THE Jesuits Catechism.  
OR EXAMINATION OF their doctrine.  
Published in French this present year 1602. and now translated into English.  
With a Table at the end, of all the main points that are disputed and handled therein.  
❧ Printed Anno Domini. 1602.   

TO ALL ENGLISH Catholics, that are faithful subjects to Queen ELIZABETH, our most dread Sovereign: The Secular Priests that are diversly afflicted, do wish all prosperity, justice, peace, joy, and happiness in our Lord jesus Christ.  
IT cannot be unknown unto you all (very reverend and dear Catholics) what great and bitter contention (raised up from hell no doubt through the malignity of sathan) hath lately fallen out amongst us, who are your spiritual guides, and aught to have been unto you examples of humility, charity, unity, piety, and a whole school of religious virtues. And we are fully persuaded, that the consideration of it, doth very greatly move & perplex your catholic hearts with manifold griefs: especially, seeing we are on both sides so confident in our own so contrary courses.  
The jesuits say unto us: Woe be to that man, by whom the scandal cometh: We the secular Priests, say unto them; Woe be unto him by whom the scandal cometh. Now whether they apply the words of our Saviour Christ more rightly to us, or we to them, therein lieth the doubt, and that is the difficulty: We both do plead for ourselves: and you with the Church; must judge betwixt us both as umpiers of our cause. The woe is of a large extent, & will be too heavy to be undergone by any. Expedit ei, (as the text saith) it is expedient, or far better it were (say some) for such a man, that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he drowned in the bottom of the Sea. In such a contrary application of this so terrible a woe, you (our ancient children and faithful Catholics) shall show yourselves right worthy of these honourable titles, and greatly benefit both us the Secular priests, and the others the esteemed religious jesuits, to the preventing in part of this heavy censure; if you continue steadfast in the doctrine which you have received of us, conjoined in one a like unity of faith, hope and charity; and shall take no offence at these our quarrels & unbrotherly garboils. For as S. Hierom saith; Qui scandalizatur parvulus est: He that is scandalised is but a weakling. Maiores enim scandala non accipiunt: sound and resolute Catholics do not take scandal at anything.  
There was long since an earnest disputation amongst the Apostles, who among them should be greater: 
Math. 18.  & Christ himself was chosen by them as umpire and judge paramount to determine the controversy. Who accordingly hearing the matter, propounded unto him in these words: Quis putas maior est etc.: who thinkest thou is greater? decided their jar, with some sharpness in this sort as the text reporteth. jesus calling unto him a little child, set him in the midst of them and said: Amen I say unto you, unless you be converted and become as children, (that is saith Lyra in the gloss upon that place) unless you be covert ab elatione scil: superbiae et ambitione maioritatis, from pride and ambitious affectation of greatness, and become humble and simple without malice or gall of sin, you shall never enter into the kingdom of God. And furthermore, foreseeing in his divine prescience, how such contention for superiority might prove very dangerous in the Church, and wound the tender consciences of many weak novices in the catholic faith: this most wise Arbitrator (in whom be all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge bid) doth continue his commination to the better suppressing of that so dangerous an enormity: saying, He that shall scandalise one of these little ones, that believe in me, it is expedient for him that a Millstone be hanged about his neck, and that he be drowned in the depth of the sea. Upon which words the said Lyra writeth in this manner, Et si hoc generaliter dicit contra omnes: tamen hic specialiter contra Apostolos, qui hic de dignitate videntur contendere, et in hoc poterant alios perdere: Although Christ speaketh these words generally to all: yet he speaketh them here specially against his Apostles, who do seem to contend here for dignity: and therein might have overthrown many a soul no doubt, and harmless heart.  
Of these things we have thought good to put you that be Catholics in mind; that thereby you may consider how the chiefest servants and children of God have been subject to this ambitious humour of affecting sovereignty, and seeking for superiority, dominion, and precedency. john the Patriarch of Constantinople, (though otherwise a worthy Prelate in the church of God) did contend for the supremacy with Saint Gregory, that peerless pastor, prince, prelate, and pope of Rome. And here at home it is not unknown to those that have read or heard our English histories, what stir and hart-burning there hath been in former times, betwixt the Archbishops of Canterbury and York about such matters, being in other respects all of them very notable men. But never was there such an attempt in our opinions for superiority amongst Catholics, (for we will not at this time meddle with any heretics) since the first preaching of the Gospel of Christ, as now lately is set on foot unhappily by the jesuits mischievous practices. Their order is declared by Pius Quintus to be the fifth order, Mendicantium predicatorum, Of the begging Preachers or Friars. Ignatius their founder, pretended to have them called Fratres minimi, The lowest, lest, or meanest sort of Friars: and termed this company, 
Io. Osorus obitu Ignatij.  Societatem minimam, The meanest or least Society: not in regard that they were few in number at the first: but as a great jesuit saith, To signify thereby, that his Society should yield honour to all other sorts of religious persons as to their elder brethren, ac plane patribus, & as indeed to their Fathers. But tell us we pray you; have these Minims & begging Friars taken this course? We wish with all our hearts they had taken it.  
That the Apostles before they were fully instructed by the holy Ghost, should have contended amongst themselves, who should be the greatest, being every one of them in so high favour with their Master Christ, as they were: it might have admitted some tolerable excuse, had not our saviours Woe been mentioned in the Scriptures, and denounced plainly against them, as a dreadful doom by a sharp censure of a sorrowful clause. There wanted not some probable pretences; why patriarchs and Archbishops might grow into variable oppositions for the prerogatives of their places, themselves being personages by calling of some equality. But that the meanest, lest, and lowest order of begging Friars should contend, not among themselves who should be the greatest: but with their elder brethren, ancients and fathers, the most Reverenced, Respected, and Religious persons of every profession: and not that only, but over and besides all this, to strive to bring under their girdles the Secular Clergy, the chief state of Priestly pre-eminency is a wonder as we think, the like whereof was never heard before amongst Catholics, Ecclesiastical, Religious or Temporal, since Christ's time till of late days, that the jesuits are grown to such a stubborn and unbridled head, as we fear will breed great mischief in the Church of God, before they be well reform and brought into order again.  
In the other contentions before mentioned, there was no fault as we takeit, either in Saint Peter for defending his supremacy, or in Saint Gregory the great, for maintaining the dignity of the Sea apostolic: or yet in the Archbishops of Canterbury, for standing upon their right and interest, granted before unto them by sundry of Saint Peter's successors, for the chief primacy in and over the Church and ecclesiastical State in England; but in those that sought to impugn them, was all the offence that was committed. And that is our case just: who being Secular Priests now in England and elsewhere, do stand at this present in a strong opposition against the jesuits. We labour not for any extraordinary superiority over them, not emulate in evil sense any of their virtues or good endeavours (if any happily be in them:) nor intrude ourselves into their harvest, nor pry into their actions more than we are compelled, nor insinuate ourselves into their favours, nor desire to have any dealing at all with them. Only we would be glad to keep our own places in the Church of Christ, (which we and all our predecessors Secular Priests have ever held, since the first propagation of the Gospel of Christ and Christian Catholic faith and religion, by the holy Apostles after our saviours ascension:) and that now these begging Friars by faction and false pretences might not tyrannize over us.  
It is strange to consider how mightily they are possessed, with pride and ambition, and how far they have thereby prevailed. Being men of learning, they scorn to be subject to the orders of any University: being preachers, they will be exempted from the controlment of all or any Bishops: being Friars, you kill them, if you tell them of any cloisters, or wish them to live retired like right religious men indeed, or to keep the general statutes and rules of all other religious orders. Being natural borne subjects in many countries where they remain, no civil Magistrate, Prince, or Potentate, must control them, nor once seem to call them to the least account for any of their proceed. And that which is most, being men that profess such zeal, charity, & inward mortification, such humility and godliness: Nay, being men forsooth of perfection (Est enim hoc institutum virorum plane perfectorum: this our institution, 
john Osorius.  as the said jesuit saith: is of such men as are indeed perfect:) they refuse notwithstanding to accompany the rest of the Clergy both Secular Regular, and religious, and the whole Church of God in one of her most solemn and public services done to his divine Majesty, which we call our great and solemn processions: because that by the custom of the Church, they being the youngest and meanest, or minims of all Mendicants or begging Friars, were to have come last behind all the rest in that most honourable service.  
But to come to ourselves, & to their affectation of superiority over us, and that in these dismal days, & in the midst of our other domestical calamities. The Roman College, for the bringing up of students to become Priests for England, was no sooner erected, but by sleights and false calumniations, they got the superiority and government of it. Upon their coming into England, how they laboured to creep into men's consciences: to insinuate themselves into Nobles and great persons estates, and to discredit us, many Catholics do know: We ourselves from time to time did easily find the smart and inconueniene of it: and many of us to our friends have oft bewailed and complayed with sighs and tears of such their unchristian dealing with us. Our brethren than prisoners at Wisbish, who for their virtue, constancy and most Christian Catholic conversation, & manner of charitable proceeding in all their actions, had worthily merited the name, not only of the visible, but also of the most afflicted Catholic Church in England: continued in that honour and reputation with all men, even from the beginning of their duresse until some seven or eight years agone, that Friar Weston a jesuit would needs be their superior. Friar Garnet the provincial of the jesuits in England, was in reasonable tune with some of our brethren (very ancient, reverend, and learned Priests) until they seemed to dislike this attempt of friar weston's: and then he broke with them in such bitterness as he discovered himself very manifestly: saying, That he saw no cause why the Secular Priests might not content themselves well enough to be subject to the Fathers of the Society of jesus, and added some lose reasons of that his assertion. When both he and his subject Friar Weston perceived, that their plot was dashed at Wisbish, and how odious a thing it grew to be, that men who profess religion should aspire to such an unheard of superiority; they wrought with their grand Captain Friar Parsons, that what they could not work one way, they might in effect compass it by an other. And thence ensued the authority of our R. Archpriest, procured by most indirect, unlawful and dishonest means. Which authority is so limited to the directions of the jesuits, and as it were confined to their platforms, as whilst he is only ruled by them, and they by Friar Pasons: it had been peradventure better for us in regard of our quietness & commodity, that they themselves had been appointed our Commanders, Governors & good Masters: for so having attained directly to that which they aimed at, it is likely they would have been content. Whereas now because they want but only the bare name of our Arch-Prelats; their minds are so inflamed against us, as when we took exception at the manner of our Archpriests advancement over us, and held that course therein, which hath ever hitherto been approved in the Church of God: who but the jesuits that are wholly exmpted from our Archpriest authority, and aught to have been strangers in our affairs (had it not been underhand, their own cause) did then, and ever since oppose themselves with might and main against us in that action?  
A principal jesuit in Spain telleth us divers strange tales of this his Society, 
john Osorius, in obitu Ignatii.  which to our understanding seem to smell of worse matter, than we are willing to reveal at this present. He saith that: Ignace their founder, is the Angel of whom Saint john spoke, when he said: Quintus Angelus tuba cecinit, The fift Angel sounded his trumpet. Furthermore, alluding to another Text, he saith: That Ignatius is the weary and weak Egyptian, whom David took up to fight the battles of our Lord: and addeth, that therefore, as the soldiers cried: Haec est praeda David: this is the pray of David: Ita nunc societas universa, quae a munds tyrannide liberata est, non praeda Ignatij; sed Davidis dicitur, non societas Ignatij, sed societas jesu nuncupatur: so now the whole Society being delivered from the tyranny of the world, is not called the prey of Ignatius but of David: not the Society of Ignatius, but of jesus. And the reason followeth: Quia eos in socios Christus admiserat, because Christ had admitted them to be his fellows. Afterwards also: Nemo ergo dicat: ego sum Pauli: ego sum Apollo: sed ego sum Christ's: Let no man say, I hold of Paul: I of Apollo, but I hold of Christ. And let us call ourselves, the fellows, not of Ignatius but of Christ. Also the same great Father affirmeth: that the jesuits in Portugal, have already obtained the name of Apostles, and that this Society, hath so worthy laboured in Christ his vineyard:  Catholici omnes Iesuitae dicantur, eo quod Iesuitae eorum omnium duces ac Magistri sint: As that in these Northern parts of the world, all Catholics are called jesuits, because the jesuits are the leaders of them all, and their Masters. In like sort he is of opinion: that the fathers of this Society, are the Angels Clouds, and Doves, whereof the Prophet Esay writeth, saying▪ Qui sunt isti qui ut nubes volant; & quasi columbae ad fenestras suas? What Angels, are these that fly like Clouds, and as Doves to their windows? And again he saith: They are called Angeli, Angels, that is, Messengers: Eo quod maximarum rerum legatione fungantur: because they are Ambassadors of the greatest things or affairs amongst mortal men: Nubes, Clouds, for their swift obedience: and Columbae, Doves, quia fellis acerbitate caret haec pacifica societas jesu, quo nihil admirabilius: for that this peaceable Society of jesus, hath no gall: as much to say, as it wanteth all bitterness of gall, spleen, rancour, malice and revenge: which is as great a wonder as may be. But you will say: quorsum haec: what of all this: are you silly men the persons that either will or dare take upon you to confute these things thus published in print by a Spaniard: nay, by so worthy a jesuit: and preached for an intro●●ction to make Ignatius a Saint, or at the least to paint him out for a man fit to be a Saint? Surely whatsoever we can or dare do (if these follies do not confute themselves sufficiently) we will not at this time express, as not intending to deal with many of them. But how true it is, that the name of Christians is abolished in these Northern Regions, and that we are all now termed jesuits: and whether all other orders of Religion that retain the names of their founders, are not here very shrewdly taxed, and brought to be within the Apostles prohibition: we leave it to your further consideration. Only for the present we say thus much: that let the jesuits be trumpets, David's prey, jesus companions, Angels and Clouds, or what else this fellow of theirs the Spanish jesuit would have them, we much regard not: so as again for our sakes he will be pleased to strike out the word Doves. For notwithstanding all the Texts, we do not find them men of such dove-like minds, and special mortification as they do make show of, but have their passions and distempered humours aswell as some others have. Mark we beseech you, 
Ma. Lister.  how one of these Doves (if you will needs have them so termed) doth write against us in a little treatise not past two sheets of paper: because we only forbore our obedience to our R. Archpriests very strange authority (as we then thought) till we might be further informed of his Holiness pleasure. He calleth us Schismatics, and men (by one of his inferences) to be cast into hell: factious persons, dejected with the grief of our own ruin: and saith that we have lost our places amongst Priests: that we are banished from the holy altar and ministery of the Sacraments: that our judgements are to be contemned, and that we are condemned of the holy apostolic Church He termeth us triflers, younglings in Divinity, fools not to be regarded what we say: men that gather not with Christ: neuter, that do belong to the divided kingdom, which shall be destroyed, and rebels against the kingdom of Christ. He affirmeth further, that we are become Ethnics and profane laical persons: that we ought to be shunned and avoided, as the jews did shun in times past the publicans, notorious & known sinners; and that we are infamous persons, nothing better than south sayers, wizards, & Idolaters. And whereas amongst other things we alleged, that his Holiness, in erecting our Arch-Presbitership was misinformed: O mendacium: O notable lie (saith this mild Dove) and therewithal comes upon us again. Quid? What (saith he) Numquid factiosis istis licebit in re gravissima tam impune, tamque impudenter mentiri? Shall it be lawful for these factious persons, in a matter of most importance to lie so impudently and go unpunished?  
There are also divers other Pigeons of this flight, that out of question either have galls, or some other very bitter matter in them, that is equivalent to any gall whatsoever: friar Holthy in his long and tedious letter to a very virtuous Catholic Lady written against us: Friar Garnet in sundry of his letters both to some of us, and also to others: Also Friar Parsons in his late Apology: but especially in his (as we take it) last book entitled: A manifestation of the great folly, and bad spirit of certain Secular Priests, etc. Some little taste we will give you here of these good Father's mortified humour and very meek spirit, out of the said last book. You have heard the title of it: whereunto that the whole discourse might be suitable, he insinuateth directly in this preface, That we are in a sort possessed with many wicked spirits. And to seem to have some authority for it: he apply these words of our Saviour Christ unto us, where he saith thus. The unclean spirit went forth, & brought with him seven other spirits more wicked than himself, and all entering, dwelled there: and the ending of those men was worse than the beginning. Of six of these devils the chief substance of all his book doth consist; and therefore he nameth them directly before he cometh to his discourse, and setteth them down in express words. for the contents of his treatise. Wherein his whole drift is, to slander more honest men than himself, and to mislead and seduce you: as though whatsoever the Secular Priests have written, in such books, as they have been enforced this year past to publish, for their own just defence against the jesuits calumniations, and bad dealings with them, did proceed only from their folly: accompanied always with one of these six lying spirits. For example, and to use his own words: From their manifest folly & bad spirit: from their folly & passionate spirirt: from their folly and presumptuous spirit: from their folly and unshamefast spirit: from their folly and malignant spirit, and from their folly and deceived spirit. With this folly and these six wicked spirits, he raiseth up tempests against us by Sea and land, and playeth the Exorcist: in such sort throughout his whole discourse: as if he had been Friar Weston (another Pigeon of the same Dovecoate) at Denham, when the time was (whereof we fear a strange relation) and so dealeth with our said brethren, as though either he himself or they (good men) were devils indeed. And shall we say that this man hath no gall in him, but in mildness of his speech and simplicity of his heart is like a Dove? He that shall with any judgement read his said treatise, will rather think he was brought up in a Crowes-nest. Some men are much deceived, if both he and many of his crew: might not for their stinging and poisoned writings, be better resembled to Hornets and Dragons, then to so mild a fowl as a Dove is reported to be, by all that writ of her.  
But certain persons will say unto us: you see not that part of the wallet that hangs at your own backs. It is true, that we are not ignorant how greatly some of our said brethren are blamed, and Master Watson chiefly by many of you (how just soever their cause be) for the bitterness of their stile; and we wish with all our hearts, that they had tempered their pens better, not in respect of the jesuits, but of your weakness. God forgive us all our sins. In multis enim offendimus omnes: For in many things we offend all. Si quis in verbo non offendit hic perfectus est vir: If any offend nor in his speeches, he is a perfect man. But yet some further defence may be made of our brethren's said bitterness: men's general imperfections always considered, wherewith we often stain even our best actions.  
It must be confessed by all men that are of any understanding, that sharpness either of speech or style, is not always to be disliked. The old Prophets, Christ himself, his Apostles, many holy Saints and Fathers; have used this kind of bitterness and sharp writing when they saw cause. To which purpose much might be alleged, as also to show that oftentimes, wounds are better than kisses, fretting tents, corrosives, and incisions, more needful than gentle, mild, lenitive, and over hasty skinning plasters. So as hereof there being no question amongst us, or any other of discretion: the doubt than is, whether the jesuits or we have the better cause: and consequently, whether of us may better pretend the testimony of God's Spirit, a good conscience, true zeal, perfect charity, and the practice of Christ, of his Apostles, and of many ancient fathers, for the sharpness of our writings.  
Master Parsons speaketh (in his said manifestation) of his own long and accustomed practice and experience: where he saith: That an evil argument may sometimes by cunning and smooth handling, or by showing wit & learning, of zeal or modesty, be made plausible to the vulgar Reader. And indeed therein he hath an especial gift above all men that we know. For no man's writings are generally more spiteful and galling then his. But it is mixed with such stoods of Crocodiles tears, when he guirdeth most, as that, he then always pretendeth such devotion and charity, as though every hard word he useth, went to his very heart: and that he would not deal so roughly with any of his brethren for his life, were it not, that (for their good and amendment) he were driven thereunto of mere necessity. And with these fair pretences, the simpler sort are greatly blinded. But by his leave, it is also as certain, that if a true cause be clearly and at the full delivered, although it be done with no such hypocritical skill, but with some choler and heat of humour (as zeal sometime is termed:) he is but likewise a very vulgar Reader, and of a shallow reach, that will therefore be led to discredit the truth upon so light a ground. Men of sound judgement will always look to the issue of the matter in question, and not to the manner of pleading. More therefore of the cause itself, whereupon this doubt before mentioned doth arise. We hope we may truly say it, as in the sight of God, and without all pharisaical ostentation, that we are not ambitious: that we seek no exemptions from our lawful superior: that we honour discipline and embrace it: that we crave to have Bishops to oversee, punish, & control us when we do amiss: and that we labour chief in these disastrous quarrels, to withstand so great an innovation & general disgrace to all the Secular Clergy in Christendom, as never yet happened, if we should yield to be at the check and direction either of Friar Garnet, friar Parsons, or any, or all the jesuits in the world. And we are the rather so earnest against both them and their plottings to this purpose: because we likewise know their further practices and most wicked designments, against both our Prince and country, & how they engaged themselves with the Spaniards, her majesties professed enemies. So as might the jesuits once bear rule over all both Priests & people (as let the state look to it in time, for they have further prevailed here in already then we are glad of:) it would not be long before this kingdom were brought into a general combustion. Is our cause then so just, and theirs so impious, and should we be silent? Do they say unto us with Tobias the Ammonite: That do what you can, a Fox shall be able to overthrow all your opposition: 
z. Esdras. 4.  The Infanta of Spain shall be your Queen, and that sooner than you look for: and shall we not say as it is there in the Text? Auds Deus noster quia facti sumus despectui: convert opprobrium super caput eorum, & da eos in despectionem in terra captivitatis. Hear us O our God, hear us: and because they do despise us and our endeavours, to maintain both the Church and our country against their machinations, give them over that they may be a despised and contemptible generation throughout all the world if in time they repent not.  
Can any true hearted English Catholic, seeing how the case now standeth betwixt us and these men, be justly offended with this our zeal? Hath God made us anointed priests here amongst you, and shall we see a sword drawn out against this Land, and not sound out our trumpet to sumon you to battle? One telleth you very plainly in his Latin Appendix (and we suppose it is our R. Archpriest himself) that Cardinal Allen and Father Parsons, as Moses and joshua, iam diu proculdubio occupassent promissionis terram: had long since out of doubt possessed this Realm of England: nisi quorundam inobedientia atque ingratissimum obstitisset murmur: had not the disobedience of some, and their most displeasing murmuring hindered it. It is the manner of our English jesuits, and of such as are jesuited, never to mention Friar Parson's treacheries, but they join that good Cardinal with him, to mitigate the odiousness of his proceed. But how could they have gotten this land of Promise into their fingers? Mean they by their attempt 1588.? or had they before this time laid violent hands upon her Majesty? or what had they else done, if some such impediment as they speak of had not happened? Blessed was that disobedience, and happy was that murmuring, that delivered this kingdom from such uncatholick and most traitorous designments. Rather content yourselves dear Catholics to go & dwell in Babylon: then ever seek to obtain the Land of Canaan by such cruel, barbarous, and Turkish stratagems. Are not such jesuits or persons whatsoever jesuited, worthy to be detested, that dare publish their dislike of such disobedience and murmur, as hath prevented such a Chaos of all mischiefs, as the conquering of our little land of promise would have brought with it? Or if we have been too sharp in our encountering of the Giants (as they falsely term us) are we not to be excused?  
And as we would have you to judge of us and the rest of our brethren, that whatsoever they have written, it proceeded of their love and zeal both to our Church and Country: so our hearty desire is, that you would think and judge the like of those right zealous Catholics of other Countries, that have written against the jesuits in the like respect, much more sharply than any of our brethren hitherto have done. For how highly soever the jesuits are yet in our books, because you know them not throughlie: yet are they already become an odious generation in many places. In the kingdom of Swecia, their very names are detested. The Clergy of Spain is in great dislike of them. The religious men generally in all countries do hate them. At this instant, there is a great & most dangerous contention in particular, betwixt them and the Dominicans, about a special point of grace. At their first attempt to come into France, it was foreseen by the grave Sorbonists of Paris, what mischief they would work if they were admitted there. Afterwards, they crept into that country like Foxes by little and little, and so in process of time behaved themselves, as not long since they have been banished thence, as men of most pernicious, wicked, and dangerous conversation. You have heard in a word or two, out of Osorius the Spaniard, what the jesuits think of themselves: it would make a large volume to recount the praises which they have elsewhere heaped upon their founder, their society, & their fellows; according as the saying is: Claw me and I will claw thee. You also understand as well by the premises, as by our brothers several treatises, what estimation we have of them, and some have been offended with them for their plainness therein. But now we humbly entreat you to observe, how roundly they have been taken up in France for halting, by men of no small credit in that State; for their years very ancient, for their experience very wise, and for their soundness in the Catholic Roman religion, never impeached by any but jesuits, who condemn all men either for neuter or schismatics, or heretics, or at the least for cold and lukewarm Catholics, that disclose their impieties.  
Master Anthony Arnold, counsellor in parliament, and heretofore counsellor and Attorney general to the late deceased Queen mother, a man throughlie acquainted with the proceed of the jesuits in France, writeth as followeth, both of them, 
By this the jesuits are discovered to be not only the forerunners but also the chief captains of Antichrist; out of whose society or sect, it is very probable homo peccati, that man of sin shall rise, ere all be ended betwixt the secular priests & them the said sectary jesuits, though for the present they remain catholic.  and somewhat of their Founder. Ignatius (saith he) through the help of the devil, hatched this cursed conspiracy of the jesuits: who have been the causes of such ruin as France hath received. They are a wicked race, borne to the ruin & desolation of mankind. In their fourth vow to their General, they go thus far, that in him they must acknowledge Christ present, as it were, If jesus Christ should command to go and kill, they must do so. The General of the jesuits is always a Spaniard, and chosen by the King of Spain. Loyola their first General was a Spaniard, Laynes the second a Spaniard also. The third, Euerardus, was a Fleming, a subject of the King of Spain. Borgia, the fourth, was a Spaniard. Aquaviua the fift, now living, is a Neopolitan, subject to the King of Spain. If their Spanish General command them to murder, or cause the King of France to be murdered, they must of necessity do it. They shoot at no other matter, but to establish the tyranny of Spain in all places. All the jesuits in the world, are bound to pray for the King of Spain, and that once a day, as his affairs do require. They have stirring fellows to be placed in all quarters, to execute whatsoever may tend to the good and advancement of Spain. They had no other mark during the wars in France: but to make the King of Spain Monarch over all Christendom. The common proverb of these hypocrites is: one God, one Pope: and one king of Spain, the great King catholic and universal. All their thoughts, all their purposes, all their Sermons, all their confessions, have no other white they aim at, but to bring all Europe under the subjection of Spanish government. The Ambassador of France, when he was in Spain and Italy, never found matter of weight wherein they had not an oar. There was never Letter intercepted during the wars, wherein there was any pernicious point, but a jesuits singer was in it. In their confessions and without witnesses, they paint not the faces, but the hearts of their scholars, with the tincture of Rebellion against their princes and natural Sovereigns.  
Matthew a jesuit, was the principal instrument of the League 1585. And from that year 1585. they would give no absolution to the Gentry of France, unless they would vow & promise to band themselves against their Sovereign (Henry the third) being a most catholic King. Barnard and Comolet, (the year before the said League) called the King Holofornes, Moab, and Nero: maintaining that the kingdom of France was elective, and that it belonged to the people to establish kings: & alleging this text of the old Testament: Thou shalt choose thy brother for King. Thy brother (say they) that is to say, not of the same lineage, or of the self same Nation, but of the same Religion, as is this great catholic king, this great King of Spain. The said Comolet was so impudent and bold, as to say very blasphemously, that under these words: Deliver me O Lord out of the mire, that I may not stick in it: David understood prophetically, the rooting out of the house of Bourbon. The same jesuit also, Comolet, preaching at the Bastile before the Gentlemen that were then prisoners in the beginning of the year 1589, said unto them, after a thousand impudent blasphemies: that he that had been their King, was not their King, plotting from thence the murder which they executed afterwards. What voice is sufficient to express the secret counsels, the most horrible conspiracies, more dangerous than the conspiracies of Catiline, which were holden in the jesuits College in S. james street? Where did the Agents and Ambassadors of Spain, Mendoza, Daguillon, Diego, Dinarra, Taxis, Feria, and others, hold their secret meetings and assemblies, but among the jesuits? Where did Lowchard. Amelive, Cruse, Crome, & such like notorious manquellers and murtherets, build their conspiracies but amongst the jesuits? Who made that bloody answer to the catholic Apology, but the jesuits? Where did the two Cardinals which termed themselves Legates in France assemble their counsels but only amongst the jesuits? Where was it that Mendoza (the Ambassador of Spain) upon All-hollow day, in the year 1589. (at what time the King entered the Fauxburges) held his counsel, of Sixteen, but in the College of the jesuits? Who was Precedent of the counsel (afterwards) of those Sixteen murderers, but Comolet, Bernard, and Father Ode Pickenar the vilest Tiger in all Paris? Commelet preaching in S. Bartholomew's church after the murder of the King, exalted and placed among the Angels this Tiger, this devil incarnate, james Clement, the murderer. Who employed all their studies to speak against the person and right of his Majesty that now reigneth, as false and slanderous matters, as possibly their wicked heads could devise, but the jesuits? Commol●s the jesuit (when he preached at Saint Bartholmes, as is aforesaid) took for his theme the third chapter of the book of judges, where it is reported, that Ehud slew the king of Moab, and escaped away: and after that he had discoursed at large upon the death of their late king (and commended james Clement) he fell into a great exclamation: saying, we have need of an Ehud, we have need of an Ehud: were he a Friar, were he a soldier, were he a lackey, were he a shepherd, it made no great matter. Needs we must have an Ehud: One blow would settle us fully in the state of our affairs, as we most desire.  
Alas, their purpose and burning zeal is, to murder the King living. Was it not in the College of jesuits at Lions, and also in the College of jesuits in Paris, that the resolution was last taken to murder the King in August 1593.? Are not the depositions of Barriere (executed at Melun) notorious to all the world? Was it not Varade, Principal of the jesuits, that exhorted and encouraged this murderer; assuring him that he could not do a more merritorious work in the world, then to murder the King though he were a Catholic: and that for this deed he should go strait to Paradise? And to confirm him the more in this mischievous resolution, did he not cause him to be confessed by an other jesuit? Did not these impious, godless, and execrable murderers, give this Baerriere the blessed sacrament, employing the most holy, most precious, and most sacred mystery of our Christian religion, towards the murdering of the chiefest King in Christendom.  
As long as the jesuits remain in France, the king of Spain's murderers, may be exhorted, confessed, housled and encouraged. Their minds are bloody, & altogether imbrued with the blood of the late murdered king. They filled the pulpits with fire, with blood, with blasphemies: making the people believe that God was a murderer of kings, & attributing to heaven, the stroke of a knife forged in hell. The highest point of their honour, standeth in executing of murders, terming them Martyrs which have spent their lives therein. They are mischievous counsellors, traitors, wicked inchauntors, firebrands of mischief, hypocrites, monsters, watchful in mischief, diligent in wickedness, wretched caitiffs, manquellers, serpents, pernicious, and dangerous vermin, and have no fellows in all sorts of wickedness.  
And hitherto Master Arnold dispersedly. Unto whom we may add a short, but a notable description of the jesuits ordinary sermons (as we take it) out of Petrus Gregorius Tholossanus, 
Pet. Greg de Repub. lib. 13. cap. 14.  (a great Lawyer and a sound Catholic:) which doth so expressly and pithily set them out unto us, nay to all posterity, and that in so few words, their dispositions, pride and fury, as he that shall diligently read them, and throughlie digest them, may ever carry with him (if his memory be not very dull) the right Idea of a perfect jesuit. But before he cometh to this description, he first setteth down the judgements of God against all such kind of persons, out of king Solomon and the prophet Ezechiell. Abominatio est Domini, omnis arrogantia. All that are arrogant (without exception) are abominable unto our Lord. 
Prou. 16.  Contritionem praecedit superbia etc. Pride goeth before contrition or destruction: and a high mind before utter ruin. Vae pastoribus Israel: 
Ezech. 34.  woe be to the Shepherd's of Israel, etc. That which was weak ye have not strengthened: that which was sick, ye have not healed: that which was broken, ye have not bound up: & That which was abjected, ye have not brought again: and that which was lost ye have not sought: sed cum austeritate imperabatis eis et cum potentia: but ye did rule over them with austerity and force or potency. Secondly, having made this way plain to his purpose, than he showeth further what manner of men the Clergy, by the testimonies of S. Peter & S. Paul should be: and how far from such haughtiness of mind, such pride and cruelty: and with what diligence, mildness, & gentleness, they ought to proceed in the actions and proceed which do belong to their calling. Feed (saith S. Peter) the flock of Christ which is amongst you: overseeing them not by constraint, but willingly according to God: neither for filthy lucre sake, but voluntarily. And S. Paul: The servant of God must not wrangle, but be mild towards all men, apt to teach, patiented, with modesty, admonishing them that resist the truth, lest sometimes God give them repentance to know the truth. etc. Against which Apostolical rules, he declareth that the jesuits (of whom we think he speaketh) be great practitioners, rather sorting themselves in the rank of those that Solomon and the prophet Ezechiell before spoke of, then of the true Pastors of God's people.  
These are his words: In quo hody maxim peccant novi quidam Theologastri, et zelo se traduci mentiuntur: qui in cathedris non verba modesty au: verba dei, sed fulgura, tonitrua vomunt: dicteria, s●ōmata, gladios, ignes, furores, Megaras, cruenta, neces debacchantur: ut potius maledicos, furiosos, dementes coniuratores, seditiosos, invidos pacis christianae, milites, praedones, latrones, quam evangelicae veritatis predicatores, et enarratores dixeris: similes pastoribus ijs, qui austeritate imperare volunt, qui putant oves potius necandas, quam adgregem cum lenitate revocandas: cum tamen dictum sit de eodem evangelio, (cuius se enarratores esse mentiuntur eadem superbia) quod ea sit lex gratiae, et cummisericordia Christique beneficio et bonitate publicata. Sed nihil est impudentius arrogantiae rusticorum qui garrulitatem Authoritatem putant, et parati ad lites tumidi in subiectos intonant. Hoc habet proprium doctrina arrogantium: ut humiliter nesciant infer, quod docent: et recta quae sapiunt, recte ministare non possint etc. Atque statutum, seditionarios nunquam ordinandos clericos, et ordinatoi deijciend●s. Wherein (that is to say, both against the prophets and Apostles doctrine) certain new smattering Divines now adays, do very greatly offend, who falsely pretend that they are led by zeal, who in their pulpits & Lectures cast out, not words of modesty, or of the word of God, but lightnings and thunderings: who as outrageous men in railing, utter nothing but taunts, scoffs, swords, fires, rages, furies of hell, matters of blood and murtherings. So as a man may rather term them cursed speakers, furious persons, mad men, traitors, seditious declamers, enemies of Christian peace, soldiers, robbers, the eves, than preachers and expounders of the evangelical truth, being like those pastors that will command with severity, that rather think it meet to have their sheep killed, then to have them with mildness recalled to the flock. Whereas notwithstanding it is said of the gospel (whereof lyinglie they call themselves expositors with the same pride) that it is a law of grace and published with the mercy, bounty, & goodness of Christ. But there is nothing more impudent than the arrogancy of base companions, who account their prating a kind of authority, and being ready to quarrel, they tyrannize over such as are subject unto them. The doctrine of arrogant persons hath this property, that they cannot deliver with humility those things which they teach; nor minister rightly their honest conceits. Now there is a statute, that stirrers up of sedition should not be made Clergy men: and that such as are made already, should be degraded. And thus Peter Gregorius. Whereby you may see, that we are not the only men that have whetted their pens against the jesuits: nor yet that we have written half so bitterly as others have against them. It is to be wished, that you would take these things to heart, & apply them to the jesuits proceed underhand in England, but more apparently in Ireland. There is an old lesson which children learn among their rules in School, and is fit for all persons, times and seasons: Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cantum: happy are they whom other men's harms do make to beware. Master Arnold, and Pet: Gregorius, have said sufficient to make all the states in Europe that are not hispanized, to take heed of these fellows and of their designments. And yet such is their plotting, and Foxlike wiliness, as by swearing and forswearing, by fawning and flattering, & by a thousand other sleights, they so inveigle men and women that be of any good or honourable disposition: that an other very singular wise man of high authority, and a sound Catholic, hath thought it very necessary, to add much to that which Master Arnold, and Pet: Greg. have written: that thereby all men, especially of state and action, may be inexcusable, if either they themselves, or the state wherein they serve, do ever hereafter take harm by the jesuits.  
The treatise which he hath written to this purpose, is entitled, THE JESVITS CATECHISM; so termed as we think, to distinguish their new devices, instructions, & plottings, from the sincerity of the ancient and approved form of Christ's Catechism, which the Church of Rome hitherto hath taught. In this discourse, the jesuits and their proceed are more throughlie sifted, and that ab incunabilis, from their very cradle. By reason whereof, all these things falling out at the beginning so badly, and sorting still from worse to worse; the Author of this Treatise is driven oftentimes in the heat of his zeal, to lay aside his skill in Rhetoric (which is very excellent:) and for the discharge of his conscience to God, and the duty he oweth to his country, as also for a caveat unto all other countries, to deal very plainly: calling men and matters by their own names, without any circumlocution or ambigu●ie. He that hath eats to hear, let him hear. This gentleman is far from the said Spanish jesuits conceit, either of Ignatius himself, or of his Order.  
As touching Ignatius, he saith, that although for his learning he was but an Ass: 
Fol. 42.  yet otherwise, he was one of the cunningest worldlings that this our latter age hath brought forth: & in deed a very Imposture. And whereas great account is made of his illuminations, 
Fol. 39  visions, inspirations, ecstasies, (wherein the blessed Virgin and Christ himself talked with him,) divine instructions, (opening to him the mysteries of the blessed Trinity, and of the holy Scriptures:) all these contemplations (saith he) Were mere mummeries or illusions of the devil, 
Fol. 29.  who desired to present us with such a man, as might by his ignorance trouble the whole state of the Church. The said Osorius the jesuit, having in the largest size commended Ignatius his founder: ascribeth it as a special point of appertaining to his further praise, that he left behind him scholars of his own mould, who like wax, frame themselves to bear his express image. To which purpose there is a very fit Text sought out in these words: Mortuus est pater eius, 
Eccles. 30.  & quaesi non est mortuus, similem enim reliquit sibi post se. His father it dead, and yet he is as if he were not dead, because he hath left bebind him one like to himself. According to which Text, the said Gentleman in his sense showeth very apparently the great resemblance betwixt Ignatius and his offspring, and writeth of them, their whole order, their qualities, and proceed, as here in part it ensueth.  
They are of the Society of jesus, as judas was amongst the Apostles: so many jesuits, so many judases, 
Fol. 23.  ready to betray their Princes or their country's whensover occasion serves to do it. What will you give us, will be the burden of their song to those Princes that have most money, and we will deliver our Liege-Lord into your hands, or trouble his State, that it may be yielded to you? jesuitisme breeds many complaints among the people: many jars, 
Fol. 13.  dissensions, contentions, rebellions, and sundry schisms. 
Fol. 10.  There was never any sect more dangerous to Christian Religion then this of the jesuits. The devil under the habit of the jesuits, doth go about to cirumvent all the world. The Sect of the jesuits is, 
Fol. 48.  a bastard religion, and a very hochpoch of all religious orders, 
Fol. 55.  without any thing pure in it, or any point of the ancient Church. The divine service of their Church, is divided from ours, 
Fol. 13.  their privileges make a division between the Bishops and them, the Monasteries and them: the Universities and them: the divines of Paris and them. Their propositions, make a division between the holy Sea and Princes. Their Colleges are traps to catch youth: there confessions, subornations: their Sermons Mountebanks Markets. 
Fol. 106.  Their whole profession is nothing else but a particular cozening of our private families, and a general villainy in all the countries where they inhabit.  
To receive jesuits into a kingdom, is to receive in a vermin: which at length will gnaw out the heart of the State both spiritual and temporal. 
Folly 62.  They work underhand the ruins of the countries where they dwell, 
Fol. 59  and the murder of whatsoever Kings and Princes it pleaseth them. The name of the jesuits, 
Fol. 20.12.  aught to be odious amongst all Christians: and they blaspheme against the honour of God, when they so entitle themselves. Without wrong to the authority of the holy Sea, 
Fol. 56.  you may call the jesuits, Papelards, and their Sect, Pape-lardy: that is, hypocrites, and their order hypocrisy. The jesuits are Foxlike, 
Folly 76.  & Lion-like. Al their worthy works are but cooznages. In all their negotiations in France, 
Fol. 79.  an Asle & a Fox have been tied together. 
Fol. 17.  jesuits when they lie, do say, it is to be borne with: because it is to a good end. 
Folly 41.  All things (saith the jesuit) are to be taken for good, 
Fol. 82.  that are done to a good end. It is a jesuitical privilege, to underset their slanders with the time, 
Fol. 19  by new clogs. In every matter be it never so small, the jesuit cannot go by without lying & disguising. The jesuits never lack new lying inventions to advance their own credit. 
Fol. 21.  One justinian a jesuit, being found in Rome to be a counterfeit, it marred the jesuits cookery there: for when they did speak of a facer out of matters and an impostor, they were wont to call him, a second justinian the jesuit.  
Much more might be here added of the particular heresies wherewith he chargeth the jesuits: also his freeness of speech, in terming the first ten jesuits, Ignatius & his nine fellows, to have been in their times very cheaters: 
Fol. 39  and likewise how he proveth, that in the first allowance of their whole order, and the getting since of their privileges, they ever used cooznage, 
Fol. 38.  obreption, and surreption. But this may suffice to be inserted in a Letter dedicatory, 
Fol. 103.  aswell to give you a glimpse what the demerits, of the jesuits are in France, & how they are esteemed of amongst the Catholics there, that draw not with the line of Spain against their Sovereign: as also in a sort, to stop their clamorous mouths and pens that cry out and write so eagerly, against the tartness of all the books which have been lately set out by some of our brethren: and especially the Quodlibets: as though never learned men, being good Catholics, had used the like sharpness of stile before them: or ever would use after them. Which immoderate clamours, both of the jesuits, and of their adherents, together with the confident justification of all the proceed which have been plotted, and executed against us and our brethren, by Friar Parsons: Friar Garnet, our R. Archpriest, and other their jesuited clawback's, (as though they were indeed Apostolical men sent lately from God that could not err (in a manner in their course) by reason of a certain subordination, and sundry illuminations that are talked of among them:) caused us when we met with this discourse, and with a translation of it: after that we had perused the translation, and amended it in divers parts, not only to put it to the press, but to commend it also unto you (that without new fangleness are truly Catholics) with this our Preface or Epistle dedicatory.  
The author of this jesuitical Catechism, is for his virtue, gravity, experience, wisdom, Catholic zeal, and great learning, in these causes, so imminent, where he is best known: and this his discourse is so suitable to such his virtues, so substantial for the matter, so eloquent for the phrase, so artificially compiled for the method, as neither of them both have any need, either of ours or any other men's commendation. If the translation do content you: if the publishing of it may benefit you: if this our Apologetical preface, or the book itself, or both, may be a sufficient warning, either to you, or to the state, or to her majesties subjects generally; or to all, or to any good men in particular (that love their Queen and country:) to take heed in time of the jesuits: to believe them by discretion, to trust them no further than they see them: to detest their statizing: to loath their detractions, and to beware of their Forges: (that are ever occupied in hammering out stratagem after stratagem, the second still more pestilent than the first:) it is all we look for, besides your Catholic supportation due to the Catholic Priests in times of necessity, & your daily and Christian prayers: whereunto we commend ourselves, and you all, by our daily supplications, to Gods merciful government for your protection, and to all his heavenly graces for your direction, progression, and happy consummation through our Lord jesus Christ. Amen.  
Your friends always ready to do you service.   

Faults escaped in printing.  
Fol. 11. b. lin. 10. for. nona, read nova. foe 27. b. lin. 2. for perrec dancer, read, dancing dizzard. fol. 57 b. the last line. for instructed, read, disdisproved. fol. 117. for, one with another, read, one another. fol. 142. for, cuff, read ruff. fol. 165. b. lin. 17. for, grief, rage, read, the chief rage. fol. 166. a. lin. 4. for some were to be. read, some to be. fol. 171. b. lin. 9 for, his poor. read, this poor. fol. 174. a. lin. 5. for, thich. read, which. Other small faults have escaped, which the judicial reader's eye will easily discover and amend.   

THE FIRST BOOK of the Jesuits Catechism.  

CHAP. 1.  
ABout two years ago departing from Paris, we met by chuance upon the fields with six in a company that traveled our way: some of them had been at Rome, some at Venice. When we had journeyed eight days together our horses weary, one of our consorts told us, there dwelled a Gentleman not far of, an old acquaintance of his, who doubtless would esteem of it as a great honour done unto him, if (upon occasion taken to refresh ourselves) we would go visit him. How soever some distasled this advise at the first, yet at last the most voices carried it, and all of us forthwith turned out of our way unto his house, where we found him accompanied with many other Gentlemen. Who espying his ancient friend, gave him many cheerful embracings, and said; How cometh it to pass, that I am so fortunate, as to behold my second self this day? Sir, at a word you are very welcome, and I think myself deeply indebted to you, for this unexpected assault, given me with so fair a troop.  
After we had severally thanked him one by one, he commanded our horses to be set up, and a cup of wine to be brought us, and so led us through the Court into his house: where entertaining one another with interchangeable greetings, he gave order for Supper to be ready in convenient time, that we might take our rest: meanwhile we fell into discourse. But as commonly it happeneth, that we lay our hand upon that part of our body that grieves us most; so we begun principally to complain of the miseries of France, brought in amongst us by diversity of Religion, every man seeking to advance, what himself maintains suitably to his own private passion, which he calls devotion.  
There was a jesuite in our company disguised in apparel, a man (without question) very sociable: There was an Advocate also, whom I well perceived to be opposite to the Bulls, constitutions, and orders of the Jesuits. The speech when we parleyd, rebounding from mouth to mouth, the jesuite made demonstration, how much our Church is bound unto their society. And believe me Gentlemen (quoth he) if God had not sent amongst us our good Father Ignatius, and his company, our Catholic religion had been extinguished: but as it commonly falls out, that in punishing our offences, after GOD hath afflicted a Country with some general plague, he applies a remedy to it again, that it may not be utterly destroyed: so having suffered Martin Luther to infect many Nations with his poison, it pleased him (for the cause before alleged) to raise up another Daniel in his Church, to preserve the head thereof, from all the venomous bitings of that Monster. And to speak what I think, I am of that mind, that Ignace Loyhola, had his name given him, not by chance, but by miracle, to this end no doubt, that by changing one Letter into another, as C. into R. calling him Ignare Loyhola, for Ignace Loyhola, all posterity might know him to be the man, which had made an end of Luther's ignorance, and of all his followers, which upon his grounds should set any other heresies abroach hereafter.  
At this speech of his, every man began to smile, for it was delivered with so good a grace, as it could not be offensive to any, unless the Advocate, who with change of countenance said thus unto him. Sir, I will not suffer your speech to fall to the ground without taking it up again. I would feign know what miracles the jesuits have wrought; what bounds they have set to bridle the course of heresy; and what difference there hath been in the carriage of the one and the other? For if the Hugonotes on the one side, were the cause of the troubles in France, in the year 1561. standing as they did upon their defence; the jesuite on the other side assailing us, in the year 1565. raised up far more fierce and great tyrannies than the former. As for your new Anagram, you abuse yourself. Ignace was in some good sort a Gentleman of Navarre, not called Ignace Loyhola, but Ignare de Loyhola, as much to say, as Ignorant of the Law, hold thy peace. For being as ignorant as might be, he thought it better to be silent than to speak. Which warily acknowledging in himself, he never showed his wit in preaching, teaching or writing, except it were at first within the gates of Rome, where he taught young children their belief, as Masters of petty Schools are wont to do.  
This speech moved no less laughter than the former: then said the Gentleman our host. I see no great matter of laughter here; & turning him to the jesuite, I believe Sir (quoth he) that you are of the Society of JESUS, the tenor of your speech bewrays no less. To this the other answered, that it was so indeed, and their order permitted them to be disguised, the better to sound every man in his humour. I am very glad of this said the Gentleman, and I do believe, that some good Angel led you hither into my house, the rather for that I have been long time desirous of such good company, to the end I might know how the case stands with your Order, which I see is balanced between two Scales, greatly commended of some, and by the same weights again much blamed of others. But seeing there is no banquet here for servants, they shall take away the cloth, and thanks given to God for his daily bounty towards us, we will enlarge ourselves with this point a little farther. It was performed as he had said, and all the waiters voided the place, he desired the jesuite not to be displeased, if after the manner of a Catechism, he brought in one like a child, moving the question to his Master, for the better understanding of his first grounds. In this manner dealt the Gentleman with the jesuite, desirous to be informed of the principal points of his Order, whereunto the jesuite readily consented. And although in very deed, for any thing I could gather by their talk, the Gentleman was as skilful as the jesuite: yet playing Sacrates part, he road after him like a Platonist, to draw from him that which he desired, in such manner as here ensues.   

CHAP. 2. ¶ What the foundation is of the society of jesus, which the common-people call jesuits.  
Gent. YOu say you are a jesuite, therefore of a new Religious Order. jesuit. Nay, rather of a most ancient, and for this cause have we taken upon us the holy name of the society of jesus, as imitators beyond others, of our Lord jesus Christ and his Apostles. Gent. You preach & teach freely every one that will hear you. Ies. We do so. Gent. But tell me then, did the Apostles teach little boys their Grammar, or A.B.C.? Ies. No. Gent. Then have you great advantage of them, and it is not without some ground, that despising the name of Christians, by which they were called, you particularly term yourselves jesuits.  
Ies. Had they taught as we do, their charity had been more complete, and as for the name of Christians, we take it to be too proud a stile. Gent. Somewhat there is, whereby you pass them in charity and humility. You make three vows, do you not? of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience? Ies. Never doubt of that. Gent. Then are you Monks. Ies. By no means, but rather Religious men. Gent. Then your houses be Monasteries. Ies. Nothing less, we call our habitations Colleges, wherein we have our Churches. Gent. What kind of Cabal is this, that these men, who make ordinary vows that bind them to their office, as other Religious persons do, yet scorn those holy names of Monks and Monasteries, which all venerable antiquity hath honoured with so much devotion? Peradventure you should have called your Colleges Gods houses. Yet I think you made a conscience of that, because we call those Hospitals Gods houses, where poor beggars are harboured; and if I be not deceived, y●● fear nothing so much as to be poor. Well, let us go on, you wear a Frook as Monks do, you dwell in Cloisters like other Religious men, do you not? Ies. We know not what Cloisters mean, we shun them as a jakes, which we would be loath to come into; and we are apparelled not as Monks, but as Secular priests. It is true, that by our first institution we fastened a hood to our long robes, sometime with a point, sometime with a clasp, but we quickly left it off again, after our cause was pleaded, in the year 64. against the University of Paris: For the Heretics said, our clasp was a fish-hooke, to catch silly people's goods. And other more impudent than they, reported we did were a point, like the women of the Green Castle of Tolosa.  
Gent. I could wish, for the honour I bear you, that you had not renewed the remembrance of those old complaints that were made against you. Let us leave those bad speeches to black mouths, and suffer us in good sort to understand what belongs unto your Order. For I desire nothing more, than to see you in good conversation towards every man. Although being Religious persons, you refuse the name & habit outwardly appertaining unto Monks, yet I doubt not, but for that which is interior, touching Fasts and abstinence from certain meats, practised by other Religious men for the taming of the flesh, you observe these very orderly. Ies. Quite contrary, for we are expressly forbidden by our Statutes so to do, but it is left free to every man's devotion, wherein is the greater merit.  
Gent. there is some meaning in this, for he that should leave the Lent arbitrary to every man, might assure himself, it would bring in great disorders: therefore among other Religious persons, the first Founders have been ever careful to provide for this in chief, judging a general law better than the particular will of any one or other Religious person whosoever. But to proceed, what say you to Processions, which the Church hath in all antiquity much regarded (for as it appears, they were in use in tertullian's time) I hope therefore you would not exempt yourselves from them. Ies. We are so far from approving them, that on the contrary our Constitutions forbidden us to be there, as appears in the Constitutions afterward authorized by Pope Gregory the thirteenth.  
Gent. You are not then as I take it of the body of the University of Paris? but if you had been matriculated as you desired in the year 64. would you have withdrawn yourselves from the professions of the Rector, where the four Orders of begging Friars, and other religious men are present? Ies. We would. Gent. Well then, tell me, If such a solemn Procession should be made in Paris, as we see, when they go to Saint Geneviefes shrine to appease God's wrath, when all the Parishes, Monasteries, and high Courts also be there, attended on with an infinite number of the Common-people, would ye not go with them? Ies. No. Gent. Make you so small account of the counsel of Trent? Ies. Very great, as of that whereupon stands the confirmation of our whole Order, manger all our enemies. Gent. Know you not what is precisely set down there, that as well Secular Priests, as regulars, and all sorts of Monks called to public Processions, are enjoined to go; they only excepted, which live in some straighter enclosure than the rest? Sure, you are not within the compass of this exception, for in my opinion, it is made for the Charter-house-Monkes, and Celestines.  
Ies. I conceive it so, but you must likewise understand, that Pope Gregory dispensed with us, in the year 1576. to the prejudice of that Counsel, and that not only by form of dispensation, but by three express prohibitions. Gent. And yet, before this dispensation, you never kept them company, whereupon do you ground your privilege?  
Ies. Upon a persuasion that one day we shall prevail. Gent. Diseased horses in one stable are put a sunder, are you in that rank among religious men? I beseech you tell me, even by way of confession, why were those prohibitions made for you? Ies. Because you conjure me by the holy name of Confession, I will not lie to you. Some one of our Superiors, foisted into Pope Gregory's Bulls, that it was to this end, to wit; that we might not be hindered in preaching, reading, & taking confessions: but to speak the truth, seeing the four Orders of Mendicants did preach, & hear confessions, and read Lectures in their houses as well as we, and yet forsook not the said Processions: I take it to be a pretence far fet, and from the purpose, and that there was rather some other cause of it; namely, that according to the admittance of our Order, our place was to come behind, whereby we should have wronged greatly the society of JESUS, which we take to be a superlative of all others. Gent. If it be so, the sanctity of your devotion, is not without some Fever of Ambition. Well, yet let us go forward. When you say your canonical hours in your Churches, do you not sing in two ranks, as we do in ours? Have you not likewise a place appointed for the Priest's office, which we call the Quire, distinct and separate from the body where the people stay to say their prayers? Ies. To this I will not answer you by rote, but recite the text itself of our constitutions; Let not our Company use a Quire for their canonical hours, saying of Mass, or singing of other service. And if you have well marked the Church in our College at Paris, there was no Quire at all.  
Gent. It may be your Lawmaker meant by this, that you are so privileged, that when you pray without feeling or devotion, only with a kind of moving your lips softly to yourselves, your prayers nevertheless are heard of GOD, to join this privilege to your other extraordinaries. Ies. You are a scoffer. I will tell you more, that in respect of Canonical hours, we have nothing to bind us, to do as other men do, in singing or saying them out aloud, but we may mutter our prayers as softly as we please. Gent. This proves our Ancestors to be very blunt, sithence your devout souls celebrate divine service now, altogether of another fashion, beyond the practice of antiquity. But what say you to your Aniversaries? do you keep them in favour of your Benefactors? Ies. We are very nimble at taking all that is bestowed on us, yet are we not thereby bound to keep any yearly commemorations of it. Gent. Then are you stark fools. Ies. Not so, but very wise and devout: for we are not like other men, that overcharge themselves with long Mementoes, and are compelled to pass them all through with one Fidelium, as we say in the common French proverb. To be short, we make too great a conscience of deceiving our Benefactors.  
Gent. See here a new Church, clean contrary to the old. Well, yet let us go forward: You told me even now, that you make three vows, of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience. Now amongst the least of many novelties dividing you from us, you have 3. vows in show common with other religious persons. Ies. Our 3. vows, vary much from theirs. Gent. Wherein? Ies. The first of our vows is called Simple, the two other Solemn. Gent. I beseech you decyfer your doctrine that I may understand it, for to say truth, this is high Dutch to me. Ies. You must know, that in these three vows, we promise Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, as other Religious Orders do: but true it is, that in the vow Simple, there is a peculiar strain, by means whereof, for so much and so long as we are there appointed, we may be masters of worldly goods, and take up successions, as well in a strait line as collateral. Moreover, although in respect of a religious state, it is not in any of our own powers to give over our company, yet after one hath made abode with us, ten twenty, or thirty years, more or less, our General may absolve him, and send him back frank and free discharged from his vow to his own house, to marry if he will.  
Gent. Good God, what manner of vow is this? Ies. Such as Pope Gregory hath confirmed to us. It is not strange to me to find it so strange to you, for the great Canonist Navarre, the chiefest of all the Doctors in matters of the Canon-law, speaking of this simple vow, gives it the name of Great and marvelous. Gent. He might rather have termed it Miraculous, because it lodges riches and poverty together in one subject, a thing impossible, by common course of nature. And that which amazeth me the more, is, that your General can release a religious person when he thinks it meet. This in our Christian religion was never practised. Ies. None but the jesuits may do it. Gent. What is your second vow which you call Solemn, and is as I suppose the first of the two solemn ones? Ies. We do nothing in that, that doth smell of novelty, more than in the simple: only from the time a man enters into it, he looseth all hope of succession, or return to his house, and is brought within compass of all other religious men professed.  
Gent. Before we proceed to that great solemn vow, which is your third, I would feign learn of you some other particulars of your Order. Seeing you read Lectures of Humanity, Philosophy, and Divinity, not only to your own company, but to all strangers that repair to you. I doubt not, but that such as come in among them, are not all alike appointed to their studies, for charity gins with itself: & also that to make them Priests (which should be your intention) they must hear their course. Ies. You deceive yourself. We receive an infinite company that can neither read nor write, nor are any way fit for study afterward, nor yet to be priested, whom we call Lay-brothers, appointed only to take care of our provision, when we stand in need. Gent. These be voluntaries, like the Oblates, & Mias-Monkes converts of other religious orders, which are but half Monks, whom the people call Halfe-hoods.  
Ies. Yet you are awry. Our Lay-brothers are precisely of our Order, like the others as well of the vow Simple, as of the first solemn Vow. Gent. Nevertheless, they profess ignorance, like the Lay-brothers among the Friars of Italy. Jes. The very same. Gent. What a mingled religion is this, built with such variety of stones? Blessed God, what would all those good old Doctors say, whose sanctimony hath placed them in heaven, if they should return into the world again, and see this Family ru●e the roast, over the greatest part of our Church? Go to, let us talk if you please, of the great solemn vow, which is the last. Jes. That is the perfection of our work. For in it, beside the three substantial vows of other religious persons, we make a fourth in particular to our Father the Pope, which we call the vow of Mission, whereby, if it please his holiness to send us to the Turks, Pagans, Heretics, or Schismatics to convert them, or to bring them to the Christian faith, we are bound to obey him without reward, taking neither gold nor silver to defray the charge of our journey. Gent. A very pure and holy devotion, if it be well employed. But what true records have you, that can give us sound testimony of your exploits? Ies. Let it suffice you, that an account thereof is kept in Rome. When the great vow is made, which is the very close of all our vows, than we begin to be called Fathers, a dignity incommunicable to all the rest. Yet is there so much humility among us, that as soon as we become Fathers, we are wedded to so strict a poverty, that we cannot possess any movables in general, or particular, but are bonnde to beg our relief from door to door, not by the ministery of brethren converts, as the other four Orders of Mendicants do, but by men of most note among the Fathers.  
Gent. Lo here a vow impossible to be imitated. The more you are magnified above your fellows, the more submission and poverty you take upon you. When you are qualefied for jesuits, as true imitators of the Apostles, do you think the Apostles by profession went a begging? If you be of that mind, it is an opinion heretofore condemned by the Church. Ies. Do you take it to be evil, that from the abundance of our new zeal, we should add somewhat to their ancient charity? Aduoc. This question is from the purpose (pardon me if I interrupt you) you never yet saw a jesuite bear a wallet up and down the streets. Ies. Our state is not worse than the Fowls of the air, which live by the grace of God, distributing his Manna to every man according to his will, as he did in the old time to the children of Israel. Gent. You pay us with very good coin, I accept of it sithence you are so content. Do you contain yourselves within the bounds of your three vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience. Ies. No, for we will not like Atheists, divorce state affairs and Religion; we think all things shall go well for the glory of God, & the salvation of our own souls, when these be joined together. Gent. What a hotch potch of new doctrine do you bring us now? And to say the truth, never was any thing better spoken, then that we learn of Optatus, That religion hath been comprehended in state, not state in religion. Every one of us should wish to have the Governors of Commonweals religious, that is, men of faith & integrity, not playing with their consciences to favour their affairs. But for a religious Order, to manage state matters, in the midst of their prayers, is great irreligion, or rather heresy. Ies. That which you allege, was Optatus his opinion, not Ignatius.  
Gent. What say you to Saint Paul, teaching, that Nemo militans Deo, implicat se negotijs secularibus. If it be fit so to do, why did you of late years forbidden your company to meddle therein hereafter. Ies. That was a statute only for the time. For perceiving that in the end of the year 93. all France was inclined to peace beyond our expectation, we made that constitution to curry favour with the state. Yet for all this, I would not have you think, that we have here stakt our feet into the ground, and go no farther. For the same constitutions permit us, to resolve in particular, as occasion counsel's us. Gent. A fearful permission. But what mean you by the word, State affairs? Ies. The day would be too short to utter it. Let it content you that the greatest and surest counsel we take, is of our own consciences, which we know to be guided by the line and leading of our Saviour. By this screw sometime we remove Kingdoms, punish Kings and Princes whose manners we mislike, and all for the glory & honour of God, and of his holy Church. Gent. All the Christian world should have you in wonderful reverence for this, and I am sorry you should prove so unthankful now, as to abrogate such a holy law. Ies. It is not so repealed but that it lives in our souls continually. For within these three years, we practised to kill the Queen of England, and the County Maurice of Nassau, and howsoever by misfortune we failed of those two strokes, yet we are ready to reach at them again, there, and else where, as we think good, and as opportunity shall be offered.  
Gent. Then you mix mercenary murders with state matters, call you this joining of State & Religion both together? Ies. Why doubt you of it? Heresy is a malady whereto fire and sword should be applied, as Empiriks' deal with desperate diseases. Gent. You could not have picked out a more fit phrase of speech, than to liken your religion to Empiriks' medicines, which the art of Physic condemns. To use fire and sword against an Heretic, is the Magistrate's office, into whose hands God hath put the sword, to punish them that are worthy to be punished, not yours, who as religious men are called to another function. Ies. What Magistrate dares proceed against Kings but we, which are inspired with the holy Ghost? Gent. Is this a point of your first institution? Ies. We have put in this ourselves, by a rule of Christian-good, to relieve our neighbours. And to show you with what piety we go forward, when we have by our holy exhortations gained any man of worth to execute our dissignements, before he depart we confess him, and employ one part of his penance to confirm him in that holy enterprise, we make him hear Mass with devotion; We minister the blessed Sacrament of the Altar to him; this done, we give him our blessing, for a sure passport to go directly to Paradise. Was there ever a more sacred and meritorious course than this? For to be brief, it is in defence, and protection, of our Christian Catholic Church. Gent. O christian company indeed: I would be glad to learn why our Saviour Christ being apprehended, was so sore displeased with S. Peter when he had cut off Malchus ear? For at the first blush it seemeth that a man could not have drawn his sword in a quarrel of greater merit. Ies. You say well, but you do not weigh the text. Our Saviour did not forbid Saint Peter to betake him to his weapon, but after the blow was given, he commanded him to put it up again. Gent. Pardon me, this answer hath I know not what smack of Machiavelli.  
Ies. Add this unto it, that S. Peter provoked with an undiscreet zeal, would have hindered a mystery that tended to the redemption of mankind, and we employ the sword for the maintenance of the Church, without which mankind would perish. Gent. O brave and holy exposition, are you of opinion that this course is well pleasing unto GOD? Ies. None but the Heretics of our time ever doubted it. Gent. I am none of them, neither have I at any time inclined so to be: yet I doubt much of this matter. Is there any thing in your Statutes commanding you to go farther? Ies. There is. Gent. What is that? Ies. We profess to obey the General of our Order, blindfold, (for those be the express words of our Constitutions) and we are bound to pin our consciences to his sleeve: to suffer him to rule us like a boat having no motion, but that which they give to it that row it: to leave off our work already begun; to obey him, and acknowledge the presence of jesus Christ in him, as if Christ commanded us. Gent. Pertains this to your Order? Ies. Yes I assure you. Gent. O admirable paradox of obedience, like that of Abraham. Ies. So it is. That example was ever in the mouth of Ignatius, teaching us that obedience, is more acceptable to God then sacrifice. Gent. O blessed Fathers the Jesuits, nay rather true and only patriarchs of our Church. Doubtless it is not without reason, that you be called Fathers after the accomplishment of your last vow. Well then, the case so standing, if your General should command you to procure the death, I will not say of a Prince, (for I doubt not but you would obey him therein) but of our holy Father the Pope, would you do it? Ies. I would take time to deliberate. Gent. If you should do so, this were not to tie your conscience any longer unto his sleeve. Ies. You take me unprovided, I crave respite to make you an answer. Gent. Your Order being grounded upon all these godly and holy resolutions, surely our Church is much bound to you, I mean, not the ancient Doctors of the Church only, but the Apostles themselves, whom you have taught their duty. Nay, what speak I of the Apostles? you have taught the great Master of the Mould, wherein we ought to fashion all our actions: when contrary to the express commandment given S. Peter, you procure the death of Kings and Princes. But what reward have you got by this?  
Ies. As much as we can desire or hope for. And amongst others, we are allowed to give absolution of all sins and offences how foul soever they be, except such as are reserved to the holy Sea, wholly extreated & issuing out of judgements, Censures, and Ecclesiastical pains, beside that which is comprised in the Bull usually read upon Maundy-Thursday. And for all that that comes after, to give such order of penance as liketh us, as in works of piety, vows of Pilgrimage, except in three cases, of jerusalem, of Rome, of Saint james of Compostella. Also to sing Mass as well before day, as after twelve a clock at noontide, when our Superiors shall think it necessary: To confess, and administer the Sacrament of the Eucharist: to build Chapels, Oratories, and Churches, in all places where our General will: and all this without leave of Bishop or Curate: traveling thorough Countries, to have portable Altars to say Mass on in every house, except places interdicted by the holy Sea: That no Bishop in his own Diocese, may give priestly Orders to any of our Company, though he be fit for it, without demissory Letters from our General, who may also dispense with forbidden meats without suit to the Bishops: & in brief, to absolve all those from censures, which are attainted of heresy.  
Gent. here is a heap of privileges given you indeed, to the prejudice first and chiefly of the Bishops, next of the Curates, and lastly, peradventure of the holy Sea itself. Furthermore, this is a solemn feast to draw the Common people to you, and pull them from their true, natural, and lawful Pastors: yea, this is to bring a new Schism into the Church of Christ. Ies. He that shall come every year to perform his devotions one whole day in our house, shall have plenary indulgence of all his sins, though he say but one Pater noster and an ave Marie. Gent. Another bait to make men seek after you. Ies. We enjoy all the privileges granted to all the four Orders of Mendicants. Gent. They may justly be discontented, seeing you gorged with good things up to the ears, and enjoying all their privileges. Ies. If it be so, all other religious Orders have cause to repine as well as they; for we enjoy all their grants and favours. Gent. Yet are not you any way tied to their vows and abstinences; 
Pius 5.7. of july. 1571. Greg. 13.3, of May, 1575.  this is ill proportioned, for this Advocate can tell you, the old Lawyers hold it, Secundam naturam esse, ut quem sequuntur commoda, eundem sequantur incommoda. And to say truth, this is another ground of jealousy & grudge between them and you. Ies. All that I have yet deduced, concerns God's service, that which I mean to tell you now, looks back towards our Colleges and Lectures. It is lawful for our General, or for such as are by him authorized, 
Greg. 13.10. Octob. 1576. Paul. 3, 1549. julius 3. 22. Octob. 1552. Pius 4. 19 August, 1561. Pius 5. 10 May, 1571. Grego. 13. 1598. Greg. 13, 11, Feb. 1576.  to build Colleges, to set up Lectures, even Lectures of Divinity, and other Readers in every Town without the Bishop's leave: yea and our company may as well out of the Universities, as in them, take their degrees of Bachilars, Licentiates, Mastership's, and Doctors, without examination, and be found capable by two or three Commissioners appointed for that purpose by our Superiors, which are not bound to seek to any Chancellor, or Rector of other Universities. In stronger terms, we may have whole Universities of our own company only, where the Chancellor or Rector is a jesuite, as appears in the Town of Pontumousson. We are also allowed to practise physic by the authority of our Superiors, if they judge us to be capable. Gent. And crave you no other testimony than theirs that never studied Physic? Ies. No.  
Gent. I thought your General might have made a jesuite, but no Physician, and I would be loath to put my life into your hands upoon any such warrant. Behold what a fearful division you make between the Universities, especially between the great, famous, and ancient University of Paris and yourselves. Ies. What would you more? We may geld, correct, and reform all manner of books, wherein we find the least suspicion of heresy. Gent. What? after the Divines of Paris have allowed them? Ies. Yea, even so. Gent. I ever took this to be their office, and not to have appertained to any other. Ies. Do you think that we care a point for them? Long ago (except it were in the nonage of our Company) we had learned to set them at nought. True it is, that in the year 1554. it so fell out that they censured us, when we were but beginning to creep out of the shell, yet were we speedily revenged on them, for we made their censure to be over-waighed by the Spanish Inquisition. Therefore in Spain (saith a brave Historiographer of ours,) Seeing the Sorbons' decree was against the Sea apostolic, by which our Religion is approved and confirmed, 
Ribaden. li. 4. c. 11.  the Inquisitors of faith have by their decree, forbidden that to be read, as false, and offensive to religious ears.  
Gent. You confess you sent to the Inquisition to control this good and holy faculty of the Divines of Paris, the ancient pillar, prop, and support, of our Catholic and apostolic Roman Church: and you make a Trophy of it, as of a great victory. Ies. Let not this offend you, for at a pinch we will grapple with the Pope, if we take him swerving never so little from his ancient duty. W●e held opinion a little before King Henry the fourth came to the Crown, (whom we now call the man of Bearne) that Pope Sixtus the fist did err a little in favouring him: and God knows we spared him not in our Pulpits; some likewise sought to persuade the world, that we gave him a dram to send him packing. Gent. Regard you not the Pope whose creatures you are, and have no authority but from him? If it be so, I take my leave of you, and lay my hand upon my mouth. Only I wish we had some Cneius Flavius among us, to lay open your secrets unto France, or some Tacitus to set them down in writing, with as great liberty as your put them in execution.  
The Advocate was somewhat silent until we came thus far, but then he began to break out. You shall hold your peace (quoth he) as long as you please, so will not I, I will be that Cnevis Flavius you desire, for as he discovered to the Romans, the perfumes which their chief Priest sold them at so high a rate, in acknowledgement whereof he was created Tribune of the people, that is to say, A preserver of the people's liberty: So will I uncase by piece-meal, that doctrine which the Jesuits have sold us heretofore by golden weight. And I persuade myself that grateful posterity finding it by me recorded, will account me a Protector of the liberty of the Church of France. And it may be it will come to pass, that as antiquity made a Proverb of Cneius Flavius, saying, that he hit the birds eye: so will succeeding ages report of me, that I have pecked out the eyes of those Crows, that pray upon the carcases and carrion of other beasts, and of the jesuits, who now live not by the bare bones only, but by the fairest revenues of our Families. And that I hold you not long in suspense, I say and aver, there was never any Sect more dangerous to our Christian Religion then this: and for such a one it hath been first condemned at Rome, afterward at Paris. Nevertheless, I will begin with France, as with her to whom I am most bound, because she brought me forth.  
This first march of the Advocate made us stand upon our guard: for hitherto some of the company slept. And for my part, hearing him so hardy in his promise, I turned towards him, saying; Sir, all this while have I been mute, but now I see you upon the point ready to take Arms, to give the onset upon this holy Company, I recover my speech, as the son of Croesus did when one would have killed his Father. If you be the Jesuits Cneius Flavius, I will be their Tacitus, to commit those things faithfully to writing which I learn of you. I ever took this Society to be one of the strongest Bulwarks of our Catholic Religion, and me thinks it were great impiety to slander them. Aduoc. Call you that a slander, when the truth is spoken? For my part I will say nothing, which I will not prove by writing, & take my direction from their own Bulls and Constitutions, their speeches and confessions, drawn out of such books, as they themselves have Printed within these 5. or 6. years, allowed by their General to come forth. Whereunto any of the company that stands in doubt, may have recourse if it please him. You promise very much said I again. Aduoc. I promise nothing but I will make it good: and therewith he pausd a while, as one that makes semblance to retire, that he may give the greater shock. On the other side, I took out my tables, to note every passage he should allege, which I will show to you at large. And so every one of us claiming interest in the Advocate to whip him, if we took him with a lie: and contrary, if he should speak the truth, than all at once to thrust the Jesuits out of France presently, without respite. After he had quieted himself a little, he entered the Lists, and made his carrere in this manner.   

CHAP. 3. ¶ The censure given of the jesuits sect, by the Divines of Paris, in the year, 1554.  
I Perceive France is partial, some favouring the Jesuits above measure, others abhorring them again. I beseech you my Masters, (for I speak to those that of scrupulosity of conscience foster this family in their houses) that it would please you to give good ear to me, and if you find that to be false which I shall produce, or that I am carried with unbridled passion, you would not spare me. Likewise, if nothing but the truth command me, which ought to redound to the edification of us all, do me the favour not to credit your first apprehensions, before you give place unto the second. You make great account of these men, as if they were the sole arches that bear up our Church: Let me request you to take a view of the judgement of the Divines of Paris, in the year 1554. The Court of Parliament then troubled with the importunate suits of these new Brethren, bringing the two Bulls of two Popes, Paulus and julius the third, sent them to this Faculty for their resolution, whether they were to be received into the Realm of France again, or not? They gave up their verdict in such form as followeth.  
Anno Domini 1554. die veró prima Decembris, Sacratissima Theologiae facultas Parisiensis, post missam de S. spiritu, in aede sacra Collegij Sorbonae, ex more celebratam, iam quartó in eodem Collegio, per juramentum congregata est, ad determinandum de duobus diplomatibus quae duo sanctissimi Domini summi Pontifices Paulus tertius, & julius Tertius, his qui societatis jesu nomine insigniri cupiwt, concessisse dicuntur. Quae quidem duo diplomata, senatus seu curia Parlaamti Parisiensis, dictae facultati visitanda & examinanda, misso adrem Hostiario, commiserat.  
Antequam verò ipsa Theologiae facultas tanta de re, tantique ponderis tractare incipiat, omnes & singuli Magistri nostri, palam atque aperto ore professi sunt, nihil se adversus summorum Pontificum authoritatem & potestatem, aut decernere, aut moliri, aut etiam cogitare velle. Imò verò omnes & singuli, ut obedientiae filii, ipsum summum Pontificem, ut summum & universalem Christi jesu Vicarium, & universalem Ecclesiae Pastorem (cui plenitudo potestatis a Christo data sit, cui omnes utriusque Sextus obedire, cuius decreta venerari, & pro se quisque tueri, & observare teneantur) ut semper agnoverunt & confessi sunt, ita nunc quoque sincere, fideliter, et libenter agnoscunt, & confitentur. Sed quoniam omnes, praesertim verò Theologos paratos esse oportet ad satisfactionem omni poscenti de his quae ad fidem, mores, aedificationem Ecclesiae pertinent, dicta facultas, poscenti, mandanti, & exigenti curiae praedictae satisfaciendum duxit. Itaque utriusque diplomatis omnibus frequenter lectis articulis, repetitis, & intellectis, & pro rei magnitudine, per mu●tos dies, menses, & horas, pro more prius diligentissimè discussis & examinatis, tum denaum unanimi consensu, sed summa cum reverentia & humilitate, rem integram correctioni sedis Apostolicae relinquens, ita censuit.  
Haec nona societas, insolitam nominis jesu appellationem sibi vendicans, tam licenter & sine delectu quaslibet personas, quantunlibet facinorosas, illegitimas & infames admittens nullam à Sacerdotibus secularibus habens differentiam in habitu exteriore, in tonsura, in horis canonicis privatim dicendis, aut publicè in templo decantandis, in claustris & silentio, in delectu ciborum & dierum, in ieiunijs & alijs varijs ceremonijs (quibus status Religionum distinguntur & conseruantur) tam multis, tamque varijs privilegijs, indultis, & libertatibus donata, praesertim in administratione Sacramenti paenitentiae & Eucaristiae, idque sine descrimine locorum, aut personarum, in officio etiam praedicandi, legendi, & docendi in praeiudicium ordinariorum, & Hierarchici ordinis, in praeiudicium quoque aliarum Religionum, imò etiam principium & Dominorum temporalium, contra privilegia universitatum, denique in magnum populi gravamen, Religionis Monasticae honestatem violare videtur, studiosum, pium, & necessarium, virtutum, abstinentiarum, ceremoniarum, & austeritatis eneruat exercitium: imo occasionem dat liberè Apostatandi ab alijs Religionibus, debitam ordinarijs obedientiam, & subiectionem subtrahit. Dominos tam temporales, quam Ecclesiasticos, suis inribus iviustè private, perturbationem in utraque politia, multas in populo querelas, multas lights, dissidia, contentiones, aemulationes, rebelliones, vartaque schismata inducit. Itaque his omnibus, atque alijs diligenter examinatis & perpensis, Haec societas videtur in negotio fidei periculosa, pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa, monasticae Religionis eversiva, & magis ad destructionem quam act aedificationem.  
I will not juggle with you, it may be some of this company understands no Latin, therefore this censure being the foundation of my discourse, I will put it into French apparel, that every man may know it.  
In the year of our Lord 1554. the first of December, the most sacred faculty of the Divines in Paris, after Mass of the holy Ghost was celebrated in the College of Sorbons' Chapel, according to their custom, this fourth time, by oath assembled together, to determine of the two Bulls, which two holy Fathers the Popes, Paulus the third, and julius the third, are said to have granted to these men that desire to be honoured with the society of JESUS. Which two Bulls, the Senate or Court of Parliament of Paris, sent by Hostiarius to the said Faculty to be perused and examined.  
Before they entreated of so high and weighty matters, all and singular our Masters in pubique with open mouth protested, that they decreed, devisd, and intended nothing against the authority and power of the Pope, but all and every of them, like obedient Children, as they ever acknowledged and confessed him to be Christ's chief & universal Vicar, and general Pastor of the Church, whom all sorts of both Sects are bound to obey, to honour his decrees, and every one to defend them to his power: So now also, they do sincerely, faithfully, and willingly acknowledge & confess the same. But because every man, especially Divines, aught to be ready to give an answer to every one that asketh them of matters appertaining to faith, manners, and edification of the Church, the said Faculty hath thought it meet to satisfy the request, commandment and entreaty of the Court. Therefore all the Articles of both Bulls being often read, repeated, and conceived, & for the greatness of the matter, many days, months, and hours, according to their custom, first very diligently discussed, and examined, at last with one consent, but with great reverence and humility, submitting all to the controlment of the apostolic sea, they gave this doom.  
This new Society challenging to itself the rare title of the name of jesus, so licentiously, and hand overhead, admitting all sorts of persons how wicked, illegitimate, or infamous soever, differing nothing from secular priests in outward apparel, tonsure, canonical hours, either privately to be said, or publicly to be sung in churches, in cloistures and silence, in choice of meats and days, in fasts and other ceremonies (whereby religious orders are distinguished, and preserved) endowed with so many and sundry privileges, grants, and liberties, especially in administration of the Sacraments of penance, and of the Eucharist, & that without difference of place or persons, as also in the office of preaching, reading, and teaching, to the prejudice of the Ordinaries, of the hierarchical order, to the prejudice likewise of other religious men, nay even of Princes & temporal Lords, against the privileges of the Universities, and to the great grief of the people, appears to deflower monastical religion: it cuts the sinews of the painful, holy, and necessary exercise of virtues, of abstinence, ceremonies, and austerity, it opens a gap to Apostasy from other religious orders, it takes away due obedience from the Ordinaries, it unjustly deprives the Lords spiritual & temporal of their right: It breeds a garboil in both governments, many complaints among the people, many jars, discords, contentions, emulations, rebellions, & sundry schisms. Therefore all these and other things of like nature thoroughly examined and weighed. This Society appears to be in matter of faith dangerous, to the peace of the Church troublesome, to monastical religion ruinous, and more apt to pull down than to build up.  
Was there ever a better sentence, mixed with a truer prophecy than this? And why? There was no banding then in the field, every man slept safe in the sincerity of his conscience towards God, there were no tumultuary assemblies, but for four days together, & by them that had determined of it long before. Much less minded they to oppose themselves against the authority of the holy Sea, as we gather from their humble protestation. For this cause, the holy Ghost after their devout invocation of him by their sacrifice, spoke through the organ of this sacred faculty. And thus am I persuaded, that for these thousand years, there was never any work of the holy Ghost greater, and more apparent to our eyes than was this censure. The Court of Parliament of Paris sent those Bulls only of Pope Paulus dated the year 1543. And that of julius the third, dated the year 1550. The Jesuits kept all the other close, bearing date of the years 43.45.46.49.  
Upon the sight but of those two ends of their ware they judged wisely what the rest of the whole piece might be. Without any more a do, remember those three lines. It breeds many complaints among the people, many jars, dissensions, contentions, rebellions, and sundry schisms: and confer them with your discovery of their order, you shall find the Sorbons' speech true. The divine service of their Church is divided from ours, their privileges make a division between the Bishops and them, the Monasteries and them, the Universities and them, the Divines of Paris and them. Their propositions also, make a division between the holy Sea and Princes. But how be these privileges maintained? By their Colleges, their confessions, their preaching. Their Colleges are traps to catch youth, their confessions, subornations; their Sermons, Mounte-banks Markets. If you believe this jesuite here, he will say: we have no preachers but them to defend the old Church. It is not yet above threescore years since they were set a foot. What preachers have we had of them in Paris? One Aimond Auger, and james Comolet. I remember none but these. On the other side, how many hath the faculty of the University in Paris bred, of learned and holy men, never tainted with innovation? Again, did ever any man in our time hear a jesuite handle or expound in Pulpit or open assembly, any one text of Scripture, either to uphold the apostolic Sea, or lay heresy in the dust? What is the sum of their preaching? To bite them that are absent, not to edify them that are present, except it be to scandal kings and princes. And that which is most admirable in this censure, is, that our divines saw the rebellions, these new masters would raise up in time to come, against our king. Therefore while I now embark myself against them, it is neither giddiness, malice, nor folly, that carries me with wind and tide. I set the venerable faculty of the divines of Paris before mine eyes, for my vice-admiral, to carry the light in my navigation.   

CHAP. 4. ¶ How, at what time, and by what sleights the Jesuits crept into France.  
WHen God is determined to scourge a whole Realm: he useth great and unexpected means to perform it: it hath so fallen out with us. Long before the lamentable death of Henry the second, who lived in the year 1559. There sprung up two sects in France, the one, in many propositions as dangerous as the other. That of Ignatius which calls itself the society of jesus: the other of the Caluinists, who say they stand for reformation of religion. Both of them planted in Paris the chief city of the kingdom for a time. It so fell out that the Jesuits made their assemblies, and the Caluinists had their conventicles. The Jesuits sect is a bastard religion, of our ancient Catholic & apostolic Roman religion (for to say true, it hath a few marks and features of it, though none such as it ought to have) this began to be authorized by Ma. William Prat, Bishop of Clairmont, legate du Prats bastard, who lodged them in the house of Clairmont at Paris, and at his death, bequeathed them (by report) threescore thousand crowns. After that they crowded into more spacious mansions, they bought the great house of Langre in Saint james street, where they erected a College and Monastery both together under divers roofs, they did read public lectures without the rector of the Universities allowance, they administered the holy Sacraments of penance, and of the altar to all comers and goers, without leave of the Odinarie. The Caluinists began to preach and teach, if not altogether openly, yet not so covertly as they did before. Witness the great assembly, surprised by the Court of Parliament before Plessies' College, where an infinite number of men and women were taken, and after that an Advocate, a Schoolmaster, and a Damsel put to death. Thus may I say, and say truly, these two sects began to set up their rests within Paris in S. james street, reching out to fifteen or twenty houses one after another. And after this vowed, the one to have jesus name stamped upon their pistolet crowns, the jesuits to have it set upon the gates of their Colleges with a cross aloft, to show that they did lodge at the sign of the cross. As the Caluinists called their religion, the reformed religion, so the jesuits gloried, that in some part of Italy, namely in Modena, they were called the reform also. And as the Caluinists whom we term Hugonots rose up in arms in France, in the year, 1561. So the jesuits took example by them, and had recourse unto arms about the year 1585. to enclarge their bounds.  
If I be not deceived in the time, nor miss my mark, Henry the second died: whereupon the Caluinists thought they might make their way fair without noise, through the midst of France. This good king left behind him four young princes his children under the Queen mother's charge, a stranger princess, not allied to the great houses of France, thereby was she unfit to second them in government of the state, and education of these children. Thus at one instant the two sects began to increase: one by the King's death, the other by a Bishop's decease. During the minority of our Kings, the Nobility of France covered their ambition with a cloak of religion. New partialities grew among them, some taking part with the old religion, others with the new: every one of them (by the judgement of the wisest) seeking his own gain & advancement, more than devotion. In this encounter, the ministers of whose company some were burnt before, put up a supplication to Charles the ninth, to give them audience. This was soon granted, & the town of Poissy appointed for this purpose, where many Cardinals, Archbishops, Bishops, and Doctors of Divinity were assembled on the one side: and many Ministers, of whom Thodor Beza was the ringleader, seconded by Peter Martyr, Marlorat, Cimpoll, and some of good place and mark among them, on the other side.  
Upon the sentence of the Sorbons' given in the year 1554. the jesuits finding their hope to be forlorn, sought to Ma. Noel Brullarte the King's Procurator general, in the court of Parliament of Paris, the severest man in his place, that ever was seen. These men that slip no opportunity to advance themselves, hearing of the great conference at Poissy, promised to put in their foot among them. At that time one Ponce Congordan was their Agent in Paris, of whom Charles Cardinal of Lorraine was wont to say, he was the cunningest negotiation that ever he knew though he had known many. He than it was that took the matter in hand, presented his request to the Court of Parliament of Paris, not in the name of the Society of jesus, but in the name of the College of Clairmount, whereby the jesuits protested to abjure their vows, entreating the Court to allow of their College. Which if the Court had done, it had been a mean to allow their legacy given them. The Court according to their prudence and piety, sent this request to the French Church then assembled at Poissy, to determine of it. Never was there a fairer assembly, and never did assembly bring forth more mischief to the state than that. I fear not to put the Placard into his hands that shall write the History of our times, for they authorised both sects without all consideration. And, which I most wonder at, the instruments hereof were two Cardinals, men of great knowledge and zeal, no young prentices in the mysteries of religion, or affairs of state; one of them had been employed in the greatest matters of this kingdom, in the time of the mighty king Francis: the other in the time of Henry the second. The two special were the Cardinals of Tournon and Lorraine. The first for the gravity of his years, and consequently for the soundness of his judgement, was persuaded that this conference with the ministers was in no case to be admitted, for that the entering into it was a kind of acknowledging them to be a part of our commonweal, whom heretofore we took to be rotten members, howsoever the nonage of the king might dispense with their opinions upon this point. The second, in the flower of his years, upon the confidence he had in his own wit, seconded by two great divines Dispense & Salignac, desired to bring the matter upon the stage, flattering himself, that if they might dispute upon Beza, the matter might easily be drawn to a head.  
The most voices went with him. The Cardinal of Tournon, spying himself supplanted in his opinion, began to draw up the jesuits, a fair and glorious pretence (as seemed) to give battle to the new Religion. Herein was he followed by a number of other Prelates, not because they did not foresee what an infinite number of inconveniences might arise out of it, but because they thought poisons must be purged by counterpoisons. The Scaffolds built, the Cardinal of Lorraine and Beza, played their prizes before the young King, in the presence of many States diversly affected. The assembly broken up, after this we had three Religions openly in France. The one, sounded nothing but the word of GOD in their preachings: The next, took up the Name of jesus in their Synagogues: The third, was our ancient Catholics, to whom we attribute in our Churches, the honour of our faith by the only Gospel of jesus Christ.   

CHAP. 5. ¶ The decree of the French-Church against the jesuits, in the assembly had at Poissy. 1561.  
FOr all this I would not have you think my Masters, but that our French church did put many notable ingredients into this jesuitical poison to qualify it. For after the recital all along the Decree, of all the privileges and favours diversly given them, by Paul and julius the third, and some Letters-Patents obtained by them, and reckoning made of their request presented to the Court, and put over to these Prelates, in the end, behold what order they set down.  
The Assembly, according to the matters put to them by the Court of Parliament of Paris, hath received and doth receive, hath approved and doth approve, the said Society and Company, in form of a College, not of their new institution of Religion, with express charge, that they take another title than the Name of JESUS, or of jesuits, & that the Bishops of the Diocese, shall have all superiority, jurisdiction, and correction over this society and College, to thrust out and expel from the said Company, all men of evil life and misbehaviour. Neither shall the Brothers of this Company enterprise or perform, any action temporal or spiritual, to the prejudice of the Bishops, Chapters, Curates, parishes, Universities, or other religious, but they shall be bound to conform themselves wholly to the disposition of the Common-lawe, without having any right or jurisdiction, and renouncing all their former privileges, expressly their Bulls contrary to the things aforesaid, provided that if they fail herein, or shall hereafter procure any other; that then this present Decree shall be void & of none effect, or exceptions to be taken to the right of the said Assembly, & of others in all cases. Given in the Assembly of the French Church, held by the king's commandment at Poissy, in the great hall of the venerable religious men of Poissy, under the sign and seal of the most reverend Cardinal of Tournon, Archbishop of Lions, Metropolitan and Primate of France, Precedent of the said Assembly, and of the reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Paris, the messenger of this request. Given under the signs of Master Nicholas Breton and William Blanchy, actuaries and Secretaries of the said Assembly, upon Monday the 15. of December, 1561.  
Pontius Congordan their Agent, now furnished with this holy Decree, presented it to the Court of Parliament of Paris, where it was soon ratified. here I will make a pause and tell you, that if ever, though not all, yet the least part of this decree had been obeyed, I would here ask them forgiveness, & assure myself that these Gentlemen, Marion, Pasquier, Arnault & Dole, which have all vowed to make war upon them, would do the like. But if the request they put up, was but a mere mummery, not only to mock the French Church hereafter, but the Court of Parliament, and that they have made no account of that which was commanded them, they must with one consent confess, that neither the particular answer made by Frances de Montaignes, against Arnalts impleadment, nor the venomous tooth of one Fon, (I wots not whom) stricken into Marion and Pasquier, the one, the kings Advocate in Parliament, the other, of the Chamber of accounts in Paris, nor the hypocritical request made to the King without the Author's Name, shall ever be sufficient to prove them any natural or French brood.  
The Faculty of the University of Paris, denounced them at their first arrival, to be Schismatics, disturbers of the peace of the Church, and monastical discipline. Afterwards, the Church of France to provide for their great disorder, allowed them by way of limitation before rehearsed, notwithstanding all the ingredients, & coolers, put in to temper this poison, the venom overcame their virtue. For as soon as they had seized upon this sentence, they wrote upon their College gate, The College of the society of JESUS. They followed their first course, which they have continued & will continue so long as they remain in France. As it is the nature of the French to be more hardy than men at the beginning, and more cold and feeble than women in continuance: So suffered we ourselves to be led away at last, by these wit-foundred new Friars. Every man if he be not hunted hot, abandons the public affairs, to be wedded to his own in particular.   

CHAP. 6. ¶ Of the request preferred by the jesuits to the Parliament, the year 1564. to be incorporated into the University of Paris: and how many sides made head against them.  
POntius Congordan for his part, did not lay him down to sleep when he saw us weary, but thinking he had got the day, preferred a petition to the University, in the year 1564. the tenor whereof was this. The Principal of the College and company of jesus, called the College of Clairmont, beseecheth you to incorporate them into the University, that they may enjoy the privileges of it. The University having given them the repulse, they fled to the Court of Parliament, where Congordan Chos Versoris for their Advocate, the University entertained Pasquier. The cause pleaded by these two, here was the sport, Pasquier at the first push, showed them, that to read their request only, was enough to overthrow them. For the foundation of their cause depended upon the French Churches decree, which forbade them expressly to take upon them the name of the society of jesus, which title notwithstanding they had inserted into their request. This was to strike them right upon the visor, by means whereof, they were compelled to fly to a denial, where they took sanctuary for the liberty of their actions, as often as they found themselves driven into any narrow straight that might prejudice them. Versoris denied him that framed the request, that was in plain terms Congordan, who denied himself, by the mouth of his own Advocate whom he chose. By the negotiations which have on their part passed between them and us, to set up their sect, An Ass and a Fox have been tied together.  
A meruallous matter, and worthy to be rung into the ears of all succeeding ages. First, they of the new Religion, troubled us about the town of Amboise, against the Lords protectors of the young King, Frances the second, partly by the conference had at Poissy, and Genevian preaching insinuated into France. Lastly, by the surprise of towns, and a bloody battle fought before Dreux. In brief, by a civil war of 18. months continuance, upon the partialities of Papists and Protestants, which was afterward lulled a sleep with an Edict of connivence, our hands being yet imbrued with the blood of those troubles, and having scarce any leisure to take our breath. In this progress by degrees, the jesuits request was presented to the Court of Parliament, that had ten Advocates, (as Montaignes and Fon do confess in their writings) in respect of 13. adversaries, 
Mont. ca 22 Fon. ca 4.  which Fon reports, were six boisterous & mighty limmed bodies, to wit, the Universities, the Sorbons', the Mendicants, the Hospitals, and the Parish priests. With other four Lords of great authority, namely the Governor of Paris, the Cardinal Chastilion, as protector of the University, the Bishop of Paris, and the Abbot of S. Geniveue.  
Now, can we be so senseless, as to think that so many, both of the better and meaner sort, banded against them without cause, in a matter of so great importance? But what were the commons? those which of late memory plagued the Hugonots, out of all measure, razed the walls of Patriarch and Popincourt, where they had their exercise of religion: who by order of Law procured the death of Gabaston, the Captain of their guard, and protector of their attempts, together with Cagres, both the Father and the son. So many Sages of the common people (sworn enemies to heresy) did set themselves against the jesuits, lying but yet in the suburbs of our civil wars; against the jesuits I say, who then vaunted themselves to be the scourge of Heretics. Assuredly it cannot be, but that all those great personages, who then undertook the quarrel against them, were persuaded that this Sect was extremely to be feared, as well by the liberty of the French Church and general estate of France, as of all Christendom. Besides these two great parties, there was yet another, more strong & mighty than them both, namely, Mounsieur Mesnil the King's Advocate in the Court of parliament, directly opposite to them.  
But for all this great multitude of partakers (saith the jesuite) the matter came not to open trial, but was put over to counsel, as a plain argument that the goodness of our cause did crave very much favour. Poor fool, and young Scholar, hadst thou been brought up in the light of the Royal palace, or read the course of justice of our kings, as thou art nuzzled in the dust of the Colleges, thou shouldst have known that the high Courts admit no open trial of great causes, they have no time nor leisure, duly to inform their consciences. As appears by a like course held by the same Court in the month of july, 94. And for this cause, Mounsieur Marion pleading against the jesuits of Lions, in the year 97. said, that a defective and imperfect prudence of the year 64. was in some sort the occasion that the affairs of France degenerated with the time, & waxed worse and worse. As for myself, I will say more boldly with open face. that this matter was in the year 64. put over to counsel by the wisdom of men, but this counsel was guided by the hand of God, who to take vengeance of our sins, preserved the jesuits as a devoted instrument hung aside in the Temple, fit for the future miseries of France.  
To what purpose is all this, save only this, to show you that if I detest & abhor the Sect of jesuits, I have no small shelters for my opinion: first the venerable censure of Paris, the year 1554. wherein were the greatest Divines that ever were in France, and by name, Picard, Maillard, Demochares, Perionius, Ory, the Inquisiter for matters of faith. The first, an admirable preacher, whose body after his death being laid forth in his house in the Deanery of S. Germain's of Lauxerrois, the people of Paris for the sanctimony of his life, did strive to kiss his feet: the four other his companions, were extreme persecutors of the Heretics. I have the great decree of the French church, in the year 61. the judgement that did second it, and finally, many men of mark and communality, set against them in the year 1564. Amongst these, I may speak it for a certainty, which I ought to believe because I saw it. There was two honourable resemblances of antiquity, Solicitors in the cause, Bennet the Deane, and Courselles the Subdeane of the faculty of the Divinity Schools in Paris; The one, fourscore years of age, the other, threescore & seventeen: both ready to departed from hence, to give up an account of their actions in another world, at which time every man stands strict upon his conscience. With them was Faber Sindic, one of the wisest men that ever was among the Sorbons'.  
In the winding up of all, I will set down Ma. noel Brullarte, Procurator general, the great Aristides and Cato of his time, which living in the year 50. withstood the receiving of the Jesuits. I tell you this, expressly to discover how like the juggling of the jesuits of our time, is to the former. For Fon is so impudent as to report, that Ramus & Mercerus, after they became the King's Professors, revolted from our ancient Religion, and were folicitors in this cause, and that if they had not encountered them, they had won the field: but to avoid sedition, the Court was forced, warily to strike sail to the tempest, by putting the matter off to counsel.  
Well, but yet thou liest most impudently thou jesuit. (Pardon me, for it is very fit I should be in choler.) Neither Ramus nor Mercerus, for their parts ever stirred in this, although they took part with their brethren, the King's Professors, because they would not separate themselves from the body of the University.  
Moreover, what likelihood is there, that the minds generally of the Parisiens' could be so suddenly changed to take part with the Hugonots. Mercerus was so far from faction, that he had no skill in any thing but Hebrew, wherein he spent all his time without intermission: and became so great a Superlative in that tongue, that by the judgement of the best learned, he was preferred before all the jews. In all worldly matters he stood but for a bare cipher. But this is a jesuitical privilege, to underset their slanders with the time by new cogs. For if this jesuit Fon durst, he would say that the town, the University, and the faculty of Divinity in Paris, all the four orders of Mendicants, & the Parish priests, were Hugonots, because they hindered the matriculation of this holy Order: what other consequence can be deduced from his speech? Oh singular and admirable impudency, yet to be excused, because it proceedeth from a jesuit. Nevertheless, to show with what truth & integrity I mean to confound them in their lying, they caused Versoris Plea to be printed in the year 94. & he to bring the University into hatred, 
In the 24. & 32. leaf of Versoris Plea.  saith first & foremost, not that Mercerus but Ramus & Gallandius were made solicitors in this cause: but this was so far from all likelihood of truth, that every man took it for an hyperbole, by reason of the open enmity they carried to all times, which accompanied them unto their death. This enmity, Rabelais the Lucian of our age, in the preface of his 3. book, & after him joachim Bellay, a gallant Poet, in one of his chief Poems, scoffed at, with express inventions, which are the best passages in all their books. As for Gallandius, he was never of any other religion, than the Catholic apostolic Roman. I have quoated out this in particular as I pass along, to give you to understand, that in every matter, be it never so small, the jesuite cannot go by without lying and disguising.   

CHAP. 7. How the jesuits were refused at Rome, and by what cunning they were afterward received.  
Never think, that if they were so evil entreated in France, they had any better entertainment at Rome. At their first coming, Ignatius and his new companions arriving there, plotted (in the year 1539) to establish a new sect that should make the three ordinary vows of other religious, & a fourth beyond them all, concerning mission: and that they should have a General, whom they should be bound absolutely to obey, without any reason yielded them. I will report it to you word for word, what was the conclusion of their assembly, and what Massee the jesuite saith in the life of Ignatius, dedicated by him to Aquaviua their General, which book was imprinted by his allowance.  
Ergo, without controversy, one must be chosen to whom all in earth must be obedient as if it were to Christ, 
Maffee. lib. 2. cap. 9 de vita Ignacij.  to his word they must swear, and esteem his beck and his will as an Oracle of God. And after, they concluded that their General should continue in this dignity while he lived. Moreover, that whosoever entered this profession, should to the three solemn vows of all other religious houses, add a fourth, to go without shrinking to whatsoever country of believers, or infidels, it should please the Pope to send them, and that without fee, or so much as petition to defray their charges by the way. Thus you see in the first planting of them, another absolute obedience to their General, in all things different from that to the Pope, concerning their mission only. I will leave the rest of their rule presented to Paul the third, to the examination it pleased his holiness to make of it. He committed it to three Cardinals to discuss, which thought good to refuse it, specially the Cardinal Guidition. Ignatius whom I have allowed for one of the most sharp and worldly wise men our age afforded, knew he had played the Clerk, and in his new statute couched a greater obedience to the General, than to the holy Sea. For this cause he reform his rule, and made their obedience to the Pope and their General in both alike. These be the words of Ribadener a jesuit, who hath also written the life of Ignatius. 
Rib. lib. 2. cap. 7.  The order of these Clarks must be, that by their Institution they be ready to obey the Pope at a beck, and live by such a line as he shall well consider and determine of. Which the Pope, at Tibur, the third of September, in the year 1539. was glad to hear. From this passage you may gather, that assoon as they offered him absolute obedience in all things, Pope Paulus began to lend a favourable ear unto them. Nevertheless, he stood a while in doubt to open any broad way freely for them to enter, for in the year 1540 he allowed them no number above threescore, afterwards in the year 43. he laid the gate wide open unto them.   

CHAP. 8. ¶ Of the insolent title of the society of jesus usurped by the jesuits, and how many sundry fashions they have used to authorize it.  
Our whole country of France was very much offended at the proud and partial name of Jesuits, which they took upon them. The French Church first, next to it the Court of Parliament, expressly forbade the use of it. Mesnil the king's great Advocate pleaded the cause, showing how odious the name ought to be among Christians: for ripping up the reasons that moved the Bishop, the faculty of Divinity, and the University of Paris to reject them at their first arrival; The main reasons were (quoth he) first the insolent name & title of jesuits, and verily by how much the more the name may be tolerated among jews, Turks, and Pagans, by so much the more it is to be refused among Christians, which do all make profession of the law of jesus. It is as worthy to be blamed, as if a man should attribute and usurp unto himself alone the name of a Christian, among Christians, the name of a French man among the French, or the name of Parisian among the Parisians. Moreover the name of jesus is of such dignity and excellency, that his Disciples & Followers left it only to their Head, and never took but the adjective of Christian, wherewith they are contented to this day. Upon the same ground Pasquier said as much in a Plea of his. I will begin with their name, and after descend to their propositions. First of all, they call themselves jesuits in the midst of Christians. Blessed God, is not this an accusation of the Apostles? happy and renowned were those holy Fathers, seeing our Saviour jesus Christ face to face, to hear his exhortations daily, and after his ascension into heaven, to receive the holy Ghost from him. Nevertheless, knowing with what humility they ought to regard and honour that great and holy name of jesus, they never durst call themselves jesuits, but Christians only, in the town of Antioch, where that name was taken up by them: and as for matters of religion they were afterwards so handled, that as in Rome, the Popes never took upon them the name of S. Peter, for the honour & reverence they bore to their Captain: so in Christendom was there never any Christian baptised by the name of jesus. All the old fathers knew it well, that it had been blasphemy to attribute the name due to the only Creator and Saviour of mankind, unto a mere creature. You must acknowledge then (my masters Ignatiens) that you blaspheme against the honour of God, when you entitle yourselves jesuits. It may be you will say we do not take upon us the name of jesus, but of jesuits, to let the people know that we be jesus followers. Why? did the Apostles & other disciples of our Lord, & they that immediately succeeded him, briefly all the old fathers of the Primitive Church, trace any less after him than you do? so as by some special privilege you must borrow this title and not they? Furthermore I would be glad to learn whether we, by withdrawing ourselves from the vow of your arrogant superstition, be shut out from the fellowship of our Lord and Master jesus Christ? Pasquier said well, that it is to call the Apostles in question. For Fon the jesuit defended afterwards, that the Christians title, was a prouder stile than the jesuits. Ignatius and his company (as they said) being desirous to draw our Church back to the steps of the Apostles times, plotted to minister the Sacraments of penance & of the Altar, and to preach Cod's word. And by this device they spread far without the authority of the holy Sea, and they likewise desired to be entitled, the company of jesus. The Apostles ministered these two Sacraments, and carried the Gospel over all the world, was it then permitted to these new undertakers to do the like? I deny it? For they succeeded not the Apostles, but the Bishops, and under them the Curates. The jesuits devotion was built upon ignorance, by reason whereof, they ought not to be called jesus followers, but his forsakers, as bringers in of a new schism into the Church. Yet have they by this erroneous proposition, qualified themselves with the title of jesus company. A stile never given them by our holy father, but arrogated to themselves, as manifestly appears in a passage of their request preferred to Paulus the third, and interlaced in the Bull in the year 1540 Whosoever in our Society (which we desire to be oderned with the name of jesus) is willing to war under the banner of the cross. This clause is repeated word for word, as it lieth in the Bull of julius the third in the year 1550. which is the confirmation of their privileges. It were absurd to think Pope Paulus would honour them with so proud a title, who refused them at the first, & after ward allotted them but a certain number, & that with many scruples of conscience. Nevertheless, as the jesuits never lacked new lying inventions to credit them, so they bruited it abroad, that they held this title by the faith and homage of the holy Sea. Indeed the first Chapter of their constitutions gins in this manner. This little congregation, which by their first institution was called the Society of jesus, by the Sea apostolic. And agreeable unto this, Versoris the Advocate pleading their cause, 
In the 30. leaf of Versons Plea.  alleged this passage, to show that the Pope was their Godfather, and that they held their name by humility, not by ambition, these be the words he used. I blame not the Advocate, a man of account: for he pleaded upon the advertisements given him, but I excuse not these wise men the jesuits, which are made liars by their own Bulls. There is no lie so impudent as that, but the authority of the holy Sea was not sufficient to grace them by this forgery: they must have recourse to miracles, that is to say, to their juggling casts. 
Maff. lib. 2. ca 5. Rabad lib. 1. ca 12.  Of late years Maffee first, and then Ribadener found out, that Ignace accompanied with Peter Faure, and james Lainez, going through a Church, not far from Rome, being at his prayers, fell into a trance, wherein God the Father appeared to him, who commended Ignace & his companions to jesus Christ his Son, then loaded with his cross, & marked with his wounds, which promised to take him into his protection, & said to Ignace at that instant, I will assist thee in Rome. And as soon as Ignace went out of the Church, he discovered to his two companions what vision he had. That this is but a tale of a tub, I have no doubt at all. james Lainez succeeded him in the Generalship, who being privy to this miracle, how cometh it to pass he never signified so much to Congordan his Agent, & Versoris his Advocate, when the cause was pleaded? Why did he smother this great miracle when it was requisite to disclose it? For that which was chief objected against them in the assembly of Poissie, and afterward in the court of Parliament of Paris, was the insolency of this proud title of the Society of jesus. Why (I say) did not Lainez & his crew, give us notice of this matter, when the French Church and the court of Parliament forbade them this title. They did not so much then, because neither the devil, nor his impostures, built their nests in their pens, as they did at last. Nevertheless, this lie profited them no more than another which we see with our eyes. For when Maffee had told us this tale, mark what he puts to it. And this was the chiefest cause, for which after the Society was confirmed, he gave it especially the name of jesus. If that be true which this liar reports, it follows, that Ignace & his companions, took not the title of jesus Society, but after their order was cofirmed, yet by their requests put up to Pope Paul, inserted into their first Bull of the year 1540 they attributed this name unto them. And that which greatly weighs it, is, that four or five years after, Montaignes a jesuit roundly confessing that to be false which Maffee & Ribadener have written, 
Cap. 66. of Truth defended.  he father's this invention upon the Pope. I answer you (saith he to Arnault) that it is the Pope which gave the name to this holy company, & the sacred counsel that allowed them, which suffices to stop your mouth. The very same saith Fon, 
Fon. ca 38.  The people gave them the name of jesuits, because the holy Sea called them the company of jesus. And two leaves after, The jesuits termed not themselves jusuits, but the holy Sea termed them the company of jesus. I commend the conscience of these two honest jesuits, who speaking nothing of Ignaces vision mock themselves in their souls with these two flatteries. But I cannot choose but excuse their ignorance, for had they read their first Bull of Paul the third, they should have found that Ignace & his companions were entitled the Society of jesus when they preferred their petition to the Pope.  
The Advocate standing upon these contrarieties, one of the company said to him: Methinks you labour in vain. They have this name of jesuits, neither from God nor from the Pope: but only from the common people, which is a great Philosopher and controller of our actions. You see Fon agrees unto it: but you must understand at large, how matters pass on this side. Being at the first named the company or Society of jesus, the people marking their behaviour called them jesuists, not jesuits, pronouncing S. and T. together. For when their cause was pleaded in the year 64. The Advocates called them nothing else but jesuists. See the counsel Master Charles Moulin, one of the best lawyers in France gave upon the receiving them. The title was this, Whether the jesuits be to be received in the Realm of France, and admitted in the University of Paris. And all along his discourse speaking of them, he useth no other term than jesuists. A matter which you shall find avouched also in Versoris Plea, 
Fol. 30. Versoris Plea.  put forth in print by them. Men qualified their title (saith he) and called them the College of jesuists. And so it continued a little after. But they could not leave it, for so much as they ought to have a common name fitting the whole order and Colleges belonging to them. Which can not be that of Clairmounte, except peradventure for the three Colleges sake founded by the Bishop of Clairmounte: It is therefore requisite they should add the word jesuists. This very name was afterward in use in their own College at Paris, when they were expelled.  
It is true, that in process of time the common people for the easier pronunciation, discarded the S. and called them jesuits▪ in steed of jesuists. And when Pasquier printed his Epistles in the year 1586. likewise when the Plea was printed in the year 94. And that of the Advocate Mesnil, they were termed jesuists according to the common custom of time. Neither was this reformed in Versoris Plea. Take it then for certain, that they were called jesuists, as you may better be informed by such as lived in those days, & this was done upon grave consideration, for no spark of true jesus being in them, but hypocrisy only apparelled with his name, the people branded them with the name of jesuists. In like manner you know that from the Greek word Sophos, which sigfies sage, in old time the word Sophister was derived, to decipher such a one as troubled the waters of Wisdom. Therefore we do note by the name of jesuists these new disturbers of jesus & his Church. After this manner in our time, from the word Deus, some have wrested a title of men deified, which is a new heresy. And as God shines in his wisdom, so shall it not be from the purpose to couple a jesuist & a Sophister together, because a jesuist is nothing else but the Sophister of our Catholic religion.  
Here said the Advocate, you have reason, & not only I subscribe to your observation, but more, I hold him a heavy beast, which shall not acknowledge them to be of the Society of jesus. Verily they are, but just as judas was among the Apostles, so many jesuys so many judases, ready to betray their princes or their countries, whensoever occasion serves to do it. What will you give us (will be the burden of their song to those princes that have most money) & we will deliver our Liege Lord into your hands, or trouble his state that it may be yielded to you. Did they not attempt the same in France, and if our famous Henry had believed them, had they not performed it? But thanks be unto God, they met with such a bar as the necessity of our affairs required.   

CHAP. 9 ¶ That the jesuits are called Apostles in Portugal, & in the Indies, and with what deceits they have wrought it.  
QVestionlesse, he is much deceived that makes any doubt of the society of jesus, for there must of force be a jesus in their company, sithence they have had Apostles, & such remain among them in the Realm of Portugal to this day: an impiety certainly shameful for our Catholic apostolic Roman Church, that under colour of a painted obedience, they say they yield to the holy Sea, we have suffered these hypocrites to be called Apostles, not in Portugal only, but in many other Towns and Cities also of the Indies, where they command. This history, how disgraceful soever it be to us, deserves notwithstanding, to be understood & known to all good men, that they may be informed how the jesuits have not spared for any sleights to raise their reputation, by the downfall of the true Church of God.  
I must tell you then, that Ignace being at Venice with his nine companions, Peter Faure, which in Latin is called Faber, France's Xavier, james Lainez, Alphonsus Salmeron, Nicholas Bobadille, Simon Roderic, Pasquier Broet, Claudius jay, and john Codury. One Hosius of Navarre, Bachelor of Divinity, after many doubts cleared unto him by Ignace, 
Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 6.  at last joined heart and company with Ignace, and was put into the catalogue with the rest, (saith Ribadener,) and upon the point of their departure from the territory of Venice, 
Ribad. lib. 7. cap. 5. Maff. lib. 2. cap. 4.  after their first return from Rome. Ignatius, (saith the same Author) Faber and Lainez, went to Viceria, Frances Xavier and Salmeron, to mount Celesius, john Codurus & Hosius (late said to be put into their number) to Tarnisium, Claudius' jay, & Simon Roderic, to Bassanun, Paschasius & Bobadilla, to Verona. It pleased God that after Ignace was appointed by his companions to go to Rome, 
Maff. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 12.  as he was saying Mass at Mount Cassin, he saw an Angel carry Hosius soul with joy to heaven. Thus by his death, their company was reduced to their first catalogue of ten, that number which (I say) preferred their request to Pope Paul the third; and you shall not find that they soon afterwards gathered any more to make up eleven or twelve, as they did with Hosius.  
Now, the record tells us, that as they were at Rome attending the Pope's pleasure to give order for their plot, john the third of that Name King of Portugal, was desirous to have some one of these new Pilgrims to send him to the Indies, where he possessed a great part of the Country. The Portugals had by their long and venturous navigations, opened a way to these new found Lands, (for so our Ancestors called them,) and they made themselves masters of them, where the most part of the Commanders continued in their old idolatry, & others, although they were baptised, were but rude Christians. By this means Ma. james Govea, sometime principal of S. barbs College in Paris, advised the King to choose some one of these new Pilgrims at Rome, to convert his subjects. Govea by the King's appointment, wrote to Ignace, who answered him again by Letters, that he had no authority in that case, but that all depended upon the Pope's pleasure. After a little coursing to and fro, the charge was committed to France's Xavier of Navarre, and Simon Roderic a Portugal.  
These travailed to the King, which entertained them very graciously. Upon their arrival, the Pope enlarged this new company to the number of threescore: these two men were called Apostles, a title derived from them to their Successors in that Country. Horace Turcelin a jesuit yields this reason of it. Last of all (saith he, speaking of Xavier and Rodoric, 
Turcel lib. 1 ca 10. of Xavers' life. ) the excellency of their virtue, and contempt of the world, was miraculous in the eyes of the whole City. It was bruited among the comen people, that twelve Priests, (for two were added to the ten) had combined together at Rome. Two of the which company living among them, seemed to carry (I know not what) show of an Apostolical life. This made the people, whether it were for the equality of the number, or for the conformit is of life, to begin by too great a title, to call them Apostles, and continued so to term them though much against their wills. For the portugals, being no less constant in their doings, then religious in determination, they could never be drawn to recall that name which they had once given (as they thought) unto the truth. Nay the matter proceeded so far, that this name grew to be imposed upon the rest of that society, almost throughout all Portugal.  
Trust me, this passage is of such desert, that I should deceive these good men, if I should not translate it into French, to discover with how great piety they have purchased this title. For France's Xavier is honoured for a great Saint among all the jesuits. Was there ever any impiety or imposture greater than this, that these two hypocrites to be counted Apostles, bruited it abroad, that two new supplies were added to their Sect, to make up the number of twelve Apostles; and that upon this false alarm they were called Apostles. This was against their will (saith Turcelline) believe the reporter. For Xavier took special care not to lose his title when he came into the Indies. 
Tincel. 2. book of Xaviers life, cap. 3.  Therefore, as before in Portugal, so in India, he began to be commonly called an Apostle, and the same title afterwards, flowed from Francis as from the Head to the rest of his fellows. Tell me (I beseech you) whether this be not to renew the heresy of Manes, whose followers were called Manichees, he naming himself the Paraclet, had twelve Disciples whom he called Apostles, and for such he sent them abroad one by one, to other provinces, to spread abroad the poison of his heresy through their preaching. To say the truth, Ignace never took on him the name of Paraclet, yet was he willing enough to be accounted for another jesus by his company: As I will discourse to you in his proper place, when I come to speak of their blind obedience. He did not only take this authority & power upon himself. But resigned it over also to all the Generals of his order that succeeded him, who in like manner have embraced the title of Apostles, wherewith their inferiors were endowed in Portugal.  
This is apparent in Rome, and yet no man sees it, but quite contrary, this Family is there had in honourrable regard, upon a wrong conceit men have entertained touching their absolute obedience, whereof these my Masters make semblance unto the Pope. And shall we hereafter have any marvel to hear a barking at the holy Sea by diversities of new opinions that fight against it? Pardon me I beseech thee, O holy Sea, for it is the heat of my zeal devoted to thee, that enforceth me to utter this speech. Great and unspeakable are God's judgements, to suffer that in the City of Rome in your sight and knowledge, there should be a Manes, continued by successions from one to another, which hath not twelve only, but infinite Apostles dispersed here and there: God will revenge it early or late, though it be by his enemies.  
The Advocate as a man much wounded in heart, was desirous to prosecute this in a chafe, when the jesuit interrupting him, said, Very well sir, you are in danger to be drawn dry. Marking your discourse you put me in mind of those young Historiographers which imputed it for folly to Alexander the great, that he would have all men think him to be jupiter's son, they attributed this to his immoderate overweening, nevertheless it was an excellent wise drift of his. Can you imagine why? so long as the country of king Darius, was the mark he shot at, he was too wise to take that title upon him, and chose rather to thrust forward his fortune by ordinary means of arms. But as soon as he plotted to pass into India, a kind of new world divided from ours, he would have the people persuaded by the great Priest of Egypt that he was jupiter's son, and from that time he would be adored as such a one, not by the Macedonians his natural subjects, bred in the liberty of a Greek spirit: But by the barbarous people, with such respect and belief, that from that time forward they should take him not to be a mere Prince, but a great God that came to the conquest of the Indies: this device took so good effect, that he made himself Lord of the country without striking stroke. The Kings, Potentates, and common people, saying, that their country was first vanquished by Bacchus, then by Hercules, both sons of jupiter: and that the whole rule and Dominion was reserved for the coming of Alexander, a third son of his. Think you our Society follows not this plot? you see we never took the name of Apostles any where but in Portugal: but when we were to go to the same Indies where Alexander had been, we thought as he did, that it was fit we should be authorized beyond others, by a more ample, sacred, and majestical title, which was to be called Apostles. It had been ill for us to challenge it in Portugal, if Xavier had not continued it, by an intercourse of his company, after his arrival in the Indies, to the end he might be reputed another Saint Thomas, sent thither after the passion of our Saviour jesus Christ. And it were impossible to recount what conquests of souls we made there, under this holy persuasion. Ha, (quoth the Advocate) verily if this be your fashion, I have nothing to do with you: for as when you entered Italy you borrowed I know not what of their Mountebanks, so would you do the like of Machiavelli, in Portugal and the Indies. Mean while, you my masters that have bragged much of your knowledge in Divinity, have very ill turned over the history of the kings in the the Bible, from whence you gather by a continued rank, that God took away the crowns of all the Kings of Israel as oft as they became Idolaters, either while they lived, or in all time to come never suffered them to descend unto their children. How think you (I pray ye) that God hath left the true Kings of Portugal without heirs, and that their Realm came into the hands of the first Prince that caught it? That one Don Anthonio a bastard, one Katherine de Medici's, Queen-mother of our King, pretended title to it, and last of all, that one Philip King of Spain became master of it without any great resistance. I will not discourse in partriculer of the goodness of his title: for mine one part, I think that the best title he had, was the justice of God, whom it pleased, in revenge of the giddy Idolatry and blasphemy of the kings and people, to make this realm, without trial of the cause, pass from one family to another, by this holy title of Apostles attributed to these hypocrites. And I persuade myself, that the King of Spain now reigning, will one day fall into the like mischief, if he suffer this impiety.   

CHAP. 10. ¶ The impieties of William postel a jesuits.  
But why should we think this blaphemie strange in them, if within few years after they took the title of Apostles on them, some one of them was found so abominable in the sight of God and man, that he called the power of our Saviour jesus Christ in question, upon the point of our Redemption. The man I speak of, is William postel, against whom Pasquier declaimed in his Plea on this manner.  
For so much as they buzz nothing in the cares of simple women but their piety, which they fasten to their Robes with a clasp and a point, mark whether they they be such indeed as they protest in words. We have the Benedictines, Barnardines, Dominicans, Franciscans, and other like orders. At the beginning of these professions, the authors thereof were found to be men of so holy life, that by common consent of the Church they were registered in the Calendar of Saints: Whereupon many drawn by their good life desired to trace after them. Peradventure we shall likewise find, that the first of the jesuits sect were men of so holy and austere life, that we ought to be so far of from any dislike of them, as on the contrary, we should rather wish to be incorporated into them. About ten or twelve years ago one of your old Factors came to this town, a man as far exceeding you in knowledge, as you do the simple handicrafts man. This was Master William postel: we heard him preach, read, and write. He had a large Cassack, reaching down to the middle leg, a long rob, girt about him, an Episcopal bonnet; accompanied with a pale & withered face, which bewrayed nothing but great austerity: and he said Mass with many nice ceremonies not common in the Church. All this while what did he bring forth? One mother jane, an impiety, an heresy, the most detestable that ever was heard of since the incarnation of our Lord jesus Christ. The Donatists, the Arians, the Pelagians, never did such a thing. Where preached he? Not in mountanie or desert places, where men are wont to plant new religions: it was in the fair heart of France, in the City of Paris. Of what Order was he? Of this venerable Society of jesus. Ha, believe me if your society bring such monsters forth, if you engender so damnable effects, God grant we never be of this society.  
The jesuits to this day deny it very stoutly, that postel was ever of their society: and not only deny it, but as soon as Pasquier objected it when he pleaded the cause against them, they said it was a new addition put to his old Plea when he printed it. 
Chap. 42.  Pasquier shows himself (saith the wizard Fon) to have lost all the faculties of his soul, his understanding, his will, and his memory: his understanding is full of darkness, his will full of gale, his memory fraught with oblivion. For when the cause was pleaded in the year 64. postel was then alive, confined to the Monastery of S. Martin of the fields at Paris, where he lived until the year 1580. Nevertheless, this good pleader speaks of him as if he had been dead long before. And a little after: last of all you must note, that Pasquier spoke not this when he pleaded: for he had been checked for so impudent a lie, and hissed at by the whole world that saw postel then present; but this was written one and twenty years after, when he defierd to publish it. And so is he contrary to himself, forgetting to take that counsel the Proverb gives, Oportet mendacem esse memorem, to the end he may draw up the pieces of falsehood so close, that no body might perceive the seam.  
And if you will believe me, it was not without cause the jesuits played this Pavin to this Perric dancer, for if postel were a jesuite, they are undone. Therefore I beseech you let us examine three things: The first, whether Pasquier made this objection. The second, whether postel were of their company. And thirdly, what was that impiety which he sought to bring into our Religion, under the name of his mother jane? For as good fellows use to say, The sport is worthy of a candle. Concerning the first, Pasquier never spoke of postel as of a dead man: to prove it, the beginning of the passage is thus. About ten or twelve years ago, one of your company came to this Town, a man that passeth you, as much as you do the mean Artificer. By these words you see, he spoke as of a man then living: but he added afterward, This was Ma. William postel, carrying back all the coherence of this discourse, to the time of ten or twelve years past, when postel built up an heresy upon his Mother jane, as you may gather from the same passage; which shows that the jesuits have neither understanding, judgement, nor memory, stumbling in this manner upon Pasquier: and this is it which in the year 1594. they caused to be imprinted, in Versoris Plea of the year 64. which was an answer to Pasquiers Plea: if you take up the book and read it, in the 36. leaf you shall find these words. It is objected against us, that postel was likewise of our company, & that by these bad fruits you may see what the tree was, I ask them, what were the fruits of judas, must we for them condemn our Lord and his Apostles? And a little after; postel was never professed in our house, he was a very Novice and sent away.  
Would you have a more evident demonstration than this, to prove both that Pasquier spoke of postel living, and that he made this objection. For otherwise, Versoris had fought with his own shadow. Let us now consider whether postel were of their order. And to make it good that he was, I apply that which I even now read unto you, Versoris & Pasquier, were two brave Champions brought to combat in the Lists before the chief Senate of France, at the foils. The blow delivered against postel offended all the order, in respect of the place he held among them. Had not he been one of them, that great Advocate Versoris, had never wound himself away from this stroke as he did, but rather had denied it roundly, as the jesuits now do, thinking that the distance of time hath razed it out of remembrance, but knowing that the truth then apparent, would have complained of him, he was not so hardy. By means whereof, swimming between two billows, he acknowledged him to be a Novice of their Company, but afterward shut out of doors.  
Of this expulsion you shall not be able to quoate any time. For after he printed his book of Mother jane, that stunk in the nose of all the world, they would never have suffered him to become a Novice, as likewise that is verified, that a little after his book was condemned, and the Author confined to the Monastery of S. Martin's. As before this he was too great a man in all kind of learning, and of the tongues, to shut him out of their company: so was he seen publicly appareled after the jesuits manner in Paris, in the College of Lombard's, with Father Pasquier Broet, and the other jesuits, in which house they had their first abode. After this, when they had a College made ready for them, and gates open in the house of Langres in S. james street, he did eat and drink with them daily: before he was confined to the Monastery of S. Martin. Hereby you may see, that no man then doubted he was a jesuit.  
What was then his impiety grounded upon his Mother jane? Being now to bicker with these pretended navigators of Africa, every man must understand, that they breed as many new Monsters as men. When postel had been many years the King's Professor of the Greek tongue, in the University of Paris, he left his place, desirous to hoist sail for Palestina, as the good Ignace did: from thence he came back to Venice, about the time of the good Ignace, where he grew acquainted with a superstitious old beldame called Mother jane, whom he made his Mother. A little while after, he returned to Paris to the College of Lombard's, with his companions the jesuits, where he printed a book entitled, The victory of Women. In which he maintained, that our Saviour jesus Christ redeemed the superior world only, that is, Man; and that his Mother jane was sent from God to save the inferior world, that is, womans, adding Pythagoras dreams to his impiety.  
He sought to persuade men, that the soul of Saint john the Baptist was transfused into her. And in another leaf, that the soul of Saint john the Baptist was once in a Goldsmith. She was appareled like a jew, with a great Gaberdine of a tawny colour; she went through the City bareheaded, and barefooted, wearing a hideous long hair, crying repentance, for the end of the world was at hand. This new S. john the Baptist, was afterward burnt alive by the course of justice, held in the Court of Parliament of Tolosa, which would never take the weakness of her wit for payment. And in sooth, many men marveled that postel was not executed in like manner. For his book was sold publicly by Porters, and it cannot any way be excused; except the jesuits, (by I know not what external infatuations, wherewith they do enchant us,) have their safe conduct for every thing. I persuade myself, that Richeome will one day bring in this for a great miracle in his book of miracles.  
We have to this day other remnants of postel, for the same Pasquier pleading the cause, said that Ignace was no less factious & troublesome in the Church, than Martin Luther, that both the one and the other, were borne in one centenary of years: Martin in the year, 1488. Ignace in the year 1491. Each of them erected his sect, saying, he drew all his principles from the primitive Church, that thereby they might the more easily draw the simple people to their line, but that the Ignacian sect was more to be feared then the Lutherans, running through a rank of reasons which he had couched together. A special one was, that every one of us would take heed of Luther, whom we judged an Heretic: contrariwise, that in the behalf of Ignace, it was an easy matter for men to be overtaken, by I know not what kind of hypocritical countenance which they put on.  
This sole conclusion (saith Fon) shows Pasquier to be full of ignorance and malice, and if he speak in good earnest, he is like unto that Atheist whom I dare not name, that made such a comparison between Moses and his law, and Mahomet and his sect, & called them both deceivers. How so? Because he that likens Ignace to Luther, is as impious as the other, that compared Moses and Mahomet together. Moses was expressly chosen of GOD to deliver his people out of the captivity of Egypt, and the tyranny of the pharao's. For Moses sake, the sea miraculously opened itself to make him way. God appeared to Moses and talked with him, and by his prayers, all the while he lifted up his hands to heaven, the same great GOD made the children of Israel victorious. I do not think any man was ever so wicked, that he durst make comparison between Moses and Mahomet: and if there be any of that stamp, I take our jesuits to be as bad as he, in comparing Ignace with Moses. This comparison would be strange to me, but overlooking their other jesuitical books, I found it to be a very familiar matter with them. For Father Hannibal Codret never doubted to write, that his company took their name from God, who made them the companions of his dear son jesus Christ, which so accepted of them. And in their annual Letters of the year 1589. the jesuits of the College of our Lady of Loreto writing to their General, make mention of a little devil conjured by one of them, in the Name of JESUS, whereat he was somewhat angry: but when they pressed him with the name of Ignace, then began the devil to play the devil indeed, more than he did before, such a fear had he of this holy name. These blasphemies are the least escapes of our jesuits: this Family hath good store of others, whereof I trust one day to make you a good and faithful Inventory. But sithence that by leaping from one matter to another, I stepped before I was aware upon the process and course of times, I will return to our Ignace and his companions, to show you what their crafty conveyance was to purchase entertainment when they came to Rome.   

CHAP. II. ¶ The studies of great Ignace.  
THE year 1524. Ignace began to study at Barcelona, being three & thirty years of age, a course of life which he could not well relish; for having (as he bragged) his mind wholly mounted up to heaven, he could not strike the wing to come down, so low as the declensions of Nouns, which matter (saith Maffe) as it were presaging things to come, 
Maff. lib. 1. cap. 17. Ribad. lib. 1. cap. 13.  was furthered by the wicked enemy of mankind, especially at that time offering him many visions, and opening to him the secret mysteries of the holy Scripture, I think that never man spoke truer than he, for all these pretended contemplations of Ignace, were mere mummeries of the devil, who desired to present us with such a man, as might by his ignorance trouble the whole state of the Church. In this conflict he spent two years at Barcelona, about the expiring whereof, jumping over his studies, he removed to the University of Alcala, where he made a show of study in Logic, natural Philosophy, and Divinity. In Logic (saith Maffe) he began to turn over those whom we call Termini. In natural Philosophy, Albert. In Divinity, the master of the Sentences. I leave it to your considerations, whether these books were fit for him to handle, as a man that had done all that was for him to do, who studied his Grammar but two years, when as yet he had employed his five senses, without taking his flight to any other design; for the most conversant in learning, are much cumbered with understanding Albertus, much more with the Master of the Sentences, the first foundation of our School Divinity. Add to it, that the two years he spent, one while at Alcala, anotherwhile at Salamanca, another University, these were but prisons & extraordinary proceed for him: that is as much to say, so much interruption of his imaginary studies hindered in him. I call them imaginary, because he had no other speculations in his soul, but by fair semblance to fashion a new Sect. All this was partly the cause, that he perceiving his drifts to take no place in Spain, desired to see France, & came to Paris in February 1528. And then (say Maffe and Ribadener) knowing how little he had profited in 4. years, 
Maff. lib. 1. ca 18. Rib. lib. 18. cap. 16.  as well by reason of the precipitation, as the confusion of his studies, he deliberated to follow the broad way: Let us take Maffees book into our hands, & mark what he discourseth. And when by his experience he had found the imbecility of man's mind to be such, that he can hardly endure to have many irons in the fire at once, condemning his former haste, and forsaking from thence forth the shortest cut, he entered the King's high way, and attempted to begin his studies anew. Therefore being at man's state, he disdained not to repair every day to the College of Montagu, and in the company of babbling children repeat his Grammar rules.  
He did also much diminish his set time of prayer, & taming of his body, to recover the more leisure and strength: yet so, that he principally never omitted these three things. First, to hear Mass devoutly every day: Next, to refresh him with the bread of heaven every eight day after the Sacrament of penance: Last of all, to call himself twice in a day; to a strait account, of all that he had spoken, done, or thought: and that comparing the day present, with the day past, one week with another, & one month with another, he might try & examine at a hairs breadth, how he had gone forward or backward in his soul. Let us follow the traces of the same Maffee. Ignace being come to Paris, 
Lib. 1. ca 19  fell so suddenly poor, that he was constrained to beg his bread every day from door to door, & to get into S. james hospital by very humble suit, entreating the Precedent of that place, which was indeed a great hindrance to him. Therefore, in Saint james hospital, which stands far off in the Suburbs, Ignatius being driven to very great straits, by reason of so great distance of place, he struggled with other incommodities, as well in that the schools began in the University before day, and ended not but within the night, he by the statutes of the hospital, could not get out of the gates easily before sun rising, and must return at evening, before the sun was set: as also that by going and coming though he were a painful and diligent Scholar, yet he lost much of his Masters dictates, and of the exercises of the schools. Having no other present remedy for so great detriment, he determined after the manner of poor Scholars, to serve some of the heads, Dostors of the University: upon condition, that such vacant times as he had from his masters business, might wholly be spent in the schools to get learning. And a little after, seeing how Ignace went forward with his studies. He took a far better course, that when the vacations began, he might run out into Belgia, and sometime into England, or Britain, to the Spanish factors, by whose bounty, having easily obtained a yearly sum of money to be paid him by certain pensions at Paris, all the time of his studies, he might the more commodiously give himself to his book: and when he had spent almost eighteen months at the Latin tongue in the College of Montagu, he went into a College, called by the name of Saint Barbara, to study Philosiphie, tarrying there three years and a half (which is the full time appointed in that University for the course of Philosophy) he profited so well, that by the honourable verdict of his Master (which was john Penna the Philosopher) when he had played his ordinary prizes, he was graced with a laurel, and other ornaments of learning. After this, he did set upon the study of Divinity in the schools of the Domenicans Monastery, with great travel. Ribadiner the supply of Maffees untruths, adds, That having gove through his course of Philosophy, he gave the rest of his time, until he was five and thirty years of age, unto Divinity, wherein by God's goodness, the harvest was answerable to his seed. His meaning was to tell you, that he won as great honour in Divinity, as he did in Philosophy, wherein he said very true, sithence he got no more commendation in the one profession, then in the other.  
I have here set forth wares which I took out of Maffees shop, whereby I desire neither to be a gainer nor a loser. It is sit that every history should either contain a truth, or some likelihood of it: this liar hath neither one nor other. For while Maffee would here represent the act●ons of a good and virtuous man, he makes him such a one as knew not well how to speak Latin, or if he did, it was but the very chattering of a Pie, that spoke without understanding. Nevertheless, at the end of his studies, he makes him a great Philosopher. It is not enough for a witness to depose such a thing was done: he must render a reason of his speech, if he will be believed. Let us go over all that I have here read unto you. First Maffee confesseth, that all Ignace his studies for the space of four years in Spain were unprofitable, so that he was constrained to go back to the lowest forms of the college of Montaigu with little children, to learn the first principles of his Latin Grammar, wherein he spent eighteen months only, before he entered the course of Philosophy. I will show you that of all this time you shall not find above six months of study. During these eighteen months he never lost one Mass, he kept all his Saboths', this could not be done without devotion, so that he must at the least take up the Saturday to prepare himself: or if he went to lectures that day, it had been to abuse the Sacrament of the Altar, to present himself before it the day following.  
Moreover, every day he fell to examining his conscience, and if you will have me put him into his circle, a brave study certainly far passing all other: but while he gave himself time for it, this was to distract him from his other study whereof we now speak. His first abode, was at Saint james of Haultpas, half a quarter of a league distant from the College of Montaigu. What a deal of time lost he in going to and fro? The hospital gate opened late in the morning, and shut soon in the evening, which made him copy out many lessons every day: but that which is much more, when you consider that he was compelled to crave alms at men's houses for his relief: his dinner was not ready for him. To quite himself of this inconvenience, he was forced to serve a College, a state wherein he might more easily find sustenance for his body, but not for his soul: for being come out of a hospital, from a kind of beggary to service, never doubt but that he was employed in the most base and vile offices of a College servant, which are, to make the beds, to sweep the chamber, to brush his masters apparel, and to beat out the dust, to hang the pot over the fire, to run fr wine, to wash the dishes, and other small duties depending upon this charge. judge you what breathing time he could have for his book. In fine, during these 18. months he made many voyages in the vacations, as well into the Low-Countries, as into England, to recover exhibition. I would be very glad Maffee should tell me what time of vacation was given unto the Scholars, for it is news to me. These voyages could not be made but by long journeys by a footman, driven to beg his living; and the very cut over the Sea to pass into England, is somewhat to be considered.  
Put all these circumstances together, how much time had he left him for his Grammar studies of the 18. months? at the end whereof, they make him leap with a pitchfork into Philosophy, which was unfit for it, and beyond all hope he grew a great Philosopher, and afterward a profound Divine. Such Scholars as have past the straits of Grammar and Rhetoric, & have thereunto joined the reading of Oratory Historiographers, Poets Greeke and Latin, become in five or six years space, hardly able to enter the course of Philosophy: and would they have us think this man, who never had six months free leisure to learn his Grammar among children, became a great Philosopher? All these things give the lie openly to this history. For the same man, during the time of the three years & a half of his course, was put into the Inquisition, before Friar Matthew Ory, Inquisitor of the faith; And he was to be whypt in the Hall of the College of S. Barb, by the hands of Master james Govea, Principal of the house, 
Maff. lib. 1. cap. 20. Rib. lib. 1. cap. 3.  upon the complaint of Ma. john Penna his Tutor, because he put his fellows out of their ordinary course of studies. And I know not with what empty show of holiness, he perverted the excellent state and discipline of that School, 
Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 3.  saith Ribadener. Furthermore, in the three years of his course, he entangled in his net one Faure, Xavier, Lainez, Salmeron, Bobadilla, Roderic his first companions, or rather to say truth, his first Disciples, with whom he afterward made the first stamp of his Society at Montmarter.  
I learn all this, specially of Maffee, yet is this brave calculator, so unadvised to tell us, that to make himself capable of Philosophy, he forgot all the old illusions of the devil, to give himself the better leisure to study, without consideration calling that the devils illusion, which Ignace avouched to be devotion. Lay aside his Philosophy, and call to mind his study in Divinity. He proceeded Master of Arts in March 1532. than he fell into a long and tedious sickness, & by the physicians counsel he changed air, and went into Spain in the month of November 1535. Can you make him a great Divine in three years, which never laid any foundation in Grammar or Philosophy? And to show you that he was a great Ass, I mean in respect of all kind of learning, and not concerning the wisdom of the world, wherein no body came near him, this is covertly acknowledged by the jesuits themselves, who feed you with no fables. When Painters draw the picture of S. Hierom, they lay a book open in his hands, to show he was a man reputed the most learned of all our Church Doctors. And when the jesuits represent the figure of their Ignace, they give him a pair of beads in his hand, in token of his ignorance, for upon these, silly women say their prayers, which can neither read nor write. So shall you find him portrayed by a sweet Ingraver, before a Crucifix, in the forehead of Ribadiners' book, printed at Lions by james Roussin in the year 1595. Reue de la Fon, with a kind of sincerity of conscience, a matter very familiar with him, 
●●n lib. 1. cap. 38.  frankly acknowledges the like, when he saith, That never any disgraced Saint Anthony, nor Saint Frances, nor the Apostles (a speech surely worthy of so devout a jesuit, to set the Apostles behind hind Saint Anthony and S. Frances.) Were the Apostles studied, saith he? they drew their Divine knowledge from the holy Ghost: also Ignace fet his from the same holy Ghost, & though it were less in quantity, yet was it derived from the same fountain. And trust me, I know in good earnest, that Fon is a conscionable man, to avouch his Ignace to be learned like Saint Anthony, who gloried that he knew nothing. It is not so with Ignace of whom I take hold for his ignorance, but with these two ignorant jesuits, Maffee & Ribadiner which would make us believe he was a great Philosopher and Divine, not considering that by publishing this in gross, they belie him by retail, in reckoning up the parcels of his studies. Nevertheless, I would every man should understand after what fashion the holy Ghost was lodged in Ignace and his companions, when they put up a supplication to Pope Paul the third, for the approbation of their order.   

CHAP. 12. ¶ That when Ignace and his companions came before Pope Paul the third, they were plain Mounte-banks, and that the titles they gave themselves were false.  
WHich way soever I turn me, I find nothing but treachery in this jesuitical Family, even from the beginning of their order, when Ignace & his fellows preferred their requests to Pope Paul the third, for the authorizing their holy company to take the name of jesus: the promise they made to him, was to bring the heretics back again into the bosom of the Church, and to convert the Turks, and other miscreants unto our faith. A work that not only required they should bring a willing mind with them, but sufficiency and capacity to perform it. For this cause they were ever careful not to be counted simple scholars, for then men would have mocked them and never have called them Divines. They were too weak to grace themselves so far, having no ground, therefore after a smother manner, they termed themselves Masters of Arts, not of Spain or Italy, but of the great & famous Vninersity of Paris. And in the neck of it, they added, that they had studied Divinity many years. The Pope, to be resolved what fruit this new order might bring forth, committed the matter to three Cardinals. Of these three, one was of Luca, Barthelmy Guidition, a very learned & holy man (by the jesuits own testimony) who a little before this, had made a book against new orders of religion. This man standing as it were upon his own ground, became a puissant adversary of theirs, & drew the two others to his opinion. But in fine, Ignace won them all, as well by long importuning them, as also by a million of Masses which he made his fellows say. These Cardinals did but dispute the question in general, touching novelty of orders, without sounding the bottom in particular, to know whether these great votaries issued out of Horace mountain, that was brought a bed of a Mouse. Let us now supply their want. Montaignes' speaking of their coming, saith thus: First I answer, that this company of jesus began in Paris, 
Mont. ca 30  and that it took the first root there in ten Masters of Arts of the said University, of which Masters one was a Biscaian, Ignace de Loiola, one a Navarean, Frances Xavier, two were French men, Pasquier Broet, & john Codury: Three were Spaniards, james Lainez, Alphonse Salmeron, & Claudius jaius: & one a Portugal, Simon Roderic. It pleased them all to go forth Masters of Arts in the University of Paris. And that you may learn, by reading the first Bulls of Pope Paul the third, the tenor of which was this. For we have been of late informed that our beloved sons, Ignatius de Loyola, and Peter Faber, and james Lainez, also Claudius jaius, Paschasius Broet, and Frances Xavier, with Alphonsus Salmeron, and Simon Roderic, & john Codury, & Nicholas Bobadilla, Priests of the Cities, & Dioceses of Pampilon, Gebennen, Seguntin, Toledo, Visen, Ebredune, and Palestine, respectively masters of Arts graduated in the University of Paris, & many years exercised in the study of Divinity, long since departing out of divers regions of the world, by the inspiration of the holy Ghost agreed in one. I leave that that remains, containing the admirable vow of these wandering Knights, and that which they obtained of the Pope. All these were also inspired touching the life & coming of Pope julius the third to the Supreme sea, of whom they obtained their confirmation in the year 1550. By the same quality also you shall find in Ribadiner his 3. book & 12. chapter, where the Bull is all at large inserted, all of them say, they proceeded Masters of Arts in the University of Paris, all studied Divinity many years, and all were inspired by the holy Ghost. I never understood that the holy Ghost taught us to be liars, but by these undertakers. To prove them to you to be such, I will have no recourse but to their two great historigraphers. For if you believe Maffee, neither Lainez, nor Salmeron, nor Bobadilla went forth masters of Arts in Paris, but in a University bordering upon Spain, which they call Complutensem Academian, in the Spanish tongue, Alcala. Let us hear what Ribadiner saith. 
Rib. lib. 2. cap. 4.  james Lainez a young man, having gone through his course of Philosophy, came to Paris from the University of Alcala, with Alphonsus Salmeron also a very stripling, that came both to study & to seek out & see Ignace. In this passage, I cannot perceive that james Lainez was made Ma. of Arts at Alcala, & as for Salmeron, he was a young boy that came to Paris, as well to study as to see Ignace, yet Maffee more adventurous in this point than his companion, hath declared them to have taken their Masterships' of Arts in Spain. james Lainez, who next after Ignace governed our Society, 
Maff. lib. 1. cap. 4.  & Alphonsus Salmeron of Toledo, very expert in the Greek & Latin tongues, each of them having ended his course of Philosophy at Alcala, travailed to Paris, partly to study Divinity, partly to see Ignace. Make these two passages agree. Ribadiner makes Salmeron a young lad, not promoted to any degrees; at the least, he makes no such mention of him as he did of james Lainez: and Maffee published him to be accomplished in all knowledge of Greek and Latin, and to have received his degree of Mastership in Spain. Let us dwell upon this opinion, for I take no pleasure to make them liars, but upon good gauges.  
The same Maffe, puts after these two here, Nicholas Bobadilla, and Simon Roderic, saying; Unto these, came Nicholas Bobadilla a Palestine, a learned young man, that had publicly professed Philosophy in Pintia, a town in Spain, and also Simon Roderic a Portugal, a man of excellent wit. I will therefore place Bobadilla among the Spanish Masters of Arts, because he read a Philosophy Lecture before he came into France, but not Roderic, whom he makes to be a young man of great hope, and no more in these words Praestanti indole. I know it well, that Ribadiner speaking of these 7. all at a lump, faith; that after they were Masters of Arts, they made their first vow at Montmartire, in the year 1534. upon the Assumption of our Lady: but he saith not, that they were all made Masters of Arts at Paris. The truth is then, if you believe them, that four of these seven, proceeded Masters of Art at Paris, Loyola, Faure, Xavier, Roderic, 
Fod. cap. 4.  and the three others in Spain, Lainez, Salmeron, and Bobadilla. And a year after, Claudius jay, john Codury, & Pasquier Broet, joined themselves to their society. You shall not find either in Maffee or Ribadiner, that any of these took any degree of School.  
Thus if you give any credit to them, of these ten companions, 4. were Graduates in Paris, three in Spain, and the three other without degree of Mastership. And I will show you as I pass along, that Pasquier Broet was a great Ass for all his porridge. I speak of him, because I once turned & wound him, and put him out of breath, when he, in the house of Clairmont in Harpe-streete at Paris, was Precedent of the jesuits. This fellow was a great Idol, of whom a man may say, as in old time Ausonius said of Ruffus the Rhetorician.  
Haec Ruffi tabula est? nile verius: ipse ubi Ruffus?  
In cathedra: quid agit? hoc quod et in tabula.  
Is Ruffus' picture here? most true: where's he?  
He's in his chair: what doth he? that you see.  
And for all this I deceive myself, for he never durst come into a pulpit to preach or read a Lecture, knowing his own insufficiency. Behold now what time these ten Champions spent in the study of Divinity: for they told Pope Paul that they had studied it many years. Maffee testifies unto us, that when they made their first vow at Montmartir, the greatest part of them had now gone through their course of Divinity, and the others had begun it with a good mind to finish it, that they might march forward together, to the conquest of Turkish souls in Palestine, by our holy Father the Pope's leave. The passage deserves to be viewed here at length. Ignatius having by the goodness of God gotten these companions, (speaking of the six first companions) determined to put that in practice with all speed, which he had long hamered & cast in his mind, that by the Pope's permission he might go to jerusalem, & either call the bordering Nations, which in time past sincerely professed Christianity, & after were deceived by Mahomet's wicked superstition, from their miserable error to the truth of the Gospel: or take that which followed, shed his blood, and lose his life in so holy and glorious a cause. Neither was it hard for him to bring the rest to the bent of his bow, which came forward already of their own accord, and were inflamed with the love of God. And because most of them had not yet finished their studies in Divinity, that the zeal now begun in them might not cool again, and also that their obedience might be so much the more acceptable to the majesty of GOD, by how much the greater necessity of servitude & religion they imposed upon themselves, calling upon the blessed Virgin for her protection, & upon S. Device the Areopagite, the Parisians Patron, in a Church in the suburbs, called Montmarter, by the mysteries of confession & of the Eucharist, every one bound himself, that at the end of his divinity course, when he should go forth Doctor of Divinity, presently he should forsake the world, and seek the salvation of souls, in perpetual poverty; & by an appointed time sail to jerusalem, with an intent to employ all their endeavours to convert the Infidels, and with care and study purchase a crown of martyrdom.  
If this resolution should any way be hindered, they should go to Rome at the years end, & offer their travail to the chief Bishop, Christ's Vicar, for the spiritual good of their neighbours, without any contract for reward, or exceptions of times or places. This vow they made in that Church, with great consent & alacrity, in the year after Christ's nativity 1534. 18. Kalends of September, upon which day, the anniversary gratulation of the virgin Maries assumption is celebrated. And they celebrated the same vow in the same place, the same day together, the next and the third year after.  
'tis fit this should be translated into French, for it is necessary for my discourse that every man should understand it. I have translated these words, Emenso Theologiae cursu, at the end of their course, when they had proceeded Doctors of divinity. For I see Maffee in like manner, desirous to show that Lainez & Salmeron proceeded masters of Arts in Spain, useth the same form of speech, uterque confecto Philosophiae curriculo. And Ribadiner reporting Ignace and his companions, to have taken the like degree in the year 1534. Confecto (saith he) philosophiae cursu. From this passage you may gather, that in the year 1534. the most part of these 7. companions, were now Doctors in Divinity, and that the others had a purpose to finish their course. That any one of them was a Doctor at this time, is too loud a lie, for if it had been so indeed, this title had never been smothered, when they put up their supplication to Pope Paulus, in respect of those which had already taken this degree, & they would have taken good heed to challenge no other stile then Masters of Arts. I will go farther with you, for I will make it appear, that none of these 7. or of the other 3. that after came to them, had ever studied divinity. For if they had ever begun the course, as Maffee avoucheth, & studied it many years, this word many imports not two or three years only, but four or five at least; we never say, that a man is in company of many persons, which is accompanied but with 2. or three. The manner of the Divines of Paris, is, when a man hath begun his course, at the 2. years end, he must defend publicly in the divinity Schools appointed for this purpose, where he answers under a Doctor, his moderator, to help him when he is hard driven by the Opponent. Having played his scholars prizes, which is called his probation, he is made Bachelor, and from that day allowed to were a hood upon his shoulders when he goes into the town, and a red habit of Bachelors in Schools. When our ten jesuits came to Pope Paul the third, they never told him they were Bachelors in divinity, they had not then begun their course, nor studied divinity so much as 2. years: where shall we now find these many years they speak of?  
There can be no answer to this objection but one, that is, to confess freely, that Maffee lies, when he saith some of them were Doctors of divinity, & some had begun their course. It may be some will say, that without matriculation in their Divinity course in the College of Sorbons', every one of them particularly had studied it some more, some less, after they were Masters of Arts. For my part, I strive not for the victory, but for the truth, and I doubt not, but that Maffee & Ribadiner also have made no bones to lie in this point. Let us then examine what time Ignace and his company could spend in Divinity, without entering into this course. Maffee and Ribadiner talk of this matter, as blind men speak of colours. I will deliver you the true history. I have searched the old Registers of Paris, for those that proceeded Masters of Art, in and after the year 1520. until the year 1556. when Ignace his companions, went out of France to meet him at Venice. I searched the records of du Vale, the Universities Register, and Violet the beadle of France, for they two keep the books. This did I in the presence of other men of account: And mark what I found according to the order of the Alphabet which they observe.  
Peter Faure and Frances Xavier went forth Masters of Arts in the year 1529. so saith the Register book. Petrus Faber Geben: Franciscus Xavier Pampil: Ignace in the year 1532. Ignatius Loyola Pampil: Claudius Iay● and Simon Roderic, in the year 1534. Claudius' jayus Gebon: Simon Rodericus Visensis: Alphonse Salmeron, john Codure in the year 1535. by these words Alphonsus Salmeron Tolet: johannes Codure Ebrun. I have faithfully drawn all this out of the Register of the French Nation, where, in the matter of Licentiats, are comprehended Spain, Savoy, Provence and Italy. As for Maffees and Rabadiners' speech, avouching Pasquier Broet to be of the Diocese of Amiens, were that true, they would have remembered it in their supplication to Pope Paul, where no mention is made of this Diocese. The truth than is, that among three of them, two, without doubt, never took degree in France, but in Spain; Lainez and Bobadilla: and Pasquier Broet which is the third, proceeded in neither of both. For that, that remains touching the study of Divinity, what is become of those many years of jay and Roderic, who proceeded but Masters in March, 1534. and of Salmeron and Codury, which came after them in the same degree in the year 1535? for both our Historiographers agree, that in the month of November 1536. they forsook Paris, to tender themselves in Italy to their Master Ignace. As for Ignace himself, you cannot tell how to give him above three years time of study in Divinity at the most, and much of that lost by a lingering sickness, for which the Physicians counseled him to change the air, whereupon he returned in o Spain, in November, 1535. yet did these great Clerks promise by their learning, to convert heretics and infidels to our religion. Think you that if the three Cardinals put in commission by the Pope to examine them, had sounded the bottom of them, they should not have descried, that upon their coming into Italy, they had even with the air, drunk down I know not what manners and dispositions of the Mounte-banks, who utter their treacle in every town, & take up their standing in the market place, with a long Oration promising to heal all manner of griefs and diseases, with their ointments, powders, oils, and waters: fair shows, that commonly come to nothing.   

CHAP. 13. ¶ That we have great likelihood to prove, that the approbation of the jesuits sect made by Paul the third, is nothing worth.  
THe advocate having ended his discourse, the jesuit replied and said: Why have you held us so long with this frivolus matter? I see our first Fathers the founders of our order, were not all Masters of Arts in Paris: I see some of them were no Graduates: I see never a one of them was Bachelor, much less Doctor of Divinity: I see none of them studied it: Briefly, if it may pleasure you, I grant all you would have me. What of all this I pray you, sith Pope Paul the third authorised them, & ten years after, julius his successor confirmed our new profession? Pope's that deserve to be believed, above all the rules of Law, by reason of their absolute power and dignity. Let me tell you freely, that though our good Fathers were but simple Scholars, men should hardly find you match them, sith you endeavour by your curious speech, to call their state in question after it was allowed. You must understand, that the Pope supplies, by the scroll of his thoughts, whatsoever wants, either in law or action.  
This had been well spoken (quoth the Advocate) if the Clarks of the Court of Rome coppying out the Bull, had by some express declaration, put in a clause derogatory to the truth of the matter. Yet is not this proposition altogether approved; as for myself, I will take good heed that I never doubt of the authority of the holy Sea, confirmed by infinite places as well of holy Scripture, as of the works of the ancient Doctors of the Church. Yet the case standing as it doth in that which follows, we have great reason to be persuaded that the approbation Paul the third made of their Sect, is of no force, not for lack of authority in him, but by reason of a plain surreption usual among you. Mark I beseech you what I shall say unto you, assoon as ever Ignace forsook the wars, to betake him to another kind of life: he had a purpose to become a Captain of our Church militant. The first show he made of it, was about the year 1536. in the University of Alcala, where he drew three Spanish Scholars to him, Artiague, Calliste, Cazere: 
Maff. lib. r. cap. 17. Rib. lib. 1. cap. 14.  and from that time had he a motion of jesuitisme in his head. He had heard, that Saint john the Baptist pointing to our Saviour jesus Christ, in the sight of the jews, called him the Lamb of God that came down from heaven, to take away our sins: Hereupon this wise man, taking the bark from the sap, thought he could not imitate our Saviour Christ more truly, then by wearing a  garment that was never died, but of the same colour it hath when it is taken from the sheep's back, thus were his three companions, and he suitably clad in Say, Quos propterea (saith Ribadiner) 〈◊〉 panni similitudine, 
Cap. 14.  Ensaialados vulgó Hispanico vocabulo appellabant: that is, Men in Say. And before him, Maffee reported, that Nativi coloris lanea vest cuncts utebantur. Merchants ordinarily call it cloth, serge, or wool, bearing the colour of the beast. These four were all of one company, and among other things, they made a show of studying Divinity. Imagine you what a pretty mask it was to see these four great Clerks in the Divinity Schools without gown or cloak, only suited in Say of one colour. One Francis joined himself to these, who had no leisure to apparel himself like the rest. This new kind of habit, cast them into the Inquisition, 
Maff. lib. 1. cap. 17.  from whence they were brought before Master john Figuero Vicar general to the Archbishop of Toledo, who charged them to change their habit, commanding Ignace and Artiagu to go in black, Callist and Cazere in tawny, as for Francis, he altered not his at all. A few months after, perceiving Ignace to be unlearned, 
〈◊〉 l●b. 1. cap. 14.  he forbade him to catechize the people for the space of four whole years, in which time he might grow capable of that office. His Disciples being unwilling to come within the compass of law any more, forsook him utterly, and he spying his affairs go backward, after the same manner that a little before certain hypocrites, called the Illuminates were suppressed in Spain, he determined to come into France, hoping to have better success here; and that he must be singular in some point whatsoever it were, if he would prevail. I have told you what his carriage was in Paris. At the last, he Faure, Xavier, Laniez, Sabacron Bobadilla, & Roderic, made a vow in the Church of Mon●marter, in the year 1534. upon the day of the Assumption, that as soon as they had proceeded Doctors in Divinity, they should go to Palestine at the Pope's pleasure, to convert the Infidels, as I told you of late: and if any thing fell out cross to hinder this enteprize, they should put the matter into the Pope's hands, to give such order for it, as he thought meet. There must be much time to furnish them for the accomplishment of this vow; For by the order of the faculty of Divinity in Paris, after the degree of Mastership, there was a surcease of five years, which was afterward reduced to four, before a man might begin his Divinity course. Of the seven first, & three last compamons, there were but two, that according to this grave order, were sit to begin this course: that was, Peter Faure, and Francis Xavier, Masters of the year 1529. and so were not to be admitted before the year 1535. As for all the rest, not one of them had made his five years preparation after his Mastership: and one of them, Pasquier Troet, was no Master at all, and two others, Lainez and Bobadilla, having gone forth Masters in Spain, were not adopted in the University of Paris, & so consequently were incapable of admission. Notwithstanding the tenor of their vow, they nevertheless to the prejudice thereof, left France in the year 1536. and in 37. they were at Venice, where when they had rested a few months, at mid-lent they went to Rome, as well to get leave of the Pope to take holy Orders of priest hood, 
Maff. lib. 2. cap. 3.  as also to go to jerusalem to preach the Gospel, feigning themselves, not only to be Masters of Arts, of the chief University of Europe, but to have studied divinity there for many years. 
Ribad. lib. 2. ca 7.  The Pope entertained their request without any great sifting the cause, forasmuch as they confined themselves to Palestine, & that without charge to his holiness coffers, many of the Spaniards themselves contributing to this matter, in favour of them.  
Thus these new Pilgrims received 210. Ducats, by bills of exchange at Venice, to set their new pilgrimage afoot. I have portrayed out Ignace to you for one of the cunningest worldlings in our age. Finding his cause drawn up to such a head, he began to forget his first vow, and to feed many towns in the state of Venice with new assemblies. There it was concluded among them, to divert their voyage back again to Rome, to show Pope Paul, that news was come of war between the Venetians and the Turk, which was a great bar to their pretended pilgrimage In the City of Rome, they erected a new frame of their society, much different from the former, and they followed it two whole years; in which space, Pope Paul could not by any means find in his heart to grant them their petitions, although he were urged and importuned by many, and by Cardinal Contarer himself: for never was yet novelty destitute of a Patron.  
Now let me ●ell you an express miracle of God, that happened about the same time, to discover these ten new enterprizers to be very cheaters. They reported that the Seas were stopped, by reason of the wars against the Turk, & that by this means they could not effect their first design. Behold here a new way, beyond all expectation opened to them, for the conversion of Insidels to our religion, without any danger. All that I have spoken of in this place, concerns their two Evangelists, and doubtless this history deserves to be sent by sound of Trumpet through all the world.  
I remembered unto you before, that john the third of that name King of Portugal, possessed a great part of the East Indies, ill peopled, which he desired to have converted to the truth. The fame of the devotion of this new company, that said they had vowed these conversions, was spread over many Nations: the King summoned them by Letters to come to him, that under his protection they might be dispatched into the Indies. But Ignace being subtle & whilie, turned the deaf ear to this motion, remembering no more his first vow made at Montmarter, nor his second vow renewed at Rome, by which he got a good sum of money, and sent forth Xavier and Roderic only, keeping the other seven about him. Do not you see by this, that Ignace was a state's man, no religious man, who dallied with his vow made at Montmarter?  
By the matters here discoursed, you have heard what was their vow at Montmarter, to go for the conquest of souls after their doctorship in Divinity. That some of them said they were Masters of Arts in Paris; that they had bestowed many years in the study of Divinity; mere fables. The pause julius the third made in their allowance, even when he took them at their word, to be such men as they reported themselves to be, and that he was very much pressed by Cardinal Contaren, their Solicitor and Protector, what would he have done then think you, if his holiness had received any true intelligence of their history? Me thinks that with admirable majesty, of those venerable years he carried, I see him speak to them in this manner.  
All new orders of Religion are to be suspected, and for this cause were they forbidden by two general counsels, the one held at Rome, the other at Lions; you present us a new religious Order, under the name of the society of jesus, as true followers of him and his Apostles. Your intention is derogatory to your profession, or to speak more properly, your profession is contrary to your petition, and implies a contradiction. For if you be the Apostles Scholars, one of the first lessons they taught us was, that look what hath been ordered in a general Counsel by the heads of the Church, aught to be kept inviolable, until it be repealed by another Counsel upon just occasion. As if all did shoot out of one stock of the holy Ghost, Placuit spiritui sancto et nobis, they spoke in such cases, as men that divorced not the holy Ghosts cause from the Churches, nor the Church's cause from the holy Ghosts. If you trace after the Apostles so precisely as you protest, how comes it to pass that by a new found order, you go about to break the ancient canonical constitutions of the Church? I know it well, that being Christ's Vicar, I may dispense with you, and I much commend your obedience to the holy Sea. But setting aside that which hath been decreed in general, & looking in particular toward you, all things degenerate from that you now intend: I perceive that your beginning had some taste of God, your proceeding savours much of man, and your end smacks three or four times more of the devil.  
Betaking yourselves to a devotion full of peril, you made choice of the martyrs Church near Paris, to show you would all be ready to shed your blood for the truth's sake, as oft as occasion served. A brave and holy resolution, which cannot be praised enough. Upon this point you went to confession, all of you heard Mass devoutly, after that you received the Sacrament, upon the day of the Assumption of our Lady, the most solemn feast of hers: desirous that the blessed virgin should be a witness to your vow, you continued it two years after, the self same day and place. here be holy circumstances enough to tie you to the vow you made then: Let us consider now what this vow was. You promised to God, that when every one of you had ended his divinity course, you would renounce the world, and go to Palestine to convert the enemies of our faith, and that if you should within one year after your Doctorships, be any way hindered of your voyage, you should seek unto me to receive my direction. For the first execution of so fair a plot, you made choice of the City of Venice, for the general Rendezvous of these Pilgrims that were to go to jerusalem.  
Before you proceeded any further, thou Ignace, (for to thee I speak in particular, 
Mass. lib. 2. capit. 2.  as to the ringleader of them all) didst wisely take thy journey into Spain, to take order for your affairs and fellows. And after that, with great zeal you took ship at Valentia to go for Venice, without any fear of Barberosse the Turks scouring of the Seas, all of you met at Venice; you came after that to me to receive my blessing, and pass for your travel and inhabiting Palestine. You obtained at my hands all that you craved, you received much gold and silver, given you by divers men for your first earnest of the voyage, upon this blessing you returned back to Venice, with a purpose to perform your promise. I would sane know who diverted you? You say the war suddenly made between the Venetians and the Turk. What Galleys manned, what ships rigged, what preparation saw you for this exploit? The Turk and we are continual enemies, yet doth he not refuse to give passport and safe conduct to poor Pilgrims, paying him his ancient tribute: did this war drive away the religious persons that dwell near the holy Sepulchre?  
Furthermore, who compelled you to alter your vow, for that which is prolonged from one year to another, 
Paul. iovi. lib. 32. hist.  is not quite broken off. Likewise, the Venetian and the Turk are now upon entreaty of peace, & the matter either already concluded, or at a point so to be. Besides, if the passages be stopped that way, they lie open for you to the Indies, there is no fear in that passage, the King himself leads you by the hand, why do you draw back? You that so late made show to go to Palestine, a voyage subject to a thousand dangers of your lives, go now in God's name to this new world, and come not here to plant a new world in our old Church.  
It is not the war between the Venetian and the Turk that drives you from your first vow, it is yourselves that vow what you lust. This savours of man more than I would it did. At your first coming from Venice to my Court, you little know what cheer was made you by me and mine: and whether good or bad, which of the two, I have no leisure to tell you; you found more favour than you looked for; good countenance, kind entertainment, gold & silver to spend by the way. For this cause you returned to Venice, you took your shortest cut to recoil back again to Rome, with more promises of submission to the holy Sea, forgetting your original vow. But let us yield a little to you as you are men, & let us take your new excuse for payment. How can I wink at the lies you flap me in the mouth withal, to cirumvent me and betray me. You say you are all Masters of Arts, of the great & famous University of Paris, I find three of you never took degree. You say you have studied divinity many years: where shall I find these many? in two of the company, that were but Masters in the year 1534. & two others in the year 1535. and these came to Venice in the year 1536. Where shall I find then (I say) these many? in Ignace, that forsook Paris three years before he was Master, or in that other, that never took degree? To be short, I see but two of your company, Faure and Xavier that ever could have any leisure to follow this study. I know it well, that if you make any lie on your part, you will say it is to be borne withal, because it is done to a good end. A ghostly deceit, and I tell you at a word, that Chistiani●e brooks no fraudulent piety. Set these two particulars apart, let us come to the naked truth. How can I dissemble the breach of your vow, wherein it cannot be but the devil had a finger? You promised and swore to God, that you would go no further with your enterprises, before you had ended your Divinity course: where is the end, nay where is the beginning of it? Prick me out the time, when every one of you severally began it. If you began it, who hindered your finishing of it? for there was nothing in Paris to fear you. The war between the Emperor and the French King, God be thanked, is ceased: Nothing constrained you to make such a hot vow at Montmatter, it proceeded from your zeal, which tied you to nothing at the first, but now the vow is made, you are bound to keep it.  
Before it was made, was not this work necessary for the winning of souls, which you promise to perform? You like auricular confession in our ministery, a most holy thing: the transubstantiation of the body of our Saviour Christ in the Sacrament, a most holy thing: If the word (most) import no more. These be means to keep the Catholics to their old religion, yet are they not sufficient, to convert men of a long time nuzzled up in Idolatry and Mahometisme. Every one of them hath in his impious superstition, certain Maxims contrary to the Christian faith. Besides this, do not you know, that the devil Martin Luther, (so I mean to call him, as an imp of the devil of S. Martin's) is in complete Armour against the two Sacraments, by an infinite sort of Sophistications, ill deduced from the holy Scripture, if you learn of him to doss out your horns, as you have promised, this is no young Scholars work, nor for a simple Master of Art, but for one of the wisest and best learned Divines to take in hand. For otherwise, while you think to defend our cause, you will betray it. What weapons must you have to foil these miscreants? The four Evangelists, with the Commentaries of the good Doctors of the Church, S. Hierom, S. Ambrose, S. Augustine, S. Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory the great, the first Pope of that name, S. john Chrisostome, S. Bernard, and many others, whom the Church hath enrolled in the Calendar of Saints.  
All these hold a course of moral Theology, a very trenchant sword to destroy the evil life of Christians: but that blade which I mean to speak of now, is fittest to bring you to close fight, with point to point; One Peter Lombard, master of the Sentences, and S. Thomas of Aquine, men worthy to be followed in School learning. These be two Champions, by whose help we may be sufficiently armed to buckle with our enemies, & this is no study of two or three years, ancient discipline requires at the least six years travel in them for public exercise, besides all the rest of our life in particular.  
Sith you have vowed to GOD to distill your wits through this Limbec, why would you have me dispense with you? You that have dedicated yourselves, as well to convert Infidels as Heretics, why have you not done it? It became you to do it, except you meant to present us with Phaeton's fable of new Coach men, who undertaking to drive the horses of the Sun, cast the whole earth into a combustion. Had you any spark of religion in you, you have no power at all to revoke your vow made already unto God; the place, the day, the mysteries, the Church, (twice or thrice frequented) the things you bring with you, bind you, without hope of dispensation. As for me, I neither will nor can dispense with you, the law of God, and the Gospel, our canonical constitutions, my faith, my religion, & the universal Church whereof I am the head, forbids me.  
How think you, would not Pope Paul have flatly rejected them, if he had been advertisd of their false degrees, and their feigned studies of divinity, and of their vow made at Montmarter, seeing there belongs much labour to gain it before it be consented to. Hereupon I doubt not, but that their order being received and allowed by a manifest surprise and obreption, their authorizing is void. Consequently, that all that is built upon this foundation, is of no effect or validity. That the jesuits, let them fortify themselves as much as they will, by the Bull obtained of him successively after the first, of the year 1540 seeing the root itself it rotten, the tree can bear no fruit at all.  
hitherto I have showed you what an Ass Ignace was, and what notable liars he had to his companions, men altogether ignorant in divinity. I will now make plain to you, that their sect, which they call the society of JESUS, stands upon ignorance of the antiquity of our Church.   

CHAP. 14. ¶ That the Oeconomie of our Church consists, first, in succession of Bishops: secondly, in the ancient orders of religion: thirdly, in the Universities: and that the jesuits Sect is built upon the ignorance of all these.  
NOt only the religious orders allowed by our Church, but true. Christians, by what name or title soever they be called, are not of the jesuits Sect, (Christian humility forbids us to speak so proudly) but follow our Saviour and Redeemer jesus Christ, after whose example and his Apostles, we ought to frame our life as near as we can: that of his great & infinite mercy, he may take pleasure in us. Ignace a very novice, and young apprentice in the holy Scriptures, made choice of nine companions, as raw in these matters as himself. They bringing in their Sect, imagined themselves every way to be conformable to the first grounds of the Primitive Church, & for this cause, called themselves the Society of jesus. Let us then examine what were the first, second, & third sort of plants by which our Church grew and what the jesuits institutions be: that by matching & confronting the one with the other, we may judge of their title, they attribute to themselves this partial and arrogant name of the Society of jesus, above all other Christians. When our Saviour was to ascend up into heaven, he commanded all his Apostles to have a care of his flock. This charge was three times given in particular to Saint Peter, as to the rock upon which he had before promised to build his Church. After that, having cast the fiery flames of his holy spirit upon them, their whole intent and purpose was, to sow the seeds of his gospel over all the world. Their ordinary seat was at jerusalem, from whence they sent forth at the beginning, here one, and there another of their company, into divers parts of the East, which after their travel, came back again to give up an account of their labours, in a course held by them. And although Saint james were by common suffrages chosen (saith justus) particularly to be governor of the Church of jerusalem: yet had Saint Peter superintendance and general primacy among the Apostles, which was not taken from him. And in the whole history of their acts written by Saint Luke, the principal miracles were done by him, and the general rule of this holy company was put into his hands.  
Among them, were many persons devoted to religion: some called Bishops, some Priests, of the Greek word that signifies Elders. This we learn of Saint Luke chap. 15. & 16. of the Acts, and in the 20. following, Saint Paul, who taking his leave of the Ephesians in the end of the Oration made to them, calls them Bishops whom he named Priests in the beginning. 'tis true that this government continued not long among them, in so much, that as well for the good of the Pastors of the Church, as for the flocks, the several charges of several provinces, were given to such men as were most fit, they were called Bishops, and to men of meaner gifts were committed Towns, Villages, & Parishes. These the Church called Priests, who exercised their ministery by the Bishop's authority, & they were in time called Curates, you may see a very fair picture of all this antiquity drawn by venerable Beda. Sicut duodecem Apostolos, formam Episcoporum praemonstrare nemo est qui dubitet, 
Bede in. 10. ca L●c.  sic & hos septuaginta Discipulos figuram presbyterorum, id est, secundi ordinis sacerdotes gessisse sciendum est. Tametsi primis Ecclesiae temporibus, ut Apostolica scriptura testis est, utrique Presbyteri, utrique vocabantur Episcopi. Quorum unum sapientiae maturitatem, alterum industriam curae pastoralis significat. As no man doubts but that the twelve Apostles represented the state of Bishops, so must you understand that the 70. Disciples were a figure of the Elders, that is of Priests in the second place, although as the holy Scripture testifies, both sorts of Priests, the first & second were in the Church's infancy called Bishops: yet the one of them signifies soundness of judgement, the other pastoral travel in his Cure. I have quoted the words expressly, to bewray the ignorance of a new jesuit, which affirms, 
Fon. ca 27.  that Bishops and Priests were at the first both equal; herein renewing the heresy of Aerius. Our Church general, 
Fuseb lib. 3. Eccle. Hist. ca 1. & 4.  rested fifteen or fixteene years in Jerusalem, which was the common resort of all their missions. And after, the Apostles chose divers provinces to themselves, and bestowed the others upon Bishops; among others, the provincè of Egypt was allotted to Saint Mark, Saint Peter's scholar; his Sea was established in Alexandria, the eight and fortieth year after the nativity of our Saviour: that is, about fourteen years after his ascension. Lo here the first plant of our Church, wherein you may gather agreeably to the course of times, the primacy and authority of the holy Sea of Rome: the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, the Archbishoprics, & Bishoprics, the particular Rectories, and Curates, of Towns, Burroughs, & Villages.  
The Church continued long in this state, but afterward the extraordinary persecutions of some Emperors drove them to fly into the Deserts, to save themselves from those cruelties, where beyond all expectation of the common people, they devoted themselves by vow to a solitary life. Their Patrons were two great Prophets, Plias in the old Testament, & S. john the Baptist in the beginning of the new: but this latter was speedily put to death by Herod's commandment, & with his life, as much as lay in him, carried away with him from hence this great devotion. Philo the jew, seems to attribute a renovation to the Sea of Saint Mark in Egypt, when he saith, that some one or other of his nation, forsook their goods, and vowed a society recluse, in the exercise of prayers and Orisons: which was a kind of shadow, but no lively picture of the Monasteries that afterwards grew up in the Church. They that Philo speaks of, were jews, which being Christians, seated themselves about the lake Marie in Egypt, where, not being thoroughly instructed in our religion, 
Soz. lib. 2. ca 16. Niceph. li 8. ca 39 Euseb. lib. 2. ca 16.  they jumbled Christianity and judaisme together: so Sozomen and Nicephorus teach us, and Eusebius himself swerves not far from this matter.  
The first of our side, which upon devotion entertand a solitary life, 
Saint Hier. in vita S. Anthonij. Saint Hier. epist add Eusto. begin. audi. fili●.  hitherto not put in practice, was Paul the aged: so saith Saint jerom, that he learned it of Macaire and Aneathas, Saint Anthony's scholars, who far exceeded him in holiness of life & devotion: Huius vitae (saith the same S. Hierom) author Paulus, illustrator Antonius, & ut ad superiora veniam, princeps johannes Baptista.  
This course of life, took beginning (saith he) of aged Paul, Saint Anthony promoted it, and if you will go higher, S. john the Baptist was standard-bearer to them all. A matter worth the nothing, that as God established in his Church two great and holy companies, one of Bishops and Priests, the other of Abbots, Monks, and religious persons: so it pleased him to make Saint Paul a chosen vessel of his in the first rank; and to lay the first planchers, & open the first door, to our Monasteries, by the other Saint Paul, in the second rank. Saint Anthony (as I told you) succeeded him, from whom, as from one great fountain, there issued many rivers, Macharius, Aniathas, julian, Paul the younger, and others, in whom, God made himself known by many miracles. This extraordinary solitude, could not easily be embraced by all devout men, but by such as were (if I may so term them) Paradoxes. Thus some vowed a solitary life, but after the manner of Monks. For although they withdrew themselves from the common people, yet lived they in a Society shut up within themselves, sequestered from the rest of the people, which course being more easy to be borne withal, was more frequented than the first. Saint Hierom writing to Rusticus, a man desirous to betake himself to a solitaie life. Primum tractandum est, utrum solus, an cum alijs in Monasterio vivere debeas. Mihi quidem placet, ut habeas sanctorum contubernium, nec ipse te doceas. You must first be advised (saith he) whether you will live alone, or in the company of others in a Monastery. For my part, I think it best you should have company, and not be your own Master. When Sant Anthony, lived in Egypt, Saint Hillarion led the same life in Syria and Palestine that he did: and provoked by the great fame that was spread of him over all Christendom, he went to see him, and returned very well instructed from him: Nevertheless, by a new devotion, he began to make himself more sociable after, than he was before: On this manner many Monasteries, never known before, were by his example erected in Palestine, which he visited at certain times, as the Generals of religious orders do, accompanied with many Monks. Saint Hierom discourseth this at large, in his life: and this brings me half into a belief, that the Monasteries took their first beginning from him, and grew to be such as we see at this day. I may well say, that at one and the self same time, there were Anacorits in Egypt under Saint Anthony, and Monks in Palestine under Saint Hilarion, 
Saint Hier. in vita Hila●ionis.  of whom I will speak anon. Ante Hilarionem nulla Monasteria erant in Palestina, nec quisquam Monacum ante sanctum Hilarionem noverat in Syria: ille fundator huius conuer sationis & studij, in hac provincia fuit. Habebat Dominus jesus in Aegypto senem Antonium, habebat in Palestina Hilarionem iuniorem. Before Hilarion came, there were no Monasteries in Palestine, nor Monks in Syria: he was the first founder of this Society and study in this Province; our Saviour jesus Christ had aged Anthony in Egypt, and Hilarion, younger than he, in Palestine. Saint Anthony was fourscore and ten years when he died, and Saint Hilarion fourscore.  
Now had all these men (I mean such as dwelled alone in the Deserts, and such as lived in Covents) apparel distinct and different from the Common people. This made Cyprian say (speaking of bad Monks) that neither the solitary life, nor the frock in steed of other raiment, nor the fasts, defended Monks: 
Sanct Cyp. se●m. de dupl. martyr. Ep. 104.  but under this habit, many times a very worldly mind is covered. And Saint Hierome in the life of Hilarion. Igitur Hilarion 80. aetatis suae anno, cum absens esset Hesechius, quasi testamenti vice, brevem manu sua scripsit Epistolam, omnes divitias suas ei derelinquens, evangelium scilicet & tunicam sacceam, cucullum & Palliotum. Therefore Hilarion at fourscore years of age (Hesechius being absent) wrote a short Epistle to him, in steed of his last will, bequeathing him all his riches, to wit, the Gospel, his garment of sack, his hood, and his cloak: This kind of habit hath been continued to this day in the Monasteries, their exercises consisted in Fast, Prayers, and Orisons, not so much to get their living by it, as to shun the snares and temptations of the Devil: Hereupon none might be admittied into their company in Egypt, that was not skilful in some manuary trade. Thus likewise, the least part of their care, was to become learned; this lesson they learned of their great Patron Saint Anthony, who professed that he knew nothing, being of opinion, that the study of learning, would hinder spiritual meditations, and being such kind of men, they took no orders of Priesthood.  
This made Saint john Chrysostome, (comparing a Priest and a true Monk together) say, that a Priest in respect of a Monk, is like a King sorted with a simple man that lives a private life: therefore the Monk's office was, neither to preach, nor to teach the common people. Saint Hierome writing to Paulinus a Monk, saith, If you will take the charge of a Priest upon you, if you desire to be called to the high degree of a Bishop, dwell in towns and Castles, that by winning other men's souls, you may save your own: But if you will be a Monk, that is to say, solitary, what make you in towns, which are no habitations for sole men, but for troops and multitudes?  
The Bishops and Priests, have a looking glass of the Apostles, they then succeeding in their charge, make themselves successors of their merits. And as for us, let us set before our eyes Saint Paul, Anthony, julian, Hilarion, Macharius, Captains of our profession; and not to forget what the holy scripture tells us, an Elias and an Eliseus. Our Table▪ is the ground, our diet is herbs, and sometime a few small fishes, which we account for great banquets. The same Saint Hierom, being entreated by a good son, to preach to his Mother, 
Sanct. Hier. tract. de vitand. susp. cont.  thereby to reconcile her to a daughter of hers; you take me for a man (saith he) that may crowd into a Bishop's chair, you understand not that I am shut up in a Cell, sequestered from company, by vow devoted only to lament my sins past, or shun the sins present.  
Time (as I have told you) could out two sorts of these men, the one dwelled solitarily in the deserts, called Anchor's, the others, in Covents, which the Greeks called Coenobites, whose order and discipline Saint Hierome describes in that notable Epistle, that gins (Audi filia.) And although the Monks were neither Priests nor Clarks, yet by course and compass of time, their superiors were permitted to be Priested, that they might administer the Sacraments to them.  
Thus became Saint Hierom an Abbot and Priest together: Likewise john, Bishop of Constantinople, reproving Epiphamus Bishop of Cypress his inferior, for Priesting some Monks in Saint Hieromes Monastery, he made his excuse by the multitude of Monks, which then wanted Priests to minister unto them. And Saint Ambrose in a funeral Oration he made for Eusebius Bishop of Vercellis, among other particularities for which he commended him, 
Saint Amb. serm. 69.  this was one, that he had Priested all the Monks of his Diocese. In process of time, Religious persons, joining holy orders to devotion, became great nurseries of our Church: In that some of them were made Archbishops, some Bishops, who by their holy lives, and deep learning, promoted Christian Religion greatly. Such were Gregory Nazianzen, and Basill, both Monks, and both Bishops, which severally erected an infinite number of Monasteries, and religious orders, the one, in the Realm of Pontus the other, in Cappadocia: and in them begun the discipline of Religions, which is in part transmitted over even unto us. I omit here of purpose to touch the novelties brought in by time, contenting myself with showing you the first root of all.  
It remains, that I speak a word or two to you of our Universities, erected as well for divinity Lectures as other humane Sciences. Neither in the Apostles times, nor long after, as our Church particularly charged with Lectures. The Apostles office, & successively the Bishops, consisted in preaching the Gospel and administering the holy Sacraments. We are debtor to the Church of Alexandria for this first institution: where, in the days of Commodus the Emperor, Panthen, a man of great learning, first opened a Divinity school, by the authority of julian the Bishop. And from that time, 
Euseb. lib. 5, hist. ecclesi. ca 9.10.  (saith Eusebius) the custom begun in the Church of Alexandria, was continued unto us: namely, to have men that excelled in all knowledge and learning, to be Doctors, & Divinity Readers.  
Clemens Alexandrinus succeeded Panthen, a man very famous for his learning among the best learned in his time. After him came Origen, who took to him Heraclas the best of all his Scholars, these two parted the public Lectures between them. Origen read Divinity, Astronimie, Geometry, and Arithmetic, leaving the meaner Lectures of the Church of Alexandria to Heraclas. The other Bishops borrowed this commendable custom of training up of youth: this custom spread so far in this manner, that the Universities beginning to set learning abroach, the Bishops became the first and last judges of their endeavours: and for this purpose have they a chancellor over them, with whom the examination of this course, and these matters doth reside. As for Monks, and religious persons, they have no authority to read Lectures but to their own companies.  
I have heretofore related, what was the first and original Oeconomie of our Church, in Bishops, Abbots, and Universities, upon which three great Pillars our religion stands. Now let us bring the jesuits to the touch, that we may know what they are. They be men appareled like our Priests, bearing no outward mark of Monks, yet do they make the three substantial vows of Chastity Poverty, and Obedience, common with other religious persons, and they join poverty with it, as well in general as particular, by them of the last vow, which are called Fathers, men above others devoted to preach, to administer the holy sacraments of Penance, and of the Altar, to read public Lectures in all Sciences to all sorts of scholars, without any subjection to the ancient statutes of the Universities: yea and without acknowledgement of superiority of the Bishops over them, having their prerogative apart. But in conclusion, for the accomplishment of their devotion, they offer to go into all quarters of the world, where it shall please the Pope to command them, to convert Infidels and ungodly men, thereby to renew in some sort, the ancient practice of the Apostles. Therefore let us now consider, whether this innovation of theirs, may by the ancient order of the Church, deserve any place among us, and whether they may be called the company of jesus; if not by privation, at the least by prevention of all other Christians.   

CHAP. 15. ¶ That no man can tell, where to place the jesuits among all the three ancient orders of our Church: and that this is the true cause, for which they never yet durst set in their foot into Processions.  
MEn say, that dreams for the most part arise out of a long meditation imprinted in our heads the day before, by a reflection upon some subject, which hath presented itself again in the night unto our fantasies: Thus hath it happened unto me of late, for as one of the principal things I bent my mind unto, was the jesuits proceed, so it fortuned, that one night among the rest, I dreamt this which I will rehearse unto you. And I beseech you my Masters, not to think I tell it you, to make you merry, but in the soberest manner that I can; the matter is of such moment, that if I should do otherwise, I should deserve to be punished. If you will not accept it for a dream, take it at the least for a heavenly vision, such a one as Ignace had, when God the Father appeared to him, recommending him to his son jesus Christ: or else, when he showed him all the tools with which he made this great frame of the word: or when Durus, Xaviers first disciple, saw in a desolate Chapel, our blessed saviour jesus Christ in the shape of a child, come to reconcile himself to the virgin his Mother that was angry with him.  
As I was a sleep, me thought I saw GOD take a general survey of his Church, from the passion of our saviour & Redeemer jesus Christ, unto this day: where (as it were) in a great procession, the Apostles went foremost, followed by Popes, patriarchs, Archbishops, and Bishops, Curates, priests, and all those Ecclesiastical persons which are called Seculars, because they be no Monks. In the second rank, marched those good old Fathers, the Hermits, who were the first founders of Monasteries. After them, traced many great Abbots & religious Orders of S. Augustine and S. Benet, from whom as from two great conduits, flowed all other religious Orders, called Regulars.  
In the rearward, came the Universities, led by their Rectors, and the four faculties, of Divinity, Law, Physic, and Arts, with all their Officers, & a huge company of scholars great and small. S. Peter carried the streamer before the first, Saint Anthony before the second, and because some have thought good so to place him, Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris and Master of the Sententences, before the third; a man framed for this purpose at this time, without looking back towards Master john Gerson, Doctor of Divinity, and in his time Chancellor of the University of Paris.  
Last of all came the good Ignace, with his equipage of Faure, Xavier, Salmeron, Bobadilla, Roderic, Breet, jay, and Codury, his first companions. And after them, james Lainez, Frances Borgia, Euerard Marcurian, Claudius Aquaviua, all of them successively, Generals of their order. Behind these, were the Provincials, Rectors, Fathers, Principals, Regent's, Precedents, spiritual & temporal coadjutors, and scholars admitted. All which, marching after their Captain Ignace, desired to be marshalled under the banner of S. Peter first, next under S. Anthony's; lastly, under the Universities.  
At the first, Ignace never doubted to be received of the Apostles, because their preaching, administration of the sacraments of Pennace & of the Altar, and the great vow of Mission made by the Fathers to the holy Sea, seemed to pave the way thither very fair for them; this made him step boldly to S. Peter. You shall be partakers of the whole discourse that passed between them. I beseech you let it not displease you to see my Dream enjoy the privilege of dreams, which make what personages they lust, play their parts with those that come into our fantasies, without respect of any rule or interposition of time, which commonly we observe in other matters.  
S. Peter. Good Fathers, you are very welcome; for the main scope of our calling, hath been to win as many souls to God as possibly we could. Ign. This is the mark we aim at, by the particular vow of Mission which we make to your successors in Rome. S. Peter. This is well done, how are you called? Ign. As our vocation craves, to wit, The society of jesus. In respect whereof, the common people, by inspiration of the holy Ghost, have called us jesuits: a name which at this day, appears to be miraculously spread over all the world, it hath pleased God it should be so. S. Pet. Nay rather the devil; which hath under your habit, gone about to cirumvent all the world, this is not the first taste we have taken of his treacheries, neither will it be last: he watches every day to surprise the Church of God. How cometh it to pass? We which were fostered every day in the company of jesus, to whom he imparted all his secrets, all the while he was debased here in the flesh, and after he ascended up to heaven, made us partakers of his company by his holy spirit, we (I say) never durst take this name unto us, but the name of Christians; first in the Church of Antioch, where our holy brethren Paul and Barnabas did govern: A title approved by the Church from our time to this day: and do you that desire to be among us, by a new and arrogant title call yourselves jesuits? Ign. I beseech you hold us excused, it is not pride but humility that provokes us to it: our Saviour had two names, one proper, which is that of jesus, this at that time was a common name to many jews, though men of base and vile condition: the other is that of Christ, much more noble and honourable: for it appertaind to none but Kings, Priests, and Prophets, 
Fon. ca 38.  men called Gods anointed: for which cause you have chosen this name, and we contrariwise, the other of jesus, for the small account the jews made of it, as meaner and lower than the other. Thus if there be any greater pride in the choice of the one, then of the other, it may easily be judged from whence it comes. Moreover, we do not think, that the name of Christian was imposed upon you by the Church of Antioch, but accidentally by the voice of the common people without judgement, it was received to be by a secret inspiratiation of God.  
At this speech a great many saints and devout men standing in the first rank, began to mumur softly one to another, and some mutined out aloud: saying, that without giving any further hearing unto Ignace, he and all his followers were to be banished our Church. And that by this proposition, (the foundation of their order) there is much judaisme, in jesuitisme: for just as the old jews arraigned our Saviour jesus Christ: so deal these new jews at this day with the Apostles. The Primitive Church usurped not the Name of jesus, although it seemed to them to be common among the jews, but because the Apostles, and other true and faithful Disciples of Christ jesus, knew the force, energy, and exceeding greatness of this holy name. Then Saint Matthew and Saint Luke, stepping forth, defended, 
M●h. ca 1. Luc. ca 1.  that God the Father himself gave this name by the mouth of the holy Ghost his Ambassador, expressly sent by him, when he told the Virgin Marie, that he that should be borne of her pure womb, should be called jesus, (a name that signifies a Saviour,) because he should be the Saviour of the world. Hereupon, Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea, 
Fuseb lib. 1. ca & lib. 2. ca 6.  made a fair commentary upon the difference of the two words. And Saint Augustine that famous Bishop of Hippon, shows, that if God the Father gave this name of jesus, it was done by a secret mystery prophesied by his great Prophet Moses, whom GOD told, he had chosen him to lead his children of Israel to the land of promise: and for this cause, did he take another to succeed him in his place before he died. Moses made choice of Auses, but in the choice, 
Aug tom. 1●. hom. 27  changed the name of Auses into that of jesus, that in time to come (saith this notable Affricanian, Bishop) men might know, that not by Moses, but by jesus, that is to say, not by the law, but by grace, God's people should enter the land of promise. And as the first jesus, was not the true jesus, but only a figure of him: so the land of promise, was not the everlasting land of promise, but a figure of it.  
There was no Bishop of note, nor any of the ancient Doctors of the Church, in all the first squadron, which was not of this opinion, or brought not out some matter of attainder against Ignatius. Then Saint Peter, by his authority and primacy over all the Church, spoke to them with an admirable Majesty on this manner. It is neither for you, nor for us, to yield a reason of that which was done at Antioch, when the Church of God gave the name of Christians: this was a work of the holy Ghost. And as it is not the servants duty, to ask any reasons of his Master, why he commands him this or that, but he ought only to obey him: so God having charged us by his holy Spirit, to call ourselves Christians, it is not fit for any man whatsoever, to inquire the cause of it. There is no speedier way to make men heretics, then to become curious questionists in such matters. Therefore never think, that this name was imposed upon us by the Suffrages of simple people.  
As the name of jesus came from God the Father, so I may speak it for a certain truth, that by the faith and homage I yielded to our Saviour at the first, upon this word Christ, he built his Church upon me, and gave me the Keys thereof, among the rest. For having asked the question of us all, what men reported of him, some of the Disciples answered, that some took him to be Saint john the Baptist; others said, he was Elias: others one of the old Prophets. 
Math. 16. Luc. 8.  But whom do you (quoth he, to us his Apostles) judge me to be? I, taking the tale out of the mouth of all the rest of my fellows, by the greatness of zeal wherewith I was transported, answered him, Thou art the Christ, the son of the living God: and presently he replied, that I speak not this of myself, but by Revelation from God his father. And after this he declared me to be Peter, and that upon this Rock, he would build his Church, and whatsoever I bound on earth, should be bound in heaven. Sith that upon this confession of Christ, he built his Church upon me, this was a silent lesson he taught us of his will and pleasure, that after his ascension into heaven, he would have his Church to be called Christian; and upon this project, all our brethren doubted not to take up that name at Antioch. I myself afterward, making Euodius Bishop of that Sea, 
Suidas in verb Christianus.  confirmed that name of Christian in the Church. I marvel said Saint Peter, (turning himself to Ignace) that you honouring, as you say ye do, the Sea of Rome, where my successors sway the government, and yet at the first dash, you have despised my decrees: were there nothing else but this to be weighed in you, you may not so be admitted into this rank. Ign. Will you not receive us upon the three vows we have with great holiness made, of Chastity, Obedience, & Poverty; and that which is more, of general and particular poverty, when we became fathers of our order? S. Peter This is another bar that shuts you out, for although Chastity, Obedience, and Contempt of the world, were familiar matters with us, yet did we not this by vow; that was brought into the Church after our time, by those whom you see stand in the second rank, and to say the troth, we never tied our devotion to poverty.  
Ign. We minister the Sacraments of penance, and the communion as you did, and we are ready to go forth for the advancement of Christianity, whither soever it shall please your Successors to send us. S. Peter These two Sacraments are likewise ministered by the Mendicants, of which order there be many now in the Indies, in Palestine, and at Pera, near unto Constantinople, to convert the Infidels, yet are they not ranged in our Squadron; you must go to them, and let them know, there is too great odds between us and you, to yield you any place here.  
Ignace, finding himself excluded from the first station in this procession, he was somewhat amazed, nevertheless, he thought to speed better with the second, because he should there have to do with S. Anthony, the honour of all the first Hermits. For I know (quoth he) that in the heat of his holy meditations, he gloried in ignorance: & I am sure, that if he do but try me therein, he shall find me nothing inferior unto himself. Thus devising with himself, what might best be done to creep into his favour, he showed him, that he had passed his time in heavenly contemplations, and not in learning, as he had done before. Yet true it was, that his ignorance had made many learned men, which were all priested ministering the holy Sacraments; some of them were Preachers, and some Regent's.  
The holy and venerable years of this good Hermit, gave Ignace this answer: Brethren, I commend your intention, but it is nothing like unto ours. Our devotion, and the devotion of all the good Fathers, first founders of the religious orders, was a solitary life, without scholarship or priesthood: our wisdom consists in continual lifting up the mind toward God, taking all humane learning to be mere vanity. And as for Ecclesiastical functions, we take no charge of them, they depend upon the Bishops, that feed us by their inferiors in the Church. Your Rulers are not like ours.  
In God's name my good brethren, go your way in peace, leaving us to our sweet life, in quietness of conscience, within our Cells. Nevertheless, it may be you shall find behind us, some shreds and remnants of ours, in in whom you may take some root, namely, those which by permission of the holy Sea, are called to the orders of priesthood, and may both preach, and minister the holy Sacraments of Penance and the Altar, as you do.  
Ignace passing from them to the other, Saint Benet perceiving him coming by his gate, took the speech to himself, and said; If you be of our company, you must either be Anchor's and Hermit's, or Monks & Conuentualls. Your profession, denies you to be Anchor's, & we may be easily entreated to excuse you of it, because that life is too painful. But if you be Monks and Conuentualls, as we are, where is your frock, your hood, & your cloak? For Elias, the first image of our Order, and after him S. john the Baptist, both differed from the common people in apparel. Where is the great shaven crown upon your heads, by which S. Hierom said, that in poverty we are like to Kings and monarchs? where be the extraordinary fasts your society keeps, not only beyond the common people, but beyond the Bishops and Curates? Where be the Cloisters within your Monasteries? Hereto Ignace and his companions briefly and roundly answered him, that they were no Monks, but religious persons only.  
Is it even so, (said S. Benet) then are you a kind of quintessence of Monks. And as the faculty of Physic admits none of these Paracelsian abstractors of quintessences into their schools: so may not we receive the jesuits. To reject a Paracelsite and a jesuite, both rhyme and reason will bear us out. Therefore get you some whether else: for as you disdain the holy name of Monks, so are you disdained by Monks. You proceeded Masters of Art in the University of Paris, at the least, you presented yourselves for such men to Pope Paul the third, I counsel you to return as Masters of Art to the University, you shall find some of your acquaintance there, it cannot be, but that some one or other of them will entertain you.  
Ignace perceiving his case grow worse and worse, mistrusted some misfortune in his attempts, whereupon, turning himself to his companions, he said: Now we are in question to go toward the University, I know what my behaviour must be; and although it will be easy for them to go beforme me, if I come to the great Doctors, yet sith at the first I took no course, but to teach petty schools for children, and you after me, have read Lectures to all sorts of scholars against our first institution, I pray you (quoth he to Father Claudius Aquaviua,) seeing that now all my superiority over our company rests in you, that as General of them all, you would take the charge to sway Master john Gerson, it may be you shall find more favour at his hands then all the rest. Aquaviua, not only gave him no denial, but thought his commandment very fit to be obeyed.  
Then began he and his to brag, that they taught freely, wherein he thought his company had very much advantage of the other Regent's, but his feet were entangled: for he was more roughly handled by them then by the former, and when they came to pell-mell, because both sides had been nuzzled in School Ergoes, there was the best sport of all. Now let us see them begin their disputations. Aquaviua having framed his proposition, and propounded his question, Gerson, one of the chiefest Doctors of Divinity that ever were in France, spoke thus to Aquivaua. Ger. You would feign be of our company, will you then acknowledge our Bishop, for your superior and ours, especially in matters concerning the instruction of youth: for he is our chief judge in this cause. And now as his substitute in the office of a Chancellor, and Cannon of the Church of Paris, I carry the flag of the University of Paris, which is the chief of all others. Aqua. I do not understand your speech, we have a greater Master our holy Father the Pope, which hath dispensed with us in this point, against the Bishop's authority. Gers. You fail in the first mark, this one point must send you back again to Rome, to learn your lessons, and banish you out of all the Universities in France. But let us proceed: our Universities are compounded of two sorts of men, the one are Seculars, the other Regulars, in either of these, the rule and government differs. The Seculars may be Masters of Art, Doctors of divinity, Law, or Physic, and read Lectures after they have their degrees, to all comers, as well within as without the Colleges; the Regulars are permitted but to go forth Doctors of divinity, and to read to the novices of their orders only. Which of these two sorts are you? Answer me not I beseech you, as in the year 1564. you answered the Rectors, and officers of our University of Paris: they moving the like question to you, you replied twice or thrice, that you were, Tales quales vos curia declaraverat. For the Advocate that pleaded against you, standing upon this point, argued that you were such as were unworthy to be enroled in the Universities register.  
Aqua. I marvel not at that, we were at that time like unto the Bear, whose whelps seem at the first to be but a rude lump of flesh, but by the Dam's continual licking of them, in time they recover the shape of a Bear: so was it once with us; for (to tell you truth) Ignace and his companions, never pricked it out perfectly what we were; but after we had many ways exercised our wits, upon an obscure platform of theirs, we were not called Monks, but regular Clerks: for so hath our great Ribadmere entitled us; 
Rib. lib. 2. capit. 17.  and before him, if I be not deceived, the Counsel of Trent gave us the same stile, which was published a few months after our cause was pleaded, to have recourse to the first day of May following.  
Gers. This is not to answer my question, you must answer categorically, to bring you into one of these two predicaments, of Seculars, or Regulars. Aqua. Did I not answer you at large, when I told you we are Regular Clarks? For being such, we are not bound to stand to the old statutes of your Universities, being neither pure Seculars, nor pure Regulars. And we may with all our vows, be graduated throughout all your faculties, and read public lectures to youth in all sciences, without seeking to, or acknowledgement of, the authority of your Bishops. Gers. Then are you a kind of hermophroditical order, such as Pasquier hath published you to be in his researches of France, for being Seculars and Regulars both together, you are neither of both. And sith you are not bound to obey our statutes, we likewise are not bound to immatriculate you in our Universities. Aqua. Why do you refuse us, that teach freely? Gers. Because you be very coniecatchers. The first that ever came to teach in Paris, were Alcuin, Raban, jan, and Claudius, venerable Bedaes' scholars, they made proclamation, that they had learning to sell: you quite contrary, bestow it gratis. Yet is it true, that in three score years space, you have got more treasure twice or thrice told, than all the Universities in France ever had, since the first stone of their foundation was laid. Moreover, were you not censured by the University of Paris? in the year 1554? Aqua. You may say what you will, but of later memory, the same faculty of Divinity, allowed us against the old censure; for some particular persons, having abused the name of the University of Paris in the year 1594. in the Court of Parliament; the Sorbons' made a Decree in favour of us, by which the pursuit of our adversaries was disallowed.  
At this speech all the Sorbons' shouted, you be lying Sophisters, and very bad Grammarians. We know it well that the Advocate that first pleaded for you, would feign have been your buckler, and after him, Montaignes of your company, than Fon: But this is to enjoy your ordinary privilege, you know whereof. Let the Beadle bring out our Decree and read it, for this is too much impudency to be laid upon Christian people. Die nona julij, Anno Domini, 1594. viso & audito a facultate theology Parisiensi legitimè congregata, in maiore aula Sorbonae, libello supplici, à venerabilibus patribus sociotatis jesu, ipsi facultati proposito, quo quidem exposuerunt superioribus mensibus, D. Rectorem, tam suo, quam omnium facultatum nomine, libellum supplicem supremae Parlam●●●i Curiae obtulisse, quo petierit ut ipsi, corumque societas universa, ex toto Galliae regno pelleretur, ac credibile non esse sacratissimam facultatem, huic petitioni consensum prebuisse. Ac propterea supplicarunt quatenus placeret dictae facultati, declaratione testificari, huius petitionis & litis intentae, nullo modo participes esse. Ipsa facultas, matura deliberatione super hoc habita, in hunc modum censuit. Se quidem censere praedictos patres redigendos et recensendos esse in ordinem & disciplinam universitatis, regno autem Gallico esse nullo modo expellendos.  
Signed, Panet dictae facultatis Bidellus.  
This Decree was inserted at large in your Plea of the year 1594 and in the 44. Chapter of Fons Book: it is fit that every man should understand it.  
The ninth of july, in the year of grace 1594. a view being taken by the faculty of Divines in Paris, then lawfully assembled in the Sorbons' great Hall, of a bill of supplication, put up to the faculty, by the venerable fathers of the society, wherein they declared, that a few months since, the Rector of the University, as well in his own name, as in the name of all the faculties, preferred a supplication to the high Court of Parliament, wherein he required, that they, and all their society, might be thrust out of France, and because it was not credible that the most sacred faculty had consented to it, therefore they desired the said faculty, to testify by some special declaration, that they had no hand in this matter. The faculty upon good consideration had, certified in this manner, that for their parts they judged it fit, that the said fathers should be brought into the order and discipline of the University, but not by any means to be cast out of France.  
The word redigere is more significant, then to bring, or reduce, which I have used for lack of other: for the Calepins of the Latin tongue teach us, that, Redigere, est vi quadam vel industria ducere ad aliquid vel aliquò. Call you this an approbation of your company, when by strong hand we would have you brought in subjection to the University, and that in this case you are not to be hunted out of the Realm? Away with the whole cluster of new vows, draw yourselves into the Universities orders, acknowledge the Bishop your superior, as we do, take degrees in Divinity only, and read to none but to your own Society, as other religious do, every one in their place: we shall then agree with you, and take your parts stoutly in the highest Courts in France, that you ought then to live among us. Mean while, by your writings, you do impudently and falsely, make a Trophy of this Decree, as if we had laid the bridle in your necks; but the very sight and reading of this, foils you. Therefore get you packing, your Rules and Maxims impeach ours, which we of a long time have kept in all holy and venerable antiquity.  
When Gerson had pronounced this sentence, Ignace and all his first companions vanished out of fight, and presently after that, Aquaviua spying himself and those that were with him, left in the lurch, he cried. Sith you afford us no place in earth, maugre all the rout of you, we will have place in heaven with Ignace and Xavier: or it shall cost us all the treasure we have here and there in bank, but they shall be canonised. Then began all the little fry to hiss, & the greater sort of scholars whoopt; A Fox, A Fox, will they give money to make Ignace a Saint? Aquaviua somewhat dismayed, thought they had cried, Osanna, Osanna, and to requite them, set him down in a chair, offering his hand unto them to kiss, as he did to all those that came to his chamber, the same day he was made General: but so dainly he saw that he was deceived: For this company of wild youths baited him worse than they did before. Gerson to pacify them, said, My sons, never think that in Rome they will have so little wit as to make these two men Saints. The jesuits have desired it a long time, and to compass it, they have employed not their coin (for I think there is no such traffic in Rome about sanctifying of souls) but all manner of lies, clogs, & hypocrisies, to surprise the holy Sea. For how comes it to pass think you, that within these few years, the pens of Maffee, Ribadiner and Turcelline, have hatched so many fabulous visions, & miraculous tales of Xavier, but to make their false testimonies serviceable for this canonisation? But the best sport I see, that as players, to grace their Enterluds, bring them upon the stage by day, with the windows shut, and candles lighted; So the jesuits spare for no burning Tapers in Rome, about Iguace Tomb, to make some better show of the sanctimony of the place. 
Turcel. lib. 1 ca 16.  And the same Turlelline saith, that when Xaviers body was carried into the Town of Gonea, where it now lieth, there was a great wax Candle only of a cubit length, lighted and set in the place, which burned continually two and twenty days, and as many nights without wasting.  
Yet have not all these Torches, to this day been able, to lighten the hearts of the Consistory of Rome, to make these two new Saints, neither will they ever do it, as I am persuaded. Never think so Sir, said a little wag in the company, for lies, and importunate suits, (matters proper to the jesuits) will work it out at last. Have you forgot in Boccace, how Chappellet de Prat, a notable knave, was canonised for a Saint, by some silly souls in the Cordeliers Monastery at Dijon? And why may it not so fall out with Ignace Loyola, founder of the jesuits order, seeing William du Prat, Bishop of Clairmont was their first benefactor here in France?  
Presently upon this speech they made such a noise, that if it had thundered, you would scarce have heard it. Continuing this hurly burly, some of the best Scholars began to clap their hands, as they do in the Schools, when the one side and the other have argued long, and disputation ceaseth.  
With this I waked, very much astonished at this dream, wherein I find that verified, which one William of Lorrey spoke, in the beginning of his Romant of the Rose, saying, that every dream is not false. My dream doth make it good: I know what account the jesuits do, and aught to make of the counsel of Trent, as that whereupon the approbation of their society is partly grounded. Although they have expressly commanded all Clergy men, as well Seculars as Regulars, to go the processions, except the close Monks, Carthusians, and Celestines. Nevertheless, the jesuits never came there, either before that Counsel was held, or after. It is very true that they coggd a Die, when they got a Bull from Gregory the 13. to forbid them this matter: But this was before their constitutions bore any prohibition.  
I come now to another matter, which is, that Elizabeth rossel, one of Ignace favourers, 
Rib. lib. 3. cap. 14. Maf●. lib. 2. cap. 17.  seeking to erect a jesuitical order of women in Rome, Ignace would never agree to it; he knew it well, that this would have ministered matter of laughter to all the world: for what kind of habit or place should these women have had in their Monasteries? The religious men of Saint Benits order, S. Barnard's, S. Dominicks, and S. Frances, do all wear the habit appertaining to their orders. The jesuits are appareled as priests, if women should have taken that attire to, you must have called them women priests.  
Let us return to our processions, which all good and free Catholics religiously embrace, Ignace bragged every where he was a Catholic, why then did he forbid his society the processions? Because he knew, that if they came among other Ecclesiastical orders, they were uncertain what place they should take, their sect being a new bastard religion, a very hotch potch of all our orders, without any thing pure in it, or any point of our ancient Church. Therefore, to call them the society of jesus, is to go out of the way, but I will now give them a name more agreeable unto them. I remember I have read in the Romante of the Rose, late alleged by me, that when Saint Lewes brought the Carmelites into France, from Mount Carmell, they were called the Pred-coats, because their cloaks were striped & welted with black & white. Sith than we see the jesuits to be a partie-colourd religion, of divers pieces of our ancient Church, ill suited & sowed together, you may call them and their religion, the new Motley.  
here the Advocate held his peace, which ministered matter of talk unto the Gentleman, who said to him, I know not how true it is, that you had such a dream as you have told me, yet I may well say, there is much truth in it. And more than that, you cannot paint out these matters more lively, then by the picture of a dream. But seeing you make reckoning of the Romant of the Rose, me thinks by the model of it, we may more fitly call the jesuits, Papelards, and their company, Papelardie. Hereunto said the Advocate, I beseech you let us not engage the authority of the holy Sea, by the quarrel of these hypocrites. I will not, said the Gentleman, sith you have bound me to hearken till you have made an end.   

CHAP. 16. ¶ That without wrong to the authority of the holy Sea, you may call the jesuits Papelardes, and their sect, Papelardie, that is, hypocrites, and their order hypocrisy.  
We have ever yet in France embraced Popery, with all honour, respect, and devotion, and ever yet in France, hath this holy name, by many men, been by false shows abused. When you see a soaking Usurer, & adulterer, or a thief, mumble many Pater nosters daily at the Mass, without amendment of his evil life; or a Monk within his cloister, under his habit, his sad look and thin visage, nourish rancour, avarice, envy, and brocage in his heart, we call both the one and the other Papelards, and their actions, Papelardie, what say you then to Popery? It is the clear spring and fountain, from whence we ought to draw the unity of our Christian faith. What is this papelardie? A mask of popery in them, which outwardly would be esteemed to be better men than others, and inwardly are worst of all.  
This one lesson have I learned in that Romant of the Rose, where William Lorrey represents us an Orchard, environed with high walls, painted with the portraitures of Hate, Envy, Robbery, Avarice, Sorrow, & Poverty; among which, was the picture of Hypocrisy, drawn in this manner: I will set you down the old language, with the new of Marot, the first for his authority, the second for his grace.  
THere was an Image in my sight,  
That well became an hypocrite,  
Papelardie it was named:  
Because in secret it is framed,  
To fear no mischief to achieve,  
If none spy what it doth contrive.  
The looks were like a penitent,  
And it appeared to lament:  
A creature sweet it seemed to be,  
Yet under heaven no villainy  
Is found, but that it dares perform:  
And it resembles much the form  
That hath been made to this semblance,  
Set out with sober countenance.  
In apparel it was clothed  
Like unto a woman yielded:  
In the hand it held a Psalter,  
The heart did groan, the eyes did water,  
With prayers to God that feigned be,  
And to the Saints both he and she.  
It was not merry, it was silent,  
As if the thoughts were ever bend  
To show devotion every where,  
Invested in a shirt of hair.  
Fat fed she was not you must know,  
Fasting had brought her very low:  
She grew so pale and wan of late,  
That unto her and hers the gate,  
Of Paradise denied them pass.  
For many people have a glass  
Of flesh abated, saith God's book,  
That many others they may book:  
And for a little glory vain,  
God's kingdom they shall never gain.  
When this Romante was compiled, Wickliff, john Hus, jerom of prague, Martin Luther, and john Caluine, were not yet borne, to make war upon the holy Sea; for William of Lorrey, lived in the time of S. Lewes, yet was the word (Papelardie) then in use, mark whether all these particularities set down by him, do not encounter our jesuits? I confess, that none of them lie in hair, and likewise, that they take no knowledge of the extraordinary fasts which other religious persons keep. They are wisely dispensed withal, by their statutes, but to pass over all other points, they repose themselves wholly upon the authority of the holy Sea, as if they were the first-born children of the Popedom. And at other times, when you see them upon their knees, saying over their Beads one by one, before a Crucifix, or an image of our Lady, and after, mark their confessions & communions before the people, with I know not what leaden looks, fraught with hypocrisy, and notwithstanding, they work underhand the ruin of the Countries where they dwell, and the murder of whatsoever Kings and Princes it pleases them: and that their Masses, confessions, and communions, are the directory stars of their Machiavelian tricks, what better name can we give them then Papelards? As for the name of the society of jesus, it is so proud a title, as no good men can make agree with them, except it be to grace their hipocrifie the more. Their sect (as they say) was first consorted in Paris, and sworn at Montmarter in the heart of France. The words of Papelard and Papelardie, are French words, I think we shall find very many that will resign them over unto them, as words every way fitting their profession. Neither is it any disparagement to the merit of Christ's cross, that these men have abused the name of jesus, nor by their counterfeit mortification (that I may speak as William of Lorrey doth) under the false show of popery, is the authority of the holy Sea increased or diminised: it is strong enough to bear up itself, without any help of this new service, or rather of this new device of the devil, to surprise us by the name of jesus, & so ruinated & turn topsy-turvy, all religious orders, and the holy Sea itself.  
You shall never be inhibited by me, (said the Advocate) nor by any in this company, for aught I know: for if, to follow your proposition, a Papelard be such a one, as makes a fair show outwardly, upon his stall, but hath a false shop behind, within his soul, where all is contrary, you have proceeded master of the Art of hypocrisy, making us understand that of jesuitisme, which we never knew, and you are able to read a lecture of it. And sith I see you forward enough to second me, let me end that which I have begun, and when I have spoken of the jesuits sect in general, let me like an Advocate speak a word or two of good Father Ignace, who is the mark I shoot at.   

CHAP. 17. ¶ Of the fabulous visions of Ignace, and the miraculous fables of Xavier.  
NO body durst write the life of Ignace after his death, which happened in the year 1556. it was too great a task. The first that ever attempted it, was john Peter Maffee, a priest of that society, that dedicated 3. books of this argument, to Claudius Aquaviua their General. This fleshed Peter Ribadiner, another priest of the same society, to make a reflection upon his fellow, with five other books, ten years after; wherein, at the first setting out, he endeavours to make his history appear to be without check, because that before the establishing of their company, he, being not yet 14. years of age, followed Ignace at Rome, so thoroughly devoted to him, that he brags he could speak of many things he saw himself, and faithfully reckon up others, which Lewes Gonsalua, a man to whom Ignace discoursed them at large a year before, had reported to him. Both the one & the other, were diversly instructed in the Latin tongue, the first, by Christopher Severe, the other, by Christian Simon Liton, both men of an other religion, whom I may not believe more than the jesuits, which be naturally liars, in whatsoever they think will serve to advance their sect; persuading themselves, that it is no fraud offered unto God, when they beguile the world with a lie for advantage.  
I will rip up here, the most famous visions, which they say their great Sophy had. Ignace, by their computation, descended of the noble house of Loyhola, was in his tender years, sent by his Father & Mother to the Court of King Fardinand, surnamed the Catholic, & in the year 1522. put in trust to keep the town of Pampelune, then besieged by the French, where one of his legs was shiverd with a shot, and the other very sore hurt: the town delivered, and he taken prisoner, our Nation sent him away with much kindness to his own house. And being so sick, that the Physicians and Surgeons almost despaired of his recovery, in the night of his great crisis, 
Maff. lib. 1. capit. 2.  Saint Peter (in whom he did ever put his trust) appeared to him, promising to cure him, as he did indeed: for from that time, his sickness began miraculously to decline, and he grew better and better. And when he was recovered, spending his time in reading amorous discourses, because he could get no other books, one gave him the life of our saviour jesus Christ, and the Legend of the Saints, which he read; and from that time grew admirable devout desirous to change his old life, into a more austere & religious course: whereupon, the virgin Mary appeared to him night by night, with a smiling countenance, holding her little babe in her arms: upon this vision, he forsook the world for ever after. But Ribadinere goes farther, and he reports, that Ignace being at his pravers and Orisons upon his knees, before the Image of our Lady, there happened a great earth quake in the house where he prayed.  
Now while he was drowned in his devotion, the devil appeared to him, 
M●ff. lib. 1. capit. 6. R●bad lib. 1. capit. 6.  sometime fair and beautiful to look upon, sometime ghastly & hideous, seeking to divert him from his purpose, now by fair promises, anon by fear and terror, presented to his eyes. Entering the Dominicans Church, 
Maff. lib. 1. capit. 7. Rib. lib. 1. capit. 7.  he was so ravished, that rapt into heaven, he saw the holy Trinity in three persons and one essence, a matter that ministered argument unto him to write a book of the Trinity, Quoquo modo potuit stilo: & here was not the end of his miraculous visions, (saith Maffee) for GOD showed him the pattern he laid before him when he made the world. 
Maff lib. 1. capit. 8.  Moreover, hearing Mass in the Dominicans Church, as the Priest lifted up the host, Ignace saw jesus Christ in it, in body and flesh, just as he was when he lived upon the earth.  
Maflee sets it down better in Latin, Dum à sacerdote de more salutaris hostia attollitur, vidit Ignatius tllaspecie Christum, Deum eundem, et hominem verissime continere. Ribadiner saith, that Ignace being very attentive to a sermon he heard in Barcelona, 
Ribad. lib. 10. ca 10.  Isabel Rousset, a Lady of honour, saw his head crowned with glistering beams, like unto the sun. And in another place, that he continued 7. days together and would eat nothing, 
Rib. lib. 1. capit. 6.  and he spent seven hours every day in continual prayers, and in the mean while, whipped himself thrice every day. He would have held on this course, with the expense of his life, if his Confessor the Sunday following, had not commanded him to take sustenance, or else he would give him no absolution, as a murderer of himself: This he did broad waking, but hearken to another history more admirable than this.  
Upon a Saturday at evensong, he fell into such an ecstasy, 
Rib. lib. 1. capit. 7.  for the space of seven whole hours, without moving hand or foot, that every man judged him to be dead; at the last, some one or other, perceiving his heart to beat a little, they resolved to waken him: And the next Saturday, about the same time of Vespers, as if he had been roused out of a dead sleep, he began to open his eyes, calling upon the holy name of God. 
Maff. lib. b. ca 5. Ribad. lib. b. ca 11.  Both the one and the other Historiographer, speaks of the apparition of God the Father, & jesus Christ his Son beaten and wounded, bearing his cross, and that God the Father, recommended him to his son, entreating him to take the jesuits cause in Rome, into his protection; which accordingly he promised to do. And that Ignace being retired into the Monastery of Mount Cassin, to spend forty days together in devotion, 
Maff lib 2. cap. 6. Rib. lib. 2. ca 12.  as soon as he had said Mass, Ozius, one of his companions that died at Padua, appeared unto him, mounting up to heaven with some other company, Splendidiore quam reliqui, habitu, gloriaque multó illustriore. Ignace hearing that Simon Roderic, one of his crew was sick, going to visit him, 
Rib. lib. 2. ca 9  he was certified from heaven, that he should recover, wherein he was not deceived. He assured Peter Faur of this matter, one that gave much credit to him. See here in effect, the visions and miracles of Ignace, nothing inferior to those that are spoken of in the Gospels, and in the Acts of the Apostles, nay rather in some points, far exceeding them.  
To make us way to Paradise, we pass through the Sacrament of Baptism, & when our Saviour was baptised by Saint john the Baptist, at his coming out of the water, he saw the heavens open, and the holy Ghost descending in the shape of a Dove, and resting upon his head, and therewithal, a voice was heard, Thou art my dear son in whom I am well pleased. When Ignace devised to open a way to his company, he saw God the Father & jesus Christ his son, who said to him, Go in peace, for I will take thy part in the city of Rome. When the holy Ghost was represented by the shape of a bird, it was enough: but me thinks it is more, that Ignace saw God the Father, and God the Son also, in his proper body. jesus Christ was tempted but once, one manner of way by the devil: Ignace twice tempted diversly, & by very persuasive speech. jesus Christ fasted forty days in the wilderness without meat or drink: Ignace fasted only seven days, & to counterpoise the rest of Christ's fasting, he disciplined himself thrice a day, & spent seven hours of the day upon his knees in prayer. The man whom our Saviour singled out for a chosen vessel to himself, was S. Paul: when he wrought his conversion, he appeared not to him, but assaulted him only with sharp speeches, Saul, Saul, why dost thou persecute me? and he was three days blind, & did neither eat nor drink. This miracle is nothing in comparison of Ignace, whose soul was carried into heaven, where he saw the Trinity in three persons, and one essence: and after that, was in a trance seven whole days together, without sight, meat, or drink. Beside all this, he had one thing in particular showed to him (beyond all that is spoken of in the old Testament) he saw the tools God himself occupied when he fashioned & fitted this great frame of the world: A blessing never bestowed upon any man, but Ignace. All we confess the transubstantiation of the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar: a matter we cannot see with bodily eyes, but by the eyes of faith. Ignace herein passed us all, when at the elevation of the host, he saw jesus Christ there, God & man. I leave the shaking of the house where he was, by an earth quake, like unto that of Paul and Silas. I omit many other visions, specified by me heretosore; and credit me, when I had read over Ribadiner, I found nothing in his surname and his book, but baldarie. And as for Maffee, I think he is transformed into Morpheus, which presents sundry shadows to men a sleep.  
I doubt not, but that God was able to work all these miracles by Ignace, and much greater to, if it had so please him: he is the same God now that he was in the Apostles days: God without beginning, and without end: but that he hath done any such thing, I ●tterly deny, and avouch these to be blasphemous impostures, dropped by the devil himself out of the pens of two jesuits, to snare simple people with their cursed superstition. I will make this matter clear and evident. The most pregnant proofs of all are those, which we call presumptions of law and of fact, which arise out of many particularities, when they meet together, and when they do not agree with them, this is to deceive, against the common sense and understanding of the people. The greatest judgement that ever was given, was that of Salomen, between the true and the supposed mother, for which he was called Solomon the wise, yet was this grounded upon presumption. For my part, I think I have greater presumptuous than that Solomon had, to prove, that the pretended visions, wherewith these two hypocrites blear your eyes, are mists and illusions.  
I will make this matter manifest, and omit the scruple touched by me before, that the writers hereof be jesuits: no, this is not the point whereupon I mean to rest. I could be content to tell you, that I make no reckoning of Maffee. He hath written so, therefore it is true, I deny it; & desire to be informed who told it him: and I will show you my reason hereafter. The reason is, because in the history, I build more upon Ribadiner, who saith he was in his young years in Ignace company at Rome, and that whatsoever he reports: he heard it of Lewes Gonsalua, to whom Ignace imparted it a year before he died.  
Therefore this honest man the jesuit, might well speak of all those things which Ignace did at Rome, after he was chosen General of their order, and of that which fell out before. I should be a scrupulous gaine-sayer, if I should say, that you may not believe Ribadiner, when he tells you, Gonsalua spoke it: neither is Gonsalua, if he were alive, any Saint, but such as for whom we keep no holiday, although he avouch he heard all these tales of Loyola. I will tread all these matters under foot, I do believe that Ribadiner heard it of Gonsalua, and Gonsalua, received the news of all these miracles from Ignace. Let us now give credit to Ignace in his own cause, for none but he can say, that Saint Peter appeared to him first, and then the Virgin Marie, that he was two several times visibly tempted of the devil: that he saw the Trinity in heaven, Christ jesus in flesh and body in the host, the soul of Hozius his companion carried to heaven, that God showed him how he made the world, that Christ promised him to assist him in Rome: all this rests upon Ignace only, none but he can give us testimony of it, and this makes me say, that if we should believe it, we were very heavy headed.  
If I were to rest upon this point, I should have enough to prove you aught neither to receive nor reject all these miracles, but I will proceed. When I asquier pleaded the cause, one of the fairest parts of it was that, with which he stoutly challenged the jesuits, to choke him with any one miracle that ever Ignace wrought: he said, that all the holy Fathers, Saint Benet, Saint Dominic, Saint Frances, and others, confirmed their new orders by many miracles done by them, as we read in their Legends: but not any one could be found done by Ignace. I have delivered you that passage, word for word, wherein he spoke of Postles impiety. Ignace was dead eight years before this was pleaded. After his death, all hatred towards him ceased, when men talked of his miracles; for we cannot speak so freely of the living. This cause was prolonged seven months and more, both in the University of Paris, and in the Court of Parliament, when they stood upon the main making or marring of their order. james Laniez, companion & successor of Ignace in his generalship, either knew these things, or aught to know them, and leisure and time enough had he to certify. Nevertheless, in all Versoris Plea, there is not one word spoken of visions or miracles. A sign, that these lies, were new coined by these Papelards after the cause was pleaded. Put this to it, that all the visions Maffee and Ribadiner reckon up, happened in Spain, before Ignace either had the Pope's blessing, or his order was allowed. And that after he was chosen General, you shall not find in these two jesuitical Priests, any vision showed him from heaven, nor any miracle done while he lived, nor after his death: yet if any miracle came from him, of force it must be either then when the holy Sea confirmed him, or after. In Rome, you see Ignace his forecast was good, 
Turs. lib. 5. ca 16.  to bring a new tyranny into our old religion, but no mark of miracles at all. And why think you? because all his visions happened to him in Spain, two of them only excepted, which he had in Italy, in corners: but neither durst he, nor his ministers, broach so gross matters in Rome. I speak expressly of Rome, where,  
Iwenesque senesque.  
Et pueri nasum Rinocerotis habent.  
Will you have me lay this imposture open to your eyes, by some other issuing from the same root? Among the companions or disciples of Ignace, there was one Frances Xavier, appointed by him to go to the Indies at the request of King john of Portugal. Ribadiner wrote his history, only upon report of the country, as the farther a jesuit goes, the louder he lies: so Horace Tursellin, coming after the rest, reflects upon his companion, with great increase and interest. For never did our Saviour Christ while he was upon the earth, nor after his ascension, nor Saint Peter, not Saint Paul, work so great miracles as Xavier did in the Indies. He was a Prophet that foretold them things to come, he did read means thoughts, 
Turs. lib. 6. ca 1. Turs. lib. 2. cap. 18.  he made the crooked to go upright, the dumb to speak, the deaf to hear, he cured the lepers, he rid the sick of their diseases when the Physicians had given them over: saying but a Creed, or a Gospel over men, he had a faculty to raise the dead. For in the seventh Chapter of his second book, he finds, that he had raised six: another time, upon his return from jappon, spying one of his companions laid out upon the Bear, and ready to be put into the ground, he restored him to life again, as he had done a Pagans daughter. 
Turs. lib. 4. cap. 3.  But the grace of the tale is, that she returning on foot, knew Xavier, and told her father, this was the man, that had pulled her soul back again out of hell. And that which was never heard of before in our religion, 
Turs. lib. 4. cap. 7. & lib. 5. cap. 7.  he converted many people by Mediators and Interpreters. Likewise, he wrought many miracles by the ministery of others, namely, by such as scarce had any knowledge of our Church. For after he had baptized and Catechised little infants, 
Turs. lib. 2. ca 7.  he gave them his beads, wherewith the sick being touched, they recovered health. Being at Meliopora, there was a rich Citizen possessed with many devils, Xavier was entreated to go to him, but having other business, he sent a little child to him with a cross, which being laid upon the possessed, and a Gospel said over him, in such manner as Xavier had commanded, presently all the devils were cast out, very much angered, that they were ejected by such a one as was yet but a novice in Christianity. Hoc magis indignantes (saith the author) quod per puerum pellebantur, 
Lib. 2. ca 7.  & eum Neophylum. Another time it fell out so, that being requested to help one that was possessed, because he could not go himself in person, he put some little children in commission, teaching them their lesson what they should do, and putting a cross in their hands. These came to the possessed, whom they made to kiss the Cross, according to their direction, saying certain prayers over him, which they had learned by heart, and presently, as well by the faith of these little brats, as by Xaviers, the devil went out of the man, but he was revenged on him at the last: For when Xavier was upon his knees before the Virgin Marie, the devil so scratched him by the back, & belly, that the poor man had none to fly unto but the Virgin, crying unto her: Domina opitulare, Domina non opitulaberis? And after this, was constrained to keep his bed until his skin was healed.  
I omit a great many particulars, that I may come to other of Xaviers miracles, as well in his life as in his death: for departing this life at Sives, his body was rolled up in quick lime, that being speedily consumed, it might not putrefy: nevertheless, being six months after carried to the Town of Goa, where he lieth, he was found to look as fresh and sound, as when he lived. 
Lib. 5. ca 12.  After he was brought to this Town, there was a wax Candle of a cubit long, placed at the foot of his Tomb, which burned two and twenty days, and as many nights, and was not wasted. A man that never saw further than the length of his own nose, having got so much favour of the Priests, as to open him Xaviers Tomb, took the dead man's hand and rubbed his eyes with it, and presently recovered his sight. 
Lib. 5. ca 4.  Many other miracles were done by his dead corpse: But I find none so famous as these two: for one of his Disciples, having stolen away the whip wherewith he beat himself, and a woman called Marie Sarra did cut of a piece of his girdle, which she wrought into silver, and wore it about her neck, these two devout persons, cured an infinite number of all sorts of diseases, by the bare touch of these two relics.  
All these miracles were done in the Indies, and many other more if you believe Tursellin. After the approbation of their order, Xavier was not to be compared in sanctity with Ignace, his Superior and first founder of that society being inspired with the holy Ghost, although not in so great measure as the Apostles were, (saith the wisdom of Fon.) And all visions ceased in him, that day that his order was allowed, and he seated in Rome; but contrariwise, they budded a fresh in Xavier: what causeth this difference? I will tell you: If Ignace had set down his staff in the Indies, and Xavier abode in Rome, Ignace had wrought many miracles, and Xavier none, for in these cases, it is a great deal better cheap to believe them, then to travel from place to place, to inquire whether they be true or no.  
All these stories, are in very deed such, as by common proverb we call old wives fables, that is to say, fit to be told to simple women, when they sit spinning by the fire side. One justinian, a jesuit in Rome, called Father justinian, counterfeited himself to be leprous, to make his cure miraculous: Again, he would have made men believe, that being shot with a Pistol through his garment, the bullet rebounded back again from his body, without hurt, and so by the wonderful grace of God, he was not wounded. These matters were believed by the simple people at the first, but after they were found to be false, this marred the whole roast of the jesuits cookery in Rome, for when they did speak of a facer out of matters, and an impostor, they were wont to call him, a second justinian the jesuit.  
It may be you will judge it strange. I tell you, we need not look into Spain, nor the Indies for their forgeries, sith of late years they bruited it abroad in France, that Theodore Beza was dead, and that at his death, he was converted to our Catholic apostolic Roman Religion, by one of their company: by whose example, many Citizens of Geneva had done the like, through the travels of the jesuits. We took it to be true a while, but after that Beza was known to be risen again, he wrote certain French and Latin Letters, by which he convinced their impudency. What a mint of fables will they have in strange countries, which even in the midst of us, fear not to feed us with such babbles?  
Last of all, to make the matter plain, what notable liars Maffee and Ribadiner are, (for as I begun with them, so will I end,) Ribadiner shows us one Ignace in Spain, who all upon the sudden having abandoned the world, caesariem elegantem habebat, 
Rib. lib. 1. capit. 5.  solutam et impexan reliquit, ungues et barbam excrescere sunt. He had a fair head of hair, which he laid out lose & unkempt, flaring in the wind; he neither cut his beard, nor pared his nails. Look upon his picture in the beginning of Ribadiners' book, there is nothing so slick as he, neither his locks, nor his beard, nor his nails grown. You may imagine by this, what is in the rest of all their books. And to say the truth, when I see Maffee, Ribadiner, and Turcelline, bestow so good Latin upon such lying matter, it makes me remember our old Romants, of Piers Forrest, Lancelot Dulac, Tristram of Lions, and other adventurous Knights of the Round-table, which had all struck hands in amity, and sworn reciprocally on to another: in honour of whom, many gallant pens have been set a work to make idle tales, in as good French as that time afforded. In like manner have these three jesuits written, not a history, but a Romant full of fables, touching the life of Ignace & his fellows, all wandering Knights of the travailing rob, linked together in a band of indissoluble society; it is fit that every thing should have his turn.   

CHAP. 18. ¶ Of Ignace his Machiavelismes, used to set his Sect a float.  
WHen the Advocate had ended his discourse, the Gentleman said to him. You may judge what you will of those two that have written the life of Ignace, if you can persuade me, that our age never afforded a braver man, nor more fit to make a new sect than he, I will take no exceptions to Ishmael the Persian Sophy. When I speak of a sect, I beseech you my Masters be not you offended: for I take the word in his native signification, for such a form of life and discipline, as in old time was attributed to the Philosophers. I see three men combined by the mystery of our time, Martin Luther, a German, john Caluin, a French man, and Ignace de Loyola, a Spaniard, all three great men, I will not speak of the doctrine of the two former, which I condemn; yet neither was Luther nor Caluin, so great as Loyola.  
The first, made an uproar in all Germany: the second, so troubled France, that there was no safety for him but in Geneva: & the last, hath made a pother, not only in Spain, and the provinces depending upon that Kingdom, but in many other Nations also. And that which is more admirable, the two former, got their credit with their pen, and the last, by writing nothing. For as you yourself have truly discoursed, Ignace was above thirty years of age before he learned his Accedence. Long before this time, he compiled three books in Spanish, one of them was entitled, Spiritual exercises: another, was of the Trinity, and the third, was of the life of jesus Christ, the virgin Marie, and some of the Saints: nevertheless, he did wisely to stop the breath of those books again betimes, he knew well the weakness of the stile, and with what broken timber they were built. Luther and Caluin were brought up, the one in a Monastery, the other in Colleges, where they began to push at the chief Governors of the Church of Rome, and scholarlike spent their time, in contentious wits and writers. Loyola, borne of a noble family, in his youth trained up in a great King's court, drew his business to a head very Gentlemanlike. For being desirous to continue the new tyranny which he had plotted, in stead of writing, which happily might be confuted, he drew all out of heaven, that no body might speak against it.  
Do not you remember, that Minos' King of Crete, going about to make new laws to his subjects, persuaded them that he had conferred with jupiter: Lycurgus in Sparta, with Apollo: Numa Pompilius in Rome, with the Nymph Aegeria: and Sertorius, to purchase the more authority with his soldiers, said he was familiar with a Do, as if one of their imaginary Gods had been transformed into her. These are the Machiavellismes of which the old world was delivered before Machiavelli was borne. And there be a great many Machiavells among us at this day, who never read his books; I think the same devices glided through the soul of this great Ignace, & I assure myself, that he reckoned up to Lewes Gonsalua before he died, (for so Ribadiner tell us) all his visions of God, of the virgin Marie, of S. Peter, and of our saviour jesus Christ, promising him all the help he could to further him at Rome; whereby he grew in hope that in time to come, all the Generals his successors, should become the highest Commanders.  
And that which makes me wonder more, is a matter I will now acquaint you with. We read, that when Augustus had locked himself fast into the saddle of the Roman Empire, yet ten years after, to avoid all envy, he counterfeited before the Senate, that he would give up his government, betake himself to a private life, and lay aside all that imperial majesty which he had gotten: he was much hindered herein, by the humble suit of all the Senators his slaves; and thus by the consent of all the chief Rulers of the City, he held without fear or jealousy, the extraordinary power he had got into his hands over that state.  
Ignace had the like conceit of his Generalship: for when he had governed ten years, or there about, with absolute authority, he called together the greatest part of the Fathers the jesuits at Rome, and before the whole assembly, desired them to dispense with him in the government hereafter, because the charge was too heavy for his shoulders: But they with all meekness, commending his modesty, denied him his request, as a matter very prejudicial to their Order. And contrariwise, they entrated him to take care of their constitutions, 
Rib. lib. 4. capit. 2.  to augment, or diminish, or qualify them as he thought good. From that day, he took the reins into his hand, to command them in such manner as you see: but he would not have his statutes published, before they were confirmed by a general meeting. Mean while, he left a writing in a little coffer, in manner of a journal, how things passed between the holy Ghost and him, and the visions set down, wherewith he was inspired when he made his constitutions.  
These remembrances were found after his death, and with great wonderment presented to the general congregation held at Rome, in the year 1558. where all that he had ordered was considered of, and from thence passed through the hands of their Printers and Stationers. You blame Ignace in your discourse, for all his apparitions, & you say they were impostures contrived by him, upon which ground his society hath coined many fables. Pardon me, I pray you, for you judge of these matters like a Puny, not like a Statesman. I tell you again, I doubt not but that Ignace hath told you all his visions, whereof he himself alone was witness. But when? Not in the flower of his age, when he was in action; but when sickness and age had broken him, and he saw himself at the graves brink; persuading himself, there could be no better mean to establish his order after his death, and confirm his statutes, then to feed them, not with these holy, but rather feigned illuminations, which he opposed without printing of Books, against all Martin Luther's & john calvin's vain disputes and Ergoes. Was there ever played a braver, a wiser, and a bolder prank than this?   

CHAP. 19 ¶ The conclusion of the first book.  
THe Gentleman had scarce ended his discourse, but the Advocate answered. You and I will enter the List together to fight it out. For all that Maffee and Ribadiner have written of Ignace, is false, & all that you have said is true. That which I have spoken hitherto, is by way of an introduction to the sport, I am determined to show you now what their vows be, which I will prove to be stuffed with erroneous and heretical doctrine, and an infinite mingle mangle of Machiavellismes and Anabaptistries, which time hath measht together.  
The Advocate prepared himself to go forward, not remembering that it was high midnight, than said the Gentleman: If you have any such purpose, it is best to defer it until to morrow morning, the night is far spent, and you my Masters (my new guests) are wearied with your journey, & you in particular my good friend, (quoth he to the Advocate) are tired with talking, and we with hearing. I arrest you all, you are now my prisoners, and think not that I will let you go to morrow: let us take a little truce with our eyes, our tongues, our ears, and our thoughts, me thinks this discourse deserves to be prosecuted with a fasting wit: it were fit, it should not be taken upon a sudden, but that you should pause upon this which is already spoken, if sleep will suffer you. Never yet was good Advocate, how well soever he were provided for a great cause, aggrieved to have put it off to another day, that he might be better furnished: and I think you never spoke to a matter of more importance than this.  
The Gentleman's advice was taken, and every man retired him into his chamber, until seven of the clock in the morning, than every one having been at Church to render unto God, not what every man is bound, but what every man was able to perform: the whole company met in the Hal. The Gentleman gave his servants strait commandment, that none of them should be so hardy as to interrupt them, whatsoever business fell out. Now let us go on with our tale (quoth he) for we cannot do a better deed than this: but upon this condition, that in our speech, we rail upon no body. We may not easily be drawn to persecute so harmless a company, as many men take the jesuits to be.  
The Advocate promised to deal honestly herein, protesting again that he would not speak for any particular grudge he bore them, but for the common good of all men. And to make it so appear to you (quoth he) I leave all affectation, and flowers of Rhetoric, wherewith men of my profession use to grace their speech. I will read those passages plainly to you, upon which, all that I intent to do, is grounded; and if any man will put any better stuff to it when I have done, I give him leave. For the best Art I observe, is to show no Art at all. But sith the jesuits do now sue for a re-establishment of them in France, I will begin with that, that toucheth us nearest. The Advocate having in one of his Portmantewes all the Bulls, and constitutions, that concern the jesuits, and many other books of like argument, as well with them, as against them, he laid them forth upon a green Carpet, thus as he had done the night before, so proceeded he now to verify his speech. Let us see him play his part upon the stage.   
The end of the first Book.   

The second Book of the jesuits Catechism.  

CHAP. 1. ¶ That our Church of France, and the Sect of the jusuits, cannot stand together.  
LEt us tread all choler under foot, (saith the Advocate) not as if it were not very fit to be angry with heresy, yea and to sleep upon that anger, but because choler sometimes besots us, & makes us fail in the duties of our understanding. The jesuits desire to be settled again in Paris, where-into they entered at the first like Foxes, and afterward, filled themselves like ravening beasts with the blood of the French: and yet, if their order have any possibility of agreement with our Church of France, let us forget all the miseries and calamities, that have been brought upon us by their means in our last troubles; and let us not envy them their abode in the principal City of France. It is no small advantage for them, that would plant and spread a new religion, to be placed in the chief City of a kingdom, by the authority of the sovereign Magistrate.  
They cast in our way two great words, to stop our mouth altogether; the name of jesus, to which every knew must bow, and the name of the Pope, which we must receive with all submission and honour. But to whom do they sell their trash? Are we any other but followers of jesus? Are we any other than the children of the holy Sea?  
1. All of us acknowledge, by a common and general faith, that we are a part & portion of the church of jesus, by the merit of his passion, ever since that we have been regenerate by the holy sacrament of Baptism.  
They, by an arrogant name applied, entitle themselves and their sect, 
Conference at Poissy, 1561. Act of parliament in the same year.  the society of jesus: a title forbidden them, both by our Church of France, and by the Court of Parliament at Paris, in the year 1561.  
2. We in this country of France, avow with all humility and readiness, our holy Father the Pope, as Primate, but not as prince of all Churches. In this faith we live and die under him, renewing the oath of allegiance, from the day of our baptism, to the day of our death.  

Part 7. of their const. c. 1. arti. 2.  The jesuit, as a vassal peculiar above others, acknowledges him for his prince, to whom he specially renews the oath of his allegiance, at the change of every Pope.  
3. Our church of France holds, that our holy father the Pope, is under a general & economical counsel: so we have learned of our great divine Gerson: so of the council of Constance: and so, when in former times any decree came out from his holiness, to the prejudice of our Kings, or their realm, our ancestors appealed from it, to a general Council to be held afterward.  

Cap. Novi de iudie. ext. cap. ad Apostolicae de re iudie. capit. unam san●tam de maior. et obed.  The jesuit maintains a clean contrary opinion, & that in the same sort as the courtiers of Rome do.  
4 With what dissimulation soever the jesuit cloaks his writings now a days, he acknowledgeth the Pope prince of all kingdoms, as well in matters temporal as spiritual, because the Popes have acknowledged themselves for such, in their decretal sentences, and namely, of late, in their Bull of the great jubilee, published for the year 1600. S. Peter and S. Paul, whose successors they are called, princes of the earth: if the jesuite doubt of this article, he is an heretic in his sect.  
Our church of France, never believed that the Pope had any power, over the temporal estate of our Kings.  

Look the chap. of this book, where we entreat of blindfold obedience.  5 The jesuit obeys the Pope, by an obedience which he calls blindfold: a proposition of a hard consequence for the King, and all his subjects.  
A proposition also which we observe not, but stoutly improve in our Church of France.  
6 By an ancient tradition, which we hold as it were from hand to hand from the Apostles, every Diocese hath his Bishop, over whom it is not lawful to usurp any authority.  

Bellam. lib. 1. de indulg. cap. 11.  The whole sect of the jesuits, is nothing else but a general infringing of the authority of Archb. and Bish: yea the hold, that the Bishop hath no other jurisdiction or power, then that which he holds of the Pope.  
7 The administering of the word of God, and of the Sacra. appertains principally to the Archb. & Bishop: after, to the Curates within their parishes, & to none other, except a man have permission of some of them within their charges.  

By the Bulls of 1540 & 1550.  The jesuit gives to himself, full power to preach the word of God, and to administer the holy sacrament of Penance and the Eucharist, wheresoever it please him, to the prejudice of the Ordinaries.  
8 Only the B. in his diocese, can dispense with the use of meats forbidden, according as necessity requires.  

The Bulls of julius the 3. 1552.  The jesuit acknowledges herein, none but the Superiors of his order.  
9 We admit not to the order of priesthood, any that are borne in adultery or incest. 
The Bulls of Paul the 3. 1546.   
The jesuit admits them without difference.  
10 By our ancient canonical constitutions, Churchmen may not say Mass but before noon.  

The Bulls of Paul the 3. 1545.  The jesuit may sing Mass after none▪ if it please him.  
11 Our priests are forbidden to say Mass any where but in our Churches, except for the succouring of them that are sick, and that by the permission of the Curate.  
The jesuit may make a particular oratory within his house, and in all places where soever he comes: & there say Mass, and have an Altar to carry about with him.  
12 One of the ancientest parts of devotion, that we have in our Church, 
Te●t. lib. 2. ad v●o●em. Sib. Apul. lib. 5. epist.  are the Processions, for even Tertullian makes mention of them: and we find, that Mamercus Bishop of Vienna, brought in the Rogation, which we observe every year, in the week of the Ascension of our Lord jesus Christ.  

The Pulls of 〈◊〉 13. 1576.  The jesuit, doth not only disallow of them, but maintains that they are forbidden him.  
13 We celebrate Anniverssaries in our Church, in the remembrance of them, that lately bestowed any goods on us by way of alms,  
The jesuit receives a pace what soever alms are given him to this end; 
Part 6. of th●●r const. ca 3. art. 6.  but yet he admits not of the Anniverssaries, nor the Obits.  
14 We have in our Church, a certain place near the Altar, which we call the Choir, where our priests say divine service, 
Part 6. const. ca 3. art. 4. I●b. lib. 3. cap. 22. The bull of Gre. the 13 ●●. of Octo. 1576.  apart from the common people.  
The jesuit hath no such place.  
15 We say our canonical hours aloud in our churches, of ordinary, that every man may partake thereof.  
The jesuit is not bound, but that he may say them in a low voice.  
16 As our country of France hath always abounded in devotion above all other Nations; so it hath had special privilege of God, that all the heads of religious orders, that have been graffed upon the ancient orders of S. Austin & S. Benet, have vowed their perpetual houses amongst us French men: as the orders of Clugnie, the Cistercians, the Premonstratenses, and Gramont.  
There is never an order but that of the  Monks, 
The Plea of the King's Advocate of M●●n●l.  whose General hath not taken his habit in Dauphine. And if there be any that make not their abode there, at the least they come often times to visit their sheep in this our country of France. Besides that, the Generals of the jesuits have vowed their abode within Rome, never any of them is seen to come into France to visit theirs: so little of any French nature have they in them.  
17 We receive no Provincials in France, of what religious order soever they be, unless they be Frenchmen.  
The General of the jesuits sends us such, as it pleases him: A Merchandise that cost us dear in our last troubles.  
18 We in our Church of France, allow of no religious persons, which vow themselves to the saying of Divine service in the Church, but such as wear their habits and other monastical weeds, assigned to them by reverend antiquity.  
There is no difference betwixt the habit of a Secular Priest, and a Priest jesuit.  
19 We have always confined our religious men within the cloisters; as well, that there they might lead a solitary life, as also, that they might serve them for walks, and refresh, after their studies.  
The jesuit should have wronged his greatness, if he had conformed himself to the fashions of other orders.  
20 After that our religious men have made the three ordinary and substantial vows, of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, they may not return to the world, to follow again their former course of life, no not with the consent of their Abbots.  
The jesuits, having added to the simple vow of jesuitisme, 
Greg. 13. Bull. 1584.  after the two years of their Noviceship, the three vows common to all religious orders; may notwithstanding, be turned over to the world again by their General, whensoever it pleaseth him.  
21 Our religious persons, after they have made those three vows, are uncapable of all kinds of succession.  
The jesuit as long he continues in his simple vow, 
Greg. 13. Bull. 1584.  may enjoy any of them, as if he had not at all given over the world.  
22 No man enters into other orders of religion, but with an intent to study, that he may in time be preferred to the order of Priesthood.  
The jesuit receiveth men into his order, under the name of temporal coadjutors, which make profession of ignorance, and are never admitted into holy orders.  
23 All other religious persons, have certain days, wherein they keep extraordinary fasts & abstain from meat, which days are not common for fasting to the rest of the people. The jesuits, though from their very entrance they take the name of religious persons, 
Rib. lib. 3. ca 22.  yet at no hand observe any such day.  
24 The ancient ordinances of our Kings, Charles, 5.6.7. admit no principals of Colleges that are strangers, and borne without the Realm, unless at the least they be made denezens.  
The General of the jesuits establisheth in the Colleges of his order such Rectors and Principals, as pleaseth him, without respect whether they be French, or no.  
25 In our religious orders, the religious are not suffered to read Lectures of human learning, to any but those of their own order.  
The jesuit reads to all goers and comers.  

The Bull of Pius 4. 1561  26 The degree of Masters of Arts, is not given with us to any religious person, but only the Doctorship of divinity, if they be fit for it.  
The jesuit takes the degree of Masters of Arts, as well as of Doctor of Divinity. 
Bull of Pius 2. 1552. and Pius 4. 1571. Pius 4. Bull 1556. Greg. 13. Bull in May. 1573.   
27 The order, that we observe in our Universities, is, that the Bishop is the chief judge: and for this cause, in every Cathedral Church, where there is an University, to whom there is also a Chancellor of the University, to whom there is a Prebend annexed, which gives the degrees of Bachelors, Licentiats, Masters, and Doctors, after the disputations and public trials made, in the places of old hereunto appointed.  
The jesuit is ignorant of this form: he must have a stable by himself. At the first, the General made Masters and Doctors of his absolute power: afterward, these degrees were taken by the authority of the Provincial, upon examination by 2. or 3. deputed by him to that purpose.  
28 Yea more than that, in this our country of France, no man may receive the degree of Master or Doctor, but in famous Universities. The jesuit, turning topsie turuy all our ancient discipline, may make Ma. of Arts, 
Pius 4. 1561.  and Doctors of Divinity, wheresoever they have Colleges, though they be not in any University.  
29 In all alienations of the Church goods, which depend upon Bishoprics or Abbeys, the communality must assemble themselves together with the consent of their heads, to contract, & afterward, the authority of the superior must concur; who must depute a Promoter as he that is proctor for the good of the Church: all which is done, to discuss & examine, whether it be fit that such alienation be made. To the alienation of the goods of the jesuits, 
Pius 5. 1568 Const. par. 9 cap. 3. art. 5.  there is nothing required, but the will and absolute power of the General, without any other ceremony.  

In their first confer. general. 1558. Greg. 13.18. Decemb. 1576. Pius 4. 1561. 19 Art. Monta. in his boo●e of the truth defended. cap. 15. Pellar. de translamp. Montaign. Chap. 15.  30 Our kings receive a subsidy of benevolence, from the churches of their Realm, which we call Tenths.  
If you will give credit to the jesuits privileges, they are exempted from it.  
31 Our kings may not be excommunicated by the Popes, as we will prove in his place.  
This rule is charged to be untrue by the jesuits.  
32 It is not in the Pope's power to transsate our Realm to whom it pleases him, for default of obedience to him, as I hope also I shall prove. The jesuit maintains formally, that the Pope according to the occasions of matters, may transfer, not only kingdoms, but the Empire also, And to the end I may file on a row other propositions, wherein they contradict us.  
33 Clergy men may not be judged by a Secular judge, 
Bellar. de exem. Cler. cap. 1. Propo. 3. Propo. 4. Propo. 5.  although they kept not civil laws.  
34 A Clergy man's goods, both ecclesiastical, and temporal, are free from tributes to secular Princes.  
35 The exemption of Clergy men in matters politic, as well for their persons, as their goods, was brought in both by human and divine law.  
That which I will certify to you in my speech following, is, the doctrine of Emanuel, a Doctor of Diviniy, a jesuit of Antwerp, in his Aphorisms of confession; wherein, as he declares in his Epistle by way of preface, he laboured 40. whole years: and sets down his undoubted propositions of confession, by order of Alphabet.  
36 A Clergy man's family, is of the same Court with himself.  
37 A Clergy man's goods, may be confiscated by an ecclesiastical judge, in such cases as a Lay-man may be so punished by the law.  
38 A Clergy man may not be punished by a Secular judge, for a false testimony given before him.  
39 A Clergy man being smitten by on of the laity, may sue him before an ecclesiastical judge.  
40 A Clergy man may use the custom and statute of Lay-men for his own profit. His meaning is, that the custom binds him not, unless it please himself.  
41 A Bishop may constrain men upon pain of excommunication, to bring in the Testaments of the dead, and see they be executed.  
42 A Bishop may charge a benefice, which he bestows, with a yearly pension for the maintaining of a poor scholar, or Clarke.  
43. A woman is not usually to have succession in Fee.  
44. A Clergy man dying intestate, and having no kindred, the Church which he served, must be his heir: but now perhaps, the chamber of the apostolic Sea inherits.  
45. A prisoner going to execution, is not bound to confess that, which before he untruly denied, unless otherwise some great harm may ensue.  
46. A prisoner is not to be compelled by his confessor to confess his fault.  
All which Propositions, directly derogate from those, which we observe by the common law of France. And yet, that which is more mischievous & intolerable, is that which he hath in two other Articles written in this sort.  
47 The rebellion of a Clergy man against his Prince, is not high treason, because he is not subject to the Prince.  
48 If a Priest in confession, have intelligence of some great danger intended to the state, it is sufficient to give a general warning to take heed. He also against whom evil is intended, may be warned to take heed to himself, at such a place and time, so that the penitent be not in danger to be discovered thereby.  
Good God: Can we abide this order in our country of France? I know, that although (God be thanked) our kings were never tyrants, yet the jesuits propound two Maxims, which if they should take place, every sovereign Prince, must stand to the mercy of his people.  
49 A King may be deposed by the State for tyranny, and if he do not his duty, when there is just cause, an other may be chosen by the greater part of he people. Yet some think, that tyranny only is the cause for which he may be deposed.  
50 He that governs tyrannously, may be deposed by the people's sentence, yea though they have sworn perpetual obedience to him, if being warned, he will not amend.  
If these two Articles take place, there is no Prince, be he what he will, that can be assured in his estate. And I pray you suppose, that this confessionary was printed in the year 1589. that is to say, to confirm & authorize, that which was purposed against the King deceased, in the beginning of the year, when certain ill disposed persons would have declared him to be a tyrant.  
51. We have in this country of France, an appeal, as it were a writ of Error, of the thundering of the apostolic Bulls; when they are found to enterprise any thing, either against the majesty of our Kings, or against the ancient Counsels, received and approved in our Church of France, or against the liberties thereof, or against the authority Royal, or Acts of the high Courts. This appeal as from the abuse, I tell you, is one of the principal sinews of the maintenance of our estate.  
The jesuit will not acknowledge it, for many causes, which touch him near, which I will not here discover.  
52 The jesuits acknowledge none for their judge, but the Pope, or their General, desiring by this means, to fend us back again to that old labyrinth of Rome, whereof our good Saint Bernard, complained to Pope Eugenius in his books of consolation. And thereof we saw a notable example in Bordeaux, when Lager, Rector of the College of the jesuits, declared that he would not obey the More and jurats, who had sent for him for the preventing of a certain sedition: saying, that he acknowledged: them for civil Magistrates over the Burgesses of the City, but that neither they, nor any other judges, of what nation, quality, dignity, and authority soever, had any power over their society, but only our holy Father the Pope, or the General of their order. And shall we then suffer this family to live in the midst of us? That were indeed to receive in a vermin, which at length will gnaw out the heart of our estate, both spiritual and temporal.  
Then said the jesuit to the Advocate, I will not be long in answering your curious collections. 
Sess. 25. ca 16. de regular.  For against all that you have said, I oppose in one word, the general counsel of Trent, by which we are approved and authorized.  
53 Whereto the Advocate answered, I grant that you have thirty on your part, but we have 45. above you. This Council concerning the doctrine, is an abridgement of all the other ancient Counsels, therefore it is in that regard, to be embraced by all devout souls: but wholly to be rejected concerning discipline, as well Secular as Ecclesiastical; as that Council, by which our whole Realm of France would be set on fire, if it should be received. And they that can sent well, smell that all which was then decreed, came from the jesuitish souls: I mean, as concerning matter of government. If there were no other respect but this, ye were to be banished out of France: because we cannot allow of you, without allowing of this Council: and the approving of it, were to make a great breach, both into the Majesty of our Kings, and into the liberties of our Church of France.   

CHAP. 2. ¶ That the Pope's authorizing the jesuit, at his first coming, never had any persuasion, that either he could, or aught to inhabit in france.  
WHen the Advocate had made an end of this discourse, the jesuit, thinking he had some great advantage against him, began to speak thús to him. Let us lay aside the counsel of Trent, though it be a strong fort for the confirming of our order. At the least, you cannot deny, that we are assisted with an infinite number of the Bulls of divers Popes, Paulus and julius the third, Pius the fourth and fifth, and Gregory the thriteenth: by all which, they do not only approve us, but gratify us with many great privileges, such as never were granted to any other order of religion, as you might understand by me yesterday. Whereupon it follows, that you and all other, that set themselves to fight against us, aught to be held for heretics.  
Aduoc. A great objection forsooth: for you could not possibly fight against me with any better weapons: & I am right glad, that my whole discourse, gins, continueth, & ends, according to the authority of the holy sea.  Abs jove principium, iovis omnia plena. 
The holy Sea hath approved of you, (say you) I grant it, only to pleasure you. Therefore they that allow not of your society, are heretics: I deny that. The College of Divines, and the University of Paris, our whole Church of France, so many societies, so many of worth and honour, made themselves parties against you, in the year 64. and disallowed of you: yet for all that, ye never heard, that they were decleard at Rome to be heretics. Insomuch, that the Popes which authorised you, never thought that you were to inhabit in France. They knew that their dignity, is the mother of unity in the Universal Church. They were not ignorant of the liberties of our Church of France, wholly contrary to the profession of the jesuits: and that to settle them in France, had been to plant a huge sort of schisms and divisions. Whereby you may perceive the reason, why they repealed not the judgements that had passed against these goodly Masters, as well in the convocation of our whole Clergy at Poisie, as in the Parliament at Paris. Following herein, by a good inspiration of God and his holy Spirit, the steps of Paulus the third, to whom when the jesuits presented themselves at the first, feigning that they would go into Palestine, and there settle their abode for the converting of the Turks, 
Masf. lib. 2. capit. 3. Ribad. lib. 2. capit. 7.  they were not only favourably entertained by him, but, which is more, he caused money to be delivered to them for the defraying of the charge of their voyage. But when they returned the second time, to have a confirmation of their new determination, Pope Paul was two whole years before he could yield to it. And why so? Because in their first project, there was no danger to Christendom, but only to themselves, that were the undertakers of this matter. In the second, there was assurance for their persons, but great hazard & danger to all Christendom. And after many denials & refusals, although he suffered himself to be carried away by Cardinal Contarens importunity, yet he was of opinion, that not only they were not to take up their dwelling in France, but not to continue in any other part of Christendom, but very sparingly.  
How then? Shall we think that this great Pope, would leave desolate this new Order approved by him? No truly. And if you will examine this story aright, you will rest satisfied. If in the year 1539. the jesuits had made promise of no more, but the 3. substantial vows of other religious orders, he would never have admitted them in such a fashion as they presented themselves: Munks, who by a title appropriated to themselves, were termed of the society of jesus, wearing no religious habit at all. Munks, that would not tie themselves to their Cloisters, there to lead a solitary life, nor reduce themselves to the extraordinary abstinence from meats, and to the fasts of other religious orders. Munks, that would preach and administer the holy Sacraments, without the permission of the Bishop. For all these circumstances laid together, promise (I cannot tell what) great dissolution, rather than edification.  
What then provoked him to receive them? First, their vow of absolute obedience to the holy Sea: afterward, that of their Mission: by which Ignace and his companions promised, that when soever they should be commanded by the Popes, they would go into all heathen Countries, to dispeople them (as it were) of Idolatry, & to plant Christianity in them. They were a company of Argonauts, which promised to embark themselves, not to go conquer the golden Fleece, like ●ason, but to transport abroad, the fleece of the Paschall Lamb, under the ensign of jesus.  
A goodly profession doubtless, in favour whereof, Pope Paulus suffered these new pilgrims, which took the cross for the glorifying of the Name of jesus, to term themselves the society of jesus, to wear the habits of Priests, not of Munks, not to shut themselves up in Cloisters, to minister the word of God, and the holy sacraments, one with another: for as much as they vowed themselves to the conquest of those Countries, wherein there were no Bishops not Curates: a conquest to be made, not with material arms, but only with spiritual. Send them to the new found Lands, according as they promised to go, never was there order in greater request than this, provided, that they acquit themselves of their promise, not by word, but effect. Transplant them into the midst of the Christian Churches, & especially of this our Church of France, in stead of order, you shall make disorder, of as dangerous a consequence, as the sect of the Lutherans.  
And that no man may think I make fantastical and idle discourses, in the Bull of the year 1540, repeated all at large in that of 1550, they promise to go, without shifting or delay, whether soever the Pope will send them, for the saving of souls, and advancing our faith, whether to the Turks, or to other miscreants, even to those parts, which they call the Indies; or to any heretics or schismatics, or to any believers.  
If the meaning were, to make new seminaries of them through all Christendom, it were a ridiculous thing, to set the countries of believing Christians, in the last place: besides, it seems, that these words [or to any believers] are added but by the way, and as it were for a fashion. But these great promisers and travailers, forgetting what their first institution was, have set up only some dozen Colleges, such as they be, in Country's unknown to us, (at the least if we must believe them) & have erected an infinite sort in the midst of us, to plant thereby a new Popedom, and to trample under foot the old, under which, the Church militant hath triumphed.  
We are not out of the Church of S. Peter, because we condemn these new Friars in France, but we conform ourselves without Sophistry, to the original and primitive wills of the Popes, Paulus and julius the third; and though their wills had been otherwise, yet our Ch. of France, hath time out of mind, been accustomed, most humbly to make the case known to the Popes, when they were to be carried away by the unjust importunity of particular men, to the prejudice of the church. So did S. Martin, Bishop of Tours, an Apostle guardian of our Country of France: so did our good Saint Lewes: and yet they were judged to be heretics therefore, no more than Saint Paul, when he withstood S. Peter, who in that case yielded unto him.   

CHAP. 3. ¶ That it is against the first institution of the jesuits, for them to teach all sorts of Scholars, humane learning, Philosophy, and Divinity: and by what proceed & devices they have seized upon this new tyranny, to the prejudice of the ancient discipline of the Universities.  
YE may not think Gentlemen, that Ignace and his companions, when they presented themselves to Pope Paulus, made offer to teach the youth, in such sort, as the jesuits since that time have done. I have showed you what his sufficiency was in all parts of good learning. It was he that set the first plant of their society, and knowing his own small forces, he promised only to teach little children their Creed, as our Curates do, or their Vicars in petty Schools: which I will prove to be true by the course of this story.  
When they came first to Rome, to receive the Pope's blessing against their pretended voyage into the holy Land, Maffee saith, that during their abode, according to the ancient custom of the Church, 
Mass. lib. 2. capit. 9  they endevourd to catechize the common people and the children from street to street. And afterward, when they were assembled to draw their articles for their future society: Ac simul concepta verborum formula seize obstringerent, puerisi aetati per Catachesim instituendae. The same thing is repeated by Ribadiner, 
Ribad. lib. 2. cap. 13.  who saith, that this article was then agreed on by them, Pueros rudimenta fidei doceant.  
Let us come now to their Bulls, and first to that of 1540 by which, the wise Paulus 3. fearing all the affairs of these new Associates, after much importunity, signed their Bill, but with this charge, that they should not be above threescore. See what the beginning and promise of this supplication was, Quicunque in societate, quam jesu nomine insigniri cupimus, vult sub crucis vexillo, deo militare, et soli Domino, ac Ecclesiae ipsius sponsae, sub Ro. Pontifice, Christi in terris vicario, servire, post solemn castitatis, paupertatis, et obedientiae votum, proponat sibi in animo, se partem esse societatis, ad hoc potissimum institutae, ut ad sidei defensionem, & propagationem, et profectum animarum in vita &. doctrina Christiana, per publicas praedicaciones, & verbi dei ministerium, spiritualia exercitia, & cantus opera, & nominatim per puerorum. & rudiunin Christianismo instituitionem. And because this latter clause might receive some doubtful construction, it is in a few words expounded, a little after in the same Bull. Et nominatim commendatam habeant institutionem puerorum et rudium in doctrina Christiana, decem praeceptorum, et aliorum similiter rudementorum. This is clear, & yet they might have Colleges, not every where, but in approved Universities; and not to receive for scholars, all comers and goers, but only them that are of their Seminary.  
Possint (saith the same Bull) in Vniversitatibus habere Collegium, sen Collegia habentia reditus, census, seu possessiones, usibus & necessitatibus studentium applicandas, retenta penes Praeponun & societatem omnimoda gubernacionem, seu superintendentia super dicta collegia. Sith the goods of the Colleges, were appointed for them that should be students therein, it cannot be understood of strangers, but only of them, that vow to be of their order: whom since, they have called scholars approved. As for others, they were only to teach little children their creed, as we see the Masters of our Presbyteries do. That appears by this word (Puer) which signifies an age, somewhat, but not much, exceeding them whom the Romans called Infants. And indeed, when we would note an old man, who by the feebleness of his years becomes a child again, we say that he doth Repuerascere. An infant is he that can neither go nor speak. Puer, is an infant that gins to go and speak, and so is he expressed by Horace, in his book of the Art of Poetry.  Reddere qui voces iam scit puer, & pede certo signat humum. 
In the year 1543. it was permitted the jesuits to receive, without any limitation of number, all them that would be of their order. And as Pope Paulus opened the door to them on this side, so did he shuth on another. For in the Bull of 43. there is rehearsal made, word by word, of the privileges that were granted them by the first, of 1540 but concerning the instructing of children in their Creed, there is no mention at all, which I beseech you to consider. In the years 45. and 46. their privileges were greatly increased, and singularly in the year 49, yet there is no speech in any of them, of teaching children, although in these latter, there is express mention made again, of Colleges ordained for them of their Order.  
If you desire to know the reason, and whence this diversity proceeds, I will tell you. When by their first creation, there might be but threescore of their society, Pope Paulus made no great dainties to open the petty Schools for them, to teach little children their Creed: but when be set open a wide gate for all men that would, to be of their society, than his meaning was, they should be framed after the fashion of other religious orders and Monasteries, which may teach no other youth, but such as are of their several Orders.  
In this estate they lived till the year 49. in which Pope Paulus died, whom julius the third succeeded. They had to do in the beginning with a Pope, who, albeit being overcome by the importunities of a great many, he yielded in the end, yet still kept them under. But upon the sudden, after his decease, they learned Lisander the Lacedæmonians lesson, who said, that a good Captain must be clad in the skin of a Fox and of a Lion: a lesson afterward recommended by Machiavelli in his institution of a Prince. Look not in the course of this story following, for any thing in your jesuits, but Foxlike, and Lion-like: and so doing you shall find that they have proved brave scholars of Machiavelli. Ignace a very wise worldling, understanding that there were many novelties brought into the society, which he had devised, contrary to the ancient order and discipline of our Church: so that a man could very hardly like of them, conceived that it was needful for him to have a new confirmation by julius; marry he would get some new privilege by the bargain. I told you, that by the first Bull of Paulus, the jesuits were permitted to teach little children the first entrance into their Creed, to preach and to have Colleges founded to bring up, and instruct their youth, the nursery of their Society, and none other, & that afterward, in all the other Bulls following, although all their privileges were confirmed, yet there was no mention of this ordinance for instruction.  
They presented their supplication to julius, declaring at large their former, of the year 1540 and with a trick of foxerie foisted in this word Lectiones, which was not mentioned in the former Bull, and then they set down all that, which had passed in the other Bulls: and for their Colleges, they bring in a new passe-right. But it is best to read the places themselves. Ignace by this new supplication, takes up again his Quicunque in societate nostra etc. Proponas sibi in animo se partem esse societatis ad hoc potissimum institutae, ut ad fidei defensionem & profectum animarum, in vita & doctrina, Christiana per publicas praedictiones Lectiones, & aliud Dei quodcunque ministerium ac spiritualia exercitia Puerorun, ac rudium in Christianismo institutionem. Behold the first surprise, which lies in two points, the one in this word Lectiones, newly put in, after the word, Praedicationes; the other, in the Catechizing of young children, which hath been taken from them ever since the year 1543. And yet, all this is not enough for the establishing of their Colleges, & their ordinary teaching of the youth, in such sort, as they afterward encrocht upon these things. By these Bulls, they were permitted to read now and then publicly in Divinity, as we see their fellow Maldonatus did, twice upon festival days: first in expounding the Canon of the Mass, afterward, upon the Psalm, Dixit Dominus Domino meo. Otherwise, that last restaint to the teaching of little children, had been in vain, if the word Lectiones, might reach to the public exercise of all sorts of learning, such as is in other Colleges.  
And in these public Lectures of Divinity, that were to be read, as Sermons and Instructions for the adunacing of our faith, there was no innovation at all against our ancient discipline. For although religious persons might not teach any, but them of their own order, human learning and Philosophy, yet they were not forbidden to read publicly in Divinity: and so our Fathers, saw one Cenomani a jacobin, and one De Cornibus a Franciscan, and we of late years, Panigarole, read public Lectures of Divinity in Paris.  
All the alteration that I gather, out of this Bull 1550, is, that whereas by that of 1540 they were forbidden to have Colleges any where, but in approved Universities, in this of julius the third, they are permitted to have them in all other places. Let us read the text of the Pull, Quia tamen domus, quas Dominus dederit ad operandum in vinea ipsius, & non ad scholastica studia, destinandae erunt, cùm valdè opportunum fore alioqui videatur ut ex iwenibus ad pietatem propensis, & ad litterarum studia tractanda, idoneis, operarij eidem vineae Domini parentur, qui Societatis nostrae, etiam professae, velut quoddam Seminarium existant, possit professa Societas, ad studiorum commoditatem, Scholarium habere Collegia, ubicumque ad ea construenda & dotanda, aliqui ex devotione movebuntur. Quae simulac constructa & dotata fuerint (non tamen ex bonis quorum collatio adsedem Apostolicam pertinet) ex nunc authoritate Apostolica erigi supplicamus, ac pro erectis haberi. Quae Collegia habere possint reditus, census, seu possessiones, usibus & necessitatibus studentium applicandas, retenta penes Praepositum, vel Societatem omnimoda gubernation, seu superintendentia super dicta Collegia, & praedictos students, quoad Rectorum seu Gubernatorum ac studentium electionem, et eorundem admissionem, emissionem, receptionem, exclusionem, statutorum ordinationem, & circa studentium instructionem, eruditionem, aedificationem, ac correctionem victus, vestitusque, & aliarum rerum necessariarun eyes ministrandarum modum, atque aliam omnimodo gubernationem, regimen ac curam, ut nequestudentes dictis bonis abuti, neque societas professa in proprios usus convertere possit, sed studentium necessitati subvenire.  
This was the supplication which they presented, and julius signed, wherein you may find some obscurity in these words [Society professed] and in other, which I will cipher unto you when opportunity shall serve. Let it suffice, that in this passage, there is no other novelty, but that whereas by their first Bull, they might have no Colleges, but in approved Universities, by this, they are permitted to have them in all places, wheresoever any man will found any Churches of their Society, which they in their language, call Houses. These words, Churches and Monasteries, offended their dainty ears. And moreover you see, that the Colleges which are spoken of, annexed to their Houses, are not ordained but for the scholars of their Order. And in this new alteration, yet this was not to alter any thing in the ancient government of the Universities. For all other orders of religion in their Monasteries, scattered here and there in their Provinces, teach their Novices, & afterward send them to the Universities, there to perfect their studies, and to take degrees in Divinity, if they be found fit for it. And thence it comes, that there is not a Monastery of any note, that hath not a house in that great and famous University of Paris, to lodge the religious of their Order, which are to proceed in Divinity.  
See here the beginning of the ruin and general change of the ancient estate of our Universities. We knew not what it meant, to make religious persons Masters of Arts, and much less, to make them take their degrees in Divinity, other where then in Universities, whether all sorts of public trials for learning are brought. julius the third overthrew this wise custom, in favour of the jesuits. For he ordained that a jesuit, wheresoever he have been student, in University, or otherwise, should take gratis all degrees, of Bachelor, master, Licentiat, Practitioner, and Doctor, in any faculty whatsoever; and that if any man would exact of him, that which by an honest & laudable custom hath been received of antiquity, notwithstanding, he should go out Master or Doctor, upon the only credit & authority of his General, and should enjoy from thence forward, all the privileges, freedoms, and liberties that others do.  
This Pope was of a very fantastical judgement. You know the story of his great Ape, that would not be ruled by any body, but a little beggar boy, of which he, being then Cardinal de Monte, took such a liking, that afterward being made Pope, he gave over to him all his Benefices, and made him a new Cardinal: whereupon, the virtuous & honourable personages of Italy, called him Cardinal Ape. I do not think it strange then, that this Pope, pricked forward by such an other fancy, would needs advance to extraordinary degrees, and never before seen in the Universities, these Apes of our Catholic religion. And that you may not think, that I will encroach upon the jesuits privileges, & feed you, as they use to do with an impudent lie, let us read the text of the Bull, Nec non scholaribus (speaking of the scholars approved of their Colleges) Collegiorum Societatis huiusmodi, in Vniversitatibus alienius studij generalis existentium, quod ipsi (si praevio rigoroso & publico examine eisdem Vniversitatibus idorei repertifuerint, Rectores Vniversitatum huiusmodi, & eos gratis & amore Dei, absque aliqua pecuniarun solutione promovere recusaverint) in Collegiis praedictis à Praeposito Generali pro tempore, existent, vel de eius licentia à quovis ex inferioribus Praepositis, vel Rectoribus huiusmodi Collegiorum, cum duobus etiam, vel tribus Doctoribus, vel Magistris, per eosdem eligendis: scholaribus verò Collegiorum eorundem, extra Vniversitatis existentium, studiorum svorum cursu absoluto, ac rigoroso examine praecedente, à dicto Praeposito Generali, vel de eius licentia à quovis ex Praepositis, vel Rectoribus huiusmodi Collegiorum cum duobus etiam vel tribus Doctoribus, vel Magistris, per eosdem eligendis, quoscunque Baccalaureatus, & Magisterij, Licentiaturae, ac Doctoratus gradus accipere, Praepositis, vel Rectoribus, cum Doctoribus huiusmodi, ut eosdem Scholares ad gradus ipsos promovere, eisdemque scholaribus, ut postquam promoti fuerint, in eyes legere, disputare, ac quoscunque alios actus ad haec necessarios, facere, exequi, omnibus & singulis privilegijs praerogativis, immunitatibus, exemptionibus, libertatibus, antelationibus, favoribus, gratijs, indultis, ac omnibus & singulis alijs, quibus alij in quibusuis Vniversitatibus studiorum huiusmodi, rigoroso examine praevio, ac alias juxta inibi observari solitos & requisitos usus, ordinationes, ritus ac mores, pro tempore promoti, de iure vel consuetudine, aut alias quomodolibet utuntur, potiuntur, & gaudent, ac uti, potiri & gaudere poterunt, quomodolibet in futurum, non solùm ad ipsorum instar, sed pariformiter, & aequè principaliter absque ulla penitus differentia, uti, potiri, gaudere in omnibus & per omnia, perinde ac si gradus huiusmodi in eisdem Vniversitatibus, & non eorum Collegijs accepissent.  
They that have been brought up in the Latin tongue, shall find, that julius speaks only of jesuits scholars. It is a clause that hath relation to all other the former Bulls, wherein there hath been speech of their Colleges, and in this particularly it is ordained, that, although the scholars of this Order have been students in Universities, or out of them, if after they have been well and duly examined, they be found fit, they should be freely admitted to the degrees of Practitioners and Doctors, (a word which cannot reach to strangers) and that, if any man would make them pay duties, it should be in the power of their General, to create them, or to cause them to be created: and after they have taken their degrees, they may read, dispute, and keep all other acts hereunto requisite; in short, that they may receive the same prerogatives that others do.  
What? will you stretch this word (read) to all goers and comers, as in other Colleges of Masters that are Secular? No truly. For what power soever is here granted them, it was granted as to persons that were Regular, (for so they have termed themselves) and therefore, it was to give these new Masters and Doctors, leave to read to their scholars allowed, as if their degrees had been given them by the Universities. Let the jesuit, according to his good custom, bring all the shifts of Sophistry he can, this passage, (if a man read it from the beginning to the end) can not be otherwise understood. If julius had meant that the jesuit graduated, might read to all goers & comers, as the Seculars do, assure yourself, he would not have forgotten to make express mention of it.  
But you see (will some man say to me) how many terms he hath given to the jesuits Lectures to authorize them. Do you think that strange? how could he do less? sith that by a new devise, never seen before, he ordained, that upon the simple credit of the General of this Order, the jesuits might read Lectures to them of their order. This policy, that so weakens all the ancient sinews of the Universities, could not be sufficiently expressed for the authorizing of it.  
I have hitherto declared unto you, what, as then, was the estate of their Bulls, concerning their Colleges, you shall now understand their history to this purpose. Although neither by the ancient custom of the Vnuersities, nor by the new grant of their Bulls, they were permitted to set open their schools to all sorts of scholars, nor to have in their Colleges any other but of their seminary: yet finding themselves to be supported by Master William du Prat, Bishop of Clairmont, they settled themselves in one of the Towns of his bishopric, called Billon, where they opened their College not only to them of their order, but also to all other the students. O singular obedience of Frenchmen to the Church of Rome? They brag that they have Bulls from julius the third, permitting them so to do. At this word we thought, that the only alleging of the title, aught to be held for a good and sufficient title: And yet they had no title but of their own Villain, quoth I to a Gentleman of Gascoigne: who answered me very readily, that he be believed it, because they had chosen for their chief, College in France, the Town of Villon. They used this word for Billon, as the Gascoigns are wont to pronounce V for B. and B. for V To which I replied, that we need not to make any change of the letter; because by our laws, we were commanded to bring into Bullion, all false and counterfeit moneys, and that the Colleges of the jesuits, were of that stamp.  
In the Town of Billon this villainy took beginning, which afterward they spread abroad: first to Tolosa, them to Paris, by means of the great legacies, that du Prat had given them. Neither durst any of us make head against any of their unlawful enterprises, so much did our country of France honour the Sea Apostolic, under which they shielded themselves, though falsely. We are indeed reverently to yield obedience to that Sea, but cooseners are not to be suffered to abuse it for their advantage, and there is none, whom it more concerns to look to this, than our holy Father the Pope, if he mean to preserve his authority over all, and against all. Good God, where are our eyes? Let us run over all their Bulls of 1540 43.45.46.49. if you find, that they are permitted to hold and open their Colleges, in such sort as others of the Universities, I will yield myself to any sentence, that shall be given against me. All their worthy actions are but coosinages, and if you speak of them in secret to them, they will tell you, that they are the miracles which God hath wrought by their Saint Ignace. When they first presented themselves to Paul the third to be admitted, they termed themselves Masters of Arts, proceeded in the University of Paris, and at this day, Maffee flouting the whole consistory of Rome, is of opinion, that three of them had proceeded Masters in Spain, and that himself and Ribadinere, would not give any place of mastership to Broet, jaye and Codury. And setting open their Colleges in France, they did but shroud themselves under the authority of the Sea apostolic; an authority falsely supposed by them. Whence came these illusions? From the miracles forsooth of great Ignace, who blinded all men's eyes.  
I will now return again to the course of their Bulls, that you may understand, when this power to read Lectures to all scholars, was granted them. After this, ensued the troubles in France, 1561, about diversity of Religion: in the beginning whereof, the jesuits finding this a fit time for their advantage, not by reason of any favour to their sect, but because of displeasure against that civil war, obtained by a manifest forgery, new Bulls of Pope Pius the fourth, the tenure whereof is this.  
Insuper tibi moderno, & pro tempore existenti Praeposito, Generali dictae Societatis, ut per te, vel illum, vel aliquen ex Praepositis, vel Rectoribus Collegiorum vestrorum, tam in Vniversitatibus studiorum generalium, quam extra illas ubilibet consistentium, in quibus ordinariae studiorum, artium liberalium, & Theologiae lectiones habentur, cursusque ordinarij peragentur, ut dictae Societatis Scholar's & pauperes externos, qui dictas lectiones frequentaverint, & etiam divites (si officiales Vniversitatum eos promovere recusaverint) cùm per examinatores vestrae Societatis idonei inventi sint (solutis tamen per divites, suis iuribus. Vniversitatibus) in vestris Collegijs Vniversitatum quarumcumque, & alijs extra Vniversitates, consistentibus Collegijs vestris, alios quoslibet Scholar's, qui inibi sub eorum obedientia, direction, vel disciplina studuerint, ad quoscunque Baccalauriatus, Licentiariae, Magisterij, doctoratus, gradus, JUXTA JULII PRAEDECESSORIS NOSRI TENOREM, promovere, ipsique sic promoti, privilegijs, alijsque IN EISDEM LITERIS contentis plenariè uti, potiri, gaudere liberè ac licitè valiant, authoritate praefata concedimus, & amplianius: nec non praesentes literas, & in eyes contenta, de subreptionis vel obreptionis, aut nullitatis vitio, seu intentionis defectu, puovis praetextu quaesitóue colore, nullo unquam tempore notari, vel impugnari possint.  
This decretal, was the first opener of their Colleges to all manner of scholars: but whereupon was it grounded? Upon the Bull of julius the third, as it is twice repeated. Was there every any greater forgery, or more crafty conveyance than this? For Pope julius never had any such thought; and that is the reason why these Sophisters, have caused to be added in the end of Pius the fourth's Bull, that no man may accuse them of obreption, or surreption, or of any wilful fault; being desirous that every one of us should shut his eyes, and blindfold his understanding, that we might not take any knowledge of that apparent shame, which is brought in a new, against the ancient honour of the Universities, by which our Church hath always been kept in strength. But the Pope hath added this word (Ampliamus) will some jesuite of the lowest form say to me. Was there ever any point either of state or Religion, more important, or of greater consequence than this? I let pass that these new Masters were permitted to be Graduates in all faculties, as it was granted by julius his Bull.  
I grant, that by this last Bull of Pius, there Colleges were opened to all comers and goers: both the one & the other notwithstanding, being new schisms in our Universities. But who can abide this, that their scholars must be admitted to practise, whether they be jesuits or strangers, upon the testimony of two or three of their order, so they pay their duties to the Chancellors, Rectors, Precedents, & undergovernours of the Universities? Is not this to make the Superiors of Universities, no better than Registers to the jesuits & their scholars? Is not this to disgrace the Governors of the Universities without desert?  
Is not this, by submitting them to the conscience of their General, and two or 3. of his, to bring in a Chaos, hodge-podge, and confusion of all things in our Universities? And to say the truth, there is no better means then that, by making a Seminary of jesuits, to make altogether a nursery of Heretics, by committing the Doctorships & Masterships' of scholars, to the judgement of these new Templars. Sith this depends upon this one word (Ampliamus,) which was craftily foisted in, by these master workmen in such tricks of legerdemain, we shall admit this new disorder: thereupon the Pope shall stop his own ears, and our mouths, that the shifts, obreptions and surreptions of these reverend Fathers in God, may not be descried, & all because this last clause was added, by a Clerk of the Court of Rome, that copied out the grant. Read all the 7. former Bulls, ye shall find no such clause in any of them. Why did they cause it to be added in this? Because they knew in their conscience, that this last Bull was obtained by obreption, contrary to all reason. If I should appeal to their consciences, they would make a mock at me. For the same year, that they got this Bull at Rome, (which was 1561.) they promised in a full assembly of the Church of France, that they would renounce all the extraordinary privileges, that had been granted them at Rome. This abjuration they confirmed by public oath in a full Court of Parliament, but they never performed it. And that which is especially to be considered, they looked to themselves very carefully, for presenting the Pope's privy Bulls, either to our Clergy, or to our Parliament. For if they had showed them, they had been not only derided, but also abandoned, as men that had no wit. Hitherto you have descried in them, good store of the Fox's craft, now you shall see how they have played in Lions. For, the year 1571. they got other Bulls of Pope Pius the fift, of this form and substance.  
Decernimus & declaramus quod praeceptores huiusmodi Societatis, tam literarum humanarum, quam liberalium artium, Philosophiae, Theologiae, vel cuiusuis earum facultatum, in suis Collegijs, etiam in locis ubi Vniversitates extiterint, suas lectiones, etiam publicas legere (dummodò per duas horas de mane, & per unam de sero, cum lectoribus Vniversitatum non concurrant) liberè & licitè possint: quodque quibuscumque scholasticis liceat in huiusmodi Collegijs, lectiones, & alias scholasticas exercitationes frequentare, ac quicumque in eyes, Philosophiae vel Theologiae fuerint auditores, in quavis Vniversitate, ad gradus admitti possint, & cursuum quos in eyes 〈◊〉 fecerint, ratio habeatur. Ita ut si ipsi in examine suf●●●ientes inventi fuerint, non minus, sed pariformiter, & absque ulla penitus differentia, quam si in Vniversitatibus praefatis studuissent, ad gradus quoscumque, tam Baccalaureatus, quàm Licentiariae & Doctoratus, admitti possint & debeant, eisque super praemissis licentiam & facultatem concedimus. Districtius inhibentes, Vniversitatum quarumcumque Rectoribus & alijs quibuscumque, sub excommunicationis maioris, alijsque arbitrio nostro, moderandis, infligendis, & imponendis poenis, ne Collegiorum hutusmodi Rectores & Scholar's inpraemissis, quovis quaesito colore, molestare audeant, vel praesumant. Decerrentes quoque praesentes litteras, ullo unquam tempore, de subreptionis, vel obreptionis vitio, aut intentionis nostrae, vel alio quopiam defectu notari, vel impugnari nullatenus posse minusque sub quibusuis similium, vel dissimilium gratiarum revocationibus, l●mitationibus, & alijs contrarijs dispositionibus comprehendi posse.  
O admirable, not Philosophers, nor Divines, but pettifoggers in the Court of the Church. He that shall have need of a form of petifoging, were best have recourse to these Bulls, wherein notwithstanding with an infinite hardiness, they have couched the fury of the Lion. To the other they added, I know not by what sophistry, the word Ampliamus; but in these last, there is nothing but thunder from heaven, and Superlative excommunications against any man, that shall but dare to look up in opposition against their tyranny. True it is indeed, that lest I should fall foul on them by mistaking, I could wish, that some Oedipus among the jesuits, would decipher and expound to me, that last clause: which they should not have added, if they thought that this Bull was such an one, as that men could not be discontent with it. In this Bull Pius the fift, had made exception of two hours in the morning, & one in the afternoon. Gregerie the thirteenth by another of 1578. in steed of the two hours in the morning gives but one. There hath always been in our jesuits, enteprise upon enterprise, to the prejudice of antiquity. You see in effect the whole history of the pretended instruction of the youth, by the jesuits, and how by little and little they have got ground, against the ancient orders of the Universities. Having employed all sorts of unlawful devices and shifts, which are familiar, not to learned men, but to the basest of the people; who abusing the absolute power of the holy Sea, bring, if I may dare to say so, the Popedom and the rest of the people to live upon alms. By these clauses of the Chancery of Rome, they think to fight with us, with edge tools. And a Proctor general, might rebate them bravely by an appeal, as by abuse, because these Bulls were not only wrung out by devices, but do also, directly usurp upon the liberties of our Church of France, the ordinary rights and privileges of our Universities. For why should not this appeal be received, sith that the Signory of Venice, according to their wise carriage in all their actions, knowing the disorder, that these new people bring with them, have expressly forbidden them by an act made the 23. of December, 1591. to read public or private Lectures to any, but those that are of their Society? Which act, a man cannot sufficiently commend, and which proves, that we are very dullards if we do not follow their example. It is a light which ought to serve all nations as a Lantern to bring them into a safe Haven.   

CHAP. 4. ¶ That the foundation of the deceits of the jesuits, proceeds from the instruction of the youth: and why our ancestors would not that the young folk should be taught in houses of Religion.  
ALL things (saith the jesuit) are to be taken for good, that are done to a good end. What skills it that there have been devices and shifts in 〈◊〉 Bulls, so long as the Pope dispenseth with us for them: and that our intent was not grounded but upon a Christian charity, such as the instruction of youth is, the very plant of our Order, wherein we desire to be always the principal labourers.  
It is well said, (quoth the Advocate,) and for my part, I think that all the charity that you have brought with you to this work, is a very cousinage. Let a man take your charity away, and by the same means he shall take away your cousinage. Pardon me, I pray you, if this word have escaped me, it shall hereafter be familiar to me. For, by ill hap, thinking that all your profession is nothing but cousinage, and having no dexterity in variety of my speech, as many of you have, I am one of those, who call that bread and wine, which is bread and wine, and so cousinage, that which is cousinage; unless you like better, that I should rather call it sometimes villainy: and because this point lies heavy upon my stomach, I will to the depth of it out of hand. If the discipline that is tolerated in your Order be good, why is it not general in all other, who esteem as much of charity as you do? Why are they not suffered to receive all sorts of scholars, though strangers, as well as you? Can it be, that our good old Fathers, failed in judgement, and that we are now constrained to have recourse to these new Fathers. There never was wiser discipline then that of theirs. For they thought, that always the first objects seem fairest to children, & that their wits, like wax, receive very easily all sorts of impressions.  
They thought, that they ought not to suffer them to be seduced, but to let them enter into religious Orders, with an honest liberty of their consciences, whereas by going ordinarily to the Munks lectures, they might be converted in haste to that, whereof they would repent themselves afterward at leisure; when there was no time f●●it. And by this devise, the jesuits very easily surprise many children of good houses, there being no snare so easy to entrap them as this. If they perceive any of their scholars begin to affect them, them they draw to their net, and as soon as they have taken them, they make them vanish out of their Parent's sight, to the end they may not be recovered. It is a good cousinage, you will say, that frees a child from the vain service of the world. Nay rather, it is a cousinage worthy to be punished for example sake, as you will confess when you understand the proceed. The Rectors inform themselves by the Regent's, of the capacity of those in their forms, of their wits, and of their behaviours. Hereof they make a Catalogue, the figure whereof I will show you, for I have one here ready printed, as followeth.  
Wit. judgement. Prudence. Experience. Profit in learning. natual compexion. What talents he hath, whereof use may be made in any service of the Society.                                     
And underneath the titles, they set in every Cell, the name of some child, his form, and his age, according to the quality which they suppose to be in him. Now so it is, that every year, they send from every College Letters to their General, which they call, yearly Letters, by which they advertise him how great a number of souls they have gained, & how much their confessions have availed them in this regard; and their Letters they accompany with this Catalogue, which being advisedly considered by their General, he commands the Provincials or Rectors, to beware that they suffer not this bird to escape out of their cage. After this warning, they all employ themselves in divers manner in this goodly and fruitful labour, one, by auricular confessions, another, by allurements, a third, by private exhortations in his chamber, and it is marvelous hard for a poor youth to rid himself out of their nets, especially being so watched.  
Yet I will tell you a story of a young man of great hope, in the surprisal of whom, they failed of their purpose. They perceived, that he had many good parts, & yet had his mind greatly inclined to devotion: they imagined thereupon, that he would be a very fit pray for them. This youth, being pencioner in their College at Paris, one of their Fathers began to set his fowling Nets for him, and among other talk, asked him, if it so fell out that it should please God to call him out of the world, what would most disquiet him at the hour of his death. The fear of the other world, (quoth the youth) because of the sins I have committed. What would you say then, (replies the jesuit) to him that should free you of this fear? I would think myself greatly bound to him, said the youth. You may assure yourself of deliverance from this fear, (concludes the jesuit) if you will wholly become one of ours. For our society of jesus, is an acquittal from all sins. This young boy being thus managed, gave full credit to his speech, and had quickly trust up his pack to be gone, according to the instructions he had received, which were, that without taking leave of Father or mother, he should first go to one of their houses which they would name to him, and there he should receive certain money to serve his turn, till he came to another; & so having in every of these houses money to defray the charges of his voyage, he should come at the last to Rome, there to receive such instructions as their General would give him.  
When he was upon the very point of his departure, by good hap his Father came to see him, and found him quite changed: hereupon, he was desirous to know the cause of his change: the boy refused to tell him, but the Father priest him hard, and conjured him with a fatherly severity, not to hide the matter from him. At the last, he understood all that had passed, whereupon he presently took him away from that house, and after that all these fumes were vapourd out of his brain, sent him to another College, where he profited so well, that I assure myself, he will prove very rare in the vocation which now he follows, and will praise & thank God as long as he liveth, that it pleased him of his gracious mercy, to deliver him from so dangerous a shipwreck.   

CHAP. 5. ¶ With what cunning the jesuits every themselves with the spoil of their Novices.  
THe jesuits winning in this sort the youth of their Colleges, as well pencioners as strangers, would think this a small matter, if they did not also enrich themselves with their spoils. It is a general rule, very well understood by them, That he that confiscates the body, confiscats the goods.  
I will not here make an inventary of the great wealth they have gotten, as having not been in their purses to see it, but this I will tell you, that this practice having been often objected to them, he that made The humble supplication to the King, affirmed, that of three or four hundred that have vowed themselves to their Society, there are not above three or four that have presented it with their goods: and Frances Montagnes, that made the book De la veritè defendue, saith, that of two thousand, there were but two hundred. The art of wise liars is, not to disagree in their tales, & yet both these reports are faulty: They should say, that of three or four hundred there were not four, & that of two thousand there were not 2. hundred that had not bestowed their goods on them. And indeed it were unpossible for the Novice to keep his goods from their fingering. For they have a marvelous art, and that infallible for this effect. They have two books of Statutes, the title of the former is, Coustitutio Societatis jesu, which is divided into two parts: the second is entitled, Constitutiones & Declarationes examinis generalis. These Books I have in my possession, as also that, in which all their Bulls are registered. In their Examination, you shall find in the fourth chapter, and in the first, second, and third Article, that which follows for the distributing of their goods that enter into their society.  
1. Quicunque Societatem ingredi volunt, antequam in domo aliqua vel Collegio eius vivere sub obedientia incipiant, debent omnia bona sua temporalia quae habuerint distribuere & renuntiare, ac disponere de his, quae ipsis obuenire possent: eaque distributio primùm in res debitas & obligatoria, si quae fuerint, & tunc quàm cirtissimè fieri potuerit, providere oportebit. Si verò tales nullae fuerint, in pia & sancta opera fiet, juxta illud: Dispersit, dedit pauperibus: & illud Christi▪ Si vis perfectus esse, vade & vend omnia quae habes, & da pauperibus, & sequere me. Dispensando tamen haec bona juxta propriam devotionem, & à se omnem fiduciam submovendo, eadem ullo tempore recuperandi.  
2. Quod si statim propter aliquas honestas caussas non relinquet, promittat se promptè relicturum omnia post unum ab ingressu, absolutum annum, quandocumque per Superiorem et iniunctum fuerit, in reliquo tempore probationis, quo completo, post professienem professi, & ante tria vota publica, Coadiutores re ipsa relinquere debennt, ac panupenribus, ut dictum est, dispensare, ut consilium Euangelicum, quod non dicit, da Consanguineis, sed pauperibus, perfectiùs sequantur; & ut melius exemplum omnibus exhibeant, inordinatum erga parentes affectum exuendi & incommoda inordinatae distributionis, quae à dicto amore procedit declinandi, atque ut ad parents & consanguineos recurrendi, & ad inutilem ipsorum memoriam, additu praecluso, firmius & stabilius in sua vocatione perseverent.  
O holy and Christian lesson of the jesuits who would have a young man, that vows himself to their society, to dispose, before he enter thereinto, not only of all such goods, as are fallen to him, but also of all such, as may fall to him: and it is yet more holy & marvelous, when they teach him to forget all that affection, which God commands the child to bear to his father and mother; and after them, to his nearest kindred, and that they ●all this affection disordered. And that further they ordain that within the two yeerers of his probation, he give all his goods in alms to the poor, & that he do not leave them to those, who being next of kin, should he his heirs. And all this is, because he might never after upon any loathing of their new rebellion, return home to his father's house. But I beseech our jesuits to remember this holy lesson: for I hope to put them in mind of it hereafter, to better purpose in his proper place. In the mean while, let us mark what the Catastrophe of this devout Comedy will be.  
3. Si tamen dubitaretur num maioris foret perfectionis, dare vel renuntiare consanguineis, huiusmodi bona, quàm alijs propter pacem, vel maiorem ipsorum penuriam, & iustas alias ob causas, nihilo minus ad declinandum errandi in huiusmodi judicio periculum, quod ab effectu sanguinis solet proficisci, contenti esse debebunt hoc, arbitrio unius, duorum aut trium, qui vita & doctrina commendantur (quos unusquisque cum Superioris authoritate elegerit) relinquere, & in co conquiescere, quod illi perfectius, & ad maiorem Christi Domini nostri gloriam esse censebunt.  
This is that I looked for of them: after that they have made their approach step by step, they are at last come to the wall, and there lacks nothing but to scale it, or to enter the breach, for the winning of the Town. What may we look for of this award upon arbitrement, but that we read of Q. Fabius Labeo, who being chosen Arbitrator by the Senate of Rome, to decide the controversy betwixt the Nolans and Neopolitans, concerning their bounds, after he had surveyed the place, talking with each of them apart, he counseled them not to be wedded to their own wills, but rather to choose peace then pursue their quarrel. To which when both parts had condescended, for respect they had to him, after he had set each of them their bounds as pleased him, he adjudged to the people of Rome, all the ground which remained betwixt them, and for which they had been in strife. Wherein they could not complain (saith Valerius) because they had put the matter to his honestly, and so (saith this author) by a dishonest shift, the City got a new tribute. I know well, the judgement I give of them, will be subject to cavilling, and that some will say, that the Gloss goes beyond the text, for some particular grudge I bear them. But I call God to witness, that I wish not their hindrance in any thing, but as I conceive it makes for the common good. I envy not other Monasteries, for that they which enter into them, present them with their goods, because I do not see that they enter thereinto by crafty enticements, but upon devotion guided by the holy Ghost: but as for the jesuits, they take quite another course. There is nothing but the hand of man that cunningly works the matter by a long train. First of all, in teaching the young boys, whether Pencioners or others, they cast their eyes upon them that are for their purpose, and make a Catalogue of their sufficiency and capacities, which they send (as I told you) to their General, winning them afterward with sweet allurements. When they are once won, they steal them away from those, to whom they appertain, and send them into other countries, to make them forget their friends. After, when they are fast in their nets, and are now ready to give their farewell to the world, they are persuaded by force, to leave nothing to their father, mother, or kindred, but to give all to the poor. But to what poor? That is not expressed. And surely, he were of a very dull capacity that would not judge, that under this generality, they mean to speak for themselves in particular; and that in this choice, the young man will aim chiefly at their society, unto which he is about to vow himself, and which he thinks to be the upholding of the Catholic Church. To conclude, if his timorous conscience, have any scruple by reason of the poverty of his parents, yet is he not suffered to extend his liberality to them, but this doubt or perplexity is committed to the judgement of two or three of their jesuits. What is all this, but to tyrannize over this poor man, by a long train of words and carriage of matters, and to constrain him, when all comes to all, to bestow his goods on this poor Society, upon which so much wealth is heaped? But if he would contest to the contrary, they will make him at his first entrance believe, that he will prove a disobedient child, and one that never will have any devotion to their order.  
But (as thought is free) let us suppose that these two or three pretended wise men having given sentence in favour of their society, what appeal shall this new jesuit go seek to plead against them? He (I say) who for his first lesson, receives commandment, to forget that holy trust committed to him by God, I mean, the love of his father and mother, to obey his superiors, will he think you, dare once lift up his eye lid to make head against them? And yet notwithstanding, why should we blame them for this sentence? For they may say without going so about the bush, that they are the Apostles of our time, as they have caused themselves to be called in Portugal, and that as in the primitive Church at jerusalem, they that would be Christians, were bound to bring all their goods and revenues to the Apostles feet; so these holy and devout souls, will have all bound, who will enter inter into their society, to make them partakers of all their goods. And for all this do you say that I am not their most humble, and most affectionnate servant? To conculde, in all Ribaner, I find nothing so fine, as when he tells us, that Ignatius, 
Rib. lib. 2. cap. 8.  and his fellows, having for a time settled their abode with the Venetian, went twice a day through the City to beg alms: and that one of them, ordinarily stayed in their house, to provide for them of that little, which was given them upon alms: And that it was Ignace that gave this charge, who declared thereby, that what devotion soever he made show of, he had a month mind to the kitchen too. This lesson his successors have learned very perfectly.   

CHAP. 6. ¶ That the crafty liberality of the jesuit, in teaching the youth, hath brought the University of Paris to ruin.  
I Will be more charitable to them then they are to us. Let us not envy them the good that they get by their new guests, if by their Lectures they have furnished us with many brave men for the government of our Realm. I pray you tell me Gentlemen, whether your children, which you have committed to their teaching, have gone before their companions, in matter of learning or public charge, or no? Shall you find in the high Courts, any Precedents or Counsellors of the jesuits bringing up, that excel others? I do not only see none such, but quite contrary, either we have none such at all, or very few; in whom likewise, you shall find no other disposition but sad and heavy, no way sociable with pubilque persons.  
They that are brought up in other Colleges, not with fantastic assemblies, but with courage, in our ancient religion, are preferred to all places of charge, as well temporal, as Ecclesiastical. The jesuits shoot at no other mark, but the growth and greatness of their own Commonweal, because (that I may not lie to you) their School brings forth some men of mark, picked & chosen among their scholars. These are such, as in their youth suborned by the ancients, have been taken by craft, in whom age cannot quench the natural fire that was in them. Afterward unprofitable for the Commonweal.  
And verily, it was fit that God should muffle our eyes, when we first suffered the jesuits, not only to read, but to read gratis: that we might not perceive, that the offer they made to the University of Paris, was like the artificial horse the Greeks said they had made to offer to Palladium, the Image of the goddess Pallas, which was in Troy. A horse, which notwithstanding, carried in itself the ruin and destruction of the City. In this manner are we beguiled by the jesuits, who counterfeiting to present a Pallas to France, in Paris, to wit, their College, they have laid our famous University in the dust.  
A generation of Vipers, no sooner brought forth, but they killed their mother. For Ignace and his nine companions, when they presented themselves to Pope Paul, were no further qualified then Masters of Arts in Paris, as I told you of late. But with what eyes shall we see, that they who by their vows promised poverty, as well in general, as particular, either would or could, show liberality worthy of a Monarch, that is, to teach and take nothing? Before they came here, the University flourished, it was a common Port, where the greatest part of all the Nations of Europe did ride at anchor. Which you may perceive, as well by the four ancient and great schools standing in Straw street, as by the Proctors of the Nations, next the Rector: For there is one school and one proctor for for the german Nation, under which is comprehended, the English, Scotish, and others. If any speak of this University, they said, learning was come to found Athens in Rome, and Rome in Paris. The offspring of the good houses of France, either when they were first sent out to learn, or if they had begun their studies in other Towns, yet at last, their general Rendezvous, was in Paris, to attain to the accomplishment of learning there.  
The Principals, lodged in their Colleges the scholars, whom they call Pensioners, with moderate pensions; and of strangers, they took for their admission, one shilling, or two at the most. The Regent's had certain benevolences of their Auditors, which they called Fairings, of one more, of another less, as it pleased their Parents to bestow: for no man was bound, but only by a certain shame, which he conceived by the honest liberality of his fellows. The Regent had no action at all against them for the recovering of one penny, and yet the matter was carried with such modesty, that the Regent's having sweat and travailed about the instruction of their youth, they were bound to feast them one day in a Garden, where they brought into practise that ancient liberty, which the Masters of Rome were wont to give to their scholars in their Saturnalia.  
No man can say, that there was one jot of covetousness in all these proceed, neither did you ever see any Principals or Regent's grow to great wealth: and yet every one studied to his uttermost endeavour, with no other intent, but to enrich himself with a good report, by being compassed about in his Lectures with a great multitude of Scholars: as indeed there is no sharper spur to well doing then honour. The Principals strove by a certain envy one with another, who should have the best Regent's to win commendation, and by this means, the fame of the University of Paris was spread every where.  
But upon a sudden, when it was not permitted, but tolerated in the jesuits, that they should open their shops, all this honourable ambition, vanished into smoke. They called themselves Protectors of the Catholic religion: by means whereof, the Fathers of Children, that could see no farther before them then the length of their noses, sent their sons thither, to abide and be instructed by them.  
The scholars being not well confirmed, were very glad to save their Gate-mony, their Fairings, and their candles: and so their Colleges being stuffed full, these liberal jesuits, began to take twice or thrice so much of their scholars for pension, as they took in other Colleges; which the foolish fathers besotted, never denied them. Hereupon, by little and little, the Readers & Regent's of the University, waxed cold in that desire which before they had to make themselves famous. This was, as it is with the Spleen in our bodies, which cannot grow, without the decay of other parts. In like sort, the growing of the jesuit by this unlawful cunning, was the ruin of the University of Paris, which God be thanked, now riseth again, ever since the Act of the Court of Parliament, in the year 1594.  
But what is become of all this? The Principals and Regent's, in the midst of their famous covetousness, remain poor, and the jesuits, in the midst of their crafty liberality, are become exceeding rich. And this is that, which Monsiure Du Mesnill, the King's Attorney general, very wisely said to Versoris and Pasquier, when as they reasoned of the case of the jesuits, and the University at the king's-bench bar; Timeo Danaos & dona ferentes. I know that the meek jesuit, in his supplication presented to the King, affirms, that our holy Father the pope, hath in Rome committed to them, the instruction of the young Roman Nobility, amounting to the number of 2000 scholars, and of five Seminaries of young men, Romans, Greeks, English, Dutch, Scottish. We envy not either Rome or Italy this great happiness, much less the jesuits, who find themselves there to be very well and warm. They are permitted to become wholly Italianate, so they get them out of France, and let us live in quiet: and to that end, I give them these two verses following, to serve them for Letters demissories.  
Vos qui cuncta datis (rapitis tamen) ITE ALIO, ite:  
Coelestes immò procul abs IESV ITE scelesti.  
Or rather, by way of amplification, let them take this here.  
YOu that do brag you freely learn & touch,  
Houses & hu●●● for drones you freely reach.  
The course or ●●●●●ce freely you corrupt,  
And Kings Ea●cts you freely interrupt.  
men's wills and f●r●●es, by you are freely caught,  
By you the people freely are made nought.  
And when your noses greater gain do wind,  
You sing yourselves, others to abourne you b●●d,  
Whom you have c●●send of their ancient seats,  
Your craft, the Father of his child defeats.  
Most willingly (lo here) I honour you,  
O, of our Saviour JESUS holy crew:  
New Idols, of a new and foolish age,  
Freely departed, with all your equipage.  
Nay more, to pass the time as they travail over the Alpes, I will give them with all my heart a Latin Poem, that Adrian Turnebus made in favour of them, a few months after their cause was pleaded, translated since that time verse for verse, by Stephen Pasquier.  

¶ A Poem of Adrian Turnebus, upon the liberality of the jesuits.  
AMong the most principal and worthy personages of our age, as well for good life, behaviour, & Catholic Religion, as for all sorts of good learning, we had in the University of Paris, that great Clerk, Adrian Turnebus, the King's Professor: a man praised and honoured by the pens of as many, as since his death ever writ of him, and among other religious men, Genebrard, Archbish. of Aix, in his chronography. Adrianus Turnebus my Master. (saith he) in the Greek tongue, and the King's Professor, at 53. years of age, died in Paris, the 12. of june 1565. a Catholic, though the heretics gave out the contrary of him. This learned religious person, makes it his glory, that he had Turnebus for his Master, and bears witness of his Catholic faith, whose witness alone is worth a hundred others. I trust the jesuits will not be grieved, to take this honourable commendation that he gave of them in Latin verse, a little before his decease, translated then into French, verse for verse, and printed at Paris.   

¶ Against Sotericus, that will needs read without stipend.  
THou Soteric, who freely vaunts to read,  
Persuade thy Lawyer for no fee to plead,  
Which sells his speech by weight of golden hire,  
And make thy Proctor no reward require,  
But let him cap and curtsy for nothing:  
Try if thou canst the sacred Senate bring  
To ask the King no stipend for their pain,  
Nor benefit: If Proctors talk for gain,  
And every Lawyer by his breath do thrive,  
And Senators upon allowance live,  
Let each good Order than be kept with them,  
The Courts thy Stoic paradox condemn.  
None thee believe that profit dost despise.  
The seats of justice here before thine eyes  
Prosper by gain, and grow majestical,  
Take away this, the Courts will have a fall.  
Men will judge thee a feigned hypocrite,  
Not well contented with a little mite,  
But say you gape for dead men's wills and treasure,  
And lie in wait to hunt it out of measure;  
Thus from the poor their alms is swept away,  
Small things you scorn, to get some greater prey.  
I wish at meaner gifts you would not grudge,  
Nor heap and hale from Clairemont half so much.  
What you by wicked shifts do scrape and rack,  
Belongs unto the poor, not to your back.  
Your piety and bounty doth appear,  
You crave great gifts, shun small; Devotion dear.  
The love of this, hath set your heart on fire,  
None willingly becomes a thief for hire,  
But soars aloft, in hope to part the spoil  
He makes fair shows, and with a goodly foil  
Draws them along, whom in his nets he shuts,  
And then himself with blood and murder gluts.  
Thus while you careless seem to teach for price,  
Whom you may rifle of their goods, you 'tice.  
Kindred's disherited, their wealth you share,  
Whereof the laws and justice should take care.  
Come now to sale, make market of your skills,  
Take triple wages, give up dead men's wills,  
Abstain from theft, let their bequests go free,  
No scratching Harpy hereto will agree.  
Then let your labours be no longer vaunted,  
By your Society our lands are haunted.  
Though four or five do teach, yet in your Cells  
A thousand heavy-headed Drones there dwells,  
Not apt to teach others, nor themselves to learn,  
When ours, no maintnaunce have, but what they earn.  
Not one with us that idle is, can live,  
Why do you then the name of Masters give  
Unto yourselves, in such a Town where more  
Masters have been then scholars heretofore?  
Mention of this their monthly records make,  
Not a Denier of Scholars will you take.  
And shall such Locusts with so easy suit  
Lodge in our bosom to devour our fruit?  
He that no recompense will have, there-while  
Watcheth the Realm and people to beguile.  
Who will no burden be yet hath no stay  
Of living: this of him will wise men say,  
He is a shifter, and his gain is cheated,  
What's due to him he takes not, though entreated,  
What is not due, he doth exact. See now  
What tricks your rifled Scholars learn of you.  
Their Legacies have made you fortunate,  
They be the props and pillars of your state.  
Of Lands and Lordships you desire good store,  
With power of life and death over the poor  
And blockish vulgar sort: Then if you please,  
Epicures Gardens you may have for ease.  
Grammarians, Masters, Doctors, and the Schools,  
Scholars & Chairs must weep, you make all fools.    

CHAP. 7. ¶ That the sect of the jesuits, agrees in many things with the heresy of Peter Abelard.  
AFter that Pasquier had by his Plea laid open, the impieties and blasphemies of the jesuite postel, he set himself to buckle with their▪ Metaphysical Maldonat, who some fix weeks, or two months before, in a great auditory of young boys, playing with his wit to the dishonour of GOD, had read contrary Lectures. In the first, he laboured to prove by natural reasons, that there is a God. In the second, that there is none. The jesuits maintain at this day, by the pen of Rene de la. Fon, that the Godhead must be proved by natural reasons, & that a man may dispute both pro & contra, and that he which thinks otherwise, and relies only upon faith, is impious. This proposition, together with their practice, which I have observed since their coming to abide in Paris, makes me remember Peter Abelard, who was so touched to the quick by S. Bernard: and I think I shall not at all wander from my purpose, if I recount you the story, 
Maff. li. b 1. cap. 16.  the better to make comparison betwixt him and the jesuits; especially, because Ignace had for his first Regent in Barcelonne, one called Ardebal, in whose name you shall find Abelard, without difference of any one letter.  
Peter Abelard, coming of a very ancient and noble house of Britain, being the eldest of five brothers (which is no small privilege in that country) gave over all and every whit of his goods, that he might dedicate himself to learning: wherein he was very forward, before he went out of the country. But to the end he might be better furnished, he came to Paris, which then began to be the fountain of all good literature. There he found two Masters, William Campellensis in Philosophy, and Anselm in Divinity, who read divers lectures in the Bishop's Palace, where the University than was. Abelard had not studied Philosophy, but that, as he was of a great, but a running wit, so he far outstripped his companions, and became equal even to Campellensis his Regent. And as one that was so, without taking any degree of licence, of his own private authority, he took the Doctor's Chare: which being forbidden him, he went and read at Corbueil, afterward, at Melun; from thence he came back to Paris, where he read in the Suburbs. A certain space after, he studied Divinity under Anselm, wherein he profited exceedingly, and upon like extraordinary confidence in himself as before, he undertook to teach, without the approbation of the University, to the great mislike of all the ancients, yet not of the younger sort, who commonly take pleasure in such novelties. As he grew wonderfully in all things, so there befell him a very great mishap. For he got a maid of good sort with child, called Heloise, whom he was constrained to marry privily, to satisfy her uncle, being a Canon of the Church of Paris. Afterward, being desirous to conceal the marriage, and having put his wife into a cloister of Nuns at Argentueil, her uncle taking offence thereat, caused him a little while after to be taken at unawares, and those parts to be cut off, by which he had offended. In the end, overcome with shame, his wound being perfectly whole, he became a Monk in the Abbey of Saint Denis in France, and Heloise, a veiled Nun in the Nunnery of Argentueil: yet could not this working spirit be restrained by the ancient discipline of our Church. For he began to set open a school, as well of Philosophy, as of Divinity, within his Monastery, drawing to him an infinite sort of scholars. This thing made the University of Paris to stir against him by complaint to the Prelates. Which himself also conceals not, in a long Epistle being the general story of his life, out of the which I have copied this passage.  
Cum autem in divina Scriptura non minorem gratiam, quam in seculari, mihi Dominus contulisse videretur, coeperunt admodum ex utraque lectione scholae nostrae multiplicari, & caeterae vehementer omnes attenuari. unde maximè Magistrorum invidiam atque odium adversum me concitavi. Qui in omnibus que poterant, mihi derogantes, duo praecipuè absenti semper obijciebant: quod scilicet proposit● Monachi valdè sit contrarium, secularium librorum studio detineri, & quod sine Magistro ad Magisterium divinae lectionis accedere praesumpsissem, ut sic inde omne mihi doctrina scholaris exercitium interdiceretur. Ad quod incessantur, Episcopos, Archiepiscopos, Abbates, & quascumque poterant Religiosi nominis personas incitabant. This passage I especially note unto you, as serving marvelous fit, to be employed in this my discourse. As he made his fame to grow by reading, so did he also by writing; for he wrote a book, De unitate, & Trinitate diuina●, in favour of his scholars, as he saith. Qui humanas & Philosophicas rationes requirebant, & plus quàm intelligi, quâm quae dici possint, efflagitabant. Dicentes quidam verborum superfluam esse prolationem, quam intelligentia non sequeretur: nec credi posse aliquid nisi prius intellectum, & ridiculosum esse aliquem alijs praedicare, quod nec ipse, nec illi quos doceret, intellectu capere possent: Domino ipso arguente, quod caeci essent ductores caecorum.  
This book offended all the Clergy of France. Whereupon, there was a Council assembled in the Town of Soissons, where Conan, Bishop of Prevoste, and Legate in France for the Sea apostolic, was Precedent. Abelard being heard speak for himself, and his book being read; that was condemned as heretical, and appointed to be burnt in open market, and he the author of it, was confined for ever into the Monastery of S. Medard, and express charge given him not once to come abroad. He had many scholars, whereof some were become Cardinals, and were near about Pope Innocent the second. Insomuch, that by their entreaty, he found means to be received again into the Monastery of Saint Dennis; where again he played the fool, though he scaped punishment for it. Thus he continued, till at last, he had leave of the king to withdraw himself into champaign, and there he built an Oratory, which he dedicated to the trinity, rather for revenge, than devotion, that he might set himself against them that had condemned his book. But percerceiving that it displeased the Prelates, and that he brought himself into danger to be censured again, he changed his name into Paraclet (which signifies Comforter) a name particularly consecrated to the holy Ghost: meaning, that this place had been the Haven of his comfort, after he had past many tempests and storms. Which again offended our Church; as he himself confesseth. For although all Churches, (as I gather out of of him) had been consecrated in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost: yet there never was any consecrated to God the father, to God the Son, or to the blessed Spirit. To this objection, he being a great Sophister, answered, that if Saint Paul to the Corinth's, commanded that every man should build in himself a spiritual Temple to the holy Ghost, no man should think ill of it, that he had made a material temple. In this place, as he that sought for nothing but novelties, he opened public schools of Philosophy and Divinity. Whereof many scholars, that were curious, being advertised, they left the Towns to come to him, and to stay with him, building themselves little Lodges and Cells, where they lay upon the straw: et pro delicatis cibis (saith he) herbis agrestibus, & pane pro cibario utebatur. This indeed was, for him to set up a new Sect, who had been condemned by the Church and University. The preachers declaimed against him, as a principal heretic, that displeased by his means, the Lords Temporal and Spiritual: but above all other, Saint Bernard took this quarrel in hand, as we see in his Epistles. For perceiving, that notwithstanding the sentence of condemnation given by the Council, Abelard continued opinionative in the teaching of his error, under the shadow of supports, and favours he had in the Court of Rome, writing to Cardinal Yues. Damnatus est Suessione, 
Bern. Epist. 193.  cum opere suo, coram Legato Romanae ecclesiae, sed quasi non sufficeret illi, illa condemnatio iterum fatit, unde iterum damnetur, & iam novissimus error peior est priore. Secutus est tamen, quoniam Cardinals & Clericos Curie se discipulos habuisse gloriatur, & eos in defension praeteriti & praesentis erroris adsumit, à quibus judicari timere debuit, & damnari. And further: Magister Petrus Abelardus, sine regula Monachus, sine solicitudine Praelatus, nec ordinem tenet, nec ab ordine tenetur. Homo sus dissimilis est, intus Herodes, foris joannes, totus ambiguus, nihil habens de Monacho, praeter nomen & habitum. And writing to Pope Innocent the second. Habemus in Francia nonum, de utere Magistro, Theologum, qui ab incunte aetate sua, in arte Dialectica lusit, & nunc in scriptures sanctis insanit. Olim damnata & sopita dogmata, tam sua videlicet, quàm aliena suscitare conatur, insuper & nova addit. Qui dum omnium quae sunt in coelo sursum, & quae sunt in terra deorsum, nihil praeter nescio quid nescire dignatur, point in coelo os suum, & scrutatur alta Dei, rediensque ad nos refert verba ineffabilia, quae non licet homini loqui. ET DUM PARATUS EST DE OMNIBUS REDDERE RATIONEM, & contra rationem praesumit & contra fidem. Quid enim magis contra rationem, quam rationem transcendere? Et quid magis contra fidem, quam credere nolle quicquid non possis ratione attingere? Denique exponere volens illud Sapientis: Qui credit citò, levis est cord. Citò credere (inquit) est adhibere fidem ante rationem. Cùm hoc Salomon non de fide in Deum, sed de mutua inter nos dixerit credulitate. Nam illam quae in Deum est fidem, B. Papa Gregorius plane negat habere meritum, si ei humana ratio praebeat experimentum. Laudat autem Apostolos quod ad unius iussionis vocem, secuti sint Redemptorem. Scit nimirum pro laud dictum: in auditu auris obediunt mihi: Increpatos è regione discipulos quod tardius credidissent. Denique laudatur Maria quod rationem fide praevenit: & punitur Zacharias, quod fidem ratione tentavit. Et rursum commendatur Abraham qui contra se in spem credidit. At contra Theologus noster: Quid (inquit) ad doctrinam loqui proficit, si quod docere voluimus & exponi, exponi non potest ut intelligatur.  
Doth not Saint Bernard hear bring process for our new jesuits, when by their natural reasons they prove and disprove, pro & conta concerning the Deity? Saint Bernard (I say) whom in this the Archbishop of Reims followed, and the Bishops of Soissons, Challons, and Arras, who in the end of their letters, writ thus to the Pope: Qui ergo homo ille multitudinem trahit post se, & populum qui sibi credas, habet, necesse est ut huic contagio, celeri remedio occurratis. In the end, Pope Innocent interposed his decretal sentence in these words: Communicato fratrum nostrorum Episcoporum & Cardinalium consilio, destinata nobis à vestra discretione, capitula, & universa ipsius Petri dogmata, sanctorum Canonum authoritate, cum suo authore damnavimus, eique tanquam haeretico perpetuum silentium imposuimus. Vniversos autem erroris sui sectat res & defensores, à fidelium consortio sequestrandos, excommunicationîsque vinculo innodandos esse censemus.  
The jesuits say, that Pasquier impiously accuseth Maldonat the jesuit, of impiety, (these are the words they use) because in one of his Lectures, 
Fon. ca 36.  he had proved to his scholars by natural reasons, that there is a God, in another, that there is none. And they themselves are wholly heretics, by the proposition they maintain, when as thinking by the wings of their wits, to lift themselves up above Heaven, they fall down into the bottomless pit of Hell; or else Pope Innocent the second, Saint Bernard, and our whole Church of France, are deceived. But because this is not the mark I aim at, my intent being only to examine, the likeness and unlikeness, that was betwixt Ignace and his fellows upon the one part, and Abelard that great heretic and disturber of our University of Paris, on the other: I will put you in mind, that both the one and other, came of great and noble houses. The difference between them was, that Abelard was the eldest of his brethren, Ignace the youngest: he learned, & of a great spirit, Ignace utterly ignorant of all good learning. Thence it came, that the one would violently set up his Sect like a Lion; and thereby sunk under the weight of his hope: the other like a Fox, who by that means, enlarged his.  
But if you take away these differences, they were very like in many other things. Abelard writ a book of the Trinity, which was condemned by the Church, Ignace made another of the same matter, which he himself condemned; showing himself therein more wise and advised then the other; Abelard without any degree of licence, would needs at the first marry himself to the Chair, to read in the University of Paris. The very same thing did, not Ignace, who was a mere ignorant fellow, but his followers, the jesuits. So that you shall never find, any one of their first Regent's which read in the University of Paris, to be a Graduate. Abelard, being a religious person of the Abbey of S. Dennis, taught both Philosophy and Divinity: the very same that our religious jesuits do. The University at that time took it ill, that Philosophy was read by a Monk, to foreign scholars and strangers: and it is also one of the principal articles of controversy with the jesuits. Abelard read Divinity without any degree of licence, whereof the University complained to the Prelates of France, yet did he nothing which the jesuits did not afterward, and do even to this day: and it is one of the principal complaints of the University against them. Abelard, was condemned by our Church of France: Ignace & his fellows, first by the faculty of Divinity in Paris, afterward, by our Church assembled at Poissy. Abelard, brought in the heresy, to prove that by natural reasons, which depends upon our Christian faith: the jesuits, not only follow this damnable opinion, but maintain that he is an Atheist, & impious, who believes in God with all humility, & likes not that a man should by natural reasons, prove to boys, that there is a God, & that there is none. Abelard was greatly supported in the Court of Rome by Cardinals; and that is it, which spoils us at this day. For the jesuits finding all favour there, abuse it, and call all them heretics that rely not upon their heresies. Abelard, was a religious, not religious, having indeed, nothing of a religious but the habit: Which gave Saint Bernard occasion to say, that he was, Sine ratione Monachus, qui nec ordinem tenebat, nec tenebatur abordine. I pray you tell me what order the jesuits keep, and by what order they are held. True it is, that Abelard was in his habit religious, and these men know not what it means. Saint Bernard said, that Abelard represented john Baptist outwardly, and inwardly Herode. As for our jesuits, I never could acknowledge any thing of Saint john Baptist in their sermons, but much of Herode in their cruelties, to make Princes be murdered, and to drive them out of their Realms and Dominions. Yet there is one difference, for these fellows live fat and fair, and are not bound by their constitutions to keep extraordinary fasts, as other orders do: contrariwise, Abelards' scholars and followers, lay upon the straw in little cabins, and for their diet, contented themselves with bread and herbs.  
To conclude, Abelard took to himself apart, the great and holy name of Paraclet, for which he was condemned by our Divines: and with a like zeal, the jesuits have taken the name of jesus, which was forbidden them. The conclusion was alike, for notwithstanding the mislike of our Prelates, the name Paraclet remains yet to Abelards' Oratory, which at this day by a corrupt name we call Paraclit; and it is a house of Nuns, whereof Heloise, Abelards' wife, was the first Abbess: in like sort the name jesus continueth with the jesuits, that they may in all points enjoy Abelards' privileges. And in my opinion, there is not any one of them, that hath hit righter upon their agreement with Abelard, than he that in the year 1594. defended the College of Clairmont. Who, when Arnault, had freshly objected against them in a full Court of Parliament, the name & quality of a jesuit, answered in scorn, that, that objection, had been made against them before, by Master Stephen Pasquier, and that it was out of date. One thing only is wanting in this general correspondence of Abelard with our jesuits: namely, such a worthy parsonage as S. Bernard, to be a means to the holy Sea, against these new troublers of our Church, and our Universities. For when I speak of him, I dare be bold to say, that God did spread in his heart, the beams and rays of his holy Spirit, as much & more than in any man that lived since his time.   

CHAP. 8. ¶ That the jesuit gives himself licence to bring into his College children, out of the bosoms of their Fathers and Mothers, without their leave.  
AS the jesuits put every piece of holy scripture in practice, not for maintenance of our Church, but only of their sect, so do they maintain, that they may draw all children to them, whether their Fathers & Mothers will or no, (their consent being a thing not necessary) for the love and honour of God. This rule they put in practice very religiously upon all children of good Houses, or at least, upon as many as by any means they may lay hold on. Among whom, having conveyed away out of sight a youth, of 15. years old, the eldest son of Airault, Lieutenant criminel in the siege Presidiall of Angers, a man of especial reckoning. He put up a supplication to the Court of Parliament of Paris, that his son might be restored to him.  
The parties being heard at large, the Court took order by an act of the 20. of May, 1586. that a commission should be granted him, to inform himself of the enticements used by the jesuits to his son: & in the mean while, inhibitions & restraints were sent, to the Provincial, Rector, and Principal of the Colleges of Clairmont, forbidding them to attempt any thing to the prejudice of the supplication presented by Airault, or to receive his son into their Society, upon pain of amends: and it was farther enjoined them, to give knowledge of this act, to the other Colleges of their Society.  
This notwithstanding, these holy Fathers would not deliver the youth again, so that the poor Father was feign to comfort himself, first with his tears, and then with his pen, by writing and printing a book of the power of a Father, wherein he showed, that it was impudently to abuse the holy Scripture, to take them rawly, according to the Letter only, as the jesuits did, to the disadvantage of Fathers. He spoke like an honest & worthy man, as he that felt no small grief, for the stealing away of his son. I will speak without passion, & say, that it is a hard thing, that the child should enter into orders of religion, against the will of his Father and Mother, of whom himself is a good part. And yet I think it not only excusable, but commendable, when being of a competent age, a man betakes himself to a Monastery, though his Father and mother consent not to it: but when these things are carried by the crafty conveyance of Munks, the matter deserves extraordinary punishment.  
A few years since, there was great blame laid upon the  Munks of Paris, for having without the Father's knowledge, received a young man into their Order. The Prior being sent for about the matter, by the Court of Parliament, maintained with a wonderful resolution, that he was not bound to turn him away. We go not to seek them (quoth he) we live a solitary life, severed from the Town, within the Town: we allure them not to us by Lectures or by conferences. Yea, contrariwise, we make express profession of silence, and they of our order, speak to no man without leave of their Superior. If any man of ripe age, moved by the grace of the holy Ghost, be desirous to become one of our Order, why should we go to procure any others good will, whom we know from his infancy by the instinct of nature, not to be disposed to such devotion. This were to envy God a goodly sacrifice, ready to be offered to him, and we should be coutned traitors to the general good of the Church, if we should deal otherwise.  
The Court having heard his defence, dismissed him, without pressing him any further, which they did not on the behalf of the jesuits, in Airaults case. You shall understand hereafter the reasons of this diversity. Surely, if wishing might prevail in such matters, I could desire, that all children, before they make themselves Munks, would follow the example of Elizeus, who would not become servant to E●●as, till he had taken his leave of his Father. Which if perhaps they do not, being not won to that course but by themselves, through the inspiration of God, I do not think (I will say it yet once again,) that a man can blame them, or the Monastery that receives them. But for the jesuit, the matter stands quite otherwise; and I remember, that I was one day with a poor Father enraged, who, having his son stolen & carried away, letting lose the reins to his choler, with a troubled mind, spoke on this manner to the Rector of the jesuits in Paris. I did not commit my son to thee to make a jesuit of him, but to instruct him in human learning, that he might not stray from our Catholic religion, with intent to make him heir of my will, of my goods, and of my estate, supposing that thou hadst some religion in thee. But where hast thou found (thou lewd fellow) that it is permitted thee, by auricular confession, by a counterfeit devotion, by hypocritical speeches, to seduce my poor child, to steal him from himself, to steal him from his Father, to steal him from GOD? For why should I not call it, stealing from God, when as for the first work of his devotion, thou teachest him, to steal himself from his Father? An innocent I may call him, to whom by reason of the weakness of his age, and understanding, thou hast given no leisure to bethink himself in convenient time, of that which he hath promised to God, by making a vow to live a Munks life. Thou juggler in matters of Christian religion, which playest tricks of pass and repass, to make a child pass, by invisibilities, (it is, it is not,) to the end thou mayst withdraw him, both from his Father's presence, and also from the Magistrates. And when thou hast thus done, thou hast up thy general proverb, These be the works of thy holy spirit; whom thou hast always in thy mouth, as harlots are always prating of their chastity.  
Dost thou think (thou wr●tch) though my first project was to bring him up in mine own calling, yet if after he was come out of thy house, and come to years of discretion, he would have forsaken the world, that I would have envied him that felicity? Not to make him a Gipsy, to rogue about as thou dost all over the world, feigning that he can tell every man his fortune, when he cannot tell his own: but to frame him after the mould of our ancient orders of religion, and at once to shut him up in a Cloister, there to lead a solitary life, to give himself to fasting and prayer, to wear haircloth, & so to behave himself, that his Cloister should be a Palace to him, fish as Manna from heaven, and haircloth, more soft than the finest Holland shirt of Linen.  
And, that after he had employed his solitariness in long watchings, and devotions, he might come out of his Cloister, as a worthy and valiant warrior, not to murder Kings, not to conquer Realms, and to sell them to him what would offer most, but to kill sin, to subdue disordered souls, by preaching in the midst of the churches, that which appertains to everlasting blessedness. I call not to the judges of this world, for revenge of this wrong, thou detestable coosner, the great judge of judges shall be my avenger, even then, when after he hath chastizd the Magistrate, either for his fear, or for his long winking at thy lewdness, he shall cast thee into the fire, as the Father doth the rod, when he hath beaten his child therewith.  
I saw a poor Father, in the jesuits College in Paris, play his part in this sort: and to say the truth, I could have wished, that the good old man, had somewhat bridled his choler, which me thought past the bounds of modesty: but what modesty can a man look for in a Father, that hath his son stolen from him? There is no remedy, but he must needs be out of patience. In a word, consider I pray you the first grief of a poor desolate Father, who complains not that his son is become a religious person, but that it is wrought by the jesuits seducing, alluring, and cozening.  
Did you never hear it said, that it is a great burden to our conscience, when we marry our Children under age, because it is to teach them to hate their wives, before they can understand what it is to love them? So stands the case with these young youths; enticed to this spiritual marriage. For how soever at their first entrance, every thing laughs upon them, by reason of the charms and sweet entertainment of their ghostly Fathers, yet afterward, there settles an imperfection in their minds, of a long repentance for their hastiness: and they fall to curse the year, the month, the week, the day, the hour, and the moment, in which they were so deceived And if there be any that scape this repentance, alas they are very few.  
To conclude, as long as we mingle the bringing up of our youth with this pretended monkery, we shall never be able to save ourselves from this unhappy confusion, whereof the City of Paris, (thanks be to God) is at this day discharged. But I speak to them, who being cozened, protect, as yet, this new monster with their authority.   

CHAP. 9 ¶ Of the vow of the jesuits, which they call the simple vow.  
INtending to entreat now from henceforward, of the jesuits simple vow, I here vow, not to deal with them, but at their own weapons. They have been always hitherto so cunning that few men have had any knowledge of their dealings. Their Bulls and their statutes are, to this day, printed within their Colleges, so that no man knows the Printers name, neither can they easily come into any stranger's hands: which hath been the cause, that no man heretofore, durst speak so boldly of them. But as the force of truth is such, that in time it will be discovered, so the Cabal of these Rabbins; could not be kept so secret, but that in tract of time, their books have gotten out of their Colleges, upon which I have framed this present discourse. I will begin with their simple vow, a vow, which I may say is new, and monstrous, and which cannot be tolerated in our Church, without the overthrowing thereof, at the least in regard of religious Orders and Monasteries.  
By the Lecture which the jesuit read us yesterday, you understand, that the first vow of their Order, is that which they call the simple vow, by which, he that will vow himself to their Society, makes at the first the 3. ordinary vows of all other religious Orders, namely, of Chastity, Poverty, and Obedience. And although, in respect of himself, he may not after this vow, give over his profession, yet is it in the power of the General, when he will to dismiss him, though he have been a jesuit 25. years: and, which is more, as long as he goes no farther than this simple vow, he is capable of all inheritances direct and collateral, notwithstanding the vow of poverty he hath made. Let us not detract any thing from the honour due to the one and to the other, but let us see what discourse Montaignes hath made of these matters.  
By this discourse (saith he, 
Montag. ca 50. de sa verity defendue.  speaking to Arnault) two lies that you have made shall be refuted; The one is, that no man ever makes this vow of poverty, but that thereby all hope of succession is lost. For it is made in the end of the Noviceship, as hath been said. Now, if notwithstanding this vow of Poverty, they retain sometimes for many years the propriety of their goods, by their Superiors leave, and are capable of inheritances, be not offended thereat, neither call the jesuits covetous therefore. For this retaining, is not for them who have renounced this right, as I said before, but for the benefit and commodity of those, that are under their government. For if it should chance, that upon just cause they were to be dismissed out of the Society, according to the privileges thereof, they should thereby receive no wrong, but be able to live of themselves: whereas otherwise, being deprived thereof, they should be driven either to beg, or to continue in the Society, not only to the hurt and prejudice thereof, but also to the endangering of their own bodies, yea and their souls to.  
It is a new Law (you will say,) true. It is new and wonderful, saith the great Canonist Navarre. It is a new Law, as also the simple vow of Chastity is, which this Society makes, which hinders marriage to be contracted, and disannuls it after it is contracted. But it ceaseth not to be right, by being new, as long as it is ratified by the Prince and head of the Church, who made the Laws of other religious Orders, and the rest of the Canon Law.  
The newness of a thing, hinders not the nature of it. The new Raisins are Raisins, as well as those of the Vine that No planted. All right was new in the beginning, and yet ceased not thereby to be right. Sixteen hundred years hence, this will be more ancient than the Canons of the Apostles are at this day, which were as young fifteen hundred years a go, as this is now. The other lie, which is also refuted by this discourse, is, that the jesuits cast men off, when they are spent with travail. For as they are not retained for hope of their goods, so are they not cast off by reason of their poverty, but for some other just cause. Otherwise, at the last, they must needs dismiss all that make profession, because they are deprived of all their goods; and they should receive none that is not rich, neither of which they do.  
If there be any of so obstinate a nature, that he will not be amended, after that he hath been looked to, and medicind a long time, it is reason that he should bear the punishment of his stubbornness, and that the society should use their right. Which notwithstanding is not done but very seldom, and that by the authority of the General only, and almost always with the liking of them that are dismissed: whom we have not so much employed, as endured, and waited for their amendment, 10. and sometimes 20. years. With such grief of heart do they use this remedy; and so dearly love they the salvation of those that are damageable to them. And so it is plain, that you are in all things altogether unjust to the jesuits, in slandering them, that they seduce men, by receiving them into their society, & dismissing them out again.  
Some man more scrupulous, 
Chap. 51.  & of better understanding than you, will demand, with what conscience they can be dismissed and absolved, that have once made vow of religion, since the vow is a bond to God, which he only can release, as a right belonging properly to him. To that I answer, that a vow binds, according to his intent that makes it. If any make a vow to fast after the order of the Chartehouse Munks, he binds himself to fast, as the Charterhouse Munks do, not as one of an other order, who observeth no such fast. They that make vows in this Society, make them according to the intent and fashion thereof; the intent is, that they should be in such sort bound to abide in it, as that, when there shall be any just occasion, they may be dismissed, and acquitted of their bond. Wherefore, he that is bound, hath no wrong done him, if he be constrained to keep his promise, or if he be dismissed, because he cannot, or will not do his endeavour, to amend himself and accomplish it. For he hath made his vow with such a condition, & volenti non fit iniuria: and he that forsakes the Society without leave, is an Apostata, and bears reproach, and the mark of his sin. But he that departs, by the advise, or good pleasure of his General, who thinks it meet, upon some necessity of mind or body, or of his parents, or for the public good, or for some other just cause, that he should be licensed to give over, is thereby absolved from his vows.   

CHAP. 10. That it cannot be excused, but that there is heresy and Macchiavelisme in the jesuits simple vow.  
THus much the jesuit Montaignes. Now I instantly beseech out holy Father the Pope, and adjure all Kings, Princes, Potentates, and Lords, which fight under his banner in our militant Church, that they would open their eyes, and every one particularly examine his conscience, for the good of our Christian world. With whom have I here to do? with the jesuits; who making answer to Arnaults Plea, would have thought they had wronged their holinesses, if according to the ordinary simplicity of others, they had entitled their discourse thus, A defence against Arnaults Plea; but with a proud title, they have set on the front of their book. The truth defended for the Catholic religion, in the jesuits cause, against the Plea of Anthony Arnault. I take them at their word, & will labour for the Catholic religion with them: there is nothing more commanded us by God & his Church, than the performance of our vows. I should abuse both the time & my pen, if I would prove this by texts out of the old and new Testament, and by the authorities of the ancient Doctors of the Church, sith devotion first brought into our Church, the orders of Religious Monasteries, by which we enter the three substantial vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience. This rule hath been so strictly observed, that the Pope himself, though he have fullness of power over our consciences, yet never gave liberty to himself, to dispense wholly with a religious person; unless it be in favour of some sovereign Prince, for the succouring of some very urgent necessity in his estate. And our Lord being desirous to show, that such dispensations please him not, sometimes interposes the rigour of justice very manifestly. That was seen long since in the Realm of Naples, where, when all the royal line was ended in Constance, who had been a long time a professed Nun, the public necessity seemed to claim, that she should be disuayld, that the blood royal might be renewed by her. She was absolved from her vow by the holy Sea, and presently married to the Emperor Frederick the second, of which marriage, Manfrey was borne, and of him Conradin. But never marriage brought greater ruin to Italy then this: because the Pope and the Emperor were thereby in continual divisions under the names of the Guelphs and Gibbilins, which lasted an infinite while. And as for the children that came thereof, Manfrey was slain in a pitched field, & afterward, Conradin his son taken by Charles of Anjou, king of Naples, who caused him to be beheaded upon a scaffold. I have purposely touched this example, to show how little God likes these unmunking, what authority soever he have given to our holy father the Pope: who also hath been drawn thereto with an infinite number of respects, before be yield. But above all, it is a general rule in Rome, that in all other families not sovereign, the Pope never makes a religious man lay, but only changes the rigour of the first vow, into an other more easy to bear; as we saw of late in this our country of France. When as the Lord of Bouchage, coming of a very noble house, had made himself a Capuchin, and that after the death of all his brethren, the necessity of the time seemnig to call him again to worldly affairs, all that his friends could obtain at Rome, was, the changing of his vow into that of Saint john of jerusalem. It was never permitted, a religious man in our Church, that had made the vow of poverty, to succeed his parents: much less to be released out of his Monastery to enter again into a secular life. The Pope gives not himself this liberty.  
And shall we suffer in our Church, a religious jesuit to succeed, and his General to give him leave to do so, when it pleaseth him? Dij talem terris avertite postem. This is no privilege, this is a new monster, 
Montaig. ca 50. & 5●.  which is brought into our Christian profession. For all this, the jesuit thinks to be acquitted by God, of this heresy; when he saith, that there is no more in any vow, than a man puts into it: he should say there is no more in the play. For by rendering this reason of simple vow, he plays with God; and is one of those scorners, of whom David speaketh in in the first Psalm. In sum, the jesuits would say, that there simple vow is a vow, of a petty dissimulation, and that they think to deceive God by the same Sophistry, which the old Pagan used, when he said, Iura●● lingua, mentem iniuratam habeo: Which protestation, was condemned by them of the time, though they were not Christians. So saith that jesuit, I vowed poverty with my tongue, but in my mind I had a bird that sung an other song.  
And thinking by this shift to make us like of their new doctrine, he plays three parts at once, the jesuit, the Heretic, & the Macchiavelist. And whereas they say, that the great Canonist Navarre calleth their simple vow, Nowm & mirabile. Saint Bernard reproving Abelards' heresy, said no less, that, Ambulabat in maguis et in mirabilibus.   

CHAP. 11. ¶ Of the jesuits engaging the aut horitie of the holy Sea, to excuse the heresy of their simple vow.  
But these two privileges (saith Montagnes) are granted us by the Head & Prince of the Church. See how these honest men wrong the authority of the holy Sea; and into what disorder they bring it, by making it a defence of their heresy. I will never abide, that this come to the ears of the enemies of our Church, but that withal, they shall understand how all things have passed. The truth is, that before Gregory 13. never any Pope was of advise to grant them these privileges, and yet ever since the coming of Ignace, they have practised this simple vow, as we may see by the same Gregory's Bull, 1584. Whereupon every good Catholic will maintain, that it was a new heresy brought in by them, against the holy and ancient decrees. Tell me honest men, what is become of the souls of your Saints Ig●arius Loiola, james Lainez, Frances Borgia, & Euerard Morovie, the four first Generals of your Sect? Where is Frances Xavier, that was canonised a Saint amongst the barbarous? Where is Peter Faurs, Nicholas Bobadilla and Pasquier Broet? In brief, where be the souls of all them of your Sect, that lived from the year 1540 until the year 1584. and died in this heresy? In which year, you obtained permission for the time, to come, not absolution for that which was passed: so that it came too late, for them that died before. In the mean while, we have these for Masters, & Lecturers of our youth in their Colleges, for holy fathers, & Divines in our Church, to preach to us. And yet, as professed heretics, in steed of establishing again our afflicted religion, by establishing their own greatness, they have wholly overthrown ours altogether: and have had no other foundation of their heresy, but their own detestable covetousness.  
This indeed might have been objected against us heretofore (will the jesuit say) but not now, by reason of this new Bull. This answer at the first sight may seem very sufficient to stop our mouths: but when you shall understand how, at what time, and by what cunning it was gotten, you shall find nothing in it, but savours of a jesuit. They have divers vows, but I find none so solemn, as that which I will presently declare to you; which is, to put in execution their devices, be they good or evil, of their own private authority, without any respect had of the holy Sea: and when they have a long time used this very ill, they spy out occasions of troubles for the authorizing of that their practice, as men most necessary for the maintenance of our religion. By doing whereof, they give law to him, of whom they make show to receive law. The fisherman fishes in a troubled water, and the jesuit in our troubles. In this sort began their Society, and after many refusals, was confirmed by Pope Paul the third in the years 1540 and 43. in consideration of the troubles that were at that time in Germany, betwixt the Catholics and the Lutherans. In this sort they obtained of Pope Pius the fourth, their great privilege, to disturb the ancient discipline of all Universities, in the year 1561. That is to say, when the troubles began to rise in France, betwixt the Catholic and Huguenot. The fame was practised by them in 84. when father Claudius Matthew, their Provincial of France, stirred the humours of Rome, not only against the Hugonots, but also against the most Catholic King deceased, as if he had favoured them. And feeding Pope Gregory with an infinite sort of vain hopes, they thought they might without danger pull of their mask, and get that approved by him, which they never durst discover to any Pope before, namely, the dishonesty of their simple vow. In such sort, that in june 1584. they obtained the confirmation of this vow, and five months after, the deceased King Henry the third, who wanted not his spies, made a Commission to be published in open Parliament, against them that practised any league in strange countries. If there were nothing but the opposition of this time, it were sufficient to deface the memory of that Bull of Pope Gregory, and also many decretals of Boniface the eight, which was a professed enemy to France.  
But I have yet stronger reasons on my side, for I see not that any man thinks, that Pope Gregory ever gave any sufficient consent thereto. And that it is so, after he hath briefly discoursed of the Noviceship, he saith, that the religious making their first simple vow: In Societatem cooptanour ac quantum est ex part ipsorum perpetuò, ex part verò Societatis JUXTA APOSTOLICA INDULTA, ET CONSTITVITIONES PREDICT AS, tamdiu obligati sunt, quaudiu Praepositus Generalis eos retimendos censuerit. Quod ad Societatis consernationem maxime est necessarium, ID QVE AB ILLIVS EXORDIO PROUSVIM, & post, experimento comprobatum est. Idque initio ingressus, illis explicitè manifestatur, atque ipsi conditionem have amplectuntur: quae eis si quos dimittere opor●eat, multò est commodior, ut liberi potiùs, quàm votis obligati dimittantur, alijsque justis & rationalibus de causis. That is to say, that after the time of their Noviceship, and when by vow they have sworn Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, they are incorporated into ou● Society, for as much as to themselves belongs, for the whole term of their life: but forasmuch as appertains to the Society, according to the Apostolical indults and constitutions spoken of before, they are bound to abide with us so long, as it pleaseth the General to retain them. A matter very necessary for the preservation of the Society, and provided for in the first beginning of this order, afterward, found to be very profitable by experience. And this is at every man's first entrance, expressly made known to him, and he accepts the condition; which is the more commodious for such as are to be admitted, that when they shall be sent away, they may departed acquitted & discharged of their vow, upon some just and reasonable considerations. By this Article, you learn not, that a religious person having made his simple vow, may inherit: but that is supplied by an other that followeth in these words: Et licet qui ad gradus professorun & Coadiutorun formatorum nondum pervenerunt, bonorum suorum ius atque dominium, tum alias ab iustas causas, tum etiam ut maiorem habeat Societas libertatem, illos si opus fuerit remittendi, & cum minori ●ffensione dimittendi. And although (saith the Latin) that they which are not yet come to the degree of those that are professed, and of form coadjutors, may possess their goods & domains, for many weighty reasons, especially, that the Society may have liberty, to turn them out again, if it shall be needful, & dismiss them with the less scruple, or doubt of conscience. Out of these two Articles you may gather; First, that it is permitted to the General to absolve his religious from their simple vow, whensoever it please him, and to send him back to his own house, freed and acquitted from his vow. Secondly, that this religious man, may possess temporal goods, which clause they have stretched to successions, as you see in Montaignes. Thirdly, that since the beginning of their order, they have used to do so. And lastly, that Gregory hath confirmed these two privileges to them, according to the grants that before were made them, & their constitutions. I will make this controversy very plain. Let us run over the Bulls, that they had obtained before, there is not any one wherein you shall find, that their General was permitted, to dismiss them, when he would, or they to inherit during their simple vow. There are 23. of them, those of Pope Paul the 3. 1540 43.45.46.49. Those of julius his successor, 50. & 52. of Pius 4.61. of Pius 5.65.68.71. in March & july, of Gregory 13.72.73.75. in january & May 76. in February, july, October December 78. in january & May. There is no mention in any of these, either for distinguishing, or for inheriting or possessing of goods. All these Bulls have been printed by them, in one volume, that of 84. is inserted at large in the summary of Bulls, gathered by Matthew Toscan and in Ribadiner, in the third book of Ignace life, Chap. 23. If they pretend that they have any other, let them show them, because, where none are shown, it is presumed there are none. If I have proved as I have, that in all the former Bulls, there is never a word spoken of these two privileges, the truth is, that by these last Bulls, they have circumvented the religious care of the holy Sea: as they did before, in the year, 1561. when to disturb all the ancient customs of the Universities, they gave Pope Pius to understand, that, that which he granted them, was but a confirmation of a grant made to them by julius the 3. This than was a cooznage, 〈◊〉, and surrection, and consequently, there is 〈…〉 to be made of this Bull of 84. I am of opinion with th●, (GOD forbidden that I should steal away any part of the truth from them in this matter, 
Part. 2. de const. ca 4. art. 3. & form exam. ca 6. art. 8. etc. 7. art. 1.  or in any other) thus in their constitutions, there is speech that the General may dismiss when he wil But Pope Gregory put in his permission, not only in consideration of these constitutions; but of the former apostolic grants, which notwithstanding cannot be found. For a simple constitution of their Order, would never have been sufficient to make Pope Gre. consent to the infringing of all the ancient constitutions of the Church, in favour of these new people.  
I acknowledge also, that, as for this point, the Novices, when they entered into the course of jesuitisme, were not ignorant of it: For 4. or 5. days after that the Novice entereth into the house of Noviceship, there to accomplish his two years of probation, 
Const. part. 3. c. 4. art. 5.  the Examiner's are charged to deliver to him all their letters Apostolic, their Statutes, and Constitutions; yea, the general examination that is to be made of him: to the end, that he may inform himself of the weight of the burden be must bear, when he shall be admitted into this Order. and that he may not have any ground to repent himself afterward. Now sith it may be found by their constitutions, that their General is permitted to absolve the religious from their simple vow, whensoever he will, and sith these constitutions are imparted to them, it cannot be said, that they are ignorant of this privilege of their General; and a man may say of them in this regard, as the jesuit Montaignes doth volenti non fit imuriac if so be that this permission be lawful to be admitted into our Christian Church, and that Gregory was not coo●●●●d in granting it to the jesuitish Church.  
But for the second privilege, whereby the religious is permitted, during the simple vow, to inherit and possess temporal goods, not only there is nothing for it in their ancient Bulls, but also not 〈◊〉 any of their constitutions: Yea all things fight against this intention. At the entrance into this Order, they are bound to make a vow, both particularly and generally, of Poverty, say the Bulls of Paulo the third, 1540 and those of julius, 1550. And because that perhaps may require a more precise explication they express it at large in the 4. c. of their general Examination, where they enjoin them, as I said erewhile, to dispose, not only of the goods that they have in possession, but also of those, which they have no otherwise but in hope. Debent omnia bo●asua temporalia quae habuerint distribuere & renunciare, a● disponere de his quae ipsis obuenire possent. They must saith the Latin) renounce all the temporal goods they have, & distribute them; and likewise dispose of all that hereafter may fall to them.  
You shall note by the way, this wise resolution of the jesuit, who appoints, that he, which will enter into this order, shall dispose of goods which he hath not. They are commanded to give their goods for alms to the poor, and not to leave them to th●ir kindred, to renounce all love they bear them, even that which is due to their Fathers and Mothers, and all this is, to the end they may take from them, 
Cap. 4. de Examine. art. 42.  all mind of returning to their Father's houses.  ad parents & consangu●neos reourrendi, & ad inutilem ipsorum memoriam, firmius & stabilius in sua vocatione perseverant. That the way to return to their kindred, and the needless remembrance of them, may be stopped, and they may persever the more firm & stable in their calling.  
In the conclusion of all this, they have no sooner abandoned all their goods, during the first year of their Noviceship, but that they are permitted, after their vow of poverty, to be heirs unto them whom they were commanded to forget, yea the love and memory of them. Therefore I conclude, that this privilege, for him to inherit that hath made the vow of Poverty, is first against the holy decrees of God, and of his Church. Secondly, against common sense. Thirdly, grounded upon two inexcusable and very manifest lies, The one, when it is supposed by the Bull, that their Constitutions permit them to inherit, during their Simple vow, The other, when according thereto, they give their Novices to understand, that they may inherit after they have made the simple vow. For contrariwise, all their Constitutions gainsay it in very plain terms. Turn therefore and wind this Bull of Gregory which way you will, there is nothing in it, that engages the holy Sea in favour of them.  
I confess freely, that when the jesuit Montaignes alleged, that the Prince & head of the Church, had permitted them this unhappy vow, I began to tremble, weighing with myself, of what consequence this permission was to all Christendom: but when I had satisfied myself by reading the Bull, o impudent cozeners, (quoth I then) who draw in the holy Sea for warrant of your impiety. Did ever any man set the popedom for a fairer mark than this, against our adversaries? I would not wish any other thing in their hands then this, to triumph over us, if it were true. This is the charity that you honest men, which preach nothing but charity, show, to the desolation of the holy Sea, of which you make show to be the only Protectors. And yet, if Pope Gregory had otherwise made this grant, then to gratify you at that time, when you promised nothing less, then to give Laws to all sovereign Princes, and to the Pope himself, I would not seek to prevail against his Bull, either by the ancient liberties of our famous Church of France, which cannot bear in France such extraordinary permissions, or by the majesty of our Kings, the Defenders of our liberties, or by the authority of our Parliaments under them, to which the maintenance of the Ecclesiastical discipline appertains. And much less would I advise, to appeal to a general Council to be held hereafter, as our ancient French were wont to do in such affairs. Neither would I stir up the faithful care of all general Proctors of Parliaments to appeal, as from abuses, from the thundering of this Bull: which were the shortest way.  
God forbidden that I should furnish the world with precedents that might be prejudicial to the holy Sea. But if this great Pope were alive, I would cast myself at his feet, and appeal from him to himself, & beseech him in all humility, that it would please him to consider, whether by his absolute power, he be able to make two contraries agree in the same subject; that contrary to the law of God, a man should lodge riches in poverty: so that, in this article it should seem, that both God's law, and common sense is forgotten. I would farther beseech him to consider, whether it were his meaning to give such a permission, as he gives not to himself, and to grant without exception, that thing to the General of the jesuits, in which the Popes never dispense with themselves: and that without regard of the vow of Poverty, Chastity, & Obedience, to which the religious are bound, the General of their order, might absolve them when it pleased him?  
Moreover, I would show him, that the Monastical vows, which one makes to God, aught to be simple: but not according to the new learning of the jesuits, but to the ancient doctrine of Christians. And that as when of old time in Rome, one past from one Family to another by adoption, it was to be pure, simple, and without any condition; so by greater reason, when we forsake our carnal Fathers, to be adopted a new into the family of our spiritual Father, the Father of Fathers, we ought to enter purely and simply, & not to bring in the Foote-like craftiness of the jesuits simple vow. Many other particularities I could show him, which I remit to the examination of our Divinity, both scholastical & moral. I will content myself only for the present, to say, that all those demonstrations, should be superfluous, because Pope Gregory never consented to this vow, but was deceived and cozened by the jesuits false information: whereas nothing is so contrary to consent as error.   

CHAP. 12. ¶ That besides the heresy which is in the jesuits simple vow, there is also in it a manifest cooznage.  
I Cannot stay myself here, when I see these hypocrites reign in our Church, & seek to give laws to all faithful Christians: and yet sometimes it is not necessary to make a general change, but a reformation from good to better. And therefore, when it was demanded of the Oracle, which was the best Religion, he answered, The ancientest. Being asked again which was the ancientest, he answered, The best. Intending to teach us, that we are not to reject all new things, when they are warranted by good & strong reasons.  
The jesuit Montaignes, to show that there is no cause why we should fear the novelty of their simple vow, tells us, that 1600. years hence, it will be more ancient than the Canons of the Apostles are now. Wherein he flouts both God and the world. For the same may be alleged, in defence of the erroneous doctrine of Luther, which is ancienter than that of Ignace, by three or four and twenty years: and of all the other, who in our time have gone astray from the ancient way of the Church I find not fault in the simple vow, with the novelty thereof, although that be much to be feared in matter of Religion, and especially of the Catholic Apostolic Roman religion; of which a man may truly say:  Moribus antiquis res stat Romana, virisque. 
Rome's state doth stand on ancient men & manners.  
I only find fault with the heresy that is in this novelty, which cannot be amended by length of time. Veritati praescribere nemo potest, non spatium temporum, non patrocinia personarum, non privilegium regionum. No body (saith Tertullian) can possibly prescribe unto the truth, 
Tertul. de virg. velan.  neither distance of times, nor patronage of persons, nor privilege of Countries. Let us then consider the reasons, by which the jesuits would give a passport to the novelty of their simple vow. Montaignes' rendering the reason, for which it is permitted the jesuit religious to inherit and enjoy goods, for all the vow of poverty made by him, saith thus; Because it may come to pass, that, after ten or twenty years, the jesuit that shall be found incorrigible, may be dismissed by the General of our Order, and being sent home again, we are desirous so to deal by christian charity, that he may have no occasion to beg. Besides, we use not this chastisement but very seldom, and almost always with the liking of them that are dismissed. And truly this is a very charitable revenge.  
In other Orders of Religion, if any religious person behave himself disorderly, sometimes he is disciplined openly in the Chapterhouse, sometimes he is made to fast with bread & water in a dark prison, more or less, according to his deserts, that he may serve for an example to his Brethren. By so doing, without overthrowing the ancient vow of our Catholic religion, and making things scandalous; that is drawn from the Munk by rigour, which by fair means could not be obtained. But in the holy order of the jesuits, in stead of chastising their disorderly religious, they are honestly invited to ill doing, and to make themselves incorrigible when they are weary of staying there; to the end, that their General may have occasion to send them home again to their own houses, there to end their days, fat, fair, and rich.  
What new Idea of a Commonwealth or religion is this, sith they seldom use this punishment, which I call a recompensing and reward of lewdness? Is it meet to turn upside-down the ancient constitutions of our Church, and to damn an infinite sort of souls infected with this new faith, to the end that three or four lewd jesuits may live at their case?  
Let us speak plain, this is not the matter. For Montaignes himself, acknowledgeth in the end of his chapter, that their General may send them home to their houses, not only when they have offended, but upon every other occasion. But he (saith Montaignes') that departs, with the advise and good liking of his General, who thinks it meet, that for some necessity of mind or body, or of his kindred, or of the public good, or some other just reason, he should be dismissed, is absolved by this means from his vow. Whereby you may see, that it is not under the colourable pretence of chastizing them, that they are suffered to enter upon inheritances, (which yet were a ridiculous and impious chastisement) but to favour their generals power, which is greater & more absolute, then ever the Popes was over the Universal Church.  
But I pray forsooth, why do not you practise that which other religious persons do, without innovating any thing in our Catholic, Roman Church? You would be very sorry to do so. It is not Christian charity that leads you to that course, but jesuitish charity▪ Your whole profession, is nothing else, but a particular cozening of our private Families, and a general villainy of all the countries where you inhabit. I will make it plain, that both these are undoubtedly found in this simple vow. You look not after any thing but worldly goods, riches, & possessions, though you make a show to aim at no other mrak but heaven: If you know that your Novice, after his two years of probation are expired, is capable of inheriting, wherefore do you conjure him with such circumstances and devices during his Noviceship, to give away his goods before he be admitted to the simple vow? Surely, he must needs be a man of weak capacity, that will not imagine, that after this first assay, when you have made him (for your behoof) dispossess himself of his goods, before he become one of your Order, you hold him still in a lease, ten, twenty, or thirty years: that is to say, so long as there is any likeli-hood of his coming to any inheritance, that afterward, when all hope of his inheritance fails, you may make him enter into the second vow, which is your first solemn vow: which being once made, he may not afterward possess any temporal goods, nor be dismissed by his General, though he be never so incorrigible; and from that time forward, you take such courses with him, as they do in other Monasteries with their religious persons that offend.  
But before he make this vow, the goods must either fall to him that first catcheth them, or the jesuit must again dispose of them to the benefit of the poor. I leave it to you Gentlemen, to think who shall be these poor. For, if before he was taken in their nets, he could not rid himself, without gratifying them with his goods, what may one hope for of him when he is entangled, but the same liberality? As if it were to be presumed, that having been brought up a long time in the midst of them, and farther, being desirous to marry himself to the second vow, which is a solemn one, he wi●● or ch●●st, would, or could, distribute his goods otherwise, then to their profit, under whose power he makes account to end his life, without any hope of release.  
But to say the truth, this question is idle. For Moutaignes' hath answered roundly, when he saith. 
Chap. 50.  That this reserving of the goods, is not for them, who have tenounced this right, but to help them afterward, if happily they should be dismissed. Therefore, if they be not dismissed, these goods appertain to their order. Was there e●er more no●o●ions cooznage then this? Alas, I wonder not indeed, that they very seldom dismiss their disorderly jesuit: for in so doing, this fat morsel would fall out of their mouth.  
But why is the jesuit during this simple vow, kept away from his kindred, why is he sent out of one country into another, but to the end that if any new inheritance should fall unto him? no man might certainly know what his condition is, nor know how to call in question the right he pretend●? Well, in the end he is freed from his vow, that he may be out of danger of all empeachments, and hindrances. Which done, he shall prove himself to be the right heir, and yet by a watch word betwixt him and them, he shall return afterward to the jesuits, to bestow his goods in alms upon them. Add hereunto, that this is a point, that toucheth the estate; that by this means it is easy for the jesuit to make himself in time, maisler and head of many Cities, Towns, Villages, and Castles, according to the quality of them, whom he hath drawn unto him. Let us put case, that there are a dozen Gentlemen of good houses, that have made themselves jesuits, and that some civil or foreign wars, hath taken away all their brethren: who now, but the jesuits of the simple vow shall succeed in their inheritance, and so being admitted to their first solemn vow, shall enrich their order therewithal? And in time they will become monarchs.  
But let us leave this point of goods: I am content that it be permitted their General to dismiss them, and to believe that he will not enrich himself with the spoils of great houses. See I pray you of what consequence this dismissing is, to send into the midst of us a man, that hath been trained up 10. or 20. years, in the hypocrisy & doctrine of the jesuits; or to speak more truly, in their more than barbarous impieties, such as that I will declare to you in their place. Is not this by indirect means to infect our country of France, as we see by the effect? For how many are there in this Realm, that only by having been their Scholars and Disciples, foster opinions, of murders, massacres, watchwords, and rebellions against their Prince? What may you then look for of them, that having bi● brought up 10. or 20. years, in their houses, return again to us, in their own country? Further I would note unto you, that in this simple vow, there is lodged a race of men, which make express profession of ignorance, whom they call temporal Coadrutors, by whose means they may people a Town, and make it full of jesuits. I conclude, that this simple vow contains under it, Heresy, Machiavelisme, Cooznage, and above all, a gross deceiving of the Sea apostolic. All which, tend to the ruin of the Families, and commonwealths, where the jesuits inhabit.   

CHAP. 13. ¶ That the jesuits Provincials, take upon them to discharge their inferiors of the simple vow, in the same sort that their General doth.  
IN all that I have hitherto discoursed unto you, I see not that the jesuits have any thing at all to allege in excuse of their simple vow. And yet that no man may think that I am stirred against them upon any particular quarrel, I shall be very willing to excuse them, if none but the General of their Society may grant dismission, especially, when he is constrained to do it, by some great & urgent necessity. Let us grant him this omnipotency over them of his order, which our holy Father the Pope, doth not give to himself, over any other religious of our Catholic Church. But to permit a Provincial to do it, for and in his province: not upon necessity, which hath no law, but to pleasure him, that requires absolution from his vow; I believe, that how much soever we can be content to wink at their doings, there is no good Catholic, that in any sort can bear it. This was practised in the year 1594. in the jesuits College in Paris. There was in ●at College a jesuit of the simple vow, promoted by them to the holy orders of Priesthood, and who for many years had ruled at Bourgesse, Nevers, Pontá-Mousson, and then had their first form at Paris. This man, being weary of the hypocrisies, and other evil fashions, which he saw reigned in all this Society, not able to bear this water any longer in his stomach, presented himself to Father Clement du Tuits, Proviciall of Paris, and besought him that he might be dismissed, because it was not his intent to abide any longer with them. Father du Puits, persuaded him to the contrary, showing him, that although he had not made profession by the great vow, yet having made the simple vow, of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, he was bound to the keeping of that, so long as he lived there, as well as the religious of other Monasteries; and that he might not go from it, without the consent of his Superior. Hereto the jesuit replied. That he neither meant, nor would go from it, of his own authority, but that his Superior might not deny him leave, as long as he requested it. That herein, there ought to be a mutual consent of will and power, and that as the Superior might dismiss the inferior, without his liking, so the inferior might compel the Superior to discharge him, though he were not well disposed to do it: that their was as much irrigularitie in the the first proposition, as in the second, and that if there were justice in the one, there was like in the other. This question, surely was one of the hardest that belongs to their Society, and if the obedience, that they all vow to their General, be such, as I will show in this place, this doubt had need to to have been cleared by him, and his assistants. Notwithstanding, Father du Puits being long practised, and thoroughly instructed in the statutes of his order, without sending to Rome; gave him of his own private authority, his Letters Patents of such tenor as followeth.  
Clemens Puteanus Praepositus Societatis jesu in Prounicta Franciae, omnibus quorum interest & in quorum manus hae litter a venerint. S. in Domino nostro jesu Christo. Fidem facio N. quamuis in Societate nostrae aliquandiu vixerit, professionem tamen in ea non emisisse, quin potiùs ex causis rationi consonis, ipso petente, liberum ab omni, erga ipsam, obligatione esse dimissum. Testamur etiam eum ad omneis sacros ordines in eadem fuisse legitimè promotion, nec ullum scimus impedimentium quò minus eis Domino ministrare possit. In cuius rei testimonium, eidem N. has litteras maru nostra scriptas, sigillo Societatis nostra obsignatas dedimus. Parisiis vigefimo quarto Augusti, 1594. That is to say, Clement Puteanus, Provost of the company of jesus, in the province of France, to all persons to whom it may appertain, and to whom these presents shall come, greeting in our Lord jesus Christ. I give you to understand, that although the bearer hereof, have lived a certain time in our company, yet was he not professed, but upon some good considerations moving him to request it, we have frank and free dismissed, and set him at liberty, from any thing that might tie him to our Society. Furthermore we certify, that he hath with us been promoted to all holy orders, and that we know no impediment why he may not exercise his function. In witness whereof, we have made him this Passport under our own hand writing, and sealed it with the Seal of our Socieitie. Given at Paris the 24. and 25. of August. 1594.  
I name him not to you, in favour of whom these letters were granted. He is a man of excellent learning, and known for such a one in the University of Paris. A man (I say) that had spent not only some, but many years among the jesuits, and had taken holy orders, and read in divers Colleges of their Society. Yet not being one of the professed fathers, but only of the simple vow, he procured letters dimissory as you have heard, wherein, though it be said (for just cause) yet if you talk with him, he will tell you, that there was no other but only this, he would continue with them no longer, as I have learned of himself; and you see it was at his own request, that he came away, and not at the motion of the Superior. And surely, sith Clement du Puits, used the matter thus, I assure myself, he might do it by some mystery, that is kept secret amongst them, without seeking the authority of the General: and if he might, I doubt not but the like authority is granted to all the other Provincials. Good God, what a discipline is this? What respect and obedience showeth it to the holy Sea? The General may now defend himself by the Gregorian Bull, of 1594. but in what Bulls will the Provincials find, that this power is granted them? If that upon the importunity of an inferior, he may dismiss him, to the prejudice of the 3. religious & ordinary vows of all substantial orders, Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience? What a Religion is this, wherein all things are permitted him against our Religion? Are not all these jolly masters very cozeners, living in the midst of us? But you shall find other manner of stuff in the rest of their vows, if it please you to give me audience, as hitherto you have done.   

CHAP. 14. ¶ How the Fathers jesuits, voning poverty, by their great and third vow, make a mock of God.  
YOu have understood of the Father jesuit here present, that after the simple vow, they make a solemn vow, by which they add nothing to the former, but only that by making this second, they cannot any more inherit, nor be dismissed by their General. There remains now the third, which is the vow of three steps, by which, besides Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience vowed by them, they make a particular vow of Mission to our holy Father the Pope, which is to go to the Indies, and Turkey, for the winning of souls, if they be commanded by his holiness. But above all, I make great account of that precise Poverty, which is enjoined them by their constitutions. Run through all the orders of religion, there is not one of them, in which Poverty is so recommended, as among the Capuchins, which live from hand to mouth, and put over the care for to morrow, to the only goodness of God. 
Bulls of the year, 1540 and 1550.  The foundation of the professed, which are the jesuits of the great vow, is to vow poverty, as well in general, as in particular, as it is in all the orders of begging Friars. But because their poverty had need to be expounded, let us see the commentaries they bring us by their constitutions. 
Part. 3. constit. ca 1. Art. 27.  They have three sorts of houses, one for their Novices; another, for their religious bound by their solemn vows, which they call the house where there Church is, and another, which they call a College, for the religious, that are bound only by the simple vow: whereof some are scholars probationers, others coadjutors, some spiritual, some temporal.  
In domibus vel ecclesiis quae à Societate, ad auxilium animarum admittentur, redditus nulli, ne Sacristiae quidem, aut fabricae applicati, haberi possunt, sed nec ulla alia ratione, 
Part. 6. constit. ca 2. Art. 2.  ita ut penel Societatem, eorum sit ulla dispensatio, sed in solo Deo, cui per ipsius gratiam, ea inseruit, fiducia constituatur, sine reditibus ullis, ip sum nobis profecturum de rebus omnibus convenientibus, ad ipsius maicrem laudem & gloriam.  
Professi vivant ex eleemosynis, in domibus, cum aliquò non mittuntur, nec officium Rectorum, ordinarium, in Collegiis, 
Art. 3  vel universitatibus Societatis habeant, nisi ipsarum necessitas, vel magna utilitas exigeret, nec reditibus aorum in Domibus utantur.  
Parati sint ad mendicandum ostiatim, 
Art. 10.  quando vel obedientia, vel necessitas id exiget. Et sit unus; vel plures, ad elecmosinas petendas, quibus personae societatis sustententur, destinati, quas eleemosinas simpliciter, amore Domini nostri petent.  
Non solum redditus, sed nec possessiones habeant in particulari, 
Art. 5.  nec in communi, Domus vel Ecclesie.  
That is to say, In those houses and Churches, which the Society shall accept of, for the salvation of souls, there shall be no revenues proper, either to be applied to the vestry, or to the frame and buildings, or for any other purpose whatsoever. That the Society may have nothing to dispose of, but only depend upon God, whom by his grace they serve, trusting that without revenues he will provide things necessary for us, to his praise and honour.  
They that are professed (that is, men of the last great & solemn vow) shall live by alms in their houses, when they are not sent forth to any country, nor take the ordinary charge of Rectors of Colleges, or Universities, except it be upon necessity, or urgent utility require it, neither shall they use the Colleges revenues in their houses.  
They shall be ready to beg from door to door, when obedience or necessity requires it. And to this purpose let there be one, or two, or more appointed, to crave alms for the sustenance of the Society, which shall beg the alms simply: For the love of our Saviour jesus.  
The houses and Churches of the Society shall not only have no rents, or revenues, but no possessions or inheritance, in general or particular.  
Gather all these particulars together, was there ever poverty more obstinately vowed then this? And therefore it was, that first Pius 5. and after Gregory 13. ordained, that this Society should be placed among the orders of Mendicants. If they would observe that which here is enjoined them, I would excuse them with all my heart, of the heresy of their first vow. And that, because that after they had a long time enjoyed goods, during the time of their simple vow, at the last to make satisfaction to GOD for it, being come to the period of their great vow, by reason whereof, they have the name of Fathers above the other religious, yet not only they vow from thence forwards a beggary, but also so themselves to become treasurers thereof. I would honour them, as the true followers of S. Peter's repentance, after he had denied his master, & would esteem them above all the other orders of Mendicants: But when saw you then go with a wallet up and down the town? For all this they live richly and plentifully, not with the Manna of God, (for they are not children of Israel) but by a notable point of Sophistry, & see how. 
By the Bull of Pau. 3. 1540 and that of julius, 1550.  The houses, where these holy Fathers dwell, are not permitted to have any goods, but only their Colleges are.  
Now so it is, that under their generals authority, they have all the care and government of their Colleges. These are the old Cincinnati of Rome, that boasted they had no gold, but commanded them that had. In like sort these Masters, though they may have no proper revenues but their wallet, yet do they govern them that have good store.  
This foundation presupposed, you may easily judge what will follow. For it is reason, that being fathers, they should be fed and maintained by their children: and it is more honesty for than to ask alms of their Colleges where they command, then to straggle up & down the Towns to crave it. See how carefully they make sheaves of Fern for God, as Cain did. And yet herein they are the true & lawful children of their good Father Ignatius, who in all his actions, reserved for himself the principal care of his Kitchen.  
Rih: dinere teacheth us, that he, james Lainez, 
Ribad. ca 2. lib. 2.  & Peter Faure, sojourning in the Venetians territory, while the other two went about the Town to beg for their living, Ignatius tarried at home, to make ready dinner of that little they had gotten: And that afterward, when he was created General of his Order, he began first of all with this charge, Atque ut quò altius ascenderat, eò se gereret submissius, 
Ribad. c. 11. lib. 3.  exemploque suo omneis ad pietatis studium provocaret, culinam statim est ingressus, in eaque per mulios dies, & coquum agens, & alia vilia ministeria obire ●●pit. And to show (saith Ribadiner) that the higher Ignace was advanced, the more he would debase himself, to provoke all to piety by his example, he betook him presently to the Kitchen; where he played the Cook, & spent many days in mean and homely offices.  
Well, among these matters, you see the Kitchen goes first. This was to teach his Disciples, that in the house of godliness, which he was desirous to build, above all things they must begin with the Kitchen: a lesson which they have learned, and observed very well. Nothing is more familiar to them by their Bulls and Constitutions, than beggary, & yet never had any men better skill to scrape up coin, that they might live at their ease. In this occupation, they played more tricks of legier du main, than Master Peter Patelin, or Frances de Villon, or Panurge de Rabelais: for all that these three worshipful Doctors did, was but in matters of trifles. But to do as our reverend Fathers the jesuits do, is to fish for Whales, not for Gudgeons; for which purpose they have, first the instructing of youth, which is their first hook, viz. the allurements they use to them, their auricular confessions; which they know how to employ to the benefit of their house: the visiting of the sick, the waiting upon them to the very last gasp, that they may never be out of sight; the extraordinary absolutions, which they say they can give them, wherewith they feed their humour, that they may draw some rich legacy from them; the devices of their simple vow, and a thousand other hypocritical shifts, which they call charity; but with this condition, that their charity begin at themselves: because the Predicament, Ad aliquid, is not an accident to them, but wholly the substance of their Sect.  
So that one may justly call them, not the Order of jesuits, but the ordure of jesuits: only by taking one letter from the one word, and putting it to the other. For although they make show, not to meddle with retailing, yet they sell by whole sale the administration of the holy Sacrament, dearer than Giesie, Elizeus man, would have sold the spiritual gifts to Naaman. And I never read so brave a passage as this notable sentence of Montaignes the jesuit.  
If God (saith he) love to be importuned by them that pray unto him, rich men, which have a desire to good, 
Chap. 58. de la verity defendu●.  and to imitate so good an example, must have patience, when the poor do to them, as he that gives riches, desires that one should do to him. The blessing of God light on thee, thou jesuitish soul. For my part, I find this short instruction so worthy of a jesuit, a Master proceeded in the Art of begging, that falling from his mouth into the ear of a poor patient, it may bring forth marvelous effects, to the behoof of this holy Order. At once, so it is, that within these threescore years, they have raked together more treasure, by this their sophistical beggary, than all the Monasteries of France have done in two or three hundred years.   

CHAP. 15. ¶ That the jesuits vow of Chastity, contains a new heresy: and withal, a brief discourse of the title of Father, which the jesuits of the grand vow give themselves.  
PErusing over all the vows of our jesuits, I found something to be reproved, as you have perceived by my former discourse, and shall by that which follows in due place. But in the vow of Chastity, me thought there was nothing new: at the least, I found no new thing, either in their Bulls, or in their constitutions. Yet, reading Montaignes in his 50. chapter of his book called, Truth defended, I perceive they have a mystery, that is not yet come to the knowledge of the holy Sea, or of the Church, no more than their simple vow, which they used by the space of forty years without any licence. For, see I pray you, what Montaignes saith when he would excuse the simple vow. It is a new Law, as well as the vow of Chastity, which they of this Society make, which hinders marriage not yet contracted, and dissolves it being contracted.  
Sith Montaignes affirms it, I hold it for very true. For although it be not so thought, yet so it is, that the author of this book, the Provincial of Paris, was a botbomlesse Fountain of the jesuits doctrine. At the first, I thought that his meaning had been, that after the vow of Chastity made by them, none might marry, under pain of having his marriage disanuld, and the children that shall come thereof, declared to be incestuous: But afterward, when I had bethought myself, that this law was not new, but very ancient, and that this jesuit called their vow of Chastity a new one, by which, marriages already made were dissolved and disanuld, I assured myself, that by this new vow, a married man becoming a jesuit, breaks the holy bond of marriage, which cannot be dissolved but by natural death.  
Was there ever any heresy more prejudicial to Christendom than this? It is God's law, that they which are married by him, that is to say by his Church, may not be severed & put a sunder by man, except in the case of adultery. Which ordinance hath been so strictly observed in all times of old, that when the woman for her fault, is shut up in a Monastery, though there be no fault at all on her husband's part, yet is it not permitted him to marry again, in our Catho. Apostolic Roman Church, but he must bear his part of penance, for the sin committed by his wife. So hath our Church thought these two bodies indivisible. I wots well, that some think, that the wife being convinced of adultery in court of justice, the husband may marry another wife: But in whether of the two is there greater error, them that so think, or the jesuit? They cleaving only to the letter, imagine, that God hath given liberty to marry again, because that in all other cases, save adultery, he hath forbidden the severing of man & wife: & yet the Church never thought, that the breach of marriage was intended in these words; for marriage is a Sacrament that cannot be dissolved but by death: only there may be a separation of bodies. Wherein the Ancients were so resolute, that they thought, some, as Tertullian, upon commandment, some, as Jerome, upon counsel, that neither of the married parties, might make any second marriage, as if their marriage had not been dissolved by the death of the former wife or husband.  
I speak this, not to approve their opinions, for tertullian's was condemned by the Church, and jeroms controlled by many great personages: but to show you, that at the least, as long as we live, the sacrament of marriage may not be dissolved, no not for adultery. What new monster than is that, which our jesuits bring into the Church, that he which becomes one of their order, may break off his marriage, without sinning thereby against his wife? So that upon a bare discontentment of the husband, the poor desolate wife shall remain unmarried, according to the laws of jesuitisme, & yet may not marry another husband, because the Laws of Christianity forbids it. I have heard it said of other Orders & Monasteries, that it hath fallen out sometimes, that some intemperate and ill advised men, have become Munks, rather by despair then devotion, because they could not obtain that folly which they sought for of their Mistresses; but to the breach of marriage, save for adultery, upon the only discontentment of the husband, possessed with a sottish devotion, there never was any that opened a gap, but the jesuits, men without Christ since first our Christian Religion began. If they so much abhor marriage, whence comes it, that having attained to their last vow, they call themselves Fathers? A title indeed not so arrogant as that of jesuit, but yet full of ambition & pride. At the least I am sure, that S. Jerome would not have thought well of it, who upon the fourth to the Galathians, saith, that the word Abba, signifieth Father in Hebrew, and that our Saviour hath declared, that the name of Father, appertains not to any but to GOD his Father, therefore it was not to be liked, that in some Monasteries, there were that were called abbots, or Fathers. I think his meaning was, to speak to the heads of the Munks, which were called abbots: what would he say now, if he should see the jesuits of the great vow take this title of Fathers? For in other Orders, we call their Superior, Abbot, as him whom the Religious persons must acknowledge for their Father; and as for them, they are called Brothers, as if they were all his children.  
This name, Father, appertains not but to the principal dignities of the Church, as Pope, Patriarch, and Abbot: and whereas every jesuit of the great vow, takes it as his portion, they show thereby, that under the feigned simplicity of their friars weed, they cover marvelous arrogancy. I know they will tell me, that the Capuchins, who seem to be an order not to be reproved, do the like: and I will answer them, that this fault of the Capuchins, may not serve them for a warrant. Diogenes the Cynic, making a show of despising the world, was as proud as Plato, when he vaunted in his beggary, that he trod Plato's pride under his feet: and I will not say, that there is no ambition under a Capuchins grey patched gown. But yet there may be some excuse for him: For he among them, that first thought to bring some reformation into S. France's order, meant to make them Munks like the good old Hermits, whom of old they called Fathers. As in deed, when we read their lives, we call them the lives of the Fathers; and when I see the jesuits beggary brought to that pass the Capuchins is, I shall easily be persuaded to excuse this title of Fathers in them. But a man may see in them, a very manifest ambition; because, that being not content to call themselves so, they make the word (Reverend) to be added thereto, which belongs not to any but to Cardinals and Bishops. Look upon Beauties' works, printed before he was a Cardinal, for example, his book of Pardons, their title is, R. P. Roberti Bellarmini, etc. which is by abridgement, that which we call Reverend father. Look on the life of Francis Borgia, (the third General of their Order,) translated out of Spanish into Latin, by Andrew Scot, a jesuit. The privilege to Troguse, the Printer at Antwerp imports, that he had leave to print; Vitam Francisci Borgiae, tertij Societ. jesu Generalis, à Reverendo Patre. Andrea Shòtto Latinè scriptam. The life of Francis Borgia, the third General of the Society, written in Latin by the Reverend Father, Andrew Scot  
And truly I am sorry, for the love I bear them, that they have so ambitiously desired this name of father, because it hath been a cause, that certain curious fellows, have employed their time in writing Anagrams upon these two words, SECTA JESVITARUM, wherein they have found matter of shame and reproach. As it fell out the other day, when I was in company where there was speech of that title which they have taken, a good fellow said, that there was no reason we should envy them that title of fathers, sith they took so good order to be so. To which another replied, that it was not so, because the conceit that ariseth from these words, SECTA JESVITARUM, refutes that slander, whereunto he for his part gave great credit. For if the prognostication of our fortunes and manners (said he) depend upon names, according to the rule that Ier●●● Cardan hath given in his books Do Sabtilitate, there is as much and more reason, to judge the like of Anagrams, which a man may find in the names without losing any one letter; as we faith in that of king Francis, the first of that name, FRANCOIS DE VALOIS, DE FACON SVIS ROYAL. And in that of Estienne jodelle, a great Poet, Io le Delien est né. And if that which is to be found in these two words, SECTA JESVIT ARUM be true, it is an absolute impossibility for them to be Fathers.  
TUTE MARES VICIAS, non scortum, non tibi coniunx,  
Dic Iesita mihi quî Pater esse potes?  
With women you lie not, but with males rather,  
Speak jesuit, how canst thou be a Father?  
To which I answered him, that it was mere folly to give any credit to names, or Anagrams, as julius Scaliger hath very elegantly proved against Cardan. Besides, I am out of doubt, that you Anagram is a liar, as I will prove by another, that is contrary to it.  
TV MATRES VICIAS, thorosque sacros,  
Antistes pie, virginesque sanctas:  
Hoc qui martyrio fidem propagat,  
Hoc qui consilio propagat orbem,  
Is verè est pater, & pater beatus:  
O tuam veneror beatitatem,  
Amplectorque piam paternitatem,  
josuita Patrum Pater supreme.  
Thou stainest Mothers, and the marriage bed,  
Prelate, by thee are holy Virgins sped.  
Who by this martyrdom graceth the sleeple,  
Who by this skill begets faith in the people:  
He is a father, and a father blest,  
Thy happiness I honour with the rest:  
jesuit, I bow to thy paternitee,  
Father of Fathers in the highest degree.  
The diversity of these two Anagrams, which is a plain contrariety, of doing & undoing, teacheth us, that there is no credit to be given to them. And I hold it for certain, and an Article of faith, if you will give me leave to say so, that the jesuits keep their vow of chastity, as strictly, holily, and religiously, as they do that of beggary, wherefore let us not trouble our talk with this ordure.  
You are very desirous (quoth the other) to favour them without ground, and you consider not that your Anagram lacks one letter, E. whereas mine fits all. That which I have said to you of them, is an inseparable accident, which the Logicians call, Poprium quarto modò. Remember the Templars, who were allowed heretofore, under the cloak of Religion, to wander over the world, to enlarge our faith by their swords, and what was one of the principal points, for which they were condemned. See if the jesuits now adays do not follow their steps: the actions of a man, that rogues about the world, as the jesuits do, are to me marvelous suspicious. I believe no part of that you say, (quoth I) it is all but lies and slanders.   

CHAP. 16. ¶ Of the vow of Mission, and that by it the jesuits mock us all, and especially our holy Father the Pope.  
IN all other orders, they that are admitted make three vows. In this of Ignace to enthrall the good liking of Pope Paul the third, that of Mission is added: not for his fellows, but for them, which are of the last, and great vow. The words of their Bulls are, that they promise without shifting, to go whether soever the Pope shall command them. Ad profectum animarum & fidei propagationem, sive miserit nos ad Turcas, sive ad quoscumque alios infideles, etiam in partibus quas Indias vocant, existentes, etc. He that caused the defence of the College of Clairmont against the University of of Paris to be printed 1594. saith thus, speaking of the greatness and excellency of his new vow. The defendants have a particular vow of obedience to the Pope, but circa Missiones tantùm, which is grounded upon this, that they being called by God to aid the Church, and to defend it against the enemies thereof, such as the Infidels and heretics are, must of necessity be sent abroad. And a little after: And they cannot be more rightly sent then by him, that is set in Saint Peter's chair, and governs the whole Church: who as the Pilot in the stern, sticking to the helm, appoints some to the foreship, some to the anchor, some to the sails and tackles, and other, to other offices in the ship. Let us dwell a little upon this goodly sentence, ere we pass any further.  
The first promise of this vow, is for the conversion of the Turks, which follow Mahometisme, then, of all other infidels, yea even of them that inhabit certain countries unknown to us, which they call the Indies. I pray you tell me, if ever you understood that they went either to the country of the great Turk the Emperor of Constantinople, or of Sophy, the Emperor of Persia, to acquit themselves of this promise. They were never commanded to go thither by our holy Father, will some man say to me; I grant, because those places were too hot for them. Whither then have they gone? Into those countries that are far from us, quas Indias vocant, which Ignace cunningly added, as a thing harder to perform, than the conversion of Turkey: and yet he knew, being a Spaniard, that nothing was so easy, as to undertake this charge, as you have understood by me, when I recounted to you the Embassages of the jesuits into Portugal, 
Maff. lib. 2. chap. 10. Rib. lib. 2. chap. 16.  & the Indies, which were under the subjection of john the third, King of Portugal. Do you think, Gentlemen, that if it had pleased the Pope to send thither any of the four orders of the Mendicants, they would have drawn back from this service, permitting them to go in a secular habit, as the jesuit doth? In steed of one Xavier, that was sent thither by Ignace, there would have been found, 500 men full of devotion and learning to perform this holy voyage. And why so? Because it was a devotion without danger, for going thither under the banner of a Christian king, who had power of life and death over them, whom by fair means he would bring to our Christian Religion, it was a voyage without fear. But as for all Turkey, which is under Princes, enemies to Christianity, I see not that either the Pope would give them commandment, or these worldly-wise jesuits be any thing hasty to go thither: and yet read the first bull, and it appears that Ignace set down the voyage of Turkey, as the more easy to be undertaken. I would to God it had come into the head of one of the Popes that succeeded Paul the third, to command our jesuits, to go to Constantinople, to convert the Mahometans, to try in good earnest wha● obedience they would yield to this vow of Mission we should have seen what miracles they would have wrought there. Hear notwithstanding, not a new Currier, but a discourser of his most humble supplication & request presented to the king. We live not under christian princes only, but under heathen Potentates, & those that are ignorant of the law & fear of God. We have colleges even in jappon, situated to the East of our Hemisphere; we have to the West, in Brasil, which is the beginning of America: in Lima, & Cucham, which is the end of Peru, and the utmost part of the West: in Mexico, which is in the middle of the two countries. To the Northward, we have in Goa, a City & country that lies by ⅔ as far from jappon, as jappon from Lisbon, some 6000. leagues. We have Colleges in many places of the east & west Indies. That I may say nothing of those we have in Europe, which are a great many more than our enemies would, & fewer by a great many than the godly & zealous of our faith desire. Besides, the labourers of this Society, without having Colleges prepared for them, for the conservation of Christians, & conversion of the heathen, frequent the countries of Mount Libanus, of Egypt, of Africa, & of China. When I read this passage with a friend of mine, I told him that this jesuit without name, played in the dark; and the very liar. As of old, Apollonius Tianneus the cozener did, alleging to the Greeks for witness of his miracles, the Gymnosophists, that were in India. Whereupon Aeneas Goseus, in his, Theophrast, saith, that it was not without reason, that this impudent cozener, took for warrant of his cooznages, them that were a far of, and dwelled as it were in an other world. I said, that our jesuits Theatins, did the like at this, day; who to feed us with toys, send us to the same Indies, and other countries, whereof we scarce know the names. But at this word my friend smiling, said, that there was some Picrochole in their doing. What Picrochole (quoth I?) I think it is the name of a devil, as Macrobe is. I perceive, quoth he again, that ye have not studied our Rabelais, who discoursing of a great war, that king Picrochole made upon Grandgosier, after that his foolish noll had reckoned upon the whole country of France, which he took to be already conquered: his gallants that followed him, added thereto; And moreover, you shall assault, the kingdoms of Tunis, of Hippo, Argier, of Bone, of Corode, & valiantly all Barbary. Passing further, you shall take into your hands, Maiorca, Minorca, Sardinia, Corfu, and the other Islands of the Ligustick and Balearick Sea: and in coasting on the left hand, you shall bear rule over all Gallia Narbonensis. Provence, the Allobroges, Sionna, Florence, Luca: you shall take Italy, even Naples, Calabria, Apulia, and Sicill and sack them all, & Malta to. Afterward, we will take Candy, Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cycladeses, & we will set upon Moria. It seems that this wise fool Rabelais, meant then in the person of Picrochole, to paint out the imaginary victories of our jesuits with their wallets, though they were not then hatched. You are a merry man (quoth I) but let us leave these tricks for the jesuit De la Fon: For I see nothing in this matter, but to laugh at. If the jesuit had taken Munster's Cosmography, he might have added many other savage countries, and it had been hard for us to have proved him a liar. I remember that the wise Tulenus, seeing upon a time the lawyer Balduin walking with Andrew Thevet the travailer, said, that they took no care to disprove one with another; because the one, had been always in his chamber, wedded to his book, and the other, had employed his whole time in travail, without looking upon a book: That the one might quote many false authorities without being reproved, & the other, name many countries where he had never been, without being controlled. The very same you shall find in this case of the jesuits we have in hand. It is above 40. year since they bragged, that they had made these great conquests in the most part of those countries. Their Statutes ordain, that when their General is dead, all the fathers of our provinces, that are in any estate or dignity, must come to Rome, to proceed to the election of a new successor. After the decease of Ignace, in the year 1556. many came thither, where james Lainez was chosen, he dead, in the year 1565. France's Borgia was chosen; in neither of these elections, though there was a great care had that the titles of all the father's Provincials might be sent thither, yet I find not any one of those far countries: and yet the names and titles of all the fathers that were brought thither, were very carefully set down. They are bound to send letters to their General every year from every College, to certify him how their matters stand. I have run over all that were sent to their General Aquaviua, in the year 1583. yet find no mention among them of any of these Colleges. It should seem their winning of souls hath been marvelous great since that time.  
Let us leave things as they be, & let us not speak upon idle imaginations but agreeable to common sense: If they be scattered in so many barbarous countries, & have there converied so many souls to our Christian faith, they must needs have had the gift of tongues to convert them. It is in the power of our holy Father, to send them into these unknown countries, but not to bestow upon them the gift of tongues. That was a grace of the holy Ghost particularly reserved for the Apostles, for the spreading of our Christian faith. Consider I pray you whether there be not likelihood of reason in that I say. Besides, where are the savage Kings, Princes, & Lords, which after their conversion, have come to kiss the feet of the holy father to receive his blessing? I understand that once in 60. years they have had a Mask in Rome, of 3. beggars disguised like kings, & this is all. I place therefore their vow of Mission in the chapter of money counted, but not received: It is a very cozenage, by which these honest fellows dally with us. And yet this cooznage is nothing in comparison of that, whereby they abuse our holy father. It must be granted by every man, that he only and none but he, hath authority to send into heathen countries, for their conversion, so that no man in this case may be joined in commission with him. But for all this, there is nothing, wherein the jesuits despise his authority more, then in this: the least part of this Mission depends upon the holy Sea, and the residue is in their General. 
Bull of Paul the 3. the year 1549.  Posset tamen ipsemet Praepositus pro tempore existens, suos quocumque locorum, etiam inter Infideles, cùm expedire in Domino judicabit, mittere ac revocare: & per nos ac successores nostros, ad locum aliquem missos sine temporis certi limitatione, cùm id expedire ad Dei gloriam, & animarum auxilium visum fuerit (super quo conscientiam dicti Praepositi oneramus) ad alia loca transmittere liberè & licite valeat. Yet let their General (saith the Bull) for the time being, whensoever he shall think it expedient, send them of his order into any heathen country whatsoever, and when he list, call them home again: and if we, or our successors shall send any of them to any place without limitation of time, let him, whensoever he shall see it expedient for God's glory & the good of souls (wherein we charge the said General upon his conscience) remove them from thence whither he shall think meet. From hence you may gather, that the General not only may send them, as well as the Pope, but, which is more, may alter, clip, & curtal the Pope's letters Patents, as please him. Besides, there are none but the fathers of the last vow, bound to the Pope in this Mission, & they make account that the holy Sea is infinitely beholding to them for it. There General can do more. For he is permitted by their constitutions, to send, as well some of them of the great vow, as of the other, whither soever he will, without partiality, or exception of any person.  
Idem Generalis in Missionibus omnem hababit potestatem, in tamen nulla ratione repugnando, 
9 Par. const. ca 3. art. 9  quae à sede Apostolica (ut in septima part dicitur) proficiscuntur. Mittere ergo poterit omnes sibi subditos, sive professionem emiserint, sive non emiserint, quos mittendos iudicaverit, ad quaslibet mundi parts, ad quoduis tempus, vel definitum, vel indefinitum, prout ei videbitur ad quamuis actionem, ex his quibus ad proximorum auxilium, Societas solet, exercendant. Poterit etiam missos revocare, & in omnibus denique, ut ad maiorem Dei gloriam fore senserit, procedere. The said General (saith the Latin) shall have all authority in Missions, yet without derogating any way from those, which are granted by the Sea Apostolic, as it is said in the seventh part. It is lawful for him therefore, to send any of his inferiors, whether they have made profession of the vow or not, (whom he shall think meet) to any part of the world, for what time he please, prefixed or not prefixed, for any purpose, in which the Society is wont to be employed, for the good of their neighbours. It is lawful for him also, to call home them that are sent, and to do in all things, as the shall think it most convenient for God's glory.  
I do not think it strange, that their General may countermand them that are sent by the Pope, because he had leave to do it, by the Bull of 1549. But concerning that point, which depends only upon their constitutions, that the General may send whither he will, not only the father's professed, but all other inferiors of his order, I cannot choose, but he greatly offended at the matter. For to grant such liberty, is to give too much to their General, and too little to our holy Father the Pope. Therefore, as oft as they trumpet out to us this vow of Mission, by which their fathers of the great vow are bound to the holy Sea, they mock both him, & us. For this vow is superfluous, their constitutions being such for their General, as I have showed you. Of which constitutions also, they have no Pope for warrant, and they are extraordinarily punishable for having usurped this privilege upon the holy Sea, of their own private authority.   

CHAP. 17. ¶ Of the blindfold obedience which the jesuits own the Pope, which at this day they impudently deny by their new books.  
PAsquiier, pleading for the University of Paris against the jesuits, objected to them, that they yielded a certain particular submission to the Pope, that was utterly contrary to the liberties of our Ch. of France. A submission, that first brought in a schissme into the Church, betwixt the popish jesuit, & the true catholic Frenchman. Besides, of such consequence, that if any quarrel should happen betwixt the Popes & our Kings, the jesuits would be as sworn enemies to the Crown of France, as any that we foster in France.  
When this objection was made against them, Verseris their Advocate, answered never a word to it, as you may see by his Plea. But as the time hath refined their wits, so they have bethought themselves of a buckler for this blow, by a new kind of Sophistry, saying, that they make no other particular vow to the Pope, then that of Mission, and that in all other points, they are conformable to us. So they would have defended themselves, in the year 1594. when their cause was pleaded the second time in the Parliament at Paris, as you may understand by that which I alleged out of their defences. And Montaignes in his book of the Truth defended, faith, that their vow is contained in these words of their profession, 
Mont. c. 24.  after the three vows of Religion, Insuper promitto specialem obedientiam summo Pontifici circa Missiones. Which signifieth nothing else, but that they which are professed, promise to obey their holy father the Pope specially, without delay or excuse, to go into any part of the world, to the Indies, or to the Turks, among the Infidels and heretics to convert them, or to the Christians to aid them.  
But above all, he best pleaseth me, which made The most humble supplication and request to the King, for the Society of jesus: who after he had daubed over his cause with many hypocritical reasons, when he comes to this point of obedience to the Pope, his book being shut up, as if by oversight he had forgot to answer it, adds by way of an appendix beside the Book, about some twenty lines to this effect. Addition to page. 56. The same Author, hath taught our enemies to take up matter of reproach, about a vow that the professed of our Society make to the holy Sea, upon which they have glozed, that we promise to obey it wholly in all things, whatsoever it shall command: and that if the Pope be a Spaniard, we will be so to if he please: which gloss, is not only contrary to the truth, but also beside the purpose and matter. This vow, (my Liege) contains nothing but a promise, readily to employ ourselves when it shall please the holy Sea, among the Infidels, Pagans, and Heretics, to convert them to the faith. The words of the vow are. Further, I promise special obedience to our holy Father, in the matter of Mission.  
This vow contains no other particular obligation, & cannot be but commendable, in a time wherein there is so great need of good labourers, to succour the church in danger. And it weakens not, nor hinders in any point the submission, obedience, & allegiance, which all subjects own to their Princes; the French to the King of France, the Polanders to the King of Poland, and so of others. What cause have they then to cry out, that we make a vow to obey wholly in all things, whatsoever shall be commanded? and that this vow will make us Spaniards, if the Pope please? What agreement is there of such an antecedent, with such a consequent? Let the word Spain go. I will make no advantage of it, either for or against the jesuit. Every Prince plays his part upon this great stage of the world, as well as he can for the advancement of his estate: A thing which is not unseemly for him, according to the rules of state matters, which give Princes leave to love treasons, and hate Traitors. Some such a one, may have aided himself by the service of the jesuits in our late troubles, who shall one day find, that they are very dangerous officers in his Country, & that by experience of that which hath passed in France.  
Let us speak only of that which concerns our present question, but without Sophistry, at least if I may entreat so much of our jesuit. I will assail them with none but their own writings. In the third part of their Constitutions, chap. 1. where their vow of obedience, as well to the Pope, as to their Superiors, is at large described, you have these words following; whereby every man may see, with what impudency the jesuits lie, and that even in their humble request which they presented to the King.  
Et quoniam quae ad votum castitatis pertinent, interpretatione non indigent, cúm constet quàm sit perfectè obseruanda: nempe enitendo Angelicam puritatem imitari, & mentis & corporis munditia. His suppositis, de sancta obedientia dicetur, quam quidem omnes plurimum observare, & in ea excellere studeant, NEC SOLUM IN REBUS OBLIGATORIIS, SED ETIAM in alijs, licet nihil aliud quàm signum voluntatis Superioris, siné ullo praecepto vider●tur, Versari autem debet ob oculos, Deus ●●ator, & Dominus noster, propter quem homini obedientia prastatur, & ut in spiritu amoris, & non cum perturbatione timoris, procedatur, curandum est. Ita ut omnes constanti aanimo incumbanus, ut nihil perfectionis cum divina grati● consequi possimus, in absoluta omnium constitutionum observatione, nostrique instituti peculiari ratione adimplenda, pr●termittamus, & exactissime omnes neruos virium n●strar●●● ad hanc virtutem obedientiae, imprimis SUMMO PONTIFICI, DEINDE SVPERIORIEVS SOCIETATIS exhibendam, intendamus. Ita ut omnibus in rebus ad quas potest se cum charitate obedientia extendere, ad eius vocom, perinde ac si à Christ● Domino egrederetur (quando quidem ipsius loco est, ac pro ipsius amore ac reverentia, obedientiam praestamus) quàm promtissimi simus, re quavis, at que adeo litera à nobis inchoata, nedum perfecta, study obediendi, relicta, ad cum scopum vires omnes ac intentionem, in Domino convertendo: ut sancta obedientia, tum in executione, tum in voluntate, tum in intellectu, sit nobis semper ex omni part perfecta, cum magna celeritate, spirituali gaudeo & perseverantia, quicquid nobis iniunctum fuerit, obeundo, omnia justa esse nobis persuadendo, omnem sententiam ac judicium nostrum contrarium C●AECA QVADAM OBEDIENTIA, abnegando: Et idquidem in omnibus quae à Superiore dispo●●utur, ubi definiri non possit aliquod peccati genus intercedere. Et sibi quisque persuadeat quod qui sub obedientia vi●●nt, se ferri ac regi a divina providentia per Superiores suos, sinere debent, perinde ac si cadaver essent, quod quoquo versus se ferri, & quacunque ratione tractari se sinit: Vel similiter atque senis baculus, qui ubicumque & quacumque in re velit, eo uti, qui eum manu tenet, ei inseruit. Sic enim obedi●us rem quamcunque cui eum Superior, ad auxilium totius Religionis velit impendere, cum animi hilaritate debet exequi. Pro certo habens quod ea ratione potius, quàm re alia quavis, quam praestare possit, propriam voluntatem, ac judicium diversum sectindo, divinae voluntatiō respondeb●t. Upon which passage, the gloss hath these words, Obedientia quod ad executionem attives, ●unc praestatur, cum res jussa completur▪ quod ad voluntatem, cùm ille qui obedie idipsum vuit, quod ille qui iub●t: Quod ad intellectum, cum idipsum sentit quod ille, & quod iubetur, benè iuberi existimat: Et est imperfecta ca obedientia, in quae praeter executionem, non est haec eiusdem voluntatis & sententiae, inter cum qui jubet, & cui iubetur, consensio. I will recite it unto you in French, as near as possibly I can. And because those things which belong to the vow of Chastity, need no interpretation, for that it is certain that it must be perfectly kept; namely, by labouring to imitate the purity of Angels, in cleanness both of mind & body. These things granted, we will speak of Obedience, which all must labour strictly to observe, and to excel therein And that not only in those things which they are bound, but in other also, though they saw no commandment for it, but only a sign of your Superiors will. God the Creator, and our Lord jesus Christ, for whose sake Obedience is performed to man, must always be before their eyes, and they must provide, that they still proceed in the spirit of love, and not with perturbation of fear. So that all of us with resolute minds, frame ourselves in such sort, that we omit not any of that perfection, which by God's grace we may attain to, by the absolute fulfilling of all the constitutions; and particularly, by fulfilling our purposed intent, and that we bend our whole strength to the performance of the virtue of obedience, First to the supreme Bishop, and then to the Superiors of the Society. So that we be ready at this call in all things, to which obedience with charity maybe extended as if it were our Saviour Christ's own voice, sith he is in his place, and we yield obedience for love & reverence of him: And such must our care and obedience, as that if we have begun to make a letter, we should leave in the midst of it, being called, and apply in the Lord, all our strength and intention to obey. That our holy obedience may be perfect in every part, in the execution, in the will, and in the understanding; that with great haste, spiritual joy and perseverance, we accomplish whatsoever shall be enjoind us: persuading ourselves that all things are just, denying by a certain blindfold obedience, all opinion and judgement of our own to the contrary; and this must be observed in all things which are decreed by our Superior, where it is not certainly known that there is some kind of sin.  
And let every one persuade himself, that all they which live under obedience, aught to suffer themselves to be carried and governed, according to the providence of GOD by their Superiors, even as if they were dead carcases, which suffer themselves to be turned & tumbled, how soever, and which way soever a man will: or as an old man's staff, which serves him that holds it in his hand, to whatsoever he will use it, where and how he list. For so must he, that is obedient, with cheerfulness of mind execute, whatsoever his Superior will employ him in, to the benefit of all Religion. Assuring himself, that he shall fulfil the will of God better by that means, then by any other thing that he can do, following his own will and judgement differing from it. Upon this passage, the gloss hath these words.  
Obedience, concerning the execution of it, is then performed, when that which is commanded, is done: concerning the will, when he that obeys, wills the same thing that he doth which commands: concerning the understanding, when he is of the same judgement with him, and thinks that which is commanded, to be rightly commanded. And that obedience is unperfect, wherein besides the execution, there is not this consent of the same will and judgement betwixt him that commaund●, and him that is commanded. Do you not see, that the jesuits are impudent liars, when they say, that their particular vow to the Pope, is tied to nothing but Mission, and when they call them slanderers that speak otherwise of it? For this which I have here showed you, makes it manifest, that they are bound to obedience, not only in matters of their order which binds them, but also in all other things; and that with as strait and absolute commandment, as any possibly can be. But before whom are they liars? Before the majesty of their King: because the humble supplication & declaration before mentioned, was addressed to him only.  
The jesuit thinks he sins not at all by lying impudently before his King's face, yea, and confirming his lie with periutie, by laying his hand on the holy Gospels. And why so? Because, having received a commandment from his General to lie, his vow of obedience is so precise, that he thinks he is freed from all sin, and that he had faulted much more, if by telling the truth, he had not obeyed him. I cannot stay myself from being angry. For if this vow of blindfold obedience be evil, how is it that these wicked men observe it? If it be good, how chance they disclaim it, especially, in so high a point, and of such importance this is? As for myself, who mean to live and die in that faith, which at the day of my Baptism, my Godfathers and sureties promised to God for me, I will never doubt to acknowledge myself, in the midst of all our adversaries, a Catholic, Apostolic Roman, as my predecessors have been.  
They must needs understand one thing in this their disclaim, which I am constrained to tell them. Do not think, that the jesuits are such men as we are. They have two souls in their bodies, the one, a Roman soul in Rome, the other, a French in France. That they may be welcome to Rome, they speak there of nothing so much, as this absolute obedience, in all things that may be commanded them by the Pope. In France they flatly deny it, for fear of being banished from thence. For, that you may know how the case stands, our church of France, lives under the obedience of the Church of Rome, but with certain liberties, by means whereof, it is preserved against the practices of the court of Rome, as well in temporal things as spiritual. The Popes are men, made of such parts as all other men are, so that in their holinesses, there is sometimes a little of human corruption. If a Pope, won thereto by devices, and false informations of them that are about him, should make war upon our Kings, assure yourselves, the jesuits would be as great enemies to them.  
The Pope smites with his principal sword; which is his censures; a declaration of heresy follows quickly after them, & then a publishing of the Croysade. Mingle with this, the factions and preachings of the jesuits, and this vow of blindfold obedience, unknown to all antiquity, and assure yourself, this were to bring our Realm into a marvelous disorder. Call to mind in what sort Pope Sixtus the fourth failed to surprise the estate of Florence, from the house of Medici's, where julian was slain in the church as he was hearing Mass. Imagine how it had been possible for those Lords to have saved themselves from that unlooked for conspiracy, if there had been a band of jesuits in their town. Call to mind that which passed of late memory in this Country of France, under Pope Sixtus the fift, and how we were at the first afflicted, by his winking at and furthering our troubles. Both these had been begging Friars, and afterward became Popes.  
The one set himself against the petty Commonwealth of Florence, but at such time; when as yet there were no jesuits in the world. The other, led by the jesuits hand, was brought against the flourishing Realm of France. You shall find, that it is not without great reason, that they disclaim their Particular vow of blindfold obedience to the Popedom: because they know in their consciences, that no state can ever be secure from the Pope's anger, so long as they continue there.   

CHAP. 18. ¶ What shifts the jesuits use, to cover the impieties of their blindfold obedience.  
AS the Advocate ended this discourse the jesuit thinking that he had a new advantage against him, spoke thus to him. You trim us here after a strange fashion, and are so blind, that you see not in the mean while, that the passage, which you have alleged against us, brings with it the solution of all that which you upbraid us with. For what precise obedience so ever be enjoind us, 
Chap. 25. & 29. of Truth defended.  yet is it with this condition, Vbi definiri non possit aliquod peccati genus, there, and in such case, as that a man can perceive no kind of sin therein. And this is that which Montaignes, one of our Order, alleged erewhile by you, hath very wisely answered.  
You teach me no new thing (quoth the Advocate) and I would not have failed to touch this string, though you had not interrupted me. But it is well, that you have, had some pity of men, that by this little pause, I might take my breath awhile. For indeed, to tell you the truth, I begin to wax weary, yet ere I make an end, I will acknowledge, that this clause alleged by you, is interlated. For you gallants, never want shifts to cover your shame. Make these four or five words, agree with the rest of the article, and I will yield you the cause. Your vow constrains and binds you to believe, that when our holy Father the Pope, or your Superiors enjoin you any thing, though it be not such as by your Order is obligatory, you are to think that GOD is in their mouths, and that as soon as you are commanded, in the twinkling of an eye, without gainsaying, all work set apart, yea, if it be a Letter begun, you must of necessity obey. That in your obedience, you must bring the hand, the heart, & the judgement all together. That you are in this matter, as a dead carcase, or a staff, which receive no motion, but as they are thrust by him that guides them; and to conclude, that the obedience, you must perform is blindfold. This in short, in your vow, which you make a show to limit by these words (so that a man find no appearance of sin in it;) can it possibly be, that I should judge that he commands me any sin, in whom you will have the presence of God acknowledged in commanding? Besides, do you give me leisure to think on it, though I might perhaps do it, when as in the twinkling of an eye I must obey? More, you ordain, that my will and judgement assist the execution of this commandment. Whereby you take from me all examination, meaning that I should be like a staff in the hand of an old man. And for conclusion, this obedience, which you will have to be blindfold, should have eyes, if it were permitted me to settle my judgement upon the goodness or badness of the commandment. And indeed a man must have neither eye nor judgement, no more than you have in your blind obedience; or else he must needs say, that these four or five words, which have been foisted by Ignace into this Article, are void, and to no purpose. If I had nothing but this to say, yet it were enough to make your Sophistry appear: but I will not tarry in this broad way. It was Ignace that made this constitution. For Ribadiner acknowledges; that all your constitutions came from him. There is not then any more faithful interpreter of Ignace intent, than himself. Peter Maffee, a Priest of your Society, hath written his life, and that with the approbation of your General Aquaviua; for to him the book is dedicated. I do not think that he would have suffered it to be printed, and much less dedelicated to him, if he had not thought that it made much for their order. Mark now what a commentary we may draw out of this book, to show that Ignace meant, that the obedience of them of his order should be blind.  
Obedientiae studium, quibuscumque rebus potuit semper oftendit: Romano quidem Pontifici, 
Maff. lib. 3. cap. 7.  cuius in verba praecipuo quodam sacramento iuraverat, it a erat praesto, ut ad ipsius nutum sese paratum exhiberet. Confectaiam aetate, unius baculi adminiculo, pedibus, quocunque opus esset, peregre proficisci, vel etiam navigium ascendere planè exarmatum, seque eodem poutifice iub●nte, mari ventisque, sine ulla dubitatione committere. Quem ipsius animum vir quidam primarius cum haud satis probaret, & in eiusmodi re, consilium prudentiamque requireret, Prudentiam quidem non obedientis, verùm imperantis esse respondit Ignatius. Et sane cum in societate nostra, virtutem hanc, caeteris virtutibus anteferret, tum ●ihil huic laudi tam contrarium dicebat esse, quàm in Superioruniussis & consilio examinando, moram, vel potius arrogantiam, negabatque obedientis nomine dignum haberi oportere. qui legitimo Superiori, non, cum voluntate, judicium quoque submitteret. Id enim gratissimum esse Deo holocaustum, cum omnes animi vires, ac praesertim intelligentia & mens, quae summum in homine obt●●●t locum, in obsequium Christi coguntur. Qui verò i●●iti ac dissentientes, actu exteriore dumtaxat, jussa praeposit orum exequerentur, hos inter vilissima mancipia, vel pecud●s potius number andos aiebat. And a little after. Quinetiam in sermone quotidiano usurpare saepe consueverat, qui ad Superioris nutum, voluntatis propensionem solummodo, non etiam judicij consensionem accomoodarent, eos, altero tantum pede intra Religionis septa versari.  
He always showed his care and obedience, by all means he could: He was at the Bishop of Rome's beck, to whom he was sworn by an especial oath. When he was very old, he went afoot on pilgrimage, whither soever it was needful, having nothing but his staff to rest on. Neither did he refuse to go by Sea, whensoever the said Bishop commanded him, though in a ship never so ill provided. Which mind of his, when a certain principal man misliked, as finding therein want of wisdom & discretion, Ignace answered, that wisdom was not for him that must obey, but for him that commands. And as in our Society he prefers this virtue before other, so he was wont to say, that nothing was so contrary to the commendation of obedience, as delay, or rather arrogancy, in examining the reason of our Superiors commandments, and he denied that he was worthy to be called obedient, that did not submit both his will, & his judgement also, to his lawful Superior. For that, said he, is a most acceptable Sacrifice to God, when all the powers of a man's mind, and especially the judgement and understanding, which are the most principal, are brought to the obedience of Christ. As for them that unwillingly, and with mislike performed the commandments of their Superior, only in outward act, he made no more account of them, but as of most base Vassals, or rather brute beasts. And a little after. Moreover, he was wont to say in his common speech, that they which brought only a ready will, and nor a consent of their judgement to the fulfilling of their Superiors will, had but one foot within the cloister of their order.  
You see what obedience Ignace would have performed, first to the Popes, & then the superiors of his order. Let us gather the chief points of it. Behold a man, that hath one foot in the grave; he must go travail. Behold a broken Bark in the midst of a tempestuous Sea this poor man must go aboard her, if the Pope command. God forbids me very expressly to be amurtherer of myself, upon pain of everlasting damnation In these two commandments, I see my death present before mine eyes, was there ever any greater reason to say, that a man is not bound to obey? And yet by this obedience enjoined by Ignace, not only we are bound to obey, but if we do not, we commit a great and grievous sin. Obey, and you sin against the express law of God. Refuse to obey, and you sin against Ignace law, which the jesuits take to be greater than Gods. If Tertulian were reproved by our ancestors, because he forbidden a Christian to flee from one City to another, to save himself from persecution for religion, as if thereby he would have us become murderers of ourselves, what shall we at this day say of this cruel proposition of Ignace? Once you see our jesuits are but mockers, when as to excuse the impiety of their blind obedience they add: There, where they discern not that there is any sin. For Ignace did not only not suffer them of his order to discern that there was any, but contrariwise, accounted them worse than slaves or brute beasts, if they withstood that which was commanded them. And that you may see better and better, what the intent of this great Lawgiver was, see what Maffee adds. Atque ad sapientem hanc sanctemque stultitiam caecae (ut ipse aiebat) Obedientiae, suos ut essent ad subita & seria promptiores, interdum etiam fictis in rebus erudiebat. And that they of his Order, might be the readier upon a sudden in earnest matters, by this wise and holy foolishness of blind Obedience, as he called it, he did sometimes put them to it in jest, by occasions devised for the nonce. And upon this proposition, he tells a tale, that one day a Priest of their Society, being attired in his. Vestments, coming out of the Vestry with the Chalice in his hand, as he went to say Mass, received a message from Ignace to come to him presently; The jesuit obeyed him and left his Vestments and Chalice. Ignace asked him, if he did not mislike this commandment. No (quoth he) I hold it for very good, sith it came from you. Know then, quoth Ignace, that I sent not for thee, because I had any thing to say to thee, but only of purpose to make trial of thy obedience. And thou hast done a more meritorious work, in leaving the Sacrifice thou wast about to offer, then if thou hadst offered it. So that although the Sacrament of the Altar of God, be of such importance, as it is, yet Obedience is better than Sacrifice, as it is written. Another time, as a jesuit priest was hearing the confession of a young gentleman, Ignace sent for him, to whom when the Priest had answered, that he would not fail to come to him, as soon as he had given absolution to the penitent, Ignace not content with this answer, sent for him the second time. Which this Confessor seeing, entreated the Gentleman to have patience & went presently to Ignace, who at the first word spoke thus to him. What? Must I send twice for thee? And sharply rebuked the man with very bitter words: not because he had any thing for him to do, but to make him know, what obedience he must use in things that are seriously enjoined him. If he might have entered into an examination, and consideration of the sin, the honour, dignity, good order, and duty to the Church, forbade these two jesuit Priests to obey their General. But he would not take this for payment, because it appertained not to the inferior, to enter into consideration, whether there were sin in the matter or no; neither is wisdom to be looked for, at his hands that is commanded, but at his that commandeth. These are then indeed very dallyings, these are mockeries, these are illusions and fancies, by which the jesuit would abuse us, when he alleages, that he is not bound to obey, if he find any appearance of evil in the commandment. For contrariwise all sins are covered, and blotted out, when he obeys. This is that (Gentlemen) which I had to say this morning: and because after we have fed our minds with discourse, it seems to me high time to refresh our bodies with some nourishment, I pray you hold me excused, if I proceed no further: yet with protestation that after dinner I will declare to you at large, all that seems to me to be behind of this matter.   

CHAP. 19 ¶ Of the wisdom of Ignace, and the sottishness of the new jesuits. A Dialogue betwixt the jesuit, and the author of this discourse.  
THe company not only yielded to the Advocates motion, but also thanked him for the pains he had taken, and promised to take: all of us being resolved to hear him as favourably after dinner, as we had done in the morning. But the Gentleman said, If I be King in my house, as the Collier is in his, I appoint this afternoon be spent in walking, and especially you particularly my good friend, quoth he, to the Advocate; are permitted to give your thoughts leave to play, till to morrow morning, when, if it please God, we will make an end of our discourse. As he appointed, so it was done.  
Dinner was brought in, the cloth taken away, every man rose up to go whither it pleased him, into the Garden, into the walks into the Park, into the fields, meadows or woods: For our host's house had all this variety. For my part I went to the jesuit, whom I found reasonable well disposed, after we had walked two or three turns together. I said to him; What think you of our Advocate? For in my opinion, though much of his speech were to very good purpose, yet he went somewhat too far in reproaching them of your order. It is not for me to judge of him, quoth he. For if I say, he spoke well, I shall wrong our Society: if ill, you will think it is to flatter my fellows. In fine, which way so ever you take it, I may well be accepted against.  
Away with these points of Rhetoric (quoth I) you and I are here in a place of truth, where we are not to dissemble. Do you not remember you have read in Herodotus, that when the wise puts off her smock in bed, by her husband, she puts of shame to? Sith you have cast off the habit of your Order. I suppose it is very easy for you to cast off also that hypocrisy, which your ilwillers say lodges in your Houses. You are a travailer, and Homer could not tell how to represent the wisdom of men better than in an Ulysses, that had seen divers Countries. Sith you were chosen by your General to pass from country to country, to sound the diversity of our behaviours and opinions, that you might make report thereof to him, it is not likely, but that at one time or other, when you are alone in the fields, you will find leisure to play the Philosopher, in considering the carriage of your Society. Therefore I heartily pray you; tell me plainly and truly, what your opinion is of them, and withal, of this discourse of our Advocate. For although you are marvelously kept under by your Constitutions, yet your thoughts are free. The Lawmaker of your Order, was not able to take any order for them.  
Then said the jesuit, sith you conjure me in so friendly a manner, I should be very discourteous if I should not satisfy you. The Advocate is too blame, but not so much as some man would think. If he have spoken ill of our Society, we are the cause of it. No man is hurt but by himself. The greatest secret that I find in matter of religion, is, that the secret● of them be not made commonly known, & that every religious person, according to the profession he makes, lives in peace of conscience. I see, that amongst the old Priests of the Heathen law, greatest account was made of the Druids, & there was nothing that got them so much credit, as an ancient policy, of not leaving their doctrine in writing, but to keep it secret, and deliver it from hand to hand, by a long tradition from their ancestors to their successors. If we had followed the wisdom of our great and wise Ignatius, we had never fallen into this inconvenience. For it was his opinion, that we should keep ourselves close and hidden, so that the people might have no knowledge of our government. To the end, that our ceremonies, or to speak better, our devotions might be seen of the people, but not read.  
Our enemies then spoke of us (if I may so say) but by guess. Now our Bulls and Constitutions are suffered to come to this and that man's handling, I doubt me we shall be undone, and whereas many in former time honoured us, hereafter they will abhor us. And this is a point wherein I can not sufficiently praise our Ignatius his wisdom. For although he had not only devised, but put in practise his Constitutions for the government of our Order, a long while in his life time, yet would he never publish them, neither came they abroad till after his death; namely, till after the assembly that we held in Rome in the year 1558. We made account then, that we showed ourselves worthy men, but indeed, there was never any thing done more foolishly, as the event beateth witness.  
He had besides, another very wise rule, that he would never at any hand, suffer that any of our Order, should set pen to paper to defend or justify us when we were accused. It may be he did it in Christian charity, it may be also in worldly wisdom. Spreta (saith the wise Tacitus) exolescum: Si irascare, agnita videntur. There never was any thing that seemed to be so prejudicial to our Society, as the censure of the Divines of Paris, in the year 1554. Some whose fingers itched at it, would needs have answered it, and those of the most worthy and sufficient of our Order, who persuaded themselves, that they should get the better of them: But Ignace, more subtle and wise than they, 
Rib. lib. 4. cap. 11.  forbade them very expressly. And it is not to be doubted, but that by this advise, he got more advantage by silence, than all our blotters and scribblers of paper since, have done by writing. For it is certain, that this censure by length of time, was buried in the grave of forgetfulness, if we had not given occasion to renew it, by pushing as well at the general estate, as at some particular men in France.  
While Ignace lived (as I told you) we were not permitted to set out our conceits lightly to the view of the world, how well so ever we were persuaded of them. Now adays, there is none of our Society so mean, but abuseth both his pen and his wit, without considering what good or hurt may redound to the whole order by his writings. They please themselves in their own conceit, by a certain itching desire to write, which afterward costs us dear, while they set abroach many false & erroneous propositions, squared by the rule of their own follies. And God wots, our ill-willers know too well how to make their advantage of them.  
One john Peter Maffee, first, in the year 1587. and after him, one Peter Ribadinere, in 1592. did set out the life of our good founder Ignatius, and Horace Turcelline, the life of Frances Xavier, with so many flatteries, (I must needs say so to my great grief) absurdities, and contrarieties, that I assure myself, I shall see some man or other ere long, that is full of leisure and spite, make an Anatomy thereof, to the disgrace of the memory of those two holy Fathers, and the confusion of our Order. You may think he is as wise a Priest as our Emanuel Sa, who entiteld himself Doctor of Divinity of our Society, when he caused his Aphorisms of confession to be printed, wherein he brags he had laboured forty whole years.  
How many Articles find you among them, that tend not to the desolation of Kings & kingdoms? If he had been as wise as our first Fathers, these had been good lessons to whisper into the ears of these Idiots, that take us to be the great Penitentiaries of the holy Sea, and to such as ordinarily come to us to confess their great sins: but by blowing abroad all these circumstances of sins over all his Book, it teacheth us, that this Emanuel Sa, hath laboured forty whole years, to make all the world in the end perceive, that he is none of the wifest.  
As for our reverend Father Robert Bellarmin, I acknowledge him to be a very sufficient man, as one that by his writings, hath found means to purchase a cardinals hat. But I may say to you, as a thing too true, that he mars our market in making his own, as you may perceive by his books of the Translation of the Empire, & Of the Indulgences of Rome. In the latter of which, he hath touched many particulars, which concern not pardons, and for which he had need ask pardon of Kings & Bishops. It is not my meaning to offend him by this speech, but if ever he and I meet together alone, I will speak two or three words to him in his ear, & request him to write a little more modestly hereafter, as I assure myself he will do, having now attained to that which made him write so; were it not, that perhaps he hopes to be Pope one day. But I think him so wise, that he will not tie his thoughts to such an impossibility. For the wise Consistory of Rome, will never suffer a jesuit to come to that high degree of the Popedom, for an infinite number of reasons, which I had rather conceal then utter.  
Since the sentence pronounced against us, 1494. in Paris, I find five books set out by our men, the rules whereof are these: 1. The Plea of Master Peter Versoris, Advocate in the Parliament for the Priests and Scholars of the College of Clairmont, founded in the University of Paris, plaintives against the said university being defendant. 2. The defence of the College of Clairmont, against the Complaints & Pleas printed against them heretofore. 3. A most humble remonstrance & supplication, of the religious of the Society of jesus, to the most Christian King of France and Navarre, Henry the fourth of that name. 4. The truth defended for the Catholic Religion, in the case of the jesuits, against the Plea, of Anthony Arnault, by Frances Montaignes. 5. An answer made by Rene de la Fon, for the religious of the Society of jesus, against the Plea of Simon Marion, made against them, the: 16. of October. 1597. With other notes upon the Plea, and other matters concerning Stephen Pasquiers Researches.  
Assure yourself, there is never a one of these gentle Writers, that in defending us, accuseth us. And although you shall find some tough-points here and there in others, yet I cannot tell how, every where they savour of a Scholar. When I have said this, I have said all. Our company pleaseth not all. No not many French Catholics. It is a misfortune that accompanies us in the midst of the blessings we receive of God. But such a misfortune, as we make well the worse by an other. For if we find any man, that doth not like us, by and by we pronounce him an heretic. It is a new Privilege, that we have given ourselves to turn cursing into religion, and we think ourselves acquitted of it, if we father our injuries upon some counterfeit name. Benot Arias, a Spaniard, a man that never erred from our Catholic Religion, caused the Bible to be printed in Antwerp, 1584. with some points of importance, wherein he complains of great wrong that was done to him by our Society, Qui cùm sibi soli sapere (saith he, speaking of us) soli benè vivere, jesumque propius insequi & comitari videantur, at que id palam professi iactitent, me qui minimum atque adeo inutilem jesu Christi discipulum ago, odi● b●●●● gu●●ie. Atque hi quod ●●●●tem 〈◊〉 ●●as ba●● audiat improbar● audent, aliorum quos ad came ro● occulten inducere possins', ingenijs & nominibus abutuntur. Who, thinking themselves only wise (saith he speaking of us) that they only live well, and seem to follow jesus very near and strictly, and openly make profession thereof with boasling, hated me without any cause, that am a poor & unprofitable servant of jesus Christ. And these men, because they dare not mislike any man, that is otherwise ●el spoken of abuse the names & wits of other whomsoever they can under hand persuade to such a course. His meaning is, that we abuse other, men's pens against him, not daring to deal with him, by our own. That was our our practice at that time, but since, we have found a new course, to make books under supposed names; such as those two books that go under the name of Frances Montagines and Rene de la Fon, which I was not able to read without choler. And touching that book, that is said, to be made by Montaignes, I find, that the author made choice of a name fit for his book.  Parturient montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. 
See what a goodly piece of work he hath made, by discovering the secrets both of our simple vow, and that of chastity, and into what danger he hath brought us amongst Kings by committing their Crowns, to the full and bare disposition of the holy Sea. I will add hereunto, that as our fingers are still itching, this book is translated into Latin by one of our order, who hath called Montaignes, Montanus, which was the name of a notorious old heretic, that he might still give our enemy's occasion to speak evil of us. As for la Fon, he that devised that name, should rather have termed him Fool, so many follies, and flatteries are there in that book. Stephen Pasquier hath writer many books which are well liked, both in France and in other countries Montaignes in his book Of Truth defended, maketh favourable mention of him. This little fool, la Fon, to supply his companions default, breaks out with railing on him, worse than a strumpet out of the stews: And I am afraid, Pasquier that hath not the gout in his hand, will not let him be long without an answer. And so there will be one good ●●rne for another.  
Think not so, (quoth I) to the jesuit, for when I spoke with him of it, he answered me thus. Sir, my good friend, this disguised jesuit, is like one of the Shrove-tuesday Maskers, who by the liberty of the day, carry blacking about them, with which they mark every one that comes in their way; who should be but a laughingstock to the people, if they would be angry at it. My collections of France, amongst which my Plea is, carry their safe conduct in their faces; If a man will read them, they will answer for me. If any man will not read them, let him come to me, & I will answer for them. If any man of learning, find any obscurity in them, I will think myself honoured by him, if it will please him, to let me clear the doubt to him. For in few words, I persuade myself, that this Mountebank, thinking to accuse me, accuseth sometime Saint Paul, sometime Saint Luke, one while Lactantius Firmianus, an other while, Saint Bernard, and venerable Bede: and which is more, their own fellow Bellarmine, whose authority is of greater worth with them, than Saint Paul's. It is a singular virtue that jesuits have, that the further they go, the more fools thy prove.  
Would you know the reason of it? The first lesson, that is taught them when they enter into their noviceship, is absolutely to acknowledge jesus Christ, not only in the person of their General, but also in all other thei● Superiors. Now, as soon as ever any of them cometh to any degree, he maketh account, that he is to other, such as his Superiors were to him. Insomuch that he believes, that his f●n●as●●●ll imaginations 〈◊〉 articles of our faith: and upon this vain belief, he poureth out himself into a thousand fooleries. Let it suffice you, that I mean not to give life to this abortive book by my answer. When their Library was fold at Paris, they ●●●d my Latin Epigrams, in the s●●t book whereof, they shall find these four verses, which I give for a full answer to this fool.  
Carmine nescio quis not corrodente lacessit,  
Respondere sibi me cupit, ha●d fac●am.  
Rursus at ecce magis, magis insectatur & urget,  
Respondere sciat me sibi, dum taceo.  
With biting verse I know not who provokes,  
Me to make answer, but I mean to cease.  
Yet more and more, he follows me with strokes,  
I make him answer, when I hold my peace.  
You see (quoth I to the jesuit) what I can report to you of Pasquiers answer, whereby you may perceive, that he despiseth your la Fon. Whereunto the jesuit answered. He may deceive himself. For do not think that our Society is engaged in all the books that I named. The policy we observe in publishing our books, is this. The Author is like the Choristers in Cathedral Churches, which carry the books before others, and after that one of them hath sung a verse, he is followed by the whole body of the Quire. So is it with our company. He that is the bearer of his book, sings first, imparting it to the Provincial, the Rector, Fathers, and Regent's, as well of the house, as of the College where they abide. All which by a common consent, contribute thereto particularly: so that the general frame is the Authors, but the most part of the several pieces are many other men's. This is the first shape we give to this matter, after which follows another. For we are expressly for bid●● by the consti●●●●●●, to set out any book without our General's leave. The book is viewed by him, or by his four Assistants, or by other deputed by him. In brief, hold it for a most certain ground, that all the books mentioned by ●●●●●ning had this course, are approved by our whole ord●●. If it be so (quoth I) your order is mer●●ai●ous ignorant, to suffer all these furious books to run up & down the streets: And there need but a few of these to make your order come back to the wallet, whence your Historiographers say it had the beginning. That is the thing (quoth he) that grieves me most of all, to see that out Superiors, should be so set upon a blind revenge, that thereby they became fools with fools. But in the mean while, what said Pasquier to that noble Epitaph, which our De la Fon makes of him, in these words?  
Well, let him live yet joyfully, and write and rave if he will against the jesuits, he shall dote at last in his old age, until some one of this Society, or if they disdain it, some other, for the public good, take agenerall survey of that which he hath printed, and a collection of his follies, rave, asscheadnes, spightfulnes, haresies, and Machiavelismes, to erect a Tomb of ba●●full memory, wherein he shall be coffined alive, whither the Ravens and Vultures may come a hundred leagues by the sent, and to which, no man may dare to approach by a hundred paces, without stopping his nose by reason of the stink: where brambles & b●yers may grow, where Vipers and Cockatrices may nestle, where the Skriech-howle and Bitter may sing; that by such a Monument, they that now live, and they that shall live hereafter, may know, that the jesuits had for their accuser and slanderer, a notorious liar, a capital enemy to all virtue, and all that are virtuous; and that all slanderers may learn, by the loss of one proud ignorant fellow to bethink themselves better of that which they writ against religious Orders, & not impudently to slander the holy church of God, by their infamous & blasphemous writings.  
Do you ask me (quoth I to the jesuit) what Pasquier said of it? I will tell you. He said to me in few words, that this Passport did well beseem a jesuits soul: and he was desirous it might be engraven over the gates of all their Colleges, as a true portrait of their charity: that every man might know, that they did not name themselves the Society of jesus without great reason, who upon the Cross, prayed to God his Father for them that crucified him.  
I and the jesuit, past the afternoon in these & such like discourses, by which I perceived that this honest man had many good parts in him, not common to other jesuits. Also I found, that there is great difference betwixt him that being shut up in his chamber, hath all his wisdom from his books, and him, that besides his books, partakes of wise men's discourses by word of mouth. The study of the former, hath his times of breathing, but the latter, that studies without studying, hath great advantage over the other. For my part, I was willing to be in his company, and I think I had spent the rest of the day with him, but that ill hap (envious of my content) deprived me of it, by the coming of two or three foolish fellows, who began to jest at me, saying, they saw well my intent was to become a jesuit. You may be sure of that (quoth I) if all jesuits were of this man's temper. So we walked, and talked one thing or an other, till supper time: during which there was nothing but jesting and merry talk, all earnest matters being laid aside till next morning: when all of us being met together in the Hall, every one cast his eyes upon the Advocate, whom the Gentleman requested to make an end of his career, which he did in such sort as you shall presently understand.   
The end of the second Book.   

The third Book of the jesuits Catechism.  

CHAP. 1. ¶ Touching the Anabaptistry which is found in the vow that the jesuits make, concerning their blind obedience to their Superiors: also, that by the means thereof, there is not any King or Prince that can defend himself from their stings.  
I Have (saith the Advocate) discoursed unto you, touching the jesuits doctrine and their cog, as also, how that obtaining their privileges, they have maliciously circumvented the holy Sea Apostolic. But I have reserved this morning time, to treat of the affairs of the state, which they have adjoined to their doctrine, within which, (by means of their abounding piety that reigneth amongst them) they have also intermingled that lesson which we learn out of Machiavelli, in his Treatise touching a Prince, & in the Chapter of wickedness. For the murders and killings of Kings & Princes, are as common among them in their consultations, as amongst the most wicked murderers that are in the world. Besides, they have given themselves liberty, to trouble those Realms and Kingdoms, wherein they have once had any footing.  
It may be every one amongst us, will much marvel at it, but if you will examine, (and that without passion) that blind obedience which they vow unto this Superiors, it shall be an easy matter for you, clearly to see the truth thereof. And mark I pray you, that I do expressly say, (unto their Superiors,) because, though they likewise vow the same unto the Pope, yet it is not with so precise a declaration. And that it is so, you may well perceive by this, that in the Article which yesterday I read unto you, they speak but once of the Pope, and many times of their Superiors: So great a desire had Ignatius Loyola (their first founder and Lawmaker) to teach, how much this obedience ought to be esteemed of, in regard of themselves, and their own respects.  
Concerning which point, I will freely say thus much, that though in France we admit not this particular obedience of the jesuits towards the Pope, yet is it without comparison much more tolerable than the other. For in respect of myself, I will easily believe this, that the opinions of these great Prelates, are so well ruled and grounded, that though one should vow unto them, ●he most exact obedience that can be, yet they would not abuse it. Those Prelates are the men (the greatest number whereof, coming from mean place) which were for their virtues, merits, and sufficiencies, at the first made Bishops, afterwards Cardinals, and at the last advanced to that high throne of the supreme Pastor. In so much that their faithfulness, holiness, great experiences and ancienty, have (as it should seem) drained and dried up in them, all those foolish passions, which commonly transport and carry us away. But to speak the truth, I cannot, I dare not, I will not give the like judgement, touching the Superiors of the jesuits ●●●le●, because the honour reverence, and respect that I bear to the holy Sea, forbidden me so to do.  
Yet notwithstanding, in their Chapter of obedience, as I have already said, after that they have once mentioned the Pope, they speak of nothing but their Superiors, that is to say, of their General, their Provincials, their Rectors: for these are they, who every one of them in regard of their Order, bear the name of Superiors over others. And you have already heard, that by the obedience that the inferior oweth them, they are enjoined to believe, that by their means, the commandment floweth from jesus Christ himself, and that therefore they ought, even at the twinkling of an eye, not only to obey in such things of their Order, as bind them, but in all others: yea, that without lo●●ing or bidding, as we say they should obey, and tie the will to the execution, and the judgement to the will, to the end, that the inferior may believe, that the commandment is very iu●●, seeing that is was given unto him. And who seethe not, that this may well be resembled to a dead body, or to staff that receiveth no motion, but by an other man's hand: yea to be short, that this commandment or law is w●●hout eyes. And that therefore, to commit this abso●●●● commandment, to an Usher or under offic●●, and that under the mask of God's supposed presence, is properly to put a sword into a mad man's hand.  
And when I consider this vow, me thinks I see the Anabaptists, who said, that they were sent from God, to reform all things from good to better, and so to re-establish them. And as men that hammer such matters in their heads, they caused a book of reformation to be published and dispersed. And they had for their king, john Luydon, and under him, certain false Prophets who were their Superiors, who made the people believe, that they ●●lked and conferred with God, sometimes by dreams, sometimes by lies and forgeries, and that they undertook nothing but by Revelation from him. Afterwards, they breathed their holy Ghost, into the mouths of those whom they found best fitted for their furious opinions, distributing and dividing th●● thorough their Provinces, as their Apostles, to draw and bring unto them, the most simple, and easy to believe, By means whereof, they brought to their lure and whistle almost all Germany, especially within the t●●● of Munster, where they had established and set up their monstrous government, one while commanding murders and massacrings, and an other while, executing them with their own hands, in which they pretended nothing but inspiration from God. And going about to make as a pray unto themselves, all the Kings, Princes, and Potentates of th●● part of the world, they published, that they were expressly sent from GOD to drive them away. Whereupon, they made account to murder them, if men had not prevented their purposes and practices. Now then tell 〈◊〉 pr●y you, what doth the great vow of the Jesuits towards their Superiors, else import, but the obedience of the Anabaptists? For further proof whereof, let us set before us a General of their Order, who either thoro●●● certain unruly passion, or particular ignorance, went (but very ill favouredly) to make himself a Reformer, as well of our religion, as of all politic states: who also being in the middle of his companions, spoke unto them after this manner.  
My little children, you know, that I being here present with you to command you, our Lord jesus Christ is in my mouth, and therefore that you ought thoroughly, and in every respect to yield obedience: God powered out his holy Spirie, upon out good Father Ignace, the better thereby to sustain etc. uphold his Church, which was ready to fall by reason of the errors of the Lutherans; errors. I say which are spread thorough all Europe to the great grief of all good Catholics. Now then ●ith i● hath pleased God, to make us the Successors of that holy-man, so it beh●●●●●th us, that a● he himself, so we also, should be the first workmen, vne●ly to root out the same. We see heresies reign in many Realms, where also the subject armeth himself against his King. In some other places we behold Princes tyrannising over their Subjects. Here a Queen altogether heretical: not far from her: A King professing the same thing: and other some feeding us, with far shows & allurements, the more deeply to deceive us. It belongeth to us, yea, to us I say, to defend the cause of God and of poor subjects, not in some small s●●●blance, as our forefathers have done, but in good earnest.  
They that in former time occupied themselves therein, have drawn a false skin over the wound, and by consequent have marred all. But we shall do a meritorious work, to unburden countries, & kingdoms thereof. We must needs become executione? of the sovereign justice of Almighty God, which will never be grieved or offended, with any thing that we, as Arbitrers and Executors of his good will and pleasure shall do, to the prejudice of such Kings as rule wickedly, and suffer their kingdoms to fall unto them, whom in our consciences we shall know to be wor●me thereof. How be it, you think not yourselves strong enough in yourselves, to execute my commandments, yet at least, let this be a lesson unto you, that you may teach in the midst of God's Church. Wherein also you must employ all the best means you have least the danger, disease, and Gangrene; get so deep a root, that it will not easily be removed. We shall at the length find good store of workmen and Surgeons, to help us forward herein. But above all things, apply & refer to this, all holy and necessary provision of Confession, of Mass, & of Communicating, to the end, that we may with greater assurance of their consciences, proceed on in this holy work and busmes. The necessity of the affairs of Christendom commandeth it, and the duty of o●● charge, bindeth us thereto. These are the advices and counsels, that I have received, from our Saviour and Redeemer jesus Christ, who suffered his death and passion for us, and for whose sake, as it were in counterchaunge, we ought rather to die, than not to rid ourselves of these wicked Princes. And these, even these I say, are the advises which I have from God, whose vicegerency I exercise and execute over you, though I be unworthy.  
I leave here to your own considerations, the places, examples, and authorities of holy Scripture, which are mistaken, and this Monsiure might allege. For of this assure yourselves, these Atheologians, or maimed Divines, will no more fail therein, than the necromancers do, in the invocation of their spirits, and devils, or in their healing of diseases. And yet all these matters tend but to Anabaptistry: or else, to the commandments of that old dotard of the Mountain, (mentioned in our Chroniclers) and called the Prince of the Assasines, who charmed and charged his subjects, to kill handsmooth our Princes that went into the East to recover the holy Land. Whereupon also, there hath remained amongst us, and that even to this day, the word Assasine, as proper against all murdering Traitors.  
But is not all this found in our jesuits? And is not this doctrine scattered in the midst of that holy Order? Have we not seen the splintors & shivers of it? When the last Prince of Orange was not at the first time slain in Antwerp, was not this by the instigation of the jesuits? And when at the second time he was slain, in the year 1584. by Balthasar Girrard, borne in the county of Burgundy? And where also Peter Pan a Cooper, dwelling at Ipres, was sent to kill Maurice Prince of Orange and Earl of Nassaw, the other princes s●●●ue, of whom I pray you did they take counsel? As 〈◊〉 Girrard, before he was examined he confessed, that he went to a jesuit, whose name he knew not, but that he was of a red hair, & Regent in the College of Trers, who also assured him, that he had conferred touching that enterprise with three of his companions, who took it wholly to be from God; assuring him, that if he died in that quarrel, he should be enrolled and registered in the Calendar of the Martyrs.  
And the second confessed, that the jesuits of Douai, having promised him, to procure a Prebend for one of his children, the Provincial gave him his blessing before he went about it, & said unto him, Friend, go thy ways in peace, for thou goest as an Angel under God's safeguard and protection. And upon this confession, he was put to death in the Town of Leyden, by solemn sentence given the twentietwo of june, in the year 1598. Neither am I ignorant of this, that the jesuits will say, that they gave that council to kill two Princes, who had armed themselves against their King. But I tell them, that then the King himself must put them to death, be they never so many, because they were the first enterprisers and attempters of our last troubles in France, as well against the King that dead is, as against the King that presently reigneth.  
But their murders have a further reach than that. For minding to stir up Robert Bruse, a Scottish Gentleman, e●●her himself to kill, or to cause to be killed by some other, my Lord john Metellinus, Chancellor to the King of Scots, even of hatred towards him, because he was the Kings very faithful subject, they caused the said Bruse, because he would not condescend & yield unto them, to be summoned, and sore troubled at Bruxelles. And were they not partakers with the jacobin, in the assault and murder that was committed against the last French King? And have they not at sundry times. and by sundry means, attempted to take away the 〈◊〉, of the Lady Elizabeth, Queen of England? And to be short, have they not done the like against ou● King, both by the means of Peter Barrier, and john Ca●●ill? from which, God hath miraculously preserved him. To every of which particularities, I will allow his proper discourse, and begin the story of their assaults and murders, that should have been committed by the Scottish Gentleman.   

CHAP. 2. ¶ Touching an extraordinary process and course, that was held in the Low-countries, against Robert Bruse, Gentleman of Scotland, upon the accusation and information of Father William Chrichton, jesuit, because he would me cause the Chancellor of Scotland to be murdered.  
MEn ordinarily give out, and grant extraordinary process, against such as murder, or consent to murder, but to procure it, or make it against one that would not consent thereto, this is the first of that quality that ever was heard of. And this is the very argument of this present chapter.  
A little after the death of Mary Queen of Scots, the late King of Spain, commanded the Duke of Parma, (who was then Governor for him in the Low-countries) to send Robert Bruse, a Gentleman of Scotland, to the Scottish King with Letters, in the which he promised him, men & money enough, to revenge himself, for the death of the Queen his Mother, unto who he protested, that he bore always a singular affection, because she had vowed, and so declared herself, to the last gasp of her life, to be of our Catholic Religion: which affection, he would continue to the King her sin by successive right: but yet so, as he should promise, to become the inheritor, of the virtues and religion, of that good and worthy Princess.  
My purpose is not largely and by piece-meal, as me say, to meat and declare, how this matter proceeded, though I have good and faithful▪ Intelligences of it. This only I will tell you, that the said Gentleman, had at the same time, charge of certain great sums of money, for the freight of threescore ships, to the end, that they might first serve, for transporting of victuals and munitions into the Low-countries, and afterwards, for men of war, which the Spaniard resolved to send into England, hoping that the Queen of England, should be assaulted on both sides.  
A short time after bruises arrival in Scotland (he having been all his young days brought up and nourished with the jesuits) there came thither, Father William Crichton, a Scottish man, who sometime had barn Rector of the College of the jesuits at Lions. And he was in the company of the Bishop of Dumblaine, who was sent by Pope Sixtus the 5. to the King of Scotland, to make him offer of a marriage with the Infant of Spain, so that he would become a Catholic, and join with them against the English.  
My Lord john Metellenus, set himself against this negotiation, and for sundry good and weighty reasons, counseled his Master not to regard it. Insomuch, that the Bishop returned thence, without effecting any thing, leaving Crichton in Scotland, who joined himself with Bruse, and was his companion. And because he conceived, that Metellenus alone had turned the King from accepting the offers made him, he purposed to show him a jesuits ●●ick indeed. And that was this. A catholic Lord, had invited the King & his Chancellor to a banquet. Crichton solicited Bruse, if it would please him to lend him so●● money, to compass this Lord, that should give order for procuring the slaughter of the Chancellor, assuring himself, that by 〈◊〉 of the money, he should make him do whatsoever he would.  
Bruise flatly refused, and that not only because he was sent to another end, as he made it appear to him, by the iustructions and memorial which he had from he Duke of Parma; but also, and that much the rather, by reason of the shame that would fall out upon the execution of that enterprise: especially, he having before, made show of friendship & familiarity with the Chancellor. Yea that, that murder, would never be thought good and lawful, being committed in the midst of a banquet, and in the King's presence, against whom the injury should specially be performed, as well by reason of the small account they made of his Majesty, as for the slaughter they should commit, upon a person, whom he entirely affected for his fidelity and wisdom. And that if he did this deed, they should minister matter to the King, to exasperate him against the Catholics, as murderous, infamous, and traitorous persons to God and the world, who to that present hour, had received all bountiful kindnesses & courtesies from their King.  
Crichton, seeing he had miss of this his match, we●● to move him to another, and to persuade Bruse to give fifteen hundred crowns to three Gentlemen, that did offer to kill the Chancellor, after some other less slanderous and offensive manner. But Bruise answered him, that, as in respect of the fault or sin, it was all one, to kill a man with his own hands, and to give money to procure such a purpose and act to be done. And that for his part, he was a private person, that had not any authority over the life of any man, & less over the life of the Chancellor, who was a chief man, in the execution of the justice of the Land. Furthermore he added, that besides, he had no charge from the Prince of P●●●●●, to employ his money in such stade ●●d Merchandise.  
Matellinus being well-beloved of the King his Master, had two offices! to wit, the chancellor, & the chief Secretaries of estate: & that after his death, there were two great Lords, worse than he to the Catholic▪ who being favoured of the King, would part between them the spoil of the other. To be short, that for an uncertain good thing, which a man might promise unto himself, he should not accomplish a certain evil thing, no, though a man were assured of good to come thereby. And seeing the question was▪ touching the advancing of Christian religion, this should be the means wholly to ruinated the same, in as much, as men went about to promote i●, by slaughter and murder, and that to the great scandal of all in general, & the perpetual dishonour of the holy order of the jesuits in special.  
And thus spoke Bruse in his conscience, as one that having spent all his youth in their Colleges, bore them all manner of reverence. And yet Father Crichton, would not yield for all this: for he & his companions, have they common places of antiquity (but yet evil alleged) to prove, that murders and such like wicked practises are permitted. By means whereof, Bruse being more importuned then before, demanded of him, whether in a good conscience he might consent to that enterprise, or whether he could dispense therewithal? To which the jesuit replied, that he could not but this, that the murder being committed by him, and he coming to confess himself unto him, he would absolve him of it.  
Then Bruse replied in these 〈◊〉; Sith your reverence acknowledgeth▪ that I must confess myself of it, you also, thereby acknowledge, that I should commit a sin: and I for my part know not, whether, when I have done it, God would give me grace, and enable me to confess it. And thereto I verily believe, that the cofession of an evil, that a man hath done of set purpose, under a● intent to confess himself thereof, & to have absolution of it, is not greatly au●lable, and therefore the surest way for me, is not to put myself into such hazard and danger.  
And so my Master jesuit miss at that time of his purpose. But afterwards, he know very well, to have his revenge for it. For the Duke of Parm● being dead, and the County Fuentes a Spaniard, and Nephew to the Duke of Alva, coming in his place, Crichtou accused Bruse of two crimes before the said County. The one, that he had ill managed the King's treasure. The other, that he was a Traitor, because he would not disburse money, to cause Metellenus to be slain and this was the principal mark, at which the Accuser aimed. A great fruit certainly in the jesuit common wealth, & for which, he was worthily kept prisons in Brussels, full fourteen months together. For as concerning the first point, Crichton made no great account of that: but touching the second, he to the uttermost stood upon it: and that so much the more, because the prisoner demind not the crime.  
The process had his course. At the last; after that Bruse had been a long time troubled and afflicted, the prisons were opened to him, and he was set free, but not with any command to that holy Father the jesuit, no not so much as to repayte his good name, or to pay his costs, damages, or losses whatsoever. The reason whereof was)▪ (as a man may easily believe it) that having attempted this devout accusation, he did nothing at all therein, but that which might be directly referred to the holy propositions of his own Order.   

CHAP. 3. ¶ Concerning the murder, which William Pa●●y a● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 man (thrust ●●the●●● by the jesuits) 〈…〉 against Elizabeth. Queen of England in the year ●●84.  
HE that writ the humble temons●●ance & petition to the King▪ (minding to make it appear, that men slanderously accused the jesuits, of having a purpose, to attempt any thing against the Queen of England, saith thus In respect of English people, those that 〈◊〉 ●●rite of these matter, 〈◊〉 witness our faithfulness and never yet durst accuse us of attempting any thing against the Queen in her estate; & those that meant to calum●●●● & charge us there with all, could never fasten their lies and leasings upon out b●b●●●●●s, and cause g●t of 〈◊〉 selves, by any probable or likely reason of truth▪  
But now I will show, that this jesuit, is a second Heredotus. And let him not think but I do him great honour, when I resemble him to that great parsonage, whom men say, was the first Father of a lying history.  
William Parry. Doctor in the Laws, a man full of understanding, but ye● more full of his pleasures & delights, after that ●e had consumed all his own stock & substance, and the greatest part of his wiue● also, ye●, & charged with a great controversy and question, against H●gh Hare, Gentleman of the Temple, purposed in the year 1582. to take the mind and to fail into Pr●●●ce, where being arrived, and come particularly to the city of Paris, and purposing to be familiar with certain Enlish Gentleman, that ●●●●led ou● of their Co●●●●y for their religion, they doubted to be familiar with him, thinking that he came expressly to them to spy out their actions. By means whereof, he took his journey to Lions, and from thence to Venice, where, even at his first entrance, because he was an Englishman, he was put into the Inquisition: but he yielded so good an account touching Catholic religion, that his judges found he had a desire and duty to return: being unbeloved of all the Catholics, and particularly, of Father Bonnet Palmeo, a jesuit of great reputation amongst his own brother hood. After wards, he took a conc●t, to do such an act, as be once did that in old time burned the Temple of Diana at Ephesus; that so he might be spoken of for it. He plotted to kill the Queen, his natural Lady and Sovereign, & by the same means, to set fire on and in the fo●●e corners and quarters of England, making this the ground work of his practice and enterprise, and that as well to deliver his Country, from tyranny and oppression, as to advance to the Crown, Marie the Queen of Scots, who was a Catholic Princess, & ●erest of the blood to succeed. An oponion and conceit, that came from his own instinct and motion, without acquainting the Scottish Queen any whit at all before his departure, as he afterwards confessed, when he was in person. But because, this enterprise and attempt was very haughty, and that he undertook it with a great blow to his conscience before God, he conferred hereof with Palmi● the jesuit, (who according to the ordinary Maxim and principle of that Sect) did not only, not discourage or turn him therefrom, but greatly confirmed him, and provoked thereto: affirming, that there was nothing in that business, that could hinder him, unless it were protracting and delay. After this, he took again the way to Lions, where, discovering himself to the jesuits, he was greatly praised and honoured of them. A little while after, he returned to Paris, where certain English Gentlemen, that were fugitives out of their country, understanding of his purpose and practise, began to embrace him: and by name, Thomas Morgan, who assured him, that so soon as he should be in England, and should have executed his ●●teprise, he would take order, that a puissant army should pass out of Scotland, to assure the kingdom to the Queen of Scotland.  
Now, though that Parrie seemed altogether resolute, yet was he in some sort hindered by▪ sundry remorses of his conscience. And indeed, ●he communicated the same, to certain Englishmen, that were Ecclesiastical persons, who all labouned to remove him from it, and particularly a learned Priest, named Watell, who wisely declared & showed unto him, that all the rules of God, and the world, were directly contrary to his deliberation and purpose. In this his irresolution and want of staidness, he purposed to confer with the jesuits of Paris: amongst whom he addressed himself to father Hannibal Coldretto, to whom also in confession he discovered his first advice and council, and the uncertainty into which Watell had brought him. But the jesuits, that lacked not persuasive reasons, maintained unto him, that Watell, and all the other, that put these scruples into his mind▪ were heretics. And having again set him in his former course, caused him (according to their ordinary custom in such cases) ●o●eciue the Sacrament, with divers other Lords and Gentlemen. The English man being thus persuaded, took his leave of them, and returned into England, fully purposed to bring his treason to effect and issue, whereunto the better to attain, he sought all the means he might, to kiss the Queen's majesties hand, saying that he had certain things of very great▪ importance, to acquaint her withal. And this was about the month of Februatie, in the year 1585. At the last, being brought before her Majesty, he largely discoursed unto her, the history of his travail, and how, that counterfeiting the fugitive, he had discovered all the practices and plots, that the English Catholics had brewed or devised against her Majesty; yea, that he had promised them, that he would be the first that should attempt her death, which had purchased him very great credit amongst them. And yet notwithstanding, that he would rather choose a hundred deaths, then to defile his soul with so damnable at thought.  
He was a well spoken man, of a good countenance, & such a one, as had prepared himself to play his part, not upon the sudden, but well provided. The Queen (who wanteth not her spies) knew, that one part of that which he had spoken; was very true; which also caused her to credit the rest: and graciously accepting of that honest liberty and freedom, which he pretended, charged him not to departed far from the Court: and that in the mean season, he should by letters, sound the affections of her enemies: which thing he promised, and undertook to do: and upon this promise, feeding the Princess with goodly shows, he did many times talk very privately with her. And amongst other, she going one day to hunt the fallow Deer, he followed her, never suffering her out of his eye. At last, being a good way, from her own people, and dismounted from her horse, to refresh herself at the foot of a tree in the wood. Parry being nigh unto her, twice had a desire to kill her; but he was withhold therefrom, by that gracious familiarity which her Majesty used towards him. At another time, he walking after Supper with her▪ in the garden of her Palace; called white Hall, which standeth upon the Thames side, (where also be) had a boat ready, with the greater speed to save him; and to carry him away, when he had given the blow, as also he sought opportunity for it) the Queen escaped from him to this manner.  
He supposed, to draw her somewhat far from the the house, and that then he would kill her, at the garden's end. But she returned towards her Palace, and said unto him, that it was time to betake her to her chamber, being troubled with heat, and the rather, because she was the next day, to take a bath by the appointment of her Physicians: And thereupon laughing, she withal added, that they should not draw so much blood from her, as many people desired. And with this speeths she with drew herself, leaning Parrie much arnazed at this, namely, that he had failed, in that his so worthy an enterprise.  
Now as he behaved himself after this manner about the Q. he supposed, that he wanted a trusty friend to second him in his attempt, & thereupon he addressed himself to his friend Edmond Nevil, an English Gentleman, who for his Religion and conscience sake, had his part amongst the afflictions & troubles of England, whom also he divers times visited: and after that he had sworn him upon the Evangelists, not to reveal or discover that which he should tell him, did particularly, and by piecemeal discourse to him, his whole intention, & provoked him to take part with him therein, as one that had great reason, lively to feel the injuries that had been committed against him: And that this was the time and outly ●●●ane to re-establish the Catholic Religion in England, and to set up there the Queen of Scotland: and that in doing this, both of them should have a good portion in the booty that should be divided. But Nenill, could at no hand well favour or like of this new counsel. Whereupon; Parrie demanded of him, whether he had Father Allens book, which would stand him in steed of a continual spur, to provoke him to this enterprise, though that of himself, he were not well disposed and prepared thereto, that by that book, i● was permitted to excommunicate Kings, & to depose them, yea; and to constrain and enforce them: and that civil wars for the cause of Religion were honourable and lawful. I have very good and ready access to the Queen, said he, as you also may have, after that you are once known in Court. After that we have given the blow, and done the deed, we will get into a boat, which shall be ready for us, to go down the River withal, and from thence, we will be embarked unto the Sea, which you and I may easily do, upon my credit, without trouble or hindrance. Nevil, entertaining him with goodly words, & fair promises, yet never giving him an absolute yea, or nay, at the last resolved with himself, no longer to delay the matter, but to advertise the Queen thereof: unto whom upon the eight of February 1584. he related all that had passed between him and Parries, who that night supped with the Earl of Lei●●ster. The Queen being much amazed thereat, commanded Walsingham, her chief Secretary of estate, to apprehend both the one and the other, and yet notwithstanding, to deal gently with Parrie, the better to draw the truth from him. Which also he did, declaring unto him, that the Queen had received some new intelligence, of a conspiracy against her. And because the discontented Sect, had some good opinion of him, he prayed him to tell him, whether he had heard any thing thereof. And being twice or th●●ce asked▪ touching the matter, he said, that he understood nothing of it at all.  
If he had confessed the story▪ touching himself and Nevil, and for excuse had joined this unto it, that what he had done therein, was done colourably, and that so he used it, the better to sound the opinions of them, that hatched some discontentment in their minds, Walsingham said afterward to sundry persons, that they, had sent him away, fully clewed and absolved. But having stoutly denied it, he set before his eyes Nevil's deposition, which greatly astonished him; and so for that night became his host, to hold him fast. On the morrow morning; Parrie went to him in his chamber: and told him, that he remembered, that he had held some discourse with Nevil, touching a point of doctrine, contained in the answer that was made, to the book entitled, The execution of justice in England: by which a●●swere it was proved, that for the advancement of the Catholic Religion, it was lawful to take away a Prince's life: But for his own part, he never spoke word touching any enterprise against the Queen. Parrie and Nevil, were sent to divers prisons, the latter, because he concealed, that conspiracy six: months and more, the former, for the treason whereof he was accused: both the one and the other were examined, and afterwards upon charge given unto them, they put down their confessions in writing. Nevil did it the 10. of February, and Parrie the 11. and the 13. Nevil's contained the subornations, pursuits, and procurements, that Parrie had made in respect of him: Parrie his, that he had first plotted this Treason at Venice, being heartened thereto, by the exhortations of Palmio the jesuit: and that he was afterwards confirmed therein, by the jesuits of Lions: and at the last he was wholly soeled in it, by Hannibal Coldretto, & other jesuits of Paris: where, upon this devotion, he had been first confessed, and afterwards received the Sacrament. And this is one point, that me thinketh should not be kept in silence, that being demanded and examined by his judges, he acknowledged, that when he first discoursed with, and discovered unto the Queen, the conspiracies, that the fugitive Catholics practised against her, that so they might be brought again to their houses, she answered him, that it was never her mind, to deal hardly with any for religion, but because that under the colour & shadow thereof, they had purposed to attempt mischievous matter, against her & her state: and that for the time to come, none should be punished for the Pope's Supremacy, so long only, and so far forth, 〈◊〉 they carried themselves, like good and faithful subject. Nevil being called again, & confronted before Parrie, persisted in his deposition, and yet it was of no great weight whether he had done so or no, but frustrative rather and needless. For Parrie had confessed enough, yea, there was found in his house, sundry letters, instructions, and memorial, which condemned him. Besides, whiles he was in prison, he wrote letters to the Queen, by which he very humbly besought her, to absolve him from the fault, but not from the punishment which it deserved.  
There were appointed unto him for his judges, Sir Christopher Wray, Knight, Lord chief justice of England, and divers other great Lords of note and mark, who caused him to be brought from the prison to Westminster, and there again being asked and examined, in the presence of all the people, he confessed his treasons: yea, there were read unto him, his former confessions, and the letters that he had sent to that purpose, and other writings, tending to verify upon him the offence wherewith he was charged; all which, he confessed to contain truth in them: adding withal, that there had not been any conspiracy, for the matter of Religion, from the first year of the reign of the Queen, till then, whereof he was not partaker, excepting that touching the Agnus Dei, or Bull rather: and that besides all this, he had put down his opinion in writing, touching the Successor to the Crown, that so he might the better stir the people to rebellion. This criminal cause, was in handling, from the eight day of February, in 84. until the 25. of the same month. Upon which day, Parrie was condemned to behanged by the neck, and that the rope presently should be cut in two, and that he should be ripped up, and his bowels taken out, and cast into the fire, and burned before his eyes, and that afterwards his head should be cut off, and his body hewn into four quarters, and that he should be drawn upon a hurdle, from the prison, all along the City of London, till he came to the place of execution. This sentence was then pronounced against him, but yet it was not presently executed. But the second of March, Parrie was committed to the power of such as execute sovereign justice: whereof being advertised by the Sherieffes of London and Middlesex, he arrayed himself (as if a man had been going to a mourning) with a fair long gown of black Damask, and set upon the stock of his shirt a great cuff curiously set, such as was never at that time in the land. And taking his leave of other prisoners, he did with a gallant countenance, offer for a present, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, a Ring: In which there was set, a rich Diamond, delivering it with this speech, that he was greatly grieved, that he was not able to pleasure him more. From thence he was drawn upon a h●●dle to the place of execution, and being upon the ladder some say, that he prayed the hangman that assayed to 〈◊〉 the rope about his neck, that he would not disorder or mar his cuff: and thus died this great Martyr of the jesuits, promising to himself nothing less than Paradise, for this his detestable enterprise.  
And thus have I related unto you a history, of 14. or 15. months, for he returned into England, in the month of january 83. and he was executed in March 84. Master Antho●ie Arnauld, in his pleading, objecteth against the jesuits this attempt and wicked fact whereunto Montaignes. that wrote against him, hath answered nothing at all, acknowledging by his silence, that the objection was very true. For in objections of less consequence and weight, he answereth, and spares him not. He that made The defence of the College of Clairmont, confesseth, that Parrie was put to death for that pretended treason: but yet it was a charitable work done to him, by the deadly enemies of the jesuits: which indeed is nothing else but to cover himself with a wet sack. The process against him, is kept in the Records▪ and Rolls of justice: And particular enmity or hatred, could not easily prevail so far, that there he should be condemned to death, who by his dissimulations and hypocrisies, had in some sort gotten the Queen's favour. But now ye shall hear an other tragedy, played against the very self same Princess and Queen.   

CHAP. 4. ¶ Of an other assault and murder, procured in the year 1597. by the jesuits against the Queen of England.  
THe jesuits miracle, when they converted Parrie, was great; but yet not so great, nor yet of so good stuff, as that which I will now declare unto you: for Parrie in his last confessions acknowledged, that he had had, part in all the conspiracies, that for religion were directed against the Queen; except it were one. But this man, of whom I will presently speak, always was and had been, of the religion of England, and yet notwithstanding, he was by an English jesuit, not only happily turned to our religion, but also induced to kill his own Queen. Insomuch, that if his enterprise had taken good effect, it had deserved, to be joined to the book of miracles that Lewes Richeome, of the Society of jesus, made and published.  
Edward Squ●●●, Englishman, who 〈…〉 acquaintance & place in the Q●●●he● stable, did in the y●●●e ●●95 ●mbarque himself in the ●●e●●e with Dr●●● to the Newfound world. The Vessel wherein Squire was, being by the fortune of the Sea scattered from the rest, he was taken at Gad●●ap, & was brought as a prisoner or captive into Spain: where being breathed upon and favoured by Father Richard Wallpole, a man of great authority there, he was set at full liberty, by the intercession and suit of that jesuit, who began to dog and watch him, and to deal with him: notwithstanding, finding him firm in his English religion, he procured another prison for him, which went to, or touched the conscience. And being committed to the Inquisition by interposed persons, he knew so well and skilfully to handle him, that at the last he became Catholic, perhaps upon no other respect or devotion, but that he might get out of prison. Whatsoever the matter or manner were, there is nothing in all this but praise worthy to the jesuit.  
Now, having gotten this first advantage against him; he suffered him not to breath, but sought out all sorts of cunning. to make him fall into his Nets, declaring unto him the afflictions of the English Catholics that were in that Country; and more particularly, of them that had forsaken it, and all their goods, to the end they might live in the liberty of their conscience: and that the Earl of Essex (then great Marshal of England, and afterwards Viceroy of Ireland) was the chief Author of all these evils and miseries: that he must rid the country of him by poison, and that he would give him the means to archiue thereto, without hazard or danger.  
Whereunto, having in some sort persuaded him; he proceeded further, and treated with him concerning the Queen's life, which also he might as easily bring to an end as the Earls. That this also should be a goodly sacrifice to God▪ and that Squire need not fear the ●●●ger of his life or person, by reason of the means which h●● had opened unto him. And though this his enterprise might fall out otherwise then he might desire, yet he should assure himself, that he should change his present condition, into the state of a glorious Saint & martyr in Paradise.  
And he pursued him in such earnest & continual manner with his persuasions, that in the end, he made him to yield to his will and pleasure. And seeing him now and then to wa●er▪ he oftentimes confessed or shro●● him, to confirm him therein: declaring further unto him, that he should no more admit any consultation with himself, touching this point, because he was quiet in his conscience, and that he should no more make question of it whether it were good or ill, but stand upon the maintenance & upholding of his vow: wherein if he failed, he should commit an unpardonable sin before God, and throw, himself headlong into the deep pit of hell; alleging for that purpose unto him, the example of jephtha, who liked rather to kill his daughter, then to infringe the vow he had made.  
This poor miserable man, being thus dealt withal, passed at the last his settled resolution to the jesuits, who caused him yet once again to come to confession or shrift, as the perfection of that their holy plot; he gave him his blessing, comforted him, and put his left arm about his neck, and with the right hand making the sign of the cross, after that he had mumbled betwixt his teeth certain words in Latin, he said distinctly in English: My son, God bless thee, and make thee strong; be of good courage, I pawn my soul for thine: and being either dead or alive, assure thyself thou shalt have part of my prayers. Upon this embracing, Squire took leave of Wallpole, and returned into England.  
Now the instruction that the jesuit has given him, was touching a secret poison, between two hog's bladders, which he gave him for a present: with charge, that he should not touch it, but gloved, lest he poisoned himself: and that when the Queen would go to horseback, he should make sundry small holes in the first bladder, with which he should rub the pummel of her saddle, assuring himself, that of necessity the Queen laying her hand thereupon, and bringing it to her face, this poison should be of such power, that she should die thereof. And that he must do the like to the Earl of Essex, who prepared himself to set sail for the islands of Terseras, and had gathered great troops when squire arrived: who presenting himself to the counsel of estate, and seeing he was very favourably received at his arrival, he purposed to put in execution, his design and practise against the Queen, before the Earl should take shipping, whom also he meant to follow in that voyage: supposing, that if the poison did not work, but with length of 〈◊〉, and brought forth the effects thereof whiles he was absent, he should be altogether free from suspi●ion. Upon this conceit, he watched all the means to work his enterprise: he understood that the Queen would go abroad on horseback, and entered thereupon into the stable; where also he found the horse saddled? Then making show to see all things fit and neat, he rubbed the pummel with the bladder, that was hid under his hand, which also was covered with a glove, all according to the instruction that the father his Confessor had given him; and as he was occupied about this work, he sing and said aloud, God give the Queen long life, repeating that word sundry times. But God would not that the poison should work. But for all this, the wicked man let not his hope go, but supposed it would declare the working of it in some time afterwards. Upon which opinion he embarked himself six days after. And as the E●●l● was at the Sea between Fayall and Saint Michael, and was ready to go to dinner, squire rubbed the leaning places of his chair with the same poison. And it so●●l our, that 〈◊〉 suppertime, the Earl found ●●at●so means, and distaste in himself whereupon Squire supposed that he had gotten the goal, but he was deceived in this, even 〈◊〉 he was in the first attempt.  
Moreover, many months possed away and Wa●●pole received no news touching the Queen's death: wherefore supposing that squire had mocked him, herefo●●ed to revenge himself upon him therefore▪ and did expressly send an other English man, who affirming that he was escaped out of the Spanish Inquisition, related particularly and laid open all this conspiracy: and ●hat he was of purpose come from thence, to advertise the Queen thereof. And though at the first, some supposed, that this was but some stuff or scout, hole invented, by some one o● other of squires enemies, yet (as in a ma●●er of such consequence, men may not countenance any thing, plain process was made thereof and upon this re●●ne he was taken, and men were thereby better informed, touching the truth of this point. And perceiving himself convicted, by such as held and determined truth against him, and being also enforced by his own conscience, he confessed all the matter even as it, was. And in the end, was by sentence condemned to death, and executed in the year, 1598. A punishment indeed fi● and meet for a jesuit, and yet very admirable also, that the Queen of England, had not intelligence of this treason by any other, then by him that had given the first counsel touching the same. And if Richeome would credit me, he shall add this miracle to his book.   

CAAP. 5. ¶ That the jesuits do at this day make show to condemn their wicked doctrine, in all things concerning either the murdering of Princes, or rebellion against their States.  
BEfore the coming of jusuits into our country, we knew not what it was, handsmoth, as we say, to kill Kings and Sovereign Princes. This is a certain kind of Merchandise and ware, that hath come out of their ships, by reason of that wicked vow of blind obedience, which they make to their Superiors, Insomuch, as Prince's laws depend at this day, upon the good mind of these honest people. And though their profession be, as you have heard, yet do they at this day in their books disaduance the same with many goodly speeches, of which they are never without store. And because amongst all manslaughters and murders, there is none more plain and evident, than these that Barriere, and afterwards Chastell, meant to commit against our Kings, I will first deal with that of Barriere, concerning which Montaignes speaking, saith that it was a deceit or cozening, and that the jesuits are altogether clear of it.  
The truth is (saith he answering Arnault) that Barriere deposed that he had asked council of a jesuit, 
Chap. 59 in his book of Truth defended.  concerning his purpose and practise, that is true indeed: for he came to Varade a jesuit of Paris, from whom, he was sent away and sharply reproved: he declaring by his countenance and speech, that he was so far carried against him in it, that he would not hear it in confession or shrift. This also is true (which you made no account to deliver) that this man Barriere, asked advice of all the world touching his enterprise, and that long time before he did it, caused to assemble at Lions, the Divines on the other side of Saon, there to have their advice therein, where there was not one jesuit present. Also, that in the Church of Saint Paul in the same City, he caused his funerals on the second day of August to be solemnly kept, leaving there his black scarf, and arms, as the badges and pledges of the fore-pretended victory that would follow. Again, that he deposed, that a jesuit of Lions, dissuaded him from that enterprise. All which things declare in that act, the vanity of this man, and the innocency of them, whom thou hast accused, with so cruel amplifications, and exaggerations, all tending to manifest the overrunning of of thy lying tongue. And though there were such a disposition (as indeed there was not) and that it were as forcible against the jesuits, as any thing in the world could be, yet being wrung from them by torture and torments, it was not any matter of importance forcible, sound to prove it.  
This jesuit Montaignes, denieth the fact: the reason is, because every villainous and foul fact, must be denied. And he reproveth Arnauld of lying, though in all that, which I have already laid down out of him, there is not so much as one word of truth. Let us go forward to the sentence of condemnation, which the second jesuit giveth against his own Order, in the very humble petition which he presented to the king.  
The second crime (saith he) concerning your Majesty in particular, is more tedious and troublesome, and indeed had more need to be confuted, for to say that we are enemies to Kings and states, without mentioning particular of special points, is to form a proposition of too large a reach, and which cannot easily be defended: but to affirm it in the special, will draw the point into a narrow room. And therefore our enemies have endeavoured, to bring us within the limits and lists of the particular, saying, that we are the enemies of your Majesty in particular, and of the state. The general porposition, would serve for hound and horn to set the game on foot: But the particular proposition, would blow the fall of the Deer, and finish the chase. Sir, before in this place we declare our innocency, we humbly beseech your Majesty, that that which is already past, specially if you hold an opinion, that you have forgoteen and forgiven it, may not be prejudicial to our justification.  
May it please your Majesty to remember, the answer full of magnanimity of one of your ancestors, which is in every man's mouth, by reason that it is worthy to be noted. It behoveth not a King of France to pursue the quarrels of a Duke of Orleans. Sir, you are no less courageous than this King was, neither shall you have less praise, but rather greater, if you vouchsafe to say: it behoveth not the King of France to revenge the quarrels of the King of Navarre, nor the eldest son of the Church, to be incensed against all, by reason of one man's opinion repugnant to the same Church.  
May it please your Majesty then, to show us that wont favour which you have extended unto all your subjects, and to bury in everlasting forgetfulness, every thing which happened in that season. May it please your Highness, here to be informed, that we never intended any thing against your Royal person in particular, as our adversaries have sought often times to prove against us, and yet could never do it: And that amongst all things whatsoever, which the Clergy, the Preachers and others, have done or said, we have said or done far less than they reported of us unto you; and that they always carried a tange rather of a bad gloss, then of a true text in whatsoever they did or said. For if they now dare at high noon, and in the bright Sunshine of our peace, charge truth with a thousand inventions contrary to truth indeed: what might they have done then, when as amidst all the rumours and foggy clouds of war, lying had his full course without encounter? and where truth durst not show itself. For the time of war, is the time of lying, saith the old proverb.  
If happily we may obtain that of your Majesty, we do thereby obtain the upper hand, and the second accusation will be without force: for it hath nothing to uphold it from falling to the ground with the least touch. For by what argument can they prove, that we in particular are enemies against your Majesty? From what spring do they mean this hatred must proceed? And from what premises do they infer this conclusion? Is it by reason that you are a King? Why, our Society honoureth Kings: and this is approved by witnesses, by experience, and by reason. Is it because that you are the eldest son of the Church? We respect this quality as much, yea and rather more than the first. Is it by reason that you are King of France? France is our native country, and you as King are our Father. Whom shall we love, if we love not our Father and mother? Is it by reason that you are a worthy warrior, and Captain of Kniges, and King of Captains? This virtue maketh itself at all times to be beloved both of friends and foes. Is it by reason that you are mild in your conversation, wise in your sentences, free in your manners, steadfast in your promises, prompt in your actions, ready to labour, bold in danger, forward in combat, moderate in victory, and in every thing royal? These qualities cannot engender or bring forth hatred. but on the contrary, they are amiable in all, but admirable in the person of a King.  
This speech was appropriated in particular, to the Kings own royal person; and a little before, near the same place, is another sentence, by which this honest man the jesuit upheld, that men had wronged them, in imputing unto them, to have as it were wrestled against the state. To these witnesses, dread Sovereign, we add a second argument taken from the cause. Whereupon we building, do demand, what true likelihood there is in our profession, that we should be enemies of Kings and of their States. Are we so ignorant of the law of God, that we know not, that it is God that giveth them? that by him kings do govern, and by him Legifers make and give good laws? That both the name & action of a king is a right of patronage proper to the Divine and Supreme Majesty? and that kings bear in their royalty the image of God; and in this calling God willeth us to obey them, to honour and serve them for the safety of their persons and the State. And if we know these things, having both preached and written them, and again do preach and write them: how may it be that we have so little conscience, as to hate that, which we believe that God loveth: to despise that, which he alloweth; to destroy that which he maintaineth; to have so little judgement, as to publish one thing and do another? Are we to be reputed religious? Nay, rather more heathenish than the heathens themselves, than Cannibals and Mainelnes, who though they can do nothing, but show hatred and revenge, yet do they notwithstanding love their Princes.  
I praise those two sentences, (jesuit be thou whatsoever thou art) and would to God, that thy soul were as clean, as thy wit is fine, and as I perceive thy words to be smoothly couched together. I cannot but love thee, inseeing thee draw to the life, the counterfeit of those singular and admirable virtues of soul & body, which shine in our King: and with all I must honour thee, in seeing thee set out the picture of Obedience, which the subject oweth unto King. And sure if thy heart and my pen agree, I know thou wilt condemn them all that would have attempted any thing against the person of this great Prince, who hath not yet met with his paragon, as one who in martial prowess, hath far surpassed all others. Thou carriest too noble a mind (were it not that thou art a jesuit) to judge of it any otherwise. Go to now, I will show thee, that all that which thy fellow hath said, in his Truth defended, is but a stark lie: for that which toucheth the deed of Barrier when he came to murder this king, whom thou so much exaltest, was contrived by the express counsel of thy fellows, & copartners. Not only then, when he was but simply king of Navarre, but since he was called to the Crown of France, & reduced into the bosom of our Catholic apostolic and Roman Church. If again I show unto thee, the general rebellion of France, enterprised under the title of the holy League, which was first begun after conducted by your holy religious persons, against one Henry the third, King of France, one of the most Catholic kings that ever France enjoyed, what judgement wilt thou pass against thy own party? I remit it even to thy own conscience, yea to the conscience of any good Catholic, that is not a cloaked jesuit: Nay further I say, that these two parties, are the only upholders of your condemnation, and upon them grounding my opinion, I take upon me directly to show, that to establish you again in France, were great lack of judgement & experience. I will therefore lay down these two points in order, and first I will begin with Barriere: afterwards with Chastell: then with the Universal revolt, of the which you jesuits (take it amongst you) were the first authors within this Realm.   

CHAP. 6. ¶ A prodigious history of the detestable parricide attempted against King Henry the fourth of that name, the most Christian King of France and Navarre, by Peter Barriere, for the raising up of jesuits.  
I Will recite unto you faithfully this history of Barriere, and that you may believe me, I will speak it upon peril of my goods, of my body, and of mine honour: for I have learned it of a friend of mine whom I esteem of as myself, which was then present at Melun, when this deed was done: and who spoke twice unto Barriere in the presence of Lugoly his judge, who saw him executed to death, heard all that he maintained during the time of his tortures, until the last breathing of his life, who handled the knife of the which I will hereafter speak, who since drew out the Copy of his trial, and who by posts sent it with speed, by commandment of the King, to make it manifestly known through all this Realm; and lastly, being drawn forth, he made me partaker of a Copy thereof which I have kept unto myself: and thus it is.  
The King, having made peace with God, and truce with those that were his enemies, took his progress from the city of S. Denys, to come to Fountanebleau, and as he entered Melun, he was advertised by Lodowic Brancaleon, an Italian Gentleman, unto him unknown, that a soldier departed purposely from Lions to kill him: He told the King, that he had not only seen the party, but that he had drunk twice with him in the jacobins Covent. And besides he said, that this man was of a tall stature, mighty and strong of his joints: his beard was of an abrun colour: he had on a Spanish leather jerkin, and a pair of Oringe-tawney culloured stockings upon his legs. The King not easily astomshed, yet full of prudence, sent for Lugoly, being then Lieutenant general of the long gowns in the Provostie of the Altar. To whom when he had recited that which he had understood, commanded him to make a privy search through the City, for this man who had been thus set forth and thus described unto him.  
The same day, the reporter saw this fellow whom he looked for in the King's house; but as he was in the midst of many people, so lost he the sight of him unwares, as God would, to the end the party should be remitted until the next day. Which Traitor, having lodged in a Hamlet, a part of the ruinated suburbs of S. Liene, as he would have entered the City by S. jobs gate, he was taken upon presumption of the foresaid marks. This was the 27. of August, 1593. Lugoly caused him to be put in prison, where he examined him: and finding him some. what variable, caused irons to be put on his hands and feet, as the importance of the matter did require.  
Presently after his departure. Anna Rousse the jailers wife, asked the prisoner what he would have to dinner: He answered her, that he would neither eat nor drink, unless that he might have poison brought him. This answer being well noted of the assistants, caused him more to be suspected, and his actions more narrowly to be looked into. Amongst the rest, there was a Priest prisoner, called Master Peter the Ermite, who according to the looseness of the time▪ became a soldier determined for the League, Barriere, having learned of him, that they were both of one Society; acquainted himself with him. So, after some conference the priest inquired of him if he had not a knife; the other thinking to have met with his mate, answered him yea, and at that instant time drew forth from his hose a knife, whereof the making was thus, the blade thereof very strong about two inches near unto the handle, having a back as other knives have, and the rest of the knife being five inches long, di●●cut on both sides like a two edged sword, the point was made in manner of a Barley corn, or poniard: the knife of a right murderer, as one who would not fail of his stroke. The Priest in a smiling manner told him, it was a fit knife to pair nails, but if it were seen it would be his death. Barriere now requested him to lay it up for him, the which the other did promise him. But at the same instant, he sent for Lugoly, unto whom he discoursed what had happened between them, and delivering the knife into his hands, Lugoly informed and examined the jailors' wife, touching the poison, the Priest touching the knife, and the Italian Gentleman of that which had passed at Lions the 28. of August. The prisoner being divers times examined, you shall understand, that in all his examinations, he named himself Peter Barriere, alias, La Bar, borne at Orleans: by his first trade, a Basketmaker, and since that, enticed by one Captain De la Cour, being in a Lady's service, whom he forsook & became a soldier of the company of the Lord of Albigny, the space of one whole year making wars for the League, until he was taken by the Lord De la Guest, Governor of Issoire, where he remained some certain days. And from the time that he served this great Lady, he had purposed to kill the king, either with knife or pistol, in the midst of his Guards. By which act, he thought, to have made a great sacrifice to God, in killing a King of a contrary religion to his own. Upon which motion, being sent back again by the Lord De la Guest, he intended to pass by Lions, where he would inquire of some religious, if he might justly kill the King, being converted to our religion: to whom was answered, no. And being constrained in the same place to sell his cloak, and a pair of silk slockings to get him victuals, from Lions he passed by Burgonie, then to Paris, and in the end, arrived at Melun, where he had lain in a barn near Saint lians Church. Near which place, a little before he had received the blessed Sacrament at Bricontre-robert upon a working day, and that he was come to the king's Court to seek a master. And that if he were put to death, those of his confederacy would find themselves grieved. He said also, that the knife had cost him 18. pence in Paris, and that he bought it to no other purpose but to use at the Table.  
The next day being the 29. he was examined the 4. time upon the same articles: and amongst other points whereof he was examined, he affirmed, that being at Lions, he might have had the Livetenantship of the Marquis of S. Surlin, or under him, the leading of a company of light-horsemen, if he had been willing. Then Lugoly pressed him, and asked him, why he held for the League, and parting thence, came to seek service in the kings Court. At these words he remained dumb for a time, and at last said, that he had answered already as the truth was. Four witnesses were examined against him. Brancaleon, who gave information of Barriers counsel taken at Lions to slay the King, & who had kept nothing hid from the Commissioners that he knew: the jailers wife, examined of the poison: Master Peter the Ermite, concerning the knife: and Master Thomas Bowcher, the Curate of Bricontre-robert being called for, declared to have confessed him eight days before, and the next day after communicated with him, and further, that he had told him how he had confessed himself 4. days before in the City of S. Dennis, but not a word of any thing concerning his attempt against the king. All these witnesses, who of him were embraced as coadjutors, and counsellors, are not only not reproved, but withal, they attest their depositions to contain the very truth of all they knew; Brancaleon excepted, who affirming, that he had communed with him of this enterprise against the King, acknowledged therewith, that he had eat & drunk twice with him in the Lacobins house. The matter after this manner examined by Lugoly, the king caused by his Letters-patents, six Counsellors of the council of State, accompanied with two Precedents of sovereign Courts, to adjudge and give sentence of him as he had deserved. here needed no doubt to be put of the lawful proceeding against him. For was it not sufficient, yea and by too too many proofs, to declare him guilty and convinced of that crime, in the execution whereof he was prevented? Was it not enough to convince him of the fact, who had confessed he had a mind to kill the King before his conversion; and missing of his purpose then, had since deliberated with 4. Munks at Lions about the same act, to wit, whether he might justly kill him or no. In witness whereof, he that drunk with him at that time as he pretended to come to the Court for that purpose, had pointed him forth to the King by every particular mark to make him known. Was there not matter enough to judge him guilty, who had judged himself even by his own conscience from his first committing into prison, as well by demanding for poison, as also, for the murderers knife, whereof he was found seized? Was there not evident proof to condemn him, who confessed, he had left the League of purpose, to come to the Court only to seek a Master? Questionies, he was justly judged to die: And therefore by decree the 31. of August he was condemned to be drawn upon a sledge or tumbril, & as he passed through the streets, his flesh to be pulled of with hot irons. This being done, to be led to the great market place, and there to have his right hand burnt off with the knife in it: after that, to be laid upon a scaffold, and so to have his arms, legs, and thighs broken by the Executioner, and after his death, his body first to be consumed to ashes, and then to be cast into the River: his house razed, his goods confiscated to the King. Moreover, before his execution, he should be plied with questions, aswell ordinary as extraordinary, to learn by his own mouth, who had induced him to this wicked enterprise. This was the sum of the sentence denounced against him.  
Hitherto you have seen nothing in this prisoner which chargeth the jesuits of Paris, neither likewise that he was distracted in mind, as Montaignes' would describe him, but rather a man advised, who bore off every blow in the best manner that he could: and from whom the judges drew by four several examinations, what they could for searching out the truth. The sentence the same day being pronounced against him, the Interrogatories were committed to two of his judges, and Lugoly to see them propounded unto him, and to examine him. This poor wretch being there brought forth, requested them, that he might not be quartered quick, but rather give him leave, and he would to the uttermost, confess the truth of every particular point for that matter.  
First then he began to lay open every particular concerning the passage at Lions, from point to point, at Brancaleon had delivered of him to the King, and acknowledged, that in the said City, he had conferred with four religious persons, to wit, a Carmelite, a jacobin, a Capuchin, and a jesuit: with whom he agreed to commit this murder, and thereupon departed the next day after the Assumption of our Lady, to this intent arrived he in Paris, and lodged himself in the street, called De la Huchet, where he inquired who was the most zealous of God's Church and honour in Paris. Whereunto one answered him, saying, the Curates of S. Andrew's of Arts.  
Hereupon, he presently went to visit him, and recited unto him his whole determination; wherewith the Curate seemed well pleased, and made him drink: saying, he should gain by that act, both great glory and Paradise. But before he proceeded any further, it were very convenient, that he should first go visit the Rector of the jesuits, of whom he might take more certain resolution.  
Whereupon, he went to the jesuits College, spoke with their chief Commander, & understood by him, that he had been chosen Rector not past three weeks before. Marry after many fair speeches, and friendly entertainment, he concluded, that his enterprise was most holy, and that with good constancy and courage he should confess himself, and receive the blessed Sacrament; and so led him into his Chamber, and gave him his blessing. And the next day following, he was confessed by an other jesuit, to whom he would not discover himself by his confession, but afterwards received the Sacrament in the College of the jesuits. He likewise spoke of it to another jesuit, a preacher of Paris, who spoke often against the King, & adjudged this counsel most holy, & most merritorious: And for this act intended by him, bought the knife that was delivered into the justices hand, the point whereof he caused to be made sharp like a dagger point, as heretofore hath been recited.  
But to return, he thus parting from Paris, went to S. Denys, where the King was, with a firm resolution to kill him in the Church. But seeing the King so devoutly at Mass, as paid with fear, he stayed his hand from that fact, even as if he had lost the use of his arms, or been lame of his limbs. From thence he followed him to the Fort of Gournay, afterwards, to Bricontre-robert, where, after that he had been confessed & communicated again, the King passed by, & so escaped him, while he was drawing the knife out of his hose. Thus to be brief, he arrived at Melun, where he was taken. And now when these judges came to instruct him, and told him that it was ill done, to have received twice the holy Sacrament, having this bad intention in his mind, knowing (as he could not be ignorant thereof) that it was to his damnation.  
Then began he to lament, and said, that he was unhappy, and gave thanks unto God, in that he had prevented him from such a wicked stroke. His confessions were read unto him, to the which he stood, without denial of one word. His confessions (I say) made ere ever he felt one twitch of the rope. So being from thence drawn to the place of execution, as he was upon the Scaffold. Lugoly willed him to tell the truth, warning him to take heed that he should not charge any one wrongfully. Unto which he answered, that all which he had said in the place of examination was true. Of which he asked God, the King, and the justices forgiveness.  
This done, he had his right hand burned in flaming fire, afterwards, his arms, legs, and thighs broken, & he was put upon the wheel, where the judges meant to have left him languishing, till he had given up the ghost. But there again examined, if he would say any thing for the discharge of his conscience? He answered, that whatsoever he had said, was true, and no more but the truth: and that there were two black Friars, which went from Lions to the same intent, but he took upon him to be most forward to archiue the act, for the honour of the enterprise. Thus most humbly requesting the judges to rid him out of his pain, that his soul by despair might not be lost with his body. Upon these words, Lugoly, by the commandment of other judges, caused him to be strangled: and the next day, his body was consumed into ashes, and the ashes cast into the River. After the execution done, which was upon Tuesday, the 31. of August, news was brought by a Citizen of Melun to Paris, (for the passages were free wheresoever, by reason of a truce made:) And upon the Sunday following, one Comolet, a jesuit, made a sermon, about the end whereof, he requested his audients to have patience, for you shall see (quoth he) within few days, a wonderful miracle of God, which is at hand, you shall see it, yea, esteem it as already come. These words uttered openly in the presence of an innumerable multitude, caused the judges to be most assured, that what soever Barriere had spoken, was most true.   

CHAP. 7. ¶ How the heathenish impiety of the jesuits, had been prejudicial in our Church, if their execrable counsel had come to an effect.  
I Have most faithfully discoursed unto you, what was the proceed of Barriere, now ye may well gather, that whatsoever is penned down by the Pleader of Clairmont College, and again by Montaignes, within his fabulous truths, are as it were old women's fables, such as we read in the most part of their annual Epistles, sent amongst their friends. And moreover, that Barriere was not a plain simple and innocent man, but rather one most resolute, and stout, who stood upon his guard as much as in him lay: yea, before the Magistrate, and who after his condemnation, had his memory so perfect, as he could entreat that he might not be committed to the mercy of the Wheel, or other torture. And therefore most false is that which Montaignes giveth out of him; that he was frighted, and his memory past him, by means of the torments he suffered. This (I say) was false; for he was never tortured, until his confessions of the fact were all ended, as is before set down at large.  
Before the sentence of death was denounced, the judges showed no great suspicion had of the jesuits, but having found sufficient matter to condemn the malefactor to death, than they all gave consent (by reason of his fact) that he should be plied with questions, whereby he might reveal his pretences. So that without being put to the tortures, (seeing it was in vain to delay) he declared each thing in particular of that which was passed. And thereupon, as you have heard, he accused 4. religious persons of Lions, & amongst others, a jesuit, without naming him. But the Gentlemen, by his deposition have informed us, that it was one Petrus Maiorius. Afterwards he recited what had been done with him at Paris, in the jesuits College there, by him that held the first place, to wit, the Rector, whose name also he knew not. But Montaignes hath discovered him unto us by the name of Varade.  
As indeed it was a thing easily known, for that he then commanded in the College: adding thereunto, that the King being since entered into Paris, Varade saved himself by agility of body, taking himself to flight; as one that knew full well, there was no surer witness against him than his own conscience.  
As touching Comolet, there needed no other witnesses than those which were at his sermon. Moreover, passages on each side were free and at liberty, by reason of the truce made: so that many honest persons, which had withdrawn themselves by flight into Melun, being now come back again into Paris, understood this great miracle of which he prophesied. Concerning the rest, the prisoner before he was put to death, persisted upon the Scaffold in all that he had said and spoken in the place of examination: & again after that, upon the wheel, being full of good memory and understanding; for they had meddled with no part about him, but only the breaking of his arms, thighs, and legs. And after he had persevered a while in that pain, he requested Lugoly not to occasionate his fall into despair, and that losing his body, he might not also therewith lose his soul. Upon which words, the said Lugoly caused him to be strangled, after that he had given his last report unto the justices of all, and had received permission to do it.  
Therefore, it is a most shameful lie, to publish it abroad, that Varade found him so weak of understanding, that he could not in any wise give credit unto him. It was a most notorious lie to say, that the confessions of Barriere, were forcibly taken from him at his examination, notwithstanding that he was not questioned withal but twice at several times upon the Scaffold, where he persisted upon those points which he had confessed in other places, as I here have said. As touching other matters, of the meeting of the Divines, & the Scarf which was hung at S. Paul's, if there had been any such thing, no question but he would have confessed it as willingly as he did the rest. I come again to those flattering speeches, which the second jesuit feedeth the King withal, to the end that his Society might be re-established. Where are now these fair speeches?  
It behoveth not (saith he) the King of France to revenge the quarrels of the King of Navarre, neither the eldest son of the Church, to be moved with an opinion contrary to the Church. Is not this a shameless Piper, who would again unawares overcome our king by the sound of his pipe? I have here from the beginning recited the plausible persuasions of the jesuits, to the end every one might know, that there is no better to be looked for, to come from such lying lips as they have. I have here from the beginning, set down the history of Barriere, to the end, that each one might know, that it is impossible to do worse, and that there is not in the world any beast more cruel, subtle and fierce, then is the jesuit: wherefore, all men ought by all means possible to beware of his treasons. But I pray you, how were these Nets spread, & of what stuff were they? Marry so long as the King was of another religion than ours is, the jesuits never made show of any willingness or intent to have him murdered; no not in the greatest broils of our troubles: And now, being reconciled to our church, upon some fear which was resident in them, as they feigned, lest that the King made himself a Catholic upon dissimulation, this (said they) was cause of offering unto his Majesty such cruel wars. But when? in the midst of the sworn truce, when every man esteemed himself to be at rest wheresoever he lived, by the public and mutual faith which every one had given one towards another, than began this new counsel to proceed.  
This judas had never any purpose to kill the King before he became a Catholic: because they deemed, that as long as he was plunged in his error, the people whom they held in their rebellion, would never be drawn to live subjecteth under his obedience. But as soon as he was converted, they doubting of their fortunes, fearing lest his reconciliation might reduce them being his subjects, to their accustomed duty, they hereupon endeavoured with all their power to prevent it, and thought by one means or other he should be slain, to enjoy afterwards that privilege which they use, and likewise to place such a Monarch in the kingdom, as esteemed himself most strong, and one that should stand to their devotion.  
My intent & meaning is, that this matter be handled, not only before our holy Father the Pope, & his Consistory, but also, that it should come before the meanest person in the world, if he have any spark of religion & judgement. For was there ever impiety more abominable than this? That our jesuits should have charmed such a weak spirit as this was, by the holy Sacraments of the Church, & have enticed him to murder the king? Not because that he was an heretic, but by reason that they suspected there was dissimulation in his conversion.  
Be it that they suspected he was but dissemblingly converted, which I believe not. But admit that they had suspected it, yet is it therefore of necessity, that the life of so great a King, should depend upon their vain imagination? and that upon this pretence, they should counsel such a detestable murder? and barter likewise to have compacted with those, that would undertake it, to give them Paradise for a counterchange? Besides, in giving more scope to their wickedness, they have abused the holy Sacrament of the Altar. O God, was there ever a wickeder Atheism since the world was a world?  
It was not only a simple King of Navarre whom they shot at, but the greatest King that ever France enjoyed. It was not a Prince of a contrary faith to ours, but rather him, who with all humble submission, had reduced himself into the bosom of the Church. Now will we give care to this cogging jesuit, I deceive myself: but we will hear him to the end, that, that which he hath handled, may serve for a condemnation against him, and all his.  
But behold, what fruit had our Catholic Apostolic and Roman Church brought forth, if this hateful counsel had come to an effect. Doubt you not, but that the conversion of our King, was unto the Hugonots a great cut in their hearts. So that if any mischance had happened unto him, as touching his life, by the Clergy, good God, how would they have set up their banners against us in their assemblies? What subject might their Ministers have had to have thundered out, yea, even in their Pulpits, bringing heaven and earth together, and to have said, that it was a blow come from heaven: by reason that the King having forsaken their Church, (these be the words which they would have used) God had permitted it that he should be so soon taken out of the world, yea, & by those religious Priests unto whom he yielded himself. Mighty they not have had great occasion to have said unto them; Our Preachers in their Pulpits, handle a thousand matters with less loss then that was?  
Had it not been a means to maintain them in their errors in stead of preventing them? Did not all this turn to the ruin and desolation of the holy Apostolical Sea of Rome, of which our jesuits say they are Protectors. Their proposition is not Catholic, but rather anabaptistical, the which they revive again in minding to take away the life of Kings.   

CHAP. 8. ¶ Of the murder which john Chastell (brought up at Paris, in the jesuits School,) sought to attempt against the King, in the year 1594.  
IT happened upon Saint john Evangelists day, being the 27. of December, 1594. after the reducing of Paris under obedience to their Sovereign, that the King going to his Chamber, accompanied with many Princes and Lords, found himself unlooked for suddenly strooken in the mouth with a knife, so that neither he, nor those that were with him, could perceive it: for assoon as john Chastell who was the Traitor, & but nineteen years of age, had given the stroke, he dropped down the knife, and set himself in the midst of the press. He was but young and none would have deemed this furious enterprise to have been in so tender years.  
Every one was in a maze, and busy to think who had done that traitorous deed, and it wanted not much, but that this young youth had made an escape. Notwithstanding, God would not permit, that this detestable act should remain unpunished. By chance it was, that some one casting his eyes upon him, he became as one sore affrighted and paid with fear. But as he promised himself to have the Paradise of jesuits if he died one of their maytyrs, so also he confessed this fact more readily and promptly then was looked for at his hands. Whereupon, by decree of the Court of Parliament in Paris, he was condemned to die. Now here the jesuits make a great boasting of their innocency, saying, that in his examination, and out of it also, he never charged any one of them: but all that he had done proceeded of his own will, and that in this confession he persevered until the last gasp of his life. As for my part, I have no greater argument than this, to show that the trade of murdering was lodged within their Colleges. And where there was any exercise of good education and study, no scholar would have undertaken such a damnable determination, but such a one as was brought up under them. Wherefore we remain all in one mind, that he had there studied and passed his course in Philosophy. True it is, that it was reported, that he had not been conversant there for the space of eight months past.  
The reason of this diversity is most easy, for in the other Colleges, they know not what it meant to instruct scholars how to murder Kings, and specially in ours. But in the jesuits Colleges, it is contrary, and preached in their own assemblies nothing so much as that alone. Of the which indeed they were but too prodigal in their Sermons: so as this young boy, having as yet his soul infected with their poison, being newly departed from their schools, was not altogether healed.  Quo semel est imbuta recens, soruabit adorem Testa diu. 
Behold how that upon the ancient instructions and memories of the jesuits, their Disciples suppose to offer a holy sacrifice unto God in committing murder, yea, and that of Princes. The same happened sometime in Italy, where there was one Cola Mentcuan, who taught they youths of Milan in studies of humanity, and amongst the chiefest discourses of his Dictates, he treated ordinarily of no other thing, but happy is he who with the price of his blood, redeemeth a commonwealth from the bondage of a Tyrant. These discourses took such hold with three Gentlemen of a Town named Cases, and of the families of the Empoignane, Viscont, and Olgiate, that having attained to ripeness of years, they cosulted together to put in execution the instructions of their Master. And in conclusion, upon S. Stephen's day in Christmas, as john Galeas, Duke of Milan, went into the great Church to hear Mass, they doubted not but to murder him in open sight of all the people: though they were assured, that hardly they should escape the furies of the Duke's guard, as it happened unto them. For in the same place there were two of them slain, and the third who had escaped, was taken some few days after, and led to the gallows, where he confessed, none but himself and his fellows, as Chastell did. And nevertheless, the truth is so well noted and known by the Historiographers of Italy, that the instructions of Cola their Master, had been their first stirrer or provoker. By these means, our jesuits are very scoffers, when they think to excuse themselves upon the answers of Chastell. I know not whether they were such as they affirm, but well I wots, that all their Lectures and Sermons, tend to no other but bloodshed, exhorting men to murder: thereby yielding themselves sole pledges and sureties, for their Paradise that will undertake this great masterpiece of work.   

CHAP. 9 ¶ That it is an heresy to approve the kill of Princes, though they be heretics.  
WIth what hypocrisy soever the jesuits now disguise themselves in their modern writings, yet without doubt they have both made profession of, & taken a glory, in the murder of Kings and sovereign Princes. Besides an ins●●te number of examples which I could allege, there is one Peter Matthew, a Doctor of both laws, who in the year 1587. made a collection of many Latin Poems, written by Italians; and the year following, heaped together sundry decrees of Popes, from the time of Gregory the 9 unto Sextus Quintus. Now, even as among those Poems, the fairest pieces are the most shameless ones, as the Priapus of Bembus, wherein he suffers his wit to play upon the resemblance there is between the word Mints, an hear be, and the Latin Mentula; and the S●philis of Fracastor, wherein he describeth the beginning, and and proceed of the Pox; so in this second collection, among all the Orders of Religion, allowed by those Pontifical decrees, he commendeth none so highly as that of the jesuits: who value greatly the judgement so honest a man gives of them, and often bring him on their stage. Now mark his discourse upon the Pauline institution of the year 1545. Dum super seminat inimicus ho●● Ziza●ia, adsu●● di●i●o P●●umate ●cciti Patres societatis jesu, qui Petri sedem illustrant▪ in L●●berum arma divini eloquij parant, TYRANNOS AGREDIUNTUR, Lollium ab agro Dominico evellunt, & fidei Christianae praeclarissimi buccinatores, verbo & exemplo cunctis praelucent. This passage copied out word for word by Montaignes, is withal, translated in this sort; Whilst that the enemy of mankind, 
Chap. 58.  soweth tars, behold, the fathers of the Society of jesus, called by the holy Ghost, who adorn S. Peter's chair, use the weapons of God's word against Luther, Assail Tyrants, pluck up those tars out of their masters field, & as most excellent Trumpets of the Christian faith, excel all others both in doctrine, & example. Montaignes' saith, he was not a jesuit that writ this; and I am of his mind: but this Peter Matthew was a man (I know not whither he be now alive or no) whose spirit was altogether jesuited, and unto whom the whole Sect is very much beholding: for besides the Elegy, which he hath made in their behalf upon the Bull of Paulus 3. he addeth unto that of Gregory 1584. a catalogue of all their Colleges, and houses, (though there be many of them in it, but imaginary) and understands their business no less than he, who under the disguised name of Montaignes, hath falcified the truth itself. Now were it as natural, and familiar to jesuits to assail Tyrants, as Lutherans, I persuade me, that who should offer to exempt murder from their order, would resemble a foolish Physician, that finding a body half taken, and benumbed with a palsy, cuts off that half to save the other; for so he might be sure to ruin both together. Here Montaignes, by a sophistical quiddity, saith in the same Chapter, that the name of a Tyrant, hath no affinity with that of a king: a good means to make one kill a Prince, and after to fall into dispute whether he were to be held a King, or a Tyrant: for to what purpose; if not to this end maketh he such a distinction?  
This question hath been long ago resolved, and it displeaseth me, that I must now bring it in doubt gain. After that john Duke of Burgundy, had caused Jews Duke of Orleans, son and brother of a king, to be slain at the gate Barbets, he produced a young Doctor of Divinity, named john Petit, whom he had maintained at study. This fellow came unto the porch of our Lady's Church in Paris, and there preached before an infinite number of people this doctrine, that the murder was justly committed, as upon the person of a Tyrant, and proved by many false reasons, & wrested authorities the action to have been most tolerable. Thus got the Burgonian Duke his suit in the common opinion of the base vulgar: and thereupon, the same error crept into the hearts of many young Divines, who stiffly maintained, that it was lawful to kill a Tyrant: until that Master john Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris (and one of the greatest Divines that ever were in the Church) not enduring that this damnable opinion, should win more ground, got him to the Town of Constance, where a general Counsel was then held, and there procured this proposition to be denounced heretical, as we learn by the 15. Session. Praecipua solicitudine volens haec sacrosancta Synodus ad extirpationem errorum & haeresum in diversis mundi partibus invalescentium providere, sicut tenetur, & ad hoc collecta est, nuper accepit quod nonnullae erroneae assertiones in fide & bonis moribus, ac multipliciter scandalosae, totius Reipublicae statum & ordinem subvertere molientes, dogmatizatae sunt: Inter quas haec assertio delata est. QVILIBET TYRANNVS potest & debet licitè & meritoriè occidi per quemcunque Vasalum suum & subditum, etiam per insidias, vel blanditias, vel adulationes, non obstante quocunque juramento, seu confoederatione, factis cum eo, non expectata sententia, vel mandato judicis cuius●nnque. Aduersus hunc errorem satagens haec sancta Synodus insurgere, & ipsum funditus tollere, decernit, & definite huiusmodi doctrinam erroneam esse in fide & in moribus, ipsamque tanquam scandalosam, & add frauds, deceptiones, mendacia, proditiones, periuria vias dantem, reprobat & condemnat. Which is to say. This holy Council chief desiring (as it is bound, & therefore assembled) to provide for the rooting out of errors, & heresies, which now begin to spread abroad in divers parts of the world, hath lately been informed, that some divulge opinions, erroneous in faith, against good manners, and very scandalous, tending to the subversion of the whole State, and order in States, among which this assertion passeth for currant. Every Tyrant may, and ought lawfully and meritoriously to be killed by any his Vassal, & subject, even by ambushments or flatteries, or fair allurements: notwithstanding any oath passed unto him, or League made with him, and without attending the sentence, or command of any judge whatsoever. Which this holy Counsel endeavouring to resist, and wholly to root out, decrees, ordains, and judgeth, to be erroneous both in matters of faith, and manners: and reproves and condemns it as a point most scandalous, opening the way unto all manner of guiles, deceits, lies, treasons, and perjuries. An ordinance which I respect, and reverence, not only because it was enacted in that great counsel of Constance, whereby the abuses of the Church, and heresy, were rooted up, but in that it was derived from our France, Gerson being the first, and principal Solicitor against the new Divines, who then had entertained this opinion; which since that time, our jesuits have revived in the death of good king Heny, whom they called a Tyrant, & had done the like to our great King now living, if God by his holy grace had not preserved him. But because the jesuits would seem to deny their Peter Matthew, as not being of their Sect, what say they to father Emanuel Sa, terming himself a Doctor of Divinity, and of their Society; who by two artcles in his Aphorisms of confession, hath maintained, that it is lawful for subjects to kill the Tyrant, and to expel a misbelieving Prince out of his Realm: as if the people could, or should give laws unto their King, whom God hath given them to be their sovereign Magistrate.  
I am ashamed that I must prove, no subject aught to attatch his Prince, what part soever he doth play: but having undertaken to combat an heresy which jesuits have practised by deeds, & now would feign go from it in words, I purpose to give them a fulsome gorge thereof. Learn therefore of me this lesson, jesuit, (for I own this duty to all Christians) we ought to obey our kings whatsoever they be, (I will say) good or bad, this is that the wise man teacheth us in his Proverbs, S. Peter in his Epistles, S. Paul unto the Romans, to Titus, & to Timothy, the Prophet Baruch, speaking of Nabuchodonozer, whom God, of all other Princes, had made to fall into a reprobate sense; the goodly example of David persecuted by Saul. Such Kings as God bestoweth on us, such are we to receive without examining, as thou dost, whither they be Kings, or Tyrants. The hearts of Kings are in the hands of God; they execute his justice even as it pleaseth him to punish us, or more, or less, whereto we are not to oppose ourselves, but by our humble prayers unto him: if we deal otherwise, we resemble those overweening Giants described by ancient Poets, who offering to scale the heavens, there to sit cheek by jowl with Gods, were in a moment tumbled down to hell by their god jupiter. Yet ought not a King abuse his power, but know he is a father, not to provoke his subjects, his children, upon every sleight occasion; for if he do, God the father of Fathers, & king of Kings, will (when he lest thinks of it) dart his vengeance against him with a most dreadful & horrible arm. To conclude, seeing that thou jesuit, yieldest a blind obedience to thy superiors, who are but thy adopted Lords, thou owest it in greater measure a hundredfold unto thy King, thy true, lawful, natural Lord, & father. Therefore art thou a most dangerous younker, to propose unto us in thy writings, this distinction of a King & Tyrant; not that I know not the great difference which is between the one & the other; but we are to blindfold our eyes under their obedience, otherwise we shrowded a rebellion of subjects against their Prince; Rebellion which produceth much more evil than the tyranny whereunto we were subject.   

CHAP. 10. ¶ A memorable act of Ignace, whereupon the jesuits have learned to kill, or cause to be killed, all such as stand not to their opinions.  
THere remained in the confines of Spain, certain dregs of the Marranes, whom king Ferdinand had chased out of that realm, & therefore got the title of Catholic, a surname wherewith his successors have since adorned themselves. One of these rascals, mounted on a Mule accosted Ignace on the high way (somewhat after he had changed his former life:) hane told one another to what place they were bend, they entered into sundry discourses, & at length fell into talk of the blessed Virgin Mary, whom the Moor acknowledged for a true Virgin before her Conception, but not after: grounding his opinion on natural reasons, the which have no affinity with our faith. Ignace urged the contrary, with good devotion, that she was a Virgin both before, & at, and after her delivery, & searched every corner of his brain to make it good. But being then a simple novice, & if you will needs know it, but an a. b. c. man in points of religion, it was not for him to manage so high mysteries: so that supplying the want of arguments (whereof he had none left) with a just choler, the Moor who laughed at him in his mind, spurring his Mule, and giving him a full career, left Ignace all alone, who chafing that he was not able to get the victory at the blunt of the tongue, went yet to win it at the sharp with the sword; and so resolved to pursue him amain, & presently to kill him. Notwithstanding, like a man of a good conscience, he found himself extremely perplexed. For on the one side, it vexed him to see a monster fraught with impiety and blasphemy, go upon the ground; on the other, he weighed his own fear of offending the Virgin, in stead of defending her. In this contention, suspended between yea and no, at length he determined to take his Mules advise. He saw the fellow pass into a cross way, and knew whether it led: wherefore, in admirable wisdom he resolved, not to slacken the reins of his choler, but to give his beast the bridle; on condition, that if of her own instinct she followed the tract of that Infidel along the crossway, he would dispatch him without all remission: but, as God would have it, she chose another path, by means whereof, Ignacius suddenly appeased himself, supposing the matter happened to his Mule by divine inspiration.  
God sometimes gives advise unto false Prophets by their beasts; as we read of balaam's Ass, and this Ignatius his Mule, without the which he had most furiously executed his disseignment. Therefore I find no whit strange the resignation he hath made of the same fury unto his successors, with whom I list not dispute whether it be fit or no, but send them, after his example, unto a Mule for resolution.  
At this word, the jesuit would needs lay himself open: Excuse me, I pray you, quoth he, me thinks you deliver not the whole matter: For Ribadinere, one of them of whom you borrowed this history, saith, that Ignatius at that time, was surprised with a remembrance of his old Adam. Homo quip militaris fallaci veri honoris ir●itatione olim elusus: he was fallen into this foolish opinion of revenge, but that afterwards, arriving at our Lady's Church of Mountserrat, he hung before her alter all his weapons, after he had confessed himself, by writing, of all his sins, three days together. Ibi optimo confessario, totius vitae suae crimina per triduum ex scripto confessus est, illique homini omnium primo, animi sui propositum aperuit, iumentum reliquit, gladium pugionemque, quibus Mundo meruerat, ante aram beatissimae Matris Dei apendi jussit: which was in the year 1522.  
Truly, replied the Advocate, I heeded not those 4. or 5. lines when I perused Ribadinere, and I thank you heartily for putting me in mind of them; for I will use but this one point, to show your Sect to be most wicked, and most unhappy, that having this fair, & goodly mirror of your Father and Author before your eyes, your heads have entertained no other objects but the disquiet of the Realms you live in, especially of our country of France, as I will prove immediately.   

CHAP. 11. ¶ Of the holy League, brought by the jesuits the year 1585. into France: and that they are the cause of the Hugonots new-footing among us.  
hitherto I have discoursed unto you, of the murders, paricids, and massacres of Kings & princes; now I will show you the ruin, and desolation of kingdoms, procured by them, and begin first with our own. It is not for a King of France, (saith the jesuit in his Most humble Request) to revenge the quarrel of a King of Navarre; nor fits it the Church's eldest son, to be sensible of what was done against an opinion contrary to the Church.  
Goodly words, which I remember often, so well they please me: as though the jesuits had only warred against the King now living, and no way touched the last, Henry the third, not only adorned with the title of Most Christian, a title long ago bestowed on our kings, but who among the most Christian, was in particular the most Catholic. We saw him in the beginning of his reign follow the jesuits, being charmed by them, and holding them the soundest Catholics: afterwards, the Pryers Minims of Nigeon, hard by Paris, where he had his chamber for his private prayers by night, on festival days, and for his devotion at their Matins at certain other seasons; then haunted he the Capuchins and Fevillants: and with a like zeal instituted the brotherhood of the Penitentiaries, & Whippers; and after all this, the congregation of the Hieronimits at our Ladies of Vincennes, where he and his companions, changed their habits, as Munks, on those days and feasts, whereon they were confined thither.  
I know well that his enemies, imputed all this to hypocrisy, for his ill hap, or to say more truly, their unhappy shifts, would have led men to turn all his actions to the worst. If you say, that the greatest part of such as joined with him, did it for hypocrisy, only to please him, I believe you say most truly, but as for him, I doubt not but he did it only to please God. It were a want of common sense to aver, that a King, nourished in the midst of delights, and fullness of all pleasures, would have chosen this painful course, had he not been drawn unto it by true zeal and devotion: he who otherwise had ten thousand means to credit himself by: such lewd hypocrisies may fall into the hearts of mean companions, who by religions mask strive to seize on new greatness, but not into theirs, whose ancient right assures it them already.  
Then must the jesuite, the hypocrite, raze this clause out of his paper, that the war, whereof I will hereafter speak, was undertaken against a King of any other opinion than the common: it resteth to know, by whom the war was undertaken. Some charge Princes and great Lords with it, & therein altogether are deceived. I will deliver it at large unto you.  
After the decree of the year 1564. had passed, we lived in some rest throughout all France, until the year 1567. about which time, the interview had at Bayon between us and the Spaniard, undid us. For it put jealousies (perhaps not without cause) into the heart of such as were not thoroughly settled. jealousies that bred in France ten thousand mischiefs, which to remember, makes my hair to stare. Now let us examine the jesuits carriage during this lose & general corruption. A surceasing from Arms being appointed in council, the year 64, they thought also to have had leisure enough for the venting their ambition. When their cause was pleaded, that irregular profession of theirs was only dealt against: the wiser sort foresaw, as in a cloud, that this Impostume could not choose in time, but yield a malignant and loathsome matter, though to point at it in particular, none either could, or durst; because that outward simplicity wherewith they shadowed their inward thoughts, surprised even such as wished them most evil; for they imagined the jesuits would have forwarded our Religion, by good examples, zealous prayers, wholesome manners, holy exhortations, and not by Arms.  
But stayed they in these terms? nothing less, they brought into their houses, the knowledge of State matters; they made themselves judges of Princes actions, disposing them at their own pleasure; they contrived wars thereby to compass their designs: and the Pulpits out of which they preached, were to no other use, but as Drums, mischiefs, and Trumpets, to incense our Princes in their combats one against another. And especially, we are not to doubt of their being the Authors, solicitors, and cherishers of our last troubles, a thing which not only they deny not, but make their boast of in their books, as you may find in that of the jesuit La Fon. I undertake not in this place to recite at large the story of these troubles, this only I will tell you, that before the year 1576, we never had put the word League in use: it was only familiar in Italy, the chief harbour of jesuits. When the Parliament was held at Blois, a Lord of some note in Paris, (whom I will not name) whose heart was wholly jesuited, and who on festival days, left his own Parish-church to be present at their Masses sent to the Deputies of Paris these instructions following.  
In this assembly, some laboured hard to make immortal & merciless war, against the Hugonots, & yet demanded an abatement of Subsidies: a proposition ill sorting with the former, those Subsidies having been introduced of purpose to further the wars. By means whereof, the man of whom I speak, taking first advise of the jesuits, propounded a third course, to league themselves against the Hugonots, and that such as willing lie enrolled themselves under the League, should be bound to contribute unto the charge of this new war. These instructions received and published, the Deputies did nominate a certain Prince to be their head. The last King, knowing of what consequence this practice was, and that succeeding, it would make 3. parties in France, his own, (which was not one properly) that of the League, another of the Hugonots: to break this blow, discreetly affirmed, that he approved well this League, but that be would be chief thereof: which was to the end the League should fly no further than he was pleased to give it wings.  
The first stone of our ruin being cast in this manner, the Provosts of the Merchants, and the Sheriffs of Paris, returning home, and loath that this opinion of a League (which they held most holy) should miscarry, sent their Commissions throughout all the Wards, to to the end, that such as would contribute, should subscribe their names. The Constables bore them unto every house, some hardy than the rest, opposed themselves, the greater number, fearing worse, subscribed. The Commission was brought to Christopher le Tou, chief justice, whose memory we cannot honour too much: this good Lord, refused not only to subscribe, but detained the Commission itself, and the next day, in open Court detested this unhappy innovation, as an assured desolation to our state. His authority, his honesty, his reasons, wrought so great effect, that every one allowed, and followed his advise. From thenceforth, this opinion of the League did wear away, or rather was remitted to another season, that better might befit the purposes of such as broached it.  
Suddenly, after the Parliament was ended, Father Aimon Auger, a jesuit, got the King to give ear unto him through his plausible hypocrisies: And after him, Father Claudius Matthew of Lorraine; both the which had so great part in his good favour, that (as Montaignes testifieth) he sometimes caused them to ride along with him in his own Coach. At length, this good King, found that these coozeners, were desirous to encroach upon the managing of State-matters about him, Auger especially; whom for that cause, he gave order to his Ambassador at Rome, to get him removed out of France, by Letters of obedience from his General.  
The King departing from the Parliament, pacified his subjects by an Edict of the year 1577. the which he said was wholly his own; and yet had by his wisdom, clean dashed the reformed Religion without bloodshed, if the jesuits would have vouchsafed him the leisure to finish what he had begun: Wageing in the midst of peace, a gentle war against the Hugonots: gentle, but more forcible in great men's opinions then any weapons could have made it. For although that the Edict of 77. gave some liberty unto them, yet the king neither called them to places of judgement, nor unto offices in his Exchequer, nor to the governments of Provinces and Towns.  
He had moreover devised the order of the holy Ghost, reserved wholly for Catholic Princes and Lords, as also, that of the Hieronimitans of our Lady of Vincennes, where none were to appear, but Apostolical Roman Catholics, and with whom (laying aside his most high authority) he fraternized in all kind of devotion. Now, the presence of these, causing the others absence, believe it was no small means to force them into the right way. For there is nothing which the French Nobility affect so much, as to be near their King, nor any thing that afflicts the common people more, then to be kept from Offices: this is a disease of mind that spoils the Frenchman.  
As soon as a Lawyer, or Merchant, have by their endeavours, stuffed their Closets and Storehouses with silver, the thing they chiefly aim at, is to bestow it on places of judgement, or rooms in the Exchequer for their Children: so that the new Religion began already to dissolute, and it grieved not the Ancients thereof (who for shame, and to avoid the imputation of lightness, stuck unto it) to suffer their children to be instructed in our Schools, and consequently to learn there the principles of our Religion.  
All matters in this sort proceeded, from ill to well, from well to better; the Countryman plied hard his plough; the Artificer his trade; the Merchant his traffic; the Lawyer his practice; the Citizen enjoyed his revenue; the Magistrate his stipend; the Catholic his own religion throughout all France, without impeachment. The remainder of those Hugonots that lived, being sequestered into a back corner of the kingdom; when our jesuits seeing themselves removed from their Prince's favour, began to lay this snare to entrap him.  
Even as the Society of jesuits, is composed of all sorts of people, some for the pen, others for practice; so had they amongst them, one Father Henry Sammier of Luxembourge, a man disposed for all assays, and resolved unto any hazard. This fellow was sent by them in the year 1581., towards divers Catholic Princes to sound the Ford: And to say truly, they could not have chosen one more fit; for he disguised himself into as many forms as objects, one while attired like a soldier, another while like a Priest, by and by like a country Swain: Dice, cards, and women, were as ordinary with him, as his prefixed hours of prayer; saying, he did not think he sinned in this, because it was done to the furtherance of a good work, to the exaltation of God's glory, and that he might not be discovered: changing his name together with his habit, according to the Countries wherein he purposed to negotiate. He parted from Lorraine, and thence went into Germany, Italy, and Spain. The sum of his instructions were, that foreseeing the eminent danger of our Catholic religion, the seeming connivence which the King gave to it, and secret favour he yielded on the other side to the Hugonots, whereof the Duke his brother had made himself an open Protector in the Lowe-Countries, their holy society had resolved to undertake this quarrel under the leading of a great Prince, making sure account of God's assistance, seeing that it was directed to the advancement of his holy Name, and good of his Church.  
Thus Sammier got intelligence from each part, and took assurance on all hands: but presently to manifest their projects, the season fitted not; because the Duke was alive, and the two brother's forces once united, were sufficient to swallow all such as had made head against them. And this was but the preamble unto our Troubles. In the year 83. he died. That let removed, the jesuits embarked in their quarrel such Lords as they thought good: and from thence forward, Father Claudius Matthew Provincial of Paris, deals in the matter more earnestly than before; sits and assists in all delibe rations, and counsels, takes upon him a journey unto Rome, & Father Henry Sammier, another into Spain; where they so well acquitted themselves in their Embassages, that Pope Gregory the 13. and the Spanish King promised, each for his part, a great sum of money towards the maintenance of this war. The Ambassadors being once returned, we beheld Ensigns displayed, France covered with soldiers, and many Towns surprised, wherein there never had been any exercise of new Religion.  
Now might you see three parties on foot, the Kings, very much entangled; that of the holy League; (so was the jesuits war entitled) & that of the Religion; for so the Hugonots did term their faction. Pope Gregory died: then feared the jesuit he should lose half of his credit, for which cause father Matthew returned back to Rome, where he found Pope Sixtus chosen, of whom to his exceeding great contentment he obtained the like promise his predecessor had made him before. In his return he died at Ancona, the year 1588. by means whereof a new suit is begun by Father Odon Pigenat a Burgonian (then elected Provincial of France by decease of Matthew) which was not rejected by Sixtus. This gave occasion to certain Catholics, not only to propound a peace, but even to wish it in their souls. Yet not withstanding some there were, that would have bridled our thoughts: for this proposition disliked our jesuits. There be two sorts of Catholics, the one called Politicians, of worse condition than Hugonots, because they wished for peace; the other zealous Catholics, or Leaguers, beloved of the common people, because they desired an endless war: a distinction that planted a Nursery of wars between Catholic and Catholic, and withal, procured a peace with our common enemy. What say I, a peace? we put hereby a sword into his hands to beat us with, we opened him the way to range in, to come forward, to thrive, to increase without our resistance, we who had enfeebled ourselves by this same new division.  
Arms were taken on all hands, and yet was it not a civil war only, it was a general throat-cutting all France over: which to remedy, our two Kings had successively need of all their pieces: and so the Huguenot came by a good part in their quarrel, for the maintenance, & support of the State. And the jesuits Colleges were manifestly the places whereto the other side usually resorted. There were forged their Gospels in Ciphers, which they sent into divers countries: there were their Apostles bestowed into sundry Provinces, some to uphold the troubles by their preaching, as their father james Comolet within Paris, and their father Bernard Rovillet within Bourges, others to commit murder, and bloodshed, as Varade, & the same Comolet. Not so much but father Odon Pigenot seized in all credit, prerogative, and authority among the Sixteen of Paris, (dregs of the vulgar, and entertainers of sedition:) A thing all jesuits agree on, in the books which they have published since the year, 94.  
I have said (and truly said) that jesuitisme, argeeths with the Anabaptists opinion in two propositions: In meddling with State matters; and in causing Princes and Kings to be murdered, accordingly to the conveniency of their affairs. I will add, that in the carriage of this jesuitical war within France, there was some conformity of names between, this, and that the Anabaptists undertook in Germany the year 1535. For they had one john Matthew their chief Prophet, under john Leydon their king, and one Bernard Rotman, and Bernard Cniperdolin, principal actors in their faction for the seducing of simple people: even as our jesuits had their father Clavaius Matthew, & Bernard Rovillet. I will not here recite the other particulars of our troubles, being contented plainly to have showed unto you, that our jesuits were the first Seminaries thereof: only I will discourse what fruit we have reaped by them. God withdrawing his anger from us, would in the end appease all matters. In this re-establishment, the Hugonots, who during our troubles think they have been some instruments of keeping the Crown on the King's head, as well as other Subjects, which were Catholics, have also thought, that after the peace was made, they ought not to be accounted as outcasts from among us: therefore have they importuned the King by sundry requests, to restore them to their ancient Privilege, granted them by the Edicts of Pacification, from which, since the peace of the year 77. they have been almost wholly driven.  
We have, said they, followed yours, and the last King's fortunes during your troubles, we have exposed our lives and goods for the upholding of your royal estate, against the jesuitical faction, which called in a Sraunger to make him Lord, and Master of your Kingdom. Is it meet, that we, for our good service to you, should lose our part in your commonwealth and government, and that the jesuits, for having used all the bad practices they could against you, should bear sway, rule, and triumph in your Realm of France? What could a wise and prudent King do in this case, being priest with so just a Petition as this was? What? but assent thereunto: to avoid of two mischiefs the greater, and not to fall back into that gulf, out of which we were newly but escaped. Tell me, I beseech you, to whom are we beholding for this last Alarm in France, but only to our jesuits, the firebrands of our latest troubles? Which troubles had they not been, the Hugonots credit had been utterly overthrown. This is one bond amongst other, wherein we stand obliged to that holy Society of jesus.   

CHAP. 12. ¶ That Auricular confession hath been used by the jesuits, as a chief weapon for the rebellion, and in what sort they are wont to manage it.  
IN vain do we level our course to the works of piety, unless confession lead the way, and a due & worthy repentance follow. This is the jesuit licensed, to exercise upon all in general that present themselves before him, (to the prejudice of Ordinaries) but by a marvelous privilege, such as was never granted to any Munk, no not to Curates themselves, who of all Ecclesiastical persons, next unto Bishops, are most authorized that way. The tenor of the Bull, granted by Paulus tertius, in the year 1545. is thus. After he hath given them permission to preach in all places, where they pleased, he adds: Nec non illis ex vobis qui presbyteri fuerint, quorumcunque utriusque sexus Christi fidelium ad vos undecunque accedentium confessiones audiendi, & confessionibus eorum diligenter auditis, ●psos & eorum singulos ab omnibus & singulis eorum peccatis, criminibus, excessibus & delictis quantumcunque gravibus & enormibus, etiam sedi Apostolicae reseruatis, & à quibusuis ex ipsis casibus, resultantibus, sententijs, censuris & poenis Ecclesiasticis (exceptis contentis in Bulla quae in die Coenae Domini solita est legi) ac eis pro commissis, poenitentiam salutarem iniungendis. That is, we give leave, and permission, to as many of you, as are Priests, to hear the Confessions of the faithful of the one, and the other Sex, from what part soever they come unto you, and them, being diligently heard, to absolve from all and singular their sins, crimes, excesses, and offences, how great and enormous soever: yea, even those, that are reserved to the Sea apostolic, and all circumstances thence arising, by sentence, censure or pains Ecclesiastical, (those excepted, which are contained in the Bull, accustomed to be read on Maundie Thursday) and to ordain to the Penitents, for the faults by them committed, wholesome and profitable penance.  
As the privileges, which they persuade themselves have been granted them for the catechizing, and instructing of youth, have perverted all the ancient order of famous Universities: so this large and extraordinary licence, permitted them in matter of Confession, hath been the cause, that the greatest part of the people, have in great and heinous sins, forsaken the ancient custom, of resorting to the Penitentiaries of Cathedral Churches, and had recourse to the jesuits, whom we see by virtue of this Bull, to be all of them authorized for Penitentiaries. And God knows how far these holy and blessed Fathers have abused it. The first breaking forth of our troubles, was in the year 1585. at which time all that resorted to them to be confessed, if they affirmed themselves to be good subjects, and loyal servitors to the King (for they were questioned upon that article) they were sent back by the jesuits without receiving absolution. Which being objected against them by Arnauldus, mark I beseech you, the cold answer which they make in their defence against his accusations. For in the 17. article it is objected (saith Arnauldus) that the said Defendants, have at divers & sundry times, denied absolution to them that stood for the late King, from the year 1585. The said Defendants answer, that the article is untrue, although themselves know, that it hath been often by sundry persons avouched, yea and deposed against them in the presence of the late King in his closet: and what witness could there be produced against them in this case, save only those, who had been by them denied absolution? There is no smoke without some fire.  
Read their annual letters of the year 1589. when grief, rage, and fury of the last troubles began, you shall find, that the number of their confessions was infinitely increased, and specially in the College of the jesuits at Paris. Totius vitae confessiones auditae trecentae. We have hear 300. total confessions, wrote the Substitutes of the College to their General Aquaviua. If you ask me whence this new devotion of the common people to them proceeded, I will tell you. Our Kings represent the true image of God: Against whom this year there happened three strange and unusual accidents; first, the rebellion against the late king, which they coloured with the title, and pretext of tyranny: for the fairest title they could afford him, was the name of Tyrant: secondly, the parricide committed upon his person by a Monk: and lastly, the continuance of that rebellion, against the King that now is, for his religion.  
Be you assured, that all such, as did not hold their consciences at as low a rate, as many of the Clergy do, found themselves much disquieted upon these accidents. Which was the cause, that during these troubles, they went to be confessed by these upstart Penitentiaries, some were to be resolved by them, whether it were sin not to yield obedience to their King, others to be absolved for the same. But this was to commit the Lamb to the Wolves custody: for their confessions were as many instructions, or rather destructions, to teach Rebellion: refusing to absolve them, which either were not in their consciences fully confirmed in their revolt from the two Kings, or had any inclination to acknowledge them for their Sovereigns. And, (which is full of horror and detestation) their ordinary course was, before they would absolve them, to make them swear by the holy Gospel contained in their breviaries, never to take these two Kings for their lawful Sovereigns.  
That which I speak, I have by good information from many, that were fain to pass through that strait, and I know one amongst the rest, more near me then the rest, who rather than he would give credit to their doctrine, departed from his Confessor, without receiving absolution. This teacheth to the whole body of the Realm. But as concerning private Families, the jesuits make a double use of ministering Confession: One is, to take information from the Penitent, not only of his own sins, but of their demeanour likewise that dwell with him, or with whom he dwelleth; nay of the whole neighbourhood: as if it were a sin in him, not to discover an other man's sin in confession, either if he know it, or suppose that he knows it. Which is as much in effect, as to make so many spies and carrie-tales in a Town, as there be jesuits Confessors. The second use, which toucheth them in a nearer respect, is, that in sucking by the ear the soul of a timorous conscience, they suck or rather swallow therewithal his goods, and possessions: by promising abundance of Spiritual goods in the world to come after their death, to those that shall, in their life time, be charitable to them out of their temporal goods. A course whereby they have carried away an infinite mass of wealth, if you believe those, that have taken upon them to write their Legend; for I know not by what other name to in title the lives of these holy Fathers.  
One point more I will add (whereof I desire to be resolved by our awcient Doctors in Divinity) they have a rule in practice, that men are bound to accuse themselves to their Confessor, and not themselves only, but all their confederates likewise, and (as for the Magistrate) the malefactor being condemned to die, after he hath once made confession of his sins to his ghostly father, is not tied to reveal it to his judge: nay it is lawful for him to stand in stiff denial thereof, at the time of his execution, as being clear before God (although he persist in a lie) after he hath once discharged the depth of his conscience to his Confessor. A thing that breedeth much scruple in the mind of a judge, who otherwise is greatly quieted in conscience, when an offender adjudged to die, howsoever he have before time stood in denial of the fact, yet at the time of his death confesseth the truth.   

CHAP. 13. ¶ Of a general assembly of the jesuits, holden in Rome in the year 1593. wherein they are prohibited to intermeddle in matters of state.  
I Have formarly in this discourse, charged the jesuits to have been both the first sparks and the chiefest flames of our last troubles: for proof whereof I will seek no more assured testimony then this. Aquaviua their General, perceiving that he could not make so good advantage of these troubles, as he had at the beginning promised unto himself, caused the Provincials, Rectors, & most ancient Fathers of their Society, to be summoned to meet at a general Synod, which he appointed to be holden in Rome. This depended some six months, in which mean time, the King ranged himself into the bosom of the Church, in july 1593. From that time forward, every man bend his study to mediate a good peace through France, and to make way thereunto, were concluded two or three several truces, the usual Calendar of a peace to ensue.  
During these cessations, men had safe enter course from one party to the other. This opportunity do the jesuits lay hold on, (as being sent them from heaven) to work an attempt upon the King's person. Barriere is the man that freely offers himself to this service, but without success. These honest Fathers, perceiving that all their practices, as well in general as in particular, fell short of their designs, made show, as if they would by their Synod make a final end of the wars between the Princes.  
In the month of novemb. 1593. was this decree made,  ab omni specie mali abstineatur, & querelis etiam ex falsis suspicionibus, 
This decree is at large set down in the accusation of the jesuits, in the year 1594.  provenientibus, praecipitur nostris omnibus, in virtute sanctae obedientiae, & sub poena inhabilitatis ad quaenis officia & diguitates, seu praelationes, vocisque tam activae quam passivae privationes, ne quispiam publicis & secularium Principum negotijs, ulla ratione se mimiscere, nec etiam quantumuis, per quoscumque requisitus, aut rogatus, eiusmodires tractandi curam suscipere audeat, vel presumat. Idque serio commendatur Superioribus ne permittant nostros ijs rebus vll● modo implicari, & si quos ad ea propensos animaduerterent, eos loco mutandos quam primum commutent, si alicubi sit occasio, vel periculum se eiusmodi implicationibus irretiendi.  
That there may be an abstinence (saith he) from all appearance of evil, and to meet with all complaints, howsoever grounded upon wrongful surmises, be it enjoined to our Collegiates, in virtue of the holy obedience, and upon pain of being made uncapable of any office, dignity, or promotion, & to lose their voice or suffrage, as well active as passive, that none of them presume (be he never so much thereunto prayed, and required by whomsoever) to intermeddle in matters public, and belonging to secular Princes. And be it straightly commanded to the Superiors, not to suffer those of our Society, to entangle themseles by any means in such affairs: and in case they shall observe any of them to be thereunto inclined, that they remove them to another country out of hand, if in that place there be opportunity, or danger, to wrap themselves into such entangles.  
The jesuits make great use of this Article, in pretending that by virtue of this Decree, they are restrained from intermeddling in those matters, and I as great, in affirming, that notwithstanding this Decree, they have intermeddled. But o holy blinded obedience, where dost thou now reside? If thou be of the first & principal essence of their vows, it must needer follow, that all the chief Fathers of that Order, are heretics in their sect. For, since this great and holy decree. Father james Comolet, did notwithstanding intermeddle in those affairs: who in a Sermon, taking his text out of the third chapter of the judges, wherein was mention of one Ehud, that murdered Eglon, and saved himself by flight. After he had long time thundered, touching the death of Henry the third, and placed the jacobin, that accursed judas, amongst the souls of the blessed, at last, exclaiming with open throat, he said: We stand in need of an Ehud, be he Monk, or soldier, or soldiers boy, or shepherd, is skills not, but we need an Ehud. We want but that feat, to bring our matters to the pass which our soul's desire. This was strongly enforced against them by Arnault, but neither he that wrote the Defence against his Accusation, nor Montaignes, have touched it in their answer: which persuades me, that they are agreed upon that point. Wallpole the jesuit, in the year 97. delivered a poisonous confection to Squire, therewith to make away the Queen of England his Sovereign. The jesuits at Douai, in 98 sent the Cooper of Iper to kill Grave Maurice of Nassaw: have all these performed obedience to this synodal decree?  
Adieu religion of the jesuits, (as I said to a friend of mine of that Society) seeing your obedience hath broken rank. For you do not only disobey your particular Superiors, but that also which hath been decreed in foll chapter by your whole Order. Whereunto he wisely made answer, that I did much misinterpret the Article, which did not bear an absolute; and simple restraint from meddling in those affairs, but in case, the Superior perceived, there might danger grow by intermeddling therein, Si alicubi sit occasio vel periculum se eiusmodi implicationibus irretiendi. This decree than is but merely to blind the eyes of Princes, that they may stand less upon their guard then heretofore they have done. And to speak truth, to deal in state matters, and to practise the death of Princes, are as essential parts of their function, as their Confession itself.   

CHAP. 14. ¶ Whether the jesuits have Spanish hearts, as their enemies charge them to have, or if they be, for Who gives most.  
I Hear many thunder against the jesuits, charging them to be Spanish in heart and affection; they on the otherside, seem to fear nothing more, then to incur this opinion in France. I purpose presently to deliver them of this fear, and for a need to become their Advocate in this point, not so much for the good affection I bear them, as that the truth enjoins me thereunto. It's true they favoured the Spanish proceed, about the middle and end of our troubles, (which makes them fear lest the memory thereof should be revived) but that their hearts are Spanish, I utterly deny. It proceeded not of any especial devotion, which they had to the late King of Spain, more than to any other Prince, but for that (following the course of jesuits, who measure the right and justice of a cause, by the advantage of their own affairs) they devote themselves usually to him, whom they suppose to have the strongest party, and from whom they stand in expectation of greatest commodity, which is no small secret in matters of state, for them which in their hearts stand neutral, & indifferent.  
The same lesson was likewise put in practice in time of our last troubles, by Pope Sixtus the fist, a man of as great wisdom & government, as ever came in Rome. Such was the contagion of those times, after the death of the two Brothers at Blois, that certain young Divines, infected with the poison of the jesuits, loosed the reins to subjects against their King, in the year 1589. notwithstanding, themselves confessed at that time, that their advise in this point ought not to take place, without the formal confirmation of the Sea Apostolic. Nevertheless, Comolet the jesuit, and his adherents, the day following, sounded the Trumpet of war in their Pulpits, against the King deceased, affirming withal, that it was confirmed by Decree. Whereupon ensued those outrageous disorders, which we have seen in France since that time. To take Arms against his Sovereign, was heresy, but much greater heresy was it, not to tarry for the allowance, or disallowance of the holy Sea. So that this was to offer violence to two Sovereign powers at once, the spiritual power of the Apostolical Sea, and the temporal power of the King. And Pope Sixtus, if he had pleased, might with one stroke of his pen have extinguished all our troubles, by excommunicating all those, who without his knowledge & authority, had presumed to arm themselves against their King, whom he knew to be a most devout Catholic. But he kept himself well enough from that, for in so doing, he should have excommunicated them, who at that time had all the strength on their part, in favour of a poor King, against whom, heaven & earth seemed to conspire. Contrariwise, he convented him to Rome, to answer that he had done, against all the laws. customs, liberties, and privileges of our Country of France.  
Our King now reigning, was at his first coming to the Crown, of a contrary religion to ours, and it pleased the Pope at the first to censure him for such a one: but when he once came to know his valour, and that his enemies did but feed his holiness with false bruits of imaginary victories, he began to shrink his head out of the collar, and would never after have any hand in the matter. And from that day forward, used the King underhand with all the courtesy that could be desired. Neither do you think for all this, that Sixtus stood the worse affected to the King that dead is, or the better to him that now reigneth, but he thereby out of his wisdom, favoured the more his own proceed. Albeit certain foolish Scholars charged him a little before his death, that he was inclined to the King's party: And upon this challenge, some rash spirits have not spared to say, that he was poisoned: whereunto I will give no credit, although it were true.  
The like may be said of our jesuits, who aim at nothing else but the advancement of their Commonwealth, which they entitle, The Society of jesus: which as it hath take his original and increase from nothing but from the Troubles; so do they shoot at nothing, but to disturb those countries wherein they remain, & in that disturbance, they ever incline to those which are able to master the weaker part, as I will make good by an ocular demonstration.  
After they had set fire to the four corners and midst of France, and that the late King was brought to a narrow strait, they devoted themselves to him above the rest that was the Captain general of the League, because all things fell happily on his side. And as long as Fortune smiled upon him, all their Sermons were of nothing but his greatness and merits. But when they once perceived that he began to decline, and that he was forced to call to the King of Spain for assistance, than began they likewise to turn their face from the Duke, wedding themselves to the party of a King, whom they esteemed to be exceeding mighty.  
There is at this day a new King in Spain, what his good or ill fortune shall be, is known to GOD only. For my part, it shall never grieve me, to see as many Crowns on his head, as were on his Fathers, the late deceased King. Imagine, that for a new opinion of war, (which is easily harboured in the brain of a young Prince) he should break with us, and that our affairs should have prosperous success in his dominions, be assured you should see our jesuits altogether French, albeit they were Spaniards by birth. These are true birds of prey, that hover in the air.  
It was well befitting the person of a sovereign prince, to play that part which Sixtus did, but for a subject it is an ill precedent, & a matter of dangerous consequence. This is to prove, that which way soever you turn your thoughts, you shall find no reason, why the jesuits should be nourished within a kingdom, who are as many (I will not say espials, but) enemies to their Prince, if he fortune to prove the weaker. And for a need, if there should happen new factions in Rome, and that the Pope were put to the worst, he himself should feel the effects thereof, notwithstanding the particular homage, which they swear unto him at every change of the Sea.  
Scarcely had the Advocate finished this discourse, but the Gentleman replied, Take heed you be not deceived, and that this your position do not imply a contradiction. For if the jesuit be naturally addicted to him, that is, most beneficial to him, as you hold, then must it of consequence follow, that he is naturally Spanish, and not French. Will you know the cause? he is sure, that what trouble soever he may breed in the consciences of these, and these private men, by his new kind of confessions, yet shall he never be able to get such footing in the whole Realm of France, as he hath already in Spain, wherein the supreme Magistrate is fallen from one extremity into another. For the Spaniards, being of old accused to be half Pagans, as holding a apparel Religion, and not wholly Christian, do now in these days, to purge themselves of that calumnious accusation, (for so I will suppose it to be) they specially, and above all others, embrace the jesuits, esteeming them vassals to the Papacy, without all clause or exception. And upon this opinion, they grant them in their Cities, an infinite number of prerogatives, above the common people, yea, even above the Magistrates themselves, whom they rule at their pleasures.  
And albeit antiquity have given us in France, the title of the eldest sons to the Catholic Apostolic Roman Church, yet is it with certain qualifications, which the jesuits shall never be able to remove out of our heads, what soever show of continuation they bring to the contrary. And that is the cause, why they, supposing their commodity would be greater, if the Spaniard were Master of all France, then at this present it is, will evermore lean to that side, rather than to ours, albeit they were naturally French. These are politicians, which cleave rather to the certain, then to the uncertain.  
Think not yourself interrupted by this short Parenthesis, but if you please, fall again into your discourse. I will do so (answered the Advocate) and I will tell you a strange thing, which I have observed in all their practices.   

CHAP. 15. ¶ That the jesuits were the cause of the death of Mary the Queen of Scots, together with a brief discourse, what mischiefs they have wrought in England.  
Having hitherto discoursed of our country of France, it will not be amiss to cut over into England, where Marie the Scottish Queen was sometimes detained as a prisoner to the State, for the space of 19 years. This Princess was a most zealous Catholic, and was mightily bend, to take an order with the Puritans of England, their Queen being once gone, who had none nearer of blood to succeed her, than the Queen of Scots. As then the jesuits in the year 1582. stirred the minds of great personages, inciting them to take Arms, so did Father Henry Sammier their Ambassador, go over into England, to trouble the State there. He was then in the habit of a soldier, in a doublet of Orange tawny Satin, cut and drawn out with green Taffeta, a case of pistols at his saddle bow, his sword by his side, and a Scarf about his neck. I have it from them, that were not far from his company. Thus attired as he was, he practised a secret revolt with certain Catholic Lords, against their Queen, which afterwards cost them dear by the wisdom of the Lord Treasurer.  
After that, he fell in with the Queen of Scots, bearing her in hand, that he, and those of his Society, treated with all the Catholic Princes, as well for the re-establishing of Catholic Religion in England, as also for the liberty of this poor desolate Princess, conjuring her by all manner of obtestations to listen thereunto, and to dispose all her servants and subjects to the accomplishing of so high an enterprise, assuring her for his part, to make good to her the Realm of England. This project he laid with her, but (as these jesuits have naturally two hearts) he plotted far otherwise with the aforesaid Noble men of England, in the behalf of a more puissant Prince, to defeat his poor Lady of her future right, both he and his adherents diverting the principal Catholics from the service, which they had vowed to this Princess, signifying unto them, that her means was too weak and feeble, for them to build any hope of rising thereupon. And accordingly about the same time, did the jesuits publish in print, the title which that other Prince pretended to the Crown of England. Which libel they dispersed in sundry places of Christendom.  
And albeit this was the principal mark they shot at, yet did not Sammier desist to follow the said Queen tooth and nail. At the first hearing whereof, she seemed to pause, foreseeing the mischief that might ensue: whereupon the audacious jesuit said unto her, that if she were so cold in the matter, he knew a means, how to cut off both her, and the King of Scotland her son from all hope of England for ever: and that it was a clause in his instructions: quod si molesta fuisset, nec illa, nec filius eius regnarent. Insomuch as she was constrained to yield thereunto. And at that time the late Duke of Guise, not knowing of the factions and partialities which these men wrought under hand in behalf of the other Prince, promised to be wholly for the Queen his Cousin. And certainly I make no question, but he as a noble and valiant Prince, would have gone thorough withal, had not the jesuits engaged him in another new quarrel: which he embracing on the one side, and on the other forsaking his Coosens, was left in the lurch in the end. The Queen upon the first intelligence of this new design, shedding abundant tears, and falling upon her knees, cried out: Woe is me, for both my cousin, and myself are assurdly undone. In this mean time the troubles set footing, in England by the practices of the jesuit: the Scottish Queen's conspiracies were discovered, wherein she wanted a head: the law proceeded against divers: the poor Catholics, which till that time were not molested for their consciences, were forced to forsake their wives and children, and to leave their houses, to avoid the Magistrates severity. Moreover, William Parrie, who was executed in 84. confessed, that the murder of the Queen of England, which he had conspired, was to establish the Scottish Queen in her throne, albeit she were not privy to this plot: which confession of his, made the Queen and Counsel of England to start, and to stand better upon their guards.  
In conclusion the Scottish Queen's process was commenced & prosecuted to effect, she was adjudged by Parliament, to lose her head, & not long after died a Catholic with marvelous resolution. By this you may collect, that the jesuits were the sole contrivers of her death: and that they are so far from having established Catholic Religion in England, that contrariwise, by their means, both it hath been quite banished, and a number of great and worshipful houses brought to utter ruin and destruction. By reason whereof they have confirmed the erroneous doctrine of the Puritans, and deprived those of our religion, of all hope, to set in foot again, unless it be by special miracle from heaven.   

CHAP. 16. ¶ That the jesuits intermeddling in matters of State, after they have troubled whole Realms, yet do all things fall out quite contrary to their expectation.  
WHen our Saviour Christ taught us, that we should give unto God, that which belonged unto him, and to the Emperor of Rome, his right likewise, his meaning was, that paying the Emperor his tribute, we ought also to give God his, and in regard of him not to exceed the limits of our calling. By which reason, the good and true religious person, aught to give himself wholly to fasting, prayer, and heating of Sermons. I know, that the kings of this land, do sometimes call Prelates to be of their Council, according as their own disposition leads them, or as they find those persons meet and able for the place, yet doth it not therefore follow, that they should make that a general rule, and precedent for the whole Clergy.  
Were not the spirit of Division, otherwise called the Devil, seated within the breasts of jesuits, I would say, that there was never wiser Decree made, then that of their Synod, in the year 1593. whereby they were prohibited to meddle in State affairs: not only because it is forbidden by God (for that is the least part of their care) but for that in reasoning the matter, as a Statesman, I cannot see that ever they brought their practices to those ends which they aimed at. They are like a March Sun, which stirreth humours in our bodies, but is to weak to dispatch and dissolve them. I will go further, such is their ill fortune, that if they favour any party, after they have shuffled the cards all they can, yet when the game is at an end, he whose part they take, evermore proves the loser. Insomuch, as albeit to human reason the jesuit may seem to be an enemy of some value, yet so it is, that by God's secret judgement, it is more for our profit to have him our enemy, than our friend. I will prove it by five or six notable examples.  
They went about to make alteration in the State of England, and to that end bend all their strength: what followed of that their enterprise? the ruin of a number of poor Catholics misled by them, which before time lived at ease in their own houses: the death of the Scottish Queen, the establishing of the Queen of England for a long time both in her Religion & estate.  
I come next unto Scotland, as being next in place to England, where Father William Crichton, and james Gourdon, both Scots by birth, had their residence, Crichton took a conceit, upon some discontentment, to departed the land: he takes his course directly into Spain, by the licence, and permission of his General. Whether he is no sooner come, but he practiseth to insinuate himself into the King's favour: and to that effect, draws a tree of the descent, and pedigree of the Infanta his daughter, showing therein that the Crowns of England and Scotland, did by right appertain unto her: and to incite him the rather to take arms against the Scottish King, he scattered abroad diffamatory libels against him. Whereunto the King of Spain giving no ear, Crichton determined with himself, by letters to solicit the Catholic nobility of Scotland to the same purpose; and to that end, wrote letters in the year 1592. to Gourdon, and other jesuits remaining in Scotland, whereby he gave them to understand, in what grace he was with the King, who by his incitement was resolved, aswell for the invasion of England, as for the restoring of the ancient religion in Scotland. But this mighty Prince, desired to have assurance before hand from the Catholic Lords of their good affection towards him, from whom he willed them to procure blanks ready signed, to be supplied afterwards by himself with deputations in their names, which being obtained, he had the King's promise for two hundred, and fifty thousand crowns, which should be sent over to be distributed amongst them. The jesuits of Scotland, upon this advertisement, drew many blanks from divers persons, which they delivered to George Ker to carry, who being discovered by the folly and indiscretion of Robert Albercromi a jesuit, was apprehended with his letters and blanks: and the Scottish King, supposing this advertisement given by Crichton to be true indeed, caused the Baron of Fentree, a Gentleman endued with many good parts, to be beheaded. The like had happened to the Earl of Anguis, the chief Earl of that country, if he had not cunningly escaped out of prison. After, in continuance of the troubles, his Castles were ruinated, as also the Earl of Huntley's, a man of the greatest power of them all, & the Earl of Arrols, the Constable of Scotland. All which, since that time, have made profession of the pretended reformed religion, as well to return into favour with the king, as to live within their own country in security of their goods, & persons. Insomuch, as in conclusion, Scotland hath lost that small remainder of our Catholic Religion in the year 1596.  
The like fell out as well in the Realm of Portugal, as of Arragon, I will first speak of Portugal. To say that the jesuits procured the death of King Sebastian, as some in their writings have charged them, is hard to believe: for as Montaignes hath very well declared, they were too highly in his favour. But mark the proceed: among all the nations of Spain, there is none so superstitious, as the Portugal, and of all the kings of Portugal, there was never any more superstitious than Sebastian. The jesuits being cunning, and subtle headed, thought this to be a fit soil for them to plant their vineyard in. And to win the more credit, they caused themselves at their first coming, to be called, not jesuits, but Apostles, putting themselves in rank with those, that followed our Saviour Christ in person. A title thich they hold as yet in that place, as being generally assented to. The kingdom being fallen to Sebastian, these holy Apostles conceived a hope, that by his means it might descend unto their family, & dealt with him many times, that no man might from thence forward, be capable of the Crown of Portugal, except he were a jesuit, & chosen by their Society, as at Rome the Pope is by the College of Cardinals. And for as much as he (although as superstitious, as superstition itself) could not, or rather durst not condescend thereunto, they persuaded him, that God had appointed in should be so, as himself should understand by a voice from heaven near the Sea side. Insomuch as this poor Prince, thus carried away, resorted to the place two or three several times, but they could not play their parts so well, as to make him hear this voice. They had not as yet got into their company, their impostor justinian, who in Rome feigned himself to be infected with a leprosy. These jesuits seeing thy could not that way attain to the mark they shot at, yet would they not so leave it. This King being in heart a jesuit, determined to lead a single life. Therefore to bring themselves into nearer employment about him, they counseled him to undertake a journey for the conquest of the kingdom of Fez, where he was slain in a pitched field, losing both his life and his kingdom together. This then is the fruit which King Sebastian reaped by giving credit to the jesuits. And this which I have here discoursed unto you: I had from the late Marquis of Pisani, an earnest Catholic, who was then Ambassador for the king of France in the Spanish kings Court. I omit all that hath since passed in that Realm, as being impertinent to my discourse.  
I come unto that which hath since happened within the Realm of Arragon: wherein you shall see the like accidents by the indiscreet doing of the jesuits. The people of Arragon, had in their foundation from all antiquity, very great privileges against the absolute power of their kings: and the oath of fealty, which they tendered their King at his Coronation ran thus. Nos qui valemos tanto come vos, y podemos mas que vos, vos elegemos Rëy, con estas y estas conditiones intra vos y nos, que el á un que manda mas que vos. That is: We that are as great in dignity as you, and of greater power than you, do elect you our King, with this and this condition between you and us, that there shall be one amongst us, who shall command above you. And under that, they specified all their privileges, which the King promised by oath to observe most exactly.  
These liberties having been infringed in the person of Antonio de Peréz, their countryman, and Secretary of Estate to the late King of Spain, he escaping out of prison, wherein he had been long detained in Castille, takes his way to Arragon, where he recounts the wrongs that had been done him, to the prejudice of the ancient privileges, and liberties of their country. His complaint was generally applauded by all, and especially by the jesuits, who inwardly rejoice at any occasion of trouble and commotion. They begin by their confessions, (one of their chief weapons) to win the hearts of divers subjects, against their King, in Sarragossa, the mother City of the Realm, giving than counsel to rise up in arms, & in this heat every man betakes himself to his weapons. The king of Spain on his part, armeth himself in like manner. The jesuits seeing the forces of the Arragonians on foot, ready to put themselves into the field, to encounter the king's power, they turning their coats, began by their sermons, and confessions to run a new course.  
There was no more talking of privileges, they made no reckoning of the world, but of their consciences towards God, who commanded them precisely to live in obedience to their King: that if they would submit themselves unto him, he would take them to mercy: a thing whereof they were well assured, having Letters signed by him to that effect.  
Upon this promise of theirs, some particular persons retire themselves to the King's Lieutenant general, and obtain their pardon. By whose example many others do the like. By this means, the Army of the Arragonians is dissolved of itself. The King of Spain's forces enter Sarragossa, without any stroke strooken, where they begin to play their parts, they pull down divers houses to the ground, as well of the City as of the Country, put the chief of the Nobility to death, raise a Citadel within the Town, and put a garrison into it. And since that time, the King of Spain hath commanded there absolutely, as he doth in the rest of his dominions.  
Those that are ill affected to the jesuits, give out, that they sowed the first seeds of this rebellion, by a double carriage of the matter underhand, which kind of dealing is very common and familiar with them. If that be true, they are the more to be condemned. I, for my part, who am inclined to judge the best, impute it wholly to their simplicity, and that in meddling in matters of state, wherein (God wots) they are but Novices, they overthrow those, that fond give ear unto them. Whereunto the gentleman replying; I am not (saith he) of their number, that wish them ill, for they never deserved ill of me, yet I make no question, but when they incited the Arragonians to revolt, it was but a juggling trick, to further the King of Spain's intendments. For, as you know much better than myself, Kings are many times well pleased with such rebellions, that they may thereby take occasion to suppress, and restrain the ancient privileges of their subjects, and to reduce them into even rank with their fellows. And this leads me, persisting in my former opinion, to conceive more and more, that the jesuit bears a Spanish heart, that is, a heart naturally devoted to the King of Spain. Besides, if you take this Arragonian history even in that sense, yet should your rule fall short: for this practice of theirs, fell out most successfully unto them.  
The Advocate made answer to the Gentleman, saying: The matter is not great, you may conceive of it as please yourself: as for me, I am of another mind, & I am persuaded my opinion comes nearer the truth. But not to digress from the matter in hand, you shall find no history more strange, as touching the argument in question, then that which of late memory hath happened to the King of Poland, Stephen Batori, being also King of Sweden. This Prince being altogether jesuited, and having been mightily importuned by them, to be admitted into his Realm of Sweden, at last resolved to satisfy their desire. His ordinary residence is in Poland, and for Sweden, Duke Charles his Uncle, is his Lieutenant general. The King, desirous to accomplish what the jesuits requested, signified his pleasure directly to his uncle: Charles made him answer, that the people would never be brought to like of that Society, and besought the King his nephew, not to grow into terms with his subjects, to whom he had given his promise, at the time of his coronation, never to receive the jesuits into his Realm; whereunto the chief States of the Land had likewise subscribed.  
But he, that saw not, but by their eyes, & heard not, but by their ears, resolved to go thorough withal, (notwithstanding these humble admonitions) and to enter his realm with an Army, to make his subjects believe that he meant good earnest: for preventing whereof, they arm themselves likewise on their part. The matter was so carried, that the Prince was first overthrown by sea, afterwards discomfited by Land, and taken prisoner: within a while after, he was set at liberty, and restored to his Crown, under promise to call a Parliament, and to observe, what should therein be concluded and agreed upon.  
The States were summoned, he in time of the Parliament, conveyed himself away, leaving garrisons in certain places, which were at his devotion. Being returned back again to Polande, by the instigation of the jesuits, who wholly possessed him, he gathered together the scattered boards of his shipwrecked Army, & implores aid of the States of Poland, to revenge the wrong which he said was done him.  
In the mean time, while he was about his preparations, (as yet he is, the Polanders lending a deaf ear to the matter) his uncle took from him those places, which were remaining in his subjection within Sweden, and is at the point, to put him quite besides his kingdom, which was gotten by the prowess of Gustave his grandfather, and kept by the wisdom of his Father; Poland being not very firm to him withal. And for all this his fall and overthrow, he may thank none but the jesuits, whose protection he would needs undertake.  
After I have travailed into all these far Countries, I will return to mine own. The jesuits raised troubles in the state of France, under pretence to root Caluinisme out of the land. In this quarrel the Spaniard was called to for assistance, who entertained no mean hopes, seeing himself command within Paris with open arms, and above all other, favoured by the jesuits, who had the whole rule and superintendency over that Anarchy, or confused government of the sixteen Tyrants, set up by the multitude.  
I will not say what the departure of the Spaniard was, this I will say, that the King's entrance into Paris was so triumphant, as the Spaniard thought himself happy, that he might hold his life of him by fealty & homage. Moreover, the traitorous practices of the jesuits, which vanished into smoke, were the occasion, that by a decree made in the high court of Paris, themselves were banished and expelled, as well out of the good City of Paris, as out of the jurisdiction of that Court.  
To conclude, I see not after they have raised tumults in all Countries, that their designments sort to effect.   

CHAP. 17. ¶ That the Pope hath not power to translate the Crown of France from one to another, against the dangerous position of the jesuits: and some other discourse tending to the same effect.  
THe jesuits, not content to have offered violence to our King in time of the troubles, do at this day in the time of peace, by their pens, offer violence to the Royalty itself. He that maintains in Rome, that the Pope may transfer Empires and Kingdoms from hand to hand at his pleasure, deserveth a Cardinal's hat, as Father Robert Bellarmine the jesuite: he that maintains the same position in France, is worthy of a hat of that colour, but not of that kind as the Cardinals. King's die when it pleaseth God to call them, the Royalty never dies. Which is the cause that the Parliament Court of Paris, when they accompany the funeral obsequies of our Kings, are not in mourning weeds, but in Scarlet, the true mark and ensign of the never dying majesty of the Crown or Royalty. One of the chief flowers of our Crown is, that our Kings, cannot incur the censures of the Church of Rome, nor their realm be interdicted, nor consequently transposed. It is a law not made, but bred with us, which we have not learned, received, or by long instruction imprinted, but a law, which is drawn, inspired, and derived into us out of the very breasts of our Mother France, wherein we are not nurtured, but nursed, that if any thunderbolts fortuned to be sent from Rome against the majesty of our Kings, so as in consequence thereof, the realm might fall under the sentence of Interditement, we are not bound to yield obedience thereunto. Neither yet for all this, did our kings ever lose the title of Most Christian, nor we of the Eldest sons of the Church.  
The jesuit hath been condemned by a decree of the Court, he draws his chain after him still, yet will he not cease to be a jesuit: that is, a Seminary of divisions, factions, and dissensions within our country. Let us then hear what he saith, who under the name of Montaignes, hath published the book of the Truth, as he entitles it, but of the forged and lying Truth. After he had discoursed, that the Temporal state only appertained to the King, and the Spiritual to the holy Father, who claimed no interest in their soverainties, he affirms, that if the king hap at any time to transgress, God hath put a rod into the Pope's hand to chastise him, and deprive him of his kingdom. And this is for the behoof, 
Mont. cap. 15. of the Truth defended.  & for the good of Princes, (saith he) who most commonly are reclaimed, and brought to their duties, rather for fear of their Temporal estate, which they evermore hold deer, (though otherwise ill given) then of their Spiritual, which they set not by, unless their conscience be the better, which is not general to all of them.  
But the Pope is no God: no more was Samuel, who executed that sentence against Saul. So as God had anointed Saul King by the Prophet, so doth he send the sentence of his deposition by him, and by him translate the kingdom, & anoint David king.  
In the time of Osias king of juda, the high priest (no more a GOD then Samuel,) gave the kingdom from the father to the son, he being strooken with leprosy for his presumption. This transposition of the Crown, was done by the appointment of the high Priest, (according as by the Law was ordained) and consequently the deposition of the Father.  
jehoiada was no God, but a priest, and God's Lieutenant, when, after he had caused Athalia the Queen to be put to death for her tyrannous government, he put the sceptre into the hands of joas, a prince of the blood, and lawful successor to the Crown. All those were but God's ministers to execute his decrees, as the Pope likewise is.  
And seeing God hath infinite means to translate a kingdom, by the force and weapons of Pagans, as of Moors, Turks, and other strange Nations, making the Assyrians conquerors over the Greeks, the Greeks over the Assyrians, both of the jews, and the Romans of both, what milder course could he have ordained among Christians, what way more reasonable, or more secure, then by the mediation and authority of the head of the Church, and the common Father of all Christians, who being specially assisted by God, and by men both learned and religious, will in likelihood do nothing prejudicial to the right of the lawful successors, and will proceed without passion, and withal moderation and mildness in a case of that importance, having an eye evermore to the honour of God, and unto the public and private good.  
In conclusion, by this learned position, which our pernicious jesuit maintains, the Pope hath authority to transfer kingdoms from one hand to another, when he seethe cause so to do, and doing it, he is subject to no man's control: inasmuch as if God himself may do it, then is it lawful for his Vicar to do the like: the Pope having no less pre-eminence over Kings, in these times of Christianity, than the Prophets had in the time of Moses law.  
This fond opinion of thine, brings me to a marvelous strait, forcing me to combat against the authority of the holy Sea. First, if you will argue this position morally, where shall you find that a King constituting his Lieutenants general in Provinces, giveth them in all points as ample authority, as himself hath over his subjects? And to say, that God hath transferred his omnipotent power into any man whatsoever, is a point of blasphemy against the Majesty of God. Besides, tell me Sophister, where find you that you ought to beg such examples out of the old Testament, to transplant them into the new?  
But with such illusions do you and your associates, surprise the consciences of the weak & ignorant multitude. For if that reason of yours were of any value, or consequence, we should by the same, bring Circumcision into use again at this day, because it was used under the Law of Moses. And by the same pretext, it shall be lawful for the subject, to lay violent hands upon his Sovereign, 
judges. 3.  because Ehud murdered Eglon King of Moab, unpunished.  
Seeing you term yourself a jesuit, let us follow the footsteps of jesus Christ; for to this mark ought all our cogitations to level, whereunto restraining our discourse, I will make it appear, that I am a true Cathotholicke liegeman to the Pope, and thou a true Catholic Impostor. We consider the power of our Saviour Christ in two different times: one was, when for our Redemption he descended from heaven into the earth: the other, when after his death and passion, he ascended from earth into heaven. The first was the time of his humility, in respect whereof he professed, that his coming was not to be an umpire of their controversies, which they would have referred to him: at what time he distinguished the power of God, from the power of the Roman Emperor, saying; That we must yield unto God, that which belonged unto God, and unto Caesar, that which was due unto Caesar. And being demanded of Pilate, whether he were a king or no, he made him answer, that his kingdom was not of this inferior world. The second was the time of his glory, whereunto all those excellent sayings of the prophet David are to be referred: as when he said, that the earth was the Lords: Ask of me, and I will give thee nations and heritage's, and they shall be unto thee for a possession unto the uttermost bounds of the earth. And in another place, that he was Lord of Lords, and King of Kings.  
Let us not falsify the holy Scripture: For the more you ambitious jesuits apply out of it to the Pope, to authorize, not his greatness, but your own, the more you take from him. At what time did Christ assign Saint Peter to be his Vicar? Surely while he was yet on earth, and at the point to finish his pilgrimage, that he might represent his person here below, in his estate of humility: and so gave him the keys of heaven, & not of earth, to signify unto us, that he gave him the charge of spiritual matters, without mingling therewithal temporal business.  
And certainly our ancient Popes were very ignorant, if giving themselves the title of servus servorum, they meant to represent jesus Christ, as he is in the fullness of his glory, and after he ascended into heaven, to sit on the right hand of GOD his Father. In like manner was it an heresy in Luther, to teach his followers, that the Pope was wrongfully termed head of the church, & Vicar general to jesus Christ: & no less heresy was it in Ignacius, when to oppose Luther, he affirmed that the Pope was Christ's Vicar, not only in his estate of humility, but even in his estate of glory likewise. He than is a true Catholic liegeman to the Pope, who doth acknowledge and approve his authority, according to the original institution thereof, without any augmentations, or additions from men.  
jesuit, I now come unto thee: let us weigh how full of danger this position of thine is. Our Kings know best, what is expedient for the maintenance & preservation of their estate: and like skilful Pilots, are feign sometimes to strike sail in a tempest. This course the Pope, being carried away with other respects, will not like of, & will perhaps summon our kings to conform their proceed to his mind. After some two, or three admonitions, if they obey not, he will proceed to censure them, & consequently to make a divorce between them & their subjects: or if not so, to interdite the Realm, & expose it for a pray to any Prince, that shall be first able to possess himself of it. Good God! into what a confusion dost thou bring our State?  
jesuit, learn this lesson of me; for I will not suffer, either our countrymen to be infected with thy poisonous propositions, or strangers that shall read this book of thine, to conceive, that the Majesty of our kings is, by thy coming, any whit impaired. First we maintain, and uphold it for an article inviolable in France, that the Pope hath no authority, to be liberal of our Realm, for any man's advantage whatsoever, what fault soever our king shall be found culpable of, none excepted. The Pope hath no power, but what is given him by commission from God; he is neither that Samuel, nor that jehoiada, who were commanded by God to do, what they did under the old law: for under the new, which we call the new Testament, there is no mention of any such matter. The Pope cannot by the power of his spiritual sword, control the temporal. I say not therefore, that any king of France should forget himself, either in the Catholic Religion, or in the government of his subjects, to whom he ought to be a second father: for if he do, let him be assured, that God will sooner, or later forget him, and avenge himself by some means unexpected, and unthought of, but that we are to seek this redress at Rome, I flatly deny.  
For this first position, I hold it to be clear: that which now I will deliver, may seem more questionable. We hold it for another article firm and indubitable in this Realm of France, that our kings are not subject to the Pope's excommunication. A thing, which we have received from all antiquity. I remember I have read that Lothaire king of Austrachia deceasing, left Lewes his brother, who was Emperor, and King of Italy, to be his successor. King Charles, the Bald, uncle to them both, seized on it by right of occupation, as lying fit for his hand. Lewes had recourse to Pope Adrian, who undertook the quarrel for him, and summoned Charles to do his nephew right, upon pain of excommunication: but Charles would give no ear to him. By reason whereof, the Pope went on to interpose his censures with bitter curses and comminations: and knowing the high authority, which rested in Hingmare, Archbishop of Reims, he enjoined him not to admit the king, to communicate with him, upon pain▪ himself to be deprived of his Holiness his communion.  
There was never Pope's Injunction, more just, & holy than this. For what colour could there be for an uncle to intercept his nephews right in succeeding his own brother? Yet never was I niunction worse entertained than this. For Hiagmare after he had imparted the letters Apostolical to divers Prelates and Barons of France, to be advised by them, how to carry himself in the matter, he wrote back to Pope Adrian, what he had drawn and collected out of their answers; namely, that all of them were much offended, & aggrieved with that his Decree, alleging, that the like proceed had not been seen, no not when the kings were Heretics, schismatic, or Tyrants: and maintaining that kingdoms were purchased by the edge of the sword, and not by the excommunications, or censures of the Sea apostolic, or of Prelates. And when I urge them (said Hingmare) with the authority, which was delegate by our Saviour to Saint Peter, and from him derived by succession to the Popes of Rome; they answer me. Petite Dominum Apostolicum ut: quia Rex & Episcopus simul esse non potest: Et sui antecessores Ecclesiasticum ordinem (quod suum est) & non Rempublicam (quod regum est) disposuerunt. Non praecipiat nobis habere regem, qui nos in sic longinquis partibus adiware non possit, contra subitaneos & frequentes Paganorum impetus: & nos Francos iubeat servire, cui nolumus servire. Qua istud jugum sui antecessores, nostris antecessoribus non imposuerunt. Quia scriptum in sanctis libris audimus, ut pro libertate & haereditate nostra usque ad mortem certare debeamus. That is, Tell our Apostolical Lord, that he cannot at once be a King and a Prelate, and that his predecessors ordered the Ecclesiastical State (which belongeth unto him) and not the temporal, (which pertains only to kings.) Let him not enjoin us to receive a King, who remaining in a country so far distant, cannot aid us, against the sudden, & often incursions of the Infidels. Neither let him command us (who of our Franchise and Freedom bear the name of Franks) to serve him, whom we list not to serve: which yoke his predecessors never imposed upon our Ancestors. And we find it written in holy Scripture, that we ought to fight to the death, for our liberty and inheritance. And a little after, Propterea si Dominus Apostolicus vult pacem quaerere, sic quaer at ut rixam non moveat. That is; Therefore if our Apostolical Lord seek after peace, let him so seek it, as he be not an occasion of war. And in conclusion, Hingmare shuts up his letter with these words. Et ut mihi experimento videtur, propter meam interdictionem, vel propter lingue humanae gladium, nisialiud obstiterit, Rex noster, vel eius Regni primores non dimittent, ut quod coeperunt, quanium potuerint, non exequantur. That is; And as I find by proof, our King, or the Peers of his Realm, are not minded, either for my excommunication, or the sword of man's tongue (unless some other matter come to stop them) to desist from prosecuting what they have begun.  
By which letters you may understand, that the Pope took upon him, not only to censure King Charles, the Bald, for his disobedience in so just and rightful a cause, but to make himself judge also of empires and Kingdoms: whereunto neither the king, nor his subjects would ever assent: avouching, that the Pope could not confound Religion with State, and that they were resolved to withstand him, whatsoever it cost them: as being a new law, which he meant to obtrude upon the land, to the prejudice of our kings.  
It may be, some honest meaning man will say: How doth this hang together? You allow the Pope all primacy, and superiority in spiritual causes, and yet limit his general power in your own king, though he should run astray out of the right way. For in respect of temporal matters, I grant it; but as for this high point of spiritual authority, all things make against that position. Whom I answer thus. We acknowledge in France, that the Pope is supreme head of the Catholic and Universal Church, yet is it not therefore absurd, or inconsequent, that our Kings should be exempted from his censures.  
We see that all ancient Monasteries, are naturally subject to the jurisdiction of their Diocesans, yet are many of them by special privilege exempted from the same. Our ancient Kings have been the first protectors of the holy Sea, as well against the tyranny of the Emperors of Constantinople, as against the incursions, and invasions of the Lombard's, which were daily at the gates of Rome. One king alone, Pepin, conquered the whole state, or Herarchie of Ravenna, which he freely gave to the Pope, delivering their City from the long siege, which Astolpho king of the Lombard's had held about it. And Charlemagne the son of Pepin, chased out of Lombardie, Didier their king, and his whole race: making himself Master, as well of the City of Rome, as of all Italy, where he was afterwards acknowledged, and crowned Emperor of the West by Pope Leo, whom he restored fully and wholly to his ancient liberty, against the insolency of the people of Rome, who repined and mutined against him. And at that time was it concluded, that the Popes elect, might not enter upon the exercise, or administration of their functions, until they were first confirmed by him or his successors.  
I am certainly persuaded, that he and his posterity, were at that time freed, and exempted from all censures and excommunications of the holy Sea. And albeit we have not the express Constitution to show, yet may it be extracted out of the Ordinances of the said Emperor, recorded by juon, Bishop of Chartres: Si quos culpatores Regia potestas, 
Epist. 123. & 195.  aut in gratiam benignitatis receperit, aut mensae suae participes fecerit, hos & sacerdotum, & populorum conventus suscipere Ecclesiastica communione debebit, ut quod principalis pietas recepit, nec à Sacerdotibus Dei extraneum habeatur. If the king shall receive any sinner into the favour of his clemency, or make him partaker of his own table, the whole company of the Priests and people, shall likewise receive him into the communion of the Church: that, that which the prince's piety hath admitted, be not by the priests, held as cast off or rejected.  
If then the table, or the favour of our Kings, did acquit and absolute the excommunicated person, from the Ecclesiastical censures, we may well say, that our kings themselves were exempt from all excommunications. Our kings had right to confirm the Popes after their elections, a right which the Popes allege, to have been by them remitted; then why should we be more envied than they, if the ancient Prelacy of Rome, have privileged our kings from all excommunications and censures whatsoever?  
Sure I am that Pope Gregory the fourth, going about to infringe that prerogative, to gratify the sons of king Lewes the Mild, the son of Charlemagne, the good Bishops and Prelates of France, sent him word, that if he came in person to excommunicate their king, himself should return excommunicated to Rome. A peremptory speech I must confess, but it wrought so, as the Pope, to cover his packing, pretended he came into France for no other intent, but to mediate a peace between the Father and the sons, as indeed he did: and had he stood upon other terms, he would have gone out of France greatly displeased.  
So much do we embrace this privilege of our kings, as we dare affirm, that it had his beginning either with the Crown itself, at what time Clovis became a Christian, or at least in the second line, within a while after our kings had taken in hand, the defence & protection of the Church of Rome: for so do we find it to have been observed successively in Charlemagne, Lewes the Mild, his son, and Charles the Bald, his grandchild. And since in the third line, when our kings seemed some what to forget the right way, and that it was requisite to extend the authority of the Church towards them, the Pope, or his Legates, were fain to join the Clergy of France with them. In brief, as long as all things were quiet and peaceable between the King and his subjects, the censures of Rome were never received against our Kings.  
In our ancient Records, we find a Bull bearing date from Pope Boniface the eight, the tenor whereof is,  nec Rex Franciae, nec Regina, nec liberi eorum ex communicart possint: That neither the King nor the Queen of France, nor their children can be excommunicated.  
It fell so out after that time, that the same Pope, falling at variance with king Philip the fair, he needs would excommunicate him, but there was never excommunication cost Pope so dear, as that did him. For his Nuncios wear committed prisoners, his Bulls burnt, and Boniface himself, being taken by Naugeret, Chancellor of France, presently after died, for very sorrow & despite that he had received so foul a disgrace at the hands of his enemy. Wherein Philip did nothing, but by the counsel and consent of the whole Clergy of France. So far was this excommunication, from falling to the prejudice of the King and his Realm, that contrariwise, it turned to his shame and confusion, by whom it was decreed.  
Benet the 13. otherwise called Peter de Luna, keeping his sea or residence in Avignon, having interdicted Charles the sixth and his realm, the king sitting in the throne of justice in the Parliament, or high Court of Paris, the 21. of May, 1408. gave sentence that the Bull should be rend in pieces, and that Gonsalue & Conseloux, the bearers thereof, should be set upon a pillory, and publicly notified, and traduced in the pulpit: the meaning whereof was, that the people should be taught and informed, that the king was not liable to any excommunication. Which decree was accordingly put in execution in the month of August, with the greatest scorn that could be devised, the two Nuncios or Legates having this inscription upon their Mitres: These men are disloyal to the Church, and to the King. julius the second, offered the like to king Lewes the twelfth, & his censures were censured by a Convocation of the Clergy of France, holden at Tours, 1510.  
Not to go too far from our own times, the like censures came from Rome in time of our last troubles, in the year 1591. & by the sentence aswell of the Court of Parliament of Paris, then removed to Tours, as of the sovereign or high chamber, holden at Chalons in Champagnie, it was ordered, that the Bulls should be burnt by the public Executioner, as accordingly they were. A Maxim so grounded in the realm of France, that in the treaty of peace, which was made in the town of Arras, in the year 1481, between king Lewes the 11, and Maximilian the Archduke of Austria, and the States of the Low-countries, the Deputies for Maximilian and the States, treated with ours, that the King should promise to keep & observe this agreement, and to that end he and his sons should submit themselves to all Ecclesiastical censures: Notwithstanding the privilege of the Kings of France, Whereby, neither he nor his Realm, might be compelled by Ecclesiastical censures. Which treaty, was afterward confirmed by king Lewes the same year at Plessi, near unto Tours, the confirmation carrieth these words: We have submitted us, and our said son, and our Realm, to all Ecclesiastical censures, for the keeping and observing of the said treaty: notwithstanding the privilege which we have, that we, nor our successors, nor our Realm, ought not to be subject, nor liable to censures. Which thing hath been since that time confirmed, by a decree made in the year 1549. Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, Archbishop of Reims, to make his memory immortal, by a most honourable action, founded an University in Reims, with many great privileges, having first obtained leave and permission of the King, Henry the second, and next of the Pope, Paul the third, for so much as concerned the spiritualties: who granted forth his Bulls very large, and ample, containing amongst other clauses, this one.  
Nos igitur pium & laudabile Henrici Regis, & Caroli Cardinalis desiderium, plurimum commendantes, praefatum Henricum Regen à quibusuis excommunicationis, suspensionis & interdicti, alijsque Ecclesiasticis sententijs & censuris, poenis à iure vel ab homine, quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet innodatus existat, ad effectum presentium duntaxat consequendum, harum serie absoluentes. What greater favour, or courtesy could we expect from Rome, then that our king without any suit of his, should be absolved from all censures, which he could incur de iure, or de facto? Nevertheless, this courtesy was by the Court of Parliament at Paris, as frankly refused, as it was offered. Because in the verification aswell of the Bulls, as of the king's Letters-patents, it was enacted by a decree in Court, given the last save one of january 1549, with this proviso, that notwithstanding this pretended absolution, it be not inferred, that the king hath been, or hereafter may be, any way, or for any cause whatsoever, subject to the excommunications, or censures Apostolical, or thereby prejudice the rights, privileges, or pre-eminences of the king, and of his Realm. As also the sentence given against john Chastell, the 29. of December 1594. contained this peculiar clause, that amongst other things, he was condemned, for having maintained, that our king Henry the fourth, reigning at this present, was not in the Church, until he had the approbation of the Pope: whereof he did repent, and ask forgiveness of God, the king, and the Court.  
This that I have delivered in this present discourse, doth not proceed of any sinister affection, which I bear to the holy Sea (sooner let GOD bereave me of my life) but only to make it appear, that our kings carry together with their Crown, their safe conduct in all places, and are not subject to the treacherous practices of their enemies near the Pope. Notwithstanding you see, how these accursed jesuits, enemies of our peace, instruct us in the contrary, that is, kindle and prepare us to revolt, in case our kings should stand in ill terms with the Pope: which proves, that it is not without just cause, that by a Decree of the Parliament of Paris, they have been banished out of France.   

CHAP. 18. ¶ The Decree of the Parliament of Paris, against the jesuits, in the year 1594. and a Chapter taken out of the third book des Recerches de la Farunce, by Stephen Pasquier.  
Having dedicated this book, (saith Pasquier) to the liberties of our Church of France, 
Lib. 3. de● Recer, ca 32  I hope I shall not digress from my purpose, if I entreat somewhat of the Sect of the jesuits, which, to the subversion of our State, maintaineth principles quite contrary to ours. The jesuits having got into their hands the great legacies, given and bequeathed them by Master William du Part, Bishop of Clairmont, they bought Langres place lying in Saint jaques street in the City of Paris, where they, after their manner, established the form of a College, and of a Monastery in divers tenements: and taking upon them to instruct youth without the authority of the Rector, they made suit sundry times to be incorporated into the University. Which when they could not obtain, they exhibited a petition to the same effect, to the Court of Parliament in the year 1564. The University did me the honour, to choose me in a full congregation for their Advocate. Having prepared myself for the cause, (being armed with that sacred Decree, which the faculty of Divinity had pronounced against them in the year 1554. where those two great pillars of our Catholic Religion, Monsieur Picard, and Monsieur Maillard were assistants) I was persuaded, that I was able with a free and uncontrolled conscience, to encounter hand to hand, with this monster, which being neither Secular, nor Regular, was both together, and therefore brought into our Church an ambiguous, or apparel profession. We pleaded this case two whole forenoons, Master Peter Versoris, and I, he for the jesuits, I for the University, before an infinite multitude of people, who attended, to see the issue thereof: Master Baptist du Menill, the King's Advocate, a man of great sufficiency, was for me. In my declaration, I alleged the irrigularitie of their profession; the judgement, and determination of the whole faculty of Divinity, pronounced against them ten years before: the objection made by Monsieur Bruslard, the King's Attorney General against their admittance, for that their vow was clean contrary to ours, that if we should harbour them in our bosom, we should bring in a Schism amongst us; and besides, so many espials for Spain, and sworn enemies to France, the effects whereof we were like to feel, upon the first change that the iniquity of time might bring upon us.  
Notwithstanding for the conclusion, we were referred to Counsel. Either party both got, and lost the day. For neither were they incorporated into the University, nor yet prohibited to continue their accustomed readings. When God hath a purpose to afflict a realm, he planteth the roots thereof long time before hand, These newcome guests, blind and bewitch the people by shows of holiness, and fair promises. For, as if they had the gift of tongues, which the holy Ghost infused into the Apostles, they made their boasts, that they (forsooth) went to preach the Gospel in the midst of barbarous, and savage people, they that (God knows) had enough to do, to speak their mother tongue. With these pleasant baits did they inveigle and draw the multitude into their snares. But as they had brought in a motley religion of Secular and Regular, disturbing by means thereof all the Hierarchy of our Church, so did they intend, to trouble thenceforward, all the politic states in Christendom. In as much, as by a new invented rule, they began to mingle and confound the State with their religion. And as it is easy, to fall from liberty to unbridled licence, so did they, upon this irriguler rule of theirs, ground the most detestable heresy, that can be devised: affirming, that it is lawful to murder any Prince, that should not conform himself to their principles: treading under foot both the check, which our Saviour gave to Saint Peter, when he drew his sword in his defence, and the Canon of the Council of Constance, whereby they were pronounced accursed, that set abroach this position.  
When I pleaded the cause, I mentioned not these two propositions against them. For though they bred them in their hearts, yet had they not as yet hatched them: only I said, that there was no good to be hoped for of this monster: but that they would ever put in practice either that principle, which was broached by the old Mountainer, who in time of our wars beyond the Seas, dispersed his subjects, called cutthroats, or murderers, through the the Provinces, to slay the Christian Princes: or that horrible Anabaptisme, which sprung up in Germany, when we were young: this should I never have imagined. Notwithstanding, both the one and the other Maxim, hath been by them put in execution, in the sight and knowledge of all Christendom. For as concerning the first, there is no man but knows, that they▪ having set foot in Portugal, not under the title of jesuits; but of Apostles, they solicited King Sebastian by all manner of illusions, to make an universal law, that none might be called to the Crown, unless he were of their Society: and moreover, elected by the consent, & suffrages of the same. Whereunto they could not attain, albeit they met with the most devout and superstitious Prince that could be. And not to lead you out of our own country of France; they were the men, that kindled the first coals of that accursed League, which hath been the utter ruin and subversion of the land. It was first of all debated amongst them, and being concluded, they constituted their Fathers, Claudius Matthaeus a Lorraine, and Claudius Sammier of Luxembourg, (for so are their Priests of greatest antiquity called) to be their trumpets for the proclaiming thereof over all foreign nations. And after that time, did they with open face, declare themselves to be Spaniards, as well in their Sermons, as public Lectures. In favour of whom, they attempted to bring their second principle into practice, not all the while that the King was divided from us in religion (for they knew, that was a bar sufficient to keep him from the Crown) but as soon as they saw him reclaimed into the bosom of the Church, they set on work one Peter Barriere, a man resolute for execution, but weak and tender in conscience: whom they caused to be confessed in their College at Paris, afterwards to receive the Sacrament, and having confirmed him by an assured promise of Paradise, as a true Martyr, if he died in that quarrel, set forward this valiant Champion, who was thrice at the the very point to execute his accursed enterprise; and God as often miraculously stayed his hand, until at length being apprehended at Melun, he received the just hire of his traitorous intention, in the year, 1593.  
I speak nothing, but what mine eyes can witness, and what I had from his own mouth when he was prisoner. View, & peruse all the impieties, that you will, you shall find none so barbarous as this. To persuade an impiety, and then to cover it with such a seeming mask of piety: In a word, to destroy a soul, a King, Paradise, and our Church▪ all at a blow, to make way for their Spanish and halfe-Pagan designments. All these new allegations, caused the University of Paris, the City being brought under the King's obedience, to renew their former suit against them, which had been stayed before time by the Counsel's appointment. The cause was pleaded effectually and learnedly, by Master Authonie Arnald: but when the process was brought to the very point of judgement, there fell out another accident, which made them proceed roundly thereunto. john Chastell, a Paritian of the age of 19 years, a graft of this accursed Seminary, struck our king Henris the fourth with a knife in his Royal Palace of the Lovure, in the midst of his Nobility. He is taken, his process being commenced and finished, sentence ensueth dated the 29. of December, 1594. the tenor whereof followeth.  
Being viewed by the Court, the great Chamber, and the Tournel being assembled, the arraignment, of process criminal, begun by the Controller of the king's household, and since finished at the requisition and demand of the King's Attorney general, plaintise against john Chastell of the City of Paris student, having made the course of his studies in the College of Clairmont, prisoner in the prison called the conciergery of the Palace, by reason of the most execrable and abominable parricide attempted upon the person of the King: The examinations and confessions of the said john Chastell: the said john Chastell being heard and examined in the said Court touching the said parricide: there being heard also in the same, john Gu●ret Priest, calling himself of the Company and Society of the name of jesus, abiding, & continuing in the said College, and sometimes Schoolmaster of the said john Chastell, Peter Chastell, and Device Hazard, the father and mother of the said john Chastell: the conclusions of the Attorney general, all weighed and considered. BE IT KNOWN, that the said Court hath declared, and doth declare, the said john Chastell, attainted and convicted of the crime of treason, against God and man in the highest degree, by the most wicked and detestable patricide, or murder attempted upon the person of the King. For repairing of the which crime, it hath condemned, and doth condemn the said john Chastell, to make an honourable amends, before the gate of the principal Church of Paris, naked in his shirt, holding a Torch of wax burning of the weight of two pounds, and there on his knees, to say and declare, that accursedly & traitorously, he hath attempted the said most barbarous and abominable parricide, and wounded the King in the face with a knife; and through false and damnable instructions, he hath said in his said trial or process, that it was lawful to murder Kings, and that the King, Henry the fourth, now reigning, is not in the Church, until he have the approbation of the Pope: whereof he is hearty sorry, and asketh forgiveness of God, she King, & the Court. This done, to be drawn in a doung-cart to the place of execution called the Gre●e● there to be pinched with hot pincers, on his arms, & thighs, and his right hand, holding in it the knife, wherewith he attempted, to commit the said murder or parricide, to be cut off: after that, his body to be dismembered, and drawn in pieces with four horses: and his quarters & body to be cast into the fire, and consumed to ashes▪ and the ashes to be cast into the wind, and it hath declared, all his goods to be forfeited, and confiscate to the King. Before which execution shall the said john Chastell be brought to the rack or torture, as well ordinary, as extraordinary, to know the truth of his confederates, and of certain cases arising out of the process: Hath made and doth make inhibition, and restraint to any persons, of what quality or condition soever, upon pain of being guilty of high Treason, not to speak or utter the said speeches, which the said Court hath pronounced, & doth pronounce to be scandalous, seditious, and contrary to the word of God, and condemned as heretical by the sacred decrees: It doth ordain, that the Priests and students of the College of Clairmont, and all other, calling themselves of that Society, as corrupters of youth, and disturbers of common quiet, enemies of the King, and State, shall avoid within three days after the publication of this present sentence, out of Paris, and other Cities, and places where their Colleges are; and fifteen days after, out of the Realm, upon pain, wheresoever they shall be found, the said term expired, to be punished, as guilty and culpable of the said crime of high Treason. The goods aswell movable, as immovable, to them belonging, shall be employed to charitable uses, and the distribution and disposing thereof to be, as shall be ordained by the Court. Moreover, it forbiddeth all the king's subjects, to send any scholars to the Colleges of the said Society, being out of the Realm, there to be instructed, upon the like pain to incur the crime of high Treason. The Court doth ordain, that the copies of this present sentence, shall be sent abroad to the Bayliages, & Shrivalties of this jurisdiction, to be executed according to the form & tenor thereof. It is enjoind to the Bailiffs & Shriefs, their deputies general and particular, to proceed to the execution thereof after the term, or respite thereni contained, & to the deputies of the Attorney general, to further the said execution, to give information of all lets or hindrances thereof, and to certify the Court of their diligence herein performed, upon pain to be deprived of their several places and offices. Signed by Tillet. Pronounced to the said john Chastell, executed the 29. of December, 1594.  
During these proceed, whereupon this sentence ensued, certain Barons of the Court, were appointed to go unto the College of Clairmont, who having caused divers papers to be seized, they found amongst others, certain books written by the hand of Master john Guignard, a jesuit priest, containing many false & seditious arguments, to prove, that it was lawful to murder the late king Henry the third; and instructions for the murdering of King Henry the fourth his successor. In conclusion, this was the end both of the jesuits, being the Schoolmasters, and their unhappy scholar.  

¶ Another sentence against john Guignard, Priest: Regent in the College of the jesuits, in the City of Paris.  
Being viewed by the Court, the great Chamber & the Tournell assembled, the trial or process criminal, commenced by one of the Councillors of the said Court, at the requisition or demand of the King's Attorney general, against john Guignard, priest, Regent in the College of Clairmont, of the City of Paris, prisoner in the prison of the conciergery of the Palace, for having been found seized of divers books, containing amongst other matters, the approbation of the most cruel and barbarous parricide of the late King, whom God pardon; and inductions to cause the King now reigning, to be murdered: Examinations and confessions of the said Guygnard, the said books openly showed, acknowledged to be framed & composed by himself, and written with his own hand: conclusions of the King's Attorney general: the said Guignard being heard and examined upon the matters to him objected, and contained in the said book: and all weighed & considered: BE IT KNOWN, that the said Court hath declared, and doth declare, the said Guignard attainted, and convicted of the crime of high treason, and to have composed and written the said books, containing many erroneous and seditious arguments, to prove, that it was lawful, to commit the said parricide, and was allowable to kill the King now reigning, Henry the fourth: For repairing whereof, it hath condemned, and doth condemn, the said Guignard, to make an honourable amends, naked in his shirt, a halter about his neck, before the gate of the principal Church of Paris, & there kneeling, holding in his hands a Torch of wax burning, of the weight of two pounds, to say and declare; That wickedly, accursedly, & against the truth, he hath written: that the late King was instlie slain by jaques Clement, and that if the King now reigning, should not die in the wars, he ought to be killed: For the which he is heartily sorry, and asketh forginenesse of God, the King, and the Court. This done, to be led to the place of the grieve, there to be hanged until he be dead, upon a Gibbet, which shall be there erected for the same purpose. And afterwards, the dead body to be consumed to ashes in a fire, which shall be made at the foot of the said Gibbet: it hath declared & doth declare, all and singular his goods to be forfeited and confiscate to the King. Pronounced to the said▪ john Guignard, and executed the seventh day of januarie, 1595.   

¶ Another sentence against Peter Chastel, Father of john Chastell, and john Gueret Priest, naming himself of the Company and Society of the Name of jesus.  
BEing viewed by the Court, the great Chamber, & the Tournell assembled, the trial, or process criminal, commenced by the Controller of the King's household, and since finished at the requisition and demand of the King's Attorney general, plaintiff against john Gueret, priest, naming himself of the Company, and Society of the Name of jesus, abiding in the College of Clairmont, and heretofore Schoolmaster to john Chastell, lately executed by sentence of the said Court, Peter Chastell Citizen and Draper of the city of Paris, Device Hazard his wife, the Father & mother of the said john Chastell: john le Comte, and Katherine Chastell his wife: Magdelan Chastell, the daughter of the said Peter Chastell, and Device Hazard, Anthony Villiers, Peter Russell, Simona Turin, Lovisa Camus, their man and maid-seruaunts, Master Claudius l' Allemant, priest, Curate of Saint Peter of Arcis, Master jaques Bernard, priest, Clerk of the said charge, and Master Lucas Morin, priest, qualefied in the fame, prisoners in the prisons of the conciergery of the Palace: examinations, confessions, and denials of the said prisoners, confrontation being made of the said john Chastell, to the said Peter Chastell his Father, information being given against the said Peter Chastell, the witness therein heard, produced face to face, the process criminal intended against the said john Chastell, by reason of the most execrable, and abominable parricide, attempted upon the person of the King; the process verbal of the execution of the sentence of death, given against the said john Chastell, the 29. of December last passed: The conclusions of the King's Attorney general: the said Gueret, Peter Chastell, Hazard being heard, and examined in the said Court, upon the matters to them objected, and contained in the said process: other examination, and denials made by the said Gueret and Peter Chastell, on the rack or torture, to them applied by order of the said Court: and all weighed and considered: BE IT KNOWN, that the said Court, for the causes contrived in the said process, hath banished and doth banish, the said Gueret and Peter Chastell, out of the Realm of France, that is to say, the said Gueret for ever, and the said Chastell for the term & space of nine years: and for ever out of the city & suburbs of Paris: it is enjoined them, to keep, & observe their sentence of banishment, upon pain to be hanged without any other form, or manner of process: it hath declared and doth declare, all and singular the goods of the said Gueret forfeited, and confiscate to the King: & hath condemned and doth condemn, the said Peter Chastell, in two thousand crowns for a fine to the king, to be employed to the releasing and relieving of prisoners in the conciergery, and to remain in prison, until the full payment and satisfaction of the said sum: neither shall the time of their banishment run, but from the day that he shall have fully paid the said sum.  
The said Court doth ordain, that the dwelling house of the said Chastell, shall be pulled down, ruinated, and razed, and the place made common, that no man may hereafter build thereon. In which place, for everlasting memory of this most wicked and detestable parricide, attempted upon the person of the King, there shall be set up and erected, an eminent pillar of Marble, together with a table, wherein shall be written, the causes of the said demolition, and erection of the said pillar, which shall be made with the money arising out of the demolition, or pulling down of the said house.  
And as touching the said Hazard, le Comte, Katherine and Magdalen Chastell, Villiers, Russell, Turin, Camus, l' Alemant, Bernard, and Morin, the said Court doth ordain, that they shall be set at liberty. Pronounced to the said Hazard, le Comte, Katherine and Magdalen Chastell, Villiers, Russell, Turin, Camus, l' Allemant, Bernard, and Morin, the seventh of januarie, & to the said Gueret and Peter Chastell, the tenth of the said month. 1595.  
These are the three sentences of the Court of Parliament of Paris, whereby it appears, what diligence, religion and justice, was performed in the whole proceeding, how those that were accused, were punished more or less, those that were only suspected, freely discharged and released, in a case which concerned the whole state of France. Let us now take a view, if you please, of the comments, which the jesuits have made and do make upon these sentences: for of late they have again recovered their speech.    

CHAP. 19 ¶ The jesuits under covert terms, challenge the sentence given against john Chastell, of injustice: and how GOD suffered him to be punished, to make the punishment of the jesuits more notorious to all posterity.  
AGainst this Sentence, touching john Chastell, do our jesuits outrageously exclaim, and making show, as if they would excuse the Court, they accuse it of unjustice, by it committed, in condemning them.  
We are (saith the hypocritical jesuit in his most humble petition presented to the King) enemies to Kings, the state, and your person, & seducers of youth. Against these general accusations, we first oppose the testimony of the Court of Parliament of Paris. The Court had heard the Advocates, which brought, and emptied their gabs, laden with these weighty accusations: it had been with all importunity solicited to condemn us: It had above 9 months' respite to weigh and balance the cause; that is, from the last of April, until Christmas following: It condemned us not, but suffered us to remain in peaceable possession of our rights, reserving itself to a fit season, to call them to account, which had most uncharitably suggested these calumnious accusations against us.  
Think you, that this body of justice, composed of the most famous ornaments of the Law, which the world yields, and of the strongest & firmest members of the state, if it had seen the least of these crimes, as sufficiently proved, as they were maliciously objected, think you, I say, that it would not have proceeded, to condemn us in the very instant? And having not condemned us, hath it not, by his silence, condemned our Accusers, and given most assured testimony of our innocency? If since that time it have condemned us, that proceeded not of the due and formal plead of the Advocates, or of any advantage of law, which our adversaries had against us: it is an inconvenience which hath condemned us in costs, but not overthrown our cause.  
And within a few leaves after: In july 1594, at what time the process was revived by two pleading Advocates, they charged us with Barriere, and framed many like imputations, to agranate this crime against our credit and reputation. But all these were but blunt assertions, not sharp proofs, proceeding from the tongue, and not from the truth, the Court made no reckoning of them, and by their silence cleared & acquitted us.  
Rene de la Fon followeth his steps, and goeth about to prove in like manner, that the condemning of Chastell, is the acquitting of all their Society: in as much as he being racked and tortured, appeached none of them. But their intelligence was very bad in this matter: For albeit this wretched fellow by his answers, and interrogatories to him ministered, spared the names of particulars, yet did he accuse the whole Order in general, as I will verify hereafter more at large. Moreover, these jesuits seem to be both of them, altogether ignorant in the course of judgements, pronounced by those high Courts.  
The Court (saith the first) hath not forthwith proceeded to judgement in this cause, notwithstanding the sharp accusations wherewith we were charged: Ergo, by his silence it pronounced us guiltless. Furthermore, Barriere his fact was laid to our charge, yet the Court would not presently condemn us; Ergo, the Court intended by silence to acquit us thereof. I beseech you, seeing you profess yourselves to be Logicians, & to have the start of all men in scholastical Divinity, by what principles can you make good these conclusions? Yet are they not strange, to proceed from a jesuits pen. For these reverent Fathers are in place and authority, to condemn Kings without hearing them, and to abandon their realms, and lay them open for a pray, to him that can possess himself thereof● as they did to the last King.  
High and sovereign Courts, observe another manner of proceeding. They hear the Counsel on both parties, yet rest not thereupon: but in such important causes as this especially, they remit their judgement or sentence, to their better leisure, and to their second thoughts. The like course was held in their cause. Arnauld and Dole, urged in their Declarations, the tragical history of Barriere, the Court gave no credit thereunto, and not without good consideration. In as much as it was requisite for them to view Barriere his trial or process, which was made at Melun by Lugoly, that they might be thoroughly informed of what had there passed. But alas jesuit, what is become of thy wit? Thou dost acknowledge this Court to consist of the greatest ornaments of the Law, which the world yieldeth: as elsewhere also, that referring both parties to counsel, they had proceeded without passion, or partiality: and yet in the instant, thou changest thy note, challenging it to have done injustice, in grounding their sentence against you upon Chastell, who had not accused you. judges proceed indirectly, when either they want skill to judge, or that their judgements are corrupted by hatred, favour, or other such partial affections. Neither of these defects can be showed in the managing of your cause, as yourself confess: therefore it is presumption in us both: in you to assay by Sophistry, out of your shallow brain to elude this sentence: in me, to endeavour by reasons and arguments, to maintain and uphold the fame.  
Let it suffice us, that it is a Decree, or Arrest, and it is our part therefore to rest our judgements thereupon. In all causes, especially in those of weight, and importance, like this, GOD is in the midst of the judges to inspire and direct them. Many times a man, that having heard a case pleaded on both sides, prepared himself in his mind, either to acquit; or condemn, this or that party, yet, when he hears the first judge deliver his opinion, he changeth his mind: yea, oftentimes it falleth out, that one word uttered by the first, giveth new light to him that secondeth, when as happily he that spoke it, dreamt not thereon: and when it cometh to the casting of the Bell, (for by that byword do the Lawyers term the upshot, or conclusion of all) they gather and collect out of the precedent opinions, a general air, or abstract, whereupon this sentence is built.  
Dost thou think, that Chastells' fact was the sole occasion of your fall? thou art deceived. The Court had wisely referred the cause to counsel, giviuing thereby to understand, that it meant not to proceed therein either with passion, or rash hastiness, two great enemies of justice. In the mean time happened this damnable act, committed by one of your scholars: the principals which were before disposed to your condemning, were taken in hand a fresh: in the handling of Chastels' cause, your cause is adjudged all under one.  
The indignity and detestation thereof, awaked justice in the hearts of the judges, which in your cause might peradventure have slept, had it not been thereby stirred, and excited. And in all this, there is nothing wrought by man, but by a special judgement of God, which we ought to proclaim through the whole world. It is well known, that your College was the fountain, and seminary of all those calamities, which we endured, during the last troubles. There was the rebellion plotted and contrived, there was it fully and wholly nourished and maintained; your Provincials, your Rectors, your devout Superiors, were the first that trod that path, they that first and last dealt with this merchandise. Your College was the retreat, or Rendezvous, of all such as had vowed, and sold themselves aswell to the destruction of the State, as to the murder of the King: in which your doings, you at that time gloried, and triumphed, both in your Sermons and Lectures.  
The true hearted subjects, who had the Flower de Luce imprinted in their breasts, beheld this tyranny, and sighed in their souls, for they durst not give breath to their sighs; all their recourse was to God, that it would please him to have compassion on their miserable estate. God suffered you to reign five years and more, (swaying both people, Magistrate, and Prince) to try whether there were any hope of your amendment in time. The King was no sooner entered into Paris, but the just hatred of the people towards you, broke forth: the University of Paris stirreth against you, and reviveth their former suit, which had been referred to Counsel in the year 1564. the occasion thereof was founded upon your own fresh practices, and lewd misdemeanours: the cause is pleaded by two worthy Lawyers, Arnauld and Dole, heard with patience discreetly, not judged forthwith, by reason of the weightiness: besides, the heat and choler of those which prosecuted the cause against them, might in time cool, and assuage (as the manner of French men is.) The judges never stir in any cause, but as they are urged thereunto; otherwise they should do themselves wrong, and men might say, they were rather solicitors, than judges. In this pause, the judgement of your cause was likely to have been forgotten, when on a sudden, beyond all imagination, this fact of Chastels came to passed, whereby the humours both of the judges, and of the parties are stirred a fresh.  
This was the hour of God's wrath, who having long temporised with your sins, thought it good to make Chastell a spur in the hearts of the judges, to incite them, to do justice aswell upon you, as upon him, and that you might all serve for an example, for posterity to wonder at. To the accomplishing of this work, he permitted that Chastell (who had been nurtured, and brought up in your school) should assay to put in practise your devout Lectures, and exhortations against the King, not in the country, but in the City of Paris, and that his dwelling should be, not in any obscure corner of the Town, but in the very heart of the City, standing as it were in the midst of two other Towns, & moreover, in a house right opposite to the gate of the Palace, the ancient habitation of our Kings, & of the supreme and sovereign justice of France. This house belonged to the father, who was so infortunate, as not to reveal to the Magistrate the damnable intention of his son, whereof he had knowledge, as himself confessed. God made special choice of that place, of purpose to make the punishment more notorious. For in like offences of high Treason, the judges are in duty bound to their Sovereign, to cause the habitations of the malefactors to be razed, and pulled down, and there to be engraven a memorial of the whole proceeding: for which cause this house was ruinated, & razed by order, & in the place thereof a Pyramid or pillar raised, bearing the memorial, not only of Chastells' offence, but of the jesuits also, and this to stand in opposite view of this great and Royal Palace. To the end, that our posterity may know hereafter, how highly France is beholding to this holy Society of jesus. Was there ever, I say not in France, but in the whole world, a more famous or notorious punishment, than this?   

CHAP. 20. ¶ Of the Pyramid, which is raised before the Palace of Paris, and of the sentence given in Rome, by the renowned Pasquil, concerning the restoration of the jesuits, sued for by themselves.  
TEll me, Marble, (saith the hypocritical jesuit in his most humble petition, speaking of the Pyramid) to record, and testify to posterity, the happiness of a great King, and the misfortune of a great offender, what hast thou to do with a poor guiltless Society? hast thou not enough of thy just burden, but thou must charge thyself with his slander and defamation, that had no hand at all in this fact? But sith thy back hath a tongue to utter falsehood, let thy tongue answer me: and speak the truth. Who hath engraven upon thy back, that the jesuits did provoke, or persuade an unhappy Frenchman, to murder the most Christian King of France? what witness, what deposition, what confirmation hast thou hereof, seeing thou dost take upon thee to witness it, to depose it, to confirm it so assuredly to all the world? Hast thou heard more without ears, & seen more without eyes, than five & twenty thousand ears, & as many eyes, were able to hear or see, at that execution of justice in the place of the grieve? Dost thou in a bravery say more, than that offender durst say, being urged thereunto with such rigorous tortures? Assuredly, the force of a strong fancy or imagination is great, and wonderful: not only to cause these prodigious effects in our minds, but even in our bodies themselves. For so we read, that Croesus' his son being dumb, recovered speech, seeing his father in danger to be slain: and Cippus a King of Italy, sitting to behold the fight of the Bulls, with a fixed and steadfast apprehension, fell a sleep, and when he awaked, he felt his forehead planted with a pair of horns.  
One Lucius Cossitius, greedily and furiously apprehending the pleasure, which he expected of his wife that should be, the first night of his marriage, was changed into a woman. Which makes me greatly fear, lest this honest jesuit, reading in this Pyramid, the general condemnation of his brotherhood, should be transformed into a stone, as Niobe was, when she saw her children slain. For I already perceive by him, that he hath lost the eyes both of his body and mind, setting forth with such eagerness, the innocency of his Order, and bearing us in hand, that this sentence was builded upon no other ground, but Chastels' offence. Seeing therefore, that of a wilful blindness, thou art ignorant even in that, which the walls themselves can testify, and teach, and that thou framest thy speech to a stone, I think it best that thou shouldest be answered by a stone, but a most ancient, and authentic stone, the great and venerable Pasquil's of Rome, who suiteth and resembleth you in many points. For as you judge Kings and Princes by certain texts of Scripture, wrested and misunderstood, so hath Pasquil been allowed from all memory, to do the like by Popes and Cardinals, upon the same texts, ordered after his own liking, and appetite. And as you by means of confession, come to to the knowledge of a thousand secrets, as well of the public State, as of private families, so is be privileged by auncienr foundation, to receive intelligence from all countries, whereby he layeth open to the world, that which men presumed to be hidden from all knowledge.  
Considering which sympathy & argreement betwixt you & him, I make no doubt but you will be the rather inclined to believe him. For do not think, but this cause hath been by him handled in Rome, and with mature deliberation adjudged, that for the interest you have in him, he hath left nothing undone, aswell to disannul the sentence, and deface the Pyramid, as to restore you into France, howsoever his endeavours have wanted success. Hear therefore, what he hath written to thee in Italian, which I have translated into French, as faithfully as I could; it may be thou wilt rest satisfied thereby.  
Thrice reverend Father, I have perused at large the humble remonstrance and petition, preferred by you to the Most Christian King, Henry the fourth of that name, as also the notes and instructions delivered to Father Magius, to present unto his Majesty for your re-establishment: which wrought in me great pleasure, and displeasure both at one instant: Pleasure, to see the choice and variety of good words, that abound in you, displeasure, to understand in what evil manner your Fatherhoods have been entreated. If I mistake not, the chief mark you aim at, is to destroy and pull down the Pyramid: for what boot were it for you to be restored, unless this stone be taken away, whereby you are charged with sundry crimes, which you esteem false and calumnious?  
Seeing therefore your intent was to commence suit against a stone, I presumed that the hearing of the cause, belonged absolutely to myself, and to none other. And that you may underderstand, with what diligence and justice I have proceeded in the examination thereof, I remembered that your cause had been twice pleaded, and twice referred to counsel: First, in the year 1564. wherein you were plantives, suing to be incorporated into the University of Paris: Secondly, in the year 1594. wherein the University of Paris were plantives, requiring that you might be instantly banished, and expelled the land. To be thoroughly informed of the first, I required a Copy of Pasquier his declaration against you, Versoris his Plea for you, as also of the latter, by Mesmll, the King's Advocate. By all which I found, that the only matter in question at that time, was the novelty, and strange rule of your Order, being contrary to the ancient liberties of the Church of France. And being desirous to be yet further instructed in the matter, behold certain mutinous spirits, present me with three books on your behalf: In the first, were contained, the Bulls by you obtained for your commodity and advantage: In the second, were your orders or constitutions, divided into ten parts: In the third, the Examen, or, if I may so term it, the Abstract, or abridgement thereof. Out of which, I collected many points, which before time were to me altogether unknown: a simple and absolute vow, which your enemies allege to be full of subtlety, and heresy; many extraordinary usurpations upon the Ordinaries, and Universities: a rich kind of poverty professed by vow: a blinded obedience to your Suspicion: (for as for that to the Pope, I meddle not there withal.) your principal Bulls, wherein it seems you have surprised, and abused the sanctity of the holy Sea. Whereupon I said, that, that villain, whatsoever he was, that brought these books out of your Colleges, deserved to be hanged for his pains.  
It is not meet the world should know the secrets of a professed Society: It doth but open men's mouths to scan, and descant thereupon at their pleasures, to the discredit and disgrace of the whole Order. But seeing the offender cannot be discovered, I think it best, that these three books be sent back into one of your Colleges, there to receive open discipline for this offence. This is not the first time, that senseless things have been dealt withal. For in that manner do we read, that the Sea having trespassed against Zerxes, that wise and prudent king of Persia, who had purposed to pass over into Greece upon a bridge of cords, was by him condemned to be whipped. As contrariwise, the Signiory of Venice, to flatter and insinuate with the Sea, is wont yearly upon Ascension day, to espouse and wed it with a Ring, which they present unto it. I assure you, when I compared the privileges of the Church of France, with yours, I stood greatly perplexed, what to think: holding this with myself for a law inviolable, that housoever all laws were wavering and uncertain, according to the change and alteration of times, yet this stood firm, steadfast, and immutable, that we are to live according to the laws of that country, wherein we desire to live. And finding your Bulls and constitutions, to go flat against the liberties of the Church of France, it bred no small scruple in my mind, howsoever I was inclined or devoted to favour your cause.  
Having viewed and reviewed, the books and evidences, concerning the first cause, which was referred to counsel: I passed over to the second instance, of the year 1594. wherein I employed all the powers of my brain. Herein you were not called in question for your doctrine, or profession any more, but for your attempts, and practices, made aswell against Princes and Princesses, as against the several countries, wherein you are resident, and especially against the Realm of Eraunce. A matter full of weight, difficulty, and of dangerous consequence: which caused me, for the discharge of my place and conscience, to interpose myself in this cause, contrary to that custom which I have hitherto learned and practised. For in other cases, I receive such packets, as my Vassals and Subjects list to impart, giving credit thereunto upon their bare relations. But in this, I have taken a far other course. For having perused your petitionary book, full of pity and compassion, I sent forth summons to all quarters without exception, to come in, and speak their knowledge in the matter: I directed out Commissions over all countries (according to the prerogative, which from all antiquity hath been granted me through the whole state of Christendom) to inform me aswell by letters, as by witnesses, of what I thought requisite for your justification, commanding all judges, of what quality foever, (upon pain of a grievous fine at my pleasure) to send me the whole process, aswell criminal, as extraordinary, which had passed in your cause; being resolved, your innocence once verified, and confirmed, to cast down this Pyramid, and to prefer this sentence into the Inquisition. As yourselves sometimes caused the censure and determination of the Sorbone, pronounced against you in the year 1554. to be censured by the Inquisition of Spain. For it is not for every man to justle with your holy Fatherhoods.  
And that which pronoked me the rather hereunto, was your book, wherein reading, to my great discomfort, the hard measure which hath been shown you, by the Court of Parliament of Paris, yet you acknowledge the said Court, to excel all other in knowledge, justice, and religion. Upon my summons (I must confess the truth) there appeared at the first dash a great troup of French, English, Scottish, Arragonians, portugals, Polanders, Flemings, Swethlanders, who reported much more than I desired to hear. And albeit the people's voice be the voice of God, (if you believe the common proverb) yet would not I for the sequel build my judgement thereon.  
Your own book, increased my scruple & doubt, much more than before, when for your justification you say, that in the year 1593. by a general Synod, holden by your Society at Rome, those of your Order were forbidden to intermeddle henceforward in matters of State: which point I could not well conceive. They are prohibited (said I) to intermeddle henceforward in State matters, therefore it is presupposed, that heretofore they have meddled therein. I cannot be persuaded, that these devout and holy men, did ever apply themselves that way: because such is the calamity of our times, that in our State affairs, we harbour commonly more impiety than Religion, to bring our designments to pass. And standing thus in suspense, one rounded me in the ear, and bade me be clear of that point: for he that made The Defence of the College of Clairmont, in 1594, hath inserted (saith he) the whole article in Latin. I called for the book, & found it true, as he told me.  
Another brought me Montaignes his book: read this place (saith he) here you shall find the foundation and original of our last troubles. In this book I find, that Father Claudius Matthew, and Aimond Auger, were sometimes in high favour with Henry the third: in so much, as oftentimes he took them into his Coach: after he addeth; That sathan having cast into the Realm the Apple of strife, suspicion, and jealousy, all things changed their course, and then was brewed that vinegar and gall of civil dissensions, which since that time we have seen and tasted. As to all texts, there want no comments: so in the reading of this place, this fellow said unto me, that two words sufficed to a good understander, and that this alteration fell out by means of the repulse, which these two blessed Fathers received of the King, when he saw them begin to set their hands to matters of State: and that they played as did Narses the Eunuch, whom the Empress commanding to go and spin her distaff: he made answer, that he would spin her such a quill, as she, or her husband should never be able to unwind. And indeed kept promise with her, by bringing the Lombard's into Italy.  
Even so, these two honest jesuits, being estranged from the grace and favour of the King, would let him know, they could skill of somewhat else, then to say over our Lady's Psalter. And to speak freely what I think, I never knew money of a better conscience, then are those of your Society, nor that less feared to incur the censures of Rome. First Father Henry Sammiere, (a stirring pragmatical fellow) confessed, that about the year 1580, or 81, (if I mistake not) he was sent by you into divers Countries, to treat or commune about the general revolt, which you intended to stir up against the late King of France. And albeit I maintained, that it was neither true nor probable, in as much as you had no cause at that time to attempt it; he bade me, seeing I believed not his words, to look but upon the arraignment and trial of William Parry an Englishman, who was executed the third of March, 1584. that there I should find at the latter end of a certain Letter, which he wrote to the Queen during his imprisonment, That she should find, the King of France had enough to do as home, when she need of his help.  
Parry (as Sammiere told me) departed out of England in 1582, and came into France, where he was dealt withal by our Society to destroy the Queen of England, and to make an innovation in the State, and when he objected, that it would hardly be brought to pass, in as much as she were like to be aided, and assisted by the King of France, we made him answer, that we would cut out the King of France so much work, that his hands should be full of his own business, without stirring to aid or secure another. Whereby it appears, that even in those days our web was on the loom.  
I had not at that time the acts of Parry his trial, but having since procured them, I have read the Letter, & have found all true that Sammiere reported. Who in a good meaning proceeded further, and confessed, that himself, and Roscieux, were sent in 1584. to the King of Spain, and Father Claudius Matthew, to Pope Gregory the 13. to understand, what sums of money they were willing to contribute, towards the charges & maintenance of the holy League: whereunto Roscieux replied; Yea, but this honest Munk telleth you not, what a cast of his office he showed me. For he and I riding post together, he, perceiving one night, that I, being wearied with travail, was buried in a dead sleep, caused fresh post-horse to be brought him, and away he went, leaving me in bed for a pawn: and such speed and diligence he used, as that our whole business was by him, almost dispatched with the King of Spain, before I could overtake him.  
To bring this process to a conclusion, I caused to be brought unto me the plead of Arnauld, Advocate for the University, and Dole, who was retained for the Curates of Paris. The answer to the same, under the name of the College of Clairmont: Francis de Montaignes his book De la veritè Defendue, against Arnauld: and certain other books, or evidences, serving to the state of the cause. I believed Sammier for so much as concerned himself: but as for Father Claudius Matthew, I would not the memory of him should be touched upon another man's confession. Wherefore I had recourse to the literal proof, and read Arnauldus his plead, wherein he toucheth him to the quick: and the answer thereunto, contained in that Plea, which is as followeth; And whereas Arnauldus allegeth, that Claudius Matthew, of the Order of the said Defendants, hath been the Author, and contriver of the League: the said Defendants answer, that Claudius Matthew, having spent his whole time in their Colleges, & amongst children, living ever in the course of a Scholar, could not have judgement, policy, industry, and authority requisite, for the contriving and knitting, of so great & strong a League. And be it, that the said Matthew, endeavoured to fortify the said League, as many others of all estates & conditions have likewise done, that proves not therefore that he was the Author, or beginner thereof. Besides, this is but one particular. And five or six lines after, There was not one of them at the first acquanted with his actions, and had they been, yet could they not have hindered them, inasmuch as he was their Superior.  
Comparing Arnaulds objection with this cold and faint solution, me thought you were agreed, that France should think herself beholding to none but yourselves for her last troubles. And desiring more fully to inform my conscience, as touching the Revolt, which happened in Paris, even in the Sorbon itself, the seventh of januarie, 1589, there came a crew of Divines, being men of credit and reputation, who certified me, that in truth, they were at that time assembled to debate the matter, & that all the ancienter sort, were of a contrary opinion, howsoever the younger were not, the greater part whereof, had been scholars to the jesuits of Paris. So as the voices being numbered, and not weighed, it was carried away by plurality. Nevertheless, they did not as yet altogether lose the reins to rebellion, but determined to suspend the effect of this their conclusion, until such time as it were confirmed and ratified by the Sea Apostolic. But the day following. Father james Comolet, a jesuit, sounded the drum within Paris. And that I might be assured, if not of the whole, yet of the greatest part of the premises, by the annual Letters of the jesuits, of the year 1589, and moreover, by their Pleas, I went directly to their Letters, and found in those, which were written from your College of Paris, Doctores Sorbonici, quorum magna pars discipuli nostri fuere: The Doctors of the Sorbone, a great part whereof have been our Scholars. And by your Pleas: It is certain that for those few years, a great part of the Bachelors of Divinity, & the better sort of them, have spent the course of their studies in our College. Which caused me somewhat to suspect, that this conclusion, had been before handled from time to time in your Lectures.  
I read in the same Letter, that notwithstanding you were inhibited by Gregory the 13. to come at any Processions, yet as soon as the Revolt was concluded on, one of your Society, to stir the people against their King, assembled three or four thousand boys, which he led in procession all over the city, with a rabble of all sorts of people at their heels. I read in another place, that about that very time, you instituted in Lions, the Brotherhood of our Lady, and in Burges, of the Paenitents, under the name of jeronomitans, not to appease the wrath of GOD, but to provoke it against the late King.  
And as I was turning over your Letters, there cometh in Father james Comolet, (whom I name with all due title of honour) who with tears standing in his eyes, (as one that at all times hath tears at commandment) confessed unto me, that the day following this determination of the Sorbone, he in a Sermon made at the Church of Saint Meri, publicly preached, that the whole Sorbone, was resolved to take Arms against the King, & if any should oppose themselves, to withstand it, they ought not to think it strange, in as much as in that number which followed our Saviour, (the most perfect society that ever was) there was one judas found. And that thereupon, the people ran headlong to Arms. Wherein he ingeniously confessed his fault, in concealing from the people, that this Resolution, was referred to the pleasure and arbitrement of the holy Sea.  
Furthermore, that the 15. of the same Month, certain of the chief and principal judges of the Court of Parliament, being committed prisoners to the Bastille, he went to visit and comfort them: and for their consolation, preached nothing else but of the tyranny of King Henry the third; thereby to stir and excite them to rebelliou: & that he who had been their king, should be so no longer.  
Moreover, that as long as the Troubles endured, he was a Trumpet in all Churches, to rend and deface the reputation, as well of the late King, as of him that now reigneth: but that this was usual with all Preachers, and therefore the more excusable in him. Which Montaignes did not deny, excusing it by the heat and choler which is incident to Preachers when they are in the Pulpit.  
With that, a troublesome fellow whispering me in the care, bade me, look to myself: For (saith he) that which he terms choler, he would say it were the holy Spirit, if he durst. I told him, he was a busy companion, and bade him hold his tongue, if he could. All this did Comolet confess he had done in Paris: but Father Bernard Ronillet proceeded on further, & acknowledged, that by his packing and preaching, he had withdrawn the city of Bourges, from the obedience of the King. But above all, the Confession of Father Alexander Hayes did most satisfy me, who entertained me with these words.  
Right honourable Pasquil, seeing you charge and conjure me in the name of God, and in virtue of the Apostolical censures, I will deliver my whole knowledge, as well concerning the proceed of our College at Paris, as mine own particular actions in this business. As touching the general; I must confess to you, that upon the first breaking out of the Troubles, we presently instituted within our College of Paris a Brotherhood, which we named a Congregation in the honour of our Lady, being for that cause, called the Congregation of the Chaplet, because the Brethren of that Company, were bound to carry a Chaplet, or pair of Beads, and to say it over once a day. Into this Congregation, did all the zealous and devout personages of our holy League, cause themselves to be enroled, the Lord Mendoza, Ambassador for the Catholic King of Spain, the Sixteen Governors of Paris, with their whole families, and divers other holy & religious persons, whereof I have kept no register, neither was it any part of my charge.  
Our Congregation was kept every Sunday in a certain high Chapel, where all the brotherhood was bound to be present, if there were no necessary cause of let or impediment. There were we all severally confessed on the saturdays, and on Sunday we received the Sacrament. When Mass was done, one of our Fathers went into the Pulpit, and there exhorted all the Audience to continue steadfast in their holy devotion, which at this day is in France called Rebellion, (sith it pleaseth the Magistrates to have it so, I cannot be against it). This done, all the common sort departed, and those of greatest place and authority stayed behind, to consult about the affairs of the holy League. Our good Father, Odon Pigenat, was long time Precedent of that Counsel. And this briefly in the sum of what I am able to deliver, as touching the general proceed of the whole College.  
As concerning myself in particular, you must understand, that those that know me, call me Father Alexander Hayes the Scot, who, during the troubles, was Regent of the first Form of our College, for the space of 3. or 4. years. Not to recapitulate the whole, but some of the principal, and most notable acts of my history, which may peradventure give light to the residue: I read to mine Auditors, Demosthenes his invectives against Philip king of Macedonia, where in I somewhat suited with our good Father Comolet: for as he wrested to his purpose, all the texts of Scripture against the 
n =" *" A byname, which the leaguers gave the king that now is, for that he was borne in Biarne.  Biarnois, (give me leave to use that term before your Highness, which was then currant in Paris,) so did I play by the Philippica, which to say truth, were not Lectures, but despiteful railings against him, which I amplified accordingly, as I was carried by a violent kind of devotition, which I was never able to bridle or restrain. For it was an ordinary branch of my Lectures, that he were a happy man whosoever could kill him; & if he fortuned to die in the execution of so blessed an enterprise, he should go directly into Paradise, and though his soul were stained with some venial sins, yet should it be exempted from the pains of Purgatory. And if God should so much afflict the city of Paris, as that the Biarnois should enter, & pass through S. james his gate, I made open protestation, that I would leap down upon him from the highest window in our College: being assuredly persuaded, that this fall, would serve me for a ladder, to climb up into heaven.  
That day, that he first heard Mass at Saint Dennis, understanding that certain of my Auditors had been present thereat, I debarred them the day following from my Lecture, as persons excommunicated, forbidding them to enter, until they were absolved for it by some of our Society. When men began to muner about a peace, I commanded one of my Auditors, the best scholar among them, to declaim in Greek, touching the miseries of France, and the lamentable gulf of calamities to ensue, whereinto she was about desperately to plunge her self: (this was, as I said, the time of the conference, when every man on both parties breathed nothing, but unity, and reconcilement) the scholar, forgetting those particulars, which I had prescribed him, only propounding to himself the general subject of the miseries of France, declaimed and discoursed first of the miseries and calamities, which happen in a Realm, by the rebellion and disobedience of the subjects: which, he said, to be the gulf, wheinto God suffered a nation to fall, when after his long patience, he would have them feel his hand, for some transgressions, which he had long time suffered to go vnpunish●. Aterwards he declared, that the misgovernance of a Prince, could not exempt the subjects from their allegiance: which he likewise confirmed by an infinite number of examples, showing what ill success they ever had, who were of a contrary mind. I seeing him forsake the path, that I had prescribed, and take a far different course, grew mightily out of patience, and made him come down out of the seat; calling him caitiff, and heretic, with many other reproachful terms. The first day that the Reading began, after the City of Paris was reduced to the obedience of the Biarnois, one of my scholars, coming into the college before the hour, wrote all about my Form, God save the King. When I came in, and espied this shameful act, my choler turned into rage, and with a fell and terrible voice, I exclaimed, Quis ita infecit parietes nostros? Who is it, that hath thus bewrayed our walls? If I knew what he were that hath made these scribble-scrabbles, (for that was my term) I would cause the Precedent of the College to punish him openly: and after dinner, I made it to be wiped out, adding withal, that if I might know any man hereafter, that should bescribble the walls in that order, I would make him feel, how much I was displeased withal. I confess freely, (right honourable Pasquil) what I have done, neither do I fear to speak it, seeing I am now in the City of Rome, and none of the Biarnois his Subjects, being a Scot by birth, and be it that I were a natural Frenchman, yet am I persuaded, that all these unkindnesses, aught to be pardoned me, who have always carried so good a conscience, as in playing with my fellows, or others, I never meddled for money, but for Pater noster, and ave Maria only: and do steadfastly believe, that this merit alone towards God, saved me from the Parliament of Paris, where I was in some peril: and I assure you, had I been put to any torture either of body or mind: (of body, being laid on the rack, of mind, by any censure of the Church) I had been quite undone.  
Thus much did I get out of father Alexander, whom I found to be another Alexander the great amongst you jesuits, that is, a Prince of an invincible spirit. After I had heard him, I examined the literal proofs. By your Pleas I learned many things which me thought made very much against you. For Arnauld and Dole charging you, that your College was the Spaniards Randenous, wherein they consulted of the affairs of the holy League: you confess in your answer, that the Ambassador Mendoza, came thither indeed on holidays to hear Mass, and that afterward, you entreated him, to refrain, for the avoiding of suspicion. A frivolous excuse to my judgement, for why should you pray him to forbear that, which at that time, you took for a great honour done unto you (if at least a man may believe the common report.) Furthermore, it being by your adversaries objected, that a Father of the Society, Odon Pigenat, was Captain, and Ringleader of the Sixteen, that commanded within Paris, not only over the ordinary Magistrate, but over the chief and sovereign, you confess that article, as well in your Pleas, as in Montaignes his book: marry you say withal, it was to temper and moderate their actions.  
At the reading of which two places, all that were present fell on laughing, knowing Pigenat, even in those days when he had some spark of wisdom, to be evermore overcaried with heat and choler. Since which time he is grown so frantic, that he is kept within a Chamber bound and manacled. In the same Plea, I found these words. They suppose they have deserved well of the City of Paris, in as much as during the whole time of the troubles, they never ceased to teach their youth, there being at that time no other College in the University, whereas those exercises were entirely kept. Will you know the cause? (saith a man of good sort standing by) the Principals of other Colleges, had let their hands fall, as bewailing in their souls, the miseries that grew by this rebellion: whereas these fellows, lifted their hands up to heaven, as thinking they had prevailed conquerors in the matter they had undertaken. But nothing amazed me so much as a letter, which was sent into Spain, but intercepted by Monseur de Chaseron, Governor of the Province of Bourbon, the bearer whereof was father Matthew the jesuite. This letter was sent me to peruse, and the tenor of it, was as followeth.  
Most high and mighty Prince, your Catholic Majesty having been so gracious unto us, as to let us understand by the most godly, and reverend father Matthew, not only your holy intentions in the whole cause of religion, but also more especially the good affection, and favour towards this City of Paris. etc. And a little after. We hope, that shortly the forces of his holiness, and your Catholic Majesty being united, shall free us from the oppression of our enemies, who from before a year and a half until this present, have so hemmed us in on all sides, as nothing can come into the City, but either by chance, or by strong hand: and would strain themselves to go further, were it not that they fear those garrisons, which it hath pleased your Catholic Majesty, to appoint us. We can certainly assure your Catholic Majesty, that all the Catholics wish & desire, to see your Catholic Majesty enjoy the Sceptre of this kingdom, and to reign over us, as we do most willingly offer ourselves into your arms, as to our Father, etc. And on the margin somewhat lower. The Reverend Father Matthew, this present bearer, by whom we have received much comfort, being thoroughly instructed in our minds, shall supply the defect of our letters, to your Catholic Majesty, humbly beseeching you to give credence to his report. This letter did mightily incense me against your justifications, whereupon I desired to see the answer hereunto in your Pleas. Tenthly, Arnauld allegeth, that the year 1591. Monsieur de Chaseron intercepted certain letters written to the king of Spain, carried by Father Matthew, of the Order of the said defendants. We answer, that Arnauld, under correction of the Court, is ill informed, for the said father Matthew died three years before at Ancona in Italy, that is, in the year 1588. and by consequent could not, but by a greater miracle, than Saint Dennis, go and come into Spain. And addeth moreover, that that Matthew was a Spanish Friar, of one of the four orders of the begging Friars. I see the same answer to be likewise made by Mo●●●g●es, one of the chief men of your Order, which made me presently exclaim against Arnauld: O strange impudence of an Advocate, against an innocent Society! But one of the company interrupting me, prayed me to take better advisement: for (saith he) if there be any impudence herein, it is on the jesuits part; nay rather want of common sense. For Arnauld was far from saying, that father Cl●●d●●s Matthew was the bearer of those letters, but an other jesuite, whose Christian name jumped with Matthew his surname. Let us read his Plea. When King Philip (saith he) by the jesuits persuasion had sent a garrison of Spaniards into Paris, and desired to have some colourable title for that, which he held already by force, whom sent he thither but father Matthew the jesuite, whose Christian name was all one with the other Mathewes surname, the jesuit, that was the principal instrument of the League in the year 1583. This Matthew in few days, that he abode in this City, being lodged in the College of the jesuits, caused this letter to be there written and signed.  
Mark (saith one of the company, who against my will insulted thereupon) the foolish sophistry of these fellows. For in their Pleas they make Arnauld say, that which he never meant, having in plain terms distinguished between the two Mathewes. Likewise to allege, that it was a Spanish Friar, whose name was Matthew, carrieth less probability: because the four orders of the begging Friars are not called Fathers, but Friars or brothers, and much less Reverend: whereas in this letter the bearer is styled, the Reverend Father Matthew. Which proveth palpably, and to the eye, that howsoever the letter were written in the name of the Sixteen seditious Governors, and Tyrants of Paris, whereof Pigenat was the superintendant, yet came it out of the jesuits shop, who were aswell the composers, as the bearers thereof. Compare the date of the letter, which is of the 2. of November, 1591. with the savage cruelty used the same month by those Sixteen, against him that was then chief Precedent of the Parliament of Paris, and two other personages of name, who were attached, and executed all at one instant, it will appear, that in all this business, there was nothing but proceeded from the jesuits. If all these evidences in writing, and confessions by mouth, do not yet satisfy you, read the book of René de la Fon: you shall see, that he acknowledgeth the jesuits to have been the authors, & originals of our last troubles, and of the general ruin of France. But forasmuch as this Pamphlet is of great consequence to our present purpose, you must understand, that Pasquier in two or three places of his plead, fortuned to say, that the sect of the jesuits, once taking root in France, would bring forth a Seminary of division, between the 
n =" *" The French, and the Spayniard.  Christian, and the Catholic: & in the end of his pleading, protesteth, that whensoever this misery should come to pass, yet at the least they that should live in those days, should acknowledge, that this age was not unfurnished of such, as had long before, as it were from a high Tower, foreseen the tempest to come.  
In the year 1597. Monsieur Marion the King's Advocate in the court of Parliament of Paris, pleading against the jesuits of Lions, recounting the mischiefs, which this sect had caused, added these words. Wherein appeareth a notable example of the true predictions, which God, when he pleaseth, inspireth into those whom he loveth. For the cause being solemnly pleaded above thirty years ago, for the admittance, not of their Order, which was never approved in France, but of their College into the body, & privileges of the Vnivesity, the wisest men of that time, having indeed a singular insight into the course of the world, foresaw even in those days, that in tract of time, they would kindle the flames of dissension in the midst of the Realm. La Fon, the jesuit, supposing that he meant it specially by Pasquiers Pleas, takes upon him to answer it, but in so pleasant a manner, as I cannot but acquaint you withal. But what are these Divine Diviners (saith he) that prophesied, so well, so truly, so effectually of the jesuits? Is it not possible for us to divine at their names, and Divinations, although our breasts swell not with the enthusiasms of these inspired spirits? Is not Pasquier one of them? And Marion in the prophecies which he allegeth, doth he not directy point at those which were uttered by Pasquier? If I prophecy truly, Pasquier his Pleas have made me a Prophet. This Plea having lain buried for thirty years, and digged up again within these three years, like an old Image loaden with new Pardons, hath like a ridiculous Pasquil, spoken, and prophesied backward. That which in the year 1564. he neither could nor durst say: returning out of hell in the year 1594. & 95. better instructed in things, which were passed already, he hath pronounced them like an Oracle from the tripod: & from him have I learned them. But the mischief will be, when these plead shallbe one day brought forth in their original form, to discover the new Pardons that are pasted upon this plastred Pasquin, and when the reward of his prophecies shall be branded upon his back.  
O mighty and worthy champion, meriting to have his statue set up in the mids of all your Colleges for having so valiantly hunted, not to covert, but to death, the ancient enemy of your Order; was there ever man, that behaved himself better with his perme, and his wit? Only this troubleth me, that giving such a brave onset upon this poor old man, he chargeth him at last to have new forged his plead, and set down under the year 1594. in manner of a prophecy those things which he had seen come to pass through France, the year 1564. whereby this honest man doth confess, that all the miseries of France have proceeded from the jesuits: for this was the scope of Pasquier his Plea. And myself also acknowledge, that the holy Ghost was minded to speak by the mouth of this jesuit.  
O how great is the force of truth, which cannot but break forth, whatsoever fig-leaves of cunning, cloaking, or hypocrisy, we apply to cover, or disguise it withal. Then what need have you, Right Reverend Pasquil, to trouble your brains, with searching so many records, to know whether the jesuits were the authors, and contrivers of our troubles? There needeth no more, but this confession alone, which cannot be disavowed by the General, and other the Superiors of this Order: having such a statute in the 18. article of the first Chapter of the third part of their constitutions. Libri edi non poterunt in lucem sine approbatione atque consensu praposits Generalis, qui eorum examinationem tribus committat. No books shall be published without the allowance, and consent of the General, who shall commit the examination thereof, to three of the order. Be assured that in a matter of so great importance, all the jesuits books which have been produced before you, were by them published, and set forth by the authority and approbation of their General, or other Superiors by him authorized, and assigned to that purpose. Therefore you may hold for true, all the confessions by them made, concerning our troubles, and in especial, that of René de la Fon.  
I believe as much (answered I to this praring fellow) neither doth that trouble me, but that this lewd fool, La Fon, under the allusion of two names, should compare Pasquier to Pasquin. In as much as I do not think there liveth that man of what degree soever, which may enter comparison with mine Excellency. It is true that you say, (replied the other) but when you once know what this Pasquier is, it will not trouble you at all: for he is one, whom the jesuits fear more than they love.  
In conclusion, this was the course I took, to be thoroughly informed in the first point of your Accusation, which concerneth the last troubles of France. The second remains, which toucheth your violent attempts upon the persons of Kings, princes, & other great parsonages, which are in dislike with your opinions. Setting myself to the inquiry of this point, I was presented with a book of Peter Matthew, one of your Agents, entitled, Summa summorum Pontificum: who speaking of you (my Masters) with all honour and respect useth these words; Tyrannos aggrediuntur, they encounter tyrants. Which some construed, as spoken in hatred of the late King, Henry the third, who was slain in 89. about which time, that book was first printed at Lions. And your Adversaries maintained, that these words were purposely inserted, after the particide of the said King, whom you were wont to entitle by the name of Tyrant.  
Contrariwise, your fellows alleged, as well in their Pleas, as in Montagnes his book, that Matthew was not of your Order, and that therefore his sayings ought not to be prejudicial unto you. In this controversy, I commanded signor Marforie, to look over the evidences fully, and wholly, and to make me a true and faithful report thereof. His report was, that indeed Matthew was not of the Order of the jesuits, but that he speaketh exceeding partially on their behalf, wheresoever he hath occasion to talk of them: marry it was hard to judge, whether his book were published before, or after the death of Henry the third.  
That skilleth not: (saith another) for when he commendeth them for encountering Kings, he must needs mean it, either by the breaking forth of the Troubles, which were at that time wrought against the good King, or by the murder committed upon his person. Take it whether way you please, they cannot clear themselves of it, being for that point by name infinitely commended by him, who through his whole Book, doth countenance and grace them all he may.  
Besides, the jesuits of Bordeaux, would never pray for the late King, as Montaignes also confesseth. And to prove that Matthew maintaineth nothing, but the general position of the jesuits, I refer you to The Aphorisms of Confession, made by Father Samuel Sa, Doctor in Divinity, one of their Society, who under the letter Princeps, affirmeth, that a King may be deposed by his subjects from his Crown and dignity, if he do not perform the duty of a king. And under the letter Tyrannus: that the prince, who beareth himself like a Tyrant, may be expelled by his subjects, albeit they have sworn perpetual obedience and allegiance unto him, in case, after he have been admonished, he do not reform himself.  
By this means, bringing all sovereign princes under the danger of their crafty confessions, for them to resolve ignorant people, who they be, that bear themselves uprightly in their government; the rest, that do not so, being forthwith deprivable. Which position, agreeth with that of Matthew, by them erewhile disavowed and disclaimed.  
To say truth, I wanted no sycophants in this whole iniquity of the process against you: although I assure you, you had stout Champions, that very skilfully could ward their blows. In this mean time, I had sent me out of divers countries, the sundry arraignments & trials of several persons, who by the instigation of jesuits, had made, or conspired to make, attempt upon the lives of princes. Out of England, the trial of William Parry, in the year 1584. and another of Edward Squire, in the year 1597. Out of the Low-countries, the trials of Balthasar Girard, in anno 84, and of Peter de Pennos in 98. Out of France, the trials of Peter Barriere, in 93, and of john Chastell, in 94. Above all the rest, I did most rely upon Poter Barriere his process, wherein I found the whole order to be deeply charged, & especially the good Fathers, Varade and Comolet. Immediately after that, comes me in a huge train of young fellows, who, for discharge of their consciences do confess, that being scholars in the jesuits College, they had nothing else preached unto them, but the murder of the Biarnois, (for so they termed the King of France that now reigneth.) In the end, I cast mine eye upon Chastells' process, which did mightily confirm me in all that the young youths had reported. For being demanded by the Court of the Parliament of Paris, as touching the murder which he had attempted upon the King's person, mark the very words of the Interrogatory, and his answers.  
Being demanded, where he had learned this new Divinity? (which was to kill Princes) He answered, it was by Philosophy.  
Being demanded, whether he had studied Philosophy in the College of the jesuits? He answered, yea: and that under Father G●eret, with whom he had been two years, and a half.  
Being demanded, whether he had not been in the chamber of Meditations, into which the jesuits used to bring the most enormous sinners, to the intent, that in that chamber they might behold the pictures of many devils, in divers terrible shapes, under pretence to reduce them to a better life, thereby to affright their minds, and incite them, to undertake some great exploit? He answered, that he had been oftentimes in the said chamber of Meditations.  
Being demanded, by whom he had been persuaded to kill the King? He answered, that he had heard in many places, that it was to be held for a most true principle, that it was lawful to kill the King, and that those who said so, called him Tyrant.  
Being demanded, whether that argument of killing the King, was not ordinary with the jesuits? He answered, that he had heard them say, that it was lawful to kill the King, and that he was out of the Church, and that they ought not to obey him, or hold him for their King, until such time as he was absolved by the Pope.  
Again, being demanded in the great Chamber, (my Lords the Precedents and counsellors thereof, and of the Tournel being assembled) he made the same answers, and did in especial propound & maintain, that Maxim, that it was lawful to kill princes, & by name the king that now reigneth, who was not in the church, as he said, because he had not the Pope's approbation.  
The truth is, this poor seduced fellow, doth not particularly design, or note any of your Society, to have taught him this damnable lesson, yet doth he not spare the whole body of your Order. And musing somewhat thereat, this controller of your actions, that stood near unto me, told me, it was a thing not to be wondered at: because the jesuits lesson, when they would procure any prince to be murdered, consisted of two branches: the first was, to give an assured promise of Paradise, to whomsoeer could achieve this high piece of service, & that they should not spare to kill him, though he were in a Church in the midst of divine service. The second, that if the party that should attempt this, were intercepted, and delivered into the hands of the Magistrate, to be made an example, he ought above all things to beware of discovering, or revealing their names, by whom he was set on work, upon pain of eternal damnation: & certainly, in Barrieres process it appeared, that these instructions had been given him, albeit, (not having been bred up in the schools of the jesuits, as Chastell was) he did not observe them before his judges.  
After I had examined this process, I looked upon the trial of Robert, Bruce, a Scottish gentleman, who was appeacht, and accused by Father William Crichton a jesuite, because he would not procure Metellinus, Chancellor to the King of Scots to be murdered. I inquired from whence all these tricks of Matchiavelisme, & Anabaptisme might arise. Whereupon they showed me your Constitutions, which enjoin you a blinded obdience to your Superiors, and with as constant resolution to follow their commandments, as if they had issued out of the mouth of our Saviour Christ. And therewithal, they bring me The Aphorisms of confession, made by your Emanuel Sa, & a book composed by the Principal of the Seminary at Reims, wherein they maintain, that in certain cases, it is lawful for the subject to kill the King.  
But above all, Father john Guignard his Book, one of your Priests: wherein he laboureth to prove, as well that the late King. Henry the third, was justly slain, as also that he who now reigneth, aught to be served in the same manner. The words of his book are these. That cruel Nero, was slain by one Clament, and that counterfeit Monk was dispatched by the hand of a true Munk. This heroical act; performed by james Clement, as a gift of the holy Spirit, (so termed by our Divines) is worthily commended by the Prior of the jacobins, Burgoin, a Confessor and Martyr. The Crown of France may, and aught to be transferred from the house of Bourbon, unto some other: And the Biarnois, although converted to the Catholic faith, shall be more mildly dealt withal, than he deserves, if rewarded with a shaven crown, he be shut up into some strict Covent, there to do penance, for the mischiefs which he hath brought upon the Realm of France, and to thank GOD, that he hath given him grace, to acknowledge him before his death. And if without Arms he cannot be deposed, let men take Arms against him, if by war it cannot be accomplished, let him be murdered.  
These are the scandalous, and if I durst so call them, the blasphemous words of a book, sprinkled with an infinite number of others. In conclusion, I read with all diligence, your Petition made to the King, full of pretty flourishes, whereby you condemn all those attempts, as forbidden by all laws both of God and man. While I was beating my brains about these evidences. meaning to rest upon the Sentence of the Parliament of Paris, pronounced as well against Chastell, as against the whole Society, one of the company said unto me; Remember that notwithstanding this Sentence, the prints of rebellion remain still in their hearts: And to prove that this is so, you shall see Montaignes a jesuit, extol james Comolet, Claudius Matthew, Hannibal Coldrett●, Bernard Roviliet, Ambrose Varade. And after Montaignes, you shall see his Ape La Fon, increase that number by many more, which are notoriously known to have proceeded Doctors in the profession of murder and rebellion.  
You shall see the book of miracles composed by Richeome, their General of Aquitania, wherein amongst other things, he saith, that our Lady of Buy, wrought many miracles, during the troubles, to preserve the City against her enemies, that is, against the King, for this City was of the contrary party. But as for the miracles that S. Gene●iefue showed for the King, he is not too hasty to recount them. Yet were they most evident in three cases. The first: when the League being to set forward towards deep, this Saint's shrine was taken down, to carry in solemn procession: the second, was when the Chenalier d' Aumalle, the night of this Saints feast, attempted to surprise the Town of Saint Denys: the third, when the said shrine was again taken down in March, anno 1594, and general procession made, for the withstanding of the King's forces.  
Notwithstanding, all these vows, prayers, and purposes, turned to the confusion of his enemies. For about deep he obtained a famous victory, beyond all hope or expectation. The Chenalier d' Aumalle was slain within the city of Saint Denys, when he thought himself Master of it, and all his Company put to flight. And in conclusion, Paris yielded up to the King, within two or three days after the taking down of the said shrine. S. Gene●iefue is the holy Patroness of Paris. The City of Paris did in right appertain to the king; and was therefore by her miraculously preserved, in the preventing of these three chances. These miracles, this worthy reporter Riche●me is far enough from mentioning: he makes a conscience of that, seeing it is in favour of the King.  
Furthermore, read Montaignes, who maintaineth, that the Pope may translate kingdoms from one to another, in his book De la veritè Defendu●. A plausible, and true position in this City of Rome, but scandalous in France, and subject to corporal punishment. These three books were printed since the Sentence of the Court of Parliament: whereby you may gather, what devotion, even at this day, the jesuits bear to their King.  
All this was brought to my hands, and to say truth, the greatest part of these proofs came out of your own Colleges, a large Inventory framed as well for you, as against you. I thoughts it not good to trust mine own judgement in this process, but rather in the determining thereof to join others with me, that were of long experience, and practise in these matters. signor Marforio advised me, to request two great personages of France to be of the Commission: 
n =" *" A stone in our Lady's church at Paris.  Master Piorre du Coignet, which of long hath held his seat & jurisdiction, within the Church of Paris: and another who having vowed perpetual poverty, hath from all antiquity kept his residence before the Hostel-diu, or Hospital of Paris, and for his strange austerity of life, is called the 
n =" *" Le jeusneur, a stone of great antiquity in Paris.  Faster. I wrote my Letters to them, they at my summons appear. I deliver the evidences to signor Marforio, to be diligently and exactly by him perused. We prefixed a day for judgement. Being assembled, I made it known to the company, how mightily you found yourselves aggrieved with this pillar, or Pyramid, as being a monument, to continue for ever the fresh memory of that which had happened in France. That the matter in question was, your Restoring, and consequently the defacing of this Pyramid. For which cause, I entreated them to lay aside all affection, inasmuch as this judgement by them pronounced, should be for ever celebrated by all posterity.  
Marforio reporteth the whole process faithfully, showing himself to be no learner in this trade. Having read, and pondered all the evidences on both parts, and proffering in the end to deliver his opinion first, (as is the manner of those, that make report of any cause to the Court) I entreated him to forbear. Let us give this honour (quoth I) to the strangers. We are to sit in judgement upon a Stone, and in my opinion, this honour is most due to Master 
n =" *" Stone.  Pierre, whom I would request to speak his opinion first, & to remember, that we are in question to restore this worthy Order of the Society of jesus, so much honoured in Rome.  
Master Pierre needed not much entreaty; for presently he stood up, & with a rough kind of speech began in this manner. How long shall these lewd Impostors freely abuse our patience? how long shall we be so simple, to suffer ourselves to be abuse die an it be, that the jesuits having given both fire, & fuel to our last troubles, their College at Paris, having been the common retreat of all such, as came into France, with a resolute determination to make themselves masters thereof: their Lectures so many trumpets, to encourage their scholars to the parricides of Kings, and their principal Agents having put weapons into the hands of many desperate souls, to murder our King; can they (I say) be so shameless, as at his hands to crave, that they may be restored? This were cunningly, and underhand, to commence process against the sacred Court of the Parliament of Paris, which never did or that receive, the least touch of imputation for any sentence passed by her, but only herein, that in condemning this sect, she did not send all their adherents, which were within Paris, to the gallows. For a far less offence did that famous; and honourable Senate of Rome, long ago adjudge six hundred slaves to death, because their master was nourthered in his own house, it being not known by whom.  
In this manner would Master Pierre have run on, had not I interrupted him with these words: Have patience Master Pierre, have patience. Little men, like you, are evermore subject to 〈◊〉 You must remember, that you are not Advocate; but judge in this cause Master Pierre knowing that he had forgot himself, changed his tune: and turning to me, said in this ●●●ner. Right honourable Pus●p●ll, I humbly entreat your excellency, to excuse that just grief, whereby I am carried in behalf of my country. Seeing then it pleaseth you to honour me so much, as to hear my opinion first in this matter. I must tell you, before you proceed further, that the cause be longeth properly to your own jurisdiction. For which way soever I turn myself, I see nothing but stones. Your excellence, signor Morforio, the right reverend Faster, & myself, are stones, the Pyramid, a stone, the jesuits themselves, suing to be restored (as men altogether innocent) are undoubtedly no better them fools and innocents, or to speak more properly very stones: say what you will, they are as void of sense, as stones, in striving to revoke the sentence of the Court, pronounced against them. There was never sentence had more formal proceeding then that: and though it had not, yet could it not be retracted, but by the ordinary form of law, which course they follow not. But admit, that treading under foot all the essential forms of law, we should restore them to their former estate, what fortune could they expect hereafter, but worse then that before? we shall need no other witness, but the walls themselves, to prove that the people of France hath worn baire loath, carried the skrip, and done penance for their transgressions during the space of five years. I pass one all other proofs, their books, whereunto only I have recourse, will serve to condemn them. Antiquity teacheth us, that Morcurie transformed Battus the shepherd into a stone, for a treacherous part, which he played him.  
Et me ●●●his profide prodie.  
Me m●h● prodis, 
ovid. 2. lib. Metamor.  〈◊〉 p●●inraque pect●●●●●rtit. 
ovid. 2. lib. Metamor.   
In d●rum silicem, qui nunc quoque decit●●● Index.  
There was never Society that ever committed so many treacheries, as this of the jesuits against the King, and Country of France. Mercury making show to favour, and affect them, sometimes playeth with their pens, and into them infuseth the gift of battology, or loquacity; but nothing their treacherous practice he turneth all their books into a kind of Index, or Touchstone, making them the true touchstones or bewrayers, & the assured proofs of their own lewdness. I should wrong both the time, & your patience, to stand upon particular recital of all their doings. It shall content me, in brief to say thus much, that the jesuits are to be pronuonced, Not receivable.  
And to this purpose do I cite that sentence, which the jesuit, author of The most humble Remonstrance and request, hath given against his own order. But as concerning the general state of the cause, seeing by ancient prerogative, you are the soneraigne of sovereign judges in cases extraordinary, my advise is, that by virtue of your absolute authority, you add this clause unto that sentence. First, that their house, and College at Paris, be razed and laid lovell with the ground, as sometimes was the Palace of Beutivolio in Bologna in Italy, whereof there remains no memory, but the rubbish, called at this day the ruins of Beutivolio. Secondly, that there be sale made of all and singular the temporal goods of the jesuits of France, and the money thence arising, to be employed to the redeeming, or recovering of those domains of the Crown; which our King hath been forced to alienate, and sell for the maintenance of the wars, whereof they were Authors.  
At these words all the company stood amazed: for he took the matter in a far other sense, than we expected, and some muttering there was about thin sale of their goods. Whereupon he said further: Let not this opinion of mine seem any whit ●●e●unge unto you. If you had been bred up under the same law that I have been, you would not think it so. The possessions where with they are endowed in France is in respect either of their Monasteries, (which they call houses) or of their Colleges. In the first respect, they can enjoy none: for their own statuted forbidden it in the fecond much less; because they were never received, or allowed in France for true and lawful Colleges, capable of legacies, and charitable contributions, further than as they promised in the assembly at Poissi 1561. to renounce all their vows, & to range themselves; (as all other Colleges did) under the obedience of their Ordinaries: which they neither have, nor would perform since that time: and consequently neither may, nor aught to be reputed Colleges. If you will return to the common & ancient rules of the Roman law, which we are with all diligence to embrace, (the common laws of a country, being not against it) there you shall find, that if a Testator bequeath any Legacy to a College, the Legacy is good and sufficient, if the College be approved by the Magistrates: if not, it is to be converted to the behoof and benefit of some other College which is authorized.  
The jesuits cause was referred to Counsel, in the year, 1564. in which mean time their quality was suspended until in 1594. it was adjudged flat against them, they being condemned to avoid the Realm of France. Wherefore we may by the sequel truly pronounce, that all the charitable devotions, bestowed upon them, are to be converted to another use, for the benefit of the commonwealth. The jesuits were authors of the troubles, the troubles were the causes that some part of the Crowne-land was sold, which consequently ought by them to be made good: that they may be the Scorpions of France, in whose death she may find a medicine and remedy for their venomous bitings Christian charity, wherewith they abound (as themselves boast) the poverty of their order, which they proclaim quite thorough their statutes, the necessity, wherein our State now is, the execution of justice for example, will have it so, for the discharge of their own consciences.  
With this word Master Pierre dis Coignet concluded, and was in some sort seconded by the Faster his companion: not for any deep understanding that was in him, but for that rule, which is common to men in misery, who are much eased, when they have copartners in their affliction: he also would gladly have seen the jesuits kept poor, and Fasting like himself. Whereunto signor Morforio, and myself, would in no wise condescend, in so much as the process was at the point to be broken off, we supposing it to be but a matter compacted between the two Doctors of France. By means whereof, Morforio after a little altercation began to speak.  
To what purpose (saith he) are all thsee censures? Rectè quidem, sed quorsum quaeso tam recte? I say not, but they are wisely handled, but to what end? Here is much good talk spent to little purpose. You argue the matter as if the jesuits had now in their hands all those lands, or possessions, which have been by way of alms bestowed upon them. I tell you, they are almost all sold, and turned into money. Their money is in divers banks out of your Realm, to relieve them in a rainy day, in case they should be forced to forego the country of France. And if at all they have any certain revenue, that consisteth wholly in benefices, which they have caused to be united to their Colleges, and are not capable of alienation. Have they sold them say you? (replied Master Pierre) by what right could they do so? By authority from their General only, which we neither approve, nor receive in France. Our laws are far other in that point of the sale, and alienation of possessions, belonging either to the Church, or to Societies in common. In a word all these pretended sales are void in law. Whereat I broke into these words. You open a gap, to an inconvenience that would spread far, & at one blow, extend to the hurt of a number, who have no hand at all in this quarrel. Whereby you should bring another Chaos, or confusion into the country of France, and therefore I refer you to the ancient law of the Romans: Communis error facit ius. A common error makes a right. Finally, after much wrangling and contention, it was concluded and agreed amongst us, to leave the matter as we found it, and that both the Pyratnis and the sentence of the Parliament, should stand without any alteration in either. This was all I could obtain of the company, and that not without some bitter words at little Master Pierre his hand, who told me in mine ear, that he saw, I was at the point to turn jesuit, to uphold mine ancient greatness in the City of Rome, with men in highest place and authority. Of all which proceeding I thought good to advertise your Fatherhood (Right reverend Father) as he that is wholly devoted to your service. Beseeching you not to proclaim your innocency henceforward, because some turn it to a scoff, others to a scorn. It is a puddle, which if you did well, you should let rest; for the more you stir it, the more will your doings stink. Yourself are the first, and last judge to give sentence against your Order. I speak to you by name, that are the author of the Most humble Petition to King Henry the fourth: wherein you acknowledge, that he is more barbarous, than the Barbarians themselves, who setteth himself against his Sovereign. And your Montaignes' confesseth, 
Mont. ca 34  that to band himself against his Prince, is the humour of an heretic. Enter into your own consciences, and tell me if this humour did not reign in you (my Masters) during the last troubles of France. In conclusion, I would advise you to give order, that those of your Society forbear to write any more, or if they do, that they be more discreet hereafter, upon pain of being expelled out of your number.   

CHAP. 21. ¶ Of the division which seems to be in the Parliaments, or jurisdictions of France, as concerning the jesuits, and what may be the cause thereof.  
THe Advocate, having ended his long discourse, paused a while, which gave the Gentleman occasion to say unto him. I assure you Sir, I cannot but much commend your invention, in representing, this matter in the person of Stones. For seeing men will not speak, stones must: their dealings being such as you have showed and proved, not by proofs at random, and uncertain, but most infallible, and drawn out of their own books. But how cometh it to pass, that this being so notoriously known, and remaining of record, yet nevertheless there be certain Courts of Parliament within the Realm, which do not only receiu●●●em, but honour, cherish and embrace them, within their Cities and jurisdictions. I did expect, you should ask me that question (quoth the Advocate) and was about to have entered thereinto of myself, had you not prevented me. Think it not strange it should be so: it is a mystery hidden in the secret counsel of God, who hath not wholly withdrawn his wrath from us, but intendeth one day to use these, as his instruments to bring more plagues upon us. Nevertheless, do not you think, but that those other Parliaments, have some great show of reason for their doings.  
Did you never see a new Testament, wherein the histories were drawn in pictures? In that place of the Gospel, where our Saviour is tempted in the desert, Satan is pictured in the habit of a Monk. Some Lucianists stick not to say, that thereby is understood, that the life and conversation of Munks is Diabolical. But I am of a contrary opinion. For whosoever the Painter was, that in this matter of the temptation, devised to cloth the Devil in those weeds, he did it not without great consideration: judging, that this being the true habit of piety, there was no way more ready & certain to surprise the consciences of well meaning men, then by it.  
The Devil, after he had set forth divers mommeries of religious Orders, he meant, to set his rest upon this: and (transforming himself into Ignacius, and his adherents) to pretend the holy name of jesus, and to promise by the mouth of the jesuits, not only terrestrial kingdoms to Princes, wherewith they would invest them, (as Satan did to our Saviour) but also the kingdom of heaven to such as would execute their malice, against those Kings, that were their enemies. Wherein the Devil hath not much miss of his aim. For under this glorious name hath he abused and onerreached our Popes their holiness, and consequently a number of religious souls. And as himself is the Spirit of Division, so is it no marvel if the jesuits (his true and lawful children) enjoy the same privilege, that their father doth. They have caused division between themselves, and our Prelates of France, between themselves and the Universities, between Popes, and Kings, between Popes and other Prelates, if now they cause a new dissension, amongst our Parliaments of France, they have done that, which only was wanting to the full and absolute accomplishment of the Sorbones prophecy, when in her censure of the jesuits Sect, in the year 1554 she saith: Multas in populo querelas, multas lights, dissidia, contentiones, aemulatioves, variaque schismata inducit: It breadeth many quarrels, controversies, discords, contentions, emulations, and many divisions amongst the people.  
The Parliament of Paris, upon mature & wise deliberation, hath banished them out of their jurisdiction. Some other Parliaments do retain them, albeit the attempts of Barriere and Chastell upon the person of the King, be unto them notoriously known, and that they were the first plotters, and contrivers of our troubles. When I think of these dissensions, I am put in mind of a discreet answer made by King Henry the second, touching the case of Pelisson, Precedent of the Parliament of Chamberi, who by the sentence of the Parliament of Digeon, was deprived of his office, besides sundry other disgraces, which he received, upon the complaint, and information of Tabouè Attorney general. Afterward, obtaining Letters for a second examination, and and the cause being removed to the Parliament of Paris, he was restored to his office, and Tabouè condemned to make him honourable amends, bareheaded, & in his shirt, with a halter about his neck.  
The King being informed of these proceed in both the Courts of parliament, wisely made answer, that he esteemed all his judges to be men of honesty & uprightness: but that they of the parliament of Digeon, had judged according to their consciences, and they of Paris, according to right and justice. I make no doubt, but that all the judges of other parliaments, are by their consciences induced thereunto, but this I say, that there was never any thing decreed in Court, more sufficiently and sincerely, than this was by the parliament of Paris.  
The other, as I suppose, are swayed by the authority of the holy Sea, supporting the jesuits: which is no small advantage for them to lean unto: notwithstanding, I will oppugn them by the same authority, beseeching them not to take in evil part this admonition, which in all duty & humility I offer unto their considerations, not doubting, but after they have heard me, (if at least they please to give me hearing) they will themselves condemn this their opinion.  
You have heretofore understood, how at two several times, our jesuits had practised the murder of the King, and not at that time when he was divided from us in religion, but even then when he was reconciled to our Church, in the time of a truce, desiring nothing else but a general union, and reconcilement of all his subjects throughout the Realm. They are highly favoured at Rome, as the ivy, which seemeth outwardly to secure the wall, when as inwardly it eateth into it: but if they had ever conspired any attempt against the Pope's person, I am out of doubt, that by the Decree of that great, and holy Consistory of Rome, their Order would have been put down, and abolished for ever. At the least I have seen the like practice in a case not unlike, for a matter not so dangerous for example, nor of such consequence as that, showed upon the whole Order of the Humiliati. I will acquaint you with the history.   

CHAP. 22. ¶ How the Order of Humiliatj was suppressed by Decree of the Consistory of Rome: and that there is greater cause to suppress the jesuits, than the Humiliatj.  
THis Order in outward appearance, (like this of the jesuits) promised so great sanctity, and devotion, as Cardinal Borrhomao, the Archbishop of Milan, would needs take upon him the patronage and protection thereof. This good Prelate, perceiving that the greatest part of them, gave themselves over to a voluptuous, and dissolute kind of life, took in hand to reform them: which some of them took in such indignity dignity, as that they vowed his death.  
There was a Guardian of that Order resident in the City of Versellis, his name was Girolano Lignana, who with certain other his confederates, undertakes this execution. And to make way to their purpose, they resolved to kill Friar Fabio Simonetta, which had the treasure of their Monastery at Milan in keeping, and was the head of their Order. Upon this resolution they come with a steadfast purpose to strangle him, and finding him in the Church at prayer, God diverted them from executing their malicious purpose, by means of a certain jar, that happened amongst them: but in stead thereof, they stole divers pieces of gold, and silver plate, whereof they made money. This done, Lignana goeth to Donato Facia, a brother of their order, a desperate companion, and altogether set upon mischief, whom he overcometh, and corrupteth with money, to undertake the murder of the Cardinal Borrhomaeo. He being in this manner overcome, like an honest man will not break his word; but espying a time, when this great, & holy parsonage was at prayers in a chapel with his own family, he dischargeth a pistol upon him, which by a great miracle, passed but through his gown. Within a while after, both he and Lignana are apprehended, and being manifestly convicted, they are executed, and therewithal, their Order wholly suppressed in a full Consistory at Rome, by Pius Quintus.  
The jesuits (as I will hereafter declare) allege that this was a general conspiracy of the whole Order against Borrhomaeo. Wherein they lie impudently: for it cannot be found that ever any man had a hand in the plotting, or contriving thereof, save only Lignana, Guardian of the Priory of Saint Christopher, in Versellis, with certain other private Munks. The Order was distributed into many other Monasteries, scattered here and there throughout Italy, who were not of counsel with this enterprise. Yet nevertheless, this only attempt against Cardinal Borrhomaeo, though void of success, was the chief cause, that the Order was finally suppressed.  
Compare this history, with that of the jesuits (I speak to the judges of other Parliaments) are we not inwardly ashamed, that at Rome there should be such an example of justice shown upon the Humiliati, for that one of them made an attempt against the life of one only Cardinal, whose death could be no great prejudice to the whole College of Cardinals, and that we should suffer this sect of jesuits to live amongst us, which (as ourselves know) hath procured two several attempts upon the person of the King, being but one in a whole kingdom, upon whose life depend the general quiet and welfare of all his subjects: being the worthiest prince, that ever reigned in France, any time these 5. hundred years.  
The dignity of a Cardinal, hath been very great in Rome, but yet inferior to a King of France, especially in his own kingdom. For in Rome there be many Cardinals, but in France there is but one King. Among all the Cardinals, I have ever honoured the memory of Cardinal Borrhomaeo, but yet I cannot conceive how the loss of him should be of so fatal consequence to Italy, as the death of our great King to France. Nay further, (how ever I may be censured over-partially prejudicate against the jesuits) sith by the last confession of Baron, there are challenged three other. Religious persons of Lions, one a Carmelite, another a jacobin, and a third a Capuchin; notwithstanding (say our jesuits, in their four Books published since the last Arrest of Parliament) we must punish the particular offenders, and not censure the whole Order.  
The punishment should be proportioned to the offence. The offence being personal, the punishment should be so to, and not inflicted upon the Order. I will not here say, that such proceed, as else where are injustice in affairs of State, may be avowed for just, and that in the decimations which were anciently made among the soldiers, when there was question to punish a Regiment, as soon died the faultless as the offender: and yet was there never any exemplary justice more agreeable to government, nor more necessary for the maintenance of a Commonwealth. Much less will I say with the great Tacitus, Habet aliquidex iniquo omne magnum exemplum, quod in singulos utilitate publica rependitur.  
I will not here allege the opinion of one of the greatest Lawyers in Rome, who was wont to say, That in cases of sedition, the first executions should be very sharp: Afterward, when things were well appeased, the Magistrate might slack his hand, and grow more mild. I will not now heap up all the rules & axioms serving to this purpose, although that which concerneth the life of a King, and the dependency thereof, admitteth no example, nor cannot well be compared with any other. And howsoever some Roman Manlius may be of opinion, that a whole body or corporation, should be liable to the personal attempt of any of their company, especially in an attempt against the life of their king; yet so it is, as hitherto France hath not received this position. As it was manifest in james Clement, jacobin, who although he murdered our king, yet proceeded they not against the Order of the jacobins, but only against him and his Prior, who was torn in pieces with four horses in Tours, after he was discovered to have been his principal counsellor.  
Now, if there were but some few in the sect of the jesuits, traded in this mystery of treason, it were happily sufficient to punish the particular offender: but the vow of treason is as familiar with them, as their other four. That this is thus, we shall need no further proof than the tragedy of Barriere, wherein you shall find such a pack, as besides the particulars mentioned in the Indictment, it cannot be avoided but the whole body of their sect, was therein much engaged. I saw of one side, a jesuit in Lions, very deep in the practice. I saw the murderer, not well resolved in his attempt, come purposely to Paris to learn his lesson. But where did they bestow Aubri, Curate of Saint Andrew's of Arts, one of the most seditious of all their troup? Happily they sent him to the jacobins, in regard of the mischance which fell out under the other government. Or to the Carmelites would they send him, or to the Capuchins rather? Nothing less, for he was not assured, that in their Monasteries, murder, especially the murder of a King, would be approved.  
Whether then? Marry he sendeth him to them, who were great Masters in this Art: to the house of the jesuits, where he knew the resort of the cursed crew to be. jesuits, who knew by the model of confessions framed, to make strange Geometrical proportions of sins & merits. That to kill a king of France, there might be a sin Ad quatuor: But to kill him with an intention to invest the king of Spain in his kingdom, it were a merit Ad octo. So as the merit so much surpassing the sin, the murder was not only tolerable, but just and lawful.  
This Curate, was he in this troup? No. For Barriere found one Varade Rector of their College, who was of old acquainted with these courses. He found likewise one Comolet, who secretly subscribed to Varades counsel, and afterwards, by way of parable, in great jollity before the people, maintained it in the pulpit. And yet were there but this sole example in this kind, I should be very injurious to challenge their whole sect: but when we see it is their continual practice, what shall we say.  
As for instance, their attempt against the deceased Prince of Orange, at Antwerp: Afterwards, in the town of Trierres, where he was murdered: At Douai likewise, against the Count Maurice his son: At Venice, Lions, Paris, against the Queen of England, in the year 1584. Again, against her in Spain, in the year 1597. In Scotland, against the Chancellor Metellinus. Again in France, & that in Paris, against our King, in the year 1594, by one of their scholars, Chastell, who in open Court, before the face of the judges, was so shameless to maintain, that in certain cases, it was lawful to kill his king.  
Now if the rule of Logicians be true, that from many particulars a general may be concluded, I think I may truly affirm, that their axiom, whereupon they ground their massacring of Kings, Princes, and great personages, is as natural, and as familiar unto them, as the rest of their vows. It is most certain, they consented to the death of the late king, and that Guignard, one of their order, since executed, made as I told you, a book wherein he maintaineth, that the death of such offenders is meritorious: and that the king now living, should be served so to.  
hitherto you have heard me discourse under the name of the venerable Pasquil of Rome: notwithstanding the things themselves are serious and true. Among others, there is a book made by the jesuit Montaignes, Principal of the Seminary of Reims upon the same subject, Arnauld having in his pleading objected it unto him. Montaignes made no haste to answer it, although in things more frivolous, his pen hath ever been too busy. For conclusion, all their actions, all their plots, are barbarous and bloody. Which occasioned a pleasant Gentleman of France, having in a little Poem briefly discovered their devilish practices, in his conclusion to say thus of them.  

Gesum is a warlike weapon, used by the French, as Livy, Festus, Nonius, and Sosipater testify.  A Gesis sunt indita nomina vobis,  
Quae quia sacrilegi, Reges torquet is in omnes,  
Ind sacrum nomen, sacrum sumpsistis & omen.  
Of Gesum, not jesus, are jesuits height,  
A fatal tool the Frenchmen used in fight;  
Which sith by sacrilege at Kings you throw,  
From hence your holy name and fortunes flow.  
Notwithstanding any thing can be said to the contrary, yet this conclusion still must stand inviolable. The particular offender is to be punished, the Order not to be touched, as being far from the thought of such impiety. Who is so brainsick to believe it?  
I will not abuse your patience, by reckoning up the tumults and seditions they have caused in our state. I know the great Masters of our Commonwealth, respect them as men very zealous over the good of their Country, I beseech them to consider, whether that I have said be true or no: Other Rhetoric I will not use to draw them to my opinion. And because I have begun this discourse with the Decree granted in Rome against the Humiliati, I will urge the same again, to make it plain unto you with what impudency the jesuits ward this blow.   

CHAP. 23. ¶ The impudency of the jesuits, to save themselves from the process of the Consistory of Rome, granted out against the order of the Humiliati.  
ARnauld first of all in the year 1594. Marion the King's Attorney since, in 97. declare, that the Order of the Humiliati, was in our time suppressed for less cause than the jesuits deserve to be. The one and the other, in few words. This is the position I maintain. Let us see how the jesuits will ward this blow. Montaignes' writing against Arnauld saith. 
Montaig. ca 59  To strengthen your weak assertion, you bring the example of the Order of the Humiliati, which were suppressed in Italy: You are far wide, the cases are nothing alike. The causes of their suppression are mentioned in the Bull, namely, that they were irrigular, imperious, and incorrigible. They conspired against their Prelate, their Protector and reformer: and the executor of the conspiracy being taken, discovered the rest, who likewise confessed the fact. You cannot affirm the same of the jesuits, could you, it is like you would not spare them. I am of the jesuits mind, they are nothing like indeed. For the question was there but of a Prelate, whereof there is plenty; here of a King, of which fort we had no more, who is God's true anointed. The conspirator of the Humiliati was punished as soon as he was taken: the jesuit was not, for after they had brought him back from Paris (as to them nothing is impossible) they found means for his escape. In truth this defence of Montaignes is full of prevarication, and therefore La Fon denieth it. Concerning the Humiliati, (saith he) it hath been answered heretofore by Francis Montaignes, that they were sensual & licentious, unlearned, irregular, without discipline, scandalous, whose houses were Princes Palaces, their chambers garnished like King's Cabinites. Their Cloisters & Galleries, full of lascivious pictures. Their Provost keeping a public Courtesan, & all the rest, of the Provosts diet. In the end, they were convict of treasonable practice against the person of their Prelate, the Cardinal Borrhomeo, a man of very holy life, labouring by all means to reclaim them. Their cause was exactly heard, the crimes examined, debated, and judged by our holy Father the Pope, to whom the cognisance of such causesproperly belongeth; who condemned them not to departed out of Italy, but to live confined under other religious, as Pensioners deprived of their possessions, of whom some live at this day in Milan. And hereof all Milan is witness, together with the Bull thereof likewise extant. My purpose was to have made a comparison betwixt the Humiliati & the jesuits, thereby to show, that there is much more reason to suppress the jesuits now, then there was cause then to dissolve the Humiliati. But the impudency of this last jesuit presseth me to encounter him before I pass any further. What a strange comment is this he maketh upon his fellow Montaignes? Where findeth he either in Montaignes, or in the Bull, those crimes which he mentioneth? where findeth he this same conspiracy in person against the Cardinal Borrhomaeo? where findeth he the Provosts Courtesan? was there but one Provost in this order? Had not every Priory one? Had this Provost no name? It is an use the jesuit hath gotten, when he gins to tell tales, he leaves not till he have told twenty. But to bring him to the touch. Let us see the Bull of Pope Pius Quintus, it will easily appear, whether his allegations be Alchemy, or no.  


PIUS EPISCOPUS SERWS servorum Dei, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.  
QVE MAD MODUM sollicitus pater quem unicé carum educavit filium, via salutis egressum revocare cupiens, primum hortatur, indulget, praetermittit, increpat, alia praetera atque alia tentare non desinit, dum quod expetit, modo aliquo consequatur, omnia denique expertus, cum nihil iam proficere intelligit desperata prorsus salute, omnem de illo parentis animum eijcit, domo expellit, indignum existimans, qui parta haereditate fruatur: sic Romanus Pontifex, quem divina Maiestas patrem & pastorem omnium Ecclesia suae ordinum constituit, sicubi quempiam sacrarum congregationun à regula, & vitae praescripto aberrare percipit, modo admonendo, modo corripiendo connititur, eam vel primis institutis restituere, vel certè, quo pacto emendatam in aliquo statu illis magis cohaerenti continere: omnibus tandem ad illius sanitatem conquisitis, ubi salutaria remedia fastidire, & viam iniquitatis obstinatius procedere, atque adeo in prawm indurescere animaduertit, ut potius confringi, quam corrigi possit, omni curatione reiecta, de ipsaremonenda decernit, ne inveterati atque indomiti mali vis, in alias insurgat, eisque exitio sit futura. Quod (ut nostrum hac in re studium flagrat) cum in plurimis, tum maximè in fratrum Humiliatorum familia enixè curanimus, nihil inexpertum relinquentes, quin illa multis iampridem modis affecta, & si non protinus, certè accommoda rerum moderatione directa ad pristinum institutum paulatim regrederetur. Etenim post quam dilectus filius noster Carolus, tituli sanctae Praxedis, praesbiter Cardinalis Borrhomaeus, huius Ordinis protector, & Apostolicae Sedis delegatus, animaduertens dictos Fratres in luxum iampridem effusos esse, multa de ratione cultus divini, de obedientia & vita, ut antea communi, deque modo recipiendorum & educandorum religiosorum providenter statuerat, intelligeremus eos, illa caeteraque omnia regulae suae instituta, omnino aspernari, itemque omium voluptatum varietate confertam ducere, ac praepositos, & qui ex eo ordine rerum administrationem habebant, bonam magnamque fructuum partem veluti propriam in vanitatibus mundanis turpitudinibusque flagitiosè profundere, innumeraque scelera committere. Nos vias omnes quae illos in aperta huiusmodi pericula atque incommoda comecerant, excindere conati, pleraque alia de ipsorum vita, moribus & proprietate regulae inimica, deque modo & tempore gubernandae cuiusque praepositurae, nec non ratione administrationis bonorum, & dispensatione proventuum, alijsque muneribus & officijs, ad prolapsi huius status, & disciplinae regularis reparationem maximè conferentibus, edidimus, sperantes illa prosperos tandem successus dicto Ordini allatura. Sed obsistente bonarum rerum perturbatore plerique omnes (quoniam otio & desidi nimium assueverant) regulae etsi instituta & emendationem adhorrentes, etsi statuta & praecepta nostra communi consensu palam acceptarunt, clam tamen quibus illa modis supprimerent comminiscentes, nefarias protestationes in occulto fecerunt, necessarios suos, & alios potentiores laicos ad intestinas seditiones concitarunt, suasores praeterea & impulsores ad intimos summorum principum ministros demiserunt, qui magnis praemijs & pollicitationibus eos pellicerent, in animos praedictorum principum inducere, ut nos ad illam resciscendam inclinarent, multaque alia de ea tollenda pravis artibus suut conati, ut turpem illam & flagitiosam vitam suam retinerent, letalesque mundi voluptates sequerentur, inter quos non defuit, qui altius praecipitatus, etiam à Catholica fide ad Haereticos, & impia illorum dogmata declinarit. Quibus cognitis, omnium granissimum impoenitentiae peccatum in eis animaduertimus, qui toties frustra correpti, in eadem obstinatione perdurare contendunt, non satis habentes talia attentare, nisi & ijs qui inter ipsos qui posse putant, illis imprimis qui saluti eorum sedulò invigilant, exitium machinentur, illius stimulis concitati, qui scelestum judam in funestum avaritiae morbum iniecisse non contentus, etiam ad prodendum Dominum suum pecunia impulit. Huius nimirum Spiritus nequssimi ductu, quondam Hieronimus Lignana praepositus praepositurae sancti Christophori Vercellen: & plures alij conscelerati huius ordinis, in necem dicti Caroli Cardinalis propitiatoris sui conspirantes, ut pecuniam ad tantum nefas expeditam conficerent, de trucidando in primis dilectō filio Fabio Simoneta fratre dicti ordinis, proventuum praepositurae Bredae Mediolanensis depositario, apud quem nummos invenire credebant, secretò convenerunt, inde ad ecclesiam dictae praepositurae, in qua ipsum orantem, laqueo suffocare decreverant, profecti, sed inter se de modo aggrediendi, misericordia salvatoris nostri, discordes, hoc conatu destiterunt, mutatoque consilio, sacra aurea & argentea furati sunt. Quibus clam venditis, seu pignori datis, praedictus Hieronimus quendam Donatum Faziam comprofessorem suum, Apostatam, pacta pecunia induxit ut ipsum Carolum Cardinalom occideret, qui nacta loci & temporis opportunitate, in eum vesperi de more in sacello cum familia precantem, ut transuerberaret, sclopum glandibus confertum igne admoto exoneranit, sed telorum part ad vestes orantis exinanita, alijs utrinque in proximo violentia ictus defixit, innocentem Divina pietas saluum & incolumem conseruavit. Quare ambo, & quidam alij huius nefandi criminis participes postea capitis poenas debitas persoluerunt. Quando igitur familiam praedictam, nulli studio ad Ecclesiae Dei utilitatem proficienti incumbentem, nulli disciplinae Ecclesiasticae deditam, nulium omninò futurae virtutis specimen estendentem, tam detestandis facinoribus infectam, tam atroci sacrilegio contaminatam, & praeterea inpoenitentem atque iccorrigibilem agnoscimus, omni de illa spe prorsus exclusa, ipsam tandem tollere constituimus, tanquam malam arborem fructus pessimos proferentem. Habita itaque cum fratribus nostris deliberatione matura▪ de illorum consilio, & nobis attributae potestatis plenitudine, extinguimus & abolemus ordinem praedictorum fratrim Humiliatorum, officium praepositi generalis ac provincialium, & quaecunque alia ministeria ordinis sic suppressi, nec non omnia, & quaecumque statuta, consuetudines & decreta eiusdem, etiam juramento, confirmatione apostolica, vel alia quacumque firmitate munita, & pariter privilegia, & indulta generalia, & specialia, quorum omnium tenores ac si ad verbum insererentur, praesentibus habemus pro expressis, quibuscumque illa concepta sint formulis, nec non irritantibus alijs decretis, & vinculis roborata: Trivamusque Generalem, ac caeteros omnes praepositos, & fratres omnes, praeposituris, dignitatibus, administrationibus, officijs & beneficijs Ecclesiasticis cum cura & sine cura, nec non domibus, conventibus & bonis immobilibus, mobilibus & se moventibus in Italia & ubicumque gentium constitutis, sacra quacunque, & communi supellectile, ac ipsorum omnium usu, usufructa administratione ac possessione sprirituali, & temporali, ac etiam iure & actione, sive per statuta nostrae, alias quomodolibet pertinente. Ac tollimus eis omnimodam facultatem, usum & auctoritatem, generalia & provincialia, & alia capitula de caetero celebrandi. Volumus tamen ut omnes fratres qui nunc sunt, qui professionem regularem emiserunt, demceps in domibus & locis, quos cis cum victu, & alijs necessarijs proximè assignandos curabimus, omnino redigantur, ut ibi vitam ducant regularem suae professioni conformem sub cura & visitatione ordinariorum locorum aut alterius, vel aliorum quos eis duxerimus delegandos, vel juxta juris communis dispositionem transeant ad pares vel strictiores ordinis approbatos. Novitij verò & alij quicunque non professi, detracto Religionis habitu ex professorum consortio, & domibus expellantur. Quibus professoribus nominatim praecipimus atque interdicimus ne post haec quemquam expulsorum, & omnino alium etiam voventem, ad professionem, vel habitum admittant, nec novas domos, vel loca recipiant, vel acquirant, quod si secus fiat, professio sit inanis, neminemque obliget, neque in genere sic professum, Novarum domorum seu locorum receptiones vel acquisitiones viribus & effectu careant, & contra facientes, excommunicationis sint sententia eo ipso innodati, a qua nullus nisi in mortis articulo constitutus absolui possit, absque Romani Pontificis licentia speciali. Caeterum intendentes & cultui divino, & Ecclesiae ministris quamprimum prospicere, omnes praeposituras, dignitates, personatus, administrationes, officia, caeteraque beneficia Ecclesiastica, cum cura & sine cura, quae deinceps secularia sint, per privationem praedictam, apud sedem Apostolicam vacantia, nec non domos, conventus, loca, supellectilem, bona, fructus, res, actiones & iura supradicta, eorumque proprietatem & dominium nostrae & dictae sedis liberae dispositioni specialiter & express reseruamus. Decernentes irritum & mane quicquid secus per praedictos, aut quoscunque alios scienter vel ignoranter contigerit attentari. Voluimus autem ut praesentium exempla notarij publici manu, & personae in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutae, sigillo obsignata, eandem illam prorsus fidem in judicio & extra illud, ubique locorum facia ●t, quam ipsaemet praesentes facerent, si essent exhibitae, vel ostensae. Nulli ergo. etc. Siquis autem. etc. Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae, 1577. Idibus Februarij, Pontificatus nostri anno sexto.   

POPE PIUS, SERVANT of the Servants of GOD, in perpetual memory of this matter.  
AS a careful Father over that son whom he hath brought up very tenderly, desirous to reclaim him, when he is stepped out of the way of his salvation, first exhorts him, favours him, pardons him, rebukes him, moreover, ceaseth not to try one thing after another, until he attain unto that which he desired, & having at last made proof of all, when he sees nothing will do him good, utterly despairing of his recovery, casts off the affection of a Father, and thrusts him out of doors, judging him unworthy to be his heir: So the Bishop of Rome, whom the Divine Majesty hath appointed to be a Father and Pastor of all the Religious orders in his Church, if he perceive any of these holy Companies serve from the rule and prescription of life they have undertaken, endeavours sometime by admonition, sometime by correction, to restore their ouncient institution, or at least, by some kind of amendment, bring them in better order: After he hath sought every thing that may make for their good, when he seethe them loathe all wholesome remedies, and stubbornly go on still in the way of wickedness, and perceiveth them to grow worse and worse, so that they may sooner be broken then bended, careless of all cure, he determineth to remove them, lest the power of an inveterate and untamed evil, overrun others, and destroy them. Which thing (because we are earnest in this point) both in many others, and especially in the company of the Humiliati, we have been very careful of, leaving nothing unattempted, but finding many flaws in them, if not altogether, yet in some convenient measure and moderation, they might by little and little, be fashioned to their first institution. For, after that our beloved Son Charles, of the title sanctae Praxedis, Priest, Cardinal Borrhomaeus, Protector of this Order, and Delegat of the apostolic Sea, of late perceiving the said Friars to break out into Riot, had providently set down many things, concerning the manner of God's worship, obedience, & common life, and of the manner of receiving and education of Religious persons. We understood, that they utterly despised both those, and all other rules of their own Order, and lived very voluptuously, & that their Governors, together with such as had any offices in the administration of their affairs, wickedly wasted a great part of the revenues (as if they had been their own) in worldly vanities and filrhines, and committed an innumerable sort of sins.  
We endeavouring to cut off all those means that did cast them into so apparent dangers and inconveniences, took order for many things hurtful to their life and manners, and proptietie of their rule and Order, and for the manner and time of government in every one's commandment, and also for the managing their goods, & disposing of their revenues: and other places and offices, very profitable to repair the ruins of this decayed state and regular discipline, hoping that these things would in time to come, bring good success to the said Order. But the enemy of all good things resisting, almost all of them (because they had been too much enured to ease & idleness) detesting to live in order and to be amended, howsoever by common consent they outwardly accepted our laws and precepts, yet underhand they devised all the ways they could to suppress them. They held wicked conspiracies secretly, they stirred up their kindred and others of the laity that were mighty, to sedition; they sent their Brokers and Agents, to the most intrinsical servants of mighty Princes, to draw them by great rewards and promises, to work us by the foresaid Princes means, to undo that we had done, and many others did they by evil practices attempt to this purpose, that they might continue their filthy and wicked course of life, & follow the deadly pleasures of this world, among whom was one that fell more high & headlong from the Catholic Faith to Heretics, and declined to their impious opinions.  
Understanding of these things, we found them guilty of Impenitency, the greatest sin of all, who being so often reproved, strove to continue in the same obstinacy, not thinking it enough to have attempted these things, unless they contrived the destruction of such as were of authority among them, and chiefly did watch diligently over their own souls, provoked hereunto by him, who not contenting himself with plunging of judas into the grievous sin of covetousness, procured him also by money to betray his Master. For by the enticement of of this wicked spirit, Hierom Lignana, once Precedent of the house of Saint Christopher at Verselles, and many other confederates of this order, conspiring the death of Charles the Cardinal their Protector, that they might have money, to compass this heinous act, they held a conventicle, to murder first our beloved son Fabius Simoneta, a brother of the said Order, Treasurer of the revenues of Breda at Milan, thinking to furnish themselves, with such coin as was in his keeping: thence determined they to go to the Church of the said house, to strangle him there, as he was at his prayers, but (by God's mercy) disagreeing among themselves, about the manner of the assault, they desisted from that, and changing their minds, they stole away the sacred guilt vessels of the Church. Which being secretly sold, or pawned, the said Hierom hired one Donatus Fazia, one of his brotherhood, an Apostata, to murder Charles the Cardinal, and he having spied his time & place, finding him at his prayers (as his manner was) with his family in a Chapel in the evening shot of a pistol at him to strike him through, but disappointed of his purpose, some of the bullets were defeated by his garments while he prayed, others, by the violence of the blow, stuck in the next on either side of him: the innocent by God's grace was preserved: wherefore both of them, with others that were partakers of this fact, were afterward beheaded.  
Thus when we saw this company grown unprofitable in the Church of God, live in no order, show no sign of amendment, infected with so grievous crimes, defiled with so cruel sacrilege, and furthermore impenitent and incorrigible, being out of all hope of their recovery, we have at last determined to root them out, like an evil tree that carries very bad fruit. Having therefore thoroughly deliberated with our Brethren, by their advise, and by the absolute authority committed to us, we utterly extinguish and abolish the whole Order of the said friars Humiliats', the place of their General, and Provincials, and all other offices of their Order thus suppressed, and also all, and all manner of Statutes, customs, and decrees of the same, howsoever they have been established by any oath, or confirmation Apostolical, or any other warrant, and also all privileges and grants, both general & special, the tenors of all which, as if they were word for word here inserted, in these presents we hold them for expressed, whatsoever stile or form they bear, confirmed with other decrees and clauses that may move us: And we deprive the General, and all other their Governors, and brethren, of commandments, dignities, administrations, offices, and ecclesiastical benefices, with cure, & without cure, and also of their houses, Covents, & goods immoovable, movable, and selfe-mooving, being in Italy or any other Nation, of all holy things, and common household stuff, of the use of all and usufructuall administration & possession spiritual and temporal, of right and action also, whether by our statutes, or any other way they appertain unto them. And we take from them all power and authority, to hold from henceforth, any General, Provincial, or other Chapters. Yet we ordain, that all the brethren now remaining, which have made their regular profession, be from henceforth seated in such houses and places, as we shall appoint, with things necessary for their maintenance: that there they may live according to their rule & profession, under the Cure and visitation of the Ordinaries of those places, or of some others, whom we shall appoint for that purpose; or else, that according to the direction of common law, they may go to their equals, or to some of straighter order already allowed.  
As for the Novices & others whatsoever not yet professed, their habit pulled over their ears, let them be expelled the house and company of the professed. Which professed, we precisely command, & forbid, that from henceforth they never admit unto their profession or habit, any of them that are expelled, or any other that would be devoted to it: Neither shall they receive or purchase any new houses or places, if they do, the profession shall be void, and shall bind no man, not so much as in general so professed. All erections of such like new houses, shall be of no force, and they that shall do contrary, shall thereby incur the sentence of excommunication: from which none, unless it be upon the point of death, shall be absolved, without the special licence of the Bishop of Rome.  
Furthermore, purposing to provide with all speed for the service of God, and the Ministers of his church, we reserve by the foresaid deprivation, all commandments, dignities, administrations, offices, and other Ecclesiastical benefices, with cure & without cure, which be hereafter secular, to the holy Sea, in their vacancy. And also the houses, Covents, places, household stuff, goods, fruits, substances, actions, and foresaid rights, & their propriety and dominion, specially and expressly to the free disposition of our said Sea. Decreeing that to be void and of none effest, whatsoever shall happen to be wittingly or unwittingly attempted to the contrary, by the foresaid Friars or any other.  
And we will, that the transcript of these presents, taken under the hand of a public Notary, and sealed by the seal of an Ecclesiastical person of dignity, shall be as authentical, in, or out of judgement, wheresoever they be drawn, as if these presents were exhibited and shown. Therefore to none. etc. But if any etc. Given at Rome in Saint Peter's Palace, in the year of the incarnation of our Lord, 1577, in the Ideses of February, the sixth year of our pontificality.  
This is the Bull at large, the which I took out of Mathaeus Toscanus, in his book entitled, Summa constitutionum, & rerum in Ecclesia Romana gestarum à Gregorio nono usque ad Sixtum quintum. This fellow besides is a great friend of the jesuits. But what gather you out of this Bull? that the Humiliati were licentious, but no mention of the particulars devised by La Fon. Besides, in express terms, that by their plots and practices, they stirred up troubles and seditions among Princes, In occulto. The words are, necessarios suos & alios potentiores, ad intestinas seditiones concitarunt. And I pray you, are not our reverend jesuits herein their craft's Masters?  
Further, you find not in this Bull, that the Order of the Humiliati were at any time assembled to lay violent hands upon the Cardinal Borrhomaeo, their Reformer, as the jesuits suggest. If it had been a rout or an assembly in person, it could not have been avoided, but their General, the Provincials of their Order, and the Priors of their Monasteries, must have been of the conspiracy, or at the least some part of them. A clause which would not have been forgotten in the Decree that Pope Pius the fift, & the holy Consistory of Rome sent out, having so great intention finally to suppress them.  
And this is the reason the jesuits have laid this condemnation most falsely upon all the Order, who had in Chapter (as they say) conspired against Borrhomeo. Let us acknowledge a truth like the children of Christ, and not like the disciples of Ignacius. This Order was grown very infamous, by reason of their incontinency and licentious life, the which the good Cardinal Borrhomaeo would have helped if it had been possible. This was (I must confess) a fault, and that very foul and scandalous, & yet for this, it is like they should not have been suppressed.  
It is a vice whereunto naturally we are prone. Insomuch that he who would suppress all houses of Religion where this vice aboundeth, especially those which are seated in places far from resort, we may say with Tacitus,  antea vitijs ita tum demum legibus laboraremus. And there might be peradventure more scandal in suppressing, then in winking at their vices.  
How then? What caused the suppression? It was GOD'S will, that unexpectedly, Lignana, prior of Versellis, and some others, angry with this new reformation, conspired against Borrhomaeo, as it is expressed in the Bull. And this riot was the cause of the suppression: and this is the cause the Bull doth recount their disorders in general, but specially their attempt against Borrhomaeo. The which is set down very particularly, and not the incontinencies which La Fon reciteth.  
What is there in this story, but will fit the jesuits as well as if it were made for them? They are notorious throughout the world, for the troubles raised by them in France. And as manifest it is, that they practised and bargained with a stranger, to bring in a new King into this kingdom. The detestable fact of Barriere. The howl of Comolet to the people, to kill the King even in the time of the truce. The people with one mouth, from the youngest to the most aged, cried vengeance on them, so soon as the King re-entered Paris. The cause was pleaded in the name of the University, and as it falleth out oftentimes, that in matter of judgement, where the cause is of consequence, while we fear to be negligent, we grow over-curious: so here the cause was referred to counsel. GOD would so have it, that Chastell, a disciple of the jesuits, poisoned with their damnable positions, wounded the King with a knife, and being taken, he maintained in the open face of justice, that he might do it lawfully.  
The heinousness of this fact, aggravated with other circumstances, gave occasion of the pronouncing the process against the whole Order. Now I pray you tell me, if the same holy Ghost, which wrought in the suppression of the Humiliati, had not a stroke likewise in driving the jesuits out of Paris? They are the same things, the same proceed, under several names. Their difference is in these two points. The one, that the Humiliati, in being too subject to their pleasure, sinned, yet committed such a sin as our corrupt nature teacheth us: but the jesuits, being the principal Authors of the troubles wherein two hundred thousand lost their lives; have sinned against GOD, & against nature. For nature abhors nothing more than death, which is so cheap among the jesuits, to the loss of others. The other difference is, that the attempt of Lignana, was but against a Cardinal, whom I acknowledge willingly to be one of the holiest men our age yieldeth: A Cardinal, whom the College would be loath to spare, yet notwithstanding he lives, and liveth in as great reputation as ever he did. Whereas the attempt of Chastell, endangered a King, sole in his kingdom, & such a king, as the world must yield to be as valiant, wise, and courteous, as any before him; and by whose death, if the treason had sorted to effect▪ we were to expect nothing but horror and confusion, our old inhabitants. And yet they must be cherrished in some part of the kingdom. But because some not remembering, or not observing things past, others not foreseeing, less labouring to prevent dangers to come, suffer themselves to be abused by them, accounting them the Champions and protectors of the Catholic faith, I will make it manifest unto you, that their sect is as dangerous as Martin Luther's, & that there is nothing the Pope hath more to fear, as prejudicial to his authority and greatness, than their General, what shows and protestations soever they make to the contrary notwithstanding.     

CHAP. 24. ¶ That the Sect of the jesuits, is no less dangerous to our Church then the Lutherans.  
THis position may seem at the first sight Paradoxical, but it is true. The distribution of the hierarchical Order of our Church, hath a proportion and correspondency with the human body, wherein the head commandeth over the other members, amongst the which there are certain noble parts as the heart, the liver, & the lungs, without which the body cannot consist: So as he who would take from the head to add to the noble parts, or diminish them to give unto the head, disordering the proportion and correspondency which should be betwixt the members, he should confound & destroy the body: So is it in our hierarchy, the head of the Church, is our holy father the Pope, the noble parts under him, are the Archbishop's Bishops, Cardinals, Priors, & Abbots; I will add Princes, Lords, & Universities; as for the rest of the people, they represent the other members of the body. Martin Luther was the first who durst traduce this head, bringing in a form of aristocraty into our Church, making all the Bishops in their several dioceses, equal to the Sea apostolic.  
There succeeded him, Ignactius Loyhola, some years after, who by a contrary course, defended the authority of the holy Sea, but after such a fashion, as he no less endamaged our Church than theirs. For pretending more zeal to the Sea, and our holy Father, than the rest, and still intituling him to more predominant and new authority over the Ordinaries, he and his successively obtained from divers Popes, so many Privileges, Indulgences, and Grants, in disadvantage of the Prelates, Monasteries, and Universities, that suffering them to live in the midst of us, you disfigure & slain the face of the Catholic and Universal Church. Remember what the jesuit said to you this other day, & you will find my words true. The difference betwixt Luther and Ignace, is, that he troubled our Church, fight against the head: And this, warring against the noble parts. All extremity is a vice, virtue is ●●●ympiere betwixt both. For mine own part, I belee●●●hat the true Catholic Apostolic Roman faith, is that, which hath been in use ever since the passion of our Saviour and Redeemer jesus Christ, and that which hath been approved be all our ancient Doctors of the Church, of whom the meanest, had more learning and true Christian feeling in his heart, than Luther and all his adherents, than Ignace with all his complices. It is the religion wherein all good and faithful Christians ought to live and die.  
I will add further, that I had rather err with them, then run the Wild-Goose chase, endangering my soul with these night-growne mushrooms. But we will be moderate in a subject of such a nature. I will not say then that I had rather, but that I should less fear to err. For to say that jesuits are the only clubs to beat down the blows of Caluin and Luther, I am so far from believing it, as I think it is a special mean to confirm them in their erroneous opinions. I remember a friend of mine being at a Sermon, rather for novelty then devotion, a Minister cried out to his disciples; My brethren, saith he, God hath beheld us with a merciful eye: Although Martin Luther had been sufficient to give the Pope battle: yet so it is that Ignacius Loyhola is come besides to aid us. For he cunningly, under colour of support, supplanteth him. What readier mean to overthrow a State, than faction and intestine quarrels. And I pray you what other milk give these jesuits in the Church of Rome? Then sith this Sect is his last refuge, & his principal support, be of good cheer the day is ours. For without question the head must be very dangerously sick, if for cure thereof, favouring this new Sect, they utterly overthrow the noble parts. But what should be the cause of this disorder? An imaginary vow of Mission, in favour whereof the Pope pr●●ecteth their quarrel. For this therefore let us praise God and say as Demea said to his brother Mitio in the Poet, Consumat, perdat, pereat, nihil ad me attinet.  
These six or seven Latin words uttered against the holy Sea are blasphemous. But this is the unbridled licence of these new Preachers, who when they are transported with their preposterous zeal, may say any thing. This dissension concerned not the Minister: it had been his part to touch the conscience of every good Catholic, who desireth to live and die in the bosom of the Catholic apostolic and Roman Church: yet it should be our care, that these my Masters the Ministers insult not over us, & that their triumphs be not grounded on the jesuits. Consider whether they have cause to say thus or no, for among other particulars of the censure of our Divines, in the year 1554. this was, one, that the jesuits would become Seminaries of Schism, and division in our Christian Church, & that they were rather brought in, for the ruin and desolation of it then for the edification thereof. Wherefore, if I may be thought to err in saying that the Sect of the jesuits is no less prejudicial to the Church then that of the Lutherans, I do it not without judgement, having for my warrant herein, the censure of that venerable faculty of Divines in Paris.   

CHAP. 25. ¶ Of the notorious enterprise or usurpation, of the General of the jesuits over the holy Sea, and that there is no new Sect which in time may be more prejudicial to it then this.  
WHen the venerable faculty of the Divines of Paris, censured the Sect of the Jesuits, in the year 1554. they only considered of the inferior orders aswell spiritual as temporal. But for matter which concerned the holy Sea, they went not so far, neither were they acquainted with their Bulls and constitutions. But now that it hath pleased God of his grace to enlighten us, I will not doubt to say, that the Governor of the jesuits, represents the person of Lucifer, who would equal himself to his Creator. So this fellow being a creature of the Popes, doth not only usurp equal authority over his subjects, but far greater than the Pope doth exercise over the Universal Church. They give out in Rome, that they absolutely obey the Pope, not only in the matter of Mission, but in all other his commandments. And under this plausible pretence, they have obtained, and daily do obtain very many extraordinary privileges, in prejudice, and (if I might presume to say so much) in disgrace of Archbishops, Bishops, Orders of Religion, Universities, and the whole Catholic Church. Notwithstanding, the truth is, that they having two Masters to serve, do without comparison, more homage to their General, then to the holy Sea.  
Ignatius Loyhola, 
Rib. lib. 1. Chap. 3.  a Spaniard, very honourably descended, changing his condition, changed not his nature. Ribadinere reporteth, that when he was to leave his Father's house, pretending to go to visit the Duke of Naiare, Martin Garsia, his eldest brother jealous of his intention, came to him privately to his chamber, and said thus unto him; Brother, all things are great in you: Wit, judgement, Courage, Nobility, Favour of Princes, the people's love, Wwisedome, Experience in war: besides, youth and an able body. All these promise much of you, & are exceeding full of expectation. How then, will you now frustrate on a sudden all these our fair hopes? will you defeat our house of those garlands, whereof we in a sort assured ourselves if you would but maintain the course you have begun? Although in years I am much your ancient, yet am I after you in authority. Beware then, that these high hopes, which sometime we conceived of you, prove not abortive, ending in dishonour. Whereunto Ignace shortly answered, that he was not unmindful of himself and his ancestors, from whom he would not degenerate in the least degree, nor obscure their memory. And believe me, he kept his promise. For after this unexpected change of life, he never entertained any petrie ambitions, howsoever he altered his habit, or any pilgrimage he made to jerusalem notwithstanding. Cloth an Ape in Tissue, the beast may happily be more proud, but never the less deformed.  
Naturam expellas furca tamen usque recurrer.  
Coelum, non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt.  
Neither the meanness of his habit, nor his pilgrimage, could abate those spirits which were borne with him. When he & his six first companions, made their first vow at Mont Martyr, he made himself their head without any election of their part. The which you shall find in Maffeus, who witnesseth, that when by the advise of the Physicians, he was to change the air for the recovery of his health after a long sickness, taking his journey toward Spain, he left Vicegerent over his companions, Peter Faure, in whom he reposed a special trust. Caeterum (saith Maffee) nequid é suo discessu res parisiensis caperet detrimenti, 
Maff. lib. 2. cap. 1.  primùm commilitones ad fidem & perseverantiam paucis adhortatus, Petrum Fabrum & annis & vocatione antiquissimum, illis praeposuit, cui interim obtemperarent. He had then cast off all authority and pre-eminence over them, as it is manifest by that which followeth. For it was he whom they promised to meet at Venice at a certain day prefixed: It was he which afterwards assembled them at Vincintia, to deliberate whether they should return to Rome, or no, there to erect their new Sect: it was he which undertook the charge as principal. This was the cause that he, assuring himself, that when they should proceed to eleclection would make choice of him for General of their Order, provided before hand, that this office should not be annual, but for life and all: with all, that the General should have absolute authority over his subjects. Ergo sine controversia deligendum videri, cui omnes in terris, tanquam Christo parerent, 
Maff. lib. 2. chap. 9  cuius in verba iurarent, denique cuius sibi nutum ac voluntatem instar divini cuiusdam oraculi ducerent. His ita constitutis deinceps quaesitum de huius ipsius potestate, utrum certo dierum spatio definitam, an vero perpetuam esse oporteret: perpetuam esse placuit omnibus. After the Order was established in Rome, and Ignatius chosen General, and that upon terms of an absolute Governor: He who from his youth had been in arms, not in Arts, began to bring in amongst them a tyrannous government, willing that all his Decrees, and the Decrees of his successors, should be held just and inviolable. For although they made show to vow like obedence to the holy Sea, & under this protestation they were authorized in Rome, yet is it manifest, that they do yield more obedience to their General, then to the Pope.  
I say not only to their General, but to all their other Superiors, as their Provincials and Rectors, and especially, in their vow of Mission, their General hath more command over them then the Pope: even all, as I have more particularly discoursed, speaking aswell of the vow of Mission, as of the blinded or hoodwinked obedience. Therefore I conclude, & concluding shall not be withstood by any man, which is not very passionately partial, that the command which the Pope and the General have over the jesuits, is in all points sovereign and absolute; but without comparison, more precise in the things which concern the General. Which maketh me believe, that if ever the holy Sea received a breach, there is no Sect liker to make it, than this of the jesuit, their General residing in Rome. We exclaim againsts the Lutherans, and not without cause, inasmuch as they were the first in our age that troubled the peace of the Church. Notwithstanding, I hold not then of more dangerous consequence than the jesuits. Some childish or young scholar, will not stick to say perhaps, that in maintaining this position, I am an heretic. All those whom we term in France of the pretended Religion, of the Reformed, or of the new, have no head over them: If they should admit any, they should contradict themselves, denying the Pope's primacy, and yet receiving another. They live in an Oligarchy, or an Aristocracy. Insomuch as he, who for his knowledge or antiquity, hath any pre-eminence over the other Ministers, it is an inherent authority for time of life, not transmissible from him to his Successors. Besides, they want outward ceremonies, without the which, Religion worketh not easily in the hearts of simple people. He among them is held a great minister, who never read over but Caluins' Institutions, or Peter Martyrs Common-places, and some other modern writers. So as I doubt not, but this Sect in time will fall of itself, as I think it had been down ere this time, if the unhappy ambition of the jesuits, had not so factiously withstood the wise designs of our deceased King. I know this is not a stile greatly to content the Ministers, neither do I affect their favour: all my ambition is, to see our Catholic apostolic Roman Church in that dignity, and discipline, wherein it flourished in the days of our forefathers. For conclusion, our Kings being Catholics as they must be, if they will reign, I fear not the Hugonote in France, who whether he will or no, shall be brought in under obedience well enough.  
But I fear the jesuit above all, not only in France, but in Rome, because their policy tendeth to the establishment of a tyranny over all, which they will recover by little and little, if they be not prevented. They have a General which is not annual, or for term, as those of the Friars: But perpetual, as the Popes. Some one will say, that the like is in the chartre house, I agree, but they are recluse & lead a solitary life in their Cloisters, sequestered from traffic and intercourse with the world. Some will reply, that there are divers heads of Orders, as of Clugni, Premonstre, and Grammond, which are for term of life, I grant it, but yet they have Statutes and Decrees inviolable within which they are limited and confined, so that they can do nothing prejudicial to the rest of the Religious.  
It is not so with the jesuits, for they have nothing so certain as the uncertainty of their constitutions. The which they can change in their Chapters without craving aid of the holy Sea: yea, and the General himself, in ordinary affairs of his own absolute authority, may do his pleasure. Every man knoweth, that a perpetual Magistrate is more absolute than a temporary. In the first general congregation which was held by them, in the year 1558. Pope Paul the fourth, sent to them purposely the Cardinal Pacochus, to advertise them his pleasure was, that their General should be chosen for certain years, foreseeing the extraordinary greatness which he might grow unto by this perpetual regency: Notwithstanding, overcome with their importunities, he was in a sort content, yet sent he the Cardinal Taruense, to signify, that he held it more convenient to be temporary, then perpetual.  
This General, being thus perpetual, yet are all the dignities of his Order temporary. Under him are the Provincials, according to the division of Provinces: under them are the Rectors, who have particular authority over their houses and Colleges; and consequently over their Fathers, & over the Coaiutors, spiritual and temporal; & over the scholars elected: For the heads of Colleges, they are principally appointed to be Superintendems of the stranger scholars. These offices hold usually for three years together, yet may they be continued or abridged at the pleasure of the General: he disposeth of the temporalties absolutely, without any consent, and exerciseth a world of prerogatives, which are not permitted to our Bishops. I will deliver you every particular in his place.  
The Provincials are their Bishops, the Rectors are their Curates: as we likewise call in Languedoc, Rectors, those which in all other parts of France are called Curates. None of these I have named are perpetual, but at the will of their General. No other dignity of Christendom, is comparable with that of our holy Father, and yet his compared with the Generals, is less. For after his holiness hath confirmed a Bishopric, or any other promotion, his hands are bound, he cannot displace them of his own absolute authority; they are not Tenants at will, as the Provincials & Rectors jesuits. Our holy Father, by the ancient Cannons and constitutions, cannot give power to Bishops and Abbots, to alienate their temporalties, without special cognisance of the cause. There is required an especial assembly to give advise, and after consent obtained, one presenteth himself to the Superior, who appointeth a Proctor for the Church, to see if such alienation be necessary.  
Their General may sell, mortgage, allienate, and dissipate the goods of the Church, and is not accountable when he hath done. And that which is a tyranny, the like whereof was never heard, having deputed such as shall please him to make his sales, he may frustrate and disannul any act of theirs, although they have not exceeded the limits of their commission. Our holy Father assumeth no such authority, to permit such as have vowed Chastity, Poverty, or Obedience, to recover their possessions, much less to marry, except Kings & sovereigning Princes, and that in cases of very urgent necessity. The clean contrary is practised by the jesuits in their first vow, which they call the simple vow: is not this, to attribute more to their General, than our holy Father will assume?  
I told you yesterday, that in matter of Missions, the General may send all under him, whether he will, not only of the last vow, but of the first and the second. This you may find in the ninth part of their Constitutions, chap. 3. Artic. 9 here I desire to know from whence he deriveth this power, for from the holy Sea he hath it not: search all the Bulls of their Order. Well I know, that in that of 49, of Paul the third, it is lawful for the General to send as well as the Pope, into divers countries for the propagation of our faith. But this clause is to be understood of Fathers, in the last solemn vow: for the mission of the holy Sea extendeth only to them. Then this must proceed from some particular duty the other jesuits own unto their General. But where is that? For neither in their simple vow, nor in their first solemn vow, they bind themselves, either to the Pope or their General to the vow of Mission, but only to the three substantial vows of other religious Orders. Where then is this bond, where lieth this duty hid? I believe, in the tyranny of their General, and in their blinded obedience. And that which is strange, this same blinded obedience, is by all them promised and sworn unto the Pope, yet doth he not exercise it, but upon the Fathers of the great and the last vow only. Whence springeth this diversity? the reason is at hand. In a word, our holy Father hath not so much power over the jesuits, as their General, whom their sovereign Pope, and in their irregular government, they acknowledge ours but for fashion sake.  
Let us go a little further, & look a little into their other behaviours. They say they are subject to the ordinances of the holy Sea, I rather think they impose laws upon it. That so it is, before the Bull of the year 1540, first foundation of their Order, they exercised of their own authority their assemblies, in the Charter house of Paris, they opened since their shops to all comers. Before the permission they obtained in the year 1561, they exercised forty and four years their simple vow, which is contrary to all the constitutions of the church, before Gregory the 13. had given a safe conduit. And as they wrought our Popes still to second their greatness, so this same remissness & relenting of the holy Sea, hath given means to their General, to equal himself unto him.  
Let us consider our holy Father the Pope ordained of GOD, such as he is when he is chosen by the College. The cardinals bow themselves before him, honour him, and kiss his hands. I think this honour is proper to his holiness. 
Part. 8. Constit. cap. 6. art. 6.  The General of the jesuits hath the self same kneeling, and hand-kissing when he is chosen. And yet I will not wrong him, for I must confess, that in some Monasteries, this likewise is observed, specially in public ceremonies: but to take this homage of others, it is inexcusable.  
I will go no further for an example than Father Claudius Aquaviua their present General. After that he was chosen in the year 1581., and after all his scholars had done their homage, and he had taken his chamber, Ind pater saith the first of their Letters annual for that year, cubiculum ascendens, eo die salutanti turbae omnis generis hominum, exosculandas manus praebuit. Which is to say; After that the Father had taken his Chamber, he offered his hands to kiss to all manner of persons which came to salute him. What new idolatry is this? Is not this to erect a new Pope in Rome, triumphant over the true & ancient?  
We have in our Church but one head, whom we acknowledge to be about all other Prelates, the Vicar of God. The General of the jesuits arrogats the same title. In all the vows which the jesuits make before him, they term him God's Lieutenant: 
Part. 5. constit. cap. 3 & part. 6. cap. 1  betwixt Lieutenant & Vicar, the difference is so nice, that I see none. And in one place of their Constitutions, the gloss made by a jesuit, termeth him expressly God's Vicar. Nay they are so shameless, 
Gl. part. 4 Const cap. 3.  that they are not content their General should assume this state, but forsooth their Superiors may exact likewise of their inferiors. Omnibus itidem commendatum sit ut multum reverentiae, & praecipuè in interiore hominis, 
Part. 6. Constit cap. 1.  suis superioribus exhibeant, & jesum Christum in eisdem considerent & revereantur. That it is likewise to all in general enjoined, to give great reverence inwardly in their hearts to their Superiors, and that in them, they reverence and acknowledge jesus Christ.  
The jesuit Montaignes, speaking of the reverence they vow unto their General, without disguising goeth plainly to the point. If they promise (saith he) to obey their General, 
Montag. cap. 27.  it is in regard that he is God's Vicar over his company. If he had said, Vicar of our holy Father, appointed by him over his company, he had committed less incongruity. But as the jesuits never want pretences to make their shifts more saleable, they force a place or two of Scripture, to make good the usurpation of their General the Pope's rival, they say, Qui vos audit, me audit, 
In the Plea of the College of Clairmont, the year 1594 Fol. 61. & Mont. cap. 27.  & qui vos spernit; me spirnit. And they allude to the place of David speaking of the judges, Vos dij estis, & Deus stetit in synagoga Deorum: And that S. Bafill said, that the prelate representh the person of jesus Christ. And S. Gregory of Nazianzene, addressing his speech to the Emperor, saith, Thou holdest thy Empire with jesus Christ, with him thou commandest on earth, thou art the image of God.  
I might more strongly allege one thing which I have from themselves, for when the Popes, Paul and julius the fift, in their Bulls of the years 1540 & 50. speaking of their General, said: In illo Christum velut praesentem agnoscant, was this with any purpose that they should usurp over theirs this great title? No questionless, but to use it as we see in the Counsel of Trent, where it is said, that our Lord ascending into heaven, 
Sess. 14. ea. 15. where it speaks of confession.  Sacerdotes sui ipsius Vicarios reliquit, tanquam praesides & judices, ad quos mortalia crimina deferantur, in quae Christi fideles inciderint, to give them absolution.  
And in another place, when recommending the poor to the beneficed men, he addeth, 
Sess. 24. ea. 8. where it speaks of reformation.  Memores eos qui hospitalitatem amant, Christum in hospitibus recipere. That is to say, that they remember to be hospitals to the poor, for entertaining them, they entertained jesus Christ. Words uttered to excite charity, not to build an Anabaptisme, which the jesuits seem to ground upon these words, that they should acknowledge jesus Christ in their General, as john Leiden, the king of Anabaptists, gave out of himself, and would have had others to believe it. But because already I have hereof discoursed at large, I will now content myself only to tell you this, that their General, taking upon him the authority of God's Vicar, hath brought in a schism and division betwixt our holy Father the Pope and him.  
And although to maintain this authority, Montagnes & his suffragans, aid him with all the places above alleged, they breed withal their cunning another schism, of more dangerous effect then that: for that Emperors, Kings, and judges, may every one usurp the same state. And so at unawares, we shall slip into the heresy of the Lutherans, who would equal Archbishops and Bishops to our holy Father, whom notwithstanding in their several jurisdictions, we acknowledge the Vicars of God: and yet they take not this title upon them neither, though we yield it them, it is a title which belongeth only to the Pope, a title which no honest and faithful Christian can deny him, and whereof he may be justly jealous, if any endeavour to rob him of it.  
But whether wander we? There is none but knoweth, that they are in their several charges, the true creatures and deputies of God, and that such, since the time of the Apostles, down to this day they have continued. There is none likewise but knoweth, that the jesuits are the Pope's creatures: if any should assume this title, the Bishops have most interest to challenge it, yet they take it not upon them, but modestly leave it to our holy Father, and the jesuit, who deriveth his reputation from him, will he be thus immodest? By the Counsel of Trent, so much renowned in Rome, there are many articles, whereby the Bishops are restrained of many things, the which our French Church thinketh to be grounded on ordinary right; yet is it so ordered, that they may be known to be Vicars under the holy Sea: and yet shall we permit, that these underminders of our Church, shall usurp authority as immediate Vicars of God, and not as Vicars of the holy Sea?  
I confess that ordinarily, we give the term of most Reverend to our Cardinals, & to those which are princes most illustrious. Their general Consistory hath not the title of most illustrious: as we see in the great Canonist Navarre, Aduertendum est, saith he, quod per solam gestionem habitus, 
Nava. come. de reg. num. 76.  per unum, vel plures annos, in illustrissimo societatis jesu ordine, non videtur fieri professio tacita. You must consider (saith he) that by wearing the habit only for one or more years, in the most famous order of the society of jesus, a man is not thought to make secret profession.  
Navarre lived in Rome under Gregory the 13, & did more honour to his hypocrites, than we do to the great & venerable Consistory of Cardinals, which are Counsellors in ordinary to the holy Sea. Writing to Bishops, we entitle them, Reverend Fathers in God, and think herein we honour them sufficiently: there is no Father jesuit of the great vow, who hath not this title of a Bishop. The Letter written to the king of Spain in the troubles, by our Sixteen Tigers of Paris, speaking of Father Matthew a jesuit, terms him in three several places, the Reverend Father Matthew. And in a great part of the Book, there be added to the mention of his name these two Letters R. P.  
When we speak unto our holy Father, we say, Your Holiness; when you speak to the General, or other Superior of this Order, yea but unto the meanest Father amongst the jesuits, he taketh his greatness much wronged, if you use not this term, Your Reverence: yet we must say, they encroach not upon the authority of the holy seat. But why should they not impeach the authority of his holiness, sith they usurp and insult upon Christ himself, unto whom only, our Christian Church permitteth Apostles? Yet suffers the General his, in some places, to be called Apostles. This is not to turn our holy Father out of his seat, but to put jesus Christ out of his throne. This is not to be God's Vicar, but to believe that he is God himself.  
When Ishmael, afterwards called the Sophi, about the year 1503, attempted, by putting the Eastern parts in combustion, to overthrow the Estate; by that means to equal himself with the Ottomans, Emperors of Constantinople, he began first to alter and trouble the ancient religion of Mahomet, pretending that he would reduce it to a far better pass; alleging that Mahomet, who never took upon him higher title than the Prophet of GOD, had a brother called Hali, who brought in under the Banner of his Brother, a Religion more austere, whereof Ishmael took upon him to be the Restorer. And under this plausible pretext, he made himself to be called a Prophet as well as Mahomet, altered the ancient form of Turban among his own people, insomuch as they began to adore him as the true Image of God, and resolutely to follow his advertisements. So that he assembled at the first a handful of men, after, added to them multitudes, and shortly after, like another new Mahomet, so increased his Army, that he was followed with six hundred thousand men, both horse and foot, making the East to tremble. And in these his proceed, so mingling religion with state, conquered a great part of the Country, which his posterity enjoyeth, under the great & redoubted name of Sophi.  
The comparisons suit not in every particular, but if it please you to consider what hath passed, and is now in practice among our jesuits, you shall find they follow the same steps in Christianisme, which Ishmael first trod in Mahumetisme. Their prophet Ishmael is the great Ignatius, who with his fabulous visions, would bear the world in hand, that sometimes he spoke with God. sometimes with Christ, sometimes with our Lady, or Saint Peter. And as Ishmael fetched out of Hali, the pretended Brother of Mahomet, a new branch of Religion, taken from the old stock: So Ignatius, christening himself with this new name of a jesuit, in stead of the name of a Christian authorized from the Apostles, buildeth up a religion never anciently observed by our Church.  
Ishmael, under this new vow, changed the ancient Turban: Ignatius inducing a new Monachisme amongst us, yet retaineth not the ancient habit of Munks. Ishmael first assembled a handful of people, after raised millions: Ignatius doth the like. Ishmael, to make himself great, mingled policy and religion together; hath not Ignatius followed him? Ishmael and his successors, were adorned and magnified by their followers: Ignatius hath been so idolatrized, and the rest of his successors in the Generalship. But they go beyond him, for the General of the jesuits, will not only be honoured by his followers, but by those which are not of his sect, though happily somewhat tainted with his superstitious hypocrisy. Ishmael made himself be called the Prophet of God: The General termeth himself God's Vicar. In all these proceed and practices, Ishmael troubled and turmoiled the Mahometical state: And shall not we mistrust in Rome this same new jesuited Sophi? Whosoever suspecteth them not, is no true and legitimate child of the holy Sea. I pray you observe a little their increasing and their growth. The jesuits at the first beginning, were content to be some threescore in number; some three years after, they kept open house, come who would and welcome: which was an anticipation prejudicial to Ordinaries and Universities, to Kings and their kingdoms. In the end they were not content to equal themselves with Bishops in their Diocese, usurping their jurisdiction, but exacted more obedience over their followers, than the Pope over us. And although there can be no certain judgement given of future things, yet I dare say, & it is true, that in matter of State, the predictions of good or ill, are no less infallible than judgements Mathematical.  
Toward the declining of the popular state in Rome, there grew a civil war in France, betwixt two great factions, the Sequanois and the Heduans, which diversly aspired to the chief government. The Heduans, confederate with the Romans, demanded their aid, julius Caesar, who from his cradle never brooked small attempts, obtained the command of the French, aswell on this side the mountains, as beyond, for five years. Besides, there were given him four legions of soldiers, paid by the State. He, as he was a man of great leading, and very valiant, soon brought his affairs to such a pass, that pretending to secure the Heduans, he made the Gauls tributary to the people of Rome. In regard whereof, at the instance of his friends, he obtained great privileges. As for one, he obtained that Pompey, or his kinsman, might be undertaker general, who besides the bond of alliance, might do much in favouring of Caesar's greatness. He was of great place in the Town, and consequently very much followed. Wise Cato the Vticen, seeing how these things were carried, often told him very earnestly, he would overthrow the state ere he were aware, by teaching Caesar to play the Tyrant, which he should find when it was too late. His prediction came to pass: for after much civil war, the Empire fell to his family. I wish to God I might be a false Prophet.  
But when I consider seriously the history of our jesuits, I am full of fear and pensiveness. Martin Luther directly opposed himself against the holy Sea. The jesuits, cunning statesmen, cover no less ambition under their long cassocks, than Caesar, and proffer to support the Popedom, but with a proposition of new obedience; as if I durst I would say, that they make up a third religion betwixt the true Catholic and the Lutheran. Caesar vanquished the French: these if we will believe it, subdued a part of the Indies with their prattle, but yet under the favour of the Kings of Portugal, in places where he had command. For, as for our wandering souls I do not see they had done any great service in reducing them to the fold. Caesar, in regard of his victories, obtained of the State, many extraordinary privileges, not before imparted to any: The jesuits in recompense of their imaginary conquests, in unknown countries, have obtained many privileges of the holy Sea, never heretofore granted to them. Cato cried out, that the privileges given to Caesar, would overthrow the commonwealth: The great faculty of Divines in Paris, declared in the year 1554. that this Sect would become the utter desolation and ruin of our Church. And some divining spirits, foretold long before, the tragedies they should act in France. Caesar changed the popular State into a Tyranny: what the jesuits will attempt against the holy Church, is in the hand of God; yet one thing comforteth me, that this great Sea, is builded upon a surer foundation than the Roman commonwealth. Only this I will add, that even as our Lord jesus Christ lodged his Divinity in a human body for our redemption, so long as our Prelates harbour holiness and integrity in their hearts, all will go well with them and us. But when they shall fall once a brewing, mingling cunning and policy with Religion, thereby thinking to maintain their greatness, then will they overthrow themselves and our whole Church.   

CHAP. 26. ¶ That there is no credit to be given to the promises and protestations of jesuits, for that they have no other faith, but such as maketh for the effecting of their purposes.  
YOu have hitherto understood, the heresies, Machiavelisms, & Anabaptismes of the Sect of jesuits, the treasons, the troubles they have brought to France, & wheresoever else they have remained: it is now time to sound retreat. And yet before I do it, we must have a little skirmish with the re-establishment by them procured, against the process of the Parliament at Paris, given rather by God his just judgement then by men. Now in this new pursuit, he which shall observe the time, wherein they began to remove, and the authority of him whom they employ, shall find them cunning and worldly wise, rather than religious. I cannot tell whether in the end they will prevail or no: For to speak truly, importunity, and perseverance, their two principal virtues have great advantage over the French, which are naturally without gall when they are flattered. I assure you, the annals of the jesuit Magius their Deligate, give them leave to use all the fair promises that may be, till they become owners of their desire, than they may cassiere their promises, when they can do them no further service. And that this is their practice, I can verify by infinite instances. They were vowed to GOD as they say, in the Church of Montmarter, in the year 1534. and promised to go to jerusalem, to convert the Turks to the Catholic Religion. And to this purpose, they came to Venice in the year 1537. resolute to take their journey, after they had received the blessing of Pope Paul the third, by whom they were well received by the mediation of some who brought them thither, and there they received money for the voyage.  
Nothing hindered their enterprise, save only the favour of some Lords, with whom they grew acquainted in Rome, by whose means they hoped to set up an easier Sect, excusing the breach of their vow, under pretence that the passage was stopped, by reason of the wars betwixt the Turk and the Venetian. Yet certain it was, that the very year of their approbation, which was in the year 1540 there was not only truce betwixt the Turk and the Venetian, but a firm peace. What then altered their resolution? Marry even their ease, and some other business they had at home.  
In the same Church of Montmarter, they swore to undertake the conquest of lost souls after they were proceeded Doctors of Divinity. That was a promise made before the face of God, very wise & reasonable. Whereunto, besides their sincerity of conscience, there was further required soundness of judgement & knowledge, to convert the Infidels. When they found a better bargain at Rome, they remembered to forget their promise. These two first assays, made them afterward Masters in matter of deceit & treachery, upon all occasions that were offered them for the advancement of their designs. In the assembly of Poissy, the year 1561. they promised to renounce their vows, and to submit themselves to the ordinary discipline of other Colleges. A promise which afterward they renewed in open Parliament. Whereupon they were admitted, only under the title of the College of Clairmont in Paris. Notwithstanding, in the same year, they obtained Bulls of Pope Pius the fourth, altogether contrary and derogatory to all the ancient privileges of our Universities. In 64. when they preferred a petition to the Parliament, to be matriculated or incorporated into the University, forgetting the decree of the French Church confirmed by process, they entitled themselves the Society of jesus, an order forbidden them.  
Pasquier, having at the first beginning of the cause objected, that the title they took upon them, disabled their petition, they denied themselves by the means of Versoris their own Advocate, avouching, that this happened by the fault of Pons Congordon, who was their first principal solicitor in the cause: insomuch, that Congordan was driven to deny himself. In Rome they obey the holy Sea in all things by a blind obedience, as I have showed you by their constitutions: In France (if you believe it) by the vow of Mission only, as you may find in their defence made in 94. for the College of Clairmont, and by Montaignes his book, and by the humble petition exhibited to the King by a nameless jesuit. In Rome they acknowledge the Popeto be Lord spiritual and temporal over all Christian Princes: Else they must directly contradict all the extravagant decretals which impose the same upon all Monarchies. It is a proposition very familiar in the Cour●e of Rome. And in the Bulls appointed for the publication of the jubilee, in the year 1600. Saint Peter and Saint Paul, are called Princes of the earth. In France they are of another opinion, for in their pleading in the year 94. and in the book of Montaignes, they give out, that the Pope, hath no title to temporalties, but such as he hath by long succession of time gotten in Italy. Ribadinere in the life of Ignace, acknowledgeth, that all their order prayed particularly for the health of the deceased King of Spain: now read their books, they know nothing but this particularity, yet pray they generally for all Princes, under whose protection they have built their nests. In the very heat of our troubles, there was no Cardinal so much withstood the Duke of Nevers, and the marquess of Pisani, sent by the King to his Holiness, as the Cardinal of Toledo, a jesuit, the troubles drawing to an end, none was so forward as he, to further our affairs.  
During our last troubles none did so much mischief as they, if you credit men of great integrity & reputation, who were beholders of their tragedies. Read their humble request and remonstrance preferred to the King, there is nothing which this poor innocent people hath in greater detestation, then that which they sometimes so much adored. This is called among chief Pragmatical fellows, a fair pretence for a foul exploit. They never made question to mingle their holy devotions with affairs of State, as they made us feel to our pain. Seeing our troubles upon the point of appeasing, and the King's affairs successful and prospering, they called in anno, 39 a general assembly in Rome, wherein it was forbidden, that any of them should intermeddle, yet they did it. But will you have a better and more evident example than this? If you will believe them, there is nothing▪ they abhor more than the Hugonots Religion, inasmuch as they inhibit their books, of what argument soever, forbidding expressly their scholars to read them. Oh holy men! Notwithstanding, when they presented their request to the king, to be established, they chose a Huguenot to be their spokseman, that by this retaining him, they might be assured not to have him against them. These are statesmen & temporisers, who hold all things honest and lawful, which serve their turn. As in former times, when they spoke of a perfidious people, they named the Carthagenians, whereof the common proverb grew, Fides Punica. The like we may now say of the jesuit, Fides jesuitica: and apply that to them, which Livy speaketh of Hannibal, Perfidia plusquam Punica, nihil veri, nihil sancti, nullus Deûm metus, nullum iusiurandum, nulla religio: They privately among their friends, make a jest of perfidiousness & treachery; for if you ask them, What is a jesuit? their answer is, Every man. Implying, that they are Creatures which vary their colours like the Chameleon, according to the object. A very fit comparison for them, for no more than the Chameleon can they borrow the colour of white, which in holy scripture figureth virtue & innocency. A little before the King entered Paris, Father Alexander Hays, a Scot, seeing the affairs of the League very much decline, it was his chance to disgorge out of the abundance of his heart, these words in a great audience, in the College of Clairmont, where he read the principal lecture; hitherto to (saith he) we have been Spaniards, but now we are constrained to be French: it is all one, we must formalize until a fit season. Cedendum erit tempori. These were the words he used.  
And that you may not think that this Maxim proceedeth from the pliantnes of their consciences, which they restrain or extend, as best fitteth their profit, their good Father Ignace, first taught them this dispensation, whereof since; they have made a particular constitution. The other holy Fathers, founders of divers orders of Religion, established divers ordinances which they fastened, if I may so speak, with nails of Diamond in tombs of brass, which should perpetually be observed by their Munks and other Religious. In the Sect of jesuits, there is nothing so certain as their uncertainty, as I said of late. In the Bull of Pope Paul the third, it is written as followeth.  
Et quod possint constitutiones particulares, quas ad Societatis huiusmodi finem, & jesu Christi Domini nostri gloriam, ac proximi utilitatem conformes esse iudieaverint, condere: & tam hactenus factas, quam in posterum faciendas constitutiones, ipsas juxta locorum, temporum, & rerum qua litatem & varietatem mutare, alterare, seu in totum cassare & alias de novo condere possint & valeant. Quae postea alteratae, mutatae, seu de novo conditae fuerint, eo ipso, Apstolicae sedis authoritate praefata, confirmatae censeaniur, cadem Apostolica authoritate, de speciali gratia indulgemus. That they may make (saith Pope Paul) particular ordinances, which they shall judge fit for the Society, to the glory of our Lord jesus Christ, and the profit of their neighbour. And that such as are already made, or shall be made hereafter, they may change, alter or abolish, according to the variety of place, time and occasions, and in steed of them, make new: the which so changed, revoked, or new made, we will that they be confirmed by the foresaid authority of the apostolic Sea: and by the same authority, of our special grace and favour we confirm them. I have translated this place word for word, and yet when the Bull saith in Latin, that the constitutions may be changed as shall be fit for the Society, it must be understood, for the maintenance and advancement of the Order. Out of this general constitution, they have drawn one particular which is worthy to be known, in the 16. part of their constitutions, Chapter, 5. the title beginning thus.  
Quod Constitutiones, peccati obligationem non inducunt. Cum exoptet Societas, universas suas Constitutiones, declarationes; ac vivendi ordinem, omnino juxta nostrum institutum, nihil vltraan re declinando, observari: Optet etiam nihilominus suos omnes securos esse, vet certè adiwari, ne in laqueum ullius peccati, quod ex vi constuationum huiusmodi, aut ordinationum proveniat, incidant, visum est nobis in Domino, ut excepto expresso voto, quo Societas summo Pontifici pro tempore existent tenetur, aec●tribus alijs essentialibus, Paupertatis, Castitatis, & Obedientiae, nullas Constitutiones, declarationes, vel ordinem ullum vivends, posse obligationem ac peccatum mortale; vel veniale inducere. Nisi Superior ea in nomine Domini jesu Christi, vel in virtute obedientiae, iuberet. And a little after, Et loco timoris offensae, succedat amor & desiderium omnis perfectionis, & ut maior gloria & laus Christi creat●ris ac Domini nostri consequatur.  
That the constitutions may not bind any man in conscience, sith the Society desires, that all their constitutions, declarations, and order of life, should be without evasion, conformable to our direction: and also, nevertheless wisheth to be secured, or at least succoured, that they be not snared in any sin which may grow by their constitutions or ordinances: We have thought good in the Lord, (exception taken to the express vow, wherewith the society is bound to the Pope for the time being, and the three other essential vows, of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience,) that no Constitutions, declarations, or any order of life, shall impose any yoke of mortal or venial sin upon them; unless their Superior command those things, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, or in the virtue of obedience. And again: In stead of fear of offending, let love and desire of all perfection come in place, and let the glory & praise of Christ our Lord and Maker, be the more exalted.  
By the first article, it is lawful for them to change & rechange their constitutions at their own pleasure (forsooth) for their good. By the second, their constitutions are held (in regard of the soul) indifferent; so that the jesuit may break them, without committing mortal or venial sin. A law which their great Lawgiver gave them, to the end, that to God's honour and glory, there might be fewer sinners in their society.  
Oh holy souls! oh pure consciences! Who restraining their inferiors from sin, take themselves the reins, committing all manner of sin uncontrolled. Let us examine these points without passion, and let us consider the scope of these two propositions. By the first, no Prince shall be assured of his estate: and by the second, no Prince shall be secure of his person in his own kingdom. Concerning the first point, call to mind how matters have been carried for these 25. or 30. years. There hath been no Nation, where they be fostered, but they would be tempering with their affairs of state. I think they are such honest men, as what herein they have done; they have undertaken to do it, by virtue of their silent Constitutions, (which the ancient Romans termed, Senatusconsulta tacita,) or if they did it by their own private authority, the General were unworthy of his place should he suffer it. Further, this was forbidden them in the year 1593., when they saw all their plots mere frustrate.  
Admit new troubles should arise, these gallants will cassiere and disannul this last Ordinance, suffering their companions to intermeddle as before. This same Pauline, will it not breed in them a trouble-state where ever they become? 
emanuel Sa●n his Aphorisms of confession. Montag. cap. 58.  But what are their rules in such affairs? Marry that it is lawful to kill a Tyrant. That a King breaking and contemning the common laws of the Land, may be deprived of his Crown by the people. That there are other causes, for the which Princes and great personages may be slain. In what a miserable condition shall Princes live, if the assurance of their Estate shall depend upon these fellows?  
Let us see their new constitutions of 93. I will that they meddle not at all in affairs of state in general terms. And that particularly, they practise not upon the person of Princes. Are they bound to obey this? Nothing less. Inasmuch as their Lawgiver chargeth not their consciences, but in express terms, he would otherwise have charged them, by virtue of their blinded obedience. And this is the cause that Comolet, preaching since this new Statute, that there wanted a new Chud to kill our King, and Walpoole furnishing Squire with poison and instructions to kill the Queen of England his Mistress, thought therein they sinned not, for that in their consciences they believed, that they were to present these two souls to God.  
The Anabaptist, had but one absolute obedience which he ought to his Superior. The jesuite hath two. The one depending of his Superiors; and the other, in his particular conscience, persuading himself, that all he doth, ten death to the glo●ie of God, and the advancement of his Church.   

CHAP. 27. The conclusion of the third Book, containing the restoring of the jesuits, by them procured.  
YOu may judge by this, said the Advocate, of what consequence, the re-establishment is, wherewith they daily haunt and urge the King, sith to them all things are indifferent, save such as tend to the disabling & impeachment of their Sect. All lies, treacheries, and frauds, change their property, and become holy things, when they make for the advancement of their Sect. GOD hath twice miraculously preserved our King from their violence, it is not due to his wisdom & foresight, how so ever very great: he oweth it to God his divine providence. These preservations are advertisements, whereof he and his subjects should make their profit. The greater increase of blessings he hath received, the more ought he to acknowledge it in all humility.  
My Masters the jesuits, matchless for importunity, use the authority of some great personages, hoping to recover interest in the King, notwithstanding the process of Parliament, granted out against them in Paris. I beseech you call to mind, that these venertable trechers took a time to practise against him, not in the heat of our troubles, but when they were well calmed, when he was reconciled to the holy Church, in time of the truce: it was the common place as well of their Preachers as Regent's. I humbly beseech his Majesty to consider, that upon his safety, the peace of his subjects dependeth, and that in vain he blameth the Sea, who having escaped two several shipwrecks, will try his fortune yet the third time. Further, I beseech him to observe, what befell in Portugal, and lately likewise happened within our memory in France. He who in Portugal most idolatrized this Sect, was the King Sebastian, whom the jesuits, his principal fauourits, counseled to undertake the conquest of another kingdom, where the opinion is he was slain in the battle, yet he could not be found amongst the dead. Great p●●ie, if he there miscarried, the body of a King should want his burial, but more lamentable, if he live, as the brute is, that he is not acknowledge.  
It fell out much otherwise to our great King Henry, for so soon as he had driven the jesuits our of his good town and Parliament of Paris, God sent him a genetal peace aswell within his kingdom as without, and as prosperous success in all his affairs as he could desire. These are no feigned, or imaginary, examples which I place before your eyes, they are generally known, and there is none but may easily judge, why this misfortune befell the one, and this blessing fell to the other. In this most humble request, not feigned, as the Petition of the nameless jesuit, consisteth the sum of my desire, and GOD grant my discourse may have access unto him.  
I desire herein, he could be pleased to follow the counsel of the great Consistory of Rome, against the order of the Humiliati, who after they were once suppressed, were never after restored, although their offence was much less against the holy Sea, than this of the jesuits against his Majesty: assuring you my Masters, that there is nothing doth more solicit me to this quarrel against them, than the general peace of our France, and herein I appeal to God, before whom I do truly and sincerely speak.  
The Advocate, having ended his discourse, as the opinions of men are variable and uncertain, so were we diversly affected with that which was by him delivered, some, grieved with the Anatomy made of their order, others, much marveling, never imagining there had been so much shame and abomination among them, others, very angry, that with such unrestrained liberty, they have been suffered to range in many parts of France uncontrolled: being absolutely of opinion, that there was nothing near so great cause to suppress the Templars, as to suppress these jesuits.  
Whereupon the jesuit, for the honour which he ought to his Faction, said unto the Advocate; I cannot tell wherein you have been wronged by our company, and know as little what hope of reward hath hired you to this combat; but well I wots, you have no small enemies that make head against you, and that you must cut off an infinite number of heads, (which is almost a matter impossible) before you can well come unto the head. Consider that our company is a venerable Senate, like unto that which was in Rome in the time of Pyrrhus, to whom his Ambassadors reported at their return, that they had seen as many Kings as Senators. They were wont to call those ancient Senators, Fathers, so call we ours: and as they were the sinews of ancient Rome, so are these of the new, I mean of the Papacy, which far passeth the vain greatness of the old Romans. Therefore before they attempt against us, let them be very well advised: remember what happened to Minos' King of Crete, for his business with the Athenians. It was there I looked for you, quoth the Advocate, for your Company is not the Senate you speak of, but a Monster, which hath far more heads than a Hydra, against the which I will be another French Hercules, to maul and massacre them. Yet one boon I would entreat of you, that when you return to Rome, you would report to your General, as I know you will, all you have heard discoursed, and would vouchsafe the rather (at my instance) to present him with these four verses, the which I send him in the nature of a cartel of defiance.  
If I have used thee otherwise then well  
jesuit, 'tis fit that thy revenge thou take,  
But when you answer, see no lies you tell,  
If thou speak truth, it would a wonder make.  
Every one than began to smile, and especially the Gentleman said unto him: I will not suffer you to go any further, it is time to cry hola, I will stop your mouth, dinner shall decide your difference. And if you will do me the honour to believe me, all which hath betherto been said, shall be wrapped up in the cloth: The laws of my Table are, Odi memorem compotorem. That speech had been well uttered, said the Advocate, if we had not discoursed fasting. Presently one covered the table, and after dinner, our horses being made ready, we thanked the Gentleman for his entertainment, and he likewise thanked us for the honour he said we did him.  
We were some six in company, whereof he detained the Advocate, pretending he was to pay him the arrearage of his long absence. The other five, after they had passed the Mountains, three of them took their way to Venice, intending to travail to jerusalem, to acquit themselves of a vow, which they had made to visit the holy Sepulchre. The jesuit and I went toward Rome, he to yield account of his voyage, and I to see the jubilee, but especially to visit two great Prelates, both of them bearing the name and quality of Fathers: our holy Father Pope Clement the 8, a Father of concord & union, having by the travail & intercourse of the Cardinal of Florence his Legate, mediated a peace betwixt two great Kings, for the which Christendom is greatly indebted to him: the other, father Claudius Aquaviua, General of the jesuits, a Father, or (to speak more properly) a Fountain of all divisions, factions, and discords, as he who by his books, set them first abroach in France, to the great damage and spoil of our state. God grant, that by the example of Tho. Aquinas, from whose house they say he is descended, he and his may hereafter, learn the obedience & loyalty, which a subject oweth in duty to his King.  

To Captain Ignatius, Father and chief General over the Company of the jesuits.  
Father Soldier, where is thy Flask?  
Take up thy dagger and thy blade,  
This Author pulleth off thy mask  
Of crafty vows, and cogging trade.   

That jesuits are right Preachers, and therefore to be restored to their former place in Paris, a scoffing Epigram, written to Father james Comolet the jesuite.  
THE furious speech of a Tribune of Rome,  
Persuadeth men to murder and commotion,  
When roaring Comolet gave out his doom  
In pulpit, people mused at his devotion:  
He bid them kill their King, his Realm annoy,  
He stirred up many troubles every where,  
Rage in his mouth his Country to destroy,  
This holy doctrine preached the jesuit there.  
And sith his tongue doth civil tempests brew,  
I bid this holy Tribune here adieu.   

To Henry the fourth, the most Christian King of France and Navarre.  
Great Henry by this Epigram is told,  
What course with jesuits he aught to hold.    
FINIS.   

A Table or short collection of things contained in all the Chapters of the three Books of the jesuits Catechism.  

¶ The first Book.  
AN Introduction to the Catechism. Chap. 1  
What the foundation is of the Society of jesus, which the common people call jesuits. Chap. 2  
The censure given of the jesuits Sect, by the Divines of Paris, in the year. 1554. Chap. 3  
How, at what time, and by what sleights, the jesuits crept into France. Chap. 4  
The Decree of the French Church against the jesuits, in the assembly held at Poissy. 1561. Chap. 5  
Of the request preferred by the jesuits to the Parliament. The year 1564. to be incorporated into the University of Paris, and how many sides made head against them. Chap. 6  
How the jesuits were refused at Rome, and by what cunning they were afterward received. Chap. 7  
Of the insolent title of the Society of jesus usurped by the jesuits, and how many sundry fashions they have used to authorize it. Chap. 8  
That the jesuits are called Apostles in Portugal, and in the Indies, and with what deceits they have wrought it. Chap. 9  
The impieties of William postel a jesuit. Chap. 10  
The studies of great Ignace. Chap. 11  
That when Ignace and his companions came before Pope Paul the third, they were plain Mounte-banks, and that the titles they gave themselves were false. Chap. 12  
That we have great likelihood to prove, that the approbation of the jesuits Sect, made by Pope Paul the third, is nothing worth. Chap. 13  
That the Oeconomie of our Church, consists, first in succession of Bishops: Secondly, in the ancient orders of Religion: Thirdly, in the Universities: and the jesuits Sect is built upon ignorance of all these. Chap. 14  
That no man can tell; where to place the jesuits among all the three ancient orders of our Church: and that this is the true cause, for which they never yet durst set in their foot into processions. Chap 15  
That without wrong to the holy Sea, you may call the jesuits Papelards, and their Sect Pape-Lardi, that is, Hypocrites, and their order hypocrisy. Chap. 16  
Of the fabulous visions of Ignace, and the miraculous fables of Xavier. Chap. 17  
Of Ignace his Machiavellismes, used to set his sect a float. Chap. 18  
The conclusion of the first book. Chap. 19   

¶ The second Book.  
THat our Church of France, and the Sect of the jesuits, cannot stand together. Chap. 1  
That the Pope authorizing the jesuit, at his first coming, never had any persuasion, that either he could or ought to inhabit in France. Ch. 2  
That it is against the first institution of the jesuits, for them to teach all sorts of Scholars human learning, Philosophy, and Divinity: and by what proceed and devices they have seized upon this new tyranny, to the prejudice of the ancient discipline of the Universities. Chap. 3  
That the foundation of the deceits of the jesuits, proceeds from the instruction of youth: and why our ancestors would not that young folk should be taught in the houses of Religion. Chap. 4  
With what cunning the jesuits every themselves by the spoil of their Novices. Chap. 5  
That the crafty humility of the jesuits in teaching youth, hath brought the University of Paris to ruin. Chap 6  
That the Sect of jesuits agreeth in many things with the heresy of Peter Abilard. Chap. 7  
That the jesuit gives himself licence, to bring into his College children out of the bosoms of their fathers and mothers, without their leave. Chap 8  
Of the vow of the jesuits, which they call the simple vow. Chap. 9  
That it cannot be excused, but that there is heresy and Machiavellisme in the jesuits simple vow. Chap. 10  
Of the jesuits engaging the authority of the holy Sea, to excuse the heresy of their simple vow. Chap. 11  
That besides the heresy which is in the jesuits simple vow, there is also in it, a manifest cooznage. Chap. 12  
That the jesuits Provincials take upon them to discharge their inferiors of the simple vow, in the same sort that their General doth. Chap. 13  
How the Father jesuits, vowing poverty by their great and third vow, make a mock of God. Chap. 14  
That the jesuits vow of Chastity contains a new heresy: and withal a brief discourse of the title of Father which the jesuits of the grand vow give themselves. Chap. 15  
Of the vow of Mission, and that by it the jesuits mock us all, and especially our holy Father the Pope. Chap. 16  
Of the blindfold obedience which the jesuits own the Pope, which at this day impudently they deny by their new books. Chap. 17  
What shifts the jesuits use, to cover the impieties of their blindfold obedience. Chap. 18  
Of the wisdom of Ignace, & the Sottishness of the new jesuits. A Dialogue between the jesuit, & the author of this discoruse. Ch. 19   

¶ The third Book.  
TOuching the Anabaptistry which is found in the jesuits vow, which they make of blind obedience to their Superiors: also, that by the means thereof, there is not any King or Prince, that can defend himself from their stings. Chap. 1  
Touching an extraordinary process, and course held in the Low countries, against Robert Bruse, Gentleman of Scotland, upon the accusation & information of Father William Critchton, jesuit, because he would not cause the Chancellor of Scotland to the slain. Cha. 2  
Concerning the murder which William Parrie an English man, (thrust on thereto by the jesuits) meant to execute against Elizabeth Queen of England, in the year 1584. Chap. 3  
Of another assault and murder, procured in the year 1597. by the jesuits against the Queen of England. Chap. 4  
That the jesuits do at this day, make show to condemn their wicked doctrine, in all things concerning either the murdering of Princes, or rebellion against their states. Chap. 5  
A prodigious history of the detestable parricide, attempted against King Henry the fourth of that name, the most Christian King of France and Navarre, by Peter Barrier, for the raising up of the jesuits. Chap. 6  
How the heathenish impiety of the jesuits, had been prejudicial to our Church, if their execrable counsel had come to an effect. Ch. 7  
Of the murder which john Chastell (brought up at Paris in the jesuits school) sought to attempt against the King, in the year 1594. Chap. 8  
That it is an heresy to approve the kill of Kings, although they be heretics. Chap. 9  
A memorable act of Ignace, whereupon the jesuits have learned to kill, or cause to be killed, all such as stand not to their opinions. Ch. 10  
Of the holy League brought by the jesuits the year 1585. into France: and that they are the cause of the Hugonots new footing among us. Chap. 1.  
That Auricular confession hath been used by the jesuits, as a chief weapon for the rebellion, and in what sort they are wont to manage it. Chap. 12  
Of a general assembly of the I●●●●●● 〈…〉 in the 〈◊〉 1593. wherein they are pro●●●●●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I'll in m●●●●rs of State. Chap. 13  
Whether the jesuits have Spanish h●●●●●, 〈◊〉 their enemies charge them to have, or if they be for who gives most. Chap. 14  
That the jesuits were the cause of the ●e●th of Mary Queen of Scots, together with a brief discourse what mischiefs they have wrought in England. Chap. 15  
That the jesuits intermeddling at matters of State, after they have troubled whole Realms, yet do all things fall out quite contrary to their expectation. Chap. 16  
That the Pope hath not power to translate the Crown of F●●nce from one to another, against the dangerous p●●●●●ons of the jesuits: and some other discourse tending to the same effects. Chap. 17  
The Decree of the Parliament of Paris, 〈…〉 jesuits in the year 1594. And a chapter taken out of the ●●d b●●●●● des Reserches de la France, by Stephen Pasquier. Chap. 18  
The jesuits under covert terms, challenge the sentence 〈◊〉 against john Chastell of injustice, & how God suff●ed him 〈…〉 ●●●ished, to make the punishment of Iesui●● mo●e notorious 〈◊〉 posterity. Chap. 19  
Of the Pyramid which is raised before the Palace of Pa●●●; and of the sentence given in Rome by the renowned Pasqui●ll, concerning the restoration of the jesuits, sued for by themselves. Chap. 20  
Of the division which seems to be in the Parliaments or Jurisdictions of France, as concerning the jesuits, and what may be the cause thereof. Chap. 21  
How the order of the Humiliati was suppressed by Decree of the Consistory of Rome: And that there is greater cause to suppress the jesuits than the Humiliati. Chap. 22  
Of the impudence of the jesuits, to save themselves from the process of the consistory of Rome, granted out against the order of the Humiliati. Chap. 23  
That the Sect of the jesuits is no less dangerous to our Church then the Lutherans. Chap. 24  
Of the notorious enterprise or usurpation, of the General of the jesuits over the holy Sea, and that there is no new, Sect which in time, may be more prejudicial to it then this. Chap. 25  
That there is no credit to be given to the promises and protestations of jesuits, for that they 〈◊〉 no faith, but such as maketh for the effecting of their purposes. Chap. 26  
The conclusion of the third Book, containing the restoring of the jesuits, by them procured. Chap. 27   
FINIS.