poor men. And this very spirit dureth also in our days, in such as either have not their passions sufficiently mortified (whereby they are not greatly devoted to piety) or otherwise do suffer themselves to be deceived by heretics or other enemies.  
The second point, 
jesuits doctrine.  concerning the learning and doctrine of Iesuit● (which is known to be much and very catholic) bringeth in also the like effects against them, for that by the first, they incur easily emutation of their friends, and by the second open hostility of their enemies, so as by experience they find the saying of the wiseman to be true, 
Eccles. 1.  qui addit scientiam, addit laborem, he that multiplieth knowledge, multiplieth pains, but yet these men's rule & profession binding them to this kind of holy trade and exercise, to instruct men to their salvation, they must not be wearied with any difficulties or contradictions, but rather hold out, and expect the reward set down by God himself in the prophet Daniel: 
Dan. 12.  Fulgebunt qua●● stella in perpetuas aternitates, qui erudiunt ad justitiam multos: they shall shyn● as stars for everlasting eternities, etc. that instruct many to justice.  
There resteth the third thing, which is the life and conversation of jesuits, 
The name lisfe and conversation of jesuits.  called into question in this place by Sir Francis, and by many other in other places, upon prejudice only (as it seemeth) of their name made odious by their enemies, without particular offences alleged against them, so as it is enough with these men to say he is a jesuit, to discredit him, though personal crime there be none against him, and the reason of this seemeth to be, for that heretics and divers other weak and passionate Christians (or scandalous catholics) joining together in these out days, have made a certain league and conspiracy against this name of jesuits, as Saint justine the martyr said to the enemies of the Christian name in his time: 
justin. apol. 2. ad Imp. Anton.  In nobis (saith he) nomen accipitis pro crimine, you punish in us our name for trespass, which injurious dealing Tertullian refuteth very amply soon after Saint justine, in the three first chapters of his apologetious: 
Tert. apol.  si nominis odium est (saith he) quis nominum reatus, quae accusatio vocabulorum, nisi aut barbarum quid sonent, aut infaustum, aut maledicum, aut impudicum? If the hatred be against the name, what guilt can be in words, what accusation against names, except they sound some barbarous thing, or signify some unlucky slanderous, or filthy matter? which these words do not, but rather the contrary.  
Toplif the preest-tyrant of famous memory in putting them to death, 
Top life the preestqueller.  is accustomed diligently to put up in his slanders when he bringeth them to the gallows (to do it with the more solemnity, such a one traitor jesuit, as though the fiction only of this name jesunit were a sufficient condemnation of the party, and cleared of the quest that condemned him, though often times it falleth out that neither is he jesuit, nor ever was.  
In France a young man that sometimes had studied in the jesuits schools of Paris, 
John Chattel in France an. 1594. offered to kill the king.  was found afterward to offer violence to the kings person that now is, he was examined upon the torture, whether any jesuit living, had given him council, courage, or instruction in that act, or was privy to his intention, which constantly he denied; the like did his father who also was put to torture, and the same did joannes Garetius his master, upon like torture, and so was delivered, and by public testimony of the magistrate declared to be innocent. Yet another reader of the same order called johannes Ghineardus was put to death for that in his study was found the question discussed on both parts without resolution, 
joanes Ghineardus martyred.  utrum liceat aliquo in casu occidere tyrannum, whether in any case it be lawful to kill a tyrant, which question notwithstanding every where handled by all divines in printed books, allowed by all learned men both heretics and Catholics, and red publicly in all famous schools, and Cicero in his book of offices handled it, 
Cic. lib. 2. off. D. Tho. 2. sent. dist. 44. art. 2. & de Regim. principum cap. 6 Caet. in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art. 3. Sot. de just. lib. 5. q. 1. art. 4.  before Christian religion was begun, and since him among Christians Saint Thomas, Caietan, Sorus, and all other scholastical divines all which this innocent man said truly at his death might as justly be pulled out of their graves and burned for the doctrine as he hanged for having the question handled in his study, and yet was he made a way, and upon this prejudice since that time conceived against the name of jesuits made odious by heretics, and by such as adhere unto them (as though all were malefactors) have there divers general decrees of persecution been set down against the whole order in that kingdom, without any other proof of particularity against them at all than I have here rehearsed, which manner of proceeding if Tertullian did so much mislike in heathens, how much more would he condemn it in Christians against Christians if now he were alive again.  
But to proceed in this matter of jesuits lives I might ask and urge as the same Tertullian doth in like accusations, who accuseth? what allegeth he? 
divers enemies of jesuits.  what hath ener been found against them? let it be uttered and laid open to the world; hosts eorum (saith he) tum extranei, tum domestici, their enemies be both foreign and domestical, they are wached, they are pried on, they are beset; error, malice, envy, hatred, emulation vice sin, dissolution of life are soldiiars against them and spies waching must diligently at their doors, what have they found? what have they brought out? if same only be persecuted against them, fama mendax (saith he) quae ne tunc quoque cum aliquid veri affert sine mendacij vitio est detrahens, adijciens, demutans de veritate, 
Tertul. Apolog. cap. 8.  fame of her nature is given to lying, and even then when it telleth some truth, it ● seth not to pass without some part of lying, detracting, adding and changing somewhat of the sincerity of truth itself. O quanta illius praesidis gloria esset, qui aliquem eruret, q●i centum iam infantes comedisset. 
Cap. 2.  O what a glory would it be to any precedent or judge that should bring forth a Christian that had eaten a hundredth iufantes, in his days for that Christians were commonly charged to eat infant's flesh in their meetings & communions, which yet of Caluins bare bread would never have been suspected: And as Tertulian said this of the callumniations against Christians so may we of no less false and malicious against jesuits, but yet let us see a little further in this affair.  
Among all other adversaries that jesuits have, one is so domestical, as they have been of their own body, for divers years, I mean of their order and profession and for their defects are dismissed by a special privilege which these religious men have for their conservation above other orders, and these men often times become the greatest opposites of all others, quia ex illis exierunt, & ex illis non erant, 
Apostatical jesuits. joan. 3.  they went from them and were not of them, nor had their true spirit and unction, and some of them also go so far as by little and little they become plain heretics and apostates, or dissolute of life, and of these also their want not perhaps some at this day among you, & of yours (Sir Francis, for of such rags you make the pillars of your new church) let them be examined what they can say in this behalf, of life and manners against lesuites, what they have seen, what they have proved, what they have felt, 
Deut. 32.  & fiant enimici judices, let their enemies be judges.  
The holy martyr of Christ Saint justine, that lived before Tertullian, even in the first fervour of persecution against good Christians, useth an argument for their defence in life and manners (notwithstanding their many slanders raised against them) which seemeth to me may be used also fitly in this defence of jesuits: his words be these.  
When I was a scholar (saith he) in Plato his school, 
justinus Apolog. prima.  and delighted with that doctrine, and heard that Christians were accused every where of evil life, & yet saw otherwise that they went to die willingly and lived poorly, and feared not those things which to other men are most horrible; I began to think with myself, that is was impossible for those men to be vicious and given to pleasures of the world, for than would they be loath to die, and to be deprived of their said pleasures.  
Thus argued he, and we may do the like of jesuits now adays, of whom we have seen before, how they profess voluntary poverty, contempt of the world, incapacity of earthly promotions, great labours of studies and other such painful exercises, we read also in their peculiar rules that their chastity must imitate the purity of Angels, 
Part. 6. Constant. cap. 1.  both in mind and body, and as for worldly commodities, that they must abhor (those are the very words of their rule and institute) altogether and not in part from all these things which the world doth love and esteem (as honours, 
Exam. admit. cap. 4.  promotions, riches, pleasures and the like) and embrace and desire with all their forces the things which jesus their master esteemed and loved for our examples, as contempt, poverty, persecution and affliction, showing by this livery of his that they are his true servants and followers. And furthermore we hear for confirmation of this, & partly also do see their voluntary sufferings tortures & martyrdoms in the Indies, in Ethiopia, in japone, in England, Frace & other places for setting forward the service of their master, wherefore by Saint Justin's reason, it is not like that these men are dilighted with vicious life, which make so little account of life, and do handle so roughly their life in this world.  
another objection also was accustomed to be brought against religious men in old time, 
jesuits labours and endeavours for the public.  as also against all Christians generally of the primitive church, as Tertullian affirmeth, to wit, that they were unprofitable men to the commonwealth, idle, retired, siluestres, & filuicolae, 
Tertul. Apol. ●●p. 42.  that is fit for woods and wilderness, then for the society of man, this objection (I say) is easily answered in the behalf of jesuits, seeing their manifold labours extant in the world, to the help of all sorts of christian people, they begin with children as soon as they are able to speak, teaching them christian doctrine, and elements of other learing, afterward they read to them arts, tongues, sciences, and higher professions; they frame their manners and affections as well as their judgements and understanding to all Christian knowledge and piety, if they be poor and needy they labour to provide for them also temporally what they can; they do set them forward and advance them in learning and piety, they preach to all, administer sacraments to all, they writ books, they make peace between enemies, they visit prisons and hospitales for comfort of the poor and sick, they procure them favour, get them alms, help them to die in God's fear that either by sickness or justice are called thereunto, and finally taking a child from his christian cradle, they carry him along and accompany him with continual assistance, comfort, and help, in all fortunes, states, & conditions of life and death, until they deliver him up again into his creators hands, that sent him into the world; and this without earthly reward or recompense, & often times with ingratitude and enmity of the parties so benefited, and this is the life use and exercise of these men.  
B●t (say their adversaries) they are ambitious notwithstanding, 
Objections against lesuites answered.  they are proud, they will have no equals, they will have all pass by their own hands, they will be masters, foremen of the quest, singular in all respects; to which I might answer that albeit these speeches do savour rankly of envy, which followeth ever at the footsteps of virtue, and that they might in like manner be objected against the Apostles themselves in respect of others, whom they exceeded in holiness of life, yet will I examine them somewhat in this place. I ask therefore, 
Ambition.  wherein consisteth this ambition, this singularity objected against jesuits? in seeking (perhaps) promotion or preferments, but we have seen before that they can have none, that they do voluntarily renounce and forswear them all. In getting government perchance, or jurisdiction over others? but we see by experience and by their rule that they have none at all, nor will have: wherein then consisteth this ambition, doth it consist in labouring, toiling, contending more than others in the cause and course they have in hand? a happy and holy ambition, 
1. Cor. 1●.  whereof Saint Paul himself gloried much when he said, abundantius illis omnibus laboravi, I have laboured more abundantly than all the rest of my fellow Apostles. This objection than is vain, or worse than vain, as proceeding not only of a deceived judgement, but of malign interpretation also; in that which is known to be excellent in itself, and worthy of all praise, love, and admiration.  
There followeth the second objection of professed enemies (for the former will seem in outward show to be friends) that jesuits are troublers of common wealths, 
Whether jesuits be seditions & trooblers of common walthes. Act. 24.  seditious perturbers of states, perverters of kingdoms, dangerous to princes, such as Saint Paul was accused to be by Tertullus the orator, invenimus hunc hominem pestiferum, & concitantem seditiones omnibus Iud●is, we have found this man to be pestiferous, and to stir up sedition among all the jews, and against Saint Paul's lord and master Christ himself, the same accusation was laid and urged with all asseveration, by many principal and grave men together: 
Luc. 23.  Hunc invenimus subvertentem gentem nostram, & prohibentem tributa dari Caesari, we have found this man (mark you how they speak of their own knowledge, troublesome and to pervert our people, persuading them not to pay tribute to Caesar. And this is a very plausible accusation in the ears of worldly princes, especially, such as have not leisure, nor means, nor will perhaps to examine matters in particular, but alienated & carried away with the first apprehensions & impressions of such odious calumniations, leave no place afterward for the accused to defend themselves or show their innocency.  
Yet one kind of sedition I do easily discover in very truth to be in jesuits, 
A holy kind of sedition.  which is that, wherein their master confessed also himself to be seditious, to wit, in separating fathers from children daughters from mothers, kindred from kindred, and in setting them of one and the self same household at contention and hatred and war among themselves in God's cause, and in matter of their salvation, of which holy sedition Christ himself professeth (as I have said) to be the author: do not think (saith he) that I came to bring peace into the world, 
Luc. 12.  for I came not to plant peace but the sword, and to divide a man against his own father's and the daughter against her mother, and the daughter in law against her mother in law, and to make enmity betwixt them that are domestical. And in an other speech, Ignem veni mittere in terram, & quid volo nisi ut accendatur? I came to bring fire upon earth, and what will I but that it be kindled? 
S. Bonavent. stim. divini ●●noris.  O faelices incendiarij (saith one servant of God) o happy firebrands, or setters a fire of other men's houses whereby gold is severed from earth and pure corn tried from chaff, and all dregs of wickedness are burnt and consumed, this is a holy, this is a happy sedition, and this is that in deed which is laid against jesuits at this day, for that by their zeal and industry many a separation is made between good and bad, many a heat enkindled in Christian hearts, where deadly cold occupied the place before, many a battery given to forts possessed by Satan, many an heathen and heretic made Christian, many a frosty catholic made a hot recusant, many a vicious liver made observant, many a a careless and earthly mind stirred up to apprehend and think of eternity, many a groveling soul plucked from the ground and quickened with the warmth of true Christian spirit, and finally to many a worldling, 
Eccles. 41.  pacem habenti in substantijs suis, whose dammable peace lay before in his earthly substance, to wit in his riches, ease, and commodities of this life, war is made by means of jesuits, and sedition is put into his house before he was aware; his reason falleth out with his sense, and his conscience with his ease, and with all the residue of his former trade of life, and here by both himself and all the country round about him is put in commotion, and jesuits are accused of this offence for putting of fire in this house, hue and cry is made after them, many complain, others curse, that are either troubled or endamaged by this war, and this is the true state of jesuits at this day, and these are the causes for which they are made odious and termed seditous.  
For as for the odd and idle callumniation of the heretics of our time, 
Whether jesuits do seek the deaths of princes. joan. 12.  whereunto Sir Francis also as a devoted child of theirs, doth set his hand in this place, that they do practise the deaths of princes, and procure their destruction (except only he mean that practice wherein they join with their master, ut princeps huîus mundi ●ijciatur foras, that the prince of this world may be cast forth) and that in particular they have sought the blood of our Sovereign of England, with such thirst as this man avoucheth, and that generally they be princequellers, king-killers, and the like, is an accusation no l●sse found, then false and malicious, and as easy to prove, as that Sir Francis is by occupation a juggler, for what men are jesuits to attend to such attempts? or what profit or emolument can arise to them, more than to other men, by such murdering of princes albeit you would feign them to be so void of conscience, as you insinuate, or where, or when, or by whom was ever any such enterprise proved against them? you will allege perhaps the case of France, mentioned before to be attempted by john Chattel, a youth of nineteen years of age, 
The fact of john Chattel in france the 27. of Decemb. 1594.  that had once been their scholar (for he was not actually, when he attempted that fact) and if he had been, who seethe not the vanity of this accusation, that the offence of one particular scholar, should be attributed to all his masters, or be punished upon them, who had above a thousand scholars more in that place, at that time, and divers thousands in other places of France, at which the devil envy not a little. Furthermore, the acquittal and free delivery of father john Gueretius, particular master that had been, of the said Chattel, by the public magistrate, without any punishment at all, & after he had been held in prison and tortured, and most rigorous trial made upon him, doth evidently show as well his innocency, as that of all his fellows; for that so ran the humours of their conspiring enemies against them at that day in Paris (where the trial was made) that if any least show of probable offence, could have been found and fastened on them, they had all smarted for it, as since hath appeared. This fact then of France is their full clearing, and no way their condemnation.  
Their followeth another attempt of later time in Holland, set forth by the kings rebels of those provinces, 
another devise against jesuits in Holland.  since Sir Francis wrote his book, for if it had been published first, he would have taken (no doubt) a large argument thereof, to have discoursed thereon, and railed more at random, the fact is set out in print, under the name of a sentence of death given by the magistrates of Leyden, the two and twentieth day of june last passed of this year 98. against one Peter Pan native of Ypers in Flanders, for that he took, upon him, at the persuasion of the Provincial of the jesuits, together with the Rector and perfect of studies of their college of Douai, to kill (as they say) Conte Mauris, Governor of Holland, and in the end of their narration (which they avow to be Peter Pan his own confession) they do add, that this justice is done upon him to terrify men from favouring the bloody and murderous sect of jesuits, which (as is notoriously known to the world) do in●ent daily, a thousand most execrable practices and traitorous entrepryses, and do seek to put them in execution, for killing and murdering kings, princes, and principal personages, especially such, as will not admit them, nor approve their papistical superstition, called by them, the catholic Roman Religion, etc.  
These are the words of those magistrates, in their printed sentence, whereby is manifestly seen, the end that moved them to publish so lying a pamphlet, as also to feign the whole narration, for defaming of jesuits, and making them odious (if all were feigned) or at least to induce Peter Pan to confess it, or to accept and publish so manifest false a confession, without further examination of the truth and circumstances thereof.  
For that since, upon further trial of the matter, before other magistrates of other places, 
Refutal of the fable.  to wit, of Ypers itself, where the party dwelled, and of Douai, wbere the covenant was forged to be treated and concluded, and of other places in Flanders, it is found that all was a mere fiction, so far forth as it toucheth the jesuits, and so is it testified by an answer printed by authority of the said magistrates, the five and twentieth of August, next ensuing of the same year 98. and by divers other books and declarations afterward set abroad, for justifying of the truth, and in one of them, there are observed above threescore manifest lies, laid down against the jesuits in that shameful confession: as for example, among other points it is showed and verified, that Peter Pan was no catholic at all, nor ever had doing with the jesuits; that he was a vagrant cooper given to drunkenness and running up and down the country like a mad man, for which faults, and for his debts, he was often put into prison, and sometimes being delivered, he put in himself again of madness; that his friends would have bound him in chains in his own house, that he was extremely well affected to Count Mauris, and consequently no fit man for jesuits to deal withal to kill him, if they had had any such intention, as their was no cause why they should have, seeing they were to gain nothing by his death.  
Moreover that Peter Pan never provided the jesuits college in Douai of butter in his life, as is affirmed in the sentence, nor ever was seen in that college by any, nor that there was ever any such servant of the college named Melchior de val, feigned to have been the messenger to solicit this matter with Peter Pan, neither was ever there any treaty with Peter Panne's wife in Ypers, to this effect, or other, as is affirmed in the confession, nor had she ever any acquaintance or dealing in her life with jesuits, as in the feigned narration is set down, that all the tale of Peter Panne's coming to Douai in the rogation week last passed, and his dining and treating with the Provincial, Rector, & Perfect after dinner, and their exhorting him to the enterprise, with making him many offers temporal, and assuring him for his soul, that if he died in the enterprise, he should go to heaven presently, both in body and soul, and many other such circumstances set dow●e in the printed narration, all I say, are showed manifestly to be false and forged, upon examination and attestation of catholic magistrates of the places aforenamed, and of the persons themselves, mentioned in the fable, and among other points it is proved by many witnesses, that the Provincial of the jesuits in the rogation week, which they do name, was in Bruxeles, to wit, above threescore miles of, and had departed from Douai in the month of januarie before, and of Peter Pan also it is proved, that he was not in Douai at that time, nor could be, for that he was working in his masters shop at Ypers.  
So as by these and many other most evident demonstrations, there to be seen, it is made clear, that this is but an heretical fiction to defame jesuits, for their zeal in Gods true religion, in which respect, as they are more dear to almighty God, so ought they to be also to all good men, that behold these devilish devices of Satan and his instruments against them.  
But let us return to England, 
Whether jesuits seek her mayest. blood.  where Sir Francis beateth also upon the same nail, as you have heard, at the beginning of this encounter, saying, that he cannot perceive the thirst that Persons and his pewfellows have of seeking her majesties blood, to be yet quenched: but how doth the poor man prove, that they have had that thirst? no way. how doth he prove that it is not yet quenched? for that he perceiveth it not, nor yet how it may be, the causes still remaining, why they sought it before; o silly disputer, how he flieth still from the point he should prove? I require that he should prove that jesuits have sought the Queen's majesties blood, and he giveth a reason why they have not left to seek it; and what is this reason? for that the same causes of seeking it, do remain still, that were before. What are these causes? he nameth them not, but it seemeth they can be no other, than the difference of religion, and the persecution made upon them for the same. Well then, all the substance of this argument is brought to this issue, that for so much, as Sir Faancis old head cannot perceive, how jesuits persecuted for religion by the Queen, can love her or pray for her, or cease to hate her, and not seek her blood, therefore it is so, and must be thought so.  
But to this argument answereth Saint Paul, 
1. Cor. 2.  when he saith, animalis homo non percipit ea quae spiritus Dei sunt, a fleshly and sensual man perceiveth not the things that are of God's spirit, such for example) as are the loving of a man's enemies, & praying for them, and rendering good for evil, which yet spiritual men (such as jesuits are taken to be) may perhaps both perceive and practise, and so I persuade myself they do, and I have heard in particular by such as come from English Seminaries beyond the seas, where jesuits and especially father persons here accused, hath a hand, that there is a custom and precept, not only for all in general, to remember her Majesty in their ordinary prayers, but also in the particular devotions assigned to every particular person, at the beginning of every month. The Queen of England hath her particular place of recommendation among other princes, and before them also, in the number of them that are assigned to pray for her, so as this practice of praying for persecutors, so much praised by Christ though it enter not into Sir Francis worldly spirit, and fleshly understanding, yet may it, and doth it (as it seemeth) into jesuits.  
And this might serve now as well for defence of all jesuits in general, as of father Persons in particular, seeing no several matter is laid against either of them; but yet I may not let pass by law of common friendship, to add some few lines also in the father's case by name, seeing that by name he is accused of so odious a crime, as is to have a thirst of shedding the blood of our Sovereign lady and Queen. 
Defence of F. persons in particular.  About which accusation I would ask this accuser, how this appeareth? and how it cometh to pass, that in so many years, so many others having been suspected, some apprehended, other indicted, condemned, and executed, for imputation of like heinous crimes, none ever (that is known) accused father Persons by name, to have induced or persuaded them to the like enterprise? though if they had, it had been no condemnation, but much less probability, when not so much as an accusation is extant. Let the examinations and arraynementes of Parry, Savage, Ballard, Babington with all his fellows, that were condemned with him, Polewheel also, Daniel, Hesket, and such others be viewed over, and see whether any of them do accuse father Persons to have been partaker o● privy to their counsels, actions, or attempts, in this behalf, let the records be sought out of all the priests declarations that have been put to death, within these twenty years (which are more than a hundredth) and consider whether any have confessed father's Person● ever to have proposed any such matter unto them, and yet the most part of them were acquainted with him, & many also sent into England by his direction, and if he had felt such a deadly thirst of blood, and of her majesties blood, as this accuser saith, the readiest way for quenching thereof, had been to persuade some of these men (that come of purpose to adventure their lives for religion, and fear not the losing of any thing in this world) to have taken the enterprise upon them, for the common good, and for setting the use of their religion at liberty there by.  
But there is no such matter, and these are but fictions and devices of enemies, 
An evident demonstration.  to make men odious; no priest hitherto nor jesuite (that I have heard of) hath ever confessed of himself, or others of that vocation, any such attempt or meaning at all. It seemeth they are governed by an other spirit and rule, to wit, by that of holy David, who made this vow, 
1. Reg. 2●.  touching his enemy and persecutor Saul: Vivit Dominus, quia nisi Dominus percusserit eum, aut dies eius venerit, ut moriatur, aut in praelium descendens perierit, propitius sit mihi Dominus, ne extendam manum meam in Christum Domini. As the Lord liveth (saith he) except God stryk him, or that his day come of natural death, or that he going into the field to fight, do perish there, God be merciful unto me, that I lay not my hands upon his anointed.  
So then father Parsons protesteth (as I am credibly informed) that he was never consenting, witting, willing, inducing, yielding, nor privy to any such personal attempt against her Majesty in his life. Moreover he avoucheth, that he hath dissuaded, hindered, and diverted some that might perhaps have had such inclination, and namely one Gentleman, some years passed beyond the seas (he sayeth not of what nation he was) that having resolved upon the only zeal of religion, and for delivering of catholic people from persecution to lose his own life, or to take away that of her Majesty; he was entered some hundredth miles and more into his journey toward England, for that purpose, having made himself ready to die, by discharging his mind of all worldly cares and cogitatons, neither had he doubt of the effect, for that he pretended not to escape alive: all which notwithstanding, upon father Parson's earnest dissuasion, that met him on the way, he was content at length to retire, and give over the enterprise, principally upon this reason (for others he persuaded himself to have examined sufficiently before) that English catholics themselves desired not to be delivered from their miseries by any such attempt; and this to be most true, he affirmeth upon his conscience.  
By this than it may seem to appear, that this father is not so thirsty of her majesties death and des●r●ction, nor of so bloody a disposition, as Sir Francis would make him, which I have heard also confirmed by many protestants themselves, who meeting with him in catholic kingdoms, where he might have done them hurt, hath always done them good, and I could name some, if I thought it would be no hurt or disgrace unto them, let those fourscore and fifteen, whom at one time he delivered out of the chains of galleys of spain, in the year 90. (whereof divers are gentlemen now dwelling in England, and those thirty and four which this present year of 98. he delivered from like misery in the galleys of Naples, and many other particular men benifited by him beside, speak for him in this case, for that these works are of more weight with wise men, than Sir Francis bare words to the contrary. And so with this I end also this encounter.   

THE SIXTH ENCOUNTER, ABOUT THE CATHOLIQVE RECVsantes that refuse for conscience sake, to go to the Protestants churches, and to be present at their service in England.  
AS in many other points this hasty hotespur playeth the Herodian, showing himself without conscience at all, and ready to pawn his soul for pleasing the prince & state where he liveth, so in no one thing doth he more discover this devilish and detestable disposition, then in his cruel and malicious calumniation against the better and more religious sort of English Catholics; who refusing to dissemble, do utter their consciences plainly in matter of religion. And according to their obligation in this behalf do abstain from going to the churches, preachings, and services of them that be of a different religion. And albeit he cannot but confess, that many of them do give good example of life in their behaviour, or (to use his own words) do show a good outward civil carriage in civil matters (which I doubt whether all his neighbours will testify the like of him, and of those of his profession) yet (saith he) let not that possess you with too great a regard of them, and to deliver you from the danger of such deceitful baits, I must assure you, that this is a true position, that without the true fear of God, there can be no true religion. And unless the religion be found, the face and show of civil honesty (seem it never so glorious in the eyes of flesh and blood) is but a deceitful viso upon a crabtree face, covering the most vile and cankered parts, of a deceitful heart, and so I come to show their dissimulation.  
Thus far Sir Francis; to whom I will not answer by examining faces and visors, whether that of his be crabtree, plum-tree, pear-tree, or figtree, let other men judge that know it. Neither yet by discussing how many sorts of cankers there be, where with Sir Francis himself may be touched, 
2. Timot. 2.  especially if heresy be one, as Saint Paul doth signify, and all holy fathers have held after him. But to the matter itself I answer, that whereas Sir Francis maketh so light of good life in Catholics, 
About good life.  calling it a deceitful bait, Christ teacheth us to make a far different collection, when in his first sermon on the mountain, he gave this advertisement: Beware of false Prophets, etc. by their fruits you shall know them, for as men do not gather grapes of thorns, nor figs of brambles, 
Math. 7.  so doth every good tree bring forth good fruits, and every evil tree bringeth forth evil fruits,? Neither can a good tree bring forth evil fruits, nor evil tree, good. Saint james said in like case, thou hast faith and I have works, show thou to me thy faith without works, and I will show thee my faith by my works. 
jacob. 2.  If then here be works and good life in these Catholics, it must be presumed to come of good faith according to Saint james. And if there be figs, and grapes, and such other good fruits found in their behaviour, then must the tree be judged good also, if Christ's rule be not false. And for that our Saviour gave this rule to discern true and false prophets by, it is not evil that Sir Francis and his men do fly from it so openly in the plain field, leaving good works to Catholics, and reserving only threadbare faith to themselves, for thereby they discocover what prophets they be.  
And of all this I do not greatly marvel in Sir Francis, for he seethe (poor man) how bare a harvest he hath in hand, when he talketh of works among those of his sect, and how the hare goeth clearly away on our side, if he hunt after good life in his new prophets. But much I marvel of his lack of shame, that talking against these recusant Catholics, he maketh mention so often of deceit and dissimulation; seeing that of all other people of the realm, these men dissemble least, but rather do publish themselves, even to the face and view of the magistrate, yea they are punished expressly for that they will not dissemble, as many others do, and go to your churches with a repining and repugnant conscience; for if they would do so, then were they no more recusants, and consequently f●ee from all your claws, penalties and vexations though never the more yours thereby in mind, than now they be.  
But to the end this matter ma●e be better discussed, let us hear Sir Francis triple accusation against them, his words are these.  
I do note (saith he) three things in this kind of people, worthy to be known and observed, first the hurt thy continually do, secondly ihe hurt they would do, and thirdly their deep dissimulation. Here are three heads you see of a grievous accusation set down, let us see the particulars.  
For the first (saith he) it would ask a long discourse to discover all the hurts done by them, 
The first charge against Catholics.  they are so many, and manifold. This is nothing but words & rhetorical exageration hitherto, let us see some substance.  
My own experience telleth me (saith he) that when the gentleman and man of wealth refuseth to come to the church, and is in any sort borne with all, there the meaner sort receive infection, and draw back from obedience also, for Above maiori discit arare minor. Of the elder ox, the younger steer doth learn.  
This is Sir Francis first charge, which as it is grave and weighty in itself, so is it as substantially proved, with a poetical verse taken from his plough and stawle of oxen and from his steers. Let us see what this justice of peace hath more to say of his own experience, for belike he speaketh of his practice in that office against Recusantes it followeth then in his book.  
If the man come to thurche and the wife refuse (which is a cunning trick much practised of late years) then is the household both servants and children in danger wholly to be corrupted. And sure it is, that the wives of the meaner sort are infected greatly by them, and the night-crows persuasion prevaileth much, and in mine own knowledge, within these three years, many of the meaner sort are fallen away, and do fall away daily, for that, impunitatis spes magna peccantium in illecebra, the hope of impunity is a great bait to offend.  
Here is all now that our knight can allege in particular concerning the hurts (so many and so manifold) which before he said the recusantes do work in England, which in effect cometh to be no more (as you see) but that if the goodman refuse to go to church (though the good wife go) than those of the meaner sort begin to refuse also; and if the goodwife refuse (though the goodman go) then are the servants and children in danger to do the like. And then generally he setteh down this doctrinal assertion, that the night crows persuasion prevaileth much, and this knoweth he of his own knowledge partly (perhaps) by experience of his own night crow, and partly by tampering in these affairs: who (as is probable) hath been some principal actor in the long persecutions upon Catholics, either by playing the part of judas to betray and take them, or of Caiphas or Pilate, to condemn and afflict them. And so by this experience he hath found out (as he saith) that many goodwives of the meaner sort are fallen of late, and many other by their example do fall away daily: a grievous accusation, and fit for a carpet knight.  
But Sir, you that are such an enemy of night-crow's, and have such knowledge of the afayres of all the goodwives of your country, tell me, whereunto do these wives, or children, or servants, or tenants, or husband's fall, when you say they fall away? is it perhaps, to any enormity of sin or to wickedness of life? no, but to have a scruple to go to the protestants churches. And why? for that they are of a different religion. They are Catholics, and do think your religion and service nought. Well then, religion and conscience is cause of this refusal, and not evil will or rebellion, as you maliciously interpret and consequently the way of true remedy is, not to beat, and bind, and drive them to your churches by force and punishment, as you do persuade the Magistrate to do (Sir consciencelesse knight) but first you must make them of your religion, that they may go of devotion and conscience: for if they go otherwise it is a double sin, both to them that go, and to you that make them go, albeit the act otherwise in itself were never so good and lawful: as all men of learning and conscience do well know, that an erroneous conscience also bindeth: though your ignorance be so gross in all christian learning, as you seem to be both ignorant and careless of so manifest a truth.  
I say, it is a manifest truth, that a man's conscience 
An erroneconscience also bindeth.  is to be followed, though it did err, and much more when it erreth not, and the reason of the former is, that forasmuch as our conscience is nothing else but the voice and determination of our reason and judgement, about matters to be done or not to be done, it followeth that we are bound to obey that direction (be it right or wrong) so long as we have no other light to guide us. For that according to this we shallbe judged at the last day, to wit, according as each man's conscience (says Saint Paul) shall accuse or defend him: 
Rom. 2.  and not according to the nature or quality of the thing itself that he doth: which point, schoolmen (if I be not deceived) do express in these words, that the goodness or malice of a man's will, is to be measured by the object that moveth the will, and not by the thing itself that is done. As for example, if I apprehend a thing to be evil and yet do it, I do sin, albeit the thing in itself that I do, were not evil: for that in my apprehension and judgement it was evil: & so I did it under the conceit and formality of evil, and consequently my will and intention was nought, in doing it, though the thing in itself were lawful. As for example, if in the night time seeing a beast in a bush and thinking it to be mine enemy I should kill it, though the thing itself be no sin, yet should I commit manslaughter therein before God, for that, my apprehension was of mine enemy, and consequently, mine action should be judged according to the object I conceived, and not according to the thing in itself.  
This very case determineth S. Paul himself particularly, 
Idolothita.  through out the whole fourteenth chapter of his epistle to the Romans, about eating the meats that had been offered up to Idols. And the same matter he handleth again throughout the eight chapter of his first epistle to the Corinthians. And in both places he determineth that to him that either eateth simply without inquiring whether it were offered to Idols or not, or hath so much true christian knowledge as he understandeth thereby that an Idol is nothing, and that all creatures are lawful to be eaten by a christian man (so it be done without scandal of others, & with other due circumstances) albeit I say to such a man it be lawful to eat of those meats that had been offered to Idols, yet to him that had a contrary conscience and judgement it should be a grievous sin to eat thereof, for that he did it against his own judgement and belief, though it were erroneous. I do know and trust in jesus Christ (Saith Saint Paul) that no meat is unclean or unlawful now, but only to such as think it unlawful. So as only to think it unlawful, maketh it unlawful, according to Saint Paul's rule. And again the same Apostle, qui discernit, si manducaverit, damnatus est, quia non ex fide, he that discerneth or judgeth, the said meat to have been offered to Idols, 
Roman. 14.  and that it is thereby made unfit to be eaten & yet eateth the same, he is condemned: for that he doth not according to his own judgement and belief. And after all, he concludeth his speech with this general proposition omne autem quod non est ex fide, peccatum est, all that is not according to a man's belief and conscience, is sin, for so expound this sentence, Origen, Saint Ambros, Saint Chrisostom, and other fathers, and not to signify, that all the works of Infidels, done without faith, should be sin, though Saint Augustin apply it also to that sense sometimes: 
Aug. lib. 4.  but the other sense is the literal and most true, as appeareth manifestly by the whole discourse of Saint Paul. 
contra juda cap. 3.  Of all which ensueth that no man may do against his conscience though it were awry. 
An erroneous conscience doth ever excuse.  Not for that a wrong conscience excuseth in all cases (for that is a different question) but for that a wrong conscience, bindeth evermore, and some times excuseth also, when it proceedeth of invincible ignorance. But howsoever it cometh by right or wrong information, no man may go against it without sin so long as he cannot persuade it to change, and if this be so, how much more are the recusant Catholics of England bound to follow their consciences in the point they stand in, for not going to church, being founded upon so sure and evident grounds as any demonstration in the world can lay down, for proof of any manifest truth what so ever, as for example, first, that the religion they profess is true, and the only truth that among Christians is to be found, and secondly that they being of that religion, may not dissemble or seem to profess any other, by going to their service sermons, or churches, and hereby also appeareth how great impiety and folly it is for any man to enforce them thereunto, as our barbarous knight would have the English magistrate to do: I say it is impiety to enforce any Christian to do an act against his conscience and belief, for that it is to enforce him to his damnation, as Saint Paul before hath taught us, 
Roman. 1●.  I say also it is folly, for that by drawing men's bodies to church by violence (their minds being repugnant) nothing is gained at all, but more internal hatred and rancour rather enkindled, and the infotcers are made partakers of the others sins and damnation.  
And further the Protestants do greatly hereby discredit their own doctrine which they were wont to teach, 
Protestants discredit.  that no man should be forced in matters of his conscience. And more over they do show hereby unto the world that they seek not the inward man, but the utter show & body, with what great repugnance soever it be of the soul, which is quit contrary to all piety, and a most base manner of proceeding in respect of the Catholic usage, which albeit it punisheth such as do wilfully and obstinately leave the universal ancient faith of Christendom, which once they have received and sworn unto, yet as long as they are evil persuaded of the same, they are not only not forced to Catholic churches; or to hearing of masses participation of Sacraments or to other like exercises of contrary religion, but are barred also though they would come, if they be supposed to come with repugnance, or that there be any least suspicion that they go feignedly or against their wills, for that their soul and mind is sought in Catholic religion and not the body only.  
And this may be sufficient for repelling Sir Francis first charge against English recusantes concerning the present hurt (he saith) they do in England, by giving others example to follow their consciences and not to dissemble. And by giving, them example of good life of modest behaveor, of patience in adversity, of courage in God's cause, of contempe of earthly prosperity, of care of their salvation of fear of God's judgements, of fidelity in following the direction of their consciences, of magnanimity in not yielding to betray their own cause and belief: all which is contained in the most excellent and heroical act of the refusing to go to churches and service of a different Religion. In which point of refusal also the Puritans were wont to concur with Catholics for defence of their profession, but it may be they have thought it best now to alter that course, for that as they have no other ground of their religion but their own judgement, so it bindeth them no further than they list, and that it standeth with their commodity, and it may be, that in this point now they have thought it best to follow those whom Christ saith, 
Matti. 13.  temporales sunt, & in tempore tentationis recedunt, they are according as the time serveth, 
Marc. 14. Luc. 8.  & do retire in time of trial or persecution.  
I come then to the second charge, which our knight giveth upon our recusantes about the hurts 
About the hurts that recusantes would do.  that he will needs have men believe they would do if they could, of which he writeth thus.  
Touching the hurt they would do, who doubteth but they would have up their mass again, and banish the sincere worship of God, their whole Catholic government and religion I am sure they long for. And yet to pronounce these men to carry hollow hearts to Queen Elizabeth is thought to be an uncharitable sentence.  
Do you see how wise a charge this is, and how learnedly proved? If a man should reason thus against him, & his brother the Earl, that died not long agone in York, you both are puritanes in religion, as you are taken, and consequently no man can doubt but that you would have up your genevian disciplinarie for me of government, whereby all the Bishops in England must be pulled down, and other Ecclesiastical dignities discomposed, the Queen's Supremacy also must be taken away, and other like points of the English church overthrown, whereby a man may pronounce that you carry but hollow hearts to the present state, and to the Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding all your flattery.  
And this is an argument (Sir Francis) which logicians call, 
Argumentum ad hominem.  ad hominem, in which kind I could urge you yet further, and make you scratch your head, touching wishes and bearing hollow hearts towards Queen Elizabeth and her government, if I would follow presumptions, as you do against recusantes, for that besides your religion, if a man consider whence you descend, and what pretences be or may be about succession, it is not hard to guess what your wishes may be to have Queen Elizabeth, or some other person to sit in her place, and yet to pronounce you to carry a hollow heart to Queen Elizabeth, as you say in jest, that it is thought to be an uncharitable sentence, and I say it in earnest quia charitas non cogitat malum, 
1. Cor. 14.  saith Saint Paul, charity judgeth not the worst of things, and so I will not judge what wishes you have or may have: only I will tell you that if you have any in this later kind, they are more perilous and prejudicial to Queen Elizabeth, than those which you presume catholics to have, for that the things, which you imagine catholics do wish (as restoring of mass and catholic government and the like) may stand with her majesties life, reign, security, and prosperity (if it would please almighty God to inspire her to admit them) even as they have stood with the honour and prosperity, of all her noble ancestors, Kings and Queens of our realm before her: but your wishes cannot prevail but with her ruin, if they be such as may be presumed.  
But as I said, I will not urge you in this behalf what you would wish, nor is there any well governed common wealth in the world, in my opinion, that urgeth men upon such vain points of inward wishes and secret cogitations or desires. 
No subjects to be urged upon inward desires.  The Turk doth it not upon the Christians that are under him, nor Christian Princes upon jews that dwell in their states, nor the king of Spain upon the Moriscos that live in his kingdoms, nor the Emperor, king of France, king of Polonia, or other Catholic monarchs upon the Lutherans, Swinglians, calvinists or other sects, that are tolerated in their states. Only this barbarous knight of ours, contrary to all reason and humanity, would have it urged upon catholics in England, what they wish and what they desire: where notwithstanding if the same should be enforced against all persons, that any way be discontented in court or country, & in their hearts would wish perhaps some alteration, who seethe not, but that as in other commonwealths, so especially and above others in ours, where so many divisions and dissensions do reign, as well by reason of religion as otherwise, many thousand ●nward sores and ulcers would be discovered, that now lie hidden, and is expedient that so they should remain, notwithstanding the ridiculous folly, or rather fury of this frantic man in persuading contrary.  
Let us see now his third charged against recusantes, 
The third charge against recusantes.  touching their dissimulation as he calleth it, his words are these in most odious manner set down, These civil honest men (saith he) that under pretence of conscience rebel against God in religion, and refuse to yield a loyal obedience to their liege Lady and Sovereign, seem to carry a most lamentable resolution lurking in their bosoms, against Queen, country, and us all: when they will seek the life of their and our Queen, the thraldom of their and our country, and the ruin of us all that profess the gospel, to have their popish Priesthood, and Massing sacrifice up again. And if this be conscience, I know not what conscience meaneth, and yet this conscience they fetch from Rome. etc.  
To answer first to that which is here last, if we should grant this great absurdity, 
Sir Francis hastings conscience.  that Sir Francis hastings knoweth not what conscience meaneth, either in nature and definiton, or in practice and feeling, what great inconvenience would follow thereof trow you, for as for the definition of conscience it were easy (I suppose) to pose Sir Francis, seeing that his bringing up hath been rather in court and hawking, then in schools and studying. And for practise or feeling of conscience, how little sense he hath, there needeth no other argument but only this slanderous libel, stuffed with such monstrous lies and calumniations, as no man of any conscience would ever have set down, were he never so different in matters of religion. Nay truly it may be doubted; whether easily there might have been found any so careless or conscienceles an atheist about London, that so resolutely for any bribe would have accused so many worshipful honest civil men, as himself confesseth the recusant catholics of England to be (which is so much as any civil commonwealth can require of their citizens) as this man doth, and that of most heinous crimes, of treacherous falsehood, disloyal dealing, and wicked treasons to their prince, & of lamentable lurking resolutions in their bosoms, against Queen and country, and of seeking the life of the one, and thraldom of the other: and all this upon so vain and light suppositions as you have heard, before which yet he would have so constantly to be believed of all men, as that the said recusantes (notwithstanding his own former testimony of their civil good life) must be condemned for the catiline's of the land, and out casts of the commonwealth, for to Catiline and his companion's, he compareth them in the end of his invective, in these words.  
We may well say of them as Tully said of Catiline the conspirator in one of his orations, 
Notorious railing and calumniation against recusaut Catholics.  that in all or most of these happy years of her majesties most prosperous and peaceable government, there hath been no traitorous practice against her person or our country, but it came always from them, and by them: whom neither shame of their villainies, nor fear of punishment, nor any sound reason out of God's book, nor yet the rule of true Christian policy, could withhold from pursuing their traitorous purposes and practices. And to see or hear that the royal person of our sovereign lady was in danger was pleasing to them. As contrariwise the news of her happy escape was irk some. So that, where there is only the bare sense of a true English ha●t, these popish recusantes cannot bewitch or deceive with their hypocritical holiness, or civil honesty, and so I leave them.  
Though you will leave them (Sir hoatespur) in this your choler, yet mean I not to leave either them or you, until this matter be better examined. And first in this invective, if we take away railing speech without proof, there is nothing added to that you have scolded before, against the recusantes. And if in the rest we consider how you stammer still at the good opinion of Catholics, feigned holiness, and civil honest life (a hard bone as it seemeth for you to digest) there is much to their praise and commendation in this your accusation. But yet to shift off this matter, and to bring in contempt the persuasion of their good life, and to induce men not to make account thereof, and much less to be bewitched (as your phrase is) by the same, you require the sense only of a true bare English heart to resist this witchcraft of persuading by good works, 
A bare English heart what it is.  and what you mean by a bare english heart to serve you in this conflict, I know not, except it be some hard heathenish heart, as strong as flint, to resist the knocks of all God's motions, and as bare of all piety, remorse, and conscience, as yours seemeth to be, to which also if you do add the English cut (as hearts go there for the most part among protestants at this day) and furthermore if it be so truly and barely English, as it hath seen no other countries,, nor known other paradise than English earth, nor thought of other bliss then with you is commonly treated, and that it be as servilely tied to oxen, and steers, and other temporal base commodities, as your soul showeth itself to be. And that for a further perfection, it be seasoned also with a dram or two of your English sole faith & bare belief, to the contempt and hatred of all good works: this heart (I say) and the only bare sense thereof, which you repuire, is sufficient not only to resist the bewitching of recusants good life, but of all other Saints beside, and of Christ himself: and to condemn their scrupulous standing in defence of their consciences, for folly or hypocrisy, as here you do the scrupulosity of English recusantes, for refusing to go to church, but we do measure the matter by an other balance, then by the sense of so bare an English heart, and so no marvel though we agree not in the weight and poyz of that which is weighed.  
And thus I might leave (Sir Francis) now with some disadvantage perhaps of his side, as he before in haste would leave the recusantes, were it not that I desire to see some proof also of his skill and learning, as we have seen over much of his lavishing tongue, and railing. Let us examine then how substantially he doth prove, that Catholic recusautes ought to make no more bones at the matter, but go to the Protestants churches without staggering or scruple.  
I hold it (saith he) for a sound ground and not to be controlled, that every christian ought to strive to keep these three things sound within his breast: his conscience before God, his loyalty to his prince, and his love to his country. All which three (for my part) I account so nearly conjoined each to other, as they cannot justly be severed.  
Here I will pose Sir Francis in this his position and ground, which he saith is so universally true, as it may not be controlled, and thereby you shall see both the knights divinity and conscience together.  
Can a man's conscience to God never be justly severed from the external obedience of his prince, 
An absurd position of Sir Francis.  and natural love of his country? 
Gen. 12. & 19  How then was Abraham commanded by God to abandon his country, and Let the same? How were the ten tribes of Israel incited by God (as himself testifieth after) to leave their obedience to their lawful and natural king Roboam, and the love they had to their ancient commonwealth, 
3. Reg. 12.  and to set up jeroboam, a stranger, against the one and the other? 
4. Reg. 3.  How did Elizeus the Prophet send one of his disciples to persuade jehu a subject, to rise and rebel against his lawful and natural king and master joram, and to slay both him and his mother the Queen together, as he did, and turned upside down that whole commonwealth? How did the Prophet jeremy persuade the inhabitants of Jerusalem to deliver up that city and commonwealth, 
Hier. 38. 39 40. etc.  against the kings will, into the hands of the enemy Nabuchodonasor and his captains, which seemed great treason both to king and country; and yet was allowed or rather commanded by God himself.  
And to come near home to Christian Princes, how did that famous holy Athanasius so often abandon his country of Egypt and Alexandria, and resist the commandments of divers Emperors his temporal liege lords (though infected with heresy. How did Eusebius Vercellensis, 
Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18.  Hilarius of france, and others, do the same, resisting both Prince and country for religions sake, as most notoriously is known? 
Zozom. lib. 3. cap. 12.  And can there no cause then fall out which may justly sever a man's conscience from the temporal obeying of his Princes will and commandment, 
Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4.  or the laws of his country? What Atheist would ever say so? or what fond man would ever put a position for absolute and uncontrollable, that may be checked with so many instances to the contrary? for except he will say a prince cannot err, nor command a thing dissonant to God's law, or to right, reason, or good conscience, or that a man's country cannot go wrong, or run astray, or that we are bound to conform our consciences to whatsoever the prince or country appointeth, be it right or wrong in matters of religion, there is no way to defend this fond principle and heathenish position.  
The wisdom of God saith to a devout soul, 
Psal. 44.  Au●i filia & vide &c. Hearken daughter and consider, and bend thy ear, and forget thy own people, and thy father's house etc. Christ also alloweth greatly of them that despise father and mother, and country, and kindred, yea they are willed to hate them, 
Math. 17. Luc. 12.  and to make war against them, for his sake, and consequently also the like is willed against princes in the same cause, for that the obligation to obey fathers is greater than to princes, and so we see that there may happen occasions, wherein conscience to God may be justly severed from obedience to princes, and from worldly love to our earthly country.  
But for that this animalis homo (as before hath been noted) doth not perceive, 
1. Cor. 2.  nor feel the things that be of the spirit of God, I will reason no further in spiritual conceits with him, but will pose him with more palpable arguments about his own protestants. Let him tell me then, what did the protestants that fled to Geneva in Queen Mary's time, 
Domestical examples.  or rebelled at home? those that rose in Scotland against their true lawful Queens, the mother and daughter? Those that have made wars so many years in Flanders and France, against their natural true kings, went all those three things together in them, to wit, conscience to God, obedience to their princes, and love to the present state of their countries? Speak here Sir knight, and defend your sound ground and uncontrollable position: you see how vain and false a proposition it is; but yet the refuge of this people's defence in all their fancies and follies, is, their show of some words of Scripture to prove the same, wherein also our knight will needs prove himself a Rabbyne. Let us examine briefly how substantially he performeth the matter.  
Our conscience (saith he) cannot but tell us, that all obedience is dew to the sovereign Magistrate, for we are taught it out of the book of conscience, the holy scriptures, which teach us that we must subject ourselves to all manner of ordinance of man for the Lords sake, 
1. Pet. 2.  whether it be unto the king, as unto the superior, etc.  
Thus far Sir Francis. And hereby you shall discern, how wholesome a thing Scripture is, 
About obedience to temporal Princes.  in the hand of an ignorant or sensual minded man, even as precious stones before hogs, as Scripture itself doth àffirm. For in these few words, as Sir Francis allegeth them, may be founded the perfect sect of the Herodians, that made Herod's pleasure, the rule and platform of their conscience and actions. Our conscience (saith he) must needs tell us that all obedience is due to the sovereign Magistrate. Yea, all obedience? what conscience the knight teleth us, of the conscience of an atheist, or of a servile mind, projected to the beck and pleasure of earthly princes? Sure I am, that the conscience of Saint Peter and his fellow Apostles, taught them not so, when they answered the lawful magistrates of Jerusalem, that commanded them to speak no more of the afaires of Christ, ●at they would rather obey God then their commandment, 
Acts. ●.  ergo, these men's consciences, had not yet told them, that all obedience without exception, was due to the civil Magistrate. S. Paul's conscience also told him not so, when he refused to obey the commandment of Nero, and died for the same, and so did many other Martyrs, for resisting both him and other princes and lawful magistrates, in God's cause. And it is a special praise given to Martyrs by the church in their feasts, contempserunt jussa principum, they contemned the commandements of princes, for Christ's sake. How then saith this Herodian knight that all obedience must be yielded to them in all matters without exception? let us see how he proveth it.  
We are taught it (saith he) out of the book of conscience; by the words now alleged of Saint Peter, 
False taanslation.  Submit yourselves to all manner of ordinance of man.  
But first I would ask him with what conscience, doth he corrupt and falsely allege this book of conscience, for the words of Saint Peter are, 
1. Pet. 2.  Subiecti estote omni humanae creaturae propter Deum, sive Regi quasi praecellenti, sive ducibus ab eo missis. Be subject to every human creature for God's sake (meaning thereby the civil magistrate elected by the commonwealth) whether it be to the king, as more eminent than the rest, or unto captains and under magistrates sent from him: why doth Sir Francis translate omni humanae craturae (which is the very same also in Greek) all manner of ordinance of man? but that it served more to his purpose, and they can make their book of conscience to say what they will have said without scruple of conscience: why doth Sir Francis translate, sive Regi quasi praecellenti, whether it be to the king as superior etc. and why doth he cunningly leave out the words that follow immediately, or to the Captains (or under Magistrates) sent by him, etc. but that he would make Saint Peter to say, that the king is absolute superior, and that all obedience is due unto him, as to the Sovereign magistrate as this silly man hath taken upon him to teach us, though Saint Peter doth name also the inferior magistrates in like manner, and saith only, that the king is to be obeyed as the more eminent among them, but yet putteth him not for absolute, or that all obedience is due to him, as our man would have men now believe, for that it maketh to his purpose, and thereby evacuateth the precept of Saint Paul, who appointeth to christian's an other obedience also, far different from that of kings and temporal Princes in matters, belonging to their souls, when he saith, 
Hebrae. 13.  Obedite praepositis vestris & subiacete eye, ipse enim pervigilant, quasi rationem pro animabus vestris reddituri. Obey your Prelates, and lie under them, for that they do keep diligent watch over you, as men that must render account of your souls.  
And who those Prelates be, 
Spiritual go vernours.  the same Apostle expoundeth in an other place, when he speaking to themselves, saith, Attend to yourselves and the whole flock, 
Acts. 20.  over which the holy Ghost hath placed you for Bishops to govern the church of God, which he hath purchased with his own blood. Which words of tender love and prerogative (to be placed in their dignities by the hand of the holy ghost himself, over the chosen people that God had bought with his own precious blood) we shall never read to have been spoken to temporal kings and princes, and consequently all obedience is not so absolutely due to them, as this profane divine holdeth, but much is also to be reserved for the others, and in matters of highest moment.  
First then we see, most manifest falsehood and treachery used here, by this our Bible-clerk-knight in corrupting and translating wrongfully for his purpose this little piece of Scripture alleged by him, what would he do think you if he had to allege many places, seeing he handleth so pitifully this one only? Secondly, we may see the egregious absurdity and impiety of the sense which he would pick out thereof, to wit, that all obedience absolutely, and in all matters and causes, is to be yielded to the soveraygn temporal magistrate without restraint: and consequently also, 
Most absurd doctrine.  that all manner of their ordinances and laws are to be obeyed without exception. Which doctrine if it be true, then were the Apostles bound to go to the Infidels temples and sacrifiise also, when they were commanded: for that no man will deny, but that this precept of obedience set down here by Saint Peter, was meant expressly and particularly for obeying the secular magistrates and princes of that time: all which were Infidels commonly, and Idolaters. So as if there were no exception of causes, than did Saint Peter himself (that giveth the precept) very evil, in not obeying the magistrates of jury first, and after in refusing to obey Nero the Emperor, when he willed him to consorme himself in matters of religion.  
And if there be any exception of causes or matters, wherein by God's law, princes may be disobeyed, then impiously and fond is it set down here by Sir Francis so resolutely, as out of Scripture, that all obedience is due to the sovereign magistrate, and that also (as his words be) in all manner of ordinances without exception, which heath enis●h doctrine includeth a thousand denials of God himself. And further I say, that the same is fond affirmed, for that the Protestants greatest contention hath been hitherto against Catholics, to the end, that they should not obey the precepts of men, though they were set down by the whole Church, and now cometh in this guilt spurre-Doctor with a quyne contrary ground, that we must submit ourselves to all manner of ordinance of man. Which is as far to the other extreme of base servility, as the former was to the contrary, of pride, to obey no ordinance of man at all, they proving the same then by that text of our Saviour, 
Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2.  In vain do they worship me teaching the doctrine and precepts of men. And now the contrary by Saint Peter, that we must obey all manner of men's ordinance, which yet Saint Peter sayeth not, but Sir Francis falsely allegeth him.  
And by this you see how these poor people do range up & down without rule, limit, or certain ground at all but only their own will and present fancy. Moreover I say that this text of Saint Peter of obeying civil magistrates (though it were so as he allegeth it) yet is it very impertinently alleged against Catholics in our controversy about their not going to protestants churches, for that they do offer all due obedience in temporal and civil actions unto their temporal magistrate. 
How recusantes do obey, and how they may not.  And do stand only in matters of religion, that concern their souls and consciences, and consequently this text is nothing to the purpose against them in that behalf. And with this I will leave also Sir Francis as simple a soul as I found him, but yet somewhat more shuffled out of his clouts, and discovered for a conscienceles corrupter of his book of conscience.  
To Catholic recusantes whom he impugneth I can say no more, but that they are happy men to have such an adversary, 
A speech to catholic recusantes.  and that the course which they have hitherto held is most honourable and pious before God and man, I mean in showing first their duty towards God, by standing constantly and suffering for their conscience: and secondly in offering all loyal obedience in temporal causes to their liege prince. And lastly in edifying their neighbours by their good life and behaviour. Which is the exhortation of Saint Peter in this very place alleged. Having your conversation good (saith he) among these people, in such sort, as they considering your good works, 
1. Pet. 2.  in that they go about to slander you as wicked men, God may be glorified thereby in the day of his visitation. And again, the will of God is, that you by your good life, do stop the mouths of foolish and ignorant men, that talk against you, etc. And yet further, this is a great grace if any man suffer sorrow for his conscience towards God, being afflicted unjustly, for if you suffer for sin (●or evil life) it is no glory but if while you live well, you do suffer patiently, it is a great grace with God afore in this is your vocation, and to this you are called, for that Christ suffered so for us, and left you example to follow his steps, etc.  
And as for obedience, you are to yield it simply (my dear brethren) and plainly (as I have said) with a true loyal heart and good will, as unto Christ himself, unto all kind of magistrates whatsoever, temporal or spiritual, though yet with that distinction which Christ himself appointed, quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, quae sunt Dei Deo, giving unto Caesar, those things that are Caesar's, and reserving to God those things that are Gods. 
Math. 22.  Which distinction Saint Paul to the Romans expoundeth more particularly, 
Marc. 12.  when having commanded all superior powers to be obeyed even for conscience sake, as the ministers of God, though they were Gentiles, he setteth down this conclusion give therefore to all sorts of men those things that are due unto them, 
Rom. 13.  tribute, to whom tribute, toll, to whom ●●le, fear, to whom fear honour to whom honour belongeth.  
Unto our temporal prince and head of our earthly commonwealth, 
Temporal. Magistrate.  whereof we are citizens, we own all temporal obedience in civil matters, according to the law of God, nature, and nations, and according to the particular ordinances of the country wherein we dwell; and so we are to serve him with our bodies, goods, life, and whatsoever other earthly means or commodity we have beside, 
1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13.  in all just causes. And this with all honour, fidelity, readiness, alacrity, and promptness of mind, as to the minister of God, ordained (as both the forenamed Apostles say) for punishing of the wicked, and comforting the good. And this obedience was due also unto heathen magistrates in Christ's time: 
Note this point.  for in this temporal government, Christ altered nothing at all, but left it as he found it. And for that some Christians after Christ's ascension, partly by the common opinion of the jews, who held that the Messiah should make them free from all temporal subjection, and partly upon those words of Christ himself in Saint john's Gospel, 
joan. 8.  si ergo vos filias liberaverit, verè liberi eritis, if the son of God once deliver you, you shall be truly free (which was meant of spiritual freedom) yet for that some Christians imagined that they were now free from obedience also of temporal magistrates, the foresaid two chief Apostles, Saint Peter and Saint Paul, 
Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2.  took upon them most earnestly to remove this error, in the places alleged, and to persuade all due temporal obedience also, in all civil afaires, to the civil magistrate, of what life or religion soever he were.  
I say in temporal and civil afaires, for as for matters of religion and the soul, no man of sense or judgement, will imagine that the said Apostles would bind christians to obey those civil magistrates, that were not yet christians in the Apostles days, nor ever meant to be, but rather persecutors.  
And hereof also ensueth, that their must needs be some other distinct superiority and government for matters of the soul, 
Spiritual magistrate.  whereof I showed the commandment before out of Saint Paul, and it is that which we commonly call Ecclesiastical or Spiritual government, concerning afaires of religion and conscience. And this government over souls, Christ himself came properly down from heaven to found and erect upon earth, and to make himself head thereof: being a government far different from the other, whereof he would take no part at all, and so he fled when the people would have made him a king: and to Pilate he denied that his kingdom was of this world: 
joan. 6.  and being called upon to divide the inheritance between two brethren (which was an act aperteining to the temporal magistrate) he answered, 
Luc. 12.  who hath appointed me a judge or a divider over you? But yet when he talked of the o●her superiority that appertaineth to teaching, instructing, and governing of souls, be acknowledged his authority. 
joan. 13.  You call me master and Lord (saith he in one place to his disciples) and you say well for I am so. 
Math. 23.  And again in an other place your only master is Christ, etc.  
This superiority therefore and tribunal over souls, for instructing, directing, chastising, binding and losing of sins, and the like, Christ did peculiarly erect and settle at his being here, making himself the head, and leaving his Apostles and their successors for his substitutes, to guided the same under him unto the worlds end. Neither did christ at his departure commit this authority, or any part thereof, unto Caesar, or unto any other temporal prince, but to his Apostles, giving them that supreme dignity in joint commission with his own person, when he said, who heareth you, heareth me, and who contemneth you, contemneth me. 
Luc. 10.  Nor did Saint Paul when he talked of matters of the soul, subject Christians unto Caesar, or unto temporal princes as he did in temporal affairs, but unto their prelate's, as before hath been alleged, 
Heb. 13.  and addeth this reason, for that they wach for us and are to yield account of our souls to almighty God, as a matter of their peculiar charge.  
And to the end it should appear how distinct and different these two governments and jurisdictions are, 
Temporal and spiritual jurisdiction.  Christ provided that this spiritual government of his Church should stand in the world for three hundred years together; without any temporal government at all in the hand of Christian Princes, to wit, until the time of Constantyne the great, and then and after, when any temporal kings and princes were converted and made Christians (as our Ethelbertus king of kent, king Clodoveus of France, and others) all entered and submitted themselves under this spiritual government of the Christian Church and prelate's thereof, as subjects and not as superiors, as sheep and not as pastors, and as children under their fathers and prelate's, and not as commanders in that behalf. And so they continued still for many ages together, contented with their princely authority in civil matters, and with their subjection in Ecclesiastical, until certain libertine heretics of our time, to put themselves out of the burden of obedience to their Ecclesiastical superiors, have sought to trouble and confound this holy distinction, appointed by our Saviour, and to cast both governments and jurisdictions into the hands of the temporal magistrate, thereby to make a confusion, 
Occam to the Emperor.  and to be free themselves from correction, due unto their wickedness and dissolution, and crying to temporal princes (as one did in the like case) defend you us with the sword, & we shall honour and defend you with the word. And this is the true state of matters in this behalf: whereby the godly proceeding of our English recusantes is most clearly justified, and the profane flattery of their adversaries discovered And with this I end the sixth encounter with S. Francis.   

THE SEVENTH ENCOUNTER, ABOUT FOREIGN PRINCFS AND Nation's: And first concerning the Pope of Rome.  
IF the immodesty of Sir Francis railing speeches and calumniations, had contained itself within the compass of home-born subjects, and had not overlavished also to the open injury and slander of foreign potentates and nations; the matter might more easily have been passed over and dissembled; for that he sitting at home, under the favour of the state and present time, hath more liberty thereby to rail at his pleasure, and to tyrannize with his tongue over such as are their kept down, and dare not answer him or reply. But when with the same audacity (or impudency rather) he will presume to use the like approbrious speeches against the sacred honours of anointed princes, and the greatest monarchs of Christendom, contrary to the law both of nature and nations; he is to be restrained and checked even for the very honour of England itself, and our nation, and so I mean to do in this seventh encounter.  
And to begin with his raging at the Bishop of Rome, calling him the proud Priest and archeprelate of Rome, bloody monster, Antechriste, the man of sin, 
Opprobtiousspeaches  the son of perdition, and other like unseemly terms, and wicked maledictions: the answer were quickly made, if I would be as choleric and immodest as he, and say, that these are but rave of a lunatic brain, and belking of a burdened stomach, with the surfeit of heresy: and other such like terms, but I will not encounter in this kind with him, but rather will endeavour to overrule him by reason, and convince him by argument, if he be capable of the one or the other.  
First then, that the Popes of Rome be Antichrists or the man of sin, 
Whether the Popes of Rome be Antichris●●●  whereof Daniel, our Saviour Christ, and his Apostles do speak, and that Rome is Babylon (in the sense that these goodfellows do mean, that is, Rome Christened) it is a mere jest; and invented by a scoffing Apostata friar or two, and maintained by men of like humour and qualities And in deed the jest is fit to entertain some pleasant crew at a tavern or alebench, then to move any learned auditory or discreet reader, though it be frequent matter in English pulpits at this day, for that as the true Christ was one singular man, so shall the true Antechriste be a particular man also, 
Antich. one man.  and not any succession of men, one after another, as the Popes of Rome are; and this is evidently gathered by the ancient fathers, out of the words of divers holy Scriptures, as namely Daniel. 7. & 11. joan. 5. 2. Thess. 2. 1. joan. 2. Apoc. 13. &, 17.  
Moreover the jews shall receive the true Antechriste for their Messiah, as they refused to receive Christ, and so Christ sayeth plainly joan. 5. vers. 43. I came in the name of my father, 
Antichrist declared by the Iewes.  and you receive me not, if an other come in his own name him you shall receive etc. but it is not likely that the jews will receive the Pope of Rome for their Messiah, and much less so many Popes as are already dead.  
The Gospel and doctrine of Christ must be first preached to all nations before the true Antechriste come, 
Antichrist when.  Math. 24. &, 2. Thess. 2. and so the consent of old Doctors upon these places do agree, which thing is not yet fulfilled, as Saint Augustin in his time did largely declare, Epist. 80. and we may also show in ours much more, by the vast infidel countries daily discovered.  
The proper Antechriste by all reason and likelihood, must be a jew borne, and circumsized, and will profess (at least for a while) to keep the jews Saboth, and the other ceremonies of the old law, 
Antichrist a jew.  to draw them after him. And they shall accept of him for their Messiah, as before hath been showed out of Christ's own words, which they would never do, except he were a jew both by generation and profession. Of which two things neither can be verified of the Popes of Rome, to wit, that they are either jews by birth, or do profess the jewish doctrine, and therefore they can not be Antichrist.  
Antechriste when he cometh shall pitch his kingdom in the city of Jerusalem, 
Antichrist in Jerusalem.  and go about to restore the temple of Solomon, as is plainly gathered out of Saint john's words in the Apoc. cap. 11. where he saith, that the bodies of Henoch and Helias that shallbe slain by him, shall lie unburied in the streets of that great City, where their lord was crucified. And the same is deduced out of the same book. cap. 17. and out of Saint Paul's words 2. Thess. 2. and by many ancient writers. And how then can the Popes of Rome be said to be Antechriste?  
Three principal heads of Antichrist's devilish doctrine when he cometh, 
antichrist's doctrine.  are gathered plainly out of holy Scriptures. The first, that he shall deny jesus to be christ, 1. joan. 2. vers. 22. and consequently shall deny Baptism, and all other Sacraments and doctrine brought in by Christ. The second that he shall teach, himself to be true Christ, and the jews shall believe him. joan. 5. The third, that he shall affirm himself to be God, and so require to be adored for God, 2. Thess 2. v. 4. but the Popes of Rome do not teach these points of doctrine hitherto and therefore cannot be Antechriste.  
Again scriptures do teach us, that Antichrist when he cometh shall work many wonderful miracles in the sight of men, 
antichrist's miracles.  Math. 24. & 2. Thess. 2. and some of those miracles are specified Apoc. 13. to wit that he shall make fire descend from heaven, and the image of a beast to speak, and fayne himself to die and rise again, but these miracles no Pope's hitherto have wrought, or do work, ergo etc.  
Anthichrist shall reign but three years and a half, when he cometh, 
antichrist's time of reign.  as is gathered by ancient writers, out of the Prophet Daniel, chapter 7. and 12. and out of the 12. chapter of the apocalypse where it is said that he shall reign a time, & times, & half a time, for so S. john himself interpreteth the matter c. 11. & 13. saying it shallbe for 42. months, which make just three years & a half, but the Popes of Rome have reigned for more ages than these are years, and consequently cannot be Antichrist.  
Beside this, the Scripture teacheth us plainly, that before Antichrist come, 
Henoch & Helias.  Henoch and Helias shall return again, to oppose themselves against him, and in the end shall convert the jews, Malach. 4. Ecclesi. 48. Math. 17. Apoc. 11. but we see not yet this point fulfilled, to prove the Pope to be Antechriste, ergo, etc.  
Lastly, (for I will be no longer in this matter) straight after the end of Antichrist's kingdom (which shall endure but three years and a half, 
Day of iugdment.  as before hath been showed) shall ensue the day of judgement and consummation of the world, as the Prophet Daniel foretelleth cap. 7. and Saint john in the Apoc. cap. 20. and the same is gathered out of Christ's own words also, Math. 24. and the foresaid Prophet Daniel speaking again of this matter in the 12. chapter, saith, that the kingdom of Antechriste shall endure a thousand, two hundredth, and ninety days, which maketh the former number of three years and a half. And then he addeth these words, happy is he that expecteth and arriveth unto a thousand three hundredth and thirty and five days (which is forty and five days after the death of Antechriste) for that than Christ coming to judgement, shall bring the crowns of justice for those that are victors etc. And seeing that the Popes of Rome have endured now so long, & yet the end of world hath not ensued, it is manifest as well by this reason, as by all the other before alleged, that these Popes cannot be properly Antechriste, as our new malignant railers do affirm.  
But it may be some will say (seeing the absurdity of the former false position) that the Pope of Rome is not properly, 
How there are many Antichristes  that Antechriste which is foretold by the scriptures, but only a forerunner of his, and such as disposeth the way to his coming, at the end of the world, in which sense Saint john having said, Children this is the last hour, 
1. Loan. 2.  and as you have heard Antechriste cometh, or is to come (for so the greek verb signifieth plainly, being of the present tense, and not of the time past, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit.  where the latin is doubtful, and may be taken both ways) Saint john (I say) having foretold in his epistle that Antichrist was to come in this last hour or age of the world after the appearing of the true Christ, he addeth immediately these words. And even now many Antichrists are made, and thereby we know that this is the last hour etc. Which is, as if he had said, that forasmuch as we do see many become Antichrists (that is to say do become opposite to Christ both in spirit and operation) and do begin to work the mystery of iniquity (as Saint paul calleth it) against true Antichrist's coming, hereby we know that this is the last age from Christ to Antechriste, 
2. Thessal. 2.  and so to the worlds end, which immediately is to ensue after Antichrist's arrival.  
If I say our knight and his companion's will confess this, that the Pope of Rome is not that proper Antechriste foretold here by Saint john, to come in the end of the world but only that he is one of those other forerunning Antichrists, already made and appearing in S. john's days to prepare the way (which yet no heretic nor Sir Francis himself though never so shameless, will da●e to avow of the Bishops of Rome of the primitive church, when Saint john wrote those words, that they were Antichrists, they being known to be Saints and holy martyrs for some ages together) if this I say be granted; then it followeth, that all these men's janglings in books and pulpits, against the Popes of Rome to prove them Antichrists, fale to the ground, and is made ridiculous, for that in this sense all evil men whatsoever, may be called Antichrists (that is contrary to Christ) who do work iniquity and cooperate to the kingdom of sin, which Christ came to overthrow; and so all Turks, Moors, Tyrants, Persecutors and other wicked people are Antichrists in this sense, as forerunners of true Antechriste and contrary to Christ, neither is there any thing peculiar to the Popes of Rome, though we should confess them to be never so wicked in life, but the very truth is, that principally and above others in this sense the name of Antechriste is proper to heretics and sectaries who under the name of Christ, do impugn Christ, and leaving the common received union of faith, do find out contrary paths by themselves. And against such men did Saint john especially speak those words, that many Antichrists were already made, to wit, the Ebionites, Cer●●thians, and Nicholaites then newly sprung up. And for this cause also doth he say, Antichristi facti sunt, they are made Antichristes, and not borne so, for that by their own malice they made themselves such, in departing from union. And now whether Popes or the Protestants do participate more of this quality of heretical Antichrist, by breaking union in faith and religion from the whole body of Christendom, I leave to the discreet reader to ponder. And thus much may serve about calling the Pope Antichrist.  
As for Rome, 
How Rome is Babylon.  whether it be Babylon or no, little importeth it to the matter we have in hand, so we agree in the sense: for not only Saint john in his apocalypse, but Saint Peter also in his epistle, doth call Rome Babylon, and we deny it not, for it was in respect of the great confusion of iniquity, Idolatry, and persecution, that the infidel Emperors used, and were to use against God's Saints. But that either Saint john, or Saint Peter, did call is Babylon in respect of the Christians that were in it at that time, I think Sir Francis himself will blush to say, and consequently the name of Babylon given to Rome when it was impious and pagan, appertaineth nothing to Rome now after it is Christian; nor hath this fond objection need of any further answer.  
For the rest of the railing and contumelious speech, whereby the Pope is termed the proud Priest & Archeprelat of Rome, touching the words Priest and Prelate, they are names of his dignity, as they were in Christ and the Apostles themselves, 
About the Pope's external honour.  who were both Priests and Prelates, & Arche-prelates also, in that they were more principal than others. As for proud, that dependeth of the Pope's inward disposition, which our knight ought to have known in all law of good christianity, how it standeth, before he avouch it outwardly. For if he judge only by the external show, and outward honour of his estate, he may as well condemn of pride, all other princes and great men in the world, for admitting honour according to their degrees, and among others, our present Bishops of England may be called in question (as they are by the puritanes) for being termed lords, and for the lord-lyk honour done unto them in outward demeanour. To the Lords also of her majesties counsel may be objected the like, for causing men to kneel unto them at the counsel table, and such other like external honour admitted.  
As for bloody monster, it is a monstrous slander, and a great monstrosity of incivility in a gentleman's mouth, so to speak: for it is well known that the Bishop of Rome that now is, and many of his predecessors in our days and eyes, have used and do use daily, great courtesies to infinite protestants, that pass through their states. And as for blood, I think verily, that there hath been more shed in only London for religion in one year, within these last twenty that have passed, then in all the whole twenty, within all the towns, cities, and states of the Bishop of Rome, and this is easy to be verified.  
Well then (Sir knight) you rail at random, and little do you seem to think or consider what peril of Gods justice may hang over you for the same. 
The peril of Sir Francis railing. Exod. 22. Levit. 20.  You may remember it is written, principi populi tui non maledices: and again, qui patri suo maledixerit, morte moriatur. The Bishop of Rome hath ever been held for our spiritual prince and parent in England, until with in these few years, and so is he still holden by all Catholic kingdoms round about us, and in ours also by such as follow the old universal faith, which if it be true, then are you in danger of damnation by this your fury. And you remember that Saint Paul was so respective of this danger, that having spoken a hasty word against Ananias, calling him whited wall, for an open injury done unto him in public judgement against the law, 
Act. 23.  yet when he understood he was high priest (notwithstanding S Paul well knew that his priesthood now was nothing worth, the old law being abrogated by the death of Christ, he did openly recall his word again, and showed to be sorrowful for having spoken it against one that bore that title. But Sir Francis hath no such feeling or remorse of conscience in him, for that he is not governed by the same spirit of humility and piety that Saint Paul was, whereunto notwithstanding I would gladly persuade him if I might, and for that respect do mean to allege unto him the considerations ensuing, about the Bishop of Rome.  
First, himself in the 31. page of this his libel hath these words, The Lord from heaven commandeth to all men upon earth, 
Rom. 13.  that every soul should be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, and every power is ordained of God. 
How power is to be respected.  Which words if they be true, then must the Pope's power also be of God, seeing it hath been an acknowledged power by all Christendom for so many years and ages, & not only for a lawful power but also for a holy and supreme spiritual power, and then let men judge in what cause Sir Francis standeth that not only resisteth, but revileth also this sacred power, notwithstanding that the illation which Saint Paul inferreth immediately after the former words, is this, wherefore he that resisteth power, resisteth God's ordination, & those that resist God's ordination, do purchase damnation unto themselves.  
More over, that saying of Christ unto the Apostles, he that heareth you, 
Luc. 10.  heareth me, was not spoken only for themselves, but for all their successors also, that by succession should govern the church unto the world's end, as all men will confess. And conseqently the other part also of the same sentence, he that contemneth you, contemneth me, must needs in like manner belong unto the same man. And that the Bishops of Rome be successors in the Apostle Saint Peter seat, is no less manifest to all men of understanding and learning. And albeit Sir Francis will say presently, that they follow not Saint Peter steps (and will prove it at leisure) yet if that were true, the prince's authority is not taken away by his evil life or deportement, for than should we have few true princes in the world. But above all others it pleased Christ himself to take away this objection touching Popes and Ecclesiastical princes, when he said, that upon the chair of Moses should sit both Scribes and Pharisees, 
Math. 23.  and that we should notwithstanding observe and do whatsoever they said, but not according to their works. So as still there remaineth the obligation to obey them, though their lives and hehaveour were not correspondent, but much more the obligation not to slander, contemn, and revile them, as our harebrain and headlong knight doth.  
I say it is harebrain and headlong dealing, 
Harebrayne and head long dealings of Sir Francis.  to run so furiously in so dangerous a path as this is. For besides that maledicus, a railing tongued man, is placed by Saint Paul among them, that shall never attain the kingdom of heaven: it is much more grievous sin to use this vice against Magistrates, 
1. Cor. 5. & 6.  that represent the power of almighty God, and far yet greater against spiritual magistrates, that have this authority in a far higher degree then temporal magistrates, but most of all against him that representeth immediately the person of Christ jesus upon earth, which is the Bishop of Rome as presently more particularly shallbe showed.  
Furthermore if all the holy and learned men of Christendom have not been deceived for so many ages together, as they have confessed this general doctrine, of the Pope of Rome his prerogative, without doubt or contradiction: then is Sir Francis out of his way, then is he in the open path of perdition, then is he furious, frantic and besides himself, in railing as he doth. And that this only uniform consent of such and so many holy learned men gone before us, were a sufficient argument to make any man (that were discreet and fearing God) to enter into doubt (at least of his doing in this behalf) cannot in reason be denied: and so without doubt would Sir Francis also do, if his temporal life lay on the bargain as his eternal doth.  
For let me ask Sir Francis, if an herb should be presented to him to eat, 
A demonstration against Sir Francis madness.  that all learned physicians for a thousand years together have held for strong poison, and only some one or two of later years have begun to teach the contrary without actual experience whether it be so or no, but only by discourse and new arguments of their own, would he abstain to eat it (think you) or no? Or if an action should be offered him in England, which by all old lawyer's judgement of former times hath been taken for high treason ipso facto, and loss of life & lands though some viewer lawyers were of contrary opinion that now it is not, I persuade myself S. Francis would look twice ere he leapt once in committing that action, for the love he beareth to his temporally f●nd state: but in this other case though all ancient divines and doctors for above a thousand years together have taught that it is blasphemy to rail at the Bishop of Rome appointed by Christ to govern in his place, and damnation not to acknowledge his authority, and only Martin Luther a lose Apostata friar, and Sir john Caluin a sear-backt priest for sodomy, 
Luther. Caluin.  have begun in our days to teach the contrary for fear to be punished by him for their wickedness, yet Sir Francis rusheth on and casteth at all, and will hazard hell and all eternity of torments thereon depending, rather than not to satisfy his passion in this point and please the state, wherein he liveth, by showing himself a forward man. And who will deny, this to be headlong and hare brain dealing.  
And yet further though this universal consent of Christendom, against two or three so contemptible authors of novelties be more than sufficient to induce any man of reason to look about him, and to consider what he doth, and whether he may adventure his soul upon such inequality of testimonies as this is, between two or three novellants and twenty millions of holy and grave ancients (which difference of witnesses I suppose would prevail in Westminster-hall, with any equal and discreet judge or jury) yet for further light to such as wilfully will not shut their ears and eyes, I will set down here some other considerations also to the same effect, besides the prescription of time and antiquity before mentioned, and besides the weight and number of so many holy and learned men's judgements of former ages, whom yet in reason we cannot presume to be inferior to ours, if we be not over fond and passionate in our own cause.  
First then, it cannot be imagined, 
divers reasons for the Bishop of of R●ome his pre-eminence.  but that Christ our Saviour instituted a church to continue, and to be governed, not only for that first age after himself, but even until the world's end, and so himself showeth Math. ultimo.  
This government was to be under Bishops and Prelates, ordained by the holy Ghost, by imposition of hands of the Apostles, whose successors they were, as Saint Paul showeth plainly act. 20. 1. Tim. 3. 3. Tit. 1. And this succession was to endure to the world's end also, by continual new ordination and imposition of hands, so as none could enter by stealth or violence into this rank, but such as lawfully should be admitted.  
That among these Prelates and spiritual governors of his church and kingdom Christ would have some subordination of the one to other for avoiding strife, schism, and confusion, and one over all the rest is very likely and probable even by reason itself, if no other proof were. 
Plato in polit. Arist. lib. 3. polit. cap. 5.  For so he foreshowed by light of nature to all Philosophers, who held without controversy that the monarchy or government of one head in highest degree was the best among all other manner of regiments, and consequently it is like that Christ took not the worst for the regiment of his church and spiritual common wealth.  
God practised this kind of government in the creation of Angels, giving them one universal superior under himself which was Lucifer before his fall, as is gathered out of job. 40. and Isay 14. by ancient fathers that expound those places. 
Agust. lib. 11. civit. Dei. cap. 15.  And afterward when Lucifer fell he remained still head of the wicked spitites, and Michael of the good, as is signified plainly Apoc. 12.  
God practised the same kind of monarchial government for spiritual affairs in erecting the church & common wealth of the jews that was to be the figure of our church to come, 
1. Cor. 10.  giving them one high priest to govern direct and hold in union and obedience all the other priests, which were almost infinite in all their synagogues throughout the world.  
He practised the same in like manner in all other things lightly of this world, appointing subordination and reducing all to one, as all the under heavens to the government of one supreme, the branches of different brooks and rivers to one fountain, the infinite arms and branches of one tree to one body and root. And all creatures finally to the subordination of himself. But yet more specially was this needful in the erection of his church upon earth as hath been said, for preservation of conformity and avoiding of division and confusion.  
For if there were many governors thereof jointly under himself, ●●●h equal authority, & they disagreed, who should atone them? If any of them would be obstinate or wilful, who should correct them?  
And finally, this church is compared to an army that needs must have some known general, and not only to an army simply but to, 
Cant. 4.  acies castrorum ordinata, a well ordered army, that hath all other officers also in good order under the Captain general. And it is compared in like manner to a house, to a sheepfold, to a ship, to the Ark of Noah, and the like, all which things have one head governor, as the world knoweth.  
And that his privilege was given by our Saviour to Saint, Peter among all the Apostles, if no play ne commission were extant (as there 
Saint Peter chief of the church under Christ  is) yet Christ's proceeding with him far different from any of the rest of the Apostles sufficiently declareth his intention in this matter.  
That he revey led unto him first of all the rest the hidden mystery of his incarnation and of the blessed Trimitie, Math. 16. That he said only to him, rogavi pro te ne deficiat fides tua, I have asked for thee that thy faith shall never fail (having said first that the devil was to sift them all) Luc. 22. That he promised only to him that the gates of hell should never prevail against his seat, Math. 16. That he paid tribute only for Peter and for himself, Math. 17. That he changed his name from Simon to Cephas or Peter that signifieth a rock or stone, joan 11. (which is the name of Christ himself attributed to him by the prophets as is to be seen, Isa. 8. & 28. Daniel 2. Psal. 117. That Christ called only Peter to walk with him upon the water, Math. 14. That he preached and wrought two such notable miracles in the only ●hip of Peter as appeareth, Luc. 5. & joan. 21. That he foretold only to Peter the kind of death he should die (allotting him the same that himself was to suffer upon the cross) joan 21. And that he being to go toward the same death he washed Peter's feet before all the rest, 
joan. 3. & August in hunc locum. Luc. 24.  And that after his resurrection he appeared first of all the Apostles to Saint Peter, and besides this that his angel willed the woman to tell Peter by name of Christ's resurrection, 
Marc. 16.  etc.  
All these things (I say) and many other do show the pre-eminence of this holy Apostle above his fellows, by Christ's own declaration, which were overlong to set down how many ancient fathers do deduce and enlarge upon these places of scriptures and facts of our Saviour already rehearsed.  
And again after the ascension of Christ to heaven that Saint Peter first of all called the Council of Apostles together, 
Act. 1.  and caused Saint Mathias to be chosen in place of judas. That he first of all the rest did publish and promulgate the gospel after the coming of the holy ghost, and converted five thousand at one se●mon. That 
Act. 2.  he wrought the first miracle in healing the lame man at the temple gate called, 
Act. 3.  Speciosa: That he first of all as high judge gave sentence and condemned to death Ananias and Saphira for their hypocrisy: That he first of all presumed to preach the gospel of Christ to Gentiles as he had done before to the jews. 
Act. 5.  That to him alone was 
Act. 10.  showed the vision whereby Christ declared that the time was now come to admit Gentiles to Christianity. 
Ibidem.  That of him only is written, dum transiret universos, 
Act. 9 Chrysost. Ibidem. Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil. 87. in joan.  (that is as S. Chrisostome saith) whiles he as a general of an army walketh up and down to see what is in order & what is not. That of him only among all the Apostles S. Paul writeth, after three years I went up to Jerusalem to see Peter, the reason whereof Saint Chrysostome affirmeth to be, quia os erat, & princeps Apostolorum, for that he was the mouth and prince of the Apostles. And finally that by Christ's particulir order (as is to be supposed) he left the bishopric of Antioch, and went and took upon him that of Rome, that was head city of the world.  
All these things put together do well argue that Saint Peter well knew the dignity and prerogative he had above the rest, both for himself and for his successors: whereunto if we add the plain commission given by Christ in two distinct places of scripture that are recorded, besides other perhaps that are not written, the matter willbe more evident.  
The first is, 
Commission of Saint Peter.  where after that glorious confession made by S Peter of the God head of Christ recorded in S. Matthew his gospel our savour saith to him again, 
Math. 16.  Thou art Peter or a rock (for to this end Christ before had given him that name that signifieth a rock) and upon this rock will I build my church, and I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven, etc. By which words is promised to Peter the principality in government of the church, as the words themselves do show, and the consent of ancient fathers both Greek and Latin do expound.  
The second place is in Saint Ihons' gospel, where Christ after his resurrection gave to Saint Peter that pre-eminence which before he had promised, 
joan. 21.  for being in the company of divers other principal Apostles he asked Peter alone, three several times whether he loved him more than the rest or no (which holy fathers say was done in respect of the three times that Peter had denied him before) and the other answering that he loved, etc. Christ three times saith to him, pasce agnos meos pasce oves meas, feed my lambs and feed my sheep, making him pastor general of all his flock, and committing the whole church to his pastoral charge, by those words, as both the words themselves do import (being uttered to Peter alone and with particular emphasy for him to feed Christ's flock above the rest of the Apostles, as he had thrice been asked, whether he loved more than they) and as all antiquity with one consent have ever taken the sense to be, quia solus profitetur ex omnibus, omnibus antefertur, saith Saint Ambrose, 
Ambrose in cap. vltim●̄ Luc.  for that Saint Peter only did profess to love so extraordinarily above the rest, he was preferred in charge before all the rest. And Saint Augustine upon this place oves ipsas pascendas, id est, docendas regendasꝙ committit. 
August. in joan. 21. Chrisost in joan 21.  Christ committed here his sheep to be fed by Saint Peter, that is to say, to be taught and governed: And Saint Chrisostome upon the same words, alijs omissis Petrum duntaxat affatur, & fratrum ei curam committit. Christ leaving the other Apostles there present, speaketh only to Saint Peter, and committeth the charge of his brethren to him. And a little after again, Cum magna dominus Petro communicasset, & orbis terrarum curam demandasset, when our lord had imparted great matters to Peter and had given him the charge of the whole world, etc. And Saint Epiphanius, Hic est qui audivit pasce oves meas, cui concreditum est ouile, 
Epiphan● in anchor.  This is he to whom it was said, feed my sheep, to whom the whole flock of Christ was given in charge, etc.  
I have thought good to add this little taste of ancient father's interpretation, 
How Saint Peter's charge is imparted also to others.  leaving out infinite others to the same sense, to prevent heretical shifts in this behalf, who first would make this commission of pasce oves meas, to be only to feed by preaching, and not to govern with superiority: and secondly to be a common and indifferent commission given to all the Apostles equally, and not to Saint Peter above the rest, which is aparently false. For albeit we grant that this commission pasce oves meas, in a general sense may be and is understood and spoken not only to Saint Peter but also to all the rest of the Apostles, and not only to them but to all other inferior pastors beside: yet in pre-eminence and highest degree of special authority overall, it is spoken in this place to S. Peter alone, as hath been showed, and consequently also to his successors: and by the same consequence it followeth in like manner, that if Sir Francis hastings and his people be either lambs or sheep of Christ, or do any way apertain to his flock and fold, they apertain also to the government and jurisdiction of this universal pastor Saint Peter's successor; against whom he raileth and rageth so pitifully as in his book appeareth.  
And for that all the Christian world hath made ever this most certain and infallible deduction, 
Saint Peter's successors Popes of Rome.  that Christ gave not to Saint Peter these eminent prerogatives of authority and superiority for himself alone, but for his posterity and successors also that should ensue him in his seat and charge over the church of Christ unto the worlds end, for this cause they have reverenced and respected so much the Bishops of Rome, as by all general Counsels, fathers, and Ecclesiastical stories doth appear: and only certain broken heretics both in old times and ours, as guilty people fearing their judges, have set themselves against them, but ever to there own perdition: among which rabble not withstanding if Sir francis hastings will needs be one still (having read what here hath been alleged) I can say no more, but leave him to God's judgements; & cum apparuerit princeps pastorum, 
1 Pet. 5.  when Christ the prince of pastors shall appear, to take account of the obedience or rebellion used to his under pastors, then will these reckonings be cleared, and every man shall receive according to his merits.  
And if all Christian nations have and aught to bear such reverence and respect to the sea of Rome, 
The Particular obligation of English towards the Bishop of Rome.  then much more our little Island of England (as this man calleth it) for that it hath received more singular benefits from thence then any one nation in the world beside, to wit, it hath been twice converted from paganism to Christian religion, by the especial diligence, labour, and industry of the same sea; once in the time of the Britan's, about a hundredth and ninety years after Christ: at what time Elutherius that holy Pope and Martyr converted king Lucius and his subjects by the preaching of Saint Damianus and his fellows, sent from Rome to that effect: and the second time, about five hundredth years after, when our predecessors the English Saxons were converted, by Saint Augustine and his fellow preachers, sent by Saint Gregory the great, than Bishop of Rome, to the same end. And if it be most certain, and cannot be denied, that these two benefits rightly considered are the greatest that under heaven our land could receive from any mortal men, and that the obligation of this double spiritual birth of ours is so much greater than the band we own to our carnal parents, by how much more weighty and important is our eternal salvation than our temporal life: let all men consider the barbarous ingratitude of this man, that barketh with such spite against the sea of Rome, the mother of our Christianity: and against her Bishops, the workers of so high a blessing unto us. And with this consideration I leave the modest & discreet readers, to judge of the matter as reason and religion shall induce them, and with this cease to pass any further in this matter.   

THE EIGHTH ENCOUNTER, TOUCHING SPANIARDS, ASwell the whole nation, as their present King.  
Having made the ward which you have seen, in the former encounter, both to Rome and her Bishops, against the peevish wranglinges, and spiteful calumniations, of this wach-worde-gever, there remaineth yet an other bickering about the Spanish king and nation, which I have reserved to this last place, as the subject wherein our cockish knight presumeth principally to crow and triumph without modesty, and to lavish out lies without number or measure, imagining that all is both lawful and grateful which he saith in that kind, and that no man will adventure to check him therein, in respect of the present wars and hostility that are betwixt our realm and them. But he is deceived, for that the wiser sort of our nation, have learned even by the laws of moral civility, that a man must speak moderately also of his enemy, and the more religious sort do know by the principles of Christianity, that not only of our temporal adversary (which may be afterward our friend) we must notly or feign reproaches, but neither of the Devil himself, though he be our spiritual & immortal enemy, and Gods also: so detestable are lying lips and calumnious tongues in the sight both of God and man, where either reason or religion beareth rule, as neither of them seemeth to do, with the enraged and distracted spirit of Sir francis hastings.  
Which point that we may better consider of, 
Raging against the Spanish nation.  I shall first begin with that which he uttereth in divers parts of his libel, against the whole nation of Spaniards in general, terming them by the names of proud, ambitions, bloody, tyrannical, ravening Spaniards, a nation cursed by God, for that the Pope that cursed man of sin hath blessed them, etc. And in one place he describeth them in these words: I must remember unto you, that it is recorded of the Spaniard, that in dissimulation he surpasseth all nations, till he have attained to his purpose, and when he can once prevail, he goeth beyond them all in oppression and tyranny: also that he disdaineth all other nations, and that in pride and carnal voluptuousness, no nation cometh near him, and these be his qualities.  
This our gentleman's censure, gathered out of records (as he saith) but I would gladly he had cited the author where he found this record, as he ought to have done for discharging his faith and honesty in so grievous an accusation as this is, and that toucheth so many, if he had regard or respect thereof. And hardly do I believe that he hath ever found, or shall find, any writer of credit be he of what nation soever) that will show himself so fond and passionate, as to set down by writing so prejudicial a censure, and so general a reproach as this is against any nation: 
Why Spaniards are maligned.  notwithstanding I know, that the Spaniards at this day, have many emulators and adversaries, partly for hatred of Catholic religion (which is their greatest glory) and partly by reason of their large dominions, which is not strange, for so had the Romans also before them, and the Grecians, & Assyrians before them again, when their Monarchies were potent, quia virtutis comes invidia, as the common proverb saith, envy followeth virtue and valour: and in this sense our English proverb is also most true, it is better to be envied then pitied. And when the Roman monarchy was fallen, and the french also, that was set up by Charles the great, our English nation had the greatest of any one of Christendom, for some ages together, when we possessed our ample old states and dominions in france, during which time, he that will see the invectives made against our English manners, 
Speeches of English, when they were potent.  and against our proud and tyrannical kind of proceeding (as then it was termed) let him but read over the records of the french chronicles, extant at this day: and yet no reason that these records should condemn or disgrace our whole nation now, nor then neither, when they were written, being set down by our adversaries and emulators, and by those that were either under us, or feared us, and consequently were nothing equally affected unto us, as many are not at this day against Spaniards.  
Moreover if some Spaniards should be found in deed to have some of those vices or defects which here by their calumniator Sir francis are named, (as among other nations no man can deny, but the like are also to be found) what reason or equity is there (to omit conscience and christianity, with which this man seemeth to have little to do) what reason is there (I say) that these defects should be attributed universally to the whole Spanish nation, wherein there are to be found thousands that have no part nor fault, as on the other side, if some Englishmen as they pass over other countries, by sea and land at this day should behave themselves scandalously, by gluttony and drunkenness, (as divers have been said to do) is it a lawful consequence to say or think, that all English are such at home, and that these are the qualities of the English nation, as Sir Francis saith here of the Spaniards? or to take a comparison from himself, if one English knight of a noble family, have been so madheaded, as to make a fantastical book, stuffed with ignorances, lies, and calumniations, is it reason that foreign nations should judge hereby, that all our knights and nobility of England are so fond and frantic, and have so little respect to their honours and credit as he? I trow no.  
Wherefore as concerning the Spanish nation in general, 
Of the spanish nation  no such prejudice or slanderous rule can be given, as this malignant spirit setteth down, for that they are in this point as other nations be, where all sorts of people may be found, some bad and many good: and if comparisons may be made without offence (for that comparisons are odious in such affairs between nations) no nation in Europe hath more cause to glory, and give God thanks for his gifts, abundantly powered upon them, both natural, moral, and divine, temporal and spiritual, for times past and present, than the Spanish, 
1. Mach. 8.  who have a country both rich, ample, fertile, and potent, and praised in scripture itself, a people able and apt in respect both of wit and body to attain to any thing they take in hand, as in old times appeared by the most excellent Emperors, 
Rare Spaniards.  trajan, Theodosius the great and some other of that nation that surpassed all the rest, as also by their famous learned men, in ancient times Seneca, Lucan, Martial, and others, when they were yet heathens; Osius, Damasus, Leander, Isidorus, Orotius and such like old renowned Christians, both for learning & sanctity: by their most famous martyrs in like manner, Saint Laurence, Saint Vincent, and many others: and in our age, he that will consider after their valiant delivering of themselves out of the hands and captivity of the mores, that invaded and oppressed their country what Christian Zealous Princes, Kings, Emperors, Captains, Knights, & famous soldiers they have yielded to the world, and do yield daily, and what store of singular learned writers do appear from thence from time to time, what countries they have conquered by the sword, and how many millions of souls they have gained to Christ by preaching his word in divers and most remote parts of the world: all these things (I say) put together do make ridiculous and contemptible this malignant description set down by Sir Francis, whose spetial hatred against them is founded in that which of all other commendations is their greatest, to wit, their constancy and zeal in defence of the catholic religion, for which probably God hath so greatly exalted them already, above other nations of Europe, & will do more daily, if they continue that fervour in defending his cause, notwithstanding any other human infirmity or defect in life that as to men (of what nation soever) may happen, which our merciful lord in regard & recompense of the other rare virtues of zeal justice constancy and fervour in his cause, will pardon (no doubt) and give grace of true amendment and rising again, while the prating heretic that scornfully sitteth down to score up other men's sins, shall walk for his own to his eternal habitation, prepared in hell, for that his one malicious and obstinate sin of heresy (if it may be called one) prepondereth with God's justice more grievously than all other infirmities and sins put together which catholic men do or may commit of human frailty.  
And thus much of this point, 
Particular obligations of Spaniards  may suffice, for if I should add to this the ancient love and amity of the Spanish nation towards us in times past, the large leagues that England hath held with them heretofore, the great wealth and gains we used to gather and reap by their traffic, the noble and bountiful Queens of that lineage married into England, which above all others taken from foreign countries have been most grateful and beneficial to our land and people; the exceeding charity of the present king and of his whole nation showed to our English catholics abroad, in this long time of bitter banishment, & persecution for their faith; these things (I say) if I should repeat or set out at large, would perhaps help nothing to the argument we have in hand but rather give offence (times standing as they do) and therefore I recount them not in particular, but leave them to be considered with piety & gratitude by such as are indifferent in these days, and to be recorded in the honourable monuments of our posterity.  
And so having answered thus much about the injury offered to the Spanish nation (by Sir Francis) in general, 
The defence of the King of Spain in particular  I will pass to the approbrious speeches used personally against their present famous and noble king (once also ours) with such indignity of uncivil and most reproachful terms as is not sufferable. And if any of the said kings subjects were to answer our knight in this demand, he would cast him his gauntlet, and give him the lie, and challenge him to the defence of so notorious calumniations, and thereby prove him either a lying or cowardly knight, or both.  
His ordinary terms of the most excellent & most Catholic king Philip are these, the ambitious king of Spain, the usurping tyrant, the proud popish champion, treacherous, cursed, cruel, and the like, all which vices the world knoweth (●nny herself being witness) that his Catholic Majesty is most free of, and is endued abundantly with the opposite virtues, whereof no nation hath had better proof than England, by the experience we had of his sweet nature & condition, both in princely behaviour & pious government, during the few years he lived amongst us & ruled over us, which time notwithstanding of his being in England this malicious sycophant will needs calumniate, & draw into suspicion of great mysteries of iniquity meant by him (as he saith) against England & English people by means of that joyful marriage & government which there he had.  
If you will give me leave (saith he) to call to your remembrance the manner and meaning of his coming into England, when he came not as an invader to conquer but as a friend to fasten a strong league of amity by a marriage, I doubt not but to discover the treacherous cruelty of his heart. This is Sir Francis promiss and you shall see after you have given him leave, how wisely he will perform the same, and how substantially, he will declare unto us the kings intention, or at least his own invention.  
But before I set down his discovery under his own hand, I shall declare a little the state of things whiles the Spaniards were in Queen Mary's days in England, and how the king did actually bear himself, by testimony of all those that knew him, conversed with him, or lived under him. And then shall Sir Francis tell his tale of that he imagineth or feigneth the king would have done in time, and before we both have ended, I believe that in steed of this discovery promised of the treacherous cruelty of the kings heart, we shall discover both treacherous cogging and shameless forgery in the heart and hand of this counterfeit knight. Thus than I begin the declaration.  
The conditions of that most famous and royal marriage between the two greatest monarchs of Christendom, 
The condition of the marriage with the Spanish King.  king Philip and Queen Marie, and the conventions agreed upon between both nations, and between the princes themselves, Queme Marie, the Emperor Charles, (then residing in Flanders) and king Philip, and each of their Counsels and Parliaments, are yet extant, and for the most part in print: whereby it may be seen that all those points that this silly fellow cometh in withal now after the market ended, about the succession of our realm, the privy Council, of what nation they should be, the condition of our nobility, the Parliament, the laws of the realm, the ports, castles and garrisons, the officers of the court and household, and other like circumstances were particularly treated, agreed upon and provided for before hand, by all parts. Neither was there ever any complaint that the king or his nation broke any one of them while they were among us, but added rather divers benefits and courtesies of their own accord above that which they had promised and were bound unto.  
As for the expenses, and for the furniture of the marriage (so much I mean as came from abroad) as also for the two Spanish and English navies that accompanied the king when he came into England were at his cost and charges until they arrived at Portesmouth, and the whole train from thence to winchester, where he met with the Queen, and the marriage was celebrated, at the charges of the same King of Spain.  
All the Spanish nobles and gentlemen that came with the king, came so furnished with all necessaries and brought such store of money with them, as within two or three months after their arrival, all England was full of Spanish coin. 
King Philip's usage to made the English.  The privy council of England was wholly and entirely as it was before, neither was any Spaniard ever put into it, the officers of the Queen's household were altogether English, the king for his own affairs, and his other kingdoms, had a particular Council, which interrupted not ours, the nobility of our land was exceedingly honoured by him, and many of them had particular great pensions also yearly from him, the captains and soldiers that he used of our nation as namely at the war of Saint Quintin's, he honoured highly, and made them equal in all points of service and honour with Spaniards, and paid them himself without further charges to England save only giving them their upper cassocks with the cross, according to the custom. The merchants commonly he made free to enjoy and use all privileges and preferments throughout all his kingdoms, countries and provinces: and in England he had such care to yield our nation contentment, as he gave express order that if any English man and a Spaniard fell out, the English should be favoured and the Spaniard punished, which he caused to be executed with such rigour as it cost divers Spaniards their lives, when the English were much more in fault: and I have heard it spoken by some of the Council at that time, that Queen Marie was so afflicted divers times with this partiality of the kings towards the English against his own nation; as it cost her many a bitter tear for very compassion & shame.  
And so much the more was she moved therewith for that she saw many English, partly upon this indulgence of the kings, 
The usage of English towards Span. in Q. Mariestyme  and partly for that being secretly heretics, they had aversion and hatred to the Spanish nation, to abuse themselves intolerably in offering most inhuman and barbarous injuries unto them: No Spaniard could walk by night (nor scars by day alone) but he should be either wounded, or thrust between two or three swashbucklers, that attended particularly to those exercises, and so put in danger of his life. Villainous words were ordinary salutations to them in the streets, as also often times in churches, but no remedy was to be had, nor would any man bear Witness lightly in behalf of the Spaniard against the English though the injury were never so manifest. If any thing were to be bought in the market, the Spaniard must pay double for it, and for that most Spaniards drunk water, they must buy it also dearly in many places, if they would drink it, and often could not have it for money, and divers wells were said to be poisoned of malice thereby to destroy the Spaniards. Many devices were used to draw Spaniards into private houses, and familiarity was offered them to that end, and if any entered to talk with the wife, daughter or servant (as they were thought propense in that kind) then rushed forth the husband father brother or master, that lay in wait with other catchpoles of the same conspiracy to apprehend them, and to threaten death or imprisonment except they redeemed themselves with good store of money. And I have heard from the mouth of a great noble man a Spaniard that was in England at that time and now is a Vyceroy under the king that some English would send their wives & daughters of purpose into the fields where Spaniards walked, to allure them to talk with them, and thereby to entrap them and get money from them.  
I omit to name more violent means of taking purses and plain robberies and other like arts to get the Spaniards money from them by force, which yet were many and some most barbarous and shameful to our nation, and the mention and memory thereof maketh us blush when in other countries we are told of them, as namely this that followeth which myself have heard recounted from a nobleman himself that is yet alive, to wit, 
The Count of frentsalida rob prettily in England.  the old Count de Fuensalida chief steward at this day of the kings household, who being in England with the king made a great supper one night to divers noble men of his nation, and to some others, and being at the table merry and fearing nothing (as in a peaceable and civil commonwealth, it seemed he had no cause) there came rushing in, some twenty or thirty maskared good fellows with their sword drawn, and commanded that no man should stir under pain of death, and so kept them all at the table, and their servants shut up into divers houses of offices where they were found, until the thieves had ransacked the whole house, and packed up the silver plate that was in store, and so departed.  
And these are the heroical acts and honourable histories which these noblemen and other strangers do recount of the civility and courtesy of our countrymen towards Spaniards in those days which being objected unto us in all foreign nations where we travail (the french also recounting as bad or worse done to them, to whom at that time we were open enemies) it cannot but make modest Englishmen ashamed, and their ears to burn in respect of the dishonour of our country, as also to consider what fine fruits, 
First fruits of new gospillers.  our new gospel then freshly planted, and yet in the bud began to bring forth: for that all this hatred and barbarous usage towards Spaniards and other Catholic foreigners, rose principally upon the difference of religion lately begun within our realm, and these lads as the first professed proselytes thereof upon heat and zeal committed these holy actions, as the first fruits of so heavenly a seed. But since that time we have had much larger experience thereof, and I presume that most men's minds in England are sufficiently cleared in this case, and if not, let them behold the behaviour of Sir Francis in this libel, who is an ancient branch of that plantation.  
And so having seen the state of matters how they stood at that time, and in particular what king Philip had promised to do, and what he was bound to do, and then what in deed he performed really while he was among us (which was more in deed then either he promised or had obligation to perform, as hath been showed) let us hear now what Sir Francis saith he would have done if he could, or if his abode had been longer in England. The tale shall go in his own words for better declaring his spirit. Thus than he writeth.  
This marriage was sought for and intended also in show only to strengthen the hand of the Queen of England, 
A discourse of Sir Francis, of King Philip secret meaning.  to bring in the Romish religion and government into this land, and to establish it with continuance, with purpose and meaning to add strength to all the corners of Christendom to continue Popery where it was, and to bring it in, where it was not, that so the Archeprelate of Rome might hold the sceptres and power of all princes and potentates of Christendom in his hand, to dispose a● his pleasure: but the plots and practices laid and pursued by the Spanish king, had made a woeful proof to England of a further mark shot at (which was discovered in a letter to some of our nobles, from a true hearted Englishman in Spain) had not God almighty in his rich mercy prevented their purposes, and defeated them in their determinations, as it shall appear hereafter, etc.  
This is the preface and entrance which Sir Francis maketh to the discovery he promiseth of great hidden mysteries, about plots and practices not only laid, but also pursued by king Philip while he was in England, which never came to light until this day, though at that time they were discovered (as he saith) in a letter to some of our nobles, from a true hearted Englishman in Spain. But for the credit of so new and weighty, and incredible a secret, it had been good he had named the parties and particularities thereof, as well who wrote as also who received that letter. For first the Englishman in Spain though he were true hearted to the faction of S. Francis side (to wit, to the Protestants) yet might he perhaps not be so true handed or true tongued at that time, or so truly informed of things, or of that authority, that this his letter or report may bear credit in so great a business against so great men, it being taken up perhaps at taverns or port towns and market places by some merchants servant or factor, or other like wandering compaignon, as well tippled with Spanish seck as with English heresy, who might writ these news from Spain of K. Philip as john Nicols the minister brought and printed from Rome, and Italy, in our days, of the Pope and Cardinals.  
And that this discovery (if any such were, and that the tale be not wholly forged by Sir Francis himself) could have no better ground than that I have said, 
The letter out of spain discredited.  to wit, the report of some vulgar people, or the conjecture of some particular discursive head, as is evident in itself, for that this being a most secret designment and drift of the king himself, and of his privy Council, who were all at that day remaining in England, and had this project within their own breasts only; how could it be discovered by an Englishman from Spaynerthink you.  
Again the nobles in England to whom he saith the letter was written, might be such, as probably it may be judged to have been written of purpose to feed their humours, or to comfort them in those days, or that themselves did procure it to be written and sent for their credit, or that themselves devised it in England, to make thereby the Spaniards more odious and their doings more suspected; 
L. Courtenay  and to draw by this means more English after themselves to impugn the present state and government: as when the lord Courtenay Earl of Devonshyre for missing the marriage of Queen Marie, began to practise, and to think of leaving the land upon discontentment, and when the Carews and other of that crew fled the realm for conspiracies, to the same effect, 
The Carewes.  such a letter was much to their purpose. But I shall not need to call in reasons and circumstances for showing the vanity of this letter, for that the manifest and shameless falsehoods which it relateth, will easily discover the forgery, as also the forge itself, from which it proceedeth: I will follow then the continuation of Sir Francis narration, in his own words.  
Now to proceed (saith he) to lay open the right mark that in deed this king shot at, 
A malicious forgery against King Phil.  though when he made way to join in marriage with Queen Marie, he made semblance of great conscience to Catholic religion, and great care to bring the whole land into the obedience thereof, and seemed to glory much when it was brought to pass, as his letter to his holy father at Rome written out of England doth make show, wherein he expresseth what a worthy work he had done, when he had drawn the nobles & commons of the land to submit themselves to his holiness as their chief (those are his words) yet little did the nobles and commons know what was intended towards them by this catholic child of Rome, for under this colourable name of catholic religion, was hidden the ambitious humour of a most proud usurping tyrant, whose resolution was upon mature deliberation and consultation with his machivilian counsellors to seek by all the possible kind means he could, to win the principal of our Nobles to affect him, and in their affection to possess him of the crown, and so to establish him in an absolute power over poor England, and to bring this to pass, he decreed to spare neither cost nor kindness, etc.  
Hitherto is the asseveration of Sir Francis concerning king Philip's intention to gain our crown, but never a syllable more of proof than you have heard before, to wit, his own word and bare assertion: which he taking to be sufficient, passeth over presently to explicate & exaggerate the dangerous effects that would have ensued upon us when the king should have gotten his pretence.  
But I must pull him by the sleeve & request him to stay, & prove a little better, that the king had this intention to get the kingdom as he saith, for if it were a mature deliberation and consulted also with his counsel in England (as this discoverer saith) than some act and monument belike is extant to testify the same, or at leastwise some witness, or other firm argument fit to prouè it, or if not, how could the true hearted Englishman know it in spain, and write it to the Nobles of England? Or with what face can our rash and falstongued English knight profess to know it now, and to write it so confidently? Shall so great, so grievous, so heinous a slander, against so mighty, so munificent, so bountiful a Monarch, pass out to the world, upon a bare assertion and malignant interpretation of one English hastie-hote-spurre, that showeth malice in every syllable, and turneth even the king's love and favours to our nation, & his expenses and benefits towards our people, unto a deceitful meaning? And upon that, without other act of hostility on his part appearing, shall he be called ambitious and proud usurping tyrant? Who seethe no● that this fellow in steed of discovering the king's malice bewrayeth his own, and in place of proving the king an usurping tyrant, doth show himself a shameless sycophant.  
But let us see what effects he saith, had like to have ensued, upon this devised designment of the king.  
If once (saith he) this king had obtained the crown, then as in the letter of discovery is laid open) the council table must be filled with his Councelors, 
Feigned effects of an imagined usurpation.  the haven towns must be possessed with governors of his appointing, fortifications must be made by his direction, soldiers of his own must be placed in garrison at places most fit to strength himself, then must the common laws of this land be altered, by which justice is truly taught to all sorts, his unholy and bloody inquisition would be not have failed also to bring in, with all other his Spaynish laws and ordinances, suitable to the same, their intolerable taxes we must have been pestered withal, a taste whereof I will here give you, etc.  
These are the seven deadly sins which Sir Francis enforceth out of his Spanish letter as certain to have ensued, if the king had gotten the crown, which yet whiles he had the crown did not ensue, as the world knoweth, for that they were provided for before hand by the council, nobility, and parliament of England, and by all likelihood would have been foreseen and provided for also by the same providence of the realm, if ever motion or cogitation had been among them to pass the crown to the king of spain, seeing Sir Francis confesseth that this matter was meant to be wrought not by force but by sweet means and benefits, and by allurement of the nobility by his Majesty. Most fond therefore or forged is this letter from the true hearted man in Spain, who suggested fears already prevented: but much more ridiculous is he in setting down certain monstrous bugs of taxes to be imposed upon the English nation, which yet by all probability were never though upon, nor past by man's imagination, though most childishly he avowcheth, that they are paid also in Spain. For thus he writeth.  
A taste whereof (of these intolerable taxes) I will give you (saith Sir Francis) as that for every chimney and other place to make, fire in, as ovens, furnaces, Smiths forges, and such others, a frinch crown was yearly paid to him. He had also polling pence for all manner of corn, bread, beef, mutton, capons, pigs, geese, hens, ducks, chicken, butter, cheese, eggs, apples, pears, nuts, beer, wine, and all other things whatsoever he feeds upon: yea no farmer, yeo-man, or husbandman durst eat a capon in his house if his friend came to him, for if he did it must cost him six shillings eight pence, though the capon was not worth twelve pence; and so toties quoties: and these be the benefits and blessings that this catholic king sought to bring in hither by his absolute authority sought for.  
If a man did not see these things written and printed with Sir Francis hastings name unto them, he would never imagine a man of his name, 
About taxes paid to the King of Spain.  house, and calling, would publish such childish toys and manifest untruths to the world. For who is there that hath travailed Spain (as many Englishmen have done in these our days) which knoweth it not to be an open shameless lie, that for every place to make fire in, as oven, furnace, and the like, a french crown is to be paid? In the kingdoms of Castil and Andaluzia there is no such payments at all, in Arragon and Catalonia, there is some like tribute instituted by old kings, before these states were united to the crown of Castille: but neither is it so much as this wise man setteth down, nor do they pay for every place of making fire, but one only fire is accounted to one household, though the people have twenty fierce within it.  
Touching his polling pence upon things that are sold, there is in the foresaid kingdoms of Castille an old rent of the crown, instituted by ancient kings called Alcaualla, 
The tribu● of Alcaualla.  containing a certain tribute upon things that are sold and bought, but this tribute is not paid in all Spain, and namely not in Biscay, Navarre, Portugal, Arragon, Catalonia, nor in the kingdom of Valencia: and much less in foreign kingdoms and states under the Spaniards, as Naples, Sicilia, Sardinia or M●llan. Nor in Castillia itself is it exacted with the rigour that this fellow forgeth, but every town and city agreeth in great for this tribute by the year, nor doth it descend to such minute things as he recounteth up, and much less to beer whereof there is little use in Spain, & the simple fellow would needs feign his account after the English manner, but among other toys the lie of six shillings eight pence forfeiture for eating a capon toties quoties, is so notorious, as it may win the whetstone: and the very phrase itself discovereth the forgery, for that the Spaniards have no coin answering to our noble or six shillings eight pence, consequently it is not probable that they would appoint such a penalty as they can hardly in whole money make up, the account. But let us see somewhat more of this kind of cozenage.  
My author (saith he) doth further unfold this kings treacherous purpose towards this land, 
A shameless tale.  by discovering upon his own knowledge and hearing, his intention to be, by little and little to root out the nobility, and to keep the commons in beggary, and not to suffer one to live here, that was borne in twenty years before, but either to destroy them, or to make them slaves among the Moors, the colour whereof was because they were borne out of the Catholic church of Rome. And to make up the measure of all impiety, and the faster to set his crown upon his head from removing (if he had gotten it) he laid his plot to destroy our dear Sovereign lady Queen Elizabeth, having decreed with himself, that neither she nor any of that cursed nation (so he termed it and yet the Pope's holiness had absolved it) should govern England any more. But blessed be God who hath blessed us with the life and reign of our blessed Queen, who I trust shall live to give him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation (justly so to be called, because the Pope that cursed man of sin hath blessed them (shall ever see the day to rule in England.  
And thus you see that under the colour of this marriage salvation of souls seemed to be sought for, but in deed destruction both of our bodies and souls was pursued, etc. for without regard of sex, age, or degree, all were destined to slavery and bondage at the least, howsoever they escaped with life.  
This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis, for what can be more sottish then to say that your wise author before named, discovereth upon his own knowledge and hearing, that the kings intention was to root out the nobility, 
The improbability of the calumniation.  to oppress the commonalty, to slay or send to Barbary for slaves all that were born within twenty years before? If your author knew this of his own knowledge, how say you also by hearing? and if he heard it of others, how could he know it of his own knowledge? But whatsoever you say, how could he in Spain discover so great a secret that lay in the kings breast in England? Besides this, how incredible are the things in themselves that he recounteth? namely that dream or old wives tale of making all slaves within twenty years old? of which number and within which age he had taken divers already into his service in England and used singular courtesy unto them and one of his Grandes in Spain, (to wit, the Count after Duke of Feria) had married an English lady, 
Duchess of Feria.  that as I guess was within the compass of that age, or not much above it at that day, and should all these have been sent think you to Barbary together? Impudency than it is in this fond knight to allege such improbable and palpable lies out of an author without name, and much more lack of shame is it to avouch them himself for truths, and to add other fables that are yet more monstrous, as of the kings destining to slavery & bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twenty years, but of all other English also (as this man saith) without regard of sex, age, or degree, and that he used to call our nation cursed, even then when the Pope's holiness had absolved it, who will give ear or credit to such absurd inventions?  
And further, 
King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction.  to fill up (saith he) the full measure of his impiety, he had laid his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen, whereas all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to have been at that day her chiefest stay and defence, as before I have showed at large in the third encounter, as also that very little plotting of the kings behalf would have served at that time to have wrought his will, if he had wished her destruction, for the manifold reasons that there I have alleged, he finding her in disgrace and in prison at Woodstock when he came into England, and hardly pressed about wyatt's insurrection, from the peril whereof and other like assaults he especially deluiered her, and procured her return to the court again: and consequently I said there, and here I repeat it again, that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this uncivil knight to pay the careful protection of her person, which his Majesty yielded to her grace in those days of her distress, with these intolerable slanders, and outrageous false criminations now, and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authority to pass to the print, especially containing divers other personal, reproachful, contemptuous, and villainous calumniations against so great and potent a prince, as the king catholic of Spain is.  
And namely that where this good fellow having told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captain refusing the poisoning of his enemy Pyrrhus) that was offered to him for money, by his physician, he sent the said physician bound to Pyrrhus himself, and then he addeth this illation.  
But the king of Spain dealt not so with the Queen our mistress when her poisonable portugal physician Lopus would have poisoned her, for from such hopes he taketh heart, etc.  
By which words he would have men to imagine that his catholic Majesty had either hired Lopus to do that fact (if any such matter was indeed intended) or at least that he was privy & consenting to it, 
About lopus the Physician  for how otherwise could he have warned the Q. of the danger intended? and yet it is manifest that no such matter was ever or could probably be known to the king of Spain. Neither did ever Lopus give any such signification or suspicion, at his death, or before, of the king of Spain's privity: nor was he a man to have correspondence in spain, being known to be a jew in religion & fled from those parts, and was enemy to the king in all respects as well touching religion as the afaires of Portugal, and only England is the receptacle of such people at this day: nor had his catholic Majesty any Ambassador or other agent or correspondence in England, to plot such treaties: nor ever was it heard, that he would hearken to such base ways of revenge upon his enemies. And therefore all this put together doth make it more than Turkish impiety to put in print such infamous stuff against the Majesty of so high a prince by name, without any proof at all, as though there were no God, no conscience, no judgement, to make account unto: nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authority, which yet our dreaming knight himself a little before will needs prove out of S● Peter and S. Paul, to be due to such princes as he liketh to assign it, 
In the 6. Encounter.  even in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soul, and consequently also to an other tribunal, so unconstant and mutable are these good fellows, not only in their sayings and doctrines, but also in their actions, as led wholly by passion and interest, and referring all to times, persons, and occasions, serving their turns and commodities.  
And thus much have I thought convenient to be answered to the malicious calumniations of this slanderous wach-word-giver, against the noble and renowned nation of spaniards, and their most Catholic, pious, wise, and potent king, whose excellent virtues are greater than by my pen can be expressed, and his love and favours to our nation such and so many (especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholics) as no gratitude of ours can equal, nor make due recompense, in the state we stand in, and therefore must leave it to our posterity.  
And albeit for the present there be wars and hostility between our nation and our prince and theirs, 
The conclusion.  and that especially in respect of religion, yet our trust is, & our prayers are continually to our everlasting God of peace that he will once finish well that controversy, to all our comforts and benefits.  
And in the mean space I do presume so much of the good natures and civility of most protestants in England, that they allow not of such bitter and barbarous proceeding, as Sir Francis hastings hath used to his own discredit, and dishonour of our nation in these malignant calumniations against so modest a prince. In which respect also, I have been somewhat the bolder to give him his check, with more freedom and fervour. I pray God it may do him the good I wish, or at least keep others from being deceived by him.   

THE REMISSION OF THE WHOLE ANSWER TO THE JUDGEMENT and arbitrement of the Lords of her majesties most honourable Council, with the answerers opinion and petition for the ending of these dissensions and controversies.  
ANd now (right honourable) having brought to an end so much as I thought expedient to be answered at this time to Sir Francis hastings injurious libel, none occurred more fit unto me to have the first sight, and view and judgement of the whole, than your Lordships: who though in the controversy itself between him and his and us and ours, I cannot expect to have you equal judges nor indifferent arbiters (you professing the religion you do) yet in the manner of prosecution thereof, I presume so much of the good parts that God hath endued your Lordships withal, as I dare remit the arbitrement to yourselves, to whom if this railing wachword had been first presented before it was punished (as in right it ought to have been, you being by office the wachmen of that commonwealth, and not Sir Francis who intrudeth himself) I think verily that either it had been wholly stopped and repressed, or at least wise so moderated, as it should not have given the offence that it hath and will do, for unto grave men such troublesome sticklers as these are ever commonly (and aught to be) ungrateful and suspected, and unto wise Councelours and honourable persons such railing and slanderous tongues, are contemptible & odious, and to all good natures and civil conditioned men (be they of what estate or profession soever) such base detractions and contumelious fictions (as here you have heard) are insufferable, and rather severely to be punished, than any way to be permitted.  
But yet so much the more in this case of ours, where the injury is not offered only to your own home-born subjects (whom yet in all rightful quarrel your place requireth that you protect and defend) but also to great and potent anointed princes, with whom you have had, and may have again most honourable friendship hereafter, and negotiation in important and weighty afaires, & whose honours you ought not to permit injuriously to be violated, by the passion and rage of any particular man, which cannot after make recompense, with any human ability that he hath (though his life also should go therein) for the hurt ensuring thereof.  
divers authors do note that the chief flame of that furious hatred which grew to be implacable afterwards betwixt Marius and Sylla, 
Effects of evil tongues.  Pompey and Caesar in the Roman commonwealth was enkindled first by certain opprobrious speeches uttered by some followers of those Princes, which yet the parties injured, interpreted to come from their patrons that bore them out, and thereof followed such wars, murders, and other lamentable tragedies, as all the world can well remember. And our English chronicles do also make mention that some reproachful words cast out by King Harold against Duke William of Normandy and his daughter (whom he had promised to take to wife) stirred him chiefly to make that fatal army, by which he conquered England, and brought all the English nation in to his subjection. As also an other scoff uttered by king Philip of France against the same William now king, touching his fat belly, cost France full dear, and many thousand men their lives of both sides: so impatient are princes commonly of contumelies, and do easier remit and forget any other kind of injury then reproachful speeches.  
Wherefore my first petition to your Lordship's wisdom and moderation should be, to restrain such turbulent spirits as those are, which more of a mad and malicious kind of wantonness, then of wit, do lose their tongues with over much liberty against the honours of mighty Catholic princes abroad: and thereby do put in adventure to trouble the waters of commonwealths more deeply, then either themselves or others can easily calm again afterwards.  
My next desire and humble supplication should be in the same matter, 
A supplication to the Council for moderation.  but of far more moment, that your Lordships by this occasion, and by some fit concurrence of times and business which at this present, may seem to offer themselves, would vouchsafe to enter more seriously into the consideration of matters depending between your Lordships and the Catholic part of her majesties subjects, who for many years have had a hard conceit and heavy hand born over them, and are brought to terms of extreme affliction: and that your Lordships as fathers of your commonwealth, would resolve at length to be mediators unto her Majesty (contemning the dangerous and seditious egging of unquiet spirits to further extremity) for some more gentle, mild, & merciful course to be taken with them. Unto which resolution me thinketh, that many circumstances might justly move your Lordship's wisdoms, which though by the same wisdom you will better consider of then I, yet for that it may be I desire it more than you, and consequently have more thought thereon (albeit more for your good also and the public, then for any particular interest of mine own) I shall with your good leave represent some before you in this place.  
And first of all, the time itself doth seem to invite greatly to some such cogitation, 
Reasons for moderation  when great princes and monarchies round about us, that had greater differences and difficulties than these are, have not only treated but concluded also a most honourable peace and friendship: and the great most Christian King of France, showing himself worthy of that name, hath remedied the very root of all calamities springing to his noble realm before, by returning to the union of the Apostolic sea of Rome, which sea (as commonly it falleth out) hath been the principal means of this so great and general a good to all those nations that are included within that peace and league, which are many and great as by the articles thereof doth appear. And no less courteously and honourably is her Majesty invited also to the same, and all that desire the true good both of her person, state, and crown, do wish and hope that it may take effect. And truly never could this weighty affair be treated (as it seemeth) with more honour or facility then at this present instant, times and matters standing as they do: and so fit a means and mediator, as is the mighty king of France occurring for the purpose, potent and grateful with all the extremes. For with England and her Majesty, he cannot but be so, in respect of matters and friendships past: with Spain he is also to be presumed now, by means and virtue of this new peace and great league concluded, with his holiness of Rome, all christendom knoweth him to be, as well in respect of his being a catholic, as also for many particular and extraordinary tokens of love, which his holiness hath showed towards his person.  
The persons also and qualities of the parties with whom this atonement is or were to be treated, 
Qualities of the princes to be dealt withal.  are such as do greatly facilitate the enterprise, and confirm the hope, that all men have of good success.  
For if for many ages God have placed in the seat of Saint Peter, 
Pope Clement viii.  a meek, mild, sweet, and holy man, this Pope Clement the eight is one, known to be a man without gall, enmity wrath or revenge, of singular piety & zeal in God's cause, and most tender hearted towards them that are out of the way, especially in heresy, of whom he suffereth divers with his own particular licence to come to Rome, and to his own presence, and useth them with all manner of courtesy and fatherly tenderness, dismissing them again with much kindness, and divers benefits, as by experience we have seen.  
As for the king Catholic of Spain, who knoweth him not to be Solomon pacificus, 
K. Philip.  that peaceable and wise Solomon of this our age? who not only hath been peaceable in himself during the time of his so long a government, offering molestation and war to none (except provoked in his own defence) but also hath kept divers other states round about him in peace likewise, as by those of Italy hath been manifestly seen upon divers occasions: and as for his facility to make peace, where any reasonable conditions are offered, it hath been sufficiently seen in this, lastly made with France, with restoring of so many important towns and states which he possessed of that crown and for his constancy in keeping peace once made, all former times of his reign have given testimony, and so will this (I doubt not) and the future time also in preserving inviolably this peace now knit up with the king most christian, and his allies and dependents.  
So as with neither of these princes is there any cause of doubt either of great difficulty, or of fraud or of breach, if this treaty might be concluded: and much less of the dutiful behaviour of English Catholics both at home and abroad, if it please her Majesty and your Lordships to come to some moderation and peaceable manner of proceeding with them. 
The Catholics of England their chief desire  In which point their first and highest desire should be, that almighty God would inspire her Majesty and your Lordships to think upon the honourable, godly, and prudent course which the most Christian king of France hath taken of late; to wit, by re●●iting himself and his kingdom again with the sea Apostolic of Rome, mother of all true union among Christians, for that by this act only all difficulties and jealousies, both domestical and foreign depending of religion were ended & taken away. But if for our sins this cannot be, or not so soon as is desired, than their humble petition will be that at least they may have the same liberty and favour in England for their consciences, as Protestants have in France and in other states of the Empire at this day under catholic kings and Emperors; which petition seemeth so reasonable, so easy, and so profitable to the realm itself, and so honourable to her Majesty, and to your Lordships (who are desired to be mediators therein) as they verily trust, that by this good occasion you will not deny to lend them your helping hands, for so public and precious a benefit in all respects.  
And though I do not doubt but that divers of S. Francis Hastings hot humour will step up against this proposition, 
The fury of puritanical spirits.  and cry rather fire and sword and blood against Catholics, than any toleration or relaxation; yet other men's hope is, that your Lordships and others of the wiser and graver sort of the realm will consider and suggest to her Majesty what reason and humanity requireth, and not what the furious passion of those men demandeth; who cease not to exclaim with the merciless jews, Crucifige, Crucifige, and further also would be content for satisfying their malice, so they might obtain like sentence of injustice against Catholics, as the jews did against our savour (especially if they found a fit Pilate to grant it) to cry with them, Sanguis eorum super nos, & super Filios nostros, let their blood fall upon us and our children; and so it fell in most heavy measure upon them, and the like will do upon these when time of payment cometh appointed by almighty God, if they change not their affection.  
But your Lordships I presume be of a far different mind and condition; and that you will rather leave peace, love, and good will of all men to your children and posterity, than the inheritance of these enmities, exasperations, and deadly feudes, for that blood enough (and over much if Gods will were) hath there been spent already in our realm, within these twenty years last passed about this controversy of religion: and by this long experience your wisdoms have seen what hath been the event, and what is like to be, if like proceeding be continued still.  
Saint Cyprians sentence hath been manifestly verified, 
Cyprian ●p. 93.  sanguis martyrum Ecclesiae semen, 
The effects of dying for religion in England.  by the blood of martyrs the church increaseth. Above a hundredth and thirty English priests of the only seminaries beyond the seas (as most men account) have lost their lives in this quarrel within the foresaid time; all men of peace, patiented, and humble, learned, virtuous and meek; young in age for the most part, but old in godliness, & in sapientia sanctorum, in the wisdom of Saints for the life to come: a great part of them very worshipfully borne, and tenderly brought up by their parents, and might have lived many years in great delights and pleasures of this world, if the love of eternity had not made this vale of vanity contemptible unto them. And albeit their death was reprehensible in the sight of some vulgar or passionate people, that consider nothing but the present spectacle and popular voice, that they died for treasons; yet to themselves who remembered the false accusations made against their master for troobling the people, 
Math. 21.  and for dehorting the payment of tribute unto Caesar, and other such calumniations; and that his innocency could not deliver him, but that at last he was preferred to die in the middle of two thieves upon a cross; to them (I say) that remembered and did meditate these things, to them this circumstance of treason in their araygnments was sweet and comfortable, their consciences clearing them before their said master, from all such act, meaning or intention of treasons, as falsely was laid against them; and so much the more willingly they went to the ladder: and their example with the same reasons and meditations have put the same desire in four times as many, of their own coat, as they were: & in thousands of others within the land, which would never have thought of this perfection of dying for religion, if God had not taught it then by this persecution & example of others.  
A●d Sir Francis himself complaineth also (as before you have heard) that within these three years upon his knowledge many have fallen away and do fall away daily, from his religion to ours, by example the one of the other, for that (as he saith) Of the elder ox the younger steer doth learn.  
So as by this may be gathered what will be the success of this pursuit on the catholic side, if the rigour be continued. But on the other hand, what it may come unto, God only foreseeth, whose cause if the catholics do defend, and if his spirit be with them (as to most men it is evident) then must they win in the end, and his wrath will appear at length against the other part that injustly afflicteth them, howsoever it be delayed and borne of for a tyme. Nor is the argument good that some do use to make, we have endured thus long and prospered, etc. For the holy ghost himself answereth, Ne dixeris: p●ccaui, & quid mihi accidit triste? 
Eccles. ●.  altissimus enim est patiens redditor. Say not: I have done amiss, and no hurt hath happened unto me, for that God is a patiented paymayster, and in the end payeth for all. The wise Solon told rich Croesus in his prosperity that the measure of his felicity could not be taken but at the end of his life, 
justin. lib. 3.  which in deed fell out to be most miserable: and in England king Henry the sixth concluded a long reign of forty years with a troublesome and pitiful perturbation of the same. And yet was there no such violent vexation of subjects in those days as now is, and hath been for many years, wherein truly if we set aside all respect of religion and of Gods intermeddling in the case, and consider only reason itself, and the opinion of wise worldly men and Philosophers, no man is ignorant but that they agree all, that: nullum violentum est durabile. And again, that: malus di●turnitatis custos, 
Cicero off. lib. 2.  est metus. And Christ our Saviour much more fully: 
Luc. 11.  Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur. All which grounds and principles, cannot, but lay before your Lordship's wisdoms the importance of some mitigation and mollification of matters for preventing further inconveniences, 
The dangers after her majesty's death.  if not for the present, yet at least for the time to come, especially if God in his justice and anger should take from us her majesty, all men may foresee in what terms we shallbe quickly; when to the differences of religion shallbe added the other also about the succession, entangled perhaps principally by these respects of religion. And then when exasperated minds shall come to have more commodity of working their wills, and wreaking their wraths, great extremities may be feared, except the way be made before hand by some temperature of mitigation: for that English natures are vehement (as all men know) in whatsoever they take in hand, but especially in these kind of differences, as former times have made lamentable experience, and the future I fear will declare the same much more, if prevention be not made; seeing that never in times past concurred so many circumstances of sharp contention both from at home and abroad, as now are like to be: no foreign prince being near about us but willbe desirous to have an oar in the guiding of this bark if once it be afloat, either for their own pretences or for their friend, or against their opposite: besides the different reasons of state that may move divers parties at that day, as France, Flanders, & Demmark, that our future king be not overstrong, Spain, France, & Flanders, that he concur with them in religion: England generally that he subject us not to an other crown; England in part that he be home-born; and England in three parts to the favour or disfavour of three distinct religions, Protestant, Puritan, and Catholic, every part for his own.  
And as these things are manifest in themselves, so is it also no less evident, that the only or principal mean to prevent these dangers, were to mitigate somewhat these acerbities now, to the end that men of different religions dealing more friendly together, might in time either come to be all of one opinion, or at leastwise to agree in some good temperature for this public affair of the commonwealth, which is impossible to do while matters of religion are pursued with such hostility, as for many years they have been.  
To which consideration there cometh also an other of no less moment in mine opinion, which is, that her Majesty having reigned now a goodly number of years (being near the one and forty of her sceptre) as she followeth fast on the rate of Octavianus Augustus years of Empire, 
The example of Aug. and other kings.  so would she imitate his sweetness and felicity also in disposing his later years (even from the number of forty that her Majesty is now at) to the exhilerating of all her people generally as he did, and thereby came to be so dear, & so entirely beloved of all, as the public tears of all did testify at his death, all crying and wishing, that either he had never been borne, or never died, never been their Emperor, or never left to be, referring the former part of their wish unto the beginning of his government, which had been prejudicial to their common wealth, and the second to his latter end, which was most grateful to all.  
And this particular point of Augustus his proceeding, 
Kings of England.  divers noble, kings also of her majesties progenitors have endeavoured to imitate by special dissignement, & namely the two famous Henry's the fourth and seventh, and Edward also the fourth, who albeit they entered by dint of sword, and had many sharp bicker for divers years, with their opposite factions, yet all three of them so disposed themselves to clemency towards their later days, as they were most dear even to them that had been their enemies, and oposit at their first entrance to the crown.  
Which circumstance notwithstanding of difficulty, doth not occur to her Majesty in the matter proposed for favour of the Catholics, for that she neither entered the crown by force of arms, nor had she the catholics of her realm against her therein, 
In the 6. encounter.  but rather they were the people that principally & with most hearty affection assisted her Majesty to the quiet and peaceable possession of the same, as in another place more at large hath been declared. And ever since they have lived with that dutiful obedience to her Majesty in all temporal matters, which to any of her catholic ancestors hath ●uer been exhibited by their dearest people.  
Wherefore seeing there is no difficulty nor demerit on the behalf of the catholics why this benefit should not be granted to them, who were in possession of it at the entrance of her Majesty to the crown, and had express promises to have it continued still: and on the other side, there be many and most weighty reasons to move her Majesty to have compassion of them, and to aleviate their grievous pressures and vexations after so many years of sufferance, your Lordships have the most honourable, just, and pious cause in the world, wherein to be mediators to her Majesty for so principal a part of your commonwealth, as your catholics be.  
And for so much as this cause hath not only these three parts specified of piety, justice, and honour, to move your Lordships withal (which yet I presume would to such men be sufficient) but also includeth so many other like persuasive motives, as either prudence or christian reason of state can comprehend (as namely security, continuance, strength, union, peace, defence, utility, comfort, ease, ornament, alacrity, facility, and the like) great hope is conceived that your Lordships will not refuse to embrace the same.  
And surely (my lords) the same reasons and many more might justly move her Majesty and your Lordships also to take in hand the perfection of that greatest work, 
The example of King Henry the eight, and the King of France.  so earnestly thought upon by her majesties noble father King Henry the eight in his later days, as before you have heard, by the public protestation and other of Bishop Gardener, his nearest and dearest Councelor in those days. And you have in the same matter the present example and precedent of the great king and kingdom of France, 
In the 3. encounter.  which most wisely and happily hath followed the same resolution, and hath found infinite ease, honour, and benefit thereby, both before God and man: and it is and willbe of great consequence in Christianity, and ought no doubt to move her Majesty and your Lordships much. Yet for that the hearts of Princes are in the hands of God to be moved, when to his divine wisdom, mercy, and justice shallbe thought best, and for that the sins of our country are great & manifold, which have brought forth so grievous afflictions upon ourselves by ourselves: if the multitude of these our demerits be such as do hinder so great & universal a blessing as would be for us to see her Majesty and the realm reunited again to that spiritual fountain of the sea● Apostolic by which all perfect unions must ensue, yet in a secondary degree of comfort is desired, that at least the persecution for religion may cease against Catholics, and they be suffered to live in the religion wherein her majesties noble ancestors, and your Lordship's forefathers lived and died most christianly, and honourably, from the first conversion of our land from paganism to christan religion even unto these our days. 
An important consideration.  The memory of which your progenitors now dead, and of their souls yet living and what sense and feeling they have of these things, and what they would say to you and do in this behalf, if they were here again to see men afflicted and pursued for that faith and religion which they so much esteemed and sought to advance, and by which we cannot but piously presume and hope, that they be now saved and made partakers of Christ's everlasting glory, with whom we can never have part nor fellowship again, if we follow not their steps in the same religion, this cogitation (I say aught greatly to move your Lordships to do somewhat in this so weighty and important suit of the afflicted catholics.  
And further I appeal to your Lordship's wise consideration what a comfort it might be to her Majesty, now in her elder age, and later part of her government, and to your Lordships also to see once all sorts of people merry, contented, loving, and confident within the realm, 
A joyful state.  all to laugh and sing together, all to pray to God most heartily for her majesties health, wealth, and prosperous long continuance; all to be united in defence of the realm; all made friends and familiar together, as in Germany and other places men be, notwithstanding the differences of religion, which more easily perhaps would be taken away and union brought in; when freely and confidently men might confer, and each man show his reason without fear, and hear another man's argument without suspicion of fraud or violence to be used.  
This was the first proposition that Protestants made unto the world at their first appearance, which they accompanied with many scriptures & reasons both divine and human that faith ought not to be forced. 
The first proposition of Protestants in the world.  They have obtained in sundry countries their petition, and therefore cannot in reason and honour be against the same petition now made by Catholics to her Majesty and to your lordships in England: and that with so much more equity and justice, by how much longer Catholics have been in possession of their Religion, than Protestants of theirs, especially within England.  
Your Lordships have had many years experience now of the present manner of proceeding by affliction of Catholics, where one part of the land hath wept, while the other hath laughed; the one sort sighed, while the other singed, the one triumphed, while many others have mourned, complained, and exclaimed: let some proof be made of the other way also, whereby contentment is given to all, let it be tried once in her majesties days how matters will go when all enmity and hostility is taken out of the bowels of our commonwealth, when the catholic man and woman in England may deal with their neighbour in love and confidence; when our noble and worshipful gentlemen abroad may return home, & show their loyal duties to their Sovereign without offence or peril, or force offered to their conscience for matters of religion; when our English merchants may traffic freely throughout the world without peril of piracy or confiscations, when our home gentlemen may travel with like liberty where it seemeth them best for increase of their experience to serve their country, when our English students may visit foreign universities without restraint, and strangers come to ours and speak, confer, dispute, and reason with modesty without danger of entrapping.  
Let this (my good Lords) be proved for a time, and let your honours as principal members of this afflicted body of our divided realm, be suitors unto her Majesty, as to the head, for this sweet and wholesome medicine by peace and composition within itself.  
Whereby there is no doubt but much honour & m●●it will grow unto your Lordships, much comfort, ease, & security, to her Majesty, much joy & utility unto all her subjects, much edification unto our neighbours about us, much care and solicitude be taken away from all sorts of English, much trouble and charges of wars excused, much strength added to the commonwealth, many perils diverted, both for the present, and the time to come, many benefits and benedictions ensue every way, if I be not deceived: which yet I leave to the high and most holy inscrutable providence of almighty God, to determine at his pleasure, and to your Lordship's wisdoms to consider with due maturity.  
And so most humbly I take my leave. This first of September 1598.