THE IMAGE OF BOTH CHURCHES, JERUSALEM AND BABEL, UNITY AND CONFUSION. OBEDIENC AND SEDITION.  
By, P. D. M.  
PRINTED AT TORNAY, By ADRIAN QVINQVE '. M. DC. XXIII.  
WITH LICENCE.   

TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCE, CHARLES PRINCE OF WALES, DUKE OF CORNWALL, EARL OF CHESTER, etc.  
SIRE,  
It haveth ever bean the custom of England, at the Marriage of the Prince, to present unto him a contribution, benevolenc, and a freewill offering, as a token of their joy. And therefore I have presumed, among the rest, to offer to your Highness the poor oblation of Virgil's Shepehard, mitia poma, Castaneas nuces; ov●t of my duty, service, and loyalty to you. and the rather, because this first Scene: of your actions abroad in the world, upon the high stage of glory (your journey into Spain, and your marriage in a family unde nescit aliquid mediocre nasci: haith afforded hear, many occasions of discourse to every man in his humour, (for it is proper to the multitude to talk de ente & non ente, and to be curious to know any thing but that they should know.) And bycaus also at your return, you may peraduentur find many that like watermen, will look forward and row backward: apt to censure that which is best done, then able to apprehend the reasons why it is done. Therefore to flopp the mouth of Polipragmus, and draw this stood of discourses into the right channel, that neither the course, nor the cawse may be mistaken: and that men may learn rather to obey, then dispute of Arcana Imperij: I have bean hold to touch voon some points and reasons for the match, (quod faelix faustumque sit.) Astorm of tongues, can not shake virtue, nor cancel the records of fame: and unpartially suum cui que pretium posteritas rependet. Great persons are like the planets, the more glory they have, the less rest they have: clouds of overshad owe them, but the beams of virtue breakowt at last. And bycaus that building is perpetual, where God layeth the foundation: your H. can not do a more heroical act, then to be a Maecenas to religion, (if not to give it privilege, yet to get it liberty:) and solicit Cyrus, that Israel may return, and build up their temple. So shall they be obliged to pray for the life of Cyrus and to write your H. name, upon their altars and Church doors, that Deus nobis haec otia fecit.  
Your H. most humble beads man.   

GRATAE POSTERITATI.  
GENTLEMAN reader, I present unto the in lieu of a preface, a most ingenious invention (borrowed from our English Lucan) full of judgement and proper to my argument. The which (judiciously conceived will serve as a fit introduction, to illustrate this discourse: and as a fair portal to let the in with more delight, into this great amphitheatre, where thou shalt see the tragedies and tumults of this latter age, (for the quarrel of religion) as truely represented as they wear acted.  
The reason of the Poem is this. The world haveth bean ever (though most of late) possessed with three evil spirits, combined together to break the peace: curiosity, singularity, and faction. The first is the mother of innovation, the root from whenc springs all fancies haereses opinionum commenta. The second nurses that issue, and as the harbinger of ambition, taketh up such hearts; as are fittest to lodge presumption and Philautia. Ever in love with itself only, and contempt of others: seducing men by new opinions of applause, as if it only had bean created to guide the Carriot of the son. Faction, (won and corrupted by the other,) is the champion of them both, to defend the monsters they beget, masked under the forms of truth and reformation. Curiosity, bred in the brain, by pestilent vapours rising from a proud stomach) makes a quere, and quare, of all principles, and received Truth.  
Singularity, apprehending the theorems of curiosity, as a censor and Dictator will judge and rule all, and labour to steal the hearts of men, and persuade their souls, that eritis sicut d●●. Faction, as flagellum Dei armeth them both with power to afflict all their contradictors. None of them are apt to obey, and singularity will command, making her own judgement her idol: and yet it is commonly, like a tomb of glory full of rotten bones, or like a fair eye to show, and yet purblynd at hand. But faction ever pretendeth zeal of spirit, which if it become conqueror shows no mercy: if subdued, no patienc: how ever mutinous, and a boutefew. These are the three furies, that torment the world at this instant: that Triceps ●erberus that set open Helgates, to fill the world with impostors, seducers and calumniation. if you ask me quorsum haec? read this discourse, and thereby you shall learn how to apply them. Cave & vale.   

EX L. VI OF THE CIVIL wars betwean Lancaster and york, by S. Daniel.  

Fierce Nemesis, mother of fate and change,  
Swordbearer of the eternal providenc etc.  
Turns her stern look at last into the west.  
At grieved to see on earth such happy rest.   

And for Pandora calleth presently  
Pandora love's fair gift, that first deceived  
Poor Epimetheus in his imbecility  
That thought he had a wondrous boon received  
By means wheareof Curious mortality  
Was of all former quiet, quite bereft:  
To whom being come, Decked with all qualities,  
The wrathefull gods, breaks out, in this wise.   

Dost thou not see in what secure estate 
The oration of Nemesis.   
Those flourishing fair western parts remains  
As if they had made covenant with fate  
To be exempted, free from others pain.  
At one with their desires, friends with debate,  
In peace with Pride, content with their own gain.  
There bownds contain their minds, their minds applied,  
To have their bownds with plenty beautified.   

Devotion (mother of obedienc)  
Bears such a hand on their credulity:  
That it abates the spirit of eminency,  
And busies them with humble piety.  
For see what work, what infinite expense  
What monument of zeal they edify.  
As if they would, so that no stop wearfownd  
Fill all with temples; maik all, holy ground.   

But we must cool this all believing zeal  
That haveth enjoyed so fair a turn so long, etc.  
Dislike of this first by degrees shall steal,  
As upon souls of men persuaded wrong.  
And that the sacred power, which thus haveth wrought,  
Shall give herself the sword to cut her throat.   

Go therefore thou with all thy stirring train,  
Of Swelling sciences (the gifts of grease)  
Go lose the links of that soul binding chain  
In large this uninquisitive beleafe  
Call up men spirits, that simpleness retain  
Enter their hearts, and knowledg maik the theafe,  
To open all the doors, to let in light,  
That all may all things see, but what is right.   

Opinion are me, against opinion (grown:)  
Maik new born contradiction still arise,  
As if Thebes fownder Cadmus' tongues had sown  
In stead of teeth for greater mutinies:  
Bring new defended faith against faith known  
Weary the soul with contrarieties  
Till all religion become retrograde,  
And that fair tire the mask of sin be maid.   

And better to effect a speedy end,  
Let there be found, two fatal instruments  
The one to publish, the other to defend  
Impious contention, and proud discontents. 
Printing.   
Maik that instamped characters may send  
Abroad to thowsands, thousand men's intents,  
And in a moment, may dispatch much more  
Than could a world of pens perform before.   

Whereby all quarrels, titles, secrecies,  
May unto all be presently maid known,  
Factions prepared, parties alured to rise,  
Sedition under sayr pretences sown:  
Whereby the wlgar may become so wise  
That with a self presumption overgrown  
They may of deapest mysteries debate,  
Control their betters, censure acts of state.   

And then when this dispersed mischeaf shall  
Have brought confusion in each mystery,  
Called ut contempt of st●tes in general,  
And ripened the humour of impiety:  
Then take the other engine wherewith all 
Co●nes.   
They may torment their self wrought misery,  
And scourge each other in so straying a wise  
As time or tyrants never could device, etc.    

BABEL, OR, MONARCHOMACHIA PROTESTANTIUM.  
NOT many years since, 
Reasons for the match with spain.  upon the divulging of a letter written by master Aldred, against the match with Spain: and of that scandalous libel against the ambassador Count Godomer; as also by the instigation of somè whote-spoors in therpulpits, (men oft of more fervour, than judgement:) The people of London, was much incensed to snarl and murmur, even at the very name of Spain: and every artificer presumed, as an Aristarchus, to censure the king for that negotiation, as for an error of state, which wear like to cast the whole: body of the kingdom into a distemper. As if the king's Zeal to the realm and to his issew, had bean unnaturally frozen, and his judgement had failed him, and that those great planets of the counsel, had also lost there light and erred in their course. Whearupon I was urged, by diverse of my good friends, to write the Apology of that action, and proceeding: because some of them had hard me, deliver, not only a full answer to all the objections of the contrary faction, but also diverse reason in defence thereof, founded upon a rock and growndwork subject to no battery, nor undermining.  
And to speak truely and freely: the benefits, which the realm may reap by that match, are so main and so advantageous; as I wish it rather done, then disputed on. For it settleth a firm peace betwean, both the kingdmes; & aliquid amplius then they apprehend, who oppugn it: Traffic shall thereby be establisthed and increased; the seas, by a concurrens of both the kings, may be purged and cleared, from Turks and pirates. The kingdom shall also be again stored and enriched, with threasour & coin, (if it be locked up infraquatuor maria, and not still offered to that Idol of Cambaia.) The crown shall be disengaged, from a burdensome weight of debts, and consequently the subjects are like to be much eased of contributions and taxes.  
And is the renewing and confirmation of the treaties, with the house and Princes of Burgundy, to be accounted, as a cipher? or is it nothing to have so great a Monarch, as the king of Spain, a firm ally and friend, whom England knoweth, what it is to have an enemy? It is true, that England was never so full of moonie, as it was by spoils and depredation, betwean the years 1576. and 1590. but how dearly had that prochase been bought, if god (who had predetermined, to dispose the crown of England, to her issue, who had suffered death and disgrace for his glory,) had not maid the wynds, and sea fight for England.  
Virginia (a Colony now, to be tenderly regarded) shall hearby, settle her staples and mart, with more security: and advanc ther traffic, both by a fafer passage, and inteecourses with the Lands. But above all arguments, nothing moveth me more, then that is for the honour, Safety, and commodity of Prince Charles (the darling of England) which every true Patriot, is bound in conscience, to further and advance. But so we shall be said to leave Holland in the briers, (an old and assured friend, and of power to assist the realm, upon all occasions.) god grand the prince may never stand in nead, to use them: and remeniber, how small furthernas, nay rather how great hindrance, they have bean to the traffic of this realm: and what great losses and damage, by their means our merchants have sustained in the Indies, Moscovie, & Groenland. In ead not tell you, how chargeabl a neighbour, they wear, and how unsure a friend; ever preferring france; and for England, cum nemini obtrudi potest, i●ur ad me. And not with standing wise men may easily discern, what favour they may yet reap, at his majesty's hands: if they deserve not the contrary, by inconsiderate courses.  
But, what cawse can they instlie pretend, that repine and murmur, at the name of Spain? They object the sin, the curse, and the disparagement, to match with a Catholic. What is the reason for that bar? because the jews might not be tolerated, to match with the Ammorites; nor religions persons, with the profane. That opinion taisteth too much of judaisme and the Tabmud, the bar is removed, for now wear under the la of grace; both jews and gentiles; circumsision and uncircumcision, are all united to Christ by faith and Charity, and incorporated into his body and Church. The jews might not marry with of their trybes, for the promise was maid to Abraham and his seed, which was not to be stained with unpure blood, and a commixtion of paganism: but now the promise is already performed, and the judicial la is abrogated. Yea, but that showeth, that god disliketh, that his Children, should be defiled with the mixture of a superstitious people. Trew, but, who are the superstitious, and which is the true religion, is an other quaestion. Both are Christians, both are baptised in that name, both lay hold on the promises, testaments and the gospel, both say one Pater noster, and one Credo; both reverenc the 4. first general counsels but who is the Catholic, is filius Christ's, of the surer side, by the mother Church. And of the elder house. Besides, is it so straying, to hear that a protestant should match with a Catholic? To pass over Queen Elizabeth's treaty with Monsieur, ded not Henry the king of Navarr, the protector of the reformed churches in France, marry with the french king's sister a Catholic, in regard of bonum publicum, and yet the Elders and consistory of Geneva, ded not condemn that, nor reprove him for that. Deed not the same king afterwards, match his sister (a famous protestant,) with the Duke of Lorraine, (one of the Champions of the Catholic church? Deed not Lewes the Prince of Conde, (the Archipiller of the french church) apprehend with great applawse, the overture of a marriage, with Marie, Queen of France and Scotland, which certain had bean performed, if the Admiral for his own particular, had not laid a block in his ways. But above all others, it is memorable, and worthy to be remembered, what a bloody quarrel it was maid, that king Edward the sixth, (the first protestant king in England, might not marry Queen marry of Scotland, (who was ever honoured and esteemed a Catholic), and yet the protector would have maid no scruple of Conscience in that. Caluinisme and Lutheranisme, are as opposite as Antipodes; and yet they have matched oft together, and their Issews are the records thereof. And was it then tolerable in the reformed churches, and is it intolerable with Spain? what then is the cause of this great scrupulosity and fear? Is it for the state of the kingdom, or fear of alterations? The husband is head of the wife, and though the Infanta wear born in familia Imperatrice, yet there is no soverainetie invested in her, she can maik no mutation of State, without the censent of the state. And you have the les cawse to distrust that, having a precedent before of king Philip, who being king of England, yet neither could nor, would attempt any alteration. And if the protestants are sure to hold their religion; it is inhumanity to repine, that she shall be suffered to enjoy hers. No man of honour will offend a lady of such honour, for a quarrel to her soul, to her faith, and her worship of god. What then is the reason, why this match is so distaist full? Is it for the hate and odiousness of the name and qualities of a Spaniard? surely, ab initio non fuit sic, that is neither an ancient quarrel, nor a natural impression in the English. For in the time of king Edward the 3. There was a firm and fixed amity betwean England and Portugal, and of Lancaster their king are descended. And for Castil, they matched Constance the Daughter and heir of king Peter to john of Gaunt, by whose right, the crown appertained to him. And his daughter Catharin married with Henry the third king of Castil: and thereby, the which remaineth in the Savoye records, resignation of that crown, was maid by john of Gannt, and so all the controversy was ended, betwean them; and the kings of Spaynne as flourishing brainches of the tree and stock of Lancaster have peacablie possessed that kidgdome. So as Prince Charles shall by this match, warm his bed with his own blood.  
I may add further that king Henry the seventh, married his son, to king Ferdinando his daughter, to continue the succession of amity. I, might remember, the treaties of 1505. betwean k. Henry the 7. and king Philip, for the preservation and noorishment of that league and friend ship. And how much, and how tenderly Charles the 5. embraced and esteemed it, well appeareth by the Treaty arctioris amicitiae 1543. And by the renowned treaty of Calais, (the greatest honour that was ewer done. to the crown of England:) and by the treaty 1507. bewean Maximilian the Emperor, Charles king of Spain, and king Henry the 8. by the treaties for intercourse 1515. and 1520. by the treaty of Cambray 1529. and by that famous treaty, 1542. Thus the two kings and kingdoms still renewed, and nourished mutually, and warmelie, a perfect friendship, and kind correspondency: till the schism of Henry the 8. the divorce, disgrace, and dishonour of Queen Katharin: and the confederation thereupon with France, cooled the zealle of this servant affection. So as there was at that time no such cawse of hatred, disfavor or unkindness; bewean these two kingdoms. nor any national dislike or contention: which first, broke out end appeared in England in Queen Mary's time, principally for the quarrel of a new religion (than fivee yarres old.) For there was no pretenc but only that to maik the breach, which Wyatt desired. Yet this is not the true and sole motive of the grudge: there is and imposthume which can not be cured, till it be launched. The hatred and remembranc of 1588. Manet alta ment repostum. It is true, Hinc illae lachrimae. But let us be indifferent, look upon the wrongs done to them, aswel as their attempts for revenge. And unpartially consider who gave the cause, and forced them to taik arms? The Moonie intercepted, which the king had sent to the Duke of Alva: the Assistanc of the princ of Orange, by Gilbert, Morgan and others (there seconds): the first voyage of Sir Frances Drake: the invasion and sacking of S. Domingo; the protection of Holland, by the Earl of Leicester: the infinite depredations and letters of mart, (to the wnspeakable damage of Speyne): the Philippicae and invectives in every pulpit: ballets and libels in every press against king Philip; wear such provocations, as flesh and blood, nay crowns and sceptres could hardly digest. I speak nothing of the Portugal vorage, of the surprise of Cales, nor of the Island voyage: and can any wise man imagine, that the king of spain, was not sensible of such indignities? was it not probable, that he would send a futie, to Kinsale to revenge that?  
Yet for all, this hostility, when his majesty: came to the crown: how friendly and quickly ded the king of Spain alter his course, and send the high Constable of Castil, as the dove out of the Ark, to see if the flood of malice wear fallen, and with an Olive brainch in his hand, to seek for peace: to maik an Amnestia, and perpetual oblivion of all unkindness past: to cover all offences, to bury all quarrels, and to reconcile the two crowns, and the subjects thereofs. And surely Cursed will he be, who shall seek to violate that peace; and under the colour of religion, to banish peace and Charity (the badges of religion.) a malitions cain he is, that maiks all contentions perpetual: and searsehe can he be holden loyal, that remembreth only the sudes and quarrels with Scotland, and not what, and how dear wnto us it is now, and so should be ever embraced and esteemed. Furthermore, the Crown of England, shall hearby, be thus more, beautified and magnified. But stay. My pen shall intrude no further, into the secret Cabbienet of counsel, wthowrt warrant. Because I kow not, whether it be agreeable to the king's pleasure: or whether it be sit, to be discoursed: and specially because I hold it impossible, form to satisfy so profownd a judge, withowthiss own instructions, and directions. For I consider well, how unsearchable the secrets of prince's art, which lie oft in abisso, and are too deep to be sownded by every shallow discourser. And I remember also, both what praying and preaching, was used, against the match of Queen Elizabeth with Monsieur, (in the like case, and for fear of alteration, and afterclaps): and yet some, who ded then most impugn it, under pretenc of religion: ded in dead, least of all other counsellors regard religion. Sir Philip Sydnie, like a noble and wourthie courtier) laboured by a short treatise, to present to her Majesty's judgement, the untfitnes, disproportion, and inconvenience of that match, both to herself, and the realm: but he ded it, privately, and with discreet circum spection. Stubs, like a professor of an unseasoned zeal) took the question in hand? and as a punishment of his presumption, for feited his hand for that, (being rather published, to incense and corrupt the people, then to advice and inform the Queen). And though some of the greatest and wisest consellors, ded earnestly solicit, and seek to further the match, because it was like both to unithe the kingdom of france to England: and was sure, that the possession of the Netherlands, would also be offered unto them by the prince of Orange and the states, whereby England was like to be a most potent Monarchy: yet was the whole body of the kingdom cast into much distemper, only which bare conceapts and jealousies. Some upon partiality and faction: some for distrust of the practices of France: some for their own or their friends, sinister ends and ambition: as jam persuaded, even in this case there are men posseded, with the same diseases and humours. And if I ded not well know, the nature of the multitude, (a beast of many heads, and mad brains: I should wonder, how they durst oppose the desseins of a king of that experienc, and judgement, who haveth managed this busienes, with so great warienes, caution, and prudence, that this great Conjunction can portend no other effect, than honour, comfort, and prosperity. He is the sittest to judge of his own cause: and his own cawse, being the Commonwelths cause; if any private Man, should arrogate to himself, either more wisdom to control his proceeding; or an opinion of more affection to the state: or more providenc to foresee and prevent, daingers thereby: I see not which way he can avoid, not to fall into the custodia of the court of wards, till he come to himself again. But to leave this matter, as a deliberative, which requireth a Crassus, or Antonius; I will come to that which, gave the occasion, of this treatise.  
There met at a merchant's house in London, 
The occasion of this ●●ea i Ise.  (where merchants, for their table, and hospitality, bear worthily the bell above all merchants in Europe) diverse persons of excellent quality, met there, in a garden, before dinner, T. Aldreds' letter, the pamphlet aforesaid, and some straying rumours, and seditious practices from Amsterdam, being perused, examined and discussed; A fine Chaplain to a great person, and one of the merchant's acquanitance, came into the company, and hearing but a litl of this discourse (which at that time was the subject of all tabletalk) with much 
The ministers oration.  vehemency, he ded affirm this match, to be like to bread great encumbrance, and mischeafe to the kingdom: both ni regard, of the increase.  
1. Of Catholics in the Realm, and in respect of Spain, (which he ignorantly called an ancient enemy.)  
2. Whearupon he took occasion, to rage and rail bitterly against the church of Room, (as the Seminary of all commotions in Europe, and the Contriver and plotter of all treason in England.  
3. And (because he would show his Rhetoric in the ruff; and omit nothing, which might exasperate the company against the Catholics: he alleged in thunder and vehemency, the death of king Edward, (and that sillielie:) the many conspiracies against Queen Elizabeth: and specially that horrible project of the Gunpowder treason, by a few private hotespurres, (which in justice is rather to be buried with the offenders; then objected and imputed to innocent men, who generally with great sorrow abhor the memory of it.)  
4. Besides he urged, that princes be both disquieted, and endaingered, by the excommunicats ans and bulls of pope's, by the Catechisms, and doctrine of the jesuits. And that the subjects of England, are withdrawn by them, from their obedienc, to their prince: and are so full of treacheries, and disloyalte, as no nation can be paralleled with them.  
5. You may think also, that he forget not, to arm himself with the authority, of D. Murtons' censure, (for which I think he deed not study much) We may now aswel expect a white Aethiopian, as a loyal subject of that religion. He produced a book entitled. A discovery of Romish doctrine, in the case of conspiracy and Treason. Whearin the Author playeth his master prize, against the professors of the Catholic religion, with an Hyperbole of criminal accusations, and scandalous imputations, able to drive men into despair of the king's grace unto them, and to bread in his majesty's Royal hart, a diffidenc of them.  
6. He urged parson whytes, undiscreat untruth, and uncharitabl sentenc, that all ther religion is full of doctrine, whence proceed monsters of Conspiracies against the state, and that they teach men to murder the king, and blow up the parliement. And that since Bell's time, there was never such a rave nous Idol, as the preasts and seminaries.  
7. He ded not omit the like allegation out of Ormerode, the picturemaker, who upon erroneous misconceaving, condemned that singular and renowned Doctor. Allen, for affirming, that princes might be slain by their subjects, by the 25. Numeri.  
8. And so he concluded all, with that Rhetoritall sentenc, of monsieur Jews bailiff in his book of the practice of Piety, pag. 783. which he produced with such ostentation, as if it wear able to cast all the learned society of the fathers, into a fit, of a quartane.  
jesuits and preasts (saith he) are sent to withdraw subjects from their allegiance, to move invasion, and to kill kings: if they be Saints, who be Scythians? Who are Cannibals▪ if they be Catholics? Which conclusion, for the art, and the wit, worthily deserveth, both a praemium and a Plaudue, s●c pueri crepundia gestant.  
After this, delicate oration they went to dinner: and presently after dinner, the minister departed in great haist. Thereupon all the company vehemently desired one gentleman of their company, (who deed well understand the world, and was a freeman not obliged to any religious orders, but as films Ecclesiae) to deliver his opinion of the ministers Inuective. Which he was, at last contented, at their importunity, and for the satisfaction of their Conscience, to undertaike: and which with his licence and information, I taik upon me, as his Amanu●n●●s and secretary, to set down, and deliver the same to you.  
After a long pause, quoth he; (lodius 
The true state of the Question.  accusat Machos, Catalma Cethegum. Is not this ridiculus? who can endure to hear a Grace hus, complain against sedition? I perceive by the premises, that the protestants set this down, as a Decree against Catholics, and labour to imprint that, in the hearts of the people, as a perpetual scandal and stain, That the Catholic religion and doctrine, is daingerous and prejudicial to the safety of kingdoms, and an enemy to Sooveraintie: and so they censure it, as neither allowable, not tolerable in a well governed monarchy. Now this being a matter of so great importanc, as it is in dead to be esteemed (for Querelam Eccles●ae, quilibet Catholicus facit suam:) I will endeavour therefore, to fift out the truth, and what is therein to be holden, for an infallible conclusion: aswel to justify them, as to resolve myself in that point, which haveth maid many good and virtuous men, in England, to stagger much.)  
And that I may not wander in my discourse, nor leave you in a laborinthe: I will set down, the true state of the quaestion, to be argued, (as they propownd it.  
1. First, whether to be a Catholic, who professeth due reverence, to the church of Room) and to be a true subject to his Prince and country, be incompatible or no?  
2. secondly if they be incompatible, whether that incompatibility, be generally in all states, or but in some particular states, and kingdoms? whether originally, and ever, or but at some times only? and Whether simpliciter as malum in se, or acciden, tally only, as malum prohibitum, upon consideratio, of particular circumstances, and enacted by particular statutes and laws, upon occasion.  
3. And Lastlie, Whether I uteranism and Caluinism, be not more incompatible with loyalty, more opposite, and almost contradictory, and that ab origine? for the better deciding and manifestation of these high points: I will maik my first discourse, upon the last Quaestion: and will examine, whether the factions and tumults, which have filled all the kingdoms of Europe, with blood and Calamity, these hundred yearres; have sprung from the opinions, practices and procurement of the Catholics, as an inseparable property always to them: or else rather, was this mischeafe, and the egg of this Cockatrice, laid first at wittenbergh (for the which they worthily of late celebrated their jubilee,) hatched at Smalcald, and fostered and Nourished at Geneva.  
And this point, I will argue, not as a divine, (for I will not arrogate so much to myself) but historically, sincearlie, and legally: as one that desires, to defend the loyalty of religious and innocent men, rather than their opinions, and assertions, which they can best maintain them selves, and which so many ages have embraced with due reverence: and that plainly, and with integrity, and truth (which is ever best graced, with her own beauty, and neads no painting and coolers.)  
In the year of our lard 1514. The whole estate of the church, enjoyed peace, and 
The peace of the Church 1514  there ancient privileges: all princes with great devotion wear nurcing fathers and protectors thereof. No storm ded shake it, no schism ded break the unity: there was harmony and good correspondenc, (for matters of religion and faith) betwan the church of Room, and the princes and common welths of all Christendom: and till that time, through out all Europe, specially in England from S. Augustine's coming hither: this quaestion, was never maid, nor proposed either in the schools, or courts of common law.  
Anno 1515 Martin Luther, an Augustin 
Luther.  Friar, (a man of a turbulent spirit, learned, and yet no famous Clerk,) was the first, that broke this long and settled peace: who having interposed himself in that fatal busienes of the Indulgences, (sent by Pope Leo the tenth into Germany) not properly appertainning to him, but as a proctor for the order; he begonn first to invaigh against the injury do one to his fraternity, 
His revolt.  against the abuses and covetousness of the collectors, and against their authority which ded nominate them, and required such a levy of mooine in that nature. This was a popular, and plausible introduction, to win the vulgar sort, who can not endure the pressure of extraordinary contributions; and always hate, the rapine of such collectors. And therefore he quickly found many favores: but much more, when he began to exclaym against the ambition of prelates, the riot and disorders of religious men; taxing some for tytannie, some for avarice, some for idleness and ignoranc, and all for corruption and abuses. Thus he stood in arms, and as a challenger for a fow yearres, only against the defects of the clergy, and with out much danger, for diverse good men conceived at first, that he had only intended and sought reformation of disorders, renovation of discipline, punishment of irregularity, and amendment of life. And that not with out some cause, though without good arder. For S. Hildegardis, had foretold, a storm to the church for their sins: Savonarola a Dominican had wakened Italy, with prediction of terror: friar Thomas of Guien, prophesied, a vae, vae, a scourge, a desolation to Bourdeaux, an inundation of misery, to France and the world.  
So then after that Luther ded find, populo placere quas fecisset fabulas, (as novelty is ever at first well entertained in the world, and that the people applauded his actions and desseins, and that many of the best wits (specially those, that wear bred and framed in Erasmus his school, wear inclined to second him: and perceauing also, that some of the greatest Princes in german, ded give him both hearing and harting, in his proceedings: The vain glory thereof, raised the ambitious conceit of himself, many strains higher than he was in dead: all men encooraging him, who where ticled with new fancies and conceits, (which side always carrieth most voices:) for natures most affected to levity and change, are best pleased with innovations. Thereupon, as a man sick in his spirits, and of a fiery disease, he begonn to rave, and defame all church government. He abondaned his cloister, cast of his habit, and renounced all obedienc to his superiors. For now he preacheth against the 
His seditions doctrine.  whole clergy, against the tyranny and superiority of the Bushop of Room (whose authority in matters ecclesiastical, was then generally holden for sacred): persuading the people, not to render any obedienc to them. The Pope he termed Sathanissimum papam, messer Asino: the Prelates, he called blind guides; the religious, Porcos, and candles set undet a bushel: thus seaking, non purgare abusus, sed tollere ordinem, Triticum cum Zizanio evellere studebat. And why, ded he preach such homilies to the people? Because, so should they (said he) still live in darkness, and in the shadow of death, with out the light of the gospel: and be fed, and miss by ignorant guides, and dry nurses, and still remain in Egypt (the house of bondage) and in the captivity of Babylon. This Prologue, maid attentive auditors, by a fair show and promise of great matters: then he begon the Tragedy, acted with incredible sedition and insolency. His whole study was now to demolish the walls of the church, and abolish all ecclesiastical orders: and so (by participation) to shake the very foundations of the state.  
In this humour, he fed himself, with great hopes, to conquer the world with the sword of the spirit; and to subdue the Pope (whom he was the first that affirmed to be absolutely, Antichrist, the man of perdition, and insignis praestigiator.  
And the rather because now 1519. Maximilian the emperor was lately dead, (whose power, and wisdom, he had great cause, and worthily, to fear): and Charles the fifth, was chosen to succead him (a young Prince not twenty years of age) whom he hoped to persuade, to ruin the papalty, to keap his court at Room, and maik the castl of St. Angelo subject to his commands. And then he dreamt, that he might easily reform the church and cast it in a new mould. Specially being assured, to have the Duke of Saxony, old john Frederic the elector, his secret friend and patron: who for his riches, strength, allianc, and abilities, was far superior to any Prince in the empire.  
What followed then? observe his course, 
I Luther's bull against the Bushops, and Bushopricks.  and judge unpartially, wheter it was modest and dewtifull, or seditious and arrogant. First he ptoclaymes open wart against the Bushops of Germany, endeavouring to suppress their authority, abrogate their jurisdiction, and maik them odious and contemptible to the world. Therefore in his book, contra Statum Ecclesiae, & adversus falso no minatum ordinem Episcoporum: among his works printed at jena, tom. 2. Latin. He fends out his bull, against the said Bushops in these wores. Attendite vobis Episcorum vmbr●. Doctor Lutherus, vislt nobis bullam, & edictum legere, non valde teneris vestris auribus placiturum. His lecture was worth the haring. First he useth an exhortation: secondly, he gives direction what the godly, auditors should do: and lastlie his benediction, and the blessing which shall follow, by obeying his cownsell. And this was his grave and modest counsel. Omnes, quicunque opem ferant, bona, famam & sanguinem in hoc impendunt, honoremque suum in hoc exponentes, ut ●●. Episcopatus Pompatici devastentur. tam remo●● & alieni ab omni functione Apostolica: totumque hoc Sathanicum regimen Episcoporum extinguatur: Ili sunt dilecti ●●lij Dei, & vere Christiani, obseruantes praecepta Dei, who soever will hazard their life's honour and fortune, in so Christian a work, as to root out and destroy all Bushops and Bushopricks, Satan's ministers: and pull up by the roots all their authority and jurisdiction: these are worthy to be honoured and esteemed the true children of god, and such as obey his commandments. And in libro contra Siluest. Prieratem. tom. 1 Lat. witteberg. Si fures furca, latrones gladio▪ haereticos igne tollimus: Cur non magis hos magistros perditionis, hos Cardinal●s, hos Pap●s & totam istam Romanae Sodomiae colluniem, omnibus armis impetuous, & eorum sangume manus nostras lavemus? So hear he will sight against the whole ecclesiastical Hierarchy; and wash his hand in the blood of Bushops. But saith he obijci●nt periculum esse ne excuetur, tumultus: en respondeo, an ideo negligetur verbum Dei, & peribit populus? as if Luther's doctrine with out tumult colt not be preached. Martin Marprelat of England, and john Marprelat of Scotland, wear not possessed with so wicked a spirit, and though they wear mad enong, yet they camm not to the height of this furie. Let Brunus, Minsinger, and gale, judge: whether thy, sermon and proclamation of Luther's, will bear an action of sedition and conspiracy: and whether it wear consonant, to the peace and laws of the empire. For hearby the people was taught and animated, to pull down the principal pillars of the state: to overthrow the ecclesiastical regiment, the Archbushops of Ments, Coolen, and Trier, the Primate of Magdeburgh, the Archbushop and Princ of Saltzburgh, the great master of Prussia, Wirtzburgh, and many others, who have voice and place in the diet, and a power full hand in the government. Think you, that this can be avowed to be the act of a loyal subject of the empire, or warrantable by any laws or example in a civil government: that a private man should thus insolently attempt of himself against all authority, for a subject against the cheafe magistrates; for a sheap to depose the pastor; and by such means and advice, to stir up rebellion, and insurrection against persons of that quality, and inso high place and calling. Neither ded he ever cease, or give over practising, till effectually he procured the expulsion and banishment both of the jurisdiction and name of Bushops, out of Saxony, Hessia, Wirtenberg, and where soever he prevailed. which paradox I am assured the Lord Bushopes in England, will not allow: nor patronise such seditious proceading, for there own safety, and their Baronnies.  
But hear he stayed not, he proceeded further: 
2. Against the  He took upon him to deface and 
Canon Laws.  burn, the Canon Laws, Indulgences, and bulls of Popes, at wittenberg. If you ask, Quo warranto? he ded that, by this own authority; his own private spirit, was his commission. And the pretenc of the gospel was his Apology. But was that a sufficient warrant▪ Though most of the Canon Laws, wear the constitutions of Popes, (whom he now both contemned, and condemned:) yet some wear decreed by provincial Synods, some by general counsels, and all of them wear ratified, both by praescription, general approbation of that country, and the Imperial Laws.  
And so it appeareth, they could not be lawfully, and orderly suppressed in the empire, withwt the authority of the empire. But as he ded seek to abrogate the Canon Laws; so he ded also vilify, and abase the Civil laws of Germany, as shall more pertinently appear hearafter.  
Furthermore, as if it wear to bring in 
3. Againsts' universities.  Barbarism, and to pull out the eyes of the Almains, that they might not see his folly, and errors: he endeavoured, to abandon, deface, and ruin all universities. Which Oxford and Cambredg will hardly believe, if I could not produce his own words. Libro contra Ambrosium Catharinum, he writes thus,  videatur ad Euangelium funditus extinguendum, nec astutius, nec efficacius invenisse Satan commentum quam erigendarum universitatum. Be universities, than an invention of the devil? and a subtle devise, to oppress the gospel Is it not likely? That no man might colour and excuse this gross paradox, with some fair pretence; as they oft labour to do: read his opinion, libro de Abroganda Missa; there he dissuades the people, from sending their children to the universities, and generally condemns them all by these words Academias, per Idolum M●loch figura●a● puto. Universities, resemble the Idol Moloch. By what reason? because saith he, Existo enim fumo, prodeunt istae locustae, quae omnes Cathedras occupant. Would he then have all universities, suppressed, only because therein the Catholic religion, and school divinity is taught? no in dead, for why ded he shut up the school doors, formanie years together? why ded he neglect the teaching and education of yowth, in his own religion, and profession? why ded he banish Tully and Aristotle, who medl with no religion? why ded Carolostad go to the plough rather, than he would read a lecture more. Nay to conclude, his fidus Achates, Philip Melancton, in his book called Didimus saith. Equidem sapient 'em virum, iudico fuisse wiclesum Anglum, qui omnium primus, quod ego sciam, vidit unmersitates, fuisse Sathanae Synagegas. And this I wonder master Philip Would so generally affirm, and aproove wiclefs error, that universities arr the Synagogue of satan, being so skilful an artist himself. But at the beginning they wear all uncertan, what to mantain for sound and true doctrine: and above all, Melancthon was ever an Academic, and never long constant: and that you may see, by this, that libro ad waldenses, he recanted that opinion, and revoked his error; which Carolostade, never ded.  
So as you may, perceive, that at therfirst rising, and preaching reformation, the spirit had not in many years fully illuminated there under standing, nor directed their judgement, with full perfection: as he ded the prophets, and the apostles, and S. Paul. Hearby it appeareth, that at threblowes, Luther laboured to cut down, the three great Cedars of the empire, The Cleargic, The Canon ●awes, and the universities. For with out universities, the clergy cold not be in struct: nor with out Laws be governed: and so being necessarily chained together, he could not break the link with out subverting all for he deed not seek a reformation of them, but a total extirpation and destruction, as appeared by the Bushopricks.)  
And this I dare affirm, that all the Hundred 
His behaviour to Caesar and the Princes.  Gravamina Germany, presented to the Emperor Charles, at Norembergh: deed not contains, articles of that danger, greavances of that loss, and such an oppression of the state, as these three had bean.  
And yet a greater mischeafe, follows. For now I will lay down his positions of state and declare to the world a prodigious incivility, and his arrogancy, disobedienc, and presumption, towards the Emperor, and the Princes of Germany. Desiring your patienc, that I may but a litl digress to maik his spirit more plainly appear in his likeness: and how immodestlie and unreverently he ded esteem Regiam Maiestatem, by the exampl of his usage of king 
Of k. H. 8.  Henry the VIII. of England libro cont●a Regem Angliae. He calls king Henry in his preface, An envious mad fool, full of dastardy, and with out one vain of princely blood in his body.  
After that, he saith, He is a Basilisk, to whom I den●unc damnation.  
And pag. 335. This glorious king, lieth stoutly like a king. (Note his morality, for which he is famous.) And again, he is a lijng Scurra, covered with the title of a king, and a chosen vessel of the Devel. And pag. 338. Thou art no more a king, but a sacrilegious theaf. And most sloovenlie and like himself, pag. 333. Ius mihi erit Maiestatem tuam stercore conspergere, etc. I am ashamed, to proceed, I will omit infinite, and these are too many: which it wear incredible, to have bean uttered by the Elias of Almaing, but that both his own books are extant, and S. Thomas Moor, (the most famous Chancellor of England) recapitulates them, with a number more, in his latin work against Luther, printed at Loovain, 1566.  
And these places, I have selected and cited: not only because they touched Henry the eight, as he was a king (and at that time, one of the most mighty and Renoumed Princes in Europe:) but because also, thereby you might discover the modesty and Holy disposition of Doctor Martin, and how like a man he was, to preach and persuade obedienc to magistrates  
Now note, how he ded behave himself, to the princes of the Empire: and whether he ded give to Caesar (his sovereign lord) that which is Dew to Caesar? It is worthy the observation, to see his religious and civil respect of an emperor. Libro contra duo mandata Casaris, he writes. Turpe quidem est Casarem ac Principes, manifestis agere mendacijs. It is, a shame for Caesar, and the Princes, to lie so palpably, and in the same book, and with the same spirit, saith he, Deus mihi dedu negotium, non cum hominibus ratione praeditis: sed Germanicae bestiae debent me occidere. (Meaning, that the Princes, the Savages and beasts of Germany, should murder him.) But he shows therein, yet more gall and bitterness, Oro cunctos pios Chrisitanoes, dignentur simul rogare Deum pro eiusmods ex●aecatis Principibus, quibus nos ma no trae su● furore corripuit, ne vl●o pacto eos s●quamur, vel in militiam ire, vel dare aliquid contra Turcas: quod●quid●n. Turca decies prudentior▪ probiorque quam sunt Principes nostri; quid ●alibus fa●●●s, contra Turcam prosper euen●at, qui Deum tam al●etentant, & blasphemant? Was this but a Peccadilio, Caesar, and the Princes, to be censured with such scandalous comparisons, and reproaches? but this is not all, in libro artic. 500 in articulo 367. Quid ergo boni, in rebus diumis, vel decernant, vel constituant, tyranni tam impij & prophant? Before they wear fools, now he ma●ks them tyrants: and then he goeth a degree higher still. For libro de seculari potestate, he delivers his opinion of all princes and kings in general, and how they are to be esteemed: Sc●re debes quod ab initio mundi, raris●ma avis est prudens princeps, ac multo rarior probus, sunt communiter, maximè faivi, & nequis●imi nebulones in t●rra.  
And there also, because his good meaning might more perspicuously appear, he interprets himself planilie. Quis nes●●t, Principes esse carnem Ferinam in Caelo? As if it wear, as great a dainty as vennieson, to 
Head of the church.  see, that a prince should be saved. And in his book de belio contra Turcas. Casarem negat esse Caput reipublicae Christiana, & defensorem fidei ac Eu●ngelij: & oportere sanè Ecclesam, habere al●um defer sorem, quam sunt Imperatores & Reges. And mark his reason, Eos namque esse pe●imes hos es Christianismi & fidei. the which concludes my assertion, for he mantains doctrine, opposite to all king: and contemneth government. And as if he would Vnking and depose them; he doth encoorage the people, to draw their swords, against all crowns and sceptres. Therefore lo. 1. contra Rus●icos, he sendeth this greating to the princes.  
Sciatis boni ●omini, Deum s●c procurare, quod subditi, nec po●su●t, nec debent, nec volunt, ty●anniden● vestram ferre diutius. Mark that debent, as a good encooragement to the Bowers.  
Who can maintain such Paradoxes, or that they proceeded from the spirit of a prophet of God? can any Lutheran justify these wild propositions, or colour them with tolerabl glosses? Deed ever any prophets, Apostles, or Martyes, use such a barbarous liberty of speech, against Nero, Dioclesian, julian, though the greatest persecutors? Deed Elias, rage so madly against Achab, and jesabel? S. Paul gave him a better exampl, who used Festus with more reverenc a great deal. And with out dowbt no Christian and true zeal can be so irregular, so rude, and so intemperately passionate. To give the lie to Caesar his Sooverain, and the princes, was a personal, and an intolerable contempt, yet to proclaim him and the princes, to be Savages, Babons', and Fools; Tyrants; blind buzzards; and that the Turk was a wiser and honester man, than they; was a more horrible, scandalous, and seditious assertion. But to give out to the world, in print, and dogmaticallie to affirm, as it wear in scorn and hatred of Majesty and royalty, that a wise and good prince is as rarely found as a black swann; that commonly kings and princes, be the most. Dotting fools, and reprobate knaves in the world: that they are a damned crew, as if there wear no place in heaven vouchsafed for kings: What is it, by such epithets, disgraces, and execration, to annichilate and abase the sacred function of kings? to taik the crown from their heads? to expose Regality and their progatives, to malice and contempt of the people; if this be not?  
But it may be, he ded use more civility, and reverenc, to his friends of the howof Saxonié. Surely for Duke Georg, of Leipswig, he calls him, the Apostl of Satan: and scorn fully entitles him, Illustrissima mclementia vestra.  
And for his, respect, to old john Frederick his protector; it appears by the commission, given by the Duke, to john Plaumitz (a noble man) Hierome Schurffius (a lawyer) Philip Melancthon, and Erasmus Hawbitz; to maik a visitation of Saxony, (than full of discorders:) for when they returned their commission, together with the acts of their visitation, Luther in contempt of them, T●otz (quoth he) eye visitato●ibus. a why? only for ambition. How appears that? Nescio qua de causa, proterierit me in hoc negotio princeps. (Lo. in serm. Dommico, invocavit.) And Lo. contra Ambrosium ●atharmum, saith he: Silicet mihi decretales Papae, Conciliorum decreta, Leges & Mandata Imperatoris, omniumque principum, pro libertate Christiana, nedum contemnere, sed & conculeare: vestras ne res gestas, praeclarae visitationis, legum vice acceptem? What could draw from him so vain and insolent a speech, but ambition? He maiks small reckoning of the emperor's mandates, or the imperial law's afwel as the Canon, pro libertate Christiana: and for that also, he himself must and will be judge, what to receive and ratify; neither the duke, nor his commissioners missed prescribe rules to him.  
I will allege only one place, (locis come. class. 4. c. 30. to Spalatimus. Non s●ram quod ais, non passurum principem, scribi in Moguntinum, nec quod publicam pacem perturbare posset: potius te, & principem ipsum perdam, Si enim creatorieius Papae restiti, cur cedam creaturae● & post. Pul●hre vero, non turbandum pacem publicam arbitraris, & turbandum pacem aeternam Dei? non sic Spalatine, non sic. What is this, but ambition? not zeal furelie, which as it should ever have faith for a schoolm aister, so it haveth Charity for a guide, and humility for a witness, whearof hear is very small proof, and apparenc.)  
And by the opinion of Spalatinus, (a famous Lutheran) and of his Lord (the Elector of Saxony) you see, that Luther is dissuaded and conselled, from writing against the Archbushop of Ments) an Elector Likewise; because it could not, but disturb and break the peace of the empire: and yet is it to be noted, how Luther rejects with contempt, both their opinions: as if the peace of God, and the peace of the empire: the new gospel of Luther, and the old laws and government of the empire, wear not Compatible. Which concludeh the Affirmative of the Quaestion, now to be proved.  
For the present, I will produce out of the Cornucopia of Luther, no more of his irreligious and turbulent Propositions, (sufficient arguments, both of his unquiet spirit and seditious doctrine.) For it is, fit first to examine these exactly; and to discern, how well the fruits thereof ded realish in the taste of the people, and what effects and operation they wrought.  
After that the wildbore, had thus violently broken down, the pale of order and discipline, and rooted up the vinyeard: and that the vulgar people, had received so pleasing a new gospel, that they wear exempted from all the Canons, and injunctions of the church, (maid to restrain disorder and licentiousness:) that true Christians wear freed from the captivity of Babylon, and all constitutions and ceremonies, which cuthralled and snared the conscience: that there was a more compendious way found to heaven, by faith only, and freedom from merits, and the heavy burden of good work: that Room was Babylon, Bushops wear seducers, religious men Idolatours, and the princes wear tyrants, who protected them all:) and that God would not suffer, the poor commonalty longer to bear so heavy a yoke, and subjection, under such oppressors. Upon these seditious principls, the people begonn to rise, and commit riots: each man was a drum to an other, each man ded strike an alarm, to root out so corrupt a clergy, and to depose so unworthy princes. The Bowers 
Sue●ia.  and paisants of all parts of Germany, run according to the bias of the time, and maid a general insurrection. First in Swaben, Then in Franconia, after in Alsatia, and in diverse imperial towns. They of Franconia, a pretended that they took arms, to expel all nobility out of Germany, to cut down the Oaks of the church, (the Degree of Bushopes:) to abolish the old la and establish a new religion and law. In these tumults, the heads and Tribunes of the people, wear Thomas Muncer, and his Camerado Phifer, and Christophor Schaplerus. Muncer, was an audacious fellow; and of a pressed becomed an apostata some report, he was scholar to Carolostad, but Melancthon in his historic, saith, that he came to Luther's lectures. This man in Alsatia, preached against the Pope, and yet dissented from his master Luther's doctrine: because as the Pope's laws wear too austeare, so Luther's gave to much liberty. There he first preached against the Mass, and against the baptising of children (because it was not expressly commanded in the scriptures:) and that Christ, ded not taike flesh of the Virgin Marie: and that Magistrates ded lose and forfaict all their authority, if they committed mortal sin; and lastlie, that the people might correct princes if they offend, (as appeareth by the Centur. 9 and 9 pag. 445. This Muncer, to maik his name powerful with the people, he bragged that his vocation was extraordinary, by the revelation and perpetual assistance of the holy ghost: and that he had received from God, Gladium Gedeonis, cogere universum orbem, ad nowm Christi regnum instituendum: to fight for Israel and depose Idolatrous magistrates. Upon these fantastical suppositions, he drew the people of Franconia into the feald: he won the town of Winspurgh: they slew Count Lodovic of Helphensteyn; and ded either murder, or captivated, all the noble men they could encounter. Besides, they sacked and destroyed all churches, and (as Conradus Wimpin testifieth) only, in that one circle of the empire, they peeled, pulled down, and spoilt near three hundred, monasteries, castles, and forts. And yet these reformers, pretended, that they took arms for edification; is it not licklie? But for want of victualis and other necessaries, (as multitude and fury, arr seldom provident:) they wear forced to divide their camps; and some of them marched to wards the Duchy of Wittenbergh, (who, by Truch●es, general of the league of Swevia, wear all put to the sword, or to flight:) but the greatest number remained in Franconia. And because these tumults, tended so directly, to a devastation of allstates, and laws: therefore john (Duke of Saxony) who had before tolerated Muncer● preaching in Alstadt: and his uncle Duke George, together with other princes, joined their forces together (the emperor being in Spain): and at frankhuisen, maid a bloody execution and slaugh terof all the Paisants in the camp: Where Muncer and Phifer wear taken, and executed; and above a hundred thousand men lost their lives, in these tumults and rebellion.  
Yet could not this fear full warning serve, to cool the heat, of those zealous warriors; for in Alsatia, they maid a new uproar: where above twenty thousand of them wear slain, by the count Palatine, and Anthony Duke of ●orram. And after that, an other multitude put them selves in arms, at Petersheim (in the territory of worms:) who wear likewise defeated and put to the sword. To conclude, no part of the body of the empire, was clear from that plague of conspiraty: for as the bowers in the country, so the common people in the imperial towns, conspired together to reform religion, and to remove such magistrates, as supported the old. At Erford, the people, degraded and committed all their officers. At Frankfurt, with more fury, they spoiled the churches, banished the clergy, and placed all authority and government of the city, in twenty four commoners, (to whom they gave all command and rule●: they created all new magistrates: maid new laws; expelled the ancient senators and the whole clergy, (not without terror, and menaces) and they selected and set down forty seven articles, out of Luther's gospel, which they decreed should be religioustie observed and obeyed: and which they imparted to their fraternity at Coolen, and Mentz, (where three whole days, the people stood in arms together, locked up the gates, and maid them selves lords and masters of the cities).  
And the same spirit like wise moved diverse private men, by there own meant, to attempt reformation. So Frances Sicking, a Lutheran, out of his zeal, (yet some give out, that he was incited by Bucer and Oecolampad, to that action) levied diverse companies, invaded and spoilt the territories of the Bushop of Trier; took by assault a strong place, of the prince's possessions, and marched with his army to the very walls of Trier, (purposing to beseage that) without any just cause of war, or particular quarrel. Where if he had prevailed, the riches of that place, and some others depending of that, would both have encooraged and enabled them to greater attempts. But he was forced to retire; and so being apprehended, he and his complices wear justly attainted, and their lands confiscated.  
And to maik up the total some of all the miseries of Germany, in full measure▪ this inundation of fury, was so general, that they maid all church goods a prey and booty, broke Down Cathedral churches, ransacked all monasteries, and rob and subverted both Bushops and Bushopricks, as Magdeburgh (the seat of the Primate of the empire) Bream, Lubeck, and seven moe (such is the fury, and deformity of sedition.) So as the Imperial chamber at Spires, was long afterward much disquieted, and trowbled, with Actions, complaints, and petitions, for these spoils: And Charles the Emperor, himself was maruelloustie perplexed, how to taik order for a cessation of these disorders; how to stay the violent course and torrent of these reformers; and how reparation and satisfaction, might be maid. And therefore he ded appoint Commissioners long after (by his edict 1544.) to inquire of bona Ecclesiae invasa; for before he could not, having had his hands full, and enough to do, to defend, himself.  
All which things, arr recorded and testified by Cochlaeus, (whose writings wear published, before Luther's death, and yet was never hither to challenged for any false information) by Pontanus, Surius, Hortensius, Montfort, Flor, Raemond, Sleydan, and others. I protest and profess, I have used sincearitie, in reporting and citing the evidenc I had from so many worthy witnesses: and as the Romans used to say, at there making of leagues, Ita me jupiter, si sciens fallo.  
But I fear, you are tired, with hearing 
Livius.  so much calamity at once, and in one country; which was wrought partly by Lutherans, partly by such as had drawn their doctrine, out of Luther's fountains (for how can the water be uncorrupted, when the spring was so poisoned, and infected at the head?)  
I know hear will be great exceptions 
Whether Luther may truely be accused, to have bean the Caws of all the●● troubles.  taken against me, that I lay these tumults to Luther's charge, (aswel the insurrection of the Anabaptists, as of the rest aforesaid) who writ vehemently to reprove their actions; and gave them neither occasion nor harting; and ever disliked the illusions and fantasies of M●ncer and his followers: and never was deservedly accused for any doctrine of sedition, having oft preached in the defence of magistrates, and civil government, as Doctor bilson affirmeth.  
thouch these excuses, or rather fables; if you find them all sufficiently disproved: I leave it to your judgment, how to censure D. Martin, and his Champions. First examine seriousslie, whether Luther, 
1.  was a cause of these troubles; and you shall discern plainly, that his positions and exhortation gave the principal ground and occasion of all: that his bull against the Clergy, his invectives against all Ecclesiastical persons and orders, blew the coals that fired all, and animated the people, under colour of zeal and reformation to pull down all. For what man is so senseless, that would not be moved to contemn all authority, and seek to enfranchise himself, and fight under the banner of liberty? when he shall hear such a popular sermon, that princes are tyrants, Bushops' blind guides, Religious men Idolators; and that all Christians have and aught to enjoy the great Charter of free liberty, and are not bound in conscience to any man's laws and constitutions? And if he preached such doctrine (as before you have partly hard he ded,) then was not he the Primative and cheafe Boutefeu of all?  
Cochlaeus in his Miscellanea, citeth this one place of Luther's lib. 1. Exhortat ad pacem. In seculari regimine, nil amplius facitis nisi excoriatis subdito●, ad susimendam pompam vestram, donec diutius ferre non possunt. And afterward. non sunt 〈◊〉 boni Domini, quisese vobis opponunt: ●●●us ipse est ad visitandam tyrannid●m ves ram. A man can no devise, to give the people better harting, to ronn into riots; then out of the puipit, to tax the princes for so cringe a sin, as tyranny: and to maik God the author to revenge that: specially being not bound in conscience, to obey any human laws. But D. Whitacre, 
2. Resp. ad Campian ratione 8.  saith, It never came into Luther mind, to pluck in peaces the authority of magistrates, which he ded all ways defend against the Anabaptists: and (as D. Bilson affirmeth, Luther ded hold, that the Gospel doth not bar the politic laws of any country.  
I wonder these two great doctors, would affirm this so confidently; knowing first, that though in some places of his books (to blear the eyes of the world) he had persuaded subjects to obedience, (the contrary wheareof, it had bean too gross an error to maintain:) yet that his practice, and actions wear fully contradictory to that course. And knowing also, that Luther himself, set it down as a divine decree l. de captiu. Babylon. c. de baptismo. Ab omnibus hominum legibus exempts sumus, libertate Christiana nobis per baptismum donata. Was this only from the Canons, or aswel from Municipal laws? I know your jewel of England, laboured to cover the deformity of this proposition: which by a sleight evasion, he sought to avoid, by comparing S. Paul's phrase with Luther's, Galat. 2. Litl to the purpose. But it was more fayrlie and cunning lie shadowed, by D. whitacre, thus (loco predicto:) saith he. By fa●th men are free, not that, they may not obey laws, and live ovelie to them selves: but that they may understand, there consciences and minds are freed, from making the laws of men to be religion (1. to bind the conscience.)  
And after ward he saith again, Man's laws bind not the conscience, for than they should bind in all places alike. And so he concludes in general, The magistrate is to be obeyed for conscience, but his particular laws bind not the conscience: that is as in an other place he interprets it, We must obey human laws, bycaus they arr necessary for peace; but we must distinguish them from divine, which are simply to be obeyed, withowt defferenc of time, place, or circumstanc, as man's laws ar.  
Thus he defendeth Luther, by interpreting his words: and his interpretation quite overthrows bot Luther's meaning and words.  
For so we are not by D. withaker exempted from obeying man's laws, but from obeying them simpliciter, and as divine; (for it is not the quaestion, which laws bind most; secundum magis & minus, God's laws or man's, for of that, ther can be no quaestion, no man dowbts it. But whether man's laws bind the Conscience at all; and whether simply it be a true proposition ab omnibus hominum ●gib●s exempti sumus? And if man's laws do not bind the conscience; why ded you think preasts bound in conscience, to obey the penal laws of England, or to be put to death, for not obeying?  
But it is best and plainest dealing to maik Luther, his own expositor, and so try if he can be cleared; or if he prove not worse, and an enemy to human laws.  
For in the same book, cap. de Matrimonio. S●io (inquit) nullam rempublicam, legibus faeliciter administrari: and in c. de sacris Ordini. Turpe enim est & iniquiter servile, Christianum hominem qui liber est, alijsquam caelestibus, & divinis subiectum esse legibus. In both which places, he is quite contrary, to D. whitacre, and maiks small accounpt of the statutes of common welths; but as a thing servile, to be subject and tyet to obey them.  
And S. Thomas Moor, in his Latin book against Luther, affirms that Tindal (one of Luther's principal disciples in England) in his book of Obedienc taught the same lesson: and he citeth a place from whenc it seams Tindal derived his opinion. Sc. Dico itaque, neque Papa, neque Episcopus, 
Not.  neque ulius hominum, habeat ius constitu●nd● unius sillabae, super hommem christianum, nisi sit eiusdem consensu.  
So then observe it well, and you shall see, that it both came into Luther's mind and his pen, to pluck in peaces, the authority of magistrates and laws.  
And the words of Luther literally import as much, else what english can you maik of, ab omnibus hominum legibus exempti sumus? Is it against the Canon law only? the words omnibus hominum, teach you the contrary; is it to prefer God's law, and religion, comparative, before man's? the word (Exempti) used simply, shows the contrary: and that as we are freed from the law of the Pope, or constitutions of Bushops: so and in the same degree, we are (as he holds) exempted from all man's laws, so as neque ullus hominum, haith power to enact one syllable, whereto he shall be obliged.  
Again, if we be exempted from all laws; and the magistrate but by law, can claim no obedienc: what conclusion, can you maik to defend Luther, but in a mood and figure bad enough?  
Furthermore, I am persuaded all men of under standing will think the very words of Luther, plainly, and in the literal sense to be daingerous; if they be not qualified, and bettered by such an interpreter, as D. whitakers. And the plain common people stand not to weigh words, but taik them in cortice, as the letter imports.  
The Bowers could not wrest and strain them by learning, and maik a gloss quite contrary to the text: but they took hold of that exposition, which was best agreeable to their appetites, and served most fitly to open them a passage to liberty, (which was their end and scope.)  
And D. Whitaker himself, seeing he could not justify the words, sought to defend the meaning thereof, by a devise and sense of his own making, which he inspireth into the words.  
But Luther excellently expresseth his own meaning libro ad nobilit atem Germany; for as of the Imperial chamber at Spires, he had given this sentenc, Tribunal Camerae Imperialis, ecce quàm diabolica est meretrix: so hear he saith, Ferunt nulium esse pulchrius regimen, quam apud Turcam, qui tamen neque Canonicum neque ciuile ius habet, sed solum Alchoranum. At nos fateri oportet nusquam esse turpius regimen, quam apud nos per ius civil & Canonicum.  
Now balance and examine this well; end that will determine the controversy; we accuse Luther, that he would abolish all laws, and that men should be ruled only by the gospel, and that upon such his doctrine the paisants wear incooraged to taik arms.  
No saith master whitaker, it was not Luther's meaning (for the words he could not deny) to abrogate the authority of laws; but his meaning was they ded not bind the conscience.  
Now what Luther meant, appeared by several places before, but now he explaineth all, and leaves no dowbt. For hear he rejecteth all laws both civil and canon, and sets this brand of infamy upon them, nusquam turpius regimen: and joins both the laws sub eodem iugo, to draw after the Koran, and come short of that: and so he rejecteth and disgraceth the positive and politic laws of Germany.  
For who would obey laws worse than the Koran? or obey magistrates, who govern by them, worse than the Pashas? Now seeing no man can defend Luther's words, and the fruits and effects thereof (the conspiracy of the Bowers) being inexcusable: I may well conclude, that Luther was much, if not most to blame, for these the first tumults of Germany. But I will yet maik that, a litl more plain, by the testimonies of learned writers. Hospinian, (in historia Sacramentaria:) jutherus (haith he) belli Germanici causa non levis.  
O● ander centur. 16 p. 16. Rustici iuramento confoederati seditionem excitarunt, contra quosdam proceres Ecclesiasticos. Causam pretendebant quasi Euangelij doctrinamtueri, etc. and he adds this, that ad ●utheri iudicium provocaverunt. (For they ded altogether build upon his grounds, and writings; specially the bull; which no man can defend by law; how soever they may cloak that, by pretenc of the gospel.)  
How Erasmus in Hyperaspite, condemns him for that, his words declare. Populus (inquit) iste Euangelicus, quos tumultus excitat? quoties, quam levibus de causis procurrit ad arma▪ nesuis quidem Ecclesiasticis sat is obtemperans, nisi dicant blandia auribus.  
And in an other place. Excussa est obedientia Episcoporum, which was only Luther's work,) sed ita ut ne profanis quidem magistratibus pareatur. And Menno Simonius an Anabaptist, libro de cruse Christi. Quam sangumolentas seditiones, Luther ani, ad comprobandam doctrinam suam, annis aliquot proximis excitarunt. Which they alleged; aswel for the war of the Bowers, as for the leaguers of Smalcald, both which he occasioned.  
And touching that objection, that Luther ded write contra rusticos, and against their uproars: and preached obedienc, persuaded them to that: and vehemently condemned the Anabaptists; it is true, he ded so. But it was only a fallacian, to avoid the scandal: for when he see, they wear not like to stand and mantain their quarrel, he left them in the briers, though they appealed to him: and because at that time, he was much condemned, as a medium and instrument of that sedition.  
And there for he reproved Pacimontan (a principal Anabaptist) for diuulging, that he was their friend, and favoured their proceedings: and reprehended them all, as if they had transgressed his bull (their commission) in committing owtrages against secular Princes and Magistrates, (though he himself, deed most seditiously invaigh against them also.)  
Neither can you think justly, that all (who ded rise with Muncer and caused the tumults after) wear only Anabaptists: for what was Frances Sicking, and his fellowers? Lutherans. What wear those of Frankfort, Mentz, and Coolen, Lutherans.  
The Bowers also, used for their defence, Luther's Homilies, and sermons: they wear all for reformation, and novelty: all against the Church of Room, and there own Bushops: all for Liberty: and there watchword, was vivat Euangelium, as if it had bean, a feald fough for religion, and the Church.  
And this confirms me strongly against Luther's praesumptuons intention, to abrogate all laws; because he took upon him to enact new laws in disgrace of the ou●d, as if he had bean the head of the Church, and Christ; vicegerent. For after he had burned the Pope's Canons, and abolished the Mass: he maid a new form of the Mass himself; and ded institute new ceremonies propria authoritate▪ which before he denied that the Pope could do.  
And what was his pretenc? Libro de formula Missae, Coactus sum (saith he) propter leaves & fastidiosoes spiritus, sc. his own fellowers, qui sola novitate gaudent, atque statim ut novitas desijt, nauseantes; alios Canon's, aliamque missandi formulam perscribere.  
Of which Erasmus, gave this opinion. Interim constitutiones humanae, constitutionibus humanis (imo parum humanis) mutantur Titul is modo mutatus est, vocantur enim verbum Dei Luther, ded chaing and maik void the Constitutions of men, by new constitutions of his own, (which had litl humanity in them.) The title only was changed, for he gave them the name of God's word.  
But all this, quo warranto, was it done? Is it tolerable, for Luther a private man, without any evident authority, or express commission, to disannul all laws, and maik a Metamorphosis of the world, at his pleasure? but his vocation, his ministerial power, his jurisdiction, was extraordinary: he was sent, as an Elias, to discover and confwnd Antichrist. I think in dead he was sent, and God permitted him to visit his church: as he permitted Satan to visit holy job.  
That so by heresy and tyranny, he might awake the world, revive devotion, and be a mean to punish sin, and purge ill humours, (which could not but a litl infect the natural bodies of the visible church, after so main hundred years, of peace and plenty.)  
It may be, that he found the lights in the church burning some what too dim. Yet though he ded snuff it, he had no power either to put out the candl, or remove the candlstick. For heresies do oft give fit occasions, to stir up the churchment to more discipline: to open and explain the senc of scripture: and to exercise the patienc, wisdom, and piety of the Church.  
And so Luther may be said to have preserved religion, as the Romans said, that Anseres seruabant capitolium.  
But of Luther, and Elias, his vocation and Apostleship; I shall have occasion much fit, to discourse hearafter and to Canonize him in a Calendar more proper for his holienes: being now desirous to declare the Catastrophe of this miserable Tragedy, he set forth in Germany, rather to be lamented then discoursed.  
The former attempts, wear undertaken against the clergy, and the princes: but I will now relate, an enterprise against both the Empire, and the Emperor himself, and by the mightiest princes of Almain where in Luther, was causa sine qua non.  
Old jolm Frederick, Duke of Saxony, together with the Lansgrave of Hessen, and diverse others (all protectors of Luther, and his gospel,) first entered into a league at Smalcald, (a town in Henssia, upon the fronters of Saxony) only for their own defence, and the maintenanc of their religion and liberties, (for both of these jointly are now maid the usual cloak, of conspiracies) against all men, that should in vade, and seek to persecute them. (And in this league wear comprehended the Duke of Wirtemberg and diverse Imperial towns.)  
The which league, was again renewed at Frankfort; and confirmed with general and solemn protestation, (whearupon there and at Auspurgh the name of Protestants, was derived originally.)  
After that, anno 1536. fearing least the Emperor should either prevent, or circumvent them, they prepared to come into the feald, with a mighty army whearof the young Duke of Saxony, john Frederick, (his father being dead) and the Lansgrave wear ganeralls: who resolved by arms to find right; or to maik right. The Duke of Wirtemberg assisted them.  
The Imperial towns, Auspurgh, Vlm, Strasburgh, and Frankfort sent them aid.  
The Count Palatine, levied two hundred horse for them, (but wiselier revoked them, being on the way:) the Duke of Brunswig and his sons, the Duke of Lunenburgh, the young Marquis of Baden, the Princ D'Anhald, the Counts of Furstenbergh and Mansfeald, joined with them, in person and power.  
So as the army contained abowt threskore and ten thowsant men (wheareof there was 7700. horse,) and 112. Cannons and feald peaces, with infinite provision, and almost the hope of an assured victory.  
The eyes of all princes, wear fixed upon this action: and all Germany trembled, expecting the event, and success of this great army, (prepared to swallow up the Emperor, who had only king Ferdinand, the Duke of Bavier, and the Duke of Cleave, assured to him:) (for though Duke Maurice ded follow, the Emperor, yet was he sonn in law to the Landsgrave, and might be suspected also for his religion.)  
I will not tell you, a tedious tale and impertinent, the event was this.  
The emperor (for all this huge preparation,) became master of the feald and Conqueror: the two generals (a rare accident) wear both taken prisoners, and their army defeated.  
The Duke of Saxony (an honourable man) and much pitied, had his life given, and connivenc for his religion. but his impregnable fort of Gotha was Demolished, 
Ne●.  and the electorate and the lands thereto belonging, wear bestowed by the Emperor upon Duke Morrice.  
The like mercy for his lief, was showed to the Landsgrave. The Duke of Wittenbergh (for two hundred thousand Ducats,) and the Imperial towns, upon their petition and submission, by the mediation of Angels and Ducats, solicited and maid their peace with the Emperor.  
And so by the providenc of God, and prosperity of Cesar: the Empire was preserved, and kept in statu quo prius: and the Electores Ecclesiastical and Prelates, wear still continued, and their dignities mantained.  
Tho by all probabilities, it may well be conjectured, that as these great princes had in there own provinces, extinguished, and buried, the title, state, and jurisdiction of Bushops: so if they had won the glory of the day, and had bean conquerors, they would have used the same deformation in all the empire.  
If you ask, how this war of the 
That this war was vulaw. full.  Princes ded concern Luther, of Lutheranisme? Or how he, or his religion, wear to be condemned as the motives of that? Or whether the Actors them selves, could be justly accused, for that rebellion! I must answer, that Greathes, and Innovation; never wanted patrons to defend them, not wit to colour their faults.  
D. Bilson, in his book of the difference 
1. D Bilsons' opinion.  betwean Christian subjection an  rebellion, to palliate the fault, and excuse both Luther, and the Confaederats, affirmeth that the lawyers of Germany (but he nameth none in particular) deed permit Resistance: coninglie insinwating that the Laws ded permit and tolerate the protestants to resist. And secondly, that the States of Germany, wear not absolutely subject to the Emperor, but conditionally. And therefore he concludes with a quare, why should not the states of Germany, enjoy the same liberties, and security their forefathers ded: and so he concludes that, wheareof no man maid quaestion; and is nothing, to the matter in question.  
The Divines of Magdeburg, held 
2. Osi●●der Centur 16.  this opinion. That if the magistrate pass the bownds of his authority, and command things wicked and vnlaw full he may well be resisted, and not obeyed.  
And Sleydan l. 19 fol. 263. saith, we 
3.  may resist Caesar, with good conscience, intending a destruction both of religion, and liberty.  
But Philip Melancthon, lib. Consil. 
4.  Euangelic. parte 1. pag. 314. confidently enableth, the inferior magistrate, to alter religion, and overthrew Idolatry. And so they conclude this war was lawful and allowable, both by gods la, and man's, se defendendo.  
Hear is a harmony of fowre parts, and yet all to mantain Discords, and impugn the magistrates authority: and they contain the substanc of the reasons, alleged by the Duke and the Landsgrave, both when the league was first maid at Smalcald; and afterwards, when they proclaimed war against the Emperor.  
Now if you examine well these several Doctor's opinions, you shall find thereby, that it must first be proved, 1. That Caesar passed the bownds of his authority, (or else it is plain they passed theirs:) 2. secondly that he commanded things wicked and ungodly, and against god's commandment. thirdly that he went about to Destroy true religion, and their liberty; and all these must be done, before it be lawful to taik arms and resisthym, (for to resist only, is their pretence.)  
I will first demand of them this quaestion. When Caesar or the supreme magistrate, commandeth any thing to be done, (which is not apparently, against the laws of the Empire, then in force) who is to be Censor, whether Caesar passeth the bownds of his authority? and whether the things he commandeth be impious are no? They answer he ded absolutely seek to overthrew their liberties, and true religion, scilicet, Lutheranism (which is founded upon the true preaching of the word, and administration of the sacraments.) This surely is not a sufficient answer, ad idem and to my question: and yet I may reply, that it is, and haith bean an old and usual stratagem of Satan, to oppose religion against religion: that so, he might bring in Atheism, and leave us no religion. Besides they maik that ther principal argument, (the presumption, of the● true religion whearof Caesar at worms, maid the greatest quaestion, and so they infer ignotum per ignotius.  
Add therefore to this, that they when they ded: presume to establish a new religion; ded pass them selves, the bownds of their authority.  
The world might judge Caesar a very simple Prince, if he wowld either have changed his religion or tolerated theirs, upon the bare credit, of Luther's private spirit and opinion, or upon the protestation of the confederates.  
For think you them competent judges of the Clergy; or to decide what should be received in the Empire, for true religion?  
Can religion lawfully, and orderly be changed, by temporal magistrates only? and when neither a general counsel, nor a national council hath decreed it, nor any Imperial Diet, haveth established it? May euer●ie elector or prince, frame for his provinc by law, a religion of a new Cutt, without the consent of the Emperor and the states? give me an instanc, show a precedent, when any such innovation was maid in the Empire, withowt an Imperial Diet; or else as there taking arms was without justice, so there quarrelis withowt lawful ground. Further more, was it lawful for the confederates, to coin a new religion and taik arms for the defence of that: and was it not more lawful for the Emperor to fedenc the old received religion, and to reform them?  
The Rustics took arms upon the same pretenc, for religion and liberty: and yet the confederates, with there own forces, and with great justice and honour ded subdue the Bowers. Why then might not Caesar compel the leaguers to exercise the religion established, with a Quousquè, and to obey the laws not a brogated, and keap the peac of the common wealth, withowt disturbance? For the degree and dignity of the persons: doth not maik the same case different.  
But they object that Caesar intended and plotted to Destroy them, and their liberties, for religion; and there for they wear forced to taik arms. Weigh this well and you shall see it wanteth weight. It was surely inexcusable for Defendants, to levy and lead an army into the feald against Caesar, who was not in the feald against them, nor had any forces ready a long time after. They marched to beseag the Emperor, and ded Drive him to fortify himself, and come into the feald with a handful of men; and then with great fury set upon his camp, who had much a do, to Defend himself: far from offending them.  
But the Emperor (saith D. Bilson) is not to be obeyed by the states, which absolute obedienc, for they are his subjects, but ex conditione. So then he maketh Caesar Emperor, but ex conditione. And if master Bilson meaneth thereby to charge Caesar (as the Hollanders ded the king of Spain,) with the oath taken at his coronation, to observe their laws, and defend their liberties: and so taik that for a condition: the like oath is taken, by all kings and princes Successive, as well as Elective And if you have devised a trick to vnking them, when you think they perform not punctually, each article of their oaths: surely you then may be justly termed a most learned doctor, to maik nullities. And yet I think, if any man preach this doctrine at Paul's Crosle, he haveth great luck, if he answer not for it, at Tower hill.  
But I will leave skirmishes, and come to the main point. It may justly be affirmed, that Caesar ded observe the law: and that the leaguers ded violate both the laws, and liberties of Germany. For what prince so ever stands rectus in Curia, and haithe the ancient laws to back and warrant him; must neads be judged to hold a better and lawful plea, than subjects armed against their prince with private opinions only, novelties, and an Koran of their own making.  
But at that time, by law, Caesar was bound rather to banish and extirpate Lutheranisme, then to tolerate the same: for it is manifest, that he was obliged by the oath at his Coronation, expressly and particularly, to defend the Pope, the Catholic Church, and the religion thereof. This is a matter of fact, and can not be contradicted, as your own Coldastus knoweth and acknowledgeth.  
Neither was it a new oath: for the same in effect was taken, by Carolus 4. Otho 3 Otho 1. and Carolus Magnus, which is a praescription, for time good enough, and for reason undisputable. And the like profession, you shall find to be maid, by the ancient reverend Emperors, justinian, Theodosius, Gratian, and others both in the Code, and Novel constitutions.  
So then how could the Emperor either mantain or suffer any other religion (as authentical) then that which he found established in the Empire, allowed by all his predecessors, warranted by so many counsels, continued so many generations, racified by the diets, and confirmed by his own oath.  
Yet because D. Bilson averreth, that it was consonant to the opinion of the lawyers of Germany: examine whether, the Duke of Saxony and the Landsgrave when they wear taken prisoners, used any such argument, for their excuse. No, Syrabsolutelie they submitted them selves, and craved his pardon at whose pleasure they wear, to stand or fall: to die or live. There ill case, could not maik a good cause ill: but there ill cause, maid their case ill and stand in nead of commiseration.  
And what a ridiculous reason had it bean for them, to have pleaded: that it was lawful for subjects by the sword to defend their religion.  
For if it wear lawful for the elector of Saxony to taik arms of defence of Luthe ranisme, because he was persuaded, there was no other verity, no other religion infallible, but Luther's: why might not the Count Palatine (with the same pretext) taike arms for Caluinism; and a Halbeistat for Epicurism, and a Muncer for Anabaptisme? And so by an Anarchy, under colour of their liberties, and the prerogatine of conscience, rend in peaces the Empire, and open the ports of Germany to let in the Turck. But to stop the mouths of school learned ignorance, I will discover and say Down the fowndation of this great quarrel, and the legal order and reason of Caesar's procreading.  
Anno 1521. The Emperor having conferred personally with Luther at worms: and out of his special grace and benignity, having required the Archbushop of Trier, and the Elector of Brandenburg, to treat with him, and persuade Luther to conformity and peace: and perceauing his obstinacy, and insolency, refusing to submit himself: and finding that all his course, his books, and his sermons ded tend to sedition: he maid a Decree, with the general consent of the states, not to put him to death (such was his mercy:) but to banish him out of the empire (wheatin he showed More lenity, than providenc.) In which 
So God●astus and Cocleus.  decree, after that at large he had set Down the causes and reasons of the act, he concludes thus Mandates, de corumdem statuum consensu, sub crimmelesae Majestatis, ac omissionis feudorum, dommiorum, bonorum, privilegiorum, a nobis ac sacro Imperio dependentium; ac proscriptionis & Banni, etc. Ne quis vestrum, prefatum, M. Lutherum, recipere, sustentare praesumat, & ut libros suos seditioso● ac haereticos comburatis, etc. And this edict, was directed, to the Electors, Princes, towns, and states. Now can you imagine, that the Duke of Saxony or the Landsgrave, wear exempted from this edict? or that the Emperor by virtue thereof, had not as full power to call them to answer for their contempts, as any inferior persons? Do you taik the Princes electors to be such Ephori, or transcendents, that they may bridle and curb the Emperor in the execution of justice? as if the Emperor wear but a shadow in Germany, titulus sine re, and as if imperium in imperio quaerendum esset: (which by Bodines' leave, I will maik appear to be an error.) But after this Decree, the Duke of Saxony ded harbour Luther at Alstat (a town of his own in Turingia, which Luther called his Pathmos, where he composed many revelations and mysteries:) and there he provided for his rest and security, and in the interim settled and planted Lutheranism in all his dominions) (notwithstanding the decree: and entered into the league of Smalcald, for maintenanc thereof.  
All which actions, that you may under stand how directly they are against law, and justice: Let Andrew gale deliver his opinion. Libro de Pace publica cap. 10. §. 36. Receptores Bannitorum, perinde puniantur, atque Banniti, Domini praediorum tenentur reos exhibere, and learned Brunus lib. 1. de haeres. c. 4. In excommunicatis, qui bannitis comparari solent, unica receptio noxia est. Now Luther was both banished, and excommunicated. And Jail in an other place, Qui bannito Commeatum & annonam suppeditat, paena receptorum ordinaria tenetur. Per adventure, you may think, that the Duke (Luther's Maecenas) was not tied with in this tedder: these laws wear in force, for meaner subjects: there for that learned Jail, shall maik his own comment, lib. 1. c. 1. §. 9 the Pace publica saith he, Conditio pacis publicae, omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij, maiorum & minorum gentium; cuiuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat, etsi contra Potentiores sit promulgata. So as the greater the person is, the more he is bound to obey the law. But the Duke not obeying the law, and kowing that Caesar had oft written out of spain, to have the edict of worms strictly executed: fearing Caesar's indignation, intred into a league, took arms, and so ded aggravate both his own, and his father's offenc, and thought them unpardonable.  
Yet after that league, the Emperor's Ambassador, 1529. at Spires, offered unto the leaguers most equal and moderate articles, viz. utrinque ab omni iniuria, & damno, & convitijs abstinerent: & quod transgressores contrahaec sint proscribendi. Who would not thing this a reasonnable offer, from the supreme magistrate, to the inferiors, that stood in danger of law? the Catholics could never hope for so much in Q. Elizabeth's tyme. Yet was this refuled and rejected.  
Again at Auspurg 1530. Caesar very graciously entertained the Duke, and received his petition exhibited, with as much favour and indifferency, as he might with his honour. And there again he revived his Ambassadors former motion, that no more innovations should be maid: nor more books to be by them published: but that all things, should stand quietly and peaceable, till 17. May next. So much ded he yield, to them, for desire of peace, and for the public good of Europe (the Turk having so lately before besieged Vienna, and taken Rhodes.) Not with standing the Duke rejected the motion, and much displeased the Emperor thereby: (who plainly replied, that if they obeyed not, they should repent it. And yet again (though thus provoked rather to draw his sword) at Spires, he ded labour by persuasion to prevail quietly with them (but thither the Duke, out of I ealousie and fear, would not come at all) though he was summoned.  
By this course you may judge how unwiling Caesar was, to disturb the peace of the ●mpyre, or to enter into an offensive war, ●eaking to win them so oft, and so graciou●lie. So as it was the more inexcusable, for men that pretended only to defend ●hem selves: to reject peace, when it was offered: and then to offend by taking arms, before they wear offended.  
If I should relate the malice and contempt they showed of him? you might conceive, that they could never have hoped, to have found a spark of mercy in his hart, towards them.  
For in all there public acts and letters, ●hey vouchsafed to give him no other ti●le, than Charles of Gandt, usurping the name of the Emperor: whereby they renounced all obedienc to him, and deposed him, as far as say in their power (which was an indignity, which a wise prince could ●ardlie swallow with patienc.)  
I may not forget, how the Landsgrave ingreat bravery, both by letters and messengers, assured the cities and Princes of their confederation (perhaps thereby, to procure a larger contribution:) and engaged his promise, that with in three months they would force Charles to fly out of Germany, and abandon the empire.  
How then ded these things cohere? That this holy league was maid only se defendendo, and to resist, for their law full protection: and yet to strike the first blow, invade the Emperor, offend first, and promise to expel him out of Germany; before he offered any token of hostilie against them, or they had just and evident cause, to march into the feald. And long before that, they solicited the kings of France, England, and Denmark, the Hans towns, and Swisseses, to join with them in league against him: (whom they dishonoured, and provoked, with most infamous libels, and unworthy aspersions.) France (though an enemy) nobly denied them. Denmark lingered, expecting the success: king Harrie was not forwars, though Cromwell diligently solicited their cause, and promised them 100 thousand crowns for their aid. And at that time D. Thirlebie Bushop of westminster, and Sir Philip Hobbie, wear the king's Ambassadors with the Emperor; and wear wituesses and spectators of the whole Tragedy.  
Lastlie to disprove these there proceedings by law: Remember first the decree at Worms: read the edict of Maximilian the 1. anno 1495. and 1500. the words are these. Consentientibus stautum & ordinum imperij votis, necessarium de pace publica constitutionem, landifrieden promu●garunt: quapacem publicam, armata manu violantibus, p●na proscriptionis, (quam bannum imperiale appellamus) irrogatur: Scil vitae, necisque. And to explain that, A. Gayl l. 1. c. 14. the Pace publica. Omnia bella (in quit) quae in●●●su summi principis Imperatoris, puta, vel sine eius licentia geritur, privata quadam vindicia, in iusta sunt.  
And afterward, cap. 5. he puts both Sleydan, Bilson, and the and by law, overthrowers all their foundations. In crimen lesae maiestat is incidit, qui bellum in imperio sine Caesaris licentia movet: quia usurpat sibi ea, quae sunt solins principis, & movere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet. So also Goldastusl. 1. tit. 190. cities this ancient law, Nemo intra imperis fines, suis alienisueditionibus, militem sollicito, nice de voluntate ducis isius circuli, caeveatque fide iussione statuum, nihil se, in Caesarem, principes, subditos, & clientes Impers moliturum.  
And in tomo 2. he produceth a decree of Ludovicus Pius, against the king of the Romans, and his confederates, guilty of high treason, for attempting against the Emperor (whereby the king was judged to lose his head.) The like ded Henry the first, against Arnulphus Duke of Bavier, who had rebelled against him. And Otho the 1. ded as much, against Ludolphus king of the Romans. I will conclude all with one exemble, late, memorable, and to our purpose. Maximilian the 1. ded forbed all subjects of the empire, to geue aid to the french king in his wars. Emicho, Earl of Lingen in contempt of the edict, went into France, and took pay of the french king for him and his companies. The Emperor being advertised thereof, proclaimed him traitor, gave the spoil of his house, and confiscation of his lands to the princes of the empire, irrecoverablie. Now if Maximilian, might thus punish Emicho by la, for going to aid France, contrary to his proclamation: what might he have down, if he had taken arms against himself, (as the confaederats ded against Charles.) And for the Imperial towns, their fault was most gross, and deserved most punishment. for Civium Imperalium, solum Imperator Dominus est, non magistratus municipalis. And touching their liberties, ans freedom, gale said truely and judiciously, Germanicae libertatis iniqua est iactatio, against the Emperor. So then I refer it to the judgement, of any unpartial judge, whether the action, and proceeding, of these two noble and great persons, for their religion, and defence of Lutheranisme, wear warrantable by law, or no: and specially, being directly against the Emperor, and the religion established in the Empire.  
And concerning Luther himself: because he was the primum mobile, of all these motions, in that Orb: and the malus genius, that inspired the people and conducted and directed all; and for the defence of whose doctrine, all these swords wear drawn: cann you think, if the Princes wear faulty, that he is free and innocent? If the flock ded err, that the shepherd was not to blame? I omit to charge him with small faults, as with publishing untruth to defame Caesar: Wormaciam ingressus sum, etiam cum scirem mihi violatam a Caesare, fidem publicam. A fable, and fiction. I omit that scandalous sentenc, in hatred and contempt of the empire, Nowm imperium erexit Papa, transferens id à Graecis ad Romanos, quod inter caetera opera Antichristi, vel principale, vel maximum portentum est. (As if the empire, wear a new building framed by Antichrist, and the sacred Imperial crown, wear as odious and irreligions, as the Turban of Soliman.) I will recapitulate nothing of his misdemeanours which, I have alleged before, towards the Emperor and Princes: I will not accuse him for usurping the regalities of Caesar, and for making and publishing politic Laws De communi fisco, (one of the greatest marks of sovereignty:) and how the revenues of the church should be employed, when the abbeys wear pulled down, (though that project wear as good, as an exhortation to ruin and pull them down.)  
1. Only I will lay to his charge, first that he counselled the Princes to taik arms, and resist Caesar (seeing the extremity, and that religion could not be otherwise defended.) The which Sleydan himself confesseth to be true, and there for neads no other prose.  
2. secondly, his endeavour, persuasion, and conspiracy, to suppress the Ecclesiastical Electors, subvert their estate, and so consequently, to overthrew the Aurea Bulla (which is a fundamental law in the empire:) was directly either an action of treason, or in the highest degree of sedition. For seeing the three Ecclesiastical Electors (the three Chancellors of the Empire) are immediately subject to the Emperor, in respect of their regalities, so as there is no appeal from them to the Pope, but to the Emperor, and Spires: Luther contriving to ruin them, purposed to pull the fairest flower out of the imperial crown. Besides he could not suppress them, but he must likewise overthrow with them, all the grounds of their title and claim: and so should he also for company, abrogate all the authority of the temporal Electors, (who have no other charter to plead, than the Ecclesiasticals have:) and so should master whitaker's, then have scene that (which he would not believe that Luther had rend in peaces, all the whole state, laws, and majesty of the empire.  
3. And now I will end with an intolerable trespass, recited by Cochlaeus in Miscellaneis. Either Luther, (which by his style is likest) or a Lutheran (which is aequivalent) thus confidently writeth, after the league of Smalcald was concluded. Atque ut ora cis obturem, ex iure ipsorum seculari: Papa & Caesar, non nati, sed electi sunt principes, & qui possunt deponi, id quod propter eorum male facta sepe factum est, etc. And shortly after, an non sunt in memoria hominum, reges & Caesares, etiam hoc modo, a suis subditis expulsi? And then he logicallie inferreth, Hunc ergo exactorem (meaning Caesar) hunc Moab, Phalarim, Neronem, sedibu● deturbare, summum beneplacitum est Deo. May not I now justly conclude, that both the Doctor and the Doctrine are seditious? For as his cause, was not manifestly good in se, nor quoad nos, and to our under standing (and surely it is requisite that so great an innovation, should be evidently demonstrated,) before it be received and publicly approved; so was his course most irregular and turbulent, neither regarding laws, nor reverencing and obeying princes. Now if the Ancients and statesmen, well provided, for the direction and managing of temporal affairs, that the private judgement of Solon Lycurgus, or Cato is but held as opinion, till by parliement it be enacted for a law: à fortiore, how can you hold it fit, that in matters touching the soul and salvation, the private opinion of Luther should be reverenced and received as an Oracle, before it be decreed either by Council or Synod? And therefore, by the law of nations, and reason of state, Maecenas gave this wise counsel to Augustus, as an axiom contra Novatores, as Dyon recordeth. Libro 52. Eos qui in Divinis aliquid innovant, od●o habe & coerce: non deorum solum causa (quos tamen qui contemnit, nec sane aliud quidquam magni fecerit: sed quia nova quaedam numina i● tales introducentes, multos impellunt ad mutationes rerum. Vnde coniurationes, seditiones, conciliabula, (res profecto minimum conducibilis principatui.) And surely by such innovation ded Luther insinuate himself into the favour of the princes, and thereby cast the whole empire into such conulsions; as it will hardly ever recover the former strength and vigour. But I will end this matter fayrelie, and condemn him by his own mouth, and by the sentenc he pronounced himself in the like case, against the Sacramentaries and Anabaptists, (for some times this mad doctor, had lucida internalla, and could discern reason.) tom. 3. Wittenber. fol. 488. Enarrat. in psal. 82. saith he. Neque is (se sectarius) in quem animaduertitur, per magistratum, cogitur ad fidem etc. Sed prohibetur & opprimitur impia doctrina, qua illum, in caeti● existens Christiano, contra Deum & doctrinam Christianam blasphemat, in summam perniciem Christianae religionis.  
●at alias, quovis gentium, ubinon sunt Christiani, ibi effundat sup●entiam suam.  
Nam ut sepe dixt, qui in aliqua civitate vivere 
Nota.  vult, is ●●ri alligatus est municipali: nequè ferendus est, si contra illud aget aut loquatur. Sic legimus quod patres in Concilio Niceno cum Arrianorum audirent dogma recitari, protenus ●oc explodendum s●n● ulla cognitione duxerunt. etc. Moses etiam in lege tales blasphemos precipit lapidari. Sic etiam ibi, indicta causa & in audita damnandi sunt, etc.  
Name tales generales articuli, recepti in tota Ecclesia satis auditi, satis sunt approbati. satis fir●ati per scripturam, per miracula, per sanguinem martyrum, per scripta & confessionem totius Eccles●ae. Nec vl●o modo ferendus est ullus sapien●ulus, qui illos revocare velit in dubium etc. & pag. 489. St T. Munceri audaciae, & Carolostadij conatibus cito esset itum obuiam, tunc cum in alienis Ecclesi●s & domibus, clanculum, & sine vocatione spargebant sua dogmata, minus publicarum calamitatum vidissemus. Now apply these, to his own course, and his own doctrine: and he must neads perish by his own breath; and by his own verdict against his antagonists, he doth draw an indictment against himself, against Muncer, against the Princes, and against all those that taik arms for religion against their sooverain Lords.  

TITULUS' SECUNDUS OF CALVINISM.  
I Will hear leave Germany, and launch 
of Caluin, and though wars in France.  out into an Ocean of as great miseries in France: and examine there, whether Caluinism doth prepare and dispose the hearts of that peopl to mere obedienc, humility, and patienc, than Lutheranisme ded. The first author and fownder of this sect was uld. Swinglius, (whose Followers Luther Called Sacramentaries, the french named them Huguenots:) but now they have their title and denomination from Caluin, (who as a Transcendent, haith overshadowed and obscured the glory and name of Swinglius; and is solely reverenced, as the Patriarch of Geneva, and the Architect, that framed all their state and discipline: and ordered all the motions of that Sphere, with much art and policy. For as Lutger was harsh, stern, and violent, neither using modesty nor good manners: so Caluin was more cautelous, of a more subtle spirit, and appeared at first to the world, in humility, and covered with the fox's skin. Luther was the original cause; but Caluin glorieth that he gave the perfection of all. So both of them wear glorious, both bred in the school of law and contention: both special friends to pleasure and the flesh, and neither of them commended much for piety or devotion.  
For the description of the life and conversation of Caluin; of his nature, behaviour, delicacy of diet, and physical epicurism: I refer you to one, that sat long by him to draw his picture, Vivis coloribus, Doctor Hierome Bols●k one that was used to feal his pulse, and know his humours.) A man not hired, nor corrupted to do that (as some without producing any proof have affirmed, and ●o without credit may as well be rejected.) Specially considering, that Frances Baldwin concurreth with him, both in the portraiture and coolors: who was a famous lawyer, one that lived with Caluin, and knew what blood was nourished in every vain of his body. The like was done by Florimond de Remond, a gentleman of quality, Claudius de Saints, and diverse others who have left us the lively image of Caluin, and of fine master Theodore Beza, who succeeded him in his chair and jurisdiction, like a virtuous man: a pastor usurping an other man's parish, and the husband of an other man's wife: ever further in love then charity, and of better disposition to show wit, than piety.  
And as I will not medl with their virtues and lives: so will I leave to the more learned there schoolpoynts and doctrine, intending only to deliver there seditious paradoxes, and demonstrate to the world, how much both there refined discipline and doctrine doth derogate from Royalty, and the sooverain authority of kings and princes: and how much it is more favourable to democracy and popularity, as more consonant to the advancement of there confisiorie and eldorship (whereby they have wrought much confusion, sedition and mischeafe.)  
I will begin with Caluin, who goeth slily to work, and by certan degrees; and not so bluntly, and rudely as Luther.  
1. First he labours to commend Aristocratia, and abase Monarchies: (only and secretly to prefer the reputation of his Consistory and Sanhedrim) l. 4. Cap. 20. v. 10. of his instit. non id quidem per se sed hominum vit●o And what is his reason? quia raris●me contingit reges sibt moderari: deinde tanto a●umine & prudentia instructos esse, ut unusquisque videat quantum satis est. So he maiks it, dainty, to find a wise and temperate king, and therefore he concludeth, facit ergo hominum def●ctus, ut ●u●ius ●it ac magis tollerabile, plures tenere guberna●ula Sc. the defects of Princes is the reason, that I hold it it more safe, and more tolerable, for many jointly, th●n for one absolutely to govern and command. Atque ut libenter fatear, nul●um esse gubernationis genus is●o faelicius. For when many govern, one supplies the defects of an other, both in counsel and justice. Thus with a politic reason, he Doth insinuate himself into the hearts of the people, to plain his way to the discipline he propounded. You may err in thinking this a trifle, and a scoolpoint: for he applied it to a further end. After the Geveuians had ejected there Bushop, who had the supremacy in that state, as his predecessors had long enjoyed it, since Frederic the first: then as Bodin noteth, their Monarchy was changed into a popular state yet governed Aristocratice:) and therefore Caluin confirmeth the peopl in that opinion, and giveth reasons to aproove that act, which was the first fruits of the gospel in that city.  
2. Having given this blow to a monarchy, (he forgets he was born at Noyon, and thinks himself safe at Geneva) to prevent that you might not object, that Princes have always grave and wise counsellors to advice and inspire them; and if they be weak them selves, to supply their defects He giveth this resolution, cap. 11. v. 26. upon Daniel. King's maick choice of such men for their counsellors, as can best fit their humours, and accommodate them sells to serve the appetites of their king, scilicet, in cruelty, and fallacians. So he maiks them rather worse then better, by having counsellors, and staineth the honour and reputation of a counsellor with a bleamish and scandal intolerable, as if kings wear neither better nor wiser by their counsel tables.  
3. But yet he goeth on a degree further, for before he gave the precedenc, by way of comparison, to Aristocratia, but now he both discrediteth and disgraceth Monarchies and Monarches. cap. 2. v. 39 upon Daniel. They are (saith he) out of their wits, quite void of sense and understanding, who desire to live in sooverain Monarchies. For it can not be, but that order and policy shall decay, where one man holds, so large an extent of Dominion.  
4. And to maik this bad proposition seam good, cap 5. v. 25. Kings (saith he) forget they are men, that is of the same mould, that others arr. They are called kings and Duke's Dei gratia. To what end serve these words? to show by their title, that they acknowledge no superior. And yet will they tread upon God with their feat, under that cloak. So it is but an abuse and disguisement, when they vaunt that they reign Dei gratia. Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchy? and a fine Deskant, upon Deigratia? Yet he goeth an further. c. 5. v. 21. King's maik ther boast that they reign Deigratia, yet they despise the Majesty of God. Voila, quelle est la rage & forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a general accusation: and to maik that good, he addeth this strength to it, It is common and ordinaire to all kings, to exclude God from the government of the world.  
Consider well that Caluin writ this, not as a Politician but as a Divine, and in his prime and master peace, his institutions: he delivers these daingerous positions in his sermon, to the people, and in his readings upon Daniel, not in private discourses: and as matters of discipline and doctrine to be generally believed: and so making a course against Nabugad nezzar, he run; the wild goose chase against all kings, and that rather out of plean, then out of his text. For to what end and pupose tend these speeches so scandalous, and derogatoire to princes? certain, to disgrace sceptres and sooveraines, both for folly and impiety.  
And because you shall see how well Caluin and Luther do symbolise in this point, that they speak one language, and both wear like coolors, and the same fashion. I will deliver unto you how Luther's opinion of thes points, agreeth with Caluins, These knaves, of the nobility, tyrants, tom. 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate, tyranni, etc. qui inducunt animum, ideo Deum nobis evangelium dedisse, eosque ex carcere ponti●icio expedivisse, ut possent ipsi avaritiae suae litare. And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse, & non ex aliqua parte latronem esse, aut non, aut vix possibile est, a Prince can not be, but a robber, and oppressor, & tom. 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum, paucos esse Christianos oportet. And tom. 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges, Dei hostes esse, eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi. Hoc ●psis à natura est insitum haec eorum proprietas. where it is worthy to be observed, 
Nota.  what an Antipathia there is betwean Royalty, and religion, by Luther's rules: and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyalty, by as good consequenc, (which is the main quaestion.) But procead. tom. 3. latin. fol 459 in psal. 45. Aulae principum, verè possunt dici, sedes & thronus diaboli, ubi tot sunt diaboli, quot ferè aulici. For such as the king is, such is the court like to be: and if the courts be the thrones, kings must be the Devils. Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistratu. Principes flagitiosissiminebulones. The reason he giveth, is this. Sunt enim Dei lictore●, & carnifices, quibus ira divina ad puniendos improbos, & ad conseruandam externam pacem utisolet, & fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus, nequè fidem, nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet. And then if kings and princes have neither honesty, truth nor justice, Quid ego principes doceam. & huiusmodi porcis scribam why should I write, and instruct such porck tom 3 fol. 149.  
Who can not discern how these two holy men jumped in unity, as led with the same spirit; (ayming bot-at one end, which is to nourish a deadly feud in all men's minds, against kings and crowns, that will not subscribe, to their superintendency, and Caluins Institutions. And that you might more evidently discern that, read c. 6. v. 25. upon Daniel. Saith he Darias by his exampl will condemn all those▪ who at this day profess them selves, either Catholic kings, or Christian kings, or defendors of the faith: and yet not only, they do deface and bury altrew piety and religion, but they corrup and deprave the whole worship of God. Hear is in dead work, for the Cowper; not by a Marprelat, but by a Mrs.. The most Christian king must be again new Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraiture of a reformed Catholic, drawn for the instruction of the most Catholic king; and a new private spirit, to direct the Catholic.  
The defender of the faith, bycaus he erreth in his faith; not having a saving and justifying faith; must have a new faith created, and inspiret into him, by this great Prophet And so by this new model, all the old religion in the church, and all the laws in the state concerning it, must be abolished. Thus presumed Caluin, to reform kings and government, and to build a new ark, to save and preserve the world, from an inundation of impiety, ignoranc, and irreligion; of whom I may truely say, plus quam regnare videtur, cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium. But of this, I shall more pertinently speak in the appendix. In the interim. Can a man sow more seditious seads, if he would seek to Cantonize a kingdom, into several circles, as they have done their french church? Yet shall you hear him preach, more like a Swisser; and Lutheranize, with the proper spirit of Luther. cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he toucheth kings to the quick; and describes, what kind of beasts they are, at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez, & brutaux: aussi semblablement, sont-ils comme les chevaux, & les asnes de beasts brutes. And he giveth this reason; because they honour and prefer most, their Bawds, and their vices. What a seditious declamation is this, against the title, and majesty of Gods anointed? Mark the age, and time, when Caluin writ this book: and note in that age what renowned kings, France had: Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what majesty wisdom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles? what state in Henry 8. of England, what hope in Edward, what virtue in Marie for Scotland, james the 5. reigned, and two such Maries, as at worthy to be Canonised. And for Castill and Portugal, there kings never flourished more, for government, greatness, encreas of state, discoveries of a new world, peac, and plenty. Then what was his meaning, to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid, and brutish? Surely to bread and nourish, a contempt of hangs; and to induce the people, that live in free states, to despise and hate them; and conninglie to seduce them that live in kingdoms, to be sorry for their yoke and servitude: to shake of their fetters, and purchase their liberty (Specially for religion). for at that he aimed most (the propagation of his doctrine): and he knew, well, that in popular estates he might prevail stronglier, and with bette hope of success, for all his religion is popularity, and pleasing,) and as Swinglius found he could not induce Frances the first, to applaud him: So by the exampl of Henry the second, Caluin ded perceive that kings, and Deigratia, wear blocks in his way. And therefore to remove them, that they might not impeach the course and current of his preachings, and proceeding C. 6. v. 22. he speaks in a tune full of sharpes, and menaces. Abdicant se potestate, terreni principes, dum insurgunt contra Deum: imo indigni sunt, qui cons●antur●● hominum numero. Potius ergo conspuere oportet, in illorum capita, quam il●is parere, ubi sic proteruiunt ut vel●nt sp●liare Deum ●uo ●●re. What a learned homely is this, to teach subjects obedienc? join all these good instructions together, and so shall you best interpret and explain one by an other. D. Bilson in his book of Christian subjection, taketh pains to expownd and wrist Caluins words; and to save his credit, sets the berst coolors on them he could. I. Caluin (saith he) in this place, Speaks not a word of depriving princes, or resisting them with arms: but only showeth, that Daniel deed rightly defend himself, for not obeying the kings wicked edict, joined with the dishonour of god Secondly by Abdicant se, he means not they loose their crowns, but that they lose their power, to command in thes things: but in lawful things, they retain their power. 3. For the phrase conspuerè, it seams something hard; yet the comparison so standing as he maiks it (whether it wear better, to contemn there impious edicts, or to obey them:) Caluin urgeth it in vehement words. And this is far from Rebellion. An other excuseth it, that it was spoken comparative, not rebelliously: that is if the king should contradict Gods la. A poor shift: but he sets not down, who should be judge of that, betwean God and the king. And so it is nihil ad rem. I answer to the first, it is idle and impertinent: what if he use not these words of deprivation and resistanc? (for then had he erred too palpably:) are therefore the other words he useth, excusable? For daniel's right full defence, it is not pertinent to the quaestion, D. Allen maid. Besides what, was daniel's defence, what arms took he? All with out contemps of the king: humility prayer, and patienc. Not after the Geneva fashion so bravely, as to spit in Nabugodonosors' face; nor alleging that he was not worthy to live among men.  
And for the second, by (abdicantses) what means he, that kings do lose? not their Crowns, but only power to command. let us speak plain English, without halting. You confess, the king looseth his authority and sooverain power, to command (and you add obscurlie in thes things.) You mean, in matters of religion, for so it is to be understood, though you cast a cloak over the words, and cover the matter. Then I, desire to know, what is a king's crown without power to command? He that teacheth, they lose there royal power, doth he not mean, they forfeit it? and if they do forfeit it, who is though challenge and taik the forfeiture, of a crown? but by such lectures, doth not Caluin stir up and arm against the king his traitorous subjects, if they revolt from their obedienc, for religion? Is not that, the ground of all the combustion, and civil wars in France? Yea, but in other things lawful, (you say) kings retain their power. First these are master Bilsons' words, not Caluins: for they contradict Caluin, whose proposition is indefinite, abdicant se potestate, they lose and forfeit all their authority and power: absolutely, not after a sort: and in all things, not in some particular: and for altogether not for a time (for when kings are dispossessed they seldom recover their hold again.) Besides, what court, or what magistrates are fit to hear and determine where in kings may lose their power, and whearin not? and to decide and judge the difference, betwean these unlawful matters you speak of and the lawful: though Caluins' words import no restriction, at all The which doth plainly appear by his harsh phrase (as you term it) of spitting in their faces: that is, as you interpret, to defy them to their faces, to contemn them, and their acts. But this you say is far from rebellion: true, and yet nothing to the purpose. For rebellion is but one species of Treason, and therefore though he teach not rebellion, he may teach treason. And so you help him litl. Labour to extenuate the words as much, as you can: and yet, will they be really heinous and seditious. For he that, hould●th a king is not worthy to be or live in hominu● numero, doth he not as it wear eiect and excommunicate him, from all government, and confyne and censure him to live with beasts as Nabugodonosor ded. If you teach, that insurgunt contra Deum, do you not maik him hateful for his impiety?  
But to conclude, this you grand in effect to be his meaning. That if the king threaten Daniel, except he worship the Idolle: or if the king of France seek to compel his subjects, to obey his law, and communicate, at the altar of the church: then abdicat se potestate; the king ought to lose obedienc: subjects are not bound to obey him, (but rather to spit in his face, which is a contempt in the highest degree, (and that was the cawse, why Doctor Allen ded object that against Caluin, as seditious doctrine.  
Besides, he maid his own quarrel, God's quarrel: the defence of Caluinism, as the defence of religion: and so embroiled the king and the kingdom, in perpetual quarrel, for his doctrine.  
But D. Bilson, ded know, or might have known: that seditious doctrines, wear not so dainty at Geneva. For in hatred of the three Q. Maries, of England and Scotland, he set abroach and defended that poison and factious doctrine of Gunocratia: and by his inspiration, knox and Goodman, ded publish their books, against their lawful princes.  
Besides, look upon the story of Scotland, printed by Wautroller. p. 213. and you shall find, that knox for an Apology of his practices, alleged Caluins' authority, That it is lawful for subjects, to reform religion when princes will not.  
But Caluins' opinion of that point, may be more manifestly proved, by the practice of his darling master Beza: who sowndlie deed understand his doctrine and ded bravely second him in all his platts. In the preface to the new testament: dedicated to Queen Elizabeth. 1564. he used these words. Quo die, scilicet (19 december.) ante biennium, Galiica nobilitas, (illustrimo Principe Condaeo Deuce,) tuis, & illustrissimorum quorundam Germantae principum, subsidijs freta: non procul urbe Druidum fortissime praeliata: prima restunendae in Gallijs Christianae religionis fundamenta, sanguine suo, faeliciter consecrarunt. So then hear is both resisting with arms: and defijng their king, in the face of his army: and this I hope master Bilson, will confess to be rebellion. And this act, which others would shadow, Beza justifieth so boldly: that in the same place, (commending the good services at Meaux and Orleans, and that famous battle of Dreux, whearin he was a principal, not an accessory, he addeth, Id quod eo liberius testor, quod istis tum Concilijs, tum etiam plerisque rebus, quando ita Deo visum est▪ interfui. To that place, (objected to the Caluinists, as an argument to convinc them of seditious, both doctrine and practices) master Bilson showeth much care, and study, to answer.  
1. That battle, (saith he which Beza speaketh of are Dreux, was neither against the laws, nor the king.  
2. They took not arms to deprive the king, or annoy the realm, but to save themself, from the oppression of one, that abused the king's youth.  
3. The Duke of Guise, hating the nobles of France (himself being a stranger,) and to tread down the professors of religion, that he might strengthen himself, to taik the crown, if aught should fall to the king (being under years) or to his line: armed himself to the feald, etc.  
4. The nobles of France, perceauing his malice, and his injustice, with private violenc to murder so many innocents: gathered forces together to keep there own lives, from the fury of the blood sucker. And in that case, if they repel force, what have you to say against that?  
6. For the king's consent, he was young and in the Guise's hands; therefore his consent, was nothing worth (that a subject should do execution by the sword, upon his peopl, without order of justice.) The king had neither age to discern it, nor freedom to deny it, nor law to decree it.  
5. We know not the laws of that land, nor the circumstanc of these warts?  
7. Lastlie. Beza, saith he, alloweth, and exhorteth obedienc to magistrates. Libro confess. fidei. cap. 5. §. 45. in these words. Quod autem attinet ad privatos homines, tenere illos oportet, plurimum mter se differre, iniuriam infer, & pati iniuriam. Iniuriam pati nostrum est, sic precipiente Deo, cum nobis illam viarcere non licet, ex nostrae vocationis prascripto, etc. neque aliud ullum remedium proponitur privatis hominibus tyranno subicclis, prater vitae emendationem, preces & lachrimas.  
At large, I seth down his Apology for Beza, and the reasons: both by cause D. Bilson, was at that time, a man selected and chosen to be the champion of that great cause; and his book was published with so great applause, as if he had battered down the seminaries of Room and Dovay.  
Touching the first point, he is confident, that the battle of Dreux, was neither against the law, nor the king: and yet in the 5. he corrects and contradicts himself, confessing that he knows not the laws of the land, nor the circumstanc of the war. So you see this great Doctor had a conscience: to affirm the certainty of a matter, whareof he had not scienc. And so I might leave him bet, with his own weapon. But was that battle neither against law, nor prince? assuredly against both, as you shall find by the laws of Charles the VIII. 1487. and of Frances the first 1532. and of Frances the 2. at Fountainbleau 1560. the which laws, I shall have occasion more fitly to plead, in the case of Rochel and Montauban, in this discourse.  
But how doth D. Bilson, prove that the battle of Dreux was not against the king? Because, the 1. Duke of Guise, ded cause that battle, and 2. armed himself into the feald, in hate of the nobles; 3. himself being a stranger: and 4. the king being in his hands? It seams this man was not well instructed, or that his wise patron had not leisure to peruse and examine it: he tells so many untruths together. First it is certan, that battle was not in king Frances his time, but in the reign of Charles the nine; and after the death of king Frances, all men know, (that wear acquainted with the proceedings of that time) that the house of Guise ded bear no sway in the court: the Duke was maid a stranger to the state, his wings wear clipped; the Queen mother, the king of Navarre, and the constable sat at the stern and guided all. And so the king was not in Guines hands (as he surmised). And in that battle, the constable was the cheafe commander; he and the Marshal of S. Andrews', wear the king livetennants, and had the king's authority and sufficient commission to warrant their actions. The Duke of Guise led the Areargard; and though it was his fortune to stand master of the feald, and win the glory of the day: yet had he not any charge at that batl, but of his own companies. And so he faileth in 
Not. See M. Ma●uisser in his commentaries, and, M. Lanow, in his discourses.  the very growndwork of his answer.  
And where he saith, that the protestant Princes took arms, only to save them selves from their oppression by Mr. de Guise? it is a blind reason, for a clear cawse. For if that only had bean their reason: when they see the Constable, marching in the vanguard (whom none of them could accuse to have abused the king's yowth, or sought their oppression): why ded they not then, lay down their arms, and departed the feald? and if it had bean only, to defend them selves; why ded they not stay at Orleans, or some other nests of rebellion, till they had bean assulted; rather then to affront and assail the king's army? Why ded they set upon the Constable, the king's Vicegerent, and the the honour of the Admiral's house, (and the Admiral's kinsman and great friend, when he was prisoner at Melun for his religion, by commandment of Henry II.) If their end had bean only to save them selves, from the Duke of Guise; why ded they fight with the Constable? No, this is, bus a mask; for Beza hym selves, plainly confesseth, that the feald was fought, for this end, with their blood to restore religion.  
And where as he inveigheth so hotelie, against the Duke of Guise, that he was a stranger in France: it seams he knew not, that the Duke was descended of the line and brainch of Charlemaigne, (who was no stranger in France?) or that he himself was a pear of France: that he was cousin Germane to the Prince of Condie; or that his mother was Anthonette de Bourbon: and that his predecessors, had long enjoyed office and honour, in the court of France. Neither peradventure had he hard, of the great services done by him, at Rome, at Mets, at Verdun, at Theonuille, and Calais (when all France was in Mourning and distress, after the Admiral had lost S. Quintin's. (But that dream, that the Duke of Guise aspired to the Crown, (if the king and his issue fail:) is to be pitied rather then answered: a fable (taken out of the legend of Lorraine,) and the other libels of that tyme. Weigh and examine it, and see the levity of folly. The king was young: his brothers younger: there mother living; the king of Navarre, there trusty and noble friend (and a brazen gate, betwean Guise and the crown:) and the nobility of France, as he saith, maid an association against the house of Guise. Then was it not likely?  
Now it being apparently falls, that the kings was in the hands, and power of the Guises, I come to the proposition, that the king had neither age to discern it, nor freedom to deny it, nor laws to decree it: it resteth to examine that proposition, that the king's consent, authorising that army at Dreux was nothing worth, because he was not of age, nor at liberty.  
What if the king had not age, to discern it? was it therefore without warrant or law? A king haveth two bodies: his body Politic, as it never dyeth: so is it never defective of authority and direction. The acts of the body politic, be not abated by the natural body's access: the body politic is not disabled to rule and govern by the nonage of the natural, see 26. lib. assis. placit. 24. where by justice Thorps' judgement, the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage, nor shall not embleamish the body. In the book of ass. see the case, tit. droyt. plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writ of right brought by E. III. of a manor, as heir to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted. For if the body natural die; yet the body politic (which magnisieth the natural body,) is not said to die. So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy maid by E. 6. all the judges resolved, they wear good, though the king was in his minority. For the body politic extolleth the natural, and altereth the quality of it. And so though the king's body natural in his minority can not discern and judge: yet that disableth not a king, that the acts of his minority, ordered by his counsel, and by the Regent, should be of no validity. Nay, your own Hottoman, in his Francogallia, will teach you an other lesson, (though he was beza's trusty Achates.) Resolume; would any counsellor like it well, if a Catholic in England should affirm, (as he might more truely) that the change and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable, having not age, to discern it; nor freedom to deny it, (being in the hands of the protector and Northumberland: nor laws to decree it, (till by his uncls' authority and greatness, new laws wear enacted for it.) If you approve not this: why do you disprove the same in k. Charles IX. of France? was the age of the one, a bar in law, and not the others? or was the one, an absolute king, and not the other? or was k. Edward's consent, sufficient to authorize his uncls do in spiritual matters: and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth, to authorize the Constable and his army, to pursue, his rebels?  
Now concerning the last point, touching Beza his opinion: I must turn that Canon against himself; for if Beza said truely, iniuriam pati nostrum est: nobis vim viarcere, non licet: if it be certan, nullum remedium proponitur privatis hominibus, tyranno subjects, praeter vitae ●mendationem, etc. then surely, master Bilson is betrayed by him, he seaks to defend: and Beza betrayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie, to draw them into the plains of Dreux against the king, to fight for their religion: when vim viarcere non licet.  
I will not stand to refel that opinion and error of D. Bilson, that the Prince of Condie ded not own simple subjection, to the king of France, but respective homage, and so was not merely a subject: because it showeth a palpabl ignoranc of the laws and customs of France: and besides that could not excuse the Admiral, who at all could not plead any such protection, or allege any such prerogative. For if H. 2. might commit him, to prison lawfully: Charles the 9 as lawfully might cut of his head. But forasmuch as beza's sentenc, is coninglie used, and cast as a mist to blind the eyes of the reader: I will disperse the mist, and let you see what kind a man he was in his proper humour, and in puris naturalibus.  
Read his positions, and Catechism of sedition, (the practice of his piety) the book called, Vindicie contra tyrannos; where he acts the part of junius Brutus, a noble Roman, (but the suppressor and enemy of kings.) First (pag. 15.) he propownds this question: if subjects be bound to obey their kings, when they command against God's law? and then pag. 22. he resolveth, we must obey kings for God's cause, when they obey God. And pag. 24. as the wassail looseth his fief, (his lordship) if he commit felony: so the king looseth his right, and his realm also. And above all other, this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracy is good or ill as the end is, at which it aimeth. which is a most wicked Maxim, fit to mantain Ravillac, or Poltrot, or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys. Yet this pag. 66. goeth a degree further. The Magistrates, and one part of the realm, may resist the king being an Idolater: as Lobna revolted from joram, for forsaking God. Doth not this strongly patronise the battle of Dreux? doth it not teach subjects, to rebel, and to plead, sic dicit Dominus, for their defence? but note well how finely, he fortifieth this axiom. pag. 132. The government of the kingdom, is not given to the king alone: but also to the officers of the Realm. And again, pag. 103. France, spain, and England, are customarily consecrated, and as it wear put in possession of their charge, by the states, pears, and Lords, (which present the people.) And p. 199. there is a stipulation in kingdoms hereditary. As in France, when the king is Crowned. The Bushops of Beawois and Laon, ask the people, if they desire and command, this man, shall be king. And what then? surely it is no argument that the people, choose him. It is an acceptation, no election: and a declaration, only of their submission, obedienc and fidelity, as you may evidently perceive, by Frances Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies, at the coronation. When was there ever an assembly of the states, to elect, or consecrate a king of France? the kings, never count the time of their reign, from the day of their consecration, but of their entrance: and Charles the. 7. (Gaguin and Giles can witness,) was nether crowned nor sacred in eight years, after he begonn his reign. And for the Pears? what think you, that they are as Ephori. No they are pares inter se, not companions to the king. They are not states, as in Holland, to rule and direct all affairs: for in France and England all authority depends upon the kings; and if they wear his consorts, they wear not his inferiors. What is the state, but the authority of the Prince? who only, by his letters patents createth the pears, disposeth all Offices, giveth all honours, receiveth all homages, (as the sole fountain, from whenc springeth nobility and authority:) and he that either would restrain that sooveraintie, or communicate it with others; maketh no differenc of the Crown of a kinst, and the la Beretta of the Duke of Venice. Many such like rules, and positions, haith he published fit introduction, for Anarchy, and mutinies: most of them false, and all wicked: vails only to cover the face and name of treason, that it might not appear, in his proper and ugly shape.  
I might hear travail and weary you, with as Good stuff out of the book de iure Magistratus, (a bird of the same nest, for if it wear not Bezas, as many think, It was Ottomans his Camerado.) But I will leave them both, for they touch the string of sooveraintie with too rough a hand: nay rather they strain to breack it, when they teach so gross treasons, that the states are above the king; that the body is above the head (a monstrous doctrine: as if any man could (with judgement) maik a quaestion, whether the people should be directed and commanded by the master or the man; by the subject, or the sooverain: by the Princ of Condie and the Admiral, or by king Charles. and king Philip had reason to cut of the head of the justice of Arragon: and to teach the people, what was the true meaning, of nos qui podemos tanto, come vos, etc. All which paradoxes, it wear easy to refel: but that I have undertaken only, to discover, not to combat and encounter them: and because they are learnedly and religiously confuted all ready, by Barkla●e, Bauricau, and Blackwood.  
Only by the way, I must inform you; that they deal politicly and conninglie, and profess not openly and bluntly, to have any liking, to change the state, and depose, or overrule kings. But artificially they manage all. First to bread a dislike of Monarches; then to show the inconvenienc, to depend upon the edicts of one man: then may they much the better, magnify the authority of magistrates, by whom they might reform idolatry; and why the Creatures of a king suppress the creator of their power. And yet, be sure, the Consistories and elders mun rule all: and be judges, both of the clergy, laws counsel, and king. They be the Rabbins, that out of their Sanhedrim, must govern both church, and kingdom, by the Oracles of Geneva.  
I may not forget, how vureverentlie Eusebius Philadelphus', (Sc. Mr. T. Beza) used king Charles in his book of Reveille matmattin: (where usually he calls the king Tyrant: and maiks his Anagramme Chasscur des●oyal. Read his rhymes, and scandalous reproaches against the Q. moother-Peruse the 40. Articles recorded in that book, for the better advancing of seditious government. As art. 25. that all cheaves and Generals, must observe there, ecclesiastical discipline, ordained by the Synods. And art. 40. they are bound never to disarm, so long as religion is pursued, (persecuted by the king, he meaneth.) So much patienc, have these Saints: that seaking to reform all others, can not reform there own affections But if you peruse the 14. and 15. art. you shall discern the bravery of their irregular passions, intending thereby only to overthrew the king, and the family of Valois.  
These wear the holy articles of Bearn 1574. coined with his stamp, and communicated at Millun to all their Mosques, that they might he more strongly maik war (as they Said) against their enemies, till it pleased God to turn the hart of the French tyrant. Thus, ad gustum populi, principatus exigitur. At the same time, was framed, and dispersed abroad, the life of Katherine de Medicis, Francogallia, the Toxsan of Massacreurs, and the Legent of Lorraine. (For that honour the house of Guise haveth long had: that no man professed himself, an enemy to the church: but he was likewise, at deadly feud with them.)  
Hear I might taik up; and stay you no longer, with the description of their virtues and loyalty: but that I desire to present unto you, what opinion the grave and learned men of the church of England; and others also of gread judgement, have dad had of these Evangelists of Geneva.  
1. Doctor Sutclif, in his answer to a libel supplicatory p. 194. confesseth that the protestants of the french church, taught for 30. years violent reformation of religion, by the nobility, people, and private people.  
2. And in an other place, Beza (saith he) in his book de iure Magistratus, doth arm the subjects against the Prince and he saith, that book overthroweth in effect, all the authority of Christian kings, and Magistrates; and for the book of Vindinciae contra tyrannos, which many affirm to be Bezas, or Ottomans: It gives power (saith he) to subjects, not only to resist but to kill the Prince, if he impugn gods religion.  
3. The same is also averred, by the late Archbush. D. Bancroft, (in his book of the Survey of discipline:) a man, who exactly had learned, examined, and observed their courses, and positions, and the great danger growing to the state, by the ministers either Scotising, or Genevating, (for so he terms them.) And the book of daingerous positions, pag. 192. doth demonstrate also the same.  
To these I may add the judgement, of that famous Lawyer, Frances Baldwin, (who had familiarly conversed, with Caluin at Geneva:) in his book, called Responsio altera, ad johannem Calumum, Paris. 1562. pag. 74. Mirabar, quorsum evaderet inflammatus tuus quidam apostolus, (Sc. m. Theodore) qui cum hic concionaretur suis auditoribus, commendabat vehementer, extraordinarium illud exemplum Levitarum, sirictis gladijs per casira discurrentium: & obuios quosque idololatras, trucidantium. Sed nunc audio, te vix contentum esse ●alibus Leu●is▪ And, pag. 128. I eviora (saith he) sunt illa, cum statuis & sepulchris, & ossibus principum ac martyrum, barbarum bellum indictum videmus: cum civitates occupari, fana spoliari audimus, etc. But what nead I labour to prove that Beza, and his followers, have caused all these uproars, and commotions in France: when he him serf Epistola 40. Christopher Thretio, confesseth, that they must fight it out. Ego quidem pacem nullam, nisi debellatis hostibus, ausim sperare. If you ask, who wear these enemies? he answers, Cacolycorum castra trans Ligerim sunt. Thereby he means, the Catholics and the king's army. And a litl before, ab eo tempore. nostri (copiss foelicis●ime instauratis) Tolo●anum agrum infestarum; Ind ad Rhodanum usque progres●i, occupatis aliquot passim oppidis & arcibus, in quibus praesidium reliquerunt. So they spoiled the country, disturbed the peace, surprised the king's towns, fortified, and oppugned the king's forces: and yet these men, Beza alloweth, and encoorageth. Thereby you see, how apt this holy man was, to ruffle in the world. But this seams to be morbus in natus in the Sacramentaries; and that malus coruus malum owm: for Swinglius (the grand father of them all tom. 1. art. 42. Reges (saith he) quando perfidè, & extra regulam Christi egerint, possunt cum Deo deponi. In defence of this Principle, D. Bilson, auswereth; first more wisely and with discreation, I undertaiknot (saith he) to defend each several man's opinion (though Swinglius was not every man; being the fownder and principal author of that sect.) secondly saith he, they may be deposed, when they advanc ungodlienes, as Saul was. Tirdlie, Swinglius showeth the cause, why magistrates may be displaced: but he gives no private man leave to draw the sword, or offer violenc, to any princ, (though a tyrant.) And fourth (saith he) Swinglius speaketh of princes elected, not successive and absolute: and yet he speaks of them also in that article, but allows no force to be used against them. Is not hear two contradictories, in one sentenc? Transeat cum reliquis erroribus. But answer this, if they may be deposed as Sawl was; who is to depose them hear is no Samuel, nor any prophet. May the people? no saith he (blushing as ashamed of the grossness) no private man: is it then a secret reserved to the Eldors? no neither. Swinglius himself, deals plainlier, and art. 42. and 43. he expresseth his own meaning. Cum suffragijs, & consensu totius aut maiori partis, multitudinis, tyrannus tollitur fit Deo auspice. Hear is no exception, elective and successive, are both concluded: and the people, have the sword put into there hands. And to maik, it more olaynne; see his epistl Conrado Sonnio l. 4. pag. 868. Permittendum est Caesari, officium debitum (but conditionally) si modo fidem nobis permittat illibatam. Si nos illud negligentes patimur, negatae religionis rei erimus. So this, factious minister taiks upon him to determine, whether and upon what terms Caesar shall hold his place, or be deposed. Gently, they will obey Caesar, if Caesar will be advised and directed by them: other wise what is their course, they will taik with him? l. 4. Epist. fol. 196. add Vlmenses. Monet eos, ut coram auditoribus suis, sensim incipiant detrahere personam imperio Romano. Quomodo, stultum sit, agnoscere hoc imperium in Germania, quod non agnoscitur Romae, unde nomen habet? Was not this Caluins course, for Monarchies? the very same. But hear him further. Nimis amantes estis rei Romanae; quid Germaniae cum Roma? sed prudenter & paulatim agenda sunt huiusmodi, atque cum paucis, quibus credere possis, quod ardua sunt. Note, how this Swiz labours to undermine the empire, and blow it up with his breath: and what traitorous and seditious counsel, he gives for their liberty. Sensim & paulatim, not openly and grosslie, nor all at once: & coram adiutoribus; it is doctrine for a pulpit, a sermon to the people (who are likest too applawd it.) And how? incipiant detrahere personam imperio Romano, what have they to do with Room, or Room with them? This man speaks naturally in his own language, and by him the princes of Europe may see, what they are to expect of these reformers, when they are armed with power.  
Now, as I have declared, the principles, and Aphorisms of the great Triumuirat of the french Church, Swinglius, Caluin, and Beza; the tribunes of the people, and the boute-feux, and ringleaders of rebellion, (whom our learned Doctor of Oxf. would gladly have defended.) So it shall appear ex effectis, that Geneva is the school of rebellion, and the seminary of all the civil wars in France. Neither will I blot their names with any false aspersions: for as their practice is the best Commentary of their positions, and writings: so it is the best trial of their loyalty: and can give in best evidenc, whether they be (as they would seam to be) good Patriots, and true subjects.  
First therefore, call to mind, both their beginning; there proceeding; and there continuanc, to this tyme. And in all these, three things are specially to be observed, 1. there many conspiracies, 2. there many and great battles against the king and his officers, 3. and the horrible owtrages, and attempts, both incomperable for cruelty, and incredible for disloyalty.  
I will begin with Amboys, (where they 
The Conspiracy of Amboys.  began to act the first Scene of their Tragedies. And thereof I will deliver, a true and breafe Narration.  
At the assembly of Nantes 1560. Certan of the Caluinists conspired to Seize the king's person, and surprise the court: and to apprehend and indite the two principal of the Guises, for seaking to invade and possess the crown, to ruin the princes of the blood, and to suppress and banish religion. Which was  great deliberation concluded in januarie, to be executed at Bloys, the 10. of March after. The cheafe of this conspiracy, was Godfrey de Barry called de Renaudie, (who maid the Prince of Condy partaker of his counsel, and acquainted with their platt; which he disliked not, if it might be performed by form of law.) This was straingelie discovered, first by the Cardinal of Lorrains' secretary; and after by the advertisement of Cardinal Grawellan.  
And thereupon by good advice, the king soodainlie removed to Amboyse, and so disappointed the conspirators, both of the time and place. And by that means, the forces levied and appointed for that service, wandered up and down, without head and direction: and so the Duke of Nemours, with the troupes he had, apprehended many of them, and among the rest, the Baron of Castelnau: and Monsieur de Pardillan, slay Renaudie, the general: and diverse others wear executed. And the Duke of Guise, providently took order for the safety of the king and the court: and so assured himself of the person of the Prince of Conde, that he had 
See the commentaries of M Mic. Castelnau.  not power, to attempt any thing to their prejudice: and yet afterward, he was committed and condemned to lose his head: but enlarged by Charles the ninth, and for politic reasons, acquitted and declared Innocent. And this was the first act, pretended by the Caluinists, to be done, for religion, & bonum publicum.  
The like was after put in practice, against 
1. The conspiracy of Meaux.  Charles the IX. at Meaulx, 1567. the which the king happily escaped, by the aid and noble service, of the Duke of Nemours and the Swissers. There purpose was, to have possessed them selves of the king's person, and of the Duke of Anjou, and to have slain the Queen mother, (but by recovering Paris, they wear all saved:) and the Cardinal of Lorraine, (whom they principally desired to entrap) was forced to fly speadilie, and secretly, to Reams, for his safeguard, (where not long after he Died.)  
I omit the practices, at S.  in 
2. S. .  Say, against both the king, and Queen mother: which was so manifestly discovered, that Mole and Coconas lost their heads for it. And the error in the ill managing of 
Comment M. Castelnau.  that matter, (so many heads and hands being in it) bred the occasion of great trowbles.  
Further more, to inform you of their 
3. Battles.  open and actual rebellion, whearin they sought by the sword in their hands, to compel the king, to Pacification. Remember first that furious and memorable battle, upon the plains of Dreux; the battle of S. Denis; the battle of jarnac; the battle of Coutras: the battle of Moncontour: and the beseaging of Roan, (where the king of Navarre lost his life. At S. Denis the Constable was slain: and at jarnac the Prince of Conde: and at Coutras the noble Duke of joyeuse, ended his Days. The fealdes are yet stained: France was let blood too prodigally, and straingers wear brought in as surgeons, to launch the wounds of it (which have left behing them greater cause of lamentation, than remembrance.)  
And for that of Moncontour, where the Admiral stood alone, as the sole Champion of the Reformed churches the Missa-Pulta deed testify, what there principal quarrel was; which by beza's devise was advanced, as a Basilisk, to beat down the Royal standard of France, and the Labarum and cross of Constantine.  
Touching the Owtrages, and assassinates committed by these holy fathers, and their disciples (who are said, to be so innocent, for blood and murder.) Poltrot shall have the first place in the Calendar, (for killing the Duke of Guise the king's Lieutenant General, in so horrible manner.) who confessed before the Queen Mother, that Beza had Catechised, and encooraged him, to that heroic all action.  
2. Remember also how the protestants, in Valentia, used Seigneur de la Motte-Gondrin (the king's Lieutenant in Dauphin,) who promised them not to bring in the gendarmery to force them: if they would live peacablie with the Catholics. But they assembled their forces, surprised and hanged him up in cold blood, both in contempt of the king, and scorn of his office. (A villainy not tolerable in any common wealth, specially, when such toleration and connivenc, was offered, and with so much favour.  
3. But greater and more inexcusable, was the enterprise of Simon may: who was induced by the same spirit, and out of the same school, to kill the Queen mother, and Henry the third. But his purpose was discovered, and he was taken, and executed. And this fact, can not be excused nor shifted of by any coolors. For he confessed it, and accused, Seigneur de la Tour, and Monsieur d'Auantigny (two gentlemen of good parentage, and birds of one feather,) to have bean his counsellors, and abettors. Who both wear apprehended: and yet afterward released by his Majesty. (not willing to search too deep, into that wound; either for the men, or the matter.)  
4. Yet this ded not satisfy them; they seized and took possession of the king's rents, and revenues: they coined money: they surprised the cheaf cities of the realm, Orleans, Troyes, Poitiers. Tours etc. and put in garrison, and governors, of there own choosing, and for their own ends: and delivered one of the keys of France, into the custody, and government of foreigners. all which being done, with out the king's commission: proved plainly, that they usurped upon the crown, the cheafe prerogatives of sovereignty.  
5. Lastlie and most tirannicallie: Nicolas Froumenteau (a minister of the new edition) confesseth (l. des finances de france:) that in Dauphin only, the army of the Huguenots, killed 265. preasts 112. monks and friars, and burnt 900. towns, and villages. And yet, both the Caluinists, and others, tell such a pittiefull tale of the massacre at Vassy, by the Duke of Guise: as if no cruelty had ever bean comparable to that: which how small a matter, how far from the liking and consent of the Duke it was; when you hear it declared by Monsieur de Chasteau neuf in his commentaries, you will say, Parturiunt montes. It was a toy, and trifle in respect, of these crewelties, or of that at Montbrison, that of Mornas in Dauphin, and many other places. I will not tire you, with stories and discourse of the calamities of the church in France: where those that justly deserved, and unjustly complained against persecution; ded persecute their neighbours most unjustly and tyrannically. Let the 
Monsieur Arnold, le Reveille Matt. in Francoys.  world judge it by this: In these civil wars, 20. thousand churches, wear destroyed by the Protestants: and yet these man wear born (they say) to edify the church, Is it not likely? Mahomet could do no more, but plant his doctrine, and establish his Koran by his sword as they do. Now let them that are most partial, consider, (for though I commend no fact of cruelty I may excuse it.) the Admiral being the principal mover and instrument of all these perpetual motions: who can justly blame king Charles, by a mean extra ordinary, to cut of such an extra ordinary member: rather than so pestilent agangrene, should corrupt the whole body, and endainger the head? he, who now in france, as the petty king of a new common wealth, ruled the peopl (revolted from their sooverain:) maintained war against the crown, solicited and called in the aid of straingers (upon false and disavowed pretences:) he who levied contributions, exacted tributs, coined money, seized the king's revenues, invaded his towns, waved all laws, what title or what punishment do you think his offenc deserveth? for he that usurpeth the regalities, either seeketh to wear the Crown, or command it. And bycaws he was proclaimed traitor, 1569 I may call his offenc, treason.  
But per adventure, you may dream, ●hat this age is a refynor of all former errors ●nd transgressions: and that now there is more civil and charitable proceading by the Huguenots. There for I will represent breaflie unto you, the true state and condition, of the reformed churches, in France, at this time 1621.  
I pass over, the infinite troubles, labour, and charges, that king Lewes was forced to bear and endure, all that summer and winter: I omit the garboils at Toures: and the practice of the Rochellers, to put in 6000. men into Saumur; thereby to cut out sufficient work for the army therabowt, and so hinder their march to Montauban. I will not delate, nor discourse upon the revolt and disloyal practices at Gergeau (who stood out, against the Count S. Paul, governor of the province of Orleans: as Sancerre ded, against the Prince of Conde.)  
I will not exaggerate, the treacheries and conspiracies of Vattevile, in Normandy (plainly proved, by his papers and instructions intercepted:) whearupon the Duke of Longueville, was constrained to disarm them of deep, Rouen and Caen, to prevent the danger, if they should join with Vattevil. But I will begin with S. john d'Angely; which held out, and refused submission long, (the king, being there in person:) and though Monsieur de Soubize was summoned to render the town, or stand to the peril and attaint of treason, yet they ded hold out and defend it, so long as there remained any hope.  
How was his Majesty defied and despised, at Montauban where he continued at the siege a long time, with noble, and most expert soldiers, not with out the death and loss, of many gallants, and men of good desert and service (specially the two brothers, the Duke de Main, and Marquis Villars, who wear generally lamented.) Yet the Consuls would not yield, the commons wear obstinate: and so the king by good advice raised the siege. And after his departure, the Insolent Burghers, led (as in a triumph) all the Clergy of the town, with scorn full indignities. And the Huguenots in Montpellier and Languedock, deprived Monsieur Chastillon from all governemens, by sentenc of the consistory, and razed 36 churches.  
Now as these reformers usurp upon the Royalties of the king: so are they as bold with the inheritanc of private Lords, when it may serve their turns. They would not suffer, the Viscount Lestrainge, to enjoy his lordship of Privas, because he was a Catholic: and they put him out of his own castle of Lake (whereof the Marshal Memorancie put him in possession,) and gave it to Buson (one of their fraternity) as belonging to him: though it was none of the towns of Assuranc, comprised in the list at Brewet 1598. Neither would these good men, permit the king's justices (being delegated thither, to compound the controversies) either to hear mass, or have any use of their religion.  
What society, what common wealth can stand and continue, if this Anarchy stand and bear such sway? If by pretenc of religion, they may disseise the right owner: and hold what they can compass, for the use and assuranc of their confederates?  
But why do they riot, and rage thus? what cause have they, to run such desperate and disobedient courses? the king is graciously content, they should quietly and safely use and exercise there own religion: yet this contents, them not; they will not demean them selves, quietly nor converse peaceable with the Catholics: nor obey the king's laws, in temporal affairs. you can neither dowbt, nor be ignorant of this.  
For ded not the king assure them, at S. john d'Angely, that he would protect all of the reformed religion, that would obey him, and observe his edicts? ded he not both promise and perform the like to St Malloret, deputy of the assembly of base Given? ded he not the like, to the Duke of Tremoville (sonn in law, to Monsieur de Bovillon) who came to that siege, tendered his service, and protested his obedienc to his majesty? ded not the king commit the government of that famous Saumur, to the Count de Sault, granchild of the Duc Desdiguieres: though he knew him to be of the reformed religion? Deed he not long before 1615. answer the petitions of the Huguenots, that he meant not by his oath at consecration (which was for repressing heresies) to comprehend therein, his subjects of the reformed religion, who would live under his laws, obedienc, and order?  
And how graciously the king haveth dealt with Rochel, and how willing rather to regain and reduce, then to destroy it: appeared well, by his employing of Monsieur Desdiguieres, to persuade them to obedienc and conformity: who accordingly ded solicit them by letters: and proposed diverse articles, which he thought reasonable, but the deputies Ch●las, and Favas refused them. What could a king do more, then seek to win his subjects? who not with standing, published a long and frivolous declaration, taxim him for unjust persecution, by the counsel and enducement of the enemies of the state, and their religion.  
To disprove and discover the vanity thereof; I will deliver the causes of the kings proceedings, against these mal contents: and what reason he had, by arms to mantain his royal authority, which they uniustly by arms, sought to usurp. There for he was constrained at Nyort, to proclaim Rochel and their adherents, rebels against him, and guilty of treason.  
1. For first it appeared by the Edict of Nants art. 77. that king Henry the fought, discharged the protestants, from holding any assemblies, general or provincial: and likewise from all unions and leagues: and from holding any counsels, or by them decreing and establishing any acts. Also art. 82. he ordered, that they should forbear, from all practices and intelligenc, with in or without the realm. And art. 32. that they should not hold any Synods, provincial, without a licenc obtained by the king. All which they promised the king to observe: and let France judge, whether they have broken their promise or no.  
2. Besides they intrude upon the state, and both taik and fortify places of assurance, withowt the kings warrant, and against the order set down, August 1612. whereas it is evident, it depends upon the king's favour and goodness, to grant and assign the places of surety, and not for them selves, to choose and usurp them.  
3. Add to that, ther presumption and disobedienc, to introduce the reformed churches, of Bearn, and adjoin them to France, by an act of union both spiritual and temporal, in the assembly at Rochel 1617. and they maid an apology thereof, promising to assist Bearn, in case of oppression. and bound them selves by oath, 1. to observe and execute all that should be determined in that assembly: 2. and to employ, there life's and goods in maintenanc thereof: 3. and not to reveal the propositions, advices, and resolution of the assiftants to any person what soever, (not excepting the king.) And all this was done contemptuously, knowing that the king had sent to all the provinces, and ded expressly for bed that union; and knowing that the king had set down order in his council to the contrary, Besides how ded they use regnard, whon the king sent commissioner for the church goods in Bearn? what disorder they committed at Pau, against him, it is scarce credible.  
4. I will pass over the assembly they maid at Loudun, with obstinate disobedienc: I will only note and show you, how they presume to encroach, upon the king's graces and favours to them, without, order or dispensation. The king permitted them, to assemble at Grenoble: and by their own authority, they assembled at Nismes. The king suffered them to assemble at Chastelleraut, or Saumur, only to choose there two deputies, (who wear to remain at court, and there to receive and exhibit, all their complaints and grievances.) But they contrarilie maid an act of ●nion: and for their assemblies: and took the same oath, which the leaguers before had maid: but with this differenc, that they protested their service to the king, so long as he remained Catholic: but the Huguenots, contrarily, (le sowerain empire de Dieu demeurant tousiours ●n son entier.) So their service was reserved to God; but none to the king, was expressed. And they showed their minds most plainly when they sent to the camp at Sansay, to join with them that ded oppose, the king's marriage. But this was not all.  
5. They established in each provinc of France a Council, to hear of the affairs, orders, and government of the country: and importunately urged, to have counsellors in the parliement, at Paris.  
6. I will add yet one act, more odious, and of more presumption, and treason, than all the rest: which was maid at the assembly of Rochel, 1621. where out of their own authority, they divided the provinces of France, into seven. Synods, which they called circles, and added Bearn for the viij. And therein, wear orders set down for governing the army: and a general, and officers for each circle, (as if they meant, to cantonize France.) And they decreed, art. 11. that no treaty, nor truce should be maid without their assembly: art. 35. that the general assembly in respect of their great charge, should arrest the king's rents, and moonie dew for tails, aids, gabells, etc. and appoint officers for collecting the same. art. 36. that they should seize, and let to farm, all goods Ecclesiastical and profits of churches, and revenues of personages. And art. 41. they took the like order for all the profits of the Admiralty (which articles wear signed, by the Precedent Combart.) And all this, is pretended to be justice, and not disobedienc; and as fowl as the fault is: it is covered with the fair shadow, of Gloria Patri, and with the name of religion. And surely, it was wisely, say't of Tully, Totius in iustitia nulla Capitalior, quam corum, qui cum maximè fallunt, id tamen agunt, ut viri boni videantur.  
I will not declare the opinion of the Civilians, what a sect is, and which are justly called conventicles, and congregations, against the prince, and the ancient laws in force: and how saction and Conspiracy are defined, (which are practised and used for the propagation thereof:) and whether they be within the compass of treason or no? I refer you to Farmacius part 4. to Decius l. 7 c. 7. and c. 20. to Bossius, and to Gigas, who can with better authority resolve you. I will only allege the municipal laws of France, (which heartofore have bean the bridle of justice, to curb and break such unruly colts.)  
And first this decree was maid by king Jews 11. 1477. All treaties, against the king's person, or his estate, and the realm: wear decreed to be treason.  
To the same effect, a law was enacted by Charles the VIII. 1487. By Frances the I. 1532. By Frances the II. at Fountainbleau 1560. And by Henry the II. 1556. all men wear prohibited to bear arms, or to entertain any particular intelligences, or to hold any counsels, or assemblies for conference, but in town houses, or public places. By Henry III. at Bloys 1579. an inhibition was maid, to assemble any trowpes under pretenc of particular quarrels, or to enter into any association: and it was enacted that to hold intelligenc; or maik leagues offensive; or to have participation within, or without France: or to leure men of war withowt the king's licenc, should be judged and deamed as High treason, and the offendores to be holden as disturbers of the state. All which laws are set down in the Code of Henry the III. printed at Paris 1597.  
And all lawyers, assirme the same by the common laws of the land, Frances Rogueau, des droicts royaux: Bodin de repuclica: legrand Coustumier: and other. And, good reason. For as without order, there can be no peace: so withowt justice, no society: and Caluinists differ (in that point) nothing from Anabaptists, if they will not subject them selves, to the obedienc of laws, and magistrates: (who as king josaphat said 2. Paralipum. 19 non hominis, sed Dei exercent iudicium.) And surely, I may bodlie affirm, that Caluimsm haveth cast the state of France, into a desperate disease, and such as requireth an Aesculapius: if neither the majesty, nor the forces of a king (the eldest son of the church:) nor the wisdom of his Counsel and Parliements: nor the authority of the, estates so oft assembled: nor the obedienc dew to justice; nor the peace and safety of the kingdom, can move these out laws of Rochel and Montauban, and the rest, to yield up to the king them selves and their arms; and seek for that royal grace and pacification; which all his other dewtiefull subjects of their own tribe, do merciefullie enjoy.   

THE 3. TIT. OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES IN SCOTLAND.  
BUT peraventur, if this fiery zeal, of 
The caws of the trowbles in Scotland.  these Rabbins of Geneva, wear transferred into Scotland, (a colder Climate:) it would be quickly cooled, and qualified, and procead with a better temper. No surely▪ for it haveth bean tried by exampl, of an infamous Empiric: who, both inflamed, and corrupted the whole body of that kingdom, with his irregular zeal and such aboundanc of ill humours; as thereby grew a pleurisy of troubles in that state, which could not be cured without effusion of much blood.  
The authors and actors of the alterations and tumults in Scotland, wear as violent as whirlewynds; which blow down all that stood in their way, even the crown itself, and royalty. john knox, Goodman Gilby, and 
Primo theridamas doctrine.  Buchanan, (wear the principal instruments, and the legati à Latere, from master Caluin.) who where bravely seconded, by mais. David Fergusson (a learned shoemaker, and minister of Dundee) by M. Coverdale, Willox, Rous, Harriot, and Mongommerie: Victrix legio, and Novatores strenui.  
All of them Ministers, and such salt-peter men, as wear fit for fire works, and to prepare matter for powder, to blow up the state of the clergy of any nation.  
And by these rare men, was the Church of Scotland repaired, and reform: according to the scantling of Geneva, and the Platform of the Elders.  
Knox, far unlike to Nehemias, both for course, and quality: yet he acted his part, how properly, and piously, Langey his contrieman can tell you, who ded write of his virtues.  
For Buchanan, he was ever a rude and slovenly Swiz, of a presumptuous audacity, and factious nature. he was one of them that in Edinborough, in the time of king james the fifth, ded solemnly in Lent ear the Paschal lamb: and being convicted for that judaisme: which the king himself examined: his partners wear condemned and burnt for that heresy; and he escaped and fled over into other country's, (as a man reserved to be a plague to his own.)  
But if you would discern and try their spirits, their peceablenes, their patienc, and their sanctity read there Theorems, and by the maxims of their doctrine, you will find them extraordinary Doctors, and skarselie matchable.  
Knox libro, ad nobilitat. & populum Scot beginus thus to instruct them. Neque promissum, neque iuramentum obligare potest populum: ut obediat, & auxilietur tyrannis contra Deum.  
And in his History of Scotland, pag. 372. Prince's may be Deposed by the people, if they be tyrants against God, and his truth: and their subjects are free from their Oaths and obedienc.  
And that you may not think, that only, knox ded hold this opinion. his fellow Good man also, in his book of obedienc, sings the same note out of Exod. 17. Toti populo (saith he) hoc onus incumbit, ut animavertat in idolatram quemcunquè nemo excipitur, sive Rex, sive Regina, sive Imperator. This is his Homely, whereby he warranteth the people to punish any Idolater, be he king or Queen. And how, and by what order, is that to be done? This is God's commandment, to the people, ut in simili defectione, rectores suos, quia Deo ipsos abducunt, a●fu●cas abripiant & suspendan. If the governors fall from God, or with draw the people from the true worship of God: they may worthily draw their kings and rulers to Tyburn, and hang them up.  
Buchanan in his book de iure regni Scotiae, is not behind them in such grave and wholesome counsels. For he saith. pag. 61. The people is above the king, and of greater authority: they have right, to bestow the crown at their pleasure: they may arraign their princes, and depose them: to them it appertains to maik laws, and though princes to execute them. These be the Proverbs, of that Solomon of Scotland, as proud with the concept of his own judgement in these mysteries, as with his poetry and ballets. This was a man welchosen to instruct a prince: but better to infect his auditors.  
Yet is there one advice of knox, which is to be recorded with admiration. fol 372. It wear good, that rewards wear publicly appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for those that kill wolves. Now they all account those king's tyrants, who are professors of the Catholic religion: and so they know, what to trust to, if the Knoxians can prevail.  
But if you will yet, have a litl patienc, you shall hear a most profane dialogue of Buchanans', (whearin he neither showeth divinity, nor humanity.) They hold saith he) kings must be obeyed good or bad. It is blasphemy so to say. But God placeth oft evil kings, to punish the people: yea, and so d●th he oft, private men to kill them. But 1. Timoth. we are commanded to pray for princes: yea, so we are also to pray for theau●s. But Paul commands obedienc to kings: yea, Paul ded write so in the infancy of the church, but if he lived now, he would say otherwise. As if this time, ded afford a more ripe and  judgement, then S. Paul could apprehend.  
It is most true, that great high-Soaring poetical wits, have ordinarily, some taint and touch of frenzy: for other wise he would never have written thus madly, usteron proteron, setting the Cart before the horse, the people before the king, confusion to overrule Order, and Anarchy before a Monarchy. Thus the people is armed to kill tyrants, by their doctrine; but by what law? for if they do it not by justice, and order; it is an act of confusion, and impiety. Yea, but the zeal of God's truth, and the light of the gospel, be the sword of Gedeon, and the arms of judith; but who must draw and direct that sword? the people, and even against the king himself? what is Anarchie, disloyalty, and sedition; if this be order, and government?  
To proceed. what nead I trowble you further: see the book of daingerous positions who giveth this sentenc of them: this new divinity, (saith he) is not holden by knox and Buchanan alone: but generally for aught I can perceive, by most of the Cheaf Consistorians beyond the seas. That is by Caluin and Beza, and all their brood: (who have bean heartofore about 1570. so much reverenced and esteemed in England: that both the schools, and the pulpits, ded magnify them, as Oracles of the Church: for whose releaf and perservation, public collections, and prayers wear maid in the kingdom.  
And because you shall not err, and conjecture, that these books and opinions wear never approved at Geneva: remember the precedent discourse of the reformed churches in France: and call to mind that master Whitingham, (in his preface to the book of obedienc,) testifieth that the same was allowed, and commended by the cheafe divines of that city (1. Geneva.) And Caluin himself, epist. 305. to knox. Doth applawd and encourage him to proceed. And Bucchanans' works, ded pass as current in Scotland, and cum privilegio; till (long after the impression of them) the king ded prohibit them to be printed, or published.  
So as you may see it was not one Goodman, nor one knox; that taught and defended these impious paradoxes, but the whole congregation of Puritans: and not in one country, but universally: and not lately or newly, but originally, and as there peculiar and proper discipline. Nay, there holy Geneva bibles prove it: to be so: where in their notes upon the 2. Chron. c. 15. §. 16. they allow, the Deposing of Queen Macha, by her son king Asa, for idolatry: and yet reprehend him, for want of zeal, that he put her not to Death by fire. The like axioms, are not allowed at Douai: nor the like notes, arr found in the Reams testament.  
But all this, though it be baed enough: yet there practise and the execution of their decrees is worse. The Bushop of Ross, Leslaeus in the. 10. book of his story. Eo (in quit) knoxij prorupit audacia, ut publicè pro concione nobiles perstrinxerit, quod jesabelem ex medio non sustulerunt. Yet these wear but words, now blows follow.  
He and thirty of his company begon their reformation of religion, by surprising the castl of S. Andrews, without warrant or commission:) and murdering the Cardinal Betun, 1546.  
The Queen regent summoned him to appear, and answer for these owtrages; he refused it. she proclaimed him traitor: he contemned it. than she sought to apprehend, and restrain him: but he solicited the burgesses of S. johnston, and Dundee, to suppress the friaries, to pull down images, and to overthrew the Abbeys of Skone, and S. Andrews', which they effected. And yet they left not so for they kept the feald two months; they took the coining irons into their custody; and (as commanders) ded what they thought fit for their purpose, without resistance. And this there furious disorder, ded break the hart of that noble, and religious Queen Regent.  
But stay a little: I will relate unto you a 
2. A parliement 1560.  story, of the greatest and most disloyal Barbarism, that ever was committed by Christians in any nation.  
In the year 1560. (the Queen being in France;) by the instigation of knox, they enacted this as, a perpetual and fundamental law of the state, to abolish the Catholic religion: and they decreed, that whosoever defended the pope's authority in Scotland should be banished: and further they repealed all former acts, of the ancient king's maid to the contrary.  
But by whom, was this law maid? the words of the act show. The three estates under standing, that the jurisdiction of the pope, hes bean contumelious to God, etc.  
Quo waranto, was this parliement, summoned and ratified? for hear is showed no commission, from the Queen, expressing any authority given to them for that end: nor her consent is produced to confirm such an act. So hear is a parliement of the three estates, without a king: and disannulling the precedent acts of all former kings. a thing incredible, in a kingdom: there sooverain living, and obeyed as king. and to maik that seam good by order of la, which of itself was most disorderly and defective: they procured an other parliement 1567. Earl Murrie being regent, and the king scarce out of his cradle) to confirm the validity of that parliement 1560. and therein cap. 9 was an oath drawn to be given to all succeading kings, to mantain that religion then received: and to establish the confession of that church. and for the defects of this second parliement; I forbear to urg them, they are evident.  
Had not the Queen than reason, to send the french forces into Scotland: to bridle such usurpers, and so seditious practices of her subjects? But yet a greater mischeaf follows.  
By the Instigation of these Caluinists, and by the ambition of some noble men. 
3. The Queen's deprivation.  They deprived the Queen from her government; and dishonoured her with the most capital and criminal accusations, that slander and malice could device: and cast her into prison not whithowt, danger of her life. All which was furthered by Beza, (the Tibullus of Geneva) who Epistola 78. ad Bucchanan. provoked them to it, calling her Medea, and Athalia: and nullum illius sceleribus idoneum nomen invenio. And how un merciefullie he pleaded against her, (after she was prisoner in England,) for the hate he head bear to the house of Lorraine: it appearith by his book of Reveille-matin.  
And though I am apt to bury old quarrels, them to renew their memory: yet to justify Innocence, and to discover perfectly the practices of Puritanisme, and to detect the juggling and crafty conveyanc of these conspirators: I hold it necessary, to declare exactly what inducements wear pretended, for so heinous an offence.  
They alleged, that it was done for the zeal to justice, for the honour of the realm, for the satisfaction of foreign nations (who much detested so crijng sins as Murder, and adultery:) and there for they wear forced, to keap her in prison, till she could clear herself, for procuring the death of her husband; and purge herself, of that intention to marry Bothwel.  
Touching the Murder. It was unlike to 
4. For the murde of her husband's,  be true: for her sex was not fit for such a butchery: and a royal nature, could not harbour such a dishonourable treachery, (though she had just cause of offence against him.) And if she would have used means to put him to death: he was her subject; and she might have done it, openly and legally, by course of justice. Because he was of the Confederacy, to kill David her secretary (in whose body his dagger was found.) And further the E. Murton, being fled into England for that offenc; without the Queen's konwledg, and allowanc, her said husband revoked him. But they object, that Dowgleish (E. Botwels' main) was executed for it. true. But what then? It was he that brought a box of letters of the Queens to Bothwell, which he received (to carry to his master) of St james Balfour at Edinborow: and by the intercepting of these, all there packing was revealed. Lies have ever one leg short, to maik them halt.  
1. First was it like, that either the Queen or the Earl would repose such confidenc in Sr james, and so great secrets? knowing him to be at the devotion of the contrary faction?  
2. Or was it like, that she would send them at all, having given commandment in the letters, to burn them: which she might have done at home, without sending them to him?  
3. Besides the Queen denied the letters to be hers, (though her hand was counterfeited) as some times before it had bean.  
4. Further more there was neither superscription, endorsement, seal, nor date of them: so as they wear liker to be copies, or projects, or fictions of her enemies.  
5. Add also, that he (who delivered them, could never be found out, to discover the pack: and Dowgleish who was accused to carry them) protested at his death; that he never knew of any such letters: and there for to stop his mouth, he was executed by the Lords of that faction, out of the way.  
6. Lastlie, if the Queen had sent them, yet was there contained in these fictions, no express proof of any unlawful act, or attempt, or practise, to charge her with: And if there had bean pregnant proofs, that she had endeavoured to have her husband murdered; and to marry Bothwel, (which is the worst of the case:) do you taik that to be a sufficient and lawful cawse for subjects to taik arms against her, and depose her? Holy king David was in the like case, and yet for his trespasses against Urias, and Bersaba, he deed not forfeit his crown, nor endure so hard a censure, as Queen Marie ded. S. john Baptist reproved Herod for his adultery: but ded neither counsel nor exhort the peopl to deprive him, though he was an I dumean, and an usurper. neither was Edward the iv threatened deposing, for keeping an other man's wife: nor Henry the eight, for cutting of the heads of so many his own wives, and committing as great sins spectante populo: for mihi vindicia, is God's prerogative; subjects are not competent judges of their sooverains.  
And surehe these boute-feux, while they presume to punish their kings for sin: precipitate them selves, into heresy, (even that which Wiclef, and Muncer have bean, by general counsels condemned for.) Such is the fury of undiscreat zeal, like a sword in a mad man's hand. But to return to the matter, what probabilities, what vehement presumptions, ded they produce against her? 1. she mourned fayntlie for his death, (which was a sign she was weary of his life.) and 2. again, she acquitted Bothwel for his death, and ded not punish him. What a Nugipoliloquides, was Bucchanan? must princes be deposed upon probabilities? or wear these signs, any evidenc matterial? for her mourning, and the funerals; the body was embalmed: he had the honour to be interred, besides king james her father: the Lord Traquare, justice Clark, and others attended the corpse to the grave: most of the Counsel being protestants, would not admit the Catholic ceremonies: neither is it the custom in Scotland, to reseru the corpse 40. days: and lastlie, it was not decent for her to be there and mourn personally, as a subject, but as a sooverain and yet his wife: and that she performed so long, till both her counsel and physicians dislwaded her, (as Sir Henry kiligrew might witness, who was sent from England, to condole, and comfort her. What could be required more of a wife?  
Now touching Earl Bothwel; the juggling 
Touching E. Bothwell.  of Murrie and his faction, is worthy to be revealed; was not Bothwel acquitted for this crime by his pears? even by Murton, (who best knew it) by the lord Lindsie, the lord Semplie, and their adaerents, who procured his purgation. Deed not also the same parties, procure some of the nobles to join with them, and solicit the Queen to marry Bothwel, and taik a hustand to defend her, (to which in a manner, they forced her?) and ded not they also by their handwriting, bynt them selves to obey him, if he would marry her? and ded they not furthermore (of there own motion) procure the divorce of Bothwel, for that purpose only, from his wife the Earl of Huntley's sister? these, are all undowbtedlie true, and a sufficient proof of their double dealing.  
And touching the Murder, the Lord Harris, accused Murrey of it: and the reason was, because at Cragmillar castle, he, Murton, and Bothwel, consulted, conspired, and determined the king's death: and there wear indenturs maid, and subscibed for the effecting of it. And that you may not stagger and dowbt of this. Powrrie, Paris, and Hay wear all executed for the murder; and at their death, they ded call God to witness, that these two (Murrey and Murtan) wear the principal contrivers of that assassinate. And john Hepburn, Bothwels' servant, ded the like at his execution, for the same fact, protesting that he had scene their articles and writings.  
And yet is it maid more manifest by this, and their crime and practise more odious: for to blind the world, first they took arms, as they said, to apprehend Bothwel; and after they sent out ships to pursue him at sea Both, wear fallacians: for they never meant it. for if they would have apprehended him: why ded they dismiss him? and why ded they send the Lord Graing, to advice and will Botwell to departed, and promised that none should follow, and pursue him? and so in dead no man was hasty to do it, (though he stayed two months till Murries return:) for they knew, that by taking him, they should be bewrayed them selves; and therefore they meant to betray and overreach him; and offer him up, as a sacrifice to the malice of the world, for there own purgation.  
So then these two Catelines caused the king to be slain, and used Bothwels assistanc and help in it: and then accused bothwel, and the Queen, as the conspirers and contrivers of it. (though till her imprisonment, she ded never know, who wear the accessaries, or who wear the Principals.) Now to dive to the bottom and depth of the cause.  
The E. Murrie never loved truely the Lord Darlie: he was once in arms and in the feald to have killed him; and thereupon fled into England (whereby appeared his good disposition.) Also he persuaded the Lord Darlie, to have a hand, in killing Davie the Queen's secretary: at which time, they set a pistol to the Queen's belly, being then great with child, to terrify her (whereby she might have bean in danger to miscarry.) After ward the lord Darlie, than king) seeing his own danger, craved, and obtained the Queen's gracious pardon: and yet fearing lest Murrey might misinform the Q. against him, resolved to kill Murrey, and discovered his intention to the Q. about it, who would not suffer nor endure to hear it.  
This coming to Murries knowledge; as he had before practised to estraing the Queen from her husband; and offered to procure and sew out her divorce from him (which she utterly condemned:) so now he resolved to have him maid awaye, (and yet conninglie before the murder) he went from the court, and after into France, that he might be thought innocent, in the matter. And truely all thes things appeared, plainly to the Queen's commissioners, who hard the cawse at york: as it seamed by the notes of Sir Ralph Sadlers (touching that busienes: which I have scene:) but it was maid afterwards as clear as the son, by the execution of the E. of Murton.  
Now upon these false and treacherous fowndations, they grounded there disloyal conspiracy and seditions, at Ca●barie hill; there slanderous libels: there imprisoning her at Lough levin: and the act of parliement for her deposition, as appeareth by the words of the statute 1567. (because if she lived still Queen, she might taik revenge of her wrongs:) and lastlie the resignation of her crown, (which they stoutly affirmed at york, to have bean voluntary, and of her own seaking.) But whether it was voluntarily resigned, and by her own election: their course of proceeding will maik it manifest. For first (when they had conspired, that she should be forced to resign, or to lose her life) they drew a form of resignation, fit for their purpose. Then Athol, Liddington, and the rest, sent Sr Robert Meluin, to signify her danger: and to persuade her to yield, to their motions for the resignation. and subtly, they alleged (as out of their duty, and well-wishing) that it could not prejudice her being extorted.  
Also Sir Nicholas Throgmotton, arrived at the same time in Scotland, (but upon other pretences:) and was a fit man to further the contriving of that busienes, (and what wind soever ded blow him thither: he ded his work, like a cunning artificer, and deserved well to have bean created lord Hurlie.)  
Afther thes preparations, came the lord Lindsey with commission from the counsel, (whose hand had bean washed before in David's blood:) and with stern and grim looks, tendered the writings unto her: with fearful threatening, if she ded refuse them▪ and thereupon she subscribed them being a prisoner; and to save her life, lost her crown.  
Call you this a free resignation? The act of parliement in dead calleth it so (1567.) and she gave power to the l. Lindsey and Ruthen, (as her dearest friends, and so in dead they wear) in her name to renown the government, and to appoint, Murrey the Regent, (which he had long, and earnestly gaped for.) and in Cap. 12. they decreed she should remain prisoner till her trial: and Cap. 19 her indictment was drawn most scandalously. The cawses alleged for her resignation wear these. First she was wearied: then, she was notable in body and spirit to endure the pains: and that she might in her life time, see her sonn settled in the government, (than which, nothing could be more joyous to her.) and it is true, I think she was weary of such tyrannous disloyalty: but in the flower of her age, there was no likelihood either of her disability to govern; or of her weakness, and such infirmities, as that she could not endure the pains. but for her son, in his cradle; that was the way to be rid of them both. But Domini est salus, evelles de laqueo p●des suorum.  
And to conclude after the Queen straingelie escaped, at Hamilton (the house of a noble family, and well affected:) she revoked all, and protested, and confessed, the force and violenc offered to her: so as there was neither formal, nor orderly proc●●ding in procuring it. besides the noble earls of Hontlie, and Arguyle: the lo. Harris, and others never consented to it. and in that parliement, there was not above 4. Earls, 6. lords, one Bushop, and 3. Abbots.  
Can not religion be planted in Scotland, without such treasonabl shifts? ded you ever read of such impostors, or men of so large conscience, to maik show of reforming religion, and to abuse the world with the name of piety? The Apostles obeyed Nero, (a tyrant and a monster:) and suffered death, rather than they would give exampl of disobedienc. To ancient fathers, obeyed Dio●letian, and julian (though an apostata.) Elias reproved Achab; but ded not solicit the people to commotion. D. Bilson, allegeth many reasons, to disprove such conspiracies, (as directly contrary to gods words, upon any surmises what so ever, all which you shall see hear after.) and surely not without sound reason.  
For war maid by a subject against his king, is unjust though the cause be just: and why? the justness of the cause can not give lawful power. A just cause; a good intention: power and jurisdiction, must concur, to maik such public actions warrantable. so if a king himself taik arms, for an unjust cause: though his intention be good, the war is bad. Yet are not subjects warranted properly to taik upon them, the cognisance and judgement thereof: they must leave that to the high tribunal of heaven, and to the king's conscience. But these commotions in Scotland, wear popular tumults, and conspiracies against their sooverain: and had no good cause, nor good intention: and no authority at all. Now because I am urged to discover the true and principal motives, that induced these men, to cast them selves into such a gulf: as they must either neads perish: or run the whole state upon a rock, and wrack it. I will tell you, out of Aesopes' fables, a tale, to divert, and refresh you.  
In Africa there wear two great forests, near adjoining. in the one a Lion governed the beasts, in the other a Lioness. The Lion (being rich, and full of prey and booties:) feared lest the Lioness should seek a foreign mate, and grow of greater strength, and invade his forest: and therefore called a council of his beasts, to advice, how he might rest quiet and assured. The bull (presuming of his strength, and used to gore, all the foreign wolves that came in his walk) together with the bore, and the bear, contemned these vain fears. An old Ape, that lived in the forest, and was used to counterfeit, persuaded the Lion to fayne kindness, For great hearts, wear soon won with fair semblance. Reignard (the fox) disliked not that: but knowing that the Lioness, had many hungry and ravenous wofs, and wily foxes about her: advised the Lion, to send the goat, (a grave bearded personage,) to visit the Lioness, and renew friendship: and under that colour, to Deal both with some of the wolves and foxes: and bread in them a jealousy of the lions, and fear of her cruelty: and therefore to persuade them, to stand upon their guard, and maik them selfs a free state, and so live at liberty and under no command.  
The Goat performed the service wisely. Now among the beasts under the lions, there was a Mongrel in greatest favour: he hearing the motion consulted with his brethren, and undertaken the busienes; but said he, we have among us crewel beasts, what if they shall dislike this, and seek to devowr us? fear not that, said the Goat, we will send vow mastiffs to guard and defend you. Yea, but said the Mongrel, what shall we be the better, or the fuller fed by this: oh said the Goat, all the prey is his, who is master of the feald: get you the Lamb, and leave them by th' ears for the purtenance. Thearupon, the Mongrel, with the wolves and foxes that wear his friends: conspired, entraped the Lioness: and drew her to fall into a deep pit, out of which she never recovered.  
Raignard hearing of this, sent unto the Mongrel, to get also into his custody, the Lioness whelp: and so he should be sure, presently to rule and have all; for I have found, said he, by experienc, that a present morsel is ever sweatest: and possession is the cheaf point in la. And afterwards either the whelp may die; or it shall live at your pleasure and dispose. This is the fable: the moral I leave, till I can have time to expound it and mother Hubbars, tale together. For Hear I would gladly end, this description of the Puritan church of Scotland, the beginning, and the progress thereof: but that I perceive, you desire to know also the true cause of this fiery distemper, and the incredible contempt of all authority, (which is an accident inseparable to them;) whenc it springeth, and why it is more peculiar and proper to a Caluinist, then to any other sect. I will show you breaflie my conceit. Caluin, when he was (after his expulsion) invited home again from Strasburg, where he lived with Bucer, and sucked long of his milk: by the persuasion of his friends, he was content to return to Geneva; upon condition that he might establish his new discipline, (the Idea wheareof he had apprehended in Germany.)  
So by general consent, he returned: and shortly after erected his consistory: which is the Quintessenc of Puritanism, the oligarchy of Elders, and the Inquisition of Geneva. A strain of policy, far above Luther's gross reach. For so he ded foresee, he might become the Dictator of the church at home, and abroad: at Geneva specially, to censure all offenders, bridle all oppositions, and perpetually invest the eldors (by that authority) in the sooverantie and government, bot he of the town and church (which of an Episcopal Hierarchy, they maid now a perfect oligarchy.) And that it might be received abroad with more reverenc, and be obeyed more religiously, and be plausibly entertained in the world (though it wear the Idol of his own fantasy.) They set it down as a mark of the true Church of Christ, and joined it, in equal rank: with the preaching of the word, and administration of the sacraments; necessarily, fundamentallie, and inseparably.  
So then this great Sultan of the Lake, sending his Mammalucks, into every province of France, planted the first reform churches there, after this model of Geneva. Thereby the synods, and assemblies of France, impatronized them selves upon the principal towns in the kingdom: negotiated with the nobility and commons; and had mutual intelligenc to hither. And making ever (politick●ie) the people partakers of their eldership, and share authority and command with them: they wear sure always of perpetual and strong support, and by all probability they hoped, at last to pull down the huge pillars, of the Catholic Church, and to convert all into Caluinism, and set up their throne, their consistories, and Sanhedrin. This was that Medium, whereby in France, in Scotland, in the Palatinate, the puritans maid them selfs supreme heads, judges, directors, and commandors of all: and whereby princes, and nobles are maid their wards. Hearupon proceeded such violent courses, such intolerable irregularities: such indiscreat zeal, as I have already declared. Deed they not at Rochel refuse to speak with Monsieur de Bi●on the king's ●●baslador directed unto them? ded they not so tire Monsieur Lanove with their incivility, that he was content to forsake them? And in the articles of Bearn, artic. 25. A● cheafs, and generalis, are entoyned to obseru there Ecclesiastical discipline. ordained by their Synods.  
And see what course they took lately in the assembly at Loudun: remember how they of Rochel divided France, into Circles and provinces, appointing generals, creating officers, making counsellors, (as if they had bean the 12. pears of France:) and shooting out the bolts of their excommmunications, even against their greatest friends, (if they offend them:) whereby Monsieur Chastillon, had cause to discern both their insolency, and their indiscreation, of late, used against him.  
Such is the violenc and fury of Caluinism: which, some call the discipline of Gracchus: some, call, the policy of the church; some more properly, the school of faction: but zeal and religion, no man calleth it, but them selves. And hear it comes fitly to my mind, that in the conference at Hampton court; a Bushop recited to his majesty, master Butler's definition of a Puritan, scil. a Puritan is a Protestant, out of his wits. (Which, was not so merielie; as trewlie and substantially spoken.) for if you would draw his pedigree, and declare his original, and of what family he descended, he is (a Protestant:) there is his generation. If, because he comes of a younger and later house, you will assign him his differenc, and distinguish him from the rest of his sect: (out of his wits) is his coonisanc, and badge. Now, why this differenc is assigned as proper to a Puritan, I will show you the reason.  
We find by experienc, that caeremonies and solemnity, have ever in the Church stirred up and bred a reverenc and devotion, in the hearts of the unlearned: and do elevate the souls of the godly, from mud and earth, in the time of prayer. And so also that order, and gravity of Bushops and Prelates wear ever wont to find respect and estimation, with the people. Now ask a Puritan, his opinion of, Surples, corner-cap, and the habit of a minister (which distinguish them from the laiety:) he calls them the rags of Antichrist, the badges of superstition.  
For the Communion book; he calls it, the Ports and breviary of Satan: and that such set prayers, extinguish true zeal. The Ecclesiastical courts, he calleth the Synagogue of the Devel, and the excrements of a corrupted discipline. And what opinion of Bushops, haith he? surely, the same that Luther had. for william Ames, saith, Hunc Episcoporum ordinem, è medio tollendum, vel denuo Papam revocandum ab orco. And the like opinion the English at Amstardam hold, in their book called confessio fidei anno 1607.  
Read the censure they give of the Clergy and ministers of England; whom they disgrace to be a multitude, of forlorn Atheists, soldiers of Antichrist, and a bastardly, ministry, pag. 16. 11. and 14. and the like is avouched in the book of daingerous positions, c. 12. From this fountain sprung, the libels of udal, Penrie, Martin junior, any work for cooper, supplication to the Precedent of wales, and many moe: offensive to the Queen, and trouble some to the state. The spring head of all this was Caluin; who Epist. 305. acknowledged magis sibi placere, reformationem Scoticam quam Anglicanam. and why? Epist. 126 ad Cranmerum. Corruptelis Papatus, audio relictam esse congeriem, quae non obscuret modo sed prope modum obruat purum & genuinum Dei culium. Thereupon in Queen Mary's time, the English church at Geneva was Antagonist to the English church at Frankfort (by whose means and endeavours, the authority of Bushops, was then defended) which they knew to be the only way to suppress, Puritanism. so you see the Puritans are men that stand upon their pantaples; and points of honour, for their discipline: and will not learn of their prelates, nor be subject to their canons and injunction: whearby a man may conjecture they are not very well in their wit. But what meant master Butler, and what solid reason had he for his definition? Surely he had hard of the garboils of France: of their horrible desseins in Bohemia: and of their hurly Burlies in Scotland: he had read Basilicon Doron, (written by a pen, sensibl of their disease and disorder:) he had read the book of Philip Nicholaus, de regno Christi, superintendent and cheaf of the Lutherans at Wirtenberg, full of fearful predictions of the power, attempts, and plaits, to advanc the reign of the consistorians.  
He had bean advertised of the sentenc of john Schuts, (a learned Lutheran, who described them to be men, that in brachio seculari confidunt, & plerumque sunt homines seditiosi, causamque suam ormata manu iveri volunt. Libro 50. causarum. He had hard, the king's opinion of them, in monitoria prefatione ad Imperatorem, thus. Ego a puritaniss, non solum à nativitate, continue vexatus fui, verum etiam in ipso matris utero, propemodum extinctus, antequam in lucem editus sum. And do you think he deed not understand, how the ministers, wear in feald at Starling, under the conduct of some of the nobility: and forced the king most presumptuously, to yield his person to them; and how they put a new guard unto him, and removed the old. And that the ministers Master Patrick Galloway, Pollard, Carmichel, Andrew Meluin, wear the trumpeters that sownded the Alarm: And fled into England afterward for it. yes verily, he was not ignorant thereof: nor how james Gibson, called the king Hieroboam, and persecutor, and threatened his extirpation: nor how scandalously Lawson opposed and affronted the king: nor, how Pont and Baquanquel, by open proclamation, and in the presenc of a public notary, wear so hardy as to censure him, and to withdraw the hearts and love of the people from him.  
Yet this is not all, that may be averred to disannul these seditions and popular consistories: they are condemned by their half brethren (the Swinglians, which is a thing much to be noted. Hear the voice of Gualtherus, minister of Zurich, Tigurinus, how bitter a sentenc he pronounceth against them, in Comment. in 1. Corinth. cap. 5. saith he, Galli habent sua seniorum consistoria, penes quos, est omnis potestas, & iurisdictio Ecclesiastica: & in quibus omnium bellorum contra regem, & consilia acta, & subsidia collecta sunt. The french ministers have their consistories of Eldors in whom resteth the supremacy in all cawses Ecclesiastical: and by these both all counsels and resolutions are taken, and all impositions apppointed, to mantain the wars against the king. And what estimation, Musculus holds them worthy of; appeareth locis common. cap. 10. tit. de officijs ministrorum. So you see, neither of them bow the knees, to this Baal, nor magnify Caluins' Idol.  
But if you would look through (with a piercing eye, the absurdities of the Disciplinarians; read Schulting his Hierarchica Anacrisis, lib. 15. cap. 19 20. and 22. whereby you may perceive how all kings are maid subject to their excommunications, (the trewlie Brutum fulmen) of these Eldors, and what confusion it breadeth in the civil state, (which learned Hooker, wisely noted:) and go both nobility and commons must assamble at the summons of the pastor (as the head of the parish, the Precedent of the Counsel:) and then, what conclusions they determine and decree, arr rules, and of sufficient authority, to bind the Parish to obedienc.  
So every parson, is a demi-Pope in his parish: the elders are suprem magistrates: and Caluin, really Papa and cheaf pastor: though out of his humble pride, he will not vouchsafe to be, nor be called Doctor.  
Besides master Butler, knew: that wheare Philautia and Phantasia arr conjoined, and reign as matches predominant. in the breyneand body: there must neads be a hart swollen and blown up with singularity, and with a conceit, that they only know the truth, and the true worship of God; and that only they stand in grace, as men predestinated to glorieand bless.  
Upon this dream, they contemn all others for their defects and imperfections: and being transported with strong passions, and inflamed with the fervour of a proud spirit (more than of charity, and sober zeal:) they ronn into desperate actions, as furies that regard neither Majesty, justice, or government. And in dead there be some diseases that ronn in a blood, and arr almost hereditary to some of their family (as frenzy oft doth:) which leaveth always a taint and a spice, of the staggars in their vital spirits, as if they had bean bitten with a mad dog.  
And therefore master Butler knowing the sumptomata of their disease: might with skill, and judiciously set it down as an Aphorism, That a Puritan, was a Protestant out of his wits. And so I leave him, till it please God to cure or convert him, specially in Scotland.   

TITULUS' QVARTUS, TOUCHING HOLLAND, AND THE UNITED PROVINCES.  
WE are now to arrive, by course, at Holland, and Zelland, that horrible 
The 4. proof of disloyalty. By exampl of Holland.  Akeldama, and feald of blood; and the theatre of tragical and lamentable stories. Where I will rather declare, then delate, with what fury the Lutheran faction begonn, and with what violenc the Caluinists proceeded; and with what calamity they both continued, (for as you have hard their axioms and positions before at large: so the practices and tyranny of their followers, are hear best, to be discovered.)  
And above all the actions of their conspiracy, the Union of Vtreght, was the most capital and infamours. A devise, (according to the rules of junius Brutus:) an imitation of Swiz, and the Cantons: and a strong argument, to convince them of rebellion, (though they ever marched under the name, of Religion, and bellum sacrum.)  
This Union was maid by the states 1578. 
The form● of the union of utreght.  who seeing the fortunate proceedings of the Duke of Parma, and the course of the Malcontents; entered into a perpetual league, comprised in 20. articles, for there mutual support and succour.  
First they of Holland, Zelland, Freeze, and Gelder's, ded join, Contra omnem vim, quae sub praetextu nominis Regij, aut religionis inferetur.  
After that, the contriver and ringleader of all, the Prince of Orange, and they of Anwarp and Gand, came with into the league, and subscribed it, the 14. Februarij 1579. the which was after ward again confirmed at Hague, 20. julij 1581. and the scope of all this was, to abandon and expel their league lord, the King of Spain; and to depose him from his own dominion and inhaeritanc.  
Therefore upon that, they established an edict, que le Roy d'Espaigne est descheu, de la Seigneurie du Pays-bas. And to maik it more authentical, they devised a form of Abjuration, from the king, and a particular revocation and dispensation of their former promise and oath of obedience, in these words. I. W. N. Swearanew, and bind myself, to the provinces united, to be loyal and faithful to them, and to aid them against the King of Spain, comme un bon vassal du Pays.  
And when they had taken that oath, they broke all the king's seals; pulled down his arms; seized and entered upon his lands; rents, customs, and all other haereditaments, and took the same into their own hands. And as absolute lords, they coined moonie in their own names, placed and displaced officers of the state, banished all the king's counsellors, published edicts, possessed the church liuings, suppressed Catholic religion, besieged Amsterdam, and used all the marks and notes of sooveranitie, in there own names.  
Whearupon Raald, a counsellor for frizeland, hearing this new oath, which was generally tendered to all men: upon the horror and greaf thereof, he died soodainelie, (as of an Apoplexy.)  
The reasons, they gave, why the king of Spain, had forfeited his title and right, wear these: For 1. suppressing their religion, 2. for oppressing them with tyranny, 3. for abrogating their privileges, and for holding them in bondage and servitude: for such a magistrate, they are not bound to obey, they said, but to eiect him as a Tyrant.  
An example and precedent of daingerous consequenc, and which deaplie concerneth all princes to look well to. For if subjects may depose their prince: and maik them selfs judges, when he shall forfeit his crown and dignity (which prerogative the Rochellors, may challenge as lawfully, as the Hollanders:) qui stat, videat ne cadat, kings had nead to maik ther seat sure, and sit fast, for these men maik it, but a slippery hold. And in dead ambition and treason, can never find a fit cloak for their wearing, then that which is maid of the Holland fashion, by religion.  
Now, that you may the better judge of 
The general quarrel.  the particular quarrel of the Hollanders: I will set down the true grounds for the defence of the general, and why they took arms at first. The original and principal cause, of this long and crewel war, was the spring of the new sects, in the low country's: and under the shadow of religion, all the factions in the state and all discontentements wear masked, singular commodum, and privatum odium. And as the people's natural inclination to novelty, ded set it much forward; so there wanted not a concurrenc of foreigners, who served (as bellowes to blow the coals, both out of France and England.)  
Charles the fifth, out of his wise providenc, remembering what a peace of work Luther had cut out for him in Germany; and with what danger, charge and difficulty he overcame it: Intended for the quietness of this country, and for his own honour and interest, to prevent the propagation of the Martinists, and other new sectaries, lately sprung up in these country's. And he could device no better remedy, then to establish the Inquisition there. (which he ded anno 1550.) Wheareof Marry Queen of hungry then regent, to her great honour, procured both a mitigation, and an explanation. But he resigning all the government to his son: retired himself from the world, (whearin he had bean long tired,) and in a most memorable manner, consecrated the last act of his life to God and devotion.  
Afterward king Philip likewise finding, 
The Inquisition. 1.  how largely the brainches of Anabaptism, Libertines, the family of Love, and others, ded spread abroad, and grow up with Lutheranisme, in Flanders: and what danger might ensue upon it, to the state, if no good order wear taken to prevent a further ancrease of mischeafe: he followed his father's counsel, and at large renewed, the commission, instruction, and articles for the said Inquisition, anno 1555. which was a thing most fearful and discontenting to the inhabitants of the Netherlands: who alleged that in regard thereof, all straingers would departed the country, and by consequence all traffic would decay, (which is the gold mine, and maintenanc of these provinces.) But in dead, they knew best there own disease, and what affliction and scourge they should be subject to: being for the most part inclined to innovation. and this they apprehended, as the first cawse of their commotions.  
2. Besides an other prudent and politic act, added more fuel to the fire, and an increase of discontentment: which was the erection of the new bushopricks.  
3. thirdly the authority and power of the Bushop of Arras, was much disdained: and his Cardinal's hat maid him more odious, as a man too supereminent in a state so popular: and the greater his obligation was to the Pope for his honour, the more was the malice of the nobility, and the hate of the peopl increased against him.  
4. Furthermore, the better to cloak and cover their intentions, with the veil of bonum publicum, they urged to enjoy there ancient liberties and freedom: and that no stranger might bear office and rule among them, and that the Spaniards might be discharged from all residenc in these lands.  
5. Lastlie and specially, they desired toleration, and liberty of conscience. So as in effect, the names of religion, and the Commonwealth, wear maid the standard bearers of all these commotions. Now concerning, these greavances: the first is a name of more terror, then in dead it is. Not so fearful to good men, but a rack to offenders; devised upon necessity against the Moors in Spain: and continued, upon experienc, of the use and benefit of it: and though I can commend no sign of creweltie, yet can I not condemn this: bycaus, it addeth nothing to the punishment of heresy, (more than the law before inflicted:) but exacted only, a more strict and sevear execution, and course of examination, by the inquisitors: it showeth a more care of the governor; when he findeth abuses and danger in an offendor. And also. because it was the sole Antidote, whereby only Spain, is and haith bean, so well and so long preserved, from the infection of sects, and the contagion and tumults, which innovation usually engendereth (whearwith all the kingdoms in Europe, have bean embroiled.) And the Spaniards them selves, never complained of it; not felt it ever as a yoke or burden upon them (who are not very apt, to bear burdens.) Neither is it, in se, a more bloody la, or a more fearful execution of justice, than the consistory of Geneva, and the sevear commissions and proceeding of some other country's, (as shall hear after appear, by the comparison.) Besides, as is was a curse, zealously at first propunded: the execution was likewise as wisely afterward suspended. So as the jealousy and fear of an act, more than the action, drew all this blood.  
And for the second, it was a politic and prudent invention. a suaffle, to bridl sectaries; and a sickle, to cut down the weads growing up in the church. For setting in each provinc, grave and learned men, to stand as watchment and sentinels, to foresee, ne quid in commodi respublica & Ecclesia patiantur: they might better, and more providently, with their authority either prevent, or cut of the heads of that Hydra, which deed then spring up with much terror. Neither was the matter and motion new, for Philip the wise Duke of Burgundy, had long before desired, bit could never effect it: knowing it to be a thing needful, because at that time, almost all the 17. lands (except Arras) wear under the diocese of Bushops, who wera straingers, and the subject of foreign princes, (which was a thing not convenient for the state.)  
And what good this chaing haveth wrought, experienc perfectly and daily showeth. for now every diocese is more carefully visited: and the Bushops, being of the same nation and language: as they have a more natural compassion; so likewise have they more knowledge and care to instruct their contriement, and to wead out the disorders and abuses growing up among them; then any stranger, would or could have. And that was the cawse, why it was allowed and ratified by the bull of PIUS iv anno 1559.  
Now touching Monsieur d'Arras: howbeit his wisdom and experienc in affairs both of the church, and the state, was sufficiently known to the kings: yet because the Prince of Orange, and the Counts of Horn, and Egmont, ded jointly write to the king against him: his Majesty (though to the great hindrance of his service,) was content to remove him, for their satisfaction and contentment: and when he was called awaye, neither was the country quieter, nor they ceased from practising.  
As for their liberties and franchises, ded not the king at the joyful entry, confirm them all? then how, and when ded he after violate them? was it for preferring the Spaniards? there wear few of them left in the Netherlands, and fewer cum imperio. Was it, for the offices of state? the king distributed all the governements among them selves, (natives of that country:) so great trust and confidence, he reposed in them. He maid the Count Egmond Governor of Flanders and Artois: the Prince of Orange, Governor of Holland, Zelland, Vtreght, and Burgundy: to the Count Arenbergh, he gave the government of westfrizeland, and over Isel: to Count Barlaymont, Namur: to Count Mansfeld, Luxemburg, and Chinay: to the Marquis of Berghen Lile and Dovay. So as the nobility, could not justly taik offenc, nor have expected more honour and command, than was favourably, given them. And for the further assuranc of his good affection to them, he left his sister, the Duchess of Parma, Governor general: a woman, of a peaceable spirit, and who was like to bear the bridle with a mild and gentle hand, and to be advised by their counsels.  
So then, what was the original of these commotions; All was actually quiet; the fire lay covered, and as dead under the Ashes: till the time that the Baron of Brederode, delivered in his supplication to the Duchess, with demands neither reasonable for them to ask, nor safe for her to grant. 
The furtherers of chaing of religion.   
1. In the mean time the Martinis increased ane grew strong in the country: first by their matches with Germane and Lutherans. The Earl of Culenbergh married one: Horn matched with the sister of Count Harman: the Prince of Orange, by his mother was allied to Count Solmes; and his wife was sister, to Morris Duke of Saxony: and the Grave of Scherenberg married his sister.  
2. Then, Count Ludowick, the Prince's brother, a soldier, a man of a great spirit, and a Lutheran was a powerful instrument, both to maik a party, and to back it.  
3. Besides Flaccius Illiricus (whom they sent for from Germany) and other ministers dispersed in all corners, ded incense the people much. But after the quick silver of Caluinisme was brought in, the fire ever after was unquenchable.  
Then ded the flame burst out. The people, as in spite of all laws, begonn to mutiny, broke down the king's arms, and grew so wild, as in a rage, they pulled down image, sacked the churches, spoilt the monasteries, and contemned all magistrates, that soughr to appease the trowbles. So as the Duchess of Parma, fearing their fury, and distrusting their violence: determined to retire, if she had not bean dissuaded and stayed by some of the nobles.  
4. And yet had she daily more and greater cawse of dislike, and distrust: by the private conventicles, preachings, and insolency of the people (openly now Lutheranising:) and specially by the many secret meating and assemblies of the nobility, whearof she complained much.) For she ded well consider, that as the people could work no noble effects withowt a head: so the nobles wanted forces and power to compass their desseins, without the assistanc of the people (who by their inducements, appeared now in their own likeness, and attempted that alteration, they most desired.)  
Hereof the Prince was the cheafe captain, though he played least in sight, and would never show owtwardlie to favour any change of religion: for all that he ded practice, he pretended to do for the commonwealth and the general good.  
He was assisted by the Marquis of Barghen, Montignie, and Florenc Montmorancie Count Horn, who was now grown a perfect malcontent, not so much for religion: as for his own particular respects and occasions; his debt; the rejecting of his suit for the gournment of Zutphen; and above all, the execution of his brother Montigny in spain.  
By means of these noble and popular persons, diverse assemblies wear procured (as the nurses, that fostered the conspiracies.) First at Breda, whether among others Egmond was invited, (who had the greatest power and sway with all military men in that cont●ie:) and shortly after, as the fruit and effect of that Assembly, Brederode delivered his petition to the Duchess for the religions Vried. Afterward they had meatings, at S. Trudon, at Hoocstrat and at Osterweal. whereby that noble Count Egmond was undone. For at his arrainment, he was charged with this article; that he was privy to the confaederation and agreement, at these assemblies. And furthermore, that fatally, upon the same day, that the petition was delivered by Brederod to the Duchess,) he Orange, and Horn, came to the great banquet, at the Count Culenberghs house in Brussels, (where 300 of the confederates wear.) and that they dined all together with them: at which time, the name of the Geuses was first given, and maid known. and that afterward he sent his secretary Backersele, to offer his aid, to those of that crew. and in dead, he confessed himself at Bar; that he offered his assistanc, to hinder the Duke of Alva his coming, and impeach his passage: and that he ded neither dislike, nor dissuade the proceading of the confederates.  
And of the same articles was Count Horn indicted, adding this further, as a particular charge, to him, that he threatened to levy 50. thousand Men, by violenc to rescue his brother, and reduce him home.  
And upon the proof of these accusations, they wear both condemned: as by all law, by reason of state, for exampls' sake, for the Regent's safety, and the honour 
See Sir Roger William's story.  of justice it was necessary. howbeit it is certan, that Count Egmond was conninglie circumvented by the Prince, and drawn to his own confusion by plaits and policy: for which at his death he was repentant, (being a man of a plain, magnanimous, and noble disposition.)  
What Prince could endure such indignities, 
The cause of reaucing the Spaniards.  and not seek both to prevent the like offences, and to taik revenge of the offenders? was it not high time to arm, when the people contemned religion and government; and the nobler, wear their patterns: when the cities wear in uproar, and the whole frame of the Commonwealth was shaken? had not the king reason, to send Alva with his forces, aswel to repress these present conspiracies; as by the sword to subdue such rebellious spirits, which could not be reduced by lenity to obedienc. You may see, it was high time, to encounter Orange, who had almost undermined the government: as he had discooraged the governor.  
And touching the companies conducted hither out of spain (against which the Prince had taught the country to repine:) was it lawful for the Prince to bring in the Reistres, and for his brother Count Lodowick, to bring in the frenchmen to invade Heynault: and was it not tolerable for the king, to send his army, to defend his own inheritance? was it lawful to surprise Mounts by force, and was it not more lawful to expel them by force? and seeing it could not be done without force, surely if the Duke of Alva had not bean so near, to encounter and bear dowen their malice, the king by all probability had lost his footing in the Netherlands.  
And let no man dream, that if the Duke had not comed at all, the fire had bean more easily quenched, and the people less provoked to fury. For these confaederations of so great persons, ded portend the generation of some great monster; and the manner of the birth, and first appearanc of the Geuses, by the encooragement of the governors of the state, ded prognosticate a crewel storm, to all men of understanding: neither wear they like men, by any bit in a woman's hand, to be bridled: so as of necessity, the king was, to send Alua.  
And the rather, bycaus he could not but know, that M. Chastillon, the Admiral 
john Pettit.  of France, ded send to baron Brederode, persuading and incensing him, not to accord with the Duchess of Parma, (for so they would be deceived:) and offering him in case of necessity, to assist him, with 4000 gentlemen. And Count Ludowick, after his defeat at Mounts, ded lie at Rochel among the Caluinists: and the Prince went to France of purpose to prepare for a future invasion. And the same Admiral shortly after solicited with great earnestness Charles the 9 to divert all his wars into Flanders, and taik upon him the protection of that country. And Aldegond, in Germany as carefully ded solicit a party, to combyne with them. so than they laboured upon all sides▪ to offend the king: and if he seek to defend himself, must he be taxed for tyranny and cruelty? surely that state must neads be out of order: that presumeth to censure a king, for seaking by his ministers to punish disorders, and reduce all into order.  
The Duke of Alva, could because of none of these disorders precedent, (the lenity and mildness, of the merciefull Regent, maid them insolent: and yet the very name of the Duke before he gave any offenc, maid them seek to foreigners to oppress him.  
And after his arrival hear, who can blame him, if he maid war with rigour; perceauing the general impression of malice, in the peopls hearts against him? specially being advertised, that the protestants had combined in the passion weak to kill him, at the monastery of the grean valley, in the forest of Saw near Brussels; (whether he used to go many times for his devotion.) It was well known, that Monsieur Rifot, Carli and Villars with 700. horse, and 500 foot, conspired when the Duke, and the nobles, and his followers wear at M●sse in the church; to beset the place, and with fire and devices, to burn both men, church, and Monastery, good and bad, friends and enemies: (the which, the two Guidons confessed.) and the like execution, was intended at Brussels against the Spaniards, as Pettit, Mendoza, and Michael of Isselt testify.  
Neither ded they cease their malice, and mischeafe when he was recalled: for that noble and wise Duke of Arschot, advertised Don john, that Orange endeavoured to seize his person, to dispossess the king of the sovereignty: and to establish liberty in the low country's. I ask not who set Ratclif, and Gray on work to kill him, at Namur, for latet anguis in herba. And ded not the Caluinists, as finely contrive at Antwerp, to have blown up with gunpowder, the famous Duke of Parma: as he was to pass in the high street, with the state of the whole country attending him. So as it appeareth, as coy as they maik it, they are not so free, and clear: but that protestants may be charged, with treasons assassinats, and powder plaits: nay more; to be the first inventors of it, as long ago in Scotland appeared, and the king haveth good cause to remember.  
Now for the authors and actors of this 
The authors of thy. union.  union: the States, and the Prince wear the Contrivers of it. And touching the Prince, he was a man politic, popular, ane a great howskeaper: (both which qualities stood him in good stead.) The house of Nassau, in Germany, was ancient, and honourable: but was advanced in this country most by marriages; this william, (because his father turned Lutheran) Charles the fifth out of his princely affection, took him from his father, and commended him to the care and education of the Queen of Hongarie, his sister. And afterward admitted him into his own chamber for many years. Then maid him general of his horse: and after raised him to the honour of his Livetennant general. And to maik his obligation the greater to him, he maid choice to send by him, as a man of most trust, the Imperial crown to his brother king Ferdinando: and ded like Vise commend him highly to king Philip (though diverse forewarned him, to taik head, that he deed not nourish a snake in his bosom.)  
Add to these favours, the Emperors furtheranc of his match, with the Count of Burens daughter and heir (whereby he was highly advanced:) and specially, above all other things, he procured Renatus of Challon, Prince of Orange, to maik this william his heir, (when the Precedent Schorus was wholly against him.) And forget not the honour, king Philip ded him, to commit so many, and so great governements, to his charge, and fidelity. was it possible, that any thing could corrupt this man, and divert him from thank fullness, and allegiance? Deed they after give him cause of alienation and hatred, or he took a cause? When the king was to departed into Spain. The Prince (after the Death of his first wife) aspired to marry the Daughter of Christierna Duchess of Lorraine, (cousin german to the King.) And therefore he laboured to have her maid governor of these provinces: and so he should in effect by that allianc, sway the whole government, (for which he had gaped long: and was a competitor for it, with the Count of Egmond.) But the king, preferring the Duchess of Parma, the Prince lost both his hope and his wife: and therrupon grew his hatred both to Alva, and Granuellan, by whose means he imagined that Parma, was preferred: and the other rejected.  
So ambition was the true internal motive, of all this rancour: but religion was maid the outward cause, and the mantle to hide it. Ambition is a passion, that can not rest and sleep, withowt dreaming of a revenge: and therefore he first married in the house of Saxony (the sanctuary of Lutheranisme;) he incited Brederode: he set a pike and quarrel betwean Egmond and Granuellan (who had stood his best friend before, in many matters of importance:) he studied and practised to hinder the coming in of Alva, (purposing a certan revenge, for a supposal of that he deed not certain know.) He never after showed himself well affected to the king's affairs nor content with any favours. afterwards, he invaded Freeze, directed Lumay to possess Bril, and what he could in Holland: he gave order to his brother Seherenbergh to maik himself master of Zuthphen: and placed Saras governor of Flushing, that the world might see the error of Alva, in neglesting so long, a place of that importance.) So as I may well say, he was the great wheal, whearupon all the state was moved and turned.  
I will conclude, that after he sought to be reconciled with the king. (by intercession of the emperor, and the Duke of Bavier,) and could not compass it, modo & forma, as he desired: he grew desperate, in all his attempts having ill success; and found no harbour so safe for him as Holland, the best nurse to maintain his decayed estate; a receptacle of all religions; and a fortification strong enough by nature and art, where he might safelier write Apologies then fight; encoorage faction, and plant a new religion, (wheareof it seemeth he was not at first fully resolved:) for though when he was at court, he went to Mass: yet from his childhood he was thought to have had some seads of Lutheranism, (which was ever after his being in France, transplanted into Caluinisme, if to any certan sect.)  
And these, and all his courses, being well discerned at last, by the states of Artois and Heynauld (anno 1579.) when they wear reconciled to the king: with the assent of the most honorabls Duke of Arschot, (who never much affected the Prince,) articulo 5. they ded bind them selves, to prosecute war against Orange (as a general enemy of peace) and to find at their own charge, eighteen thousand men for that purpose, and will any man imagine: that so noble, so religious, so valiant men, (pears to the Prince for nobility, and wisdom,) either could err in their judgements of him they knew so well, and (who had acted his part, so long upon the stage, in the face of them all:) or would have maid such an offer, if they had esteemed him a Good patriot or his cause, and proceeding just and warrantable?  
Now touching the people of Holland, I acknowledge they are a people very industrious? and skilful to maik use of their labours; and as a learned censor of them well noted, nec totam libertatem, nec totam seruitutem patiuntur. Friends to change, seldom content with the present state: in prosperity a litl insolent; most addicted to traffic and their profit; and jealous of any, that would impeach their gain or liberty. And the Prince being well acquainted with their nature: to bread and feed their jealousy more, discovered to them, the secret counsel and combination of king Henry the 2. of France, and the Duke of Alba, to suppress the protestants, and to erect the, 17. Provinces into a kingdom. (the which he said that king discovered unto him.) But surely, non placet commentum: (it is not like the Duke of Alva would discover his master's greatest secrets, to an enemy so lately reconciled.) and his fiction of other fables; maiks it more probable, that to have bean a fable also. For he gave out, that the Emperor and the king affected a monarchy over all Europe: which if it wear but a conjecture, (was devised by himself, and not upon certan intelligenc understood:) and upon knouledg) from them selves it could not be; for the Emperor's overtoyled age, his end, his course and the harbour of a religious hows he be took himself, into; convinc the contrary. Yet these inventions and forgeries, served him to good purpose, both to terrify the Hollanders (that they might still rely upon him:) and to procure, the distrust and malice of foreign nations to the house of Austria. And with such baits, ded he long both entrap and feald, that country people.  
Now you have hard the whole charge, and all the trespasses objected to the king, (both general, and particular: now, and ab Origine;) and the actors, that followed the busienes, and what exceptions may be taken justly, against their estimation, integrity, and testimony, (specially in their own cause.) It remaineth therefore now, to examine first, whether the king stood guilty of these crimes, of Injustice and Tyranny. For if he be innocent, then is their usurpation 
The king of spain, his desire of peace. His court not tyrannous.  unlawful; and if he wear guilty: an other quaestion is, whether his error, gives them title, and his offences free them from subjection.  
I will maik it manifest to the world, that the king ever desired peace; and with great care sought to avoid, the desolation of his people, and country's.  
1. And to maik this evident. It may please you to call to mind, the course taken, by that excellent, and most loyal Prince the Duke of Arschot, and by the states general at the Pacification of Gand, 1574. whearin it was thought requisite, to decree an Amnestia, and oblivion of all things past, on both sides: and to taik order, for discharging the Spaniards, and sending them home. And notwithstanding that in this pacification, all things wear referred ad arbitrium ordinum: (using, nor mentioning any reservation to the king: yet Don john ded ratify it, and procured the king's consent, and confirmation of all, as appeareth by the perpetual edict. And altough this pacification was agreed upon, by all the rest of the states general (out of a zealous affection, to general unity:) yet would not the Prince of Orange, nor Holland and Zelland subscribe and accept it. And they dissuaded the states general to accept Don john for governor, till the Spaniards should be dismissed at a time limited: and yet would not they dismiss the foreign forces they had in Holland; but being at liberty them selves, would tie Don john to perform his promises. but why ded the Prince and Holland, refuse to subscribe? was it for religion? no for in these articles, Holland and Zelland wear as well provided for, as they could desire. for therein was this article, ut sola in ijs provincijs, Romana religio toleretur & exerceatur, excepta Hollandia & Zellandia. though these provinces, never esteemed nor respected, that peace, nor that provision for their indemnity. and for the Prince's person and safety, his own guiltienes, and his precedent offences, wear buried in this Amnestia (the states prevailed more for him then the Emperor could.) What then caused the differenc? malice and Ambition, blinded and transported him. for all men may see, the king desired peace, and the Prince altogether was inclined to war (though thearin he was no excellent Hannibal.)  
2. And that appeared more plainly 1575. by the colloquy of Breda, where the king offered reasonnable conditions: and the Emperor sent the Count Swartzenburgh, to induce them to concord and unity. And yet would the Prince listen to nothing, and the treaty was fruitless. the cause is worthy to be known. At that time, they of 
10. Pettit.  Holland deliberately determined to submit them selves to some other Prince, and offered them selves secretly to obey the Queen of England high Aldegond and Douza. The project whearof, and the reasons I have scene.  
3. Yet ded the king, show, still how great his patienc, and mercy was: and how far from the baseness of tyranny; that knowing all this, and much more: yet would he not proclaim Orange a traitor, till 1580. when his malice appeared to be irreconciliable, and his courses desperate: and after they had finished the fabric of that union of Vtreght; about fiftean years after the beginning of these trowbles.  
4. The fourth argument, to prove the king's inclination to peace, and his detestation of tyranny, taiks away all quaestion from men indifferent.  
When the Emperor solicited the treaty 
1. The persons.  of Coolen 1579. and maid choice of most honourable persons for that purpose, the two Princes electors, the Bushop of Wirtzburgh; the Count Swartzenburgh, and Doctor Lawenman. the king of Spain was as forward, and sent thither, the Duke de Terra nova. and the Duke of Arschot (ever ready to advanc peace, and the common wealth) with diverse others, wear commissioners from the states, with commission signed by the Archduke Mathias. So as the persons, on all sides, wear like to deal with integrity and judgment.  
Note also, upon what motives, was the 
The moives.  Emperor content to employ these commissioners. The states by their letters to the emperor dated S. jun. 1578. ded promise, and assure him, that they wear, are, and so would continue constant, ut in Belgio colatur religio Catholica, & regi sua constet authoritas. And before that, at worms in the general diet holden 1577. the agents of the states submitted and referred their cawse to the Emperor, as likewise the king of spain ded. And therefore, both parts, being so conformable, and concurring in eodem tertio. a general peace might well be expected with good probability.  
Now observe how this was performed. according to agreement, the Emperor's commissioners came to Coolen in the beginning of April. but Daws pertur●at omnia, the states sent not there's till the 4. Maij, and then with a commission insufficient, and restrained the time of their treaty to six weaks, and no longer. So it seamed, the states could not agree a long time of their instructions, to their agents. and there for the Imperials took it as an error, that when they them selves could not in many months agree of that; they would notwith standing limit their deputies to so short a time, for the handling of a busienes so weighty and intricate, as this was: and whearim so many several men, had several ends. Besides in the articles, which the deputies exhibited, they propounded extrema, non media, contrary to promise. furthermore, by the articles and media of peace, proposed by the Duke de Terra nova, all severity was lenified and mitigated, for the case of religion. as the Emperor's commissioners ded testify by these words.  nemo iuste conqueri posset, regem pretextu religionis, vel seuire in corporae subditorum, vel bona eorum confiscare, vel conscient 'tis vim infer. So as the Imperials finding the dallijng and de lays of the states, such, as in 16. weaks, they could get no answer; and that by their letters they renewed all old greaves and quarrels: they broke up the treaty, and departed  
Hearupon Bolduc, and Valencen received and incertained the articles. Over Isel, and Turnay, refused them not. Artois and Heynault guided with the bonus genius of the Church; and Em. Lalain, that valiant and religious Marquis of Renty, together with Monsieur de Capre, Heze, Baize and the rest: condemning the course of the Prince of Orange, offrerd their obedienc to the king, and maid peace with the Duke of Parma. In this interim, what ded they of Holland? they wear now further of, the case was altered. They published discourses against the treaty; they studied how to defend their usurpation, and how to perfect the Frame of their union; and how to increase discord and division among the rest. (where there ministers and agents, failed not to serve their turn.) But they wear principally busied, abowt a new project. For by the mediation of the Prince of Orange, and the counsel and assistanc of England, and for their better ability and more strength, they capitulated with Monsieur the Duke of Alleneon 1578. whom they created Duke of Brabant, and Prince absolute of the Nether lands.  
2. secondly, touching the king's tyranny. 
Touching the king's oppression of them.  first exaction, and impositions: then disannulling their privileges: also the too severe government, of his ministers, (whereby he broke his oath solemnly sworn at the joyful entry) wear the causes of making this union. The end was, to preserve them selves, and their country's from utter ruin and destruction.  
Hear is there Claim, and the foundation of their Union, and of their Dominion, and sovereignty. And first touching the exactions and tyranny, and severity of Governous, which the deputies of the states ded aggravate so much at Colen. Surely, so long after the Duke of Alva his time; and under the temperate government of the Duke of Parma: and after so oft and many offers, and signification of the kings gracious disposition to ease their burdens: it was rather to be judged as a Cavil to shift of peace, than a desire to beridd of war.  
For first touching these grievous exactions, they complain so of, v●delicet, of the Tenth penny, imposed by the Duke of Alua.  
It is necessaries to Draw the Curtains, whearwith they shadow and obscure the truth. Necessity and not his own will, forced Alva, to exact that, which neither he would have Doon, nor the king have suffered it: but being driven to extremity, for setisfijng the soldiers (who always grow wild without pay:) and so to avoid a greater mischeafe, he was driven to incur an inconuenienc.  
Some of the counsel in Englant, in the Queen's name, seized in Hampshyre 600000. Ducats, (sent from Spain to pay the Army, withowt any charge at all to the country:) though she had given a passport, for the safe conduct of it, as is reported. Upon what pretences, or how justly, I will not argue, (having bean before debated at large, in a treaty.) But these politic men who conselled her, to extend her authority, for staying the moonie: as they well knew it was none of hers: so wear they also sure, it would drive the Duke of Alva into such strayts, that he would be compelled to commit error, and increase the hatred of his government, and arm the peopls' fury to sedition. (which was the thing they most aimed at.) Besides the king of spain having sent the Duke de Medina, (a man of a milder nature) to succead Alva (who partly by misfortune, partly by his stearnnes, partly by some errors, and by foreign princes disfavor, was grown odious) he brought with him, 200000. Ducats: which the Zellanders, intercepted upon the seas; and as his stewards, took it as pure Alms into their charge, to disburse it without account. So having lost his moonie, and ships: lost also his hart to stay near them; and therefore returned back to Spain, fully resolved, never to have further dealing, with such sharking Cormomorants of that Nest and crew. And so was Alva further both plunged, and perplexed. But hearby it appeareth, that it was neither the king's pleasure nor purpose, (who furnished him, so largely and liberally as was intended) but the necessity of his present wants, which compelled Alva to that demand, and exaction. And so it was rather an occasion of scandal and offenc reflected upon the king, then deserved by either: and a quarrel rather maid, and contrived, then given.  
And these popular orators that plead so earnestly for the ease of the commons: and seam so careful to procure the exoneration of the impositions, and taxes laid upon the people: why do they not now inveigh as much, against these new magnificos of Holland? who are so fart from laying down and diminishing these subsidies and excis●s, that they have raised and augmented them in dutch so●t: as at this day, no common wealth in Christendom groaneth under the like burden.  
And it can not yet be forgotten, that the gend to there of the people, (as they called him.) the Prince of Orange, ded propownd and labour to wrist and wring from them of Holland, the Sixth penny, towards his 
M. Issolt.  change and maintenanc, anno 1584. this was a note above Ela, a strain far higher, than the Duke Alua's; and yet though the people denied it, and murmured much: yet still was he in Holland paeter patriae, so smoothly he could manage his busienes.  
Barnevelt in his Apology, confessed: that he found 1586. the order of the government out of all Frame, many preachers protestants would not acknowledge the states (for after the french fashion, they had no command, nor discipline:) the commons quite opposite: the towns and magistrates wished for peace; the expenses of the state, exceeded all incoms and revenues by twenty six millions: and that (which I maik this note for) west frizeland in the beginning ded contribute scarce, Decies octies centena millia florenorum; and now they are charged, to pay quadragies centena milua librarum, & duos milliones. I use his own words because I will not be challenged for mistaking him. Who is therefore now the tyrant and the exactor? though the peopl have changed their Lord, they are not eased of their oppression: and where before they complained they had one, now are they subject to the command of many tyrants, who fleace them, nay unskin them. Alva bet them, with whips; but the states, with scorpions. Examine their excises, and impositions, how they are increased, upon meat, drink, fuel, men, servants, wages: besides lones and benevolences. Henry Cuickius chargeth them, to exact the fourth part of their revenues, that are Hollanders and live out of the country: Si in provincijs nostris, venia eorum degunt: semissem iubent soluere: si secus bonis exuunt.  
And to answer that invective, against the Duke of Alva his cruelty (which was so much objected at Coolen, and since haith bean aggravated by D. Baudius, in his orations:) call to mind what occasions wear given him: by the opposition of the Nassovians: by the war at Mounts: by the practice to impeach his entranc to Brabant: and by contriving his death. Yet these wear venial sins. But, when he found the nobility, so far engaged in the conspiracy with the Geuses; that the king's authority was despised, the religion established was profaned and derided; that the towns in Holland, and Zelland revolted; H●●le●, Alcmar, and the rest excluding the king's authority and power: what stranger and man unpartial, would not think; when the blood of the body was so corrupted, that it is not fit both to use cauterism, and violent purgations to cleanse it. for violenc is never necessary, but when lenitives, will not remedy and work a cure. And when Alva was revoked: remember how litl, the peacapl nature of the Commendador prevailed with so rough and harsh natures, who was forced to cry out, Dios libera nos de estos estadoes. And hear I pray you read the opinion of Sir Roger Williams, a soldier of good note, who had served an both sides, and knew the natures of the peopl. in his story, of these wars, he condemned the revocation of Alva as an error: because nothing but rigour, could reduce these violent spirits into order: neither can any man maik them obedient, but he that can pull them upon their knees; and carrieth the sword drawn, in his hand, always ready upon such inflammations, to open a vain, and let them blood: though I conffess a gentle hart will much ever relent with compassion, when it seethe blood shed.  
Concerning the breach of the king's 
For the king's oath  oath, (which they object having sworn to observe their privileges: if they will decide the matter by course of justice, it must first be maid plain, and appear; that the king haveth broken his promise, and not performed his oath: and in what case. and in their own causes, it is not agreeable to common reason, that the Playntifs should be both accusers and judges.  
Again, if he had broken his promise: many things may happen after his oath, to excuse him from perjury. or tyranny. for by law, every absolute pact, and promise doth imply tacitam conditionem, to proceed, rebus sic stantibus, as they wear at the oath taken. But what if such difficulties follow, that he can not keap his promise? What if that which was then promised for the good of that province? can not be observed without the great damage of that province, and of all Europe? As the cause, so the case must be altered.  
But proceed further, if the king had broken his oath: yet wear not the states enabled and authorised thereby, to choose a new prince in his stead; much less, to invest them selves. for in the articles of the joy full entry, this is a clawse, ut si in omnibus, aut in uno quo●iam articulo, pacta ista Dux Brabantiae violassct: denegare ei, tantisper subdus possunt, consueta seruitia: dum id revocetur, vel corrigatur, in quo controversum. For otherwise, without that dumb, ill disposed subjects, should continually have the advantage to pick quarrels against a good Prince.  
And the world can witness, how oft the king haveth offered to the Emperor, to foreign princes, and to the states general either to revoke, or amend, what could be proved to be amiss.  
Besides the states and courts of Brabant, are more properly to decide that quaestion, than Holland, (who can claim those privileges, but by participation.) Add also, that the states of Brabant, Flanders, Artois, Heynault, and the rest have conformed them selves, like dewtiefull, virtuous, and noble persons, to obedienc of the king: and to all Laws, and government. (And if Holland could learn by their examples, so to do, the quaestion wear then ended.)  
Furthermore, the like oath all kings taik at their coronation; and it is the greatest honour to them religiously to perform it: but if they break it, what then? shall he be deposed? that is a doctrine only sit for the schools of Conspiracy. Besides there is a great differenc, betwean a covenant, and a condition, in the common law: and yet neither of them tie a Prince, so as the breach implieth a forfeiture, (as hear after appeareth.)  
But to conclude, who ded first, create and grant these privileges? ded not the Prince, ex gratia spectali, & mero motu, to gratify good subjects? how unthankful subjects than are they, who will seek to deprive there sooverain Lord; if he be forced to break a clawse, or an article, or a covenant, upon urgent cause? What would they have objected, to Philip Duke of Burgundy, and of the Netherlands, who resumed into his 
H. Berland.  own hands, and by his own authority, all the Privileges, and immunities of Gandt? and detained them all his life time; teaching them to acknowledge, by whose grace they held them. And what remedy? when his son Charles, came to Gand; the people in a rage compelled him to restore them. But, to their cost, for they wear forced to seek his pardon, and to cast them selves, and their charters, at his feat, and stand to his mercy.  
And the like he ded at Machlen, (which he determined to have razed, and destroyed:) yet he restored them to their liberties, upon great suit, and upon such conditions, as he thought good.  
Neither of these great cities, objected to the Dukes, their breach of oath, at their entry, or that they had forfeited their estates: they wanted the cloak of Holland, and such a conductor as Orange. Yet it is worthy also, to be considered, why the Prince urgeth so much the kings keeping of his oath: and yet he maiks no religion to perform his own. For when he was to taik upon him, the government of Brabant, he took his oath to mantain the Catholic 
Michael Barus do unione stat.  religion in Brabant. And haith he performed it? when he retired into Holland, he professed and protested publicly, he would change and alter nothing: nor dispossess the Clergy of their liuings: and the like he ded at Amsterdam, and bound himself with a solemn oath: and yet he performed none of these. So to serve his own turn, he taketh hold of the king's oath; and for his own oath, religion and bonum publicum, give him a dispensation which Caluin ded confirm unto him. Libro 4. c. 13. §. 21. Aman (saith he) illuminated wi●h the truth, simul vinculis omnibus obediendi legibus & Ecclesiae solutus est: he that once haveth perfect knowledge of the gospel, is absolved from oath, and all such suares. Is not this a holy gospel, and a blessed lesson. But yet, I see no particularity alleged, whereby it may appear, that the king ded break his oath: was it for exactions? it is answered. was it. for bringing in the Spaniards? it was time, and necessity, that maid the king, to his great trouble, to his greater charge, to his greatest grease: to taik arms, to defend the Clergy, to defend the religion of his ancestors (according to the laws and lawble customs of these provinces:) and to force them to acknowledge that he was their Prince.  
Was it for religion? In dead it is true, there is a clawse in the union, that they are thereby to defend them selves, contra omnem vim, quae sub pretextu religionis aut nominis Regij inferetur. At first, the Prince, Horn, and Montigny, offered to join with the people, against the Inqusition: they assisted comforted, and encooraged Brederode: they desired and urged the Religions Vried, and published books to defend it: maid liberal promises to be content with the use of their own religion, and not to prejudice nor offend the Catholic.  
And with much art, they hide and dissembled their intentions, the better to draw on the Catholics to join with them, for the general good of the state. For by that devise, they won many prelate's and men well affected in religion, to cooperate with them, for the furteranc and defence of the Archduke Mathias, with their bodies and goods: and still under the fair names of liberties and religion.  
Now that religions Vried being granted, it was a supersedeas to the inquisition, and a prohibition of all violenc, and severity. and what could they desire more? Besides Holland and Zelland, ever since the pacification of Gand, have bean offenders more than defendors: and have enjoyed their Religion, liberties, & denique quid non? so as they had no just cause, to maik this union and conspiracy, (specially when all other provinces submitted them selves to the king.) But faction and heresy is ever humble, till they can get the sword of power and authority in their hands. For now, they of Holland, are in Gloria Patri, and sing an other tune: they have expelled all the Clergy, seized their lands and liuings: emprisonned, those that will not be conformable, to their Synods holden at Dort 1574. and at Midlborough. 1581. they have used much creweltie both in drowning and executing men for religion: but no toleration they will permit; nor more favour, then to the Puritans, Anabaptists, an semi-Arrians, emoug them.  
And for the matter: of Religion, at the making of that union; they maid them selfs cheaf governors of religion and the church, by these words. Quant au poinct de religion, ceux de Hollande & Zellande s'y comporteront comme bon leur semblera: & les autres, selon le placcard de l' Archiduc Mathias.  
So then, by this, belike the States of Holland and Zelland are advanced to be head of the church in those provinces: for all must be touching Ecclesiastical matters, comme bon leur semblera. They are now, the Regula Lesbian, to square judge, direct, govern, and order all: and what religion they will allow, that must pass for currant: and in that manner, and for so long time, as they please.  
Now this authority being in the states general; then that church must be governed by many, not by one: one spiritual body by many temporal heads, and most of them artificers, (merchants of Amsterdam, brewers of Delft, Staplers of Dort, seamen of Horn, etc.) An anarchy, withowt learning: and (which is pity) a forenoon head, better than an afternoon: too many for unity, too ignorant for verity, and skarselie able too determine with judgement, whether the Gomarists or the Armenians, should be Doctors of the Chair. And that appeared well, by their edict published at Hague 1614 that no man should preach, Deum aliquos in exitium creasse; which sentenc was afterward retracted, bycaus the heads of the church had erred therein, (for they admit not the ministers, as in France, to sharewith them any part of their jurisdiction.)  
Now to draw, to an end: if the king had taken arms to introduce any new religion (like a Mushroom grown up in a night) and to compel the consciences of his subjects to obey that: I must neads say, he had much encroached upon the liberties of the country's, and had incurred justly their malice.  
And I can not but say also, that the Hollanders, taking arms against their sooverain, for defence of such a religion, and innovation: can neither, by law, reason, not religion, be excused and defended. Now if the Hollanders be so precise in upholding their religion: if the Elders of Geneva will permit no toleration: if the french church insult and oppress the poor humble Catholics, that live emoug them: if Romulus by his law enacted, Deosperigrinos' ne colunto: if Numa would not hear 
Lib. 4. de repub.  of any novelty: if Socrates ded wisely advice, that people should reseru and refer all mutations and matters of religion to Apollo: if nature and all nations concur in this: had not the king of spain reason, to endeavour to prevent, that confusion of opinions, and that multitude of sects, which had so daingerouslie infected the west part of the world?  
And if they of Holland, think it necessary for the peace of their state: is not the case a like for him? if for their conscience sake, they will bar out the Catholic and ancient religion: should he be bard for his conscience sake, to taik the same course against the Caluinists? how do their beginning, and their proceedings differ? and how do their profession and performanc agre? for at first they maid that a cawse of their rebellion that the king would force their consciences: and yet they will not now permit the same freedom, to those that live under their command.  
But now to come to the Main point. they Challenge by the union, to be absolute Lords of these provinces: and have renounced all title, and obedienc to the king of Sayen, as Earl of Holland and Zelland. I ask, quo titulo ingressi sunt? they allege, in their letters to the Emperor 1608. this ground work. Post tractatum pacis Coloniae, qua Hispani potius ad opprimendam, quam sublevandam Belgium usi sunt: Hispani, 
Mercurius Gallob. libro 32.  tanta tyrannide, in provincias, urbes, ac ciues omnes Belgij, procul●atis omnibus privilegijs grassabantur: ut ad conseruandam, quod ei imminebat, ab extremo exitio patriam: pleraeque Belgicae provinciae, quae in unione perstiterant, regem eiurarunt: & certam quandam, ac liberam reipublicae formam constituerunt. It a pro liberis, à multis regibus accepti. per 32. annos. Hear is the fowndation of their free state: and the reason is tyranny: and the time is said to be after the treaty of Coolen, (though in dead this union, was maid before.) Besides in the same place: they use an other argument: that the king of spain and the Archduke, acknowledge them, as free provinces, in quas ipsi nihil iuris praetendant; cum omnibus, generalibus, & particularibus renunciationibus. At the making of that union, they alleged, that the king had forfeited his estate, by oppressing them with tyranny, by infringing their liberties and his own oath, and for suppressing religion. And at Coolen, the states deputies added, that they took arms, not only for religion but to 1. avoid exactions intolerable, 2. and to cast of the yoke of too severe governors. So then 1. religion, 2. tyranny, 3. exaction, 4. abrogation of their privileges, and the kings own renunciation of his title: arr the pillars of this union. It remaineth therefore, after having maid a breach with this long battery, to give the assault upon their title: and discover how seditious the positions and principles of that religion are, which imprinted in them such disloyalty to usurp that title.  
If it could be proved by them, (which is necessary first to be:) that the king ded oppress the country by tyranny, and abrorating there privileges: then is it yet a question of importance, whether thereby he haveth lost his authority over his subjects? and if he had lost it, by what law have they found it? by what civil order or precedent, ded they abjure their obedience? Surely it was, certam quandam ac liberam reipublicae formam constituere. That was their end, and their presumption: but it was neither order nor cause. Neither is the king's tyranny, a sufficient warrant for their tyranny and usurpation. for a sooverain can not lose his sooverainetie: it doth all ways carry with it a nonobstante, to difpenc with errors and irregularities.  
And for their privileges, which the king never intended to maik void, (and so they build upon a false ground, which will fail them:) if it had bean so great an offenc, for the king to abrogate theirs; is it not a greater offenc for subjects, to usurp his? and so to maik themselves parties and judges, and by their own authority to punish their prince. Which is an insolency and indignity incredible to all posterity; and such as neither the Swizzes, nor the Amphictiones (the confederate cantons of Grecia:) ded ever match, nor come near. for so they maik, regna, occupantium ius, qui potest capere, capiat. A pretenc opposite to all laws: a portal to let in confusion. but if the king ded lose and forfeit all his authority and jurisdiction: yet I see not, why or how, they could also challenge his lands, and private inheritance: for that must neads descend by law. Besides if the king could forfeit his sovereignty, how can he forfeit it to his subjects? but say they, wear now no subjects; we have waved and renounced the same. and is that enough? It is true; a subject, may maik himself civis alienae reipulicae: but if he stay in his own country, he can not of a subject maik himself no subject; (for though he do rebel as the Hollanders ded, yet he is a subject:) but it is admirable, how of a subject he should become a sooveraine: that is scientia scientiarum, a supernatural skill above my capacity,  
Yet if the kings should forfeit his earldom of Holland; it is not to them, but to the cheaf Lord of the fee, that is to the Emperor (for it can escheat to no other, either by the Imperial or municipal laws.) If you ask me the reason: I say it is manifest, that Holland was erected into an Earldom, by the Emperor Carlous Caluus qui cum audivit, Hollandiam terram Imperatoriam, a Danis spoliari, rogatu Iohannis Papae, principatum eius contulit Theodorico. 
Berland Meyer.  Anno 863.  
So if it be not in the king of spain, (to whom it is lineally descended from Theodoric:) then may the Emperor give a new investitur thereof, as a fief Imperial, to whom he pleaseth, as he ded to Theodoric. (for it is a fantastical imagination, that it is fallen by lapse to them of Holland.) the Emperor taketh no notice of their Stateships, (being a private order for their better government.) But if it be fallen in laps, it is rather fallen to Orange and the nobility, (who can Better govern) then to tradesmen, and mariners. And yet undowbtedlie to none of them, except they plead, that as conquerors they won it by the sword, and so they will hold it: which is a Tenure, neither known to Litlton, nor sum Rural, not Ius feudal: a tenure fit for forosciuti, or the Hoards of Tartarians, than a commonwealth of Christians.  
A certan Hollander, in his third defence, of the united provinces, calleth the king of spain, Raptorem, & haereticum notorium, rudely and uncivillie; and thereupon inferreth, An non potius regem Hispaniae, quia haereticus notorius est, ex suo regno omnibus omnium Euangelicorum viribus, expellere oporteret? either this man was much distempered, or his religion infected him, and maid him a Catelin, and so seditions.  
These Are fearful paradoxes, and such as all princes have interest in; and had nead to have their swords drawn to confute: if for pretenc of religion, for errors in government, for restraining their privileges, for punishing sedition and riots: subjects may thus sit in judgement upon their princes, and taike arms and expel them out of their territories. Thus ded ket, and jack Straw in England, rise for bonum publicum: the Bowers in Germany, and Ziska in Bohemia maid their insurrections for religion: and so every Gracchus, may taik upon him the reformation of the church and the state.  
Now if they object, their case is ill fitted with a comparison, because many princes in 32. years have acknowledged and used them as a free State. If they hold only by prescription: I may justly say, that time will not serve their turn: except they can therewith plead a title, and bona fides: for time may confirm a title, but creates none. and the opinion of foreign princes, maiks not there bad claim better, but giveth only, a reputation to the usurper: and in so bad a quarrel, bravely defended, not the cause, but the success: not there right but their prosperity haveth done them honour. Besides it is nor true, that they have bean so reputed of Princes. to negotiate with princes under that title, and that so princes confirm their title, be different things.  
I grand that they offered to Queen Elizabeth the sovereignty of these provinces, and laboured that she would entertain them: but the counsel (specially the L. Treasurer,) ded not welcome the offer. both in regard of their title, for nemo potest plus euris transferre in alium, quam ipse habet: they could not giver her that, which was not there own: and in respect of the safety and honour of the Queen, who could not hold and mantain such a tile, without the censure of the world; and without geuing foreign princes, and her own people a precedent against herself.  
Although for her own private ends, afterward she was content to protect them: and he who furthered most that protection, was as glad so clenlie to be rid of the son: as the Marquis of Winchester was, to be delivered of the father.  
And therefore, the Queen's commissioners at Burborough, (as I have hard) affirmed truely, Auersata est Regina delatam sibi saepius illarum regionum summam potestatem. Neither was Sir Noel Charon, in Queen Elizabeth's time, esteemed as an Ambassador, but as an agent.  
But to join issue with them: if they can maik good ther hold and Claim; it 
By la.  must be either, by the Gospel, and patronage of religion: or it must be by law, (for if by neither of these, they lean upon a rotten stake.) first, the la is directly against them. For at the joyful entry, they wear subjects absolutely, and the king was sooverain, and to Orange he committed the livetennancie of these country's, Ouem lupo. Orange, and the people. withdraw their obedienc (upon surmises,) defended their towns against the king, deprived him of his inheritanc, and maid them selfs sooveraines. Whether wear these men guilty by la, of Treason or no? this is the case, truely. Dambouderius your contrieman, in prax. criminal. cap. 132. haith drawn your process. saith he. Seditiosi sunt, 1. qui moluintur conspirationem, 2. adversus rectores & admmistratores regionum, 3. il●●citas congregationes populi cogunt, ●iues commotionibus turban, etc. This compared with their dealing against Alva, Don john, and the Duke of Parma: with there many meating, at Breda and Osterweal; with their incensing and encooraging the Geuses: with their defence of Harland, and Alcmar: is as good as a comment, to explain the law. But cap. 82. Vi b●●●a sint insta, requiritur 1. iusta causa 2. recta intentio, 3. personarum idoneitas, 4. & authoritas principum, sine qua est laesa Maiestas. Now if the states mark that sine qua; they may hold down their heads, and blush. for, in all their wars, they neither had good colour, nor just cause. they wear secured for their religion, by the pacification of Gandt, by the perpetual edict, by the articles of the treaty at Coolen, and by enjoying all withowt disturbanc: and yet would they not join with the states general, and accept the same.  
Also there was not recta intentio, for it was to nourish discord. they pretended ever religion, and the people's safety; but the Prince persuaded them to arms and the union, not for the love of them, but for his own preservation. Ambition and despair wear his motives and counsellors: and revenge, and dispossessing the king wear his ends. And he was the more disloyal, seeing he being a person of honour betrayed the trust of so great a charge reposed in him. And touching that sine qua; it was a war (on their parts) maid against the king, and not by his authority: and not only his sword was shaken against the king, but his pen and Apology, (which was a great error because they wear not equally matched, and of one degree.) He had in the low country's, neither office, nor command, but under the wings of the Eagle, or authority of the Lyon. And he held all his Belgic lands in fee of the Duke of Burgundy, (as of his League Lord: and ded homage, and fealty for the same, and he knew also that a sooverain, gives law to his subjects, aswel as offices, and haith power of life and death: and as a learned man noted, 
Eo●in.  the law signifieth the power and command of him, that haith, the sovereignty.  
Besides, Claudius le Brun, in his book of process civil and criminal: addeth this. Whosoever surpriseth, towns Castles, and forts, withowt order of his sooverain (as the Prince ded cause Count Lumay do in Holland; and Vorst, and Barland ded Flushing.) Whearby the peace of the country is broken: or who attempteth against the life of the sooverains livetennant, it is treason. And these, all Europe do hold, as judgements, decrees of reason, and principles of state which are not to be called in quaestion. and if the states in Holland do not observe, hold, and practise the same: they can never expect, either peace, order, or obedienc in their country.  
So as it is manifest, that the Hollanders, in the beginning are to be charged with sedition, and in the progress with rebellion and treason. And then being traitors by law; they have admirable luck, and art to maik them selves also Lords by law. and it will be a good encooragement, to their soldiers; if men may win dignities by offences, to share the nouns of Holland among them, or to induce them to a bellum pyraticum, or sociale: and cantonize that provinc by their own example.  
They have yet one evasion, (which is rather of consequenc, then of substanc to prove their title:) a plaster they think to salve all sores: that the Archduke haveth renounced his right: and the king are knowledgeth them to be now, liberas provincias, & in quas ipse nihiliuris pretendat. though it is no aenigma, no ridl, nor such an argument as will pose a lawyer to answer it. yet because, I will not do hurt, where I would do good, I leave it to the consideration of that honourable, and learned Chancellor Peckins: who can best in a fit time, satisfy the world, that it is but a sharcrow, and thunder without a bolt.  
So then by law, you have hard in what state they stand, for procuring the effusion of so much blood, and breaking the peace 
By divinity.  of Christendom: so now I desire all both Gomarists, and Armenians, to hear the opinion of Doctor Bilson, a great Pillar of the church of England, and who was chosen to write of this argument, by the greatest Statesman of that time: and he writ cum privilegie, and the general allowanc of the church of England.  
Saith he shall a king be deposed, if he break 
In his book of Christian subjection.  his promise and oath, at his coronation? in any of the covenants, and points he promiseth? He answers, in the margin, the breach of covenants, is no deprivation. And he gives this reason. The people may not break with their Princes, though their Princes break with God. And afterwards. Subject's can not depose their Princes, to whom they must be subject for conscience sake. This is a sermon quite contrary to the Aphorisms of Holland, and the divinity of Rochel: and yet it standeth upon invincible reason: for as you may not by God's law, depose your prince, so you are for bidden to taik arms against him. And why? D. Bilson, will satisfy you. For (saith he) he that may fight may bill: and war against the Prince, and murdering the Prince, are of consequenc incuitabl. Afterwards he addeth this, (to stop the mouth, of such a Polipragmus, as called the king, raptorem, & haereticum, & à suo repellendum.) The Apostles obeyed the tyrants, that commanded all things against religion. And in those things, which wear cammanded against God, they ded submit them selves with meekness, to endure the Magistrates pleasure, but not to 
Not.  obey his will. Lastlie and most to the purpose, he concludeth; if the laws of the land appoint the nobles, as next to the king, to assist him in doing right, and with hold him from doing wrong: then are they licenced by man's laws, to interpose them selves: but in no case to deprive the Prince, where the sceptre is inherited. Now it is certan, that the laws of the Netherlands give no such authority to the nobles: and if they ded, yet in no case to to deprive their Prince, or to abjure their obedienc: and maik that as a bridge to pass over to the sovereignty. And because some of good accounpt and judgement, have bean led into that error, that the Dukes of Burgundy, hold not full power, and sooraintie in the Netherlands: I will send them to school, to all lawyers, records, stories, and (that which is most infallible) to the practice and common laws of that country; to Bodin; and to that ancient and honourable Counsellor, the Lord Chancellor Egerton, in his oration for the post nati, pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgundy (saith he) wear absolute Princes, and had sooverain power in their country's. and king Henry the S. ●ad as absolute sovereignty, when his style was Lord of Ireland, as when he vas king. for the difference of styles marks not the differenc of sooverantie.  
So then to conclude, if this war, begonn for religion, was against all the rules of religion: I may duly infer, that as their usurpation is without warrant either of law or the gospel, they continue to hold it without conscience. and have no other title but force, and the canon. And all foreign soldiers that do assist them (knowing the injustice of the case, and that the war is so unlawful) incur the penalty of mortal sin, and danger of damnation: and may as justly be reproved, as king josaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end, for it is certanly fearful to all those who know that, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I writ not thus much, as an enemy to the country, (I hold a peerless county, for the goodly towns, wealth, traffic, strength, and fertility, in so small a circuit:) nor for any personal quarrels: nor for any corruption, or assentation (in regard of the match with Spain:) but, only the truth of the story; the danger of their precedent, and the cause of religion have induced me. for though I remembered, the dislike had of their manner of government, there dealing with the Queen's officers, and of old how unkyndlie my lo. Willoughby had bean hearto fore used by them, as his Apology can witness: and of late what complaints our merchant adventurors (in their books) had maid for their ill usage at Mosko, and the east Indies by them: what contempt they showed, when the duty of Size Herrings was demanded in his Majesty's right, for fishing on the coast of Scotland, (in presuming to imprison the demander.) and many such like matters. yet why should these move me when the state was not moved (And when I say the state, I mean not the people, but the king, (to whom Holland is and was most bound, for 2. high and binding favores, wihch require a reciprocal obligation and thankfulness on their part: and such as aught to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectful tongues. first in restoring unto them the keys that ded open and lock there provinc; (not for any remuneration. but restitution of a part of his dew.) As also for the free permission of their fishings upon the Englih coast: whearin they have yearlie employed, above 30. thousand persons, set to work by it, and above 4000 Busses, Doggerbotes, galliots, and pinks, to there admirable benefit. which is only a permission of grace, and no privilege, by law, (for Grotius may without contradiction prove mare liberum, as the kings high way is for every man's walk. But he can not prove, that fishings upon an other Prince's coast be permitted to them.) this is a digression (to a good end.) And therefore I will return to the matter.   

THE V TITLE. OF THE troubles IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE.  
BOhemia Only now resteth, as a stage 
The trowbles and sedition in  to present the last Scene of all foreign tragedies, and tumults for religion. and I 
Bohemia for religion.  will taik the Palatinate in my way. An unfortunate province of late, (which in a hundred years, haveth changed religion, five times: and never leatned in all that time, the rules of obedienc.) Wheareof I nead not marvel, when I think of Parreus, Cracerus, and the schools of the new discipline.  
Parreus in his Comment. upon the 13. Romans. teacheth, that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere, quando degenerant in tyrannos, aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam: Scil. Subjects may deprive their Princes, when they degenerate from a royal government and become tyrants; of if they compel their subjects, to Idolatrize. (And his meaning is: if they establish the Mass, and the sacrifice of the Church, or any other religion, than Caluinism:) then eiect, excommunicate, and cast them out of all authority. so terrible a sentenc he giveth, both against the Emperor, France, Italy and spain. But stay, this is but his first peal, which he ded ring as the Toxsan, the Alarm bell to Bohemia: but he addeth, an other article, as a just cause of deprivation, Quando pretextu religionis, quaerunt propria commoda, when under pretenc of religion, they seek to maik ther own profit.  
Which had bean a lectur not very plausible to king Henry the 8. nor in Cromwell, or the protector's ears. and surely, if a man should ask whether Murrie and Murton in Scotland, whether Orange and Horn in the Netherlands; whether the Admiral and the Princ of Conde in France; whether the Protector and the Duke of Northumberland in England, had any politic respects, any odd ends of ambition and avarice; other than religion: you will find them guilty, and subject to this censure. another cause he assigneth for deposition of Princes, quando gravant conscientias subditorum.  
And after ward, in an other place, to show his constancy in that opinion, and to expound his own meaning, saith he subditi, adversus superiorem magistratum, se & veram religionem, possunt etiam armis iure defendere: si aliter in conscientijs incolumes esse nequeunt, with which I think there is no Counsellor, or wise man, but would be justly angry, if it should be thus translated. the Catholic subjects in England, Scotland, Denmark, or the Palatinate, may with arms, by law defend them selves against their superiors for defence of their religion, if they can not other wise quietly enjoy the freedom of their conscience.  
For it is not enough and a sufficient reply, to say their religion is irreligious; because that is the question.  
And in his commentaries in judices. Magistratus minor potest occidere maiorem, (and expresseth his meaning in that Case) quod tyranni domestici, magis sunt reprimends. As if a man should say bailiffs, sheriffs and Constables, (for religion) may kill kings and counsellors; because tyrants with in our doors, are most to be feared and cut of, (upon the former conditions before alleged.)  
But was Parreus the only protector of these paradoxes, and the only Doctor that poisoned the Palatinate with this infectious doctrine? no in dead. Gracerus his pewfellow taught, that coercenda gladio est Antichristi malitia. and in cap. 13. of the Apocal. Benedictus Aretius, laboureth to stir up the people, to hate the name and authority both of the empire and Emperor, with this lecture. Draconem (ait) dedisse imperio potestatem suam. the devil errected, and authorised the Empire. why? In Imperio habitare plenitudinem diabolismi. for in the Empire, dwelleth the fullness of the Devils Impiety. But these opinions I nead not to condemn, and aggravate the danger thereof; if it be true, that I have hard? that in Paul's Churchyard, the fire confuted them, and that worthily.  
And yet be not so gross, as to imagine that only Parreus, Gracer, and Aretius taught this doctrine: for it is the practice of their church. Do not look so stearnlie, upon me for saying so: because I will justify it with evident proof. There own neighbours, and there elder brothers; they have used with this uncivil and turbulent inhumanity. ask Giesekenius (a man of learning, and account among the Lutherans.) how they behaved them selves at Emden (a Lutheran state.) he showeth first their act, 1. Emdenses illustrem Dominum suum mota seditione, fere tota ditione pepulissent. The subjects of Emden had almost driven their Lord out of his dominions. 2. Then their force and violenc, Pactietiam sunt, ne illustrissimus Comes, habeat potestatem, ullius religionis nisi Caluinisticae exercitium, subditis suis, concedere Emdae. They articled with him, that his excellecie should not have power to grant to his subjects at Emden, the exercise of any religion but Caluinisme. 3. Lastlie their grace 
They hate and persecute the Lutherans.  and kindness to their sooverain. Et tamen liceat ei in aula habere concionatorem, qui sit Augustanae cenfessionis. They will notwithstanding tolerate, that he shall be suffered, to have a preacherin his court of the confession of Auspurgh. A great favour. subject's will tolerate their Prince's religion; and frame it for them selves after their own cut: they will direct their governor, and he must obey.  
Some curious man, will suppose this was a tumult; and that the church of the Palatinate, ded not warrant any such proceading against Lutherans there brethren. then mark, and consider this. Anno 1602. theridamas wear 20. points, established in the church of the Palatinate. And the first articls was totus Lutheranismus, & omnes libri eorume ●edio tollentur. They decreed, that all Lutheranism, and their books and writings should be prohibited, and abolished. and in the same Synod diverse opinions of the Lutherans, are recited and condemned, as you may see by Schulting, in Hierarchica Anacrisi. libro 15. pag. 98. whearof certain there is great reason: for there is an impossibility, that Lutherans and the ministers of the Palatinate should quietly live other, in one Ecclesiastical government; they are incompatible, in respect of their discipline, their consistories, their elders (to say nothing of their doctrine.)  
For these are the bar that hold out all civil society, and concurrenc betwean them: these are the cause, why they ejected the Lutherans out of the Palatinate; out of Brandenburg; and out of Emden. these are the cause, why the Lutherans wisely provide that they shall have no footing in Saxony, Hamburgh, and the Hans towns. And these wear the caws, why that great Synod of Torgaw, (convented by the means and procurement of the protestant Princes, ded testify, that Caluiniani, Christianas' Ecclefias omnes, academias, regna, turbaverunt ac vastaverunt. And yet neither are Caluinists, comprehended under the peace and protection of the Empire: and the religions uried is no way permitted to them. As appeareth by the edict of Charles the 5. the compositione pacis cum protestantibus anno 1532. not in his sentenc the confession Suevica 1530. nor in the interim 1548. nor in the constitution, de pace publica. And touching the acts maid by the Emperor Ferdinand, at Passau 1552. the very words exclude them from all benefit of the pacification, as a thing not intended unto them, viz. Intereatemporis, nec nos, Electores, Principes, etc. quempiam ex Augustanae confessionis statibus, propter religionem vicogere, bello etc. volumus: sedsuae religioni fideique, quietè stare, cadereque sinentes. And he declareth and explaineth himself, 1555. at Auspurgh. Propter Augustanae religionem confessionis, nullam violentiam Ecclesiastici inferant, sed liberum eius exercitium permittant, usque ad controversae religionis compositionem. I may hear fitly allege, the conclusion and agreement of the states of the confession of Auspurg, the three Electors, and the rest of the Princes, and Cities. Postquam Deo it a permittente, praeter nostram Christianam religionem & confessionem, haereses sacramentariorum Anabaptistarum, Osiandrinorum, etc. irrepserunt: (quae omnes à pace religionis exclusae sunt,) volumus ut contra illas, in communi mandata edantur, ut eiusinodi haereses eradicentur, and this was enacted 1557. so it is most plain, that Caluinism is there judged an heresy (by the protestant Prince's them selves, and banished the Empire.) and anno 1566. Caesar, and the Princes in the Diet, decreto publico, scripserunt ad Fredericum Palatinum, ut errorem Caluini deserat: nec in templis & scholis doceri permitteret. and this decree was intimated to Frederic the Elector, in the presenc of the Bushopd of Ments, Trier, and Coolen: and of Augustus' Duke of Saxony, and the Ambassadors of joachim of Brandenburg. but the execution was differed till his death (perhaps to save his honour.) yet his son Lewes obeyed it.  
And the same year, in their reply to the Emperor; the same Princes, ordered, permittere se nolle, ut ulla secta, cuiuscunque nominis, in Ecclesiis illorum, ipsorum voluntate locum inveniat, quodque eodem modo, & non minus de Swingliana & Caluiniana opinion sentiant. and long before 1555. in recessu Imperij, the same was decreed. So you may well infer, that Caluinism before was not tolerable in Germany: and much less now when the Bohemians, have maid it intolerable. And worthily, they are quite exempted from the protection and benefit of the laws, liberties, and peace of the empire; who are so factious and busy in the Empire, both to extirpate the Lutherans, and to suppress the Catholics, (by popular fury and such seditious Aphorisms as Parraeus and the puritans of the Palatinate hold.)  
These wear the fyrebrands of Bohemia, that have seduced the people; set Princes at Variance; and the kingdom in Combustion.  
Shall I nead to report the case aright? no for the original, of this war in Bohemia, and the progress; the stories of Mercury François, Mercurius Gallobelgicus, and diverse others relate, so as I forbear to touch it, (and my hart greaveth and groaneth, for the fatal misfortune of some, that had interest in it.) The long, many and secret plaits and practices wear discovered after the battle of prague, by intercepting the papers rolls and records thereof. First by secreta principis Anhaltini, Cancellaria, printed 1621. which certain was no invention and fiction, (as the Satirical Catholicon in France against the leaguers was:) but a serious admonition, dull, plain, and without affectation: and as a treatise rather to deliver the truth, then to show art. And thereof Lundorpius (an historiographer of Frankfort, by his book called acta publica) is a good confirmation, who setteth, down the letters and records, of the whole proceading for a tyme. and Cogmandolo, in an other litl treatise, called secreta secretorum; is a fortification of the truth and credit of that Chancery, and taketh away all jealousy and suspicion of devise. Upon this rock then, will I build my relation.  
This great union, ded begin 1608. and 
The beginning of the union.  the Cheafs thereof wear, the Count . Christian Prince of Anhalt, and the Marquis of Onoltzbach. Count Mansfeld, was a principal agent, (who 1618. sent 2000 men to aid the Bohemians, against the Emperor, in contempt of his proclamations and letters.)  
Afterward they admitted joachim Marquis 
There assistants.  of Brandenburg, (as Vicarius and Livetennant of the general:) and they drew in, the Marquis of Baden, the Duke of Wittenburgh, the Landgrave of Hess, Duc Du-Ponts: Strasburh, Norimbergh, and other cities. all which ded contribute so largely to these wars, (that the Emperor never had the like contribution granted against the Turck.) the particular taxes, yielded by each of them, Cogmandolo setteth down, (which à mounted from 1608. to 1619. for so secretly and so long was it concealed, to the some of 4176917. flor.) This concurrenc of so great princes, showed a mighty force: which was much increased, by the negotiation of Mansfeld, and Nomarus in Italy (scil. Baltas. Newwen cheafe secretary of Onoltzbach:) and of Volrad Plessen with the Hollanders, Bohemians, the Duke of Bullion, Bethlem Gabor, and the rebels of hungry. (for they conceived no hope that the king of England, would enter into their confederation: for such weighty, and  reason, as he alleged.) besides, they hoped of the Grisons assistanc: they gave out, that the Hans-townes ded favour the union: and they ded earnestly solicit the Venetians, to enter into the league (who ever wear desirous to keap in equal ballanc the princes of Europe, as favourers of Ostracismus, and jealous of the too potent supereminency, of any particular prince.  
Hear I am to open an other gate, and to 
The pretences and reasons for the union.  show you the scope and end of this union: and whether they stood upon the terms of a pure defence, or to offend also: whether only to resist, or to offer violenc also and hostility: and whether for religion only, or for matters of state and religion (for it can not seam probable, that d'Anhalt would again taik arms for conscience, having bean for it in France, so well beaten both out of his honour and fortune: and specially Mansfeald, who desperately and like a Chevalier errant, braveth the world with his running camp.)  
The end, they showed openly to aim most at, was the defence of their privileges, and the protection of their religion. but this was not the full drift, for they meant to offend the Catholics. and that doth well appear pag. 121. of the Cancellaria: where Achatius a Donau writes to Anhalt 15. Nou. 1619. That the intention of Bethlem and the correspondents is, pied à pied, to extirpate the Antichristian papalty,  
And though the union yt self (founded upon 21. articles,) was said to be undertaken, as a buckler against the plaits and projects of the Catholics; yet articulo 8. they confess, that their intention was, to expel papism; to preseru them selves from the yoke and servitude of Spain: and to prevent all foreign government. And Bethlem Gabor in his letter to the Turk saith plainly, that he must now labour, ut rasa pontificiorum cohorse medio tollatur. So then, this is assured, that if they can prevail; all Catholics know their doom, their suppression, and oppression.  
But this is not all; though it be ever one. for pag. 43. Ecclesiasticorum invasio, is set Down for a cause. and therefore pag. 67. we must say they, earnestly labour and spare no cost, to possess ourselves of Augusta Trevirorum, (Trier.) for so they should be commanders of a Prince Electors country, and triumph over the clergy.  
Neither yet was this all: for ambition, shooting at the highest and fairest marks, took order for her maintenanc pag. 131. ut adversae part is Provinciae invadantur, to invade their country's, that should taik arms against them.  
But their noblest project, was: to invest them selves in Bohemia and Hungaria. Two crowns wear goodly booties, and temptations fit for high spirits. and why ded they first, and so earnestly, affect Bohemia? The reason is given pag. 25. for thereby, in Collegio electorum, compos erit votorum duorum, he should have two voices; and he was sure of the consent and concurrenc of brandenburgh's suffrage.  
And there for the Count Palatin in his letter, to the Elector of Saxony, saith. The cause why he ded taik upon him the Administration of Bohemia, was this that, 1ᵒ thereby this kingdom might not be longer restrained and detained from the use and exercise of their religion; and 2ᵒ that they might enjoy their privileges, and not be maid hereditary: or fall into the hands of Spain, to the prejudice of the Electors. and 3ᵒ that hearafter the election of king of the Romans might be in the power and Choice of the Protestant Princes, by the plurality of voices. (So he thought, they should not be forced to hold the stirrup; while the Popes wear mounted, and Papists deed govern all in the Empire.) And peradventure for that end purposed, if they could: to hinder that Ferdinand, might not be chosen king of the Romans. For so Anhalt ded write to Donau, in May 1619. that it wear better, the Turk or the Devel should be chosen and preferred to wear that crown, then Ferdinand. and B. Gabor by his letters certified the Turk, that the Pal. and Brandenburg wear resolved no longer to endure Ferdinand: and that all these Provinces, who wear in the league, Sultano, & tot●ationi Mahumeticae cord & animaomnia officia f●delissime prastabunt: and that Ferdinand shortly should be expelled Germany to seek his succour in Spain. Is not this a holy league? Be not the ends charitable, and the media most Christian?  
But the truth is, Ambition was hungry: they consulted who should have the bear's skinn, before the bear was taken: they conspired to share among them the spoil of the Clergy of Germany, and to maik a prey of the house of Austria. For by the rolls of their Chancery it appeareth, that they intended to advance the Palatine, to Bahemia, Alsatia, and a part of Austria: and to enlarg his dominion, by the Bushoprick of Spyrts, and a part of Mentz. Bethlem Gabor, should be assisted to keap hungry, the which (he having no issue) might also happily fall to the lot of the Palatine (Too manic crownes so purchased, to expect any in heaven.)  
Onoltzbach gaped for two fat benefices, the Bushopricks of Wirtzburgh, and Bambergh, (his next neighbers) and therefore it was agreed that there should be the Rendezvous of the army.  
The Marquis of Baden, thirsted after Brissack; and to be enabled, to continue his unjust possession of the upper Marchionate; and to out face the Count Eberstein (who had endured much wroug at his hands.) Wirtzburg was a mote in the eye of Brandenburg, it lay near and fit for him: and therefore his dessein was to have a share in it.  
Anhalt, hoped to supply his wants, by a part of the spoil, both of Ments, and Bambergh; and by some lands and lord ships, which wear like to escheat in Bohemia.  
And if the Venetians would join in this Association, they might with so good assistance easily maik them selfs Lords of Istria, and friuli. and by this means, Oceanum, cum Adriatico, said they, posse coniungi. A great conquest surely: and it showed a devowring stomach, that could swallow so great morsels, and sowell digest and dispose them, before they had them.  
It resteth now to demur upon these points; and to examine, what Apology, and what arguments can they allege strong enough, to defend a project, and a conspiracy, so pernicious to the whole state of Christendom, and so directly against the law of nations, and the peace of the Empire.  
All the pulpits in England, and the churches 
● Reason.  (called reform) ded generally and lowdelie sound an Alarm, against treason and rebellion of the league and leaguers of France: and yet that deed not extend itself, beyond the Alpes or the Maze, as this doth.  
And it was at first undertaken quietly, without any sedition or insurrections in the state. And was for defence only of their ancient religion, (without any temporal respects:) and confirmed with the king's oath and allowance: and afterward it was contained in revenge of Murder, and actions of tyranny.  
Now consider what was their scope? Monsieur de Villeroy, in the relation of his services maiks it evident. they deed not seek the extirpation of the king of Navarr, but his reformation: and if they might be assured of his religion, he should be assured of their obedienc.  
But this union runneth a wilder race. It is not only a new religion, but the lands of the old religion they gape after: and the affection they have to the latter, maiks them more greedy, to suppress the former. And yet all must be said to be door for religion, though it be done most irreligiously, having neither, the order, nor the media, nor the end religious. how could it then succead add prosper well, that begonn so ill and how could it begin worse, them to march under too such standards, as ambition and avarice.  
And therefore most wise he, ded that excellent 
2. Ratio.  Duke of Saxony, as a friend of peace, adui●e the Count Palatin to renounce Bohemia, and seek for pardon: because this war ded open the gates of the Empire, to let in the Turk, which of itself was a sufficient cause to condemn their union. for if their quarrel had bean good; yet the effects yt ded work, wear bad.  
Moreover, plessen confesseth in his letters 
3. Ratio.  to Anhalt, that which is most true, the actions of Holland, and Bohemia, eodem fundamento niti: so Holland is the pattern. Bohemia the imitation: suits of one cut: lessons of one school. And seeing that of Hollond is sufficiently disproved, all ready, I nead not use any new argument to refel this, but refer you to the precedent discourse. for they took arms against a king lawfully elected, solemnly crowned, and by consent of the states established in possession, what could be more orderly▪ and so hortlie after, to depose him; and upon so weak surmises, to show so much levity: neads better arguments than yet I could ever hear.  
And it was maid the more odious, by nominating the Duke of Saxony, as a competitor and a stolen; to maik him suspected to the Emperor, as reum affectati imperij: knowing that he had refused their offer, when they employed Count Slick to persuade, that he would embark hym selves, in the busienes, and accept the crown of Bohemia, which in dead they never intended to a Lutheran prince.  
another reason, doth much exaggerate 
4. Reason.  the offenc. By their precedent, Austria was corrupted (see how strongly examples work with a multitude. The people, (saith the Register of the Chancery) by the correspondenc of the Turk and Gabor, took courage; and told Ferdinand, that if he would not grant them toleration of religion, and freedom of conscience: they would join with the Bohemians and Hungarians, and renounc their obedienc to him. And they wear masters of their words: for in August 1620. the lower Austria, abandoned their Lord (the ancient inheritor of that noble patrimony,) quitted their obedienc, and accepted a new protector in his stead. I am sure the subjects of England would condemn the Catholics, (and so they might justly) if they should stand upon the like terms, and there ancient tisle; and in defence of that, seek to expel their sooverain, and invest a stranger in the government, to serve their turn. And surely their cases, are matches: if the one might by law, the other may: and if you, condemn the one, you must unpartially condemn the other.  
But nothing maiks this action more offensive, 
5. Reason.  more scandalous, and more infamous, then that Anhalt and Onoltzback, (in scas electoribus,) ded confederate them selves with straingers: and dispose of the succession of the Empire, withowt the warrant of the Empire. and this fawlt is dowbled, by combining with Bethlem Gabor; Christians, with the Turks vassal, a reprobate, a monster.  
This is that B. Gabor, who to hold himself in the Turks grace, delivered unto him, the town and fort of Lipp, and the towns of Solimos Tornadg, Margat, and Arad (well fortified) in Hungaria.  
This is he, who treated with the Hungars, 1607. to deliver up Vaccia (a town Episcopal) into the Turks hands; to the great prejudice of religion, and oppression of Christians. This is he, that sworn alleagianc to Gabriel Batthori his sooverain Lord, and Princ of Transil●ania, and afterward traitorously murdered him and usurped his state. This is he who maid a league with the Emperor Mathias 1615. not to attempt any thing against the liberties and peace of hungry: and afterward practised with the rebels of that state, invaded the kingdom, took upon him the crown 1620. led Andrew Dockzy the king's Livetennant (catched in his net by fraud) prisoner into Transiluania, and banished all the state Ecclesiastical (that he might feed his soldiers with the spoils of the church.)  
And this is he, who having entered Poson, profaned the Cathedral church of S. Martin, placed there his new Chaplains, and afterwards with his own hand certified the Turk; that at last he had undertaken that worthy exploit, to the which the Turk had oft incooraged him: and that most of the nobles of Hongarie, wear his, and had submitted them selves to him: and that now he was determined for the clergy, seeing they gloried to shave their crowns, he would glory to cut of their heads. whearupon in jun afther: the Turk maid peace with Tartary, and promised to assist Gabor, at his nead with 40. thousand Tartars.  
What tore virtues can be expected, from such a man, whose anatomy if it wear to be maid, would show such a leprosy such a corruption of blood, and so loath some a body; as Europe haveth not oft known. I nead no other reason against this league, but to subscribe his name, (as a principal in the contract) whom the world must neads judge unlike to be a fit instrument to advanc the Cross of Christ, and to reform religion.  
Yet this was the man upon whose head the union ded agree to set the crown of Hongarie; and to carry the practice with more secrecy, they entertained his nearest kinsman at Heydelbergh; under the gown of a scholar, to hide all their intelligences, and conduct their busienes.  
Now, do I wish, that a partial reader, 
6. Reason.  would look upon Germany, and see the picture of Troy on fire; see the image and horror of war: and how well it would please them to see the face of London, and Midlsex so disfigured with wounds and desolation. And that puritan, who now is most forward to blow the coals of discord and sedition, and inflame a state with fury and quicksilver: may quake and trembl when he shall consider in what devastation, all that country of the Empyrelyeth mourning and groaning.  
The Provinces abowt the Rhine are wasted, disturbed, and impoverished by the soldiers on both sides (specially worms) tillage●s suspended, traffic is decayed, trades are ceased, taxes are imposed, new fortifications charge the country, men are not masters of their own goods, and above 100 thousand men are accomppted to be slain▪ thes are the fruits of civil wars; which are bitter and louvre to them that taste them, (as I pray g●d England may never.)  
And there are the fruit of Caluinisme: which (though it was directly prohibited by the la, and tolerated only by the mercy of the state;) seeketh now, to suppress both the Emperor and the states, without any toleration of there religions, an uncharitable requital: ans withowt the seal of any religion. for your justifying sole faith can never justly (without it bring charity in her bosom:) and the true marks of Charity being patienc, humility, and zeal conjoined strongly in a link: your litl patienc, and humility, convinc your zeal to be counterfeit, and your faith to be fruitless. for charity would not direct you, to invade the Duke of Bavier his territories, if he refused to stand Neuther: charity ded not counsel Anhalt, in his letters to Donau 1619. to have an avaricious eye, to surprise a city, which would be worth unto them 32. millions. Charity doth not use to direct Christians to solicit the Turks assistance (as pag. 80. Cancellariae:) nor to set down such plots, as they intended p. 42. and 32. and 66.  
Now touching the laws of the Empire, 
7 Reasons.  I refer you to that I have delivered before, against the commotions of the Lutherans: which there is justly condemned Only I will add this, touching Bohemia, Carolus 4. in act. de confirmatione regis Bohemo●um, setteth down this clause, as an essential part, of that king's authority and approbation. Volentes, ut quicunquè in regem Bohemorum electus fuerit, ad nos & successores nostros, Romanorum reges & Imperatores accedat, sua à nobis debito modo & solito, regalia accepturus, non obstantibus iuribus, & legibus municipalibus quibuscunque, etc. And in the Aurea bulla. cap. 4. Curia Nurenberg. act 7. jubemus & volumus, ut omnes Principes, Electores, etc. & art. 8. Si quis autem Princeps Elector, aliusue feudum à sacro tenens impeno, supra & infra scriptas Imperiales constitutiones adimplerenoluerit, aut eis contrare presumpserit: ex tunc caeteri Coelectores, à suo ipsum deinceps excludant consortio, ipseque voce Electoris, dignitate careat, & iure. Whereby it is maid manifest, what the law requireth to be done? and what order and manner it prescribeth for the doing thereof: and what penalty and forfeitur is set done against offenders and transgressors of that law. And good reason. for take away or neglect justice; pretend what you will, your great glorious attempts, your invasions, your intrusions, be but magna latrocinia, and violent oppressions. as appeared well, by the supplication of Leopold king of the Romans, to his father Otho I. who because he had broken the peace of the Empire, and called foreigners (and yet not Turks) to his assistanc. saith he, membrum Imperij appellari non debeo, quigentes ext●rnas & barbaras in mediam Germaniam immisi sorrowing for his fault, and acknowledging his error.  
But these Minyeons of Geneva, bring 
8. Reason.  Religion to plead for the defence of their union: and that they endeavoured only to punish Ochosias', for consulting with the Idol of Accharon, and to root out superstition. Hear in dead is the voice of jacob, but the roughness of Esau: words of piety, but action of Babel. can you show as good a warrant as Elias ded? ded God call you, ded God authority you, to deprive your Princes? per me Reges regnant, was God's proposition: and S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. v. 13. be subject to every humane creature for God, whether to a king as excelling, or to rulers. His counsel and yours  much for he willed them to fear God, and honour the king: but you direct your auditors to degrade and depose the king. S. Paul Rom. 13. v. 1. Let every soul be subject to higher powers, for there is no power but of God: and he who resisteth that power, resisteth Gods ordinanc, and purchaseth damnation. and v. 5 not of necessity, but for conscience sake. But this matter, neads no disputation: grace and piety can best decide it.   

TITULUS SEXTUS.  
AT last by a long travail, we are returned 
Touching, Q. Marry, and the practices against her.  home to England, wheare no such paradoxes, are now holden by the Clergy, and prelate's. and it is no marvel. for now, they have the wind with them, and live in a calm: so as their patienc and obedienc (of late days) never came to probation: and no trial could be maid of their spirits, having no crosses, nor other combat, then with sin and Martin Marprelate: and in so great peace and prosperity, he wear not compos mentis; that would not preach against disloyalty, and tumults.  
But if you look back to the times past, and call to mind, what spirit reigned in them, during any storm, or tempests: you will find them much differing from them selves, and that they wear not always so peaceable and regular, (as now they are,) since they appeared first in the world, as Antagonists to the church of Room, and with that singularity, and title of Reformers.  
For if master Fox ded truely register his martyrs, and if the Wiclefists and Waldenses wear rightly inserted in Catalogo testium veritatis; then may you find cause enough to dowbt of their humours, and quiet disposition. and if you ask my reason. Bycaus they ded hold (as the knoxians yet do in Scotland.) That the people might correct Princes, if they offend: contrary to all the Theorems of Catholics schools. And therefore Philip Melancton, in his comment upon Aristotels politics, saith, Miras tragedias, excitavit Wiclefus, qui contendit eos, qui non habent Spiritum sanctum, amittere dominium.  
And in his book, de iure magistratus, Insanijt Wiclefus, qui sensit impios, nullum dominium habere. As if Princes, should forfeit their crowns; if they lost grace, and God's favour.  
And Osiander witnesseth the same, Centuria 9 And yet master Fox, calleth him, stellam matutinam in me lio nebulae, & lunam plenam in die us illis. A morning star, in the midst of a fog, and yet the full moon, of that tyme.  
How plausible he was, in those days, no man will maik a Quere, that can Remember, how Sir john Oldcastel (Lord Cobham) and Sir Roger Acton, (wiclefs disciples) levied 25. thousand men, intending to destroy the monasteries of westminster, Paul's, and saint Albon, and all the houses of friars in London; whearof that active king Henry the fifth, being advertised in good time, (by the confession of some of their partakers:) with great diligence he prevented them at S. Gyles fealds (appointed to be their Rendezvous:) and encountering those stragglers, who wear there attending the generals coming: apprehended, condemned, and executed 37. of the principals, for exampl and terror to the rest. And he aftherward hunted out and found Oldcastel, and Acton, and put them to death, being attainted of Treason, and Heresy, as by the records appeareth.  
All which master Fox laboureth to extenuate and falsify, and disprooueth them as calumniations and slanders. but with no success; as you may learn by john Stow pag. 550. and by Doctor Hapsfealds Ecclesiastical story, lately published by a worthy man of our nation.  
For it is evident that 1. Henry 5. the Wiclefists set schedulles, on pole's Church door, publishing that there was a hundred thousand men, ready to rise against such as wear enemies to their sect. And in a synod holden at London, for diverse points of doctrine touching the Sacraments, Oldcastle was committed to the tower, (from whence he broke out.) and afterward one Bennet was executed, partly for harbouring Oldcastle, partly for seditious libels against the king: whearupon, (as also for some practices at kenelworth against the king) Oldcastl was indicted in the Parliement, before the Duke of Bedford, (as an enemy to the stathe.) he answered them with contempt, accounting it as a trifle to be judged by them, (belike because they wear sinners: and because (he said) he had no judge among them, so long as king Richard lived.  
And at his death, he spoke like a man frantic to Sir Thomas Erpingham; that if he saw him rise the third day, he would procure quietness, and favour to those of his sect.  
And surely if you look into Wiclefs own life time; you shall find it no marvel, if his doctrine ded so far seduce Old-cast: having procured thereby, so great patrons and friends in the court, at his first rising: and such applause in the university of Oxford (the place best able to judge of his learning, and illumination.)  
john of Gand, Duke of Lancaster, ded much favour: and patronise, this martyr Wiclef: in so much, that he being summoned, to appear before the Bushop of London: the Duke ded him so much grease, to go with him thither for his better protection, assisted with Sir Henry Petcie (the Marshal of England.) to discountenanc the Bushop, to encoorage Wiclef, and to animate and increase his fectaries and folloaeers in their course.  
And it was worthy the noting, that Religion was even then used, as a fair vestment, to cover many fowl practices. for the Duke and Wiclef had several ends. the Duke graced him, because he was so generally plausible: the better to overthrew both the liberties of the Church, and the Charters of London: bot which lay as blocks in his way, to hinder the course of his aspiring desseins.  
And this appeared plainly, by John Lattimor (an Irish friar) who accused the Duke of many practices, specially of his intention to usurp the crown. (which maid him so popular.) But Latimor being committed by the Duke's means to the custody of Sir john Holland, in the night before he should come to his answer: the poor man, was strangled by Holland and Grean.  
But to come nearer, to the present age. In Queen Mary's time, examine how obedient these Reformers wear, to that magnanimous Queen, and the Crown. and it is worthy to be noted: that in five years, (the too short time of her reign:) she had defacto, more open and violent opposition and rebellion by her own sudiects; then Queen Elizabeth had in 45. years. (for the treasons of Preasts, and religious men; wear but scar crows in dead; fictions, maid faults by law: devised by policy, and maid offences, rather than being so of them selves. (How plain was her government, and how far from triks? a litl sevear (to which ●he was oft forced:▪ for though she was a great justicer; yet withal how merciefull she was, appeared manifestly by her gracious compassion to the Duchess of Somerset, to Sir john Cheak, to Sir Edward Mountagew (the cheaf justice,) to Sir Roger Cholmlie, to the Marquis of Northampton, Sir Henry Dudlie, Sir Henry gates, the Lord Robert Dudlie, (who stood attainted) and to the Duke of Suffolk: whom all she knew, and had before found to be enemies of her religion, and no friends to her title, and yet she released them all out of the tower, where they wear prisonners.)  
Notwithstanding all this: the Protestants wear never quiet, nor suffered her to be quiet. Some ded libel against the regiment of voemen: some picked quarrels to her marriage: some published discourses and invectives against her religion: and some conspired her deprivation, to advance her successor (by whose advancement every Caluinist expected a golden fleace.)  
The ground of all these seditious actions, was the religion they professed (then nor fully six years old) a religion of more liberty, more pleasing to the gallants of a court; and void of these austerities and mortifications, which the ancient Catholics observed with reverence.  
But among many others, that book of obedienc, prepared most the vulgar, to insurrections and mutinies. for pag. 94. he affirmeth, that Queen Marie deserved to be put to Death, as a tyrant and monster. Deed ever any Catholich write so? or ded the pen of any seminary man blot the paper with so barbarous a sentenc? Yet knox libro, appellat. ad nobilitatem & popul. Scot joineth hands with a Goodman, and backeth his opinion. Illud (inquit) audacler affirmaverim, debuisse nobiles, rectores, iudices, populumque Angl●anum non modo refistere & repuguare Mariae illi jesabeli, quam vocant reginam suam, verum etiam de ea & Sacerdotibus eius supplicium sumere. and these, yet wear not all. proceed Sir Thomas Wyatt, is worthielie chronicled for his: rebellion: who marched as a Cyrus, over Shooter's hill with his army: threatening both court and city, Prince and people. Yet this holy Goodman, cap. 14 in his Obedienc, commends him, and saith, he ded but his duty: and that it was the duty of all that professed the gospel, to have risen with him. and pag. 43. He affirmeth, that it is lawful to resist the superior powers, and urgeth all states to taik arms against her.  
But where ded Goodman and kno● suck this sweat doctrine? at Geneva, (the school of Monarchomachia where Buchanan, ded learn the same, and all for one end. and master Whitingham in his preface to that book; confesseth that it was approved to be a good and godly treatise, by the principal of that city, that is Caluin and Beza. And albeit in Qurne Elizabeth's time, Goodman is said to have recalled that opinion: yet it was never publicly recalled by him, and disallowed: and besides it showeth in Queen Mary's time, under the cross and affliction of what spirit, he end his faction wear of.  
If you dowbt, upon what pretenc wyatt ded rise, (because some maik quaestion thereof:) surely it was partly for religion, partly for bonum publicum, to hinder the Queen's marriage: (for both jointly concurred, as Stow and Hollinshead agree.) He that shall presume to defend, that it was not for religion; Queen Marie in her oration at the Guildhall in London, doth refel him: for she declared, that she had sent diverse of her counsel to wyatt, to demand the pretences of his insurrection: and she said it appeared to her counsel, that it was a Spanish Cloak to Cover religion.  
It is true, that wyatt urged, to have the tower delivered to him: and to have power to nominate and choose new counsellors: and that he would not trust, but be trusted.  
Wear these in different demands of a subject? Or regalities fit to be offered to his mercy? was this to preseru the Queen? Surely Violenc, and the Sword, be unfit keapers of a Prince person.  
And touching Religion, Fox himself saith. that for religion they conspired among them selves, and maid wyatt their Cheafe: the reason was, that by foreign marriage, the Queen would bring a servitude upon the realm, and establish popish religion there in.  
Vow upon these premises, mark what ensewed. William Thomas, conspired to kill the Queen: and at his execution, he gloried, that he died for the good of his country.  
Doctor Pendlton preaching at Powles Cross, one discharged a peace against him. and at the same place, an other day: one threw a Dagger at master Bourn (being in the pulpit:) where the lord Maier could skarselie appease the tumult: so as the lords of the counsel, the next sunday after, together with the Guard, went thither to prevent, or to punish such disorders (if any should there happen again.)  
And at westminster, upon an Easter day, a desperare fellow, wounded a preasts as he was saying Mass, in saint Margerets Church.  
So great was the distemperature of these inflamed puritans; who complain so much against the persecution of that time, and yet they provoked it: and having no power to command, yet had they no humility to obey: and when they might have lived quiet them selves, yet would not suffer others to live quiet, in whose authority it lay to disquiet them.  
But I will mount to offences a degree higher. William Fetherston (a counterfeit king Edward) was brought upon the stage, as a Parkin Warbeck, to disturb both the Queen and the state.  
What strains of invention and policy; wear these against a Prince, for her religion? but hear they stay not. for One Clebar (sometimes a Paedante) remaining at yakeslie in Northfolk, was put to death, for a conspiracy against the Queen. Vdal, Stanton, Peckam, and Daniel, wear committed both for conspiracy, and heresy, and for attempting to rob her treasure, and the Exchecquor, (for which they had there due punishment,) To let pass the treason of Dudlie and Ashton (who wear set on, and stirred up by the French:) Sir Peter and Gavin Carse, (great protestants) together with Sir Thomas Dennie, took arms in Devonshyre, to hinder and impeach the king of Spain his arrival in England: possessed them selves or Excetor Castl: and afterward perceauing there own weakness, and less assistance than they expected; they fled into France, (which was then the harbour for the malcontents of his nation.)  
Thomas Stafford, (coming well instructed from Geneva) maid proclamations publicly in several places, that Queen Marie, was not lawful Queen, and unworthy to be Queen. and so abuse the people, he gave out boldly and falsely, that eight of the strongest holds in England, and best fortified, wear committed to the custody and command of the Spaniards, (to maik them the more odious; whom they hated only for their religion and power, and no other particular quarrel.) and therefore, he Bradford, Procter, and Streatchlie, took Skarborow castle (a fort then of some strength, in yorkskyre, to hold against the Spaniards: and in recompence, of so great a service, they worthily lost their heads.  
Henry Duke of Suffolk, (to whom Queen Marie had once before given his life, being father to Lady jane, a privy counsellor to the treasons of Northumberland, and her prisoner in the tower:) he flijng into Leicestershyre with the Lord Gray; in his journey he likewise maid proclamations against the Queen's marriage with spain (for that was then the greatest object of the Protestants malice:) and finding his disability, to levy a commanding army, he fled, and lurked in corners; till the Earl of Huntingron, discovered his hole, apprehended and brought him up to the tower (his old lodging,) where he maid an unfortunate end.  
I might urge the practices of Sir Nicholas Throgmorton (a man of great wit and policy,) who was indicted of high treason, and arraigned at Westminster, with Arnold, Warner, and Others. And though the case was plain, the jury acquitted him, but to there constand trouble.  
albeit he had cause to thank God, that it was not in a time, when the Advocates wear so skilful to triumph at the bar upon calamities, and willing rather that the prisoner should lose his head, than they would lose their Oration, and the glory of the day. Thus was Queen Marie tossed in a sea of trowbles, tantae molis erat, Romanam Condere gentem.  
But some have objected, that no Ministers, had a hand in these tumults: nor wear the trompettors of sedition, at that tyme. yes surely both their heads and their hands ded cooperate. Do you taik Goodman and Gilbie to have bean no ministers? jewel preached at Gloucester, against the Quens proceedings: D. Sands walked with the ragged staff, and being vicechanlor of Cambredg, assisted the proclaimers of lady jane. Hooper, Rogers, and Crowlie wear enroled as friends of these actions: and diverse others who in Queen Mary's time, after wyatts fall, ded forsake the realm.  
And what think you of the two Apostles of that time, Cranmor and Ridlie? wear not they instruments of the Queen's trowbles? A great Doctor, with great subtility laboureth to excuse Cranmor and Ridlie, that they committed no trespass against Q. Marie, nor in her tyme. Sir though the time, doth not excuse their offence (if it had bean fully committed in king's Edward's days) being actions of injustice, and against the rules of common reason and conscience.  
Yet I may say, von bene divisa sunt haec temporibus. D. for it is evident, that Ridlies' sermon was after king Edward's death, and so could have no shelter under his authority; because all men of under-standing know that the reign of a Prince commenceth not at the time of his coronation, but actually upon the death of his predecessor. Now it is certan, that the Sondaye after king Edward died, D. Ridlie (being Bushop of London,) sailing with the wind in his sermon at Paul's cross, (like an Other infamous Shawe) magnifiet and defended the title of the lady lane, to the crown of this realm; persuaded the people to accept and obey her, as Queen: and so impugned the invincible right of both king Henry's Daughters, against his own conscience and knowledge, and directly against king Henties will. and there: for he was justly convicted and attainted of treason.  
As for Cranmor, he was a counsellor and oracle in the busienes: and therefore was arraigned and condemned, with the Lady jane, and Guildeford Dudlie, as a contriver and principal assistant, of that treasonnable practice, to disherit both the Queens: and to graft the princely roses upon a crabtree stock. (as appeareth by the records in the king's bench.) and I may truely affirm of that Proteus, that in all his actions, he showed himself ever seruilie pliable to any humour of the kings.  
First a principal instrument of the divorce, (whereby the court gates wear set open, to welcome Ann Boodein.) then afterward, to serve the king's appetite, he and Cromwell wear the cheafactors, employed for her condemnation and death. (as appeareth, by the statut, 28. H. 8. c. 7. where Cranmors sentenc is recorded judicially as of his own knowledge convincing her of that fowl fact.)  
So as Queen Elizabeth's friends had no cause to favour him, either for dew respect of her, or of her father: or for kindness to her mother. and all unpartial men will condemn him of inexcusable iniquity, that being a counsellor of strate, primate and Metropolitan, and pretending to be a reformer of religion; he would betray his master (whose creature he was) would frustrate and void his will, (wheareof he was cheaf executor:) would subscribe to extinguish and root out his issew, his two daughters, two Queens, to set up Lady jane in there places.  
And all this basely, and against his own conscience: and all to pleas a subject, all for fear of affliction, against which he was never well armed (as appeared by his so many chainges, relapses, and perjuries: offences, which I leave to God, as faults of frailty and batges of humain weakness.) But to come to the matter. All these aforesaid being overt acts, and treasons in se, and simpliciter, and by the common laws of the realm, and by the statut of 25. Edw. 3. I think I may, well conclude that Caluinism, and the new religion, are most daingerous to princes: and have bean the greatest cawse, of all the wars, seditions, and depopulation in Europeever since Luther (a man of unhappy me, morie.)  
And yet I can not but commend that religion, 
M●tonimia.  because it is semper eadem, you may always know it, by the coonisance, by the operation, and fruits of it.  
It is the same that induced them of Geneva, to expel there Bushop and Lord: the same that moved them of Sweveland, to deprive there lawful king: the same that procured Holland, to depose their sooverain: the same that solicited subjects to deposeth ' Emperor, king of Bohemia. the same that imprisoned, the virtuous martyr, and Queen of Scotland, and cast her into that calamity, which haunted her even though death: the same that authorised Rochel, and Montauban, to stand at defianc against their king the same that begot so many monstruous conspiracies against Queen Marie of England, (as you have hard.) So as, in 60. years, more Princes have bean deposed by the Protestants for their religion: then had bean by the Pope's excommunication, or the attempt and means of Catholics in 600. And yet foall this, I perceive all these action, have some Champions: at least, some men of note, seek to excuse them. as, when we object Swedia; master T. M. defends it, and gives reason, that it was the demand of the whole state, for defence of their privileges and liberties, and fruition of religion.  
A writ is brought de ejection firmae, against Sigismond king of Swecia, by his own subjects; the king is ejected thereupon: and T. M. allows it, because it was the demand of the whole state, etc. Consider better, first do you talk of a whole state, and maik the king no part of it? the head no part of the body? can there be a monarchy withowt a king? you harp to near knoxes tune, and a Scots gig.  
The whole state, id est, the people, (either solicited or disposed to advanc Duke Charles, withowt the king's consent to wear his crown) ded elect Charles their king, and deprived Sigismond.  
This was you say for defence of their privileges and religion. So than you think for these two causes, they might justly depose their king: and so the kings maistlie knoweth, what assurance he may have of you, and what a sure stake you are for kings to lean on. can you defend this fact? it is the same, that Holland and Bohemia committed? then against whom is rebellion, against the people or the king? The law is plain, no war can be maid, without the authority of the prince, sine qua est laesa maiestas: and that is a fundamental law in every monarchy; (which you turn to a Democraty by leaving the bridle in the Peopls' hand.) If you will vouch safe to hear S. Augustin, he saith l. 22. cap. 75. contra Faustum, ordo naturalis, mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit, ut suscipiendi belli authoritas atque consilium, penes Principem sit. and he gives a reason, for non est potestas nisi à Deo vel iubente vel sinente. and because you think they ought by force of arms to resist their king, for religion: c. 76. he answereth your objection, by exampl of the Apostles, Isti sunt resistendo interfecti sunt, ut potiorem esse docerent victoriam, pro fide veritatis occidi. 
martrydom.   
jam sure you like not this, Occidi, for few perfect Caluinists, prove perfect martyrs.  
Valentius, degreed to banish Eusebius from Samosata; the people resisted, but Eusebius appeaseth the sedition, dissuaded the people, and obeyed the decree. Theodoret l. 4. cap. 14. Valentinian, sent Calligonus his chamberlain, to threaten S. Ambrose, and terrify him, from his opinions, by the name of death and torments. he ded answer in an other tune, Deus permittat tibi, ut impleas quod minaris. Ego patiar, quod est Episcopi: tu facies, quod Spadonis.  
Christ himself, resisted not: but commanded Peter tu put up his sword: it was no proper weapon to defend his quarrel. Daniel and the Children of Israel, Captives in Babylon: when the king commanded them to Idololatrize; they resisted not, they reviled not, they deed not offer to spit in his face, (as Caluin bravely defended they might.) but refusing his command, they laid them selves at his feat, to endure his pleasure.  
But to touch you a litl, nearer. I nead allege no other authors than your own, either to condemn wyatt, or the subjects of Swetheland.  
Doctor Bilson holdeth it, as an articls of offaith, that Princes are not to be deposed: and that the Apostles endured the magistrates pleasure, but performed not his command. and how much he condemned, war against Princes; his opinion haveth taught me; that he who may fight may kill, and to fight with the Princ and murder him, be of inevitable consequenc.  
Besides, master Beza, some times (when he was not transported with passion) affirmed. Nullum remedium proponitur hominibus tyranno subiectis, preter preces & lachrimas. Parson whytes own argument against the fathers of the Catholic religion; (that they teach nothing but treason, to murder Princes, and to disturb states:) I must reflect upon them, that either defend wyatts rebellion, or the fact of the Swecians. What nead I allege, L. Bailiff, Ormerode, or suke like men: dij maiorum gentium: all your greatest Doctors, have wisely and neadfullie, defended that position for 50. years. And if it wear true, just, and lawful in the reign of Quen Elizabeth: I see no reason, why it should not be so taken in Queen Mary's case? for the differenc of Religion, doth not alter the authority and power of judisdiction.  
And if Princes should forfeit their authority, when they err in faith. Then who should taik the forfeiture thereof? and who should be judge whether he haveth forfeited it? I know you are not so gross, as to think the people may, (that is an opinion generally rejected:) nor that officers share authority with the king; that is also cast out of the schools.  
Xiphilin, in the life of M. Antonius, saith, Solus Deus, iudex Principum. Belloy, in his Apology Cathol. part. 2. Orationibus pugnandum, arms against Princes have no warrant. Quis est iudex, si●● ex transgreditur conditiones regni? Solus Deus. §. 21. and how far we ought to obey princes, and Quatenus: see saint Augustin serm. de verbis Domini in Matth. And common reason will and may teach every man the mystery of this thesis. For the king, is anima corporis, spiritus vitalis, caput membrorum, vinculum per quod cohaeret respublica: sine quo nihil respublica ipsa futura, nisi onus & praeda, si mens illa Imperij detrahatur. This was Senecas opinion, and a sound proposition. for if the soul offend the body, the body can not punish it without participating of the punishment: neither is it a proper faculty of the body, to judge. but of the soul, and understanding. Examine, what the law meaneth, by body politic; and you shall better discern, all my growndwork.  
It is a dignity Royal annexed to the natural body, whereby he is maid Lord Paramount, and is not surnamed as others are, but styled by the name of the body politic declaring his function, as jacobus Rex. and to show the nature, quality majesty and prerogative of that body, 1. It can not hold lands in jointennancie, (nor endure a partner:) 2. it can not be seized to uses, (and so limited:) 3. it is not bound to give livery and season of lands, (nor tied to the circumstances of a natural body:) 4. it can not do homage having no superior: 5. and that body is so precious, as the imagination only to compass his death is treason, (though there be no attempt.) 6. and that body vested in a blood, aught to descend: and though the natural body be attainted of felony or treason before, yet by access of this body politic, he may taik his inheritanc, for that dignity purgeth the blood, as it ded H. 7. and H. 4. (for this body was founded without letters patents, by the Common laws, and for the defence of the people.)  
And if criminal causes can not disable the descent, it can less when it is descended. for the crown of England is independent (for his iura regalia) holden of no Lord, but the lord of heaven: so it can not escheat to any being holden of none.  
What then? from this fowntain is all authority, and honour derived. judges at created, and have their commission to judge from the king, for criminal and civil causes: the Constable and marshal's court for arms and honour: the Chancery for equity: the Checkor, for revenues of the crown. So to conclude, the king giving, and appointing all judges, who in his realm is to judge him? or to censure his counsels of state, and politic temporal actions? and if be he judge, they are without judgement, that attribute it to the states; but they err most that arm the people with that authority. For though I know what a parliement means; and what power it worthily carrieth: yet as it is ever summoned by the king; so their acts must be judged, allowed, and confirmed by the king, before they be laws.  
In the senate rests consilium: but in the king is the power, and Majesty of the realm, and he is judge to allow, or disallow what he liketh. and by the conjunction of these, Foskew said truely, no state is berter tempered, nor more temperately governed: nor by more excellent municipal laws, than England is.  
So to conclude, what reason can be pretended for wyatts insurrection against his sooverain the body politic. was it for matching with Spain? that was no strange motion, for her father had once before de●seigned to match her in that family. besides the conditions wear honourable: and profitable to the crown (if God should bless them with issew:) the person most noble; and the reasons allowed by all the counsel.  
But the Queen ded not observe the laws of the realm, she abrogated the statutes of 1. E. 6. (which all the kingdom approved:) and the word of God by Moses commandeth, that Princes should observe the laws. and those Prince's dishonour them selves, who do not acknowledge that of Theodosius, tantùm tibi licet, quantum per leges licet.  
Well, aliud ex alio malum. As Moses prescribed what a Prince should do, so Samuel, what he may do: Moses told him his duty, Samuel his power: and it is true, and a Christian profession of kings, legibus se subiectos esse profiteri. But you must consider, the la haith two properties, the one to show what a man should do: the other to punish them, that do it not. To the first the king is subject; but touching the second, for criminal cawses; I know no court, above the king's bench, nor no judge above the king.  
Moreover if Queen Marie should be tied to her brother's laws: why was not Queen Elizabeth to hers? why was not king Edward to his father's laws? but that religion of Queen Marie was corrupt, unpure and superstitious. So still hear is philautia and presumption, you will censure your judge; and you (a lay man) will judge, of his religion. that is the Quaestion yet, and not decided by any orderly Counsels, or Synods on your part. and S. Austen, libro ubi supra, Si vir nistus sub rege sacrilego militet, just posset illo iubente bellare: 1. civicae pacis ordinem seruans: 2. cui quod iubetur, vel non esse contra Dei praeceptum certum est, vel utrum sit, certum non est. Tho the king be sacrilegious, yet he is to be obeyed; and how 1. civicae pacis ordmem seruans, (that is the course; and that is the end, for individua bona sunt pax & libertas; which is to be noted for them that plead so strongly for their liberties:) secundo, if the king's commandments be not directly against God's words, if vel non esse certum est; vel utrum sit, certum non est. Now though all Catholics, knew the certum est, in their conscience: yet the protestants, for the utrum sit, wear uncertan, because both the la of the realm, the general counsels, the whole state of the Church Militant, was against them; and they had only the testimony of private spirits, to oppose against public authority. But, what if Queen Marie had erred in some superstitions; what if the present king ded err in his government, in his courses, in his judgement, or in matching his son, without the consent of the realm: should either of them, be censured or excommunicated by the ministers: or deprived, or committed and imprisoned by a wyatt.  
Solomon, ded fall into grievous sins, ad profundum Idololatriae lapsus atque demersus (saith S. Austen:) and ded directly against Goods commandment, (to keap and marry straying voemen of the gentiles) non ingrediemini ad illas: besides, he worshipped Moloch, and Astarthes' (the gods of the Sydomans.) yet neither Preasts, nor people ded rise against him, or depose him: they left it to the proper judge of hangs, who in his wrath ded appoint and raise up Hieroboam to ruin his son: and if wyatt could have showed such an immediate warrant, he had bean excusable.  
julian proved in Apostata: yet though the Doctors of the primative Church, as G. Nazianzen and others, sharply reproved, and detested his impiety: yet they never persuaded nor taught the people to deprive him.  
He that proclaimed the prerogative of kings, vos estis d●: he taught the world, that as Gods have summum imperium; so the people are to obey, and therefore called subditi, for their subjection. and you never heard of any but Giants, that wear feigned to fight with the Gods; and they perished, for all ther greatness: for that hand must neads whither, which toucheth God's anointed: for he that taiks arms against him, doth provoke the king to the feald: and when the flame rageth, who can tell where the sparks will light. Some limitations there ar: and those needful. For I ascribe not: an infinite, unlimited divinity to kings, nor a power to tyrannize, and live as atheists: he that gave the that glory, vos estis dij: ded likewise give them, this caveat that for iniquity and impiety, transferam regna de gente in gentem. He is the judge of Princes, and his audit is dreadful; and to that we must leave them.   
FINIS.   

THE SECOND PART.  
JERUSALEM, THAT OBEDIENCE, AND ORDER, BE THE EIRENARCHAE OF CATHOLIQVES.  
HAVING already truely, 
King Henry though eight.  and lively Drawn and presented unto you the Image of the Churches called Reform, with a face so full of frowns and stearnnes, that by the Physiognomy you may judge it, unquiet and turbulent: It remaineth in like sort to paint out unto you, the portraiture, of a Roman Catholic, by the infallible characters of devotion, order, obedienc, and the humility of the professors thereof.  
What they wear in this land, in the time of king Lucius, and the Britons, I shall not nead to express: but refer you, to the ecclesiastical stories of that time: which even Fox and the Centuries do honour: labouring rather, to commend them, as members of their own Church, then to acknowledge them ours.  
For the time of the Saxons, I will maik no relation of their virtues, and how amiably the Church and common wealth ded sping up together. And though the prelate's wear highly reverenced, and ded bear great sway in the state, yet how dewtiefullie they obeyed their princes: Venerable Beda, and the stories of that tyme. M. lambert's Archaionomia, the old Saxon Laws, and the monuments yet upon record, can witness and testify.  
From king Edward the Confessor, Down to king Henry the VIII. there is no man so blind, that will affirm there was any other religion, professed and privileged in England, but that which was planted hear by Gregorius Magnus; who as D. whitacher noteth l. 5. contrae Duraeum, pag. 394. ded us a great benefit, and which we are ever most grate fully to remember.  
In all which time, though the Clergy maid Canons, by there own authority, for there ovn particular government: yet the kings of this realm, ded ever fynt them obedient, and ready, hymblie and dewtifullie to obey them, and to afford their best assistance, to support the estate Royal (even oft when they wear much trodden upon, and heavily burdened.) and howbeit sometimes, they wear forced to hot contentions, for external matters of jurisdiction, and their immunities, (as the commons and Barons wear:) yet they never passed the rules of order and obedienc, nor stirred up sedition, or commotions. And who soever shall object, and call in quaestion, the opposition of some prelate's under Henry the II. King john, and Henry the III. shall neither do great honour to the kings, nor dishonour to the Churchmen for their zealous defence of their immunities: and perhaps he may revive such matters, as wear more convenient, to be buried in the records.  
But the first king, that ever gave effectually cause in this kingdom, to try in the face of the world, the admirable patienc, Order, and loyalty of the Catholics, was King Henry the VIII. (flagelium Dei, to the Church of England, and yet of their own religion.) First, by aceusing the Clergy, to be fallen into the danger of a praemunire, for maintaining Caridnal Wolsy's legantine power: secondly by the statut of Supremacy: thirdly by the Suppression of Abbeys. Which wear the three first breaches; whereby he threw Down, the foundation, strength, and glory of the Church of England. The first leveled the way, for the second: and the second enabled him with power and authority, to compass the third. The first was a burden, the second a bridle, and the third a terror.  
By the first he found their weakness: by the second, they perceived his greatness: and by the third, he maid them despair, of any recovery or reparation of their estate. by the first only the Clergy smarted: the second lay heavy both upon the spiritual, and temporal: by the third, the whole realm was again in a sort conquered.  
And all this was done, to be revenged against the Pope, (touching his marriage) to abandon his jurisdiction, and to advance his own greatness, and royal power: that so no man might afterward control his action, or restrain his appetites (which lawleslie ranged, in him and proved very inordinate.) And there for he bard out of the realm, all foreign power: and at home, he subdued them, and maid them of no power.  
Such is the imperious nature of domination in irregular minds, which having once broken out of his circle, can not endure limitation and bownds, but must and will range at liberty, in the wide and wild feald of his humours; and not being able to give law to his appetites: will maik laws as champions to authorize them, and reason (as a parasite) to glorify them  
Now to examine all these three. The first 
1. The premunite.  was a quarrel, he ded pick only against Cardinal Woltie; and yet afterwards set upon the tentors, and extended against the whole clergy. Which being summoned into the king's bench, the kings learned counsel, urged and exaggerated the matter, so vehamentlie: that in the Convocation house, they concluded to submit them selves, to his pleasure. and to obtain their pardon, and recover his favour, they wear content to offer and present unto him a hundret thousand pounds: whereupon there Pardon was signed by the king, and confirmed by parliement. and by a devise there, they wear also Drawn, to acknowledge him supreme head.  
This was a course, at that time thought neither agreeable to justice, nor honour: for Cardinal Wolsie, had the kings licens under his hand, and the great seal of England, sor his warrant to use the legantine power, and afterwards by reason thereof, the king himself employed him to exercise the same, and sit with Campegius, and examine the matter. And if the divorce had bean allowed: there should never have bean quaestion maid, of the legantine power.  
Touching the Supremacy, All the hangs 
2. The supremacy.  subjects ever acknowledged, that the crown of England, quoad temporalia, is independent of any other power, but that great and Transcendent Majesty, who proclaimed to the world, Per me reges regnant; that kings knowing, who will taik ther audit, may be more careful to rule with justice and keep their accompts straight; and subjects, knowing there tye, and who laid upon their necks this suave iugum, and without encroachment, may obey with more loyalty and affection.  
The Question, which king Harrie maid (first of all kings, in his parliement,) concerneth his power and jurisdiction quoad spiritualia.) And whether that new and high prerogative, wear ever properly and essentially invested in the crown of his realm heartofore: or whether it wear the creation of a new right by parliement, iure Coronae or the establishment of an old.  
And hearupon groweth an other quaestion (now both in England, and other kingdoms so much debated,) whether the Controversy for Supremacy in spiritualibus, be a quaestion only proper to Religion, and so subject to the sentenc and censure of the Church only (as among the Romans it was to the Collegium Augurum, and Pontifex Max.) or proper to Policy and the state only, and so subject, to the judgement of law: or Mixed, and a participle, where of either of them may hold plea.  
Of both these, I shall have fit both Occasion for the matter; and Opportunity for the time, to declare my poor opinion, in my discourses upon the Ecclesiastical History.  
And for the suppression of the Abbeys; 
3. The Supression of Abbeys.  the Clergy (by that fact, and the supremacy,) stood as in captivity, and at the king's pleasure and mercy: their possessions wear seized, their goods forfeited, their Churches profaned and sacked. And the augmentation court was erected, upon the spoils of the Church, and the sale of their movables, vestments, chalices, bells, and all. for when the king found, that the Clergy (through the humility of their zeal) yielded so much unto him: he never thought, he had power sufficient, till he had more then enough. and upon that advantage, his conscience being enlarged; broke out of those ancient bownds which the laws of the Church had prescribed to him.  
Therefore anno 27. he appointed Cromwell and Doctor Leigh, to visit the Abbeys; and by virtue of the king's commission (which had then a chemical power to maik sacrilege, virtue) they took out of the Monasteries their cheafest jewels, plate, and Relics, to the king's use. and dismissed all such religious persons, under the age of 24. years, as desired to walk at liberty in the wide world, and were weary of Cloisters and spiritual exercises.  
Anno 28. to lose no time: all small religious houses of or under 200. pounds per annum, with all their lands and haeteditaments (of which there wear 376.) wear given to the king by parliement: and these wear able to dispend above 3200. pounds per annum, of old rents of Assize. and the movables of these houses (being sowld at undervalue) amounted to above, 100 thousand pounds.  
The religious, and their dependants, wear all voided, and left unprovided of habitation: so as moe, than ten thousand persons, wear turned out of their own doors, to seek their fortunes. Which moved the common people to much compassion: to see them forced to live by alms, who by their bountiefull hospitality, had relieved so many.  
Anno 30. Battle Abbie in Sussex: Martin, in Surrie: Stratford in Essex: Lewes in Sussex, wear suppressed, and converted to the kings benefit and use, (for all things wear done politiquelie, and by degrees.) At last, anno 32. and 33. generally all other monasteries, of what value soever: and all the lands of S. john's of Jerusalem, wear given to the king, and the corporation of the knights was dissolved, and to satisfy them with some contentment, they had pensions distributed among them, of 2870. pounds, during their lives.  
So hear was left in England and Ireland, no care of the general good of the Church to mantain any succours, assistanc, or fortification of Europe against the Turk; nor no nurseries of devotion, and prayer, again sin, and the devil. And to conclude, all Chantries, Colleges, and Hospitals for the releafe of the poor: wear offered and bestowed upon the king, and left to his order and disposing, anno 37.  
The value of all the Church lands in England, at that time, amounted to above 320180. pounds, 10. per annum. wheareof the king took into his own possession, and appropriated to the crown, 161100. per annum. The which was so great a booty, that an offer was maid once in the parliement, as House reporteth, in preface to H. 8. to create and mantain with those revenues, forty Earls, 60. Barons, 3000. knights, and 40. thousand soldiers: and also, that so the Commons should never after be charged, with any more subsidies or impositions.  
The like motion and project was commended 
The Cawseses of the Supression.  and offered, at the lay man's parliement, in the time of king Henry the fourth, by some that loved Wiclef better than the Church, and wear better friends to their lands, then to their Religion. but Thomas Arondel Archbushops of Cantorburie, ded stowtlie and virtuously resist their motion; and prevailed with the king, to prevent there platts, and the malice of avarice.  
The Lutherans in England, ded revive, and set on foot again the same motion, by their book called the supplication of Beggars: which was opposed by the supplication of Sowles, indicted by the virtuous and learned pen of Sir Thomas Moor. yet at last, they found a patron, an unworthy Thomas of Cantorburie, to give way to their denuises, and to feed the king's humour. and so, he who should have bean the cheafe protector and intercessor for the Clergy, proved the Cheafe Catiline that betrayed the Church, and conspired their oppression.  
Add to this, the kings own inclination to vaynglorie, which begot his avarice: whose prodigal expenses, could not be mantained without such extraordinary support.  
And think you, that the Lords and courtiers disliked the proposition? no, they knew what a rich pray it would prove, (whearof each man hoped and thirsted, to have a share, and specially master Cromwell, who knew no better ladder to climb to greatness and wealth, then by an innovation so full of spoil (whereby one might easily rise, by the fall of so many:) who being a man of experienc, and bred up in a forge, knew the better which way to hammer and frame his busienes, in some good form, that the king might undertaike the action, and stand stoutly to a matter of his domination and profit, (knowing well that his conscience was all ready buried in Ann Boolens tomb.)  
And though maik: he way plainer, and remove all blocks: the three principal Abbots, Glastenburie, Reading, and Bury, three Barons of the parliement, stout and religious men, and likest to cross and impeach these practices: wear executed for denijng the supremacy, both to discoorage the Bushops from mediating for them: and to terrify the rest of the religious, that they might not withstand the king, who was now armed with suffieient power to bring them upon their knees (all foreign intercession being cut of.)  
But quo iure, quo titulo, was this suppression 
The titl of the religious houses.  compassed? The Abbeys hold these lands in frank Almoine, and in see: they wear possessed of them by the donations, of Saxon, English, and Norman kings and subjects: continued legally by prescription, established by law, and confirmed by the Charters of kings: and so they held their inheritanc, and immunities, by the same, laws, the temporal Lords hold their Baronnies, and the king his revenues. What nead I remember the Charters of the realm: the magna charta 9 H. 3. or the confirmation thereof 28. Ed. 1. where it is granted, that the Church of England shall be free, and have her liberties inviolable. and cap. 2. judgement against them shall be held for naught. and 4. Bushops wear authorised to excommunicate those, that shall seek to undo their charters. And 3. E. 1. the Bushops' ded accurse those, that attempted to spoil the Church, or by force and craft to diminish their liberties or the charter of the realm; and all those that either should maik statutes, or observe them being maid, against the said liberties. for (which is to be noted) by one and the same Charter, both the Church, and all the subjects hold their liberties: so as king H. 8. might as well break the one, as undo the other: and if the parliement could give power to abrogate the one, that is a precedent to dispense with the other.  
But in Peterbo●ow Ledgerbook, you shall find king john's grants, more at large and fullier than any printed book setteth down. What nead I remember, sententia lata super confirmatione cartarum, by E. 1. or 42. Ed. 3. cap. 8. if any statut be maid contrary to magna charta, it shall be void.  
Or the confirmation of all these, 1. 6. 7. 8. of R. 2. and 4. H. 4.? Which all wear intended, to prevent tyranny, to secure the Church then being, visibly known, and generally reverenced (for to no other Church they wear granted: nor no other can enjoy than, if the king so please.)  
But to return, to the suppression. The 
The surrendors.  king, to maik his title, either to be, or to appear stronger, (to which he had no title of himself, but by parliement; and how far that power is extended to give away the lands of a third parson, not being hard, nor convicted orderly for some offences, is an other quaestion) he procured an act, 31. H. 8. whearby it is expressed, that since the former act of 27. H. 8. the religious houses, voluntarily, and of their own good wills, and without constraint, by course of law, and writings of record, under their Coventseals: have given and confirmed to the king, their lands, houses, and right: have forsaken, and left them all to the king. And to this statut they are said to consent, as to an act at their own suit. Whearupon you shall find, among the records of the augmentation court, a great Chest full of particular surrendors, by the Abbots, and Covents under their hands and seals: the which if you ded see, you will admire the art of the lo. Cromwell, and the obedienc and simplitie of these poor oppressed men.  
And is not this a likely tale? that out of their bounty, voluntarily, they would renounce their liuings, and turn beggars? in dead to so gracious a Prince it was no marvel. I ded once myself upon Salesburie plain, deliver my purse, when I could not keep it: and commanded their humanity, though I could not prai●e their honesty.  
Now if you please to examine and consider 
Examples of sacrilege.  unpartially: you will find, that this great Conquest, this augmentation of revenue and treasure: both by law and religion, was a Robbery and pillage of the Church, and a sacrilege inexcusable. and it was not for nothing that Luther said, inducunt animum ideo Deum dedisse nobis Euangelium, eosque ex carcere Pontificio expedivisse; ut possint ipsi avaritiae suae litare. (The which might fitliest be applied to king H. and from the which, many and fearful examples might have dissuaded him, and discooraged his agents and instruments; if God had not hardened their hearts, and sealed up their eyes: and so as few of them prospered, to see tertium haeredem, beatum.)  
Marcus Crassus rob the temple of Jerusalem: and note his end and disiaster. joseph lib. 18. c. 8. Herod opened king David's sepulchre, and took the spoil thereof: and what misery afterward ded he fall into? josephus' lib. 16. c. 11.  
Vrraca, went to rob the chapel of S. Isodore in Spain; to defray the expenc and charge of his wars; and his guts burst out of his belly in the Church porch. Histoire general of spain, part. 4.  
Leo the 4. Emperor, took a most precious crown out of the Church of S. Sophia in Constantinople, which was dedicated to it: and he died of a carbuncle. Sigonius l. 1. de regno Ital. Gondericus king of the Vandals, when he took Siuil, took also the spoils of the Churches, and seized upon the riches thereof: and to requite him, the Devel Seized and posseded him. Tarap●a in Honorio. What nead I seek more examples of terror, king Hentie is dead? they come to late; but not to admonish others. What punishment, had julian the Apostata, among his other sins, for his Church-robbing at Antioch? Tripartite lib. 6. cap. ●1 what misetie fell upon Heliodorus for the like? 2. Macchab. c. 3. To conclude, read the history of Nicephorus Phocas (a parallel to Match. H. 8.) He resumed all Donations granted to Monasteries and Churches; and see what afflictions and furies haunted him ever after. and therefore his successor Basilius, abrogated that law of Phocas for the suppressing of Monasteries, as the root of all the calamities, that happened in that tyme.  
He is desperate, that is not moved to fear (by such examples of terror) to tempt God, with the like attempts. I will not apply these to k. H. 8. though I might truely affirm, that wrestling (as it wear) with God and his Church: not unlike Herod, he lived jealous of his wives, and not confident of his friends: his lusts wear maid his torments; and after his divorce from his first and lawful wife, as in revenge of his lasciviousness (the original of all England's calamity:) no wife could please him long: few of them could get a protection for their heads: and none of them lived secure and joyful.  
And which is most to be noted, as if God would show his indignation, and with his hand write upon the wall, Mane, Thekel, Phares, as his judgement against him: all his hopeful and glorious stem and brainches wear quickly cut of, withowtanie issew, and that pittiefullie, and lamentably: and the crown and sceptre was translated, to an other name and nation, quite contrary to his intention, and the projects both of his will and statute.  
And for his actions, God suffered him as a bling man to err in his ends, and wander in his course: all this great purchase was neither employed to the honour of the realm, nor to ease the subjects, nor to increase learning, nor to maintain soldiers and men decayed, nor to relieve the poor: all was waisted in tiltings, triumphs, enriching and pleasing his mistrises, and the solicitors of his lusts: Boolein, and prodigality consumed all; and to maik an end, he can brag of no other monument he haveth left to record his memory, but the same which he left, who boasted of burning Diana's temple.  
And touching his agents Wolsie, and Cromwell, the master, and the servant: the instruments, and moovers of this great wheal: when they had acted their parts; they where both by himself cast of the stage with contempt and disgrace, and not without a brand left upon their names and families.  
What course would the Lutherans in Cermanie, the Consistoriand of France, or the Puritans of Scotland, have taken: if they had bean plunged into such miseries? remember their actions, and their violenc: and judge of the tree by the fruit; and then c●mparatiuelie look upon the Image of the true Catholic Church, and mark the differenc of their visages, and virtues.  
Though these Abbeys, wear almost the third part of the realm: men of understanding and power: the renennues great: their tenants, many and rich: greatly favoured of the people for their hospitality and howsekeaping; and highly esteemed both of the nobility and gentry. And though also the knights of S john's of Jerusalem, wear in the same predicament, and by their fraternities might have procured great troubles and tumults, and the rather by the Popes assistanc, and the Emperor: yet to show to the world, what they wear in there own likeness and proper coolors, and to testify the patienc of true Israelites, the obedienc of true subjects, and the real imitation of their master, (who was apt to shed his own blood, then to revenge his wrongs:) they resolved to endure God's punishment, and the king's injustice and rigour, and armed them selves into the feald with tears and prayers, and took up no other weapons, nor maid no insurrections: not counterfeiting, as Beza in words preached patienc, but in actions showed, fury, violence, and revenge. I will add this, and so end. that by their suppression, to many wear enriched and the gentry was increased; yet the rents of lands wear enhauced, enclosures set a foot, depopulation generally maid, the price of all things raised and the Yeomanrie decayed infinitely which heartofore was the honour, and strength of the kingdom: and so consequently it was the true reason, why all things have continued so dear in this land, (whearin master Stubs ded err nota litl.)  

TITULUS' SECUNDUS.  
HItherto Schism reigned; but the second plague, was the ruin and wrach 
K. Ew. 6.  of the Church for the authority and name of king Edward was used, to break down, and forcibly subvert the whole Church of England. but see how crafty a statesman the Devel is: though the way to Anarchy and confusion was laid levelly by king Henry, (who was only fit for such a work, in regard of his greatness, and cruel imperiousness:) yet he let religion stand a while longer, knowing well that all could not be effected at once; but as he seduceth Sowles, so states by degrees: and being also confident, that the forts of piety and religion being razed, and the Church being brought under a lay supreme head; he might by a second hand easily overthrew religion itself.  
King Henry at his Death, appointed by his will sixtean Executors, who during the minority of his son, should be his aydors and counsellors, for the better governing the realm. Among whom One, and who maid himself the Principal, was the lord Edward Seamor Earl of Hartford (who took upon him, being the king's uncle, to be protector:) and that was as good as a dispensation (as he took it) for his executor ship, and lifted him too many degrees higher than his fellows, which king Henry never intended, that he might overrule the rest, by his title, and supereminency. One of the first things of importance, he contrived and compassed, was innovation, and the establishing of a new religion: not so much for devotion, as bycaus he knew that nothing could quench his thirst so well as a change, and bring the game he hunted after into the toils. and hearof Cranmor, was a principal worker, (though he was but a few months before, of king Henry's religion, and a patron of the six articles.) The better, both to persuade the people, and give harting and strength to their sect: Peter Martyr, and Bucer wear sent for out of Germany, (upon whose fame, and learning, as upon two great Arches, they might build and raise their Church (tho) both wear Apostates.  
By Cranmor, Ridlie, Lattimor, and these two Rabbins, was the new Liturgy framed, and the old banished; these wear the authors of the first Alteration of religion, (which so many hundred years, had bean hear professed and continued with all due reverence.) So powerful was the Protector, (by using the king name, a child then but of 9 years old) but he was well seconded, by the Duke of Northumberland, the Admiral, and the Marquis of Nortampton (all affected, or seeming affected, to the chaing of religion:) who overruled all, that maid any show of opposition, or dislike of their proceedings. Which was very straying considering, there wear so many wise and eminent men, who had equal authority with them both, as Counsellors and executors: and wear most different in religion from them, as the lord Privy seal, the lord Saint john of Basin, Bushop Tonstal, Sir Antony Brown, and (thewise sectetarie,) Sir W. Paget: and specially that noble Chancellor, (the lord Writheoslie, a man of experienc, knowledge, and prudenc, and a director and pattern to his posterity, to be preferred before any new guides.) but to content and please him, he was created Earl of Sowth-Hampton; yet neither won so, nor contented, nor safe.  
All things afterward grew to confusion, there remained no face, and scarce the name of Catholic Church in England. and though there wear great multitudes of men well affected to the old religion, and discontented, that the Church was driven into the wilderness, and forced to lurk in corners: yet ded they show loyalty, humility, and peace, and ded not taik arms and disobey that shadow of the king.  
But what moved the realm, how wear men enchanted to embrace this religion, and applawd the authors of it? Novelty ever pleaseth dainty stomaches, and avarice is no small temptation. at Syracuse, Dyonisius the tyrant coming into the temple of Apollo, (full of sumptuous and goodly ornaments:) and seeing Aesculapius apparelled with cloth of hold, and full of jewels, having a long white silver beard: and Apollo (the father,) carved, with a flourishing yowthful gold beard, and a plain cote of silver▪ he gave order, to shave both Apollo and Aesculapius. for it was indecorum, that the son should have a grey, and his father a read beard; and also undecent, that a Physician should wear so rich a cote: so he deed not like that Apollo, should be drawn so gawdilie, and like a Barbarossa: and a graver gown (he said) would become a God better, (for gold and jewels wear fit for Princes than gods, fit for pomp then perfection.  
The Duke of Somerset deed rightly imitate Dionysius. for seeing the Church rich, remembering the exampl of his old master, and havinng tasted at Aumesburie how sweat a Morsel a Priory is: he thought it not decorum, to see the Clergy so rich, there wealth was not suitable to their calling: their lands wear given to nourish devotion, not to choke it: to stir men up to prayer, not to ease and luxury; and therefore he would shave and share with them.  
Two Bushops houses he took in the Strand, which served him well to build Somerset house for Queen Ann.  
He procured an act, whereby all Colleges, Chantries, free Chapels, Hospitals and fraternities, wear suppressed, and given to the king. and how greadilie he intruded into the Bushop of bathe and wells his houses and manors: that Church can never forget. (and yet Bushop Bourn by his industry recovered some again; but nothing to the Spoils. a poor releaf, rather to feed then to fat a Bushop.)  
Yet was he not satisfied. for shortly of there, contrary to all law, against king Henry's will, and against his own covenants (when he was maid protector) he committed to the towr, the Lord Chancellor: he deposed Busbop Tonstal both from the Counsel, and his bushoprick (as too stately a Signiory for a man of religion, and too dainty a bit to be swallowed by the Church:) therefore he dissolved it and brought it within the survey of the exchequer, and he never prospered after. It was directly against the law. 1. Edw. 3. cap. 2. that the lands of Bushops should be seized into the king's hands: and that his father by the advice of evil counsellors commanded them to be seized without cause, but hearafter it should not be so.  
Yet hear he set not down his staff. he committed Gardiner the Bushop of Winchester: and after deprived him. He dissolved Stoke College: fleaced all Cathedral Churches, and committed infinite sacrilege (whereto the Nonage of the king gave opportunity.) Neither ded he hunt after his prey, only among the Church living: for if you look in the Parliamant rolls, of that time, you shall find that (with a wolves stomach) he ded seek to devour, that most ancient and honourable Earldom of Oxford.  
In all this glory; he was cut of for his sins; and arraigned and executed for acting so grosslie, the part of a Protector. And though he was bad enoug, an other succeeded much worse.  
For now begon the tree of Dudlie, to spread out his brainches with glory (who could not be, except he wear great:) now was the time for his common wealth to flourish. and because he would not seam to do any thing, but by justice: he begonn 1549. to wrastl with Somerset, till he gave him a fall.  
First he proclaimed him to be a man, that subverted all laws; and that he broke the orders of H. 8. appointed for his son's good: that he kept a Cabbienet counsel, and litl esteemed the advice of his fellows: that he took upon him to be protector, expressly upon conditions, to do nothing in the king's affairs withowt consent of the executors.  
And upon these and such like accusations, God stirred one of these reformers, to wrack an other. Now as that showed his justice: so to seam religious, he cawsed the book of common prayer, 1552. to be first published; for that religion he knew would best serve his turn, (who was all ready now far engaged in the plat to advanc his own house, by the ruin of his masters.) and by that colour, he discerned that he might best win the Duke of suff. to him.  
And bycaus he supposed, the Lord treasurer, was not unlike to cross him: he took order at the counsel table (where he used to leave his spectacles, if he wear soodainlie called for up to the king) to maik the same before his return, be so sweatlie anointed and perfumed, that thereby he lost his nose, and scape nearly with his life, (and yet he lived to requite him.) and for his better strength while king Edward was sick, as if all had bean fixed in a sphere to move with him, he cawsed at Durham house his son to be married to lady jane: the Earl of Pembrocks sonn to the lady Katharin: and the Earl of Huntington's son, to his own daughter. and all upon one day, all to serve for one end: and to maik it impossible for any to bait the bear, hearafter. Then was king Edward maid away, by his means: and that apothecary who poisoned him, for the horror of the offenc, and disquietness of his conscience, drowned himself. and the landres that washed his shirt, lost the skinn of her fingers. there be some yet living in the court that have scene weeping eyes for it.  
Yet was all so over shadowed with the name of religion; that not many could discern the impiety. if you would see the oration, he maid to the Lords (when he was to departed from the tower to go, towards Cambredg, and proplayme his daugther in law Queen:) you shall see how Raignard had gotten on a minister cloak, and maid that is cause, which he was furthest from.  
Now consider three things 1. for the men: wear not they both, fit instruments to increase piety and virtue, and to reform a Church? wear not they like men, to have bean chosen by the spirit of God, for so godly ends? and like to be labourers in the harvest of Christ? wear their piety, zeal, and charity such, as became them well, and wear suitable to reformers, to josias, and Ezechias? No, nisi hominus edificauerit civitatem; they labour in vain: he will give them a fall, where they purposed to taike ther rising. 2. For their ends, both of them concurred in chainging religion; both of them lost their heads; one of them was a butcher to an other: and both unded there own famililies, and hazarded their friends. but for Dudlie as he ded ruin the king, so he endaingered the whole realm: and yet his end was a demonstration to the world, that all his aim was ambition, and not religion (for either he died a Catholic, or certanly an Atheist.)  
And as his ambition, so Sommersets' avarice, was not without his plagues. for his weakness was over mastered by a wife: his eldest son, was disinherited: he executed his own brother: he lived to see the loss of bullen, the crown and the realm engaged in debts and wants; confusion and commotions within the realm, (by their ill government,) and contempt withowt. 3. Now consider te patienc of the Preasts and Prelates, under these Cormorants: they suffered all without resisting, or rebelling: and never provoked the nobility to taik arms, having bean bred in the school of virtue, to bear their crosses with patienc; and to affect rather the glory of a Martyr, than the sword and fortune of a conqueror. And so I leave them, till hearafter.   

TITULUS' TERTIUS.  
THe last and greatest tempest, which shaked the very fowndations of the 
The Q. Elizabeth.  Church of England, and threatened the utter ruin and subversion thereof, was raised by Queen Elizabeth: who revived the Protectors new religion, and reestablished it.  
The which was effected, quickly and quietly, sine sanguine & sudore, and as M. Camden noteth well, Christiano orbe mir ante. And surely, it was a straying alteration. because the Queen (during her sister's life) daily hard Mass, & ad Romanae religionis 
Camden. annals.  normam, saepius confiteretur. Which is consonant to the report of Sir Frances Englefeald: that the lady Elizabeth (being examined at Hatfeald, by Q. Mary's commissioners,) said to one of them, it is not possible that the Queen will be persuaded, jam a Catholic? and thereupon she ded swear and protest, that she was a Catholic.  
And it aggregeth well with the Duke of Feria his letter to king Philip (yet extant to be scene;) whearin he certified the king, that Q. Elizabeth ded profess and assure him, that she beleaved the real presenc, and that she was not like to maik any great alteration for the principal points of religion.  
I nead not relate, the like speeches used by her to Monsieur Lansack; seeing many honourable persons have affirmed the same: and seeing her external profession in public, and her private chapel ded testify, that either she was then sincearlie in dead, or would be taken then to be a Catholic. And that was the cause, which maid the world marvel more, at her great and soodain change of religion.  
And the rather, because at her coronation, she was orderly consecrated, and anointed at a Mass, by the Bushop of Carlisle: and she took the oath then, to mantain the Church, and uphold the liberties thereof, as her predecessors had done.  
Which, withowt aequivocation, must neads be intended of that Church then being in esse, and whearin she was consecrated, and took that oath: and not of the Idea of a new Church (a castle in the Air, to be hearafter erected and founded, by liar authority and the Parliement.)  
But how ever she was before persuaded; she was now altered, and became too soodainlie Retrograde: and so, as in the opinion of many prudent and great persons, it a bated much the glory of her wisdom and heroical spirit: and gave the world occasion to suspect that all her former actions wear counterfeit and camposed for her security to temporize: and to misdowbt, that she was not innocent and clear, of these great not capital crimes laid to her charge (for which, she had stood in no small danger.)  
Antony's to speak freely and truely my opinion, she was a Prince of great Majesty and magnificens, but fit for government, than devotion: and of more policy than religion: and not as her sister was, the same in a storm and a calm; a Queen and a subject, nor semper eadem.  
But how, and by what means, ded she 
How religion was changed.  contrive and work, this admirable mutation of state: I will breaflie declare: for though it be not proper to my quaestion, it is not impertinent, and may be of some use.  
1. First the long sickness of Q. Marie gave her great advantage, and time both to deliberate, and draw her plattformes, prepare her instruments in readienes; maik choice of her means, and resolve of the fittest counsellors to advance her ends.  
2. secondly she laid her honour to pawn, and maid protestation in open parliament, that she would never trowble the Roman Catholics, for any differenc in religion: which ded give the Clergy great hope, of some more indifferency, and tolerable favours. (the which is related by Hows in prefat. of Q. Elizabeth.) for knowing well, that a king can not create a new religion as D. Bilson said truely, (meaning that it must be the act and work of a parliement:) therefore to win the Bushops, either to silenc or patienc, she wisely used that peace of art. The which thing was well noted by Monsieur de Mawissier (who was long french Ambassador in England, and a curious searcher and observer of matters of that nature:) saith he (lib. 2. pag. 61. in Les memoires de Monsieur Mich Castelnau.) Queen Elizabeth purposing to change religion, that she might the better win the Bushops, she promised to follow their advices in all things, and thereby prevailed not a little. And though many fine sleights wear used, frowns and favours, promises and threats: yet notwithstanding by that parliement, both the statutes for the supremacy, and the abrogation of the old religion, wear enacted.  
3. Add also, that when the act was maid for supremacy, (which must ever be, as the first great wheal of motion:) because, by king Henry's la, Bushops and Barons stood in danger (for Sir Thomas Moor, and Bushop Fisher had given them warning to look to their heads.) therefore now, in this new edition of the supremacy, first the words of supreme head wear changed into supreme governor; (which qualification of the words being aequivalent, was used but as a mask and shadow, to blear the eyes of the people.) and secondly the Barons and Lords wear exempted from the rigour of the Oath, to win them the rather to consent, to the act; and so to leave the Bushops in the briers, to bear the brunt of the storm ensuing.  
4. I know you will admire, and you may, how this change could be wrought in the upper house, by most voices; considering, so many Bushops, and so many Lords well affected to religion, had their suffrages there. Remember first, that king Henry pulling down the Abbeys, weakened the strength of the Clergy; taking away by that means, twenty five voices of Abbots, who sat there as Barons of Parliement. and besides, Sinon (who managed that busienes) showed all his cunning therein, and as a master of his art. For the noble Earl of Arondel, (abused and fed with a vain hope) by the aid of the Duke Northfolk engrossed into his hands the proxies, and voices of so many Lords, to be disposed at his pleasure, and to serve and further the Queen's desire and ends, that the Catholics wear overswayed and born down, by the plurality of six voices only. And how God rewarded these two great Princes, (the instruments of that service:) the world may judge, by their afflictions as spirits that haunted them. (though to expiate that fault, the religious and noble, Earl Philip, suffered the martyrdom of a languishing soul.) A straying, and memorable mattet it was, to have a new religion introduced, and no Bushop nor religion man, to consecrate and advance it with one voice. for the vehement oration of Abbot Fecknam against it, is fresh yet in memory: and how all the Bushops, obstinate refragati sunt, Camden doth witness. and that noble Lord Montagew (sensible of the scandal thereof) opposed it withal his force, (who together with D. Thurlebie Bushop of Elie, had so lately bean employed, at Room about it,) and urged that the world would disgrace fully censure such a soodain change and innovation; proposing also the daingers which wear like to ensue, and so ded by excommunication.  
But for their better assurance, to prevail in the upperhowse, and more strongly to overrule the Bushops, and the Abbots: the Queen created diverse new lords, William lord Parr, Marquis of Northampton (a good speaker, and a wise man:) the Earl of Hartford, the Viscount Bindon, the lord Saint john of Bletso, and the lord Hunsdon, (all Protestants and men fit to build a new Church.)  
And to be better armed: the Catholic party was weakened, by discharging from the counsel table, many of the old counsellors, the lord Chancellor, the lord Privy seal, Secretary Boxall, and Sir Frances Englefeald. and in their rooms, wear placed Sir Nicholas Bacon, the Marquis of Northampton, the Earl of Bedford, Sr A. Cave, Sir Frances Knolls, Rogers, Parrie, and secretary Sicily, (all fit men, to bear parts in that Pageant.) And further she deposed many of the old judges: and maid also new justices of peace: and gave order to use all warienes, in the election of knights and burgesses: that they might likewise maik ther party good in the lower house (which you would wnder to hear, how politicly it was performed.)  
Furthermore, to taik all scruple out of the heads, and hearts of the people, and that they might conceive, that the service and religion still continued, the same the old was (but transtated into English only for their better edification, and under standing:) they directed, that the alteration should be framed as near to the old, as they might well do.  
And so it was in dead, very politiclie handled. For they both admitted and continued the title and jurisdiction of Bushops, (with some litl grace, and authority:) and they permitted the use of surplises, caeremonies, anthems, Organs, and many prayers in the form of the old. whereby the Queen, was the better able to excuse her fact, to foreign princes, for this great change, as she ded use the same for her reason to Secretary d' Assonuile, who was sent by king Philip to congratulate her advancement.  
7. And touching the communion book, it was composed by certan commissioners appointed for that purpose, Parker, Grindal, Horn, Whytehead, May, Bill, and Sir Thomas Smith: and it was, maid according to the liturgy of the straingers of Frankfort (1544.) all of them of Bucers' stamp, and not much varijng from that in king Edward's tyme. The which Parr, Russel, Grey of Pytgo, and Sicily approved: but all those of Geneva utterly disliked, (not knowing the Queen's reasons, nor regarding them.)  
8. Lastlie, the instrumental causes, and cheafe artificers for building this new work, wear choice men all both for experience and policy. Sir William Cicill, (maid second Secretary in king Edward's days, in an age whearin a man might learn more cunning, them virtue.) a wise man for practice, and one that knew well, how much this alteration would serve his turn, and raise his fortune. and at that time he was hungry, having only the personage of Wimblton, and certan lands about Stamford, (as appeared by his letter, to the lord Marques 1560. when Sir Robert Sicily was borne? desiring the lord. Threasorers' furtherano, that the Queen would grant him some means and maintenanc, for these two C. C.) solike to be famous in England hereafter.  
Sir Nicholas Bacon, was an others; his brother in law, a man of Deap judgement, of more knowledge in the laws, and a more plausible Orator.  
I may not forget the Lord Robert (who solely to possess the Queen's favour, by a trick discarded Sir William Pickering, than a favourite and a courtly gentleman.) neither can I omit Seigneur Nicholas Throgmorton, S. Tho. Smith, and many others: who wear now in hope to find that, which they had long gaped for; such offices and preferments, as they wear like to lose, who held them in Queen Maries tyme.  
Better Engineers, and fit men, could, neither have bean wished nor fuwnd, than all these wear to undermine and cast down, the Clergy, and the old Church government. who possessing wholly the ear and grace of the Queen, sat with command at the stern, and as pilots of great estimation, guided the course both of the Church and commonwealth at their pleasure, (though many men wondered how master secretary could so soon, forget his beads, and his breviary whearwith he counterfeited a Catholic, and won Cardinal Pool to stand firmly his friend.) Notwithstanding all this choice of men, and preparation of means: their courses and cownsells, gave occasion of more troubles, continual fears, and greater hazards and daingers to the Queen the realm, in all her time: then ever any architects of innovation committed.  
And no marvel, for ludit in humanis divina potentia, God doth scorn and frustrate the policies and shifts of men, that have nothing else to trust to but shifts: and he will ever teach the wisest, to see their follies; and (a litl to humble them,) those that are most provident shall by their errors learn, that plus est in arte, quam in artifice.  
For now the Queen, (by this act of Innovation, left destitute of all her allies and confederates) was driven to stand upon her own guard, and lie open to all storms: having France an enemy, and Spain (a friend scarce contented.) and so was driven even at first, to run upon a rock, (forced to assist the rebels in Scotland against their Sooverain) and to send them aid to expel the french, employed there for their Queen's service.  
It maid, you think this a trifle: mark the rest. To succour the Admiral, and rebels in France: she Invaded Normandy, and took possession of Newhaven and deep, delivered to her by the Vidame of Chartres. was this a glory? the disgrace in losing and ill defending Newhaven, was a greater bleamish to them: than it was honour to have them yielded and offered to the Queen's disposing. and specially, seeing they might thereby either have brought Calais home again; or have locked up the gates of Rouen and Paris.  
And they ded neither; but bring home the great plague, (as a scourge to the realm for that offence.) furthermore, for the security of the realm, and to divert all wars from home, they wear driven, (not without touch of the Queen's honour) to kindl the fire, in all other adjacent nations; and then to publish a declaration and reason of their actions (as if the world could not read the true cawses of actions, withowt the spectacles of those ancient Senators.) Whearupon they ded aid the Princes of Orange against king Philip, (under pretenc of amity and league with the house of Burgundy, and the kings of England.) which was a litl to gross for so excellent wits; considering that the amity was contracted with no subjects nor states, but betwean the kings of E. and the Dukes of Burgundy wheareof the states had the benefit, and wear partakers but not authors: comprehended in the treaties, but not treators. fair coolors, for fowl errors.  
And why? for so she gave a precedent against herself, that foreign Princes might be warranted by her example to invade her own kingdoms, to relieve her subjects if they should rise for religion, and to learn the way to Ireland and requite her.  
And, the show of Religion, served them fitly for there purpose. But surely, I have hard very wise men much condemn the course.  
Borachia though England ded assist there neighbours on all sides, upon the reason of state which Polybius prescribed, Vicininimium crescentis potentia, maturè quacunque ex causa deprimenda, (which is an axiom, that is oft inconvenient, and ofter injurious, and sometimes pernicious:) Yet the counsel of Thucydides, was more proper and safer, Nullus princeps à suis subditis iuste puniendis arcendus est: & qui id facit, parem in se legem statuit, ne suos & ipse puniat delinquentes.  
And hear I must commend him to have said this wisely, who saith all things wittielie, The wisidome of the latter times in princes fairs, is rather in fine deliveries and shifting of damgers, when they are near: then solid and grounded courses to keap them aloaf.  
The ground of all these troubles, was the pretenc of Sinon, Viz. Actum esse de ea, si pontificiam authoritatem, in quacumque re agnosceret, (as Camden saith:) the Queen wear undone if she acknowledged the Pope's authority. Mark his reason, duos namque pontifices matrem illegitimè nuptam pronunciasse. and by that argument, he suggested, that it was best to alter religion, invest herself in the sovereignty, and banish the Pope's bulls (from grazing in this kingdom) and all obedienc to that sea.  
This was a course neither at home, nor abroad, to keap daingers aloof. and undowbtedlie, if Henry the 2. or Frances the 2. of France had lived: that error was like to have wrapped the realm, into inevitable perils: and might by all probability have served as a bridge, to have let the Queen of Scots pass over into England under her own title, and the banner of the Church. soliciting for her better warrant the renewing of the bulls of Clement the 7. and Paulus 4. against her moothers marriage, and her own illegitimation. and the rather this might have bean done, by the error of them, that left open the port of advantage: having not repealed in England the act of her illigitimation, as Queen Mary's counsel wisely had done before.  
But now at length, to return to the matters proper and pertinent, to the quaestion, jam to handle.  
The Queen before her coronation, put all the bushops to silence, and commanded they should not preach. and after the parliement, all those that refused the oath (being called before the Queen's commissioners,) wear deprived from all honours liuings, or employment, either in the church or common wealth: and wear also committed to prison, and so both lost their liberties and living together▪ Dignities they could not lose, (as appeared by B. Bonner's case, whom they could not degrade from the Dignity of a Bushop, though he ded lose London.) There wear in all 14. Bushops, (most virtuous and learned prelate's) of England, and 10. of Ireland deposed. 12. Deans, 15. masters of Colleges, 6. Abbots, 12. Archdeacon's, 160. preasts, together with master Shellie, Prior of S. john's of Jerusalem.  
Now touching, their Demeanour, and the course of their proceading before their Deprivation. These Bishops sitting in Parliement at Queen Mary's Death, acknowledged by diverse proclamations, Queen Elizabeth's title, and right to the Crown. And the Archbushop of york, D. Heath, than Chancellor of England, calling together the nobility and commons assembled, in both houses: by a grave oration exhorted them, to accept and obey Queen Elizabeth: and by the best course he could, endeavoured to dispose and setl the hearts of subjects to love and serve her.  
And all the Bushops jointly, ded their homage and fealty to her Majesty in dewtifull manner. And although they wear not ignoranc of her determination to alter the course of religion: yet ded they never practise, neither Scotising nor Genevating: nor never incensed the people and Catholics against her: nor attempted any violent resistance: nor sought the support of foreign Princes, (whom they knew at that time, ready upon so fair pretence to have aided them.) but they ded so respect fully, tender both the Queen's safety, and the peace of the realm, (more than there own lives, liberties, or liuings:) that though diverse among them, maid a quaestion if it wear not most convenient for the good of the Church, to proceed to excommunication against her (to which her case lay very open, and subject:) yet the most voices dissuaded that course, lest if they should use the sentenc and censures of the church against her, the people might be induced to taik arms for the protection of religion. and therefore they ded advice rather to refer it to the pope's determination and pleasure, then to talk upon them to do it them selves, (though they thought they might lawfully do it, as the case then ded stand.) There was also, an other secret friend, that ded much fortify the state of the Queen. King Philip knowing all the platts of France, and there secret intentions, and what motions they maid at Room, and upon what terms they ded stand, to offend England: albeit he had buried all offences at the treaty of Cambray, yet loath to see France grow so great as to have footing in England, and as loathe that Religion should lose her howld and honour there: though he ded wish the end, he deed not like the means: and therefore he employed his ministers in England to do good offices betwean the Queen and the Clergy.  
But Alas, what became of all these grave prelate's? truely notwithstanding all there public disgraces, and private sufferings: they ded rather choose a Durate, than an Armate; and ever professed and well performed, Preces & Lachrimae, arm a nostra.  
Observe how long, and how heavily their burden lay upon them. D. Scott Bushop of Chester died at Loovain in exile. Goldwel of Asaph, at Room. Pate of worcester, subscribed at the counsel of Trent, for the Clergy of England, and never returned. D. Oglethorp of Carlisle, died soodainlie and shortly after his deprivation; and so ded learned and famous Tonstal, die a personner at Lambeth. Bourn of wells, was prisoner to Carry deane of the Chapel: Thirlebie of Elie first was committed to the tower, and afterward he and secretary Boxal wear sent to Lambeth (where they ended there days.) Abbot Fecnam, Bushop Watson, Bushop Bonner died prisoners: and Prior she'll lie in exile.  
This was the Catastrophe of the worthy Prelates of England, a tragedy of the Downfall of the whole Clergy. a thing incredible to posterity, and never hard of in former ages: that the third and most reverend state of the realm, the Cedars of Libanus, (who ever since king Etheldred, flourished as the Oaches of a realm) should be all at once cut down, cast into disgrace, and prisons, or exile, and live without releaf or comfort as men forlorn and abjects: yet neither tainted for vice: nor convinced for trespass: nor accused for any treason, but that which they would never subscribe to aknowledg treason, the refusing the oath of supremacy (a poinded of religion to them, and which touched their souls to the quick.) And wear they deprived for that? then surely had the ministers of Geneva great luck to escape the high Commission, for you shall hear their opinions: and see the differenc of their spirits.  
1. Gilbee in admonitione ad Anglos, calls king Henry the 8. libidinosum monstrum, & monstrosum aprum, qui Christi locum invasit, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae caput dicivoluit, cum tamen omnis religionis expers esset. This monstruons bore, must neads be called Head of the Church, under pain of Treason, displacing Christ our only head, who alone ought to have the title. why ded he call him bore? Partly for his qualities, partly for Ann Boolens sake, who was that Helena, cuius causa peribat Ilium, (as both Melancthon in his Chron. and G. Bellay in his Comment. declare.)  
2. And that you may know, what an heresy and flattery of kings the school of Geneva, censureth the Oath of supremacy to be: I pray you hear the Oracle. in cap. 1. Osee & in cap. 9 Amos; Et hodie (in quit) quam multi sunt in papatu, qui regibus accumulant, quicquid possunt iuris & potestatis (of this point I dare avow Geneva is not guilty:) ita ut ne qua fiat disputatio, sed potestas haec sit penes regem unum, ut statuat pro suo arbitrio, quicquid voluerit, & sine controversia hoc firmum maneat. Qui initio tantopere extulerunt Henricum regem Angliae, certe fuerunt inconsiderati homines, dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem, & hoc me semper graviter vulner avit: erant enim blasphemi, cum vocarunt illum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Christo. Deed Sir Thomas Moor, or Bushop Fisher say more? nay, not so much, against the matter: nor in so rude and violent manner. such was the violenc of king Henry that he pressed them to speact, and if they ded speak they wear in danger of law? if they deed not speak, in danger of his wrath. o miserable time, ubi tacere non licet, quid cuiquam licet?  
3. To this opinion Luther subscribeth; and (which is rare) they both C. and L. accord against the supremacy of Princes, in causes Ecclesiastical. for tom. 2. fol. 259. saith Luther, quid add not mandatum Principis Electoris Saxoniae? Princeps, secularis est mogistratus quem gladium, non munus predicandi, curae habere debet. as if a secular magistrate, had nothing to do, with Clergy busienes.  
And tom. 1. Latin, he expownds himself fol. 540. Non est regnum aut principum, etiam veram doctrinam confirmare, sed ei subijci▪ & seruire. Which is quite contrary to the acts of parliement, either of H. 8. of E. 6. or Queen Elizabeth.  
4. It may be you will Imagine that though Luther was so singular, yet the Lutherans arr not: but you are deceived, and that you shall find, by their greatest and most learned Champion.  
M. Chemnicius, epist. ad elector. Brandenburg, first he shouweth, that it is not convenient, ut punitionis officium contra Caluinistas, interea temporis penitus quiescat, (which is to be noted, as a thing, he much regarded.) and shortly after, of the religion, and the Queen of England, he giveth this sentence; that 1. no good thing is further to be expected of her: 2. that she used the Protestants of Germany hardly: 3. that she noorisheth a new sect risen in her realm of Puritans: 4. and lastlie, he maiks it a ●east that she being a woman, haveth taken upon her, to be maker of Ecclesiastical Laws, & quod femineo & à seculis inaudito fastu, se Papissam, & caput Ecclesiae fecit, these are his words, and surely none of our Bushops deprived, could say more, though more mannerly. for the statut, consisting of two brainches, the one they defend stoutly, that the king ought not to have the supremacy: in the other they disagree among them selves.  
5. Cartwright, haveth written many chapters in his last book against this supremacy: who yet was never convented in the starchamber, nor arraigned for it: neither was forced to recant his writings. The Puritans are as earnest, as the Catholics, that it ought not to rest in the king, but differenc is in whom the power should rest: whether by a monarchy, in the Pope; or in an oligarchy of the elders. The English Puritans of Amsterdam in theridamas Confessio fidei, 1607. pag. 50. art. 2. ded resolve that unicuique Ecclesiae particulari, est par as plenum ius ac potestas exercendi, fruendi, & exequendi, institutaomnia, quaecunque Christus Ecclesiae suae dedit obseruandae in perpetuum. So then every parish-preast, is a Pope in his parish, and haith par & plenum ius: and whether this advancement of the Consistories be not more prejudicial to princes, than the Conclave: more subject to mutinies, more open to confusion and anarchy, I refer myself to learned Hooker.  
6. I will conclude with D. whiracre, and that with some admiration (he Doth so boldly affirm a matter, so notoriousle untrue pag. 4. against M. W. Raignolds in his preface.) The title saith he of supreme head of the Church, haith bean misliked, by diverse godly learned men and of right it belongeth to the son of god: and therefore never deed our Church, give that title in such words, unto the Prince; neither ded the prince ever challenge it. I understand not what this meaneth: for if he mean plainly and without aequiuocating, then certain, he abuseth his reader with a fable. if I object the statut of 26. H. 8. c. 1. or 35. H. 8. c. 3. I know he will say, it was not our Church that gave that title. But Sir, that will not serve you, for 1. E. 6. cap. 12. if any person, after the 5. of March next, shall affirm, that the king his heirs or successors, kings of this realm, is not or ought not to be supreme head, in earth of the Church of England and Ireland, immediately under God: it shall be treason, for the third affirmation. so hear is the act of your own Church; for which Gardener was sent to the tower: and these godly men sc. Gilbie, Caluin, Knox, Luther who so much misliked it in king Henry: had not cause to like it better 1. Eliz. when it was changed into supreme governor, for the one had as much power as the other.  
And surely D. Whit. rather shifteth of the objection, then answereth it. for these godly he meaneth, wear Caluin, Gilbie, the Lutherans, and his ancient friend master Cartwight (who all condemned the use of that title of supreme head.) and think you that he ded himself like it? I imagine, that he would not otherwiss have maid so she an evasion. for his commendation of the men that denied it: his own reason, derived from their words, (that it belonged only and properly, to the son of God:) his fable, that never ded the Prince Challenge that title,) show fully the Doctor's mind, that he would not subscribe voluntarily to that opinion and taik the oath, and desired to evade.  
But what ever his opinion was of the matter; he commended those that most impugned it. Now to return to the Bushops, seeing the supremacy and the oath, was the main and the mean, objected to deprive them (which was as much impugned by there own half brethren, Lutherans and Caluinists, as by the Bushops) seeing Cartwright, pvas tolerated, licenced to preach, not restrained nor punished for his opinions: and seeing so many, and so eminent men, concurred with the Bushops in that opinion? (as I have showed:) there was and is some reason, to have expected, if not a more merciefull sentenc, yet a more favourable execution of the sentenc and seeing they found so litl favour and releaf: it doth witness to all posterity, there exceeding patienc, to taik up their cross and follow their master.  
For not withstanding all this adversity, disgrace, wants, and loss of liberty, the magistrates never had cawse to complain of any invectives or libels. No Reveilematin, no homilies of sedition wear dispersed: no Wyatt, no Oldcastel appeared in the feald: the soldiers and knights of the Rhodes wear not detected of any conspiracy: the Realm was not disquieted nor embroiled.  
A miraculous patienc, by a supernatural grace: they ded rather choose to suffer them selves, than the realm should. which was a great happienes to England, and the like not hard of, (upon so great a mutation of state:) and which was neither to be ascribed to the policy and providenc, of the Chancellor or Secretary; nor any fear of punishment, which might be inflicted upon the Bushops (for they could fall no lower, being all ready cast down to the ground: and they, that could hope for nothing, nead not fear any thing:) but really and truely, it was to be imputed to the nature, patienc, humility, and obedienc, innated in religious and virtuous men who are truely Catholic.  
These virtues, and this there patience, showeth well the nature of the English patients that suffer, and bear there crosses, either within, or without the realm. without the realm, wear and arr the Seminaries of Preasts, religious men, and students. within the realm, are the Recusants, who daily, taste of affliction, and have not a light or small burden to bear. who all suffer for their conscience; and secundum magis, vel minus, participate of the miseries, incident hear to Catholics.  
Touching the Seminaries: when the old Clergy, and preasts wear some Languishing 
The Seminaries.  in prison, some in exile, many dead, and all in disfavor: the Secretary and some politcik protestants, both hoped and promised that preasts and preasthood, would be shortilie worn out, and extinguished (and in dead, abowt the year 1576. there wear not above 30. of the old preasts, remaining in the realm.) whearupon D. Allen, (a man born to do God service) and others of the Clergy: out of their providence, and Charity, begonn the Seminaries at Dovay. 1569. and why? To prevent the decay of religious professors; to setl a continuanc and increase of preasts (for the better propagation of religion:) to preserve a visible and Catholic Church in England: and for the instruction and training up of young scholars, in a settled course of study, conference, and exercise: and so to bread in that nursery young plants, continually fit to be drawn out, for employments in England: to win souls, to instruct them in cases of conscience, and so spread abroad their knowledge and virtues into all ports of the land.  
And that Seminarie was not erected against law; for the statute was maid long after, when they had taken deap root: and then was it too late, either to transplant them home, or by threats and terror to prohibit their proceedings.  
But these are said to be, schools and harbours to nourish such men, as are 1. base and fugitives: 2. such as corrupt the land with false doctrine: 3. and such as are ministers of practices, to disturb the kingdom, to stir up rebellion; and to with draw the subjects from their obedienc. And there for the proclamation 1580. and other statutes wear justly maid against them.  
But how do they answer it? In dead it is true, that great Pronotharie and clerk of the execution of justice, objected so 
For their baseness at Dovay and S. Omers.  much against them. but for their baseness; I have observed well, and am assured, that at Dovay, there be gentleman both in the College and monastery, of as good families, as well bred, and as learned scholars, as I have known in the universities of England (whearin I was no stranger.) I will not compare them, (for so I might maik them odious:) nor yet will I detract from the milk of my own nurses; but I may truely ovowe, that they are so orderly governed, as maikes their demeanour civil, and supra aetatem religious and devowt. and how can it be otherwise? for they spend there time most in study, in exercises of learning, and in matters of devotion. Neither are they in such danger of Debauchment, or the infections of disorder; for they be strictly kept to their task, and rather won then forced to it: and though they be bridled with a hard bit, it is carried with a gentl hand. and greater care is had, because many of them are of eminent families, and noble parentage: who though they can not draw their pettigrees from Lewlin Prince of Wales, as the Pronotary doth: yet can they show a descent both ancient, and honourable, neither yeomen of the wardrobe, nor yeomen of the guard.  
And touching there being fugitives; they answer well for them selves, that they deserve not properly such a title. for they live not there as out laws, but for conscience sake and to avoid the rigour of the new laws, opposite to the doctrine of the Church.  
secondly, they live not there, for faction 
2. Fugitives.  or undewtiefull affection, to his majesty; but compelled by extreme necessity: the Catholics having in England no Churches, no Catholic service, no dew administration of the sacraments nor use of the sacrifice of the altar. and so they say, they should live in England, as body's without souls, or soul's without food; and so either be starved for want thereof, or become Apostates from their religion, or live as Atheists, without religion. thirdly if you put upon them, the disgrace full name of fugitives, only because they do not accommodate them selves to your Canons, and the injunctions of the present time, and therefore departed out of the realm. To let pass, Bartie, Knolls, Hales and others, you must not forget, that your great Doctors, jewel, Horn, Cox, Pilkinton, Poynet, and many others, ded taik the like course in Queen Maries tyme. And if these men wear not fugitives, and deserved in your judgement no disgrace, for remaining at Frankfort, Strasburgh, and specially Geneva (noted for the Seminary of all Conspiracies in France:) how comes it to pass, that those at Dovay and S. Omers (being in the same case) are so hatefullie censured to be fugitives? And if they wear fugitives,) as the law also then ded judge them,) you ded so welcome them home, with the titles of Lords, and Bushops: that I perceive, to be a fugitive of your making, is but a verbal objection, and not a real scandal.  
Besides, they answer truely, and reasonably. As they can not remain in England, without danger and offenc of law: so when they come over hither, they commit treason: and if they return, a promoter or a pursuivant will show them the way to Newgate, (except they renounc, their religion, which you esteem peradventure but a Peccadilio.) and that is evident, by the statut 25. Elizab. c. 2. (whereby young men that return not from the Seminaries, and abjure not their religion, are maid guilty of treason.) and they, who send them releaf and exhibition, fall into the danger of a Praemunire. what remedy can you teach us, against this Dilemma? If they might find grace, and have the happienes to be freed from the danger of these Laws, and (which they humbly crave) toleration of their consciences and religion: neither Douai, nor S. Omers, could hold them: they would quickly show there dewtiefull affection to their Prince, there natural love to their country; and for their parents and kindred, (from whom they are separated to their great discomfort) they should plainly find, that kindness would not creep, when it may safely go. 
3. They corrupt no● the Land.   
Now touching the next point, (where with they are charged,) for corrupting the land with false doctrine. First, in this accusation, as you presuppose Caluinism and your religion to be an infallible verity; so the preasts and religious hear, are as confident, that it is impiety. On both sides, there are learned, and virtuous men: and one will not veil bonnet to the other. how then should the quarrel be decided? or shall it remain perpetual, and a scourge to the world? The Bushops in the first parliement of the Queen, ded urge and offer to defend the principles of their religion by disputation: which the protestants would not accept, 
* Camden.  nisi Baconus in theologicis parum versatus, tanquam iudex praesideret. and he being a professor of the common laws, why he should be chosen moderator of such a Divinity disputation; Cambredg can neither give reason, nor precedent; nay rather if you ask their opinion, they will answer, Spectatum admisi, etc. for it is a tidiculous Solaecism. Since, Father Parsons, and diverse others have maid the same challenge, desirous to bring I ruth to the Trial and touchstone, in solemn and public manner. And let no man object, the colloquies at Poissy, Ratisbon, Worms, Altenburg, Murbrun, etc. which wear fruitless, because formless: they deed not produce the effects expected, because they erred in their course of proceeding; and I confess I under stand not, the mystery why the protestants in England now draw bach, seeing jewel in the beginning was so forward, and maid so liberal offerts: which if any would now defend, it would quickly appear, which religion wear counterfeit, and which currant: whether doctrine wear , and whether not. specially having a moderator, who could discover evasions, guide the disputers; and judiciously determine, to whom the prize should be given.  
And if perhaps some would except, and allege the conference betwean M. Hart and D. Reignolds: betwean Good and Campion, which wear honoured and diuulged as triumphs: and that these aught to stand as sufficient proofs, co convinc the Catholics, if the truth so well sifted by disputation, may satisfy them, and prevail. I answer, it is iniquissima conditio, for a man armed, to set upon a prisoner, to insult upon a man weakened with fetters; and destitute of books; without preparation and warning: and (which is worst) in the face of a rack and torments, where Campion had bean posed with crewel quaestions before: and in a place of no indifferency, where they may set down what they list, and frame a combat at their pleasure, as Roynolds ded.  
And where as perhaps for politic cawses, the king and the Lords may dislike any public disputation, upon the grounds of religion: yet this may well be granted, (and the french king's precedent, may induce it.)  
The preasts and fathers, offer to prove that jewel (the mainster Carpenter of that Apology of the Church of England:) that Luther, Caluin, Melancthon, and the later Doctors (Colonels of the new plantation,) have overcrowed and born down the Catholics (for opinion of truth, sincerity, and learning) only by false quotations, corruptions, falsifications, misrecitalls: and that both of scriptures and fathers, both of the text and the gloss. And this they humbly pray and hope, that his Majesty in his own time would be pleased to grant; because these be heinous offences; and the temple of verity can not be builded upon error and false grounds: and because illusions and forgeries, be stratagemata satanae: that at least he would permit the trial of that just accusation; and so aftherward esteam of their integrity, as they shall acquit them selves.  
Concerning the third point, that the 
3. Preasts are no practisers.  Seminaries bread such preasts, as are ministers of practices, and stir the people to rebellion: as they are charged both by the book of execution of justice, and by the proclamation 1580. whearin particularly they are accused to have bean privy and accessary, to the counsels and projects of the king of Spain, the Pope, and others, who intended and combined at that time, to invade England, to depose the Queen, and subdue the realm.  
I must freely answer, that jealousy is truely described to be full of eyes, and yet all purblind: fearful of her own shadow, ever in motu trepidationis, and contrary to the motions, of other stars.  
And though they wear great statesmen, ye with all their Optics they could not foresee the great daingers like to fall upon them, till they wear at their doors. And having by error drawn and provoked them; yet took they the course, rather to continue the flame, then quench the fire: to encreas the malice then prevent the mischeaf.  
For first if any such confaederation had bean, (which never yet could be discovered, nor was recorded in any history was it probable, that so great and so wise Princes, would acquaint the poor speculative preasts at Reams or Dovay, or the fathers of the society, with their plaits and intentions? is it credible that they would manage matters of state so weakelie? yea, but these Princes purposed by the means of the preasts and religious, to prepare a party assistant in England; how? by reconciling the people to the Pope, that they might join, with him and the king of Spain's army. One error begets an other: for pressed do not reconcile men to the Pope, but to God and his Church.  
1. And yet surely it was a miracle, that among so many preasts, and in so long time, and when Spies and intelligencers wear employed and rewarded; neither any such pressed could be nominated, (who was then or after, so corrupted or induced by these great Princes:) nor any was afterward apprehended or discovered, for any such trespass. and which is most to be marked, not any subject was called in quaestion, or accused for entertaining any preasts to that end. then how fantastical was this fear? what an imagination of Chimaeras and terrors? most injurious, to touch the reputation of all the English preasts in general, and by statutes and proclamations, to call their names and their lives in quaestion: and to have no so sufficient witnesses to accuse them. no evidenc against them, nothing but presumptions and probabilities to attaint them of treason. the life and honour of subjects, wear wont to be esteemed more precious: and the function of preasts, more reverenced.  
2. I may also add this: that when the king of Spain's armada, was under sail towards England, not a pressed nor Seminary man was found in it. And though in the proclamation, they wear traduced to be men suborned for preparation and making the way levelly for their better landing: yet how well they prepared it, appeareth by this, that neither pressed nor Catholic, wear apprehended and attainted for any such offenc, as is afore said.  
3. Besides how litl affianc the king of spain had in the English preasts and Catholics of that time, was demonstrated by this; that all the religious English at Valladolid and Burgos 1589. wear fettered and committed close prisoners, when the army of England assaulted Lisbon, and invaded Portugal.  
Furthermore in all the actual treasons and conspiracies, supposed to be maid against Q. Elizabeth: there was never pressed, or monk, or friar touched or tainted for any of them. For certain the holy altars of God will not suffer nor endure so ungodly machinations: and cloisters, bread better humours, elevate their souls from the world. they think not of Princes but in their prayers; and venite ad iudicium sounding ever in their ears, requires a continual preparate in their hearts (which is an antidote against treason.) And that I think the cause, why in the 45. years of the Queen's reign as I have hard, there wear only 2. secular preasts convinced and attainted for actual Treason, Ballard (for knowing and concealing the attempts of A. Babington:) and owld parson Plometree (for saying Mass at the rising in the north, for I never hard of any other treason he committed.) yet it is straying to see, what a malicious extension of offences they make, what invectives wear published against them and their vocation: what sermons, proclamations, laws wear maid in thunder and ●e●●or against these poor soldiers of the Church militant under the banner of Christ? and what crosses and sufferings have they not endured? the only College of Rheims and Dovay besides all other religious orders, can best testify the rigour, who smarted most by it; sending into the Harvest of the Lord above 100 labourers, who all suffered for res mere spirituales, for being preasts, and doing the office, and for no other treasons, (as hearafter shall be explained.)  
5. But, fully to clear and purge them, from all just scandal and calumniation, I will confirm and justify their innocenty, and there loyal hearts to Queen Elizabeth, obsignatis tabulis.  
Anno 27. Elizab it was maid felony to receive and harbour a pressed, and treason to be a pressed. and the act ded look back very crewellie to 1. Elizab. that who wear maid preasts since, should be branded with that mark.  
The which laws wear maid, in regard of Parries' treason, of Frances Throgmorton, of Babington and his complices, and of Fa. Campion, and the beasts with him arraigned: upon the conceit and opinion had, of there practices and combinations, for restoring religion, and for deliveranc of the Queen of Scots: all which wear then fresh in memory.  
Whearupon the preasts then being in England, framed a supplication by common consent, and delivered the same to the Queen at Gren which by the hands of master Shellie (for the which secretary Walsingham committed him to the marshalsea, where he died: because the counsel wear not maid first acquainted with it.) In that petition, first they renounced and condemned Parrie his practices; then they declared their opinion in these words.  
1. We for our parts utterly deny, that either the Pope or the Cardinals, have power or authority, to command or licens any man to consent to mortal sin, or to commit or intent any fact, contra ius divinum.  
2. Who soever he be spiritual or temporal, that delivereth or mantaineth so apparent sacrilege; we renounc him and his opinion as devilish.  
3. For our true purgation we protest before God, that all preasts who ever conversed with us, have acknowledged your Majesty there lawful Queen, tam de iure, quam defacto, and pray for you, and exhort your subjects to obey you.  
4. They precisely admonish us, that it is heresy for any subject, to lift up his hand against Gods anointed.  
And so by this supplication, they answered all the six articles, which wear usually tendered and objected to all preasts. Then how do these men deserve, to be charged for defending propositions of treason? or corrupting the subjects, or attempting against the sacred person of Gods anointed? ded those their opinions, give any cause to maik such sevear laws against them? or to continue them? But I will maik ther loyalty yet appear more plainly. after the Gunpowder Treason, (the name and memory wheareof, doth yet grieve the hearts of all good Catholics.) first the Archpreast, ded utterly condemn it, by writing, as a most detestable and irreligious devise.  
And the pressed themselves, aswel for their own purgation, and to clear their vocation and society from an imputation so odious; as also to testify and approve their obedienc, and loyalty: they exhibited three petitions. One to his Majesty: an other to the Parliament (by the hand of Seigneur Frances Hastings, and Sir Richard Kinghtlie:) and an other to the Earl of Salisbury (protestations of there innocenty, and testimonies of their fidelity and dewtiefullnes.) What could they do more, or what could be desired more of them? therefore his Majesty, in his proclamation 7. Nou. graciously declared his good opinion and assurance of the Catholics in these words. Wear, said he, by good experienc, so well persuaded of the loyalty of diverse subjects, of the Roman religion, that they do, as much abhor this detestable conspiracy, as we ourselves. and good reason, for thereby all should have perished togeter, of both religions.  
Which induced father Garnet, (who was there confessor) to protest his dislike always of it, and to repent his fault sorrowfully, (which was only in concealing it; and which he conceived, that he ought not to reveal; knowing it only by their confessions.) and which also moved Sir Euerard Digbie, to lament his ill fortune, that he should leave behind him the memory of such a loath some stain: though he was not maid privy to their drift and purpose.  
What nead I say more? how far Preasts and Catholics ever detested sedition and treason, appeareth by the treatise of that learned Bushop, D. Christopherson against rebellion. and would you know how much those of Rheames condemned treason and disobedienc: Read pag. 301. theridamas notes upon the testament lately printed: Subjects wear bound in temporal things, to obey the heathen being lawful kings, and to be subject to them even for conscience, to keap there temporal laws, to pay them tribute, to pray for them, and to do all other nature all duties. And yet Doctor Kellison goeth further, for in his learned Survey, he giveth a good reason for it. Bycaus (saith he) faith is not necessarily required to jurisdiction, neither is authority lost by loss of faith. which opinion Waldensis ded long since defend with great judgement against that monstruous opinion of Wiclef. Nay further, they teach obedienc for conscience sake, not for only fear of punishment, and penalties of the law (for laws are never so well observed, as when they are enacted in the conscience of the people:) he that obeyeth for policy only, may disobey for policy, which varieth upon occasions, and so doth his obedienc with it.  
7. But if you desire yet to be better assured and satisfied: I will show you the opinion of the Bushops, and prelate's of Queen Maries tyme. The new devised six articles (composed by D. Hammon) wear proposed to all preasts, as the touchstone to try their loyalty. 1. whether the bull of Pius V wear a sentenc to be obeyed? 2. whether Q. Eliz. wear a lawful. Queen, not withstanding the bull. 3. whether the Po●e had power to give authority, to her subjects, to rebel and depose her, etc. Upon these quaestions, Bushop Watson, Abbot Fecknam, D. john Harpesfeald, D. Nicholas Harpesfeald and others, wear curiously examined. Some of them answered they never see the bull: but all of them professed their obedienc notwithstanding the bull, et ut verae reginae obediendum. And fully Nichol. Harpesfeld resolved them, ego regalem eius authoritatem in omnibus rebus causisque civilibus & temporalibus agnosco. the which Goldastus (tom. 3. de Monarchia S. Imperi● Rom.) doth report.  
8. But to conclude, with a demonstrative argument: against which I know no just exception or opposition you would know, how Princes can be assured of Catholics, and how far they may repose confidenc in them! and whether their religion tieth so their consciences to due obedienc, that merciefull and good Princes may rest secured, they will neither revolt from theridamas allegianc, nor attempt against their persons, nor move the people to seditious practices. S. Thomas lib. de regimine princip. cap. 6. negat posse tirannum à quoquam privata authoritate interfici. (quite contrary, to the rules of Parreus and knox.) and so doth D. Gerson, (the learned Chancellor of Paris) determine and define. And touching the Canon la. Decret. 2. part. cause 23. q. 8. the Episcop. it doth decree, de Episcopis vero, vel quibus licet Clericis: quod nec sua authoritate, nec authoritate Romani pontificis, arma accipere valeant, facile probatur.  
And yet because there may be Cavils and objections drawn upon some words of the Canons, to maike dowbt of the truth and certainty of this opinion: the Canon laws of England do explain it fully. for in the Provincial constitutions, in the Council at Oxford holden by Stephen of Canturbury. 1228. anno 8. H. 3. an excommunication is decreed against all those, qui pacem & tranquillitatem Domini regis & regni perturbant.  
And to void all quaestions, the general Council of Constance, sess. 15. concluded, that is an error in faith, to hold that subjects may kill there Princ being a tyrant. the words are these. Nuper accepit sancta Synodus quod nonnullae assertiones erroneae dogmatizataesunt, reipublicae statum evertere cupientes, etc. scil. ut quilibet tyrannus, potest & debet licitè & meritory occidi, per quemcunque vasallum suum & subiectum, etiam per clanculares insidi●s, non obstante quocunque iuramento, nec expectata sententia & mandato indicis, etc. And thereupon, the council decreed, eam esse doctrinam erroneam in fide & moribus: and then condemneth it, and enacteth, Quicunque pertinaciter doctrinam hanc perniciosissimam asserentes; sunt haeretici; & tanquam tales iuxta Canonum sanctiones sunt puniendi. The which act, after the parricide of Henry the III. the parliement of Paris published, both to condemn such infernal practices, and to show how sacred the Church holdeth the persons of Princes. So now you have scene (as in a glass) the face, and integrity of the Catholics, and how they are tied, to obedienc of magistrates: you see the dogmatic principles of their religion, touching their loyalty. if you will judge of them, by their doctrine, you see the basis upon which they build: if by their proceedings, their petitions, their protestations, and public profession acquit them: if by their course of life, there frequent confessions, and continual prayers, show their innocenty. and to speak confidently all Princes, are more secure, and have a more and better tye and obligation of Catholics; then of any Caluinists or Lutherans what soever. And if he who writ that Pamphlet of Romish doctrine, in case of Conspiracy and rebellion, and marked upon every leaf, Romish positions and practices of rebellion: will read this plain rec●mination, and relation (maid to recompence his travail:) he shall find, how false and scandalous these Chimaeraes, and fictions wear: and how injurious to all preasts and religious, to call their names and reputation thereby in quaestion, ubi de capite fiunt comitia.  
But Coolors will best appear, when they are compared therefore examine if any sectaries overmatch this fidelity? and give so good assuranc to Princes, to lean and rely upon their loyalty. Philip Melancthon, in his epitome of Moral philosophy, saith, Violare leges civiles, seu edicta magistratuum civilium est peccatum mortale▪ (thus far he agreeth with the Church, which taught him that lesson:) and therefore he addeth, sciamus conscientiam fieri ream, si non obt●mperemus, & consider a quantum est hoc vinculum obedientiae, & publicae tranquillitatis? in dead there can be required, no greater or stronger a tie, and so simply are all Catholics tied. but having maid up this hedge, to keap out disorder: he leaves a gap open, to bread new trowbles, and break all bonds. for saith he, debet autem haec sententia de magistratuum edictis prudenter intelligi, scilicet de ijs edictis quae non iubent facere, contra mandatum Dei. For then all is, naught, as before he showed ex libro consil. Euangel. that inferior magistrates may alter religion, and overthrow Idolatry. and so hear is neither left any tye; nor yet any instruction, how to be able to judge whether and when the Prince doth idolatrize or do contramandatum Dei. But if the justices of peace, and Constables be persuaded, in their conscience, that the Prince erreth in his then at they authorised by Melancthon, both to judge and give la to the Prince and not to obey him.  
2. Luther, prescribeth that men should obey municipal laws, (as I have cited, tom. 3. Witteb before in the first title:) but if you object to him, ne excitetur tumulius contra Episcopos: then he falleth into Melancthons' gap, an ideo negligetur verbum Dei, & peribit populus?  
3. And this, his backed with a general consent of the more precise protestants, that subjects may by arms mantain their religion. what to resist and defend only: yea and to offend also, as appeareth by Danaeus l. 6. polit. c. 3. and by P. Martyr in cap. 11. judic. and in locis come. and Althusius polit. c. 35. pag. 37. maketh three just causes of war, 1. iustitiae denegatio, 2. purae religioni● defensio. 3. repetitio rerum ablatarum.  
4. It may be thought I choose out, the worst of their opinions, and misreport them: therefore I will clear myself, sufficiently. Doctor Swinglius, teacheth, dum flagitiosi loco non moventur, totus populus à Deo punitur. So he warrants them to depose Princes.  
The famous minister Sureau (called Rosieres, who was after imprisoned at Paris) writ a book to prove, that it was lawful, to kill Charles the 9 and the Queen mother, if they would not obey the gospel, (id est Caluinisme) so witnesseth Belforest l. 6. c. 103.  
In the confession of the french Church art. 39 they say, affirmamus parendum esse legibus, soluendatributa, subiectionis iugum tolerandum, etiamsi infideles fuerint magistratus. but what fellows? that which corrupts all, dummodo, Dei summum imperium integrum maneat. Now, because in this dummodo, may lurk an aequivocation: it is explained in the Synod of Bearn, 1572. Dei imperium dicitur manner illibatum, cum rea exterminata Catholica religione, solam veram & puram extollit. God is truely worshipped, obeyed, and served, when the Catholic religion is banished, and only the truth is professed (which is in effect all one, as though say when Caluinism is established:) for they concluded all men enemies that are not of that profession, as Poplonnier restifieth l. 34.  
This is the doctrine of their Synods: and in their public Apologies the same lesson is read. in Com●●ent. de statu relig. part. 2. l. 12 c. 1▪ the war, which subjects maike against there Prince, is defended. and fol. 349. if the kaing mantain his own religion against them, what then? Rex à populo potest exauthorari, per ordinum in regem authoritatem and again, nec omnes regni parts in solidum committuntur regi, sed tantum superior regni dignitas: cuius tamen suo modo & certis conditionibus, inferiores magistratus, sunt participes, maximè officiarij coronae. all states and members of the realm, are not committed to the king, but the cheaf and prime dignity of state: wheareof, in some measure, and condition, inferior magistrates do participate, specially the officer of the crown. but this is a gross paradox, not worth the scanning. yet that which followeth is not better. In populi iuramento, tacita aut expressa est conditio semper, se obtemperaturum regibus, quamdiu iusto imperio rem gererent. They have one evasion or an other, shifts to cozen the law. object, that subjects are bound die their oath, to obey their Prince: he answers it with a quamdiu. So long as the king serves God, we will serve him, then that must be a clawse in the oath of allegianc, if a Caluinist taik it. and I will satisfy you, why I say so. The Prince of Condie, 1577. gave this as a rule: Promissum 
In his protestation contra conuent ●lesensem.  illud Euangelicorum, de armis contra regem non ferendis, & de abiurata religione, factum est, contra Deum, & bonos mores, etc. & tale promisium seruare non tenentur. the Gospelers of France, are not tied to perform their oath and promise (scilicet not to bear arms against their king, or to abjure religion:) for it was, both against God, and good manners. Poplonnier l. 41.  
And this he learned of Caluin, l. 4. c. 13. § 21. Institut. Quibuscunque huius Euangelij lux affu●get, etc. ab omnibus laqueis & iuramentis absoluitur. That man who is so happy, as to see the son shine of the Geneus gospel (huius Euangelij▪) he is absolved and discharged from the danger of all oaths, and snares to enthrall the conscience. A marvelous privilege; and such a privilege the Prince of Orange had, as appeareth by his advices to Monsieur, in his letters intercepted and published, as Surius declareth anno 1581. And do you imagine, that these beams of the son, deed never shine in England? master Dudlie Fenner, who jumpeth right with the Apostles of Geneva, lib. 5. cap. 13. of an evil Prince, he giveth this fearful sentence. Hunc tollant vel pacificè, vel cum bello: vel regnt Ephort, vel omnium ordinum connentus.  
So, tollant, is decreed, the king must be pull down: but by whom? by Regni Ephort. who are they; because it concerneth the crown, ask the king's attorney, or the Clerk of the Crown, whether they acknowledge any such officer: and I am persuaded, they will read him a lecture, against scientia inflat, which will teach him discreation. but, go on.  
When master William Raynolds, objected the tumults, and sedition of the gospellars in France D. Whitacre, in his preface, answereth him thus. As though it wear sufficient for their condemnation, that they resisted: so then, he thinketh that not sufficient, or because he speaks not categoricè, taik it only as the doubt of a Doctor.) And ded not admit what violenc was offered to God's truth, or them selves: contrary to oath, promise, edicts, or la: (whearby they wear warranted to do what they ded.) Then the Huguenots of France, in D. Whitacres opinion, wear warranted, to resist the king, to assault his towns, to fight with his officers, and to do all acts of rebellion. examine the warrant; the law was against them, the edicts of the king wear against them (for the admiral was proclaimed traitor) and the court parliement ded verify the edicts. But he addeth, they wear cleared from the crime of rebellion, by just defence of their doing, and by edict, of Princes. hear be two bucklers, their Apologies are the first: the king's proclamation the second. Do not you imagine that he is much driven to his shifts, that fights with so weak weapons. if an apology wear sufficient to clear a man who would be condemned? Scotland had a Bucchanan; France an Hottoman; Holland, Orange, (who generally, sought to excuse himself, and the country, and lay all the burden on the king's back.) yet an apology, served not. And for edicts, they wear proclamations of the king's mercy, edicts of pacification: not to warrant that which the Huguenots ded, but to pardon them. and so that Doctor so esteemed for his divinity; erreth much in matters of humanity and defence of his brethren. and specially if he lead them to Melancthons' gap, to resist, to oppugn princes, or to defend their opinions with the sword (which S. Peter ded not teach, 1. Epist. c. 2. v. 19 c. 4. v. 15. 16. c. 5. v. 9)  
But hear, I must maik a stand: for seeing 
An objection that preasts. and jesuits teach murdering of Princes.  I have so much touched, and so personalie, the opinions of the Lutheran, french, and puritan Churches: I see a tempest of tongues rising against me, to pay home and requite my objections (for it will not be easy to answer them.) And first I will encounter, the Picture-maker, Ormer.  
Who accuseth D. Allen, for teaching 
1. D. Allen.  men to murder princes; and that in his Apology of the Seminaries, he citeth. 25. of Numeri, that subjects may taik ther sooverains and hang them up. (a thing so impious, that it never came into a religious hart.) For they are much deceived that think it a property of Catholics; (as this man and P. white do,) but that it is not proprium quarto modo, omni, soli, & semper, it is all ready plainly and demonstrativelie proved. but I will show, master Orm. the picture of a minister of Geneva of the first edition, that whotelie defends the same, you accuse D. Allen for.  
Goodman l. de obedientia, saith he, factum illud, quod memoratur, Num. 25. perpetuum est exemplum in omnem aeternitatem, & certa denunciatio populi, ut in simili defectione à cultu Dei, rectores suos qui a Deo ipso abducunt, ad furcas abripient & suspendant. Et quanquam posset videri haec magna confusio, ut populus sibi tantum assumat: tamen cum magistratus officio suo fungi desinit, populus ita considerandus est, ac si careret omni magistratu, & tum Deus ipse gl●dium in populi manus tradit: & Deus ipse, eff●c●tur imme●iate eorum caput.  
As now, you imputed to D. Allen, the citing of that text in Num. to be a position and principl of Papists, to depose and murder Princes: I show a Caluinist, that affirms the same, and overmatcheth him. jam sumus ergo pares. but yet is their odds: for D. Allens words, and scope differ from Goodman's.  
Goodman warrants the peopl to execute their Princ; gives them reasons, shows the way, and to confirm them maiks it God's act. D. Allen, complaining against the rigour and severity of the laws of E. shows, they are not to obey and perform them, but stirs not up the peopl to rebel: he shows what resistanc may be warranted, but incites not to resist. I will cite his own words. cap. 5. ●ro Catholica religione certaere, praeclarum: sed modo▪ & tempore.  conscientiae lex sacra, supremi pastoris sententia dirigant. So then he recites Deuter. 13. and Num. 25. and infers. Illud autem in omnibus ijs exemplis notandum, populum, non sua voluntate & impetu ad has Caedes, sed à prophetis & Sacerdotibus commonefacti: id quod omni posteritati secutur examplo est, ne aliâs privato odio, superbia, etc. in errores ruamus, & imbrobitatem nostram religionis velo, tegamus. So hear is more discreation, and more duty, then ad furcas abripere: more order and government, then suspendere, (as in fury:) more religion, then to teach that God ded authorize the peopl to so desperate actions. Doctor Sutclif, in his book called Turcopapismus 
2. F. Parsons.  objected, this against Fa. Parsons. Lopez à personio jesuita, & Hispanis quibusdam, ad reginam interficiendam magna pecunia conductus, nisi vigilantia Essexij scelus deprehensum. I will tell the Doctor, such an other tale, to maik him amends. Peter Pannie a Cooper, was reported to have bean hired by Mavaraeus rector of Dovay, provincial of the jesuits, to kill Count Morrice: and upon examination of the matter it was found a fable, as this is, which the Doctor delivereth so confidently. for in that action of Lopez, there was no man accused, but Portugeses and Spanyeards: and in the examinations which I have scene and read (whearin all the circumstances are declared) all the aydors, moovers, and actors are nominated: there is not one word of Fa. Parson. And when master Egerton, ded in the Guildhall, most largely and eloquently urg all he could, against Lopez; not a word was spoken of F. Parsons (which he would not have omitted, if there had bean cause.) and all men knew, that knew him, that he was not a like man, to venture his reputation, in a foreign bottom, subject to so many leaks, and so much danger as that was. and therefore this was a scandalous fiction.  
But the Threason of Parrie, is low dlie 
3. Parrie.  sownded in all men's ears, as a reproach and stain of Catholic religion: because the Pope by his letters, had provoked him to kill the Queen. here is some probability. yet this is no stain at all; for Parrie confesseth, that master Wats a seminary pressed, (with whom he had conference) disliked both his motion, and attempt: and told him, that it was an unlawful practice. and that diverse other preasts ded the like.  
Besides at Lions, when he came to Fa. Creighton (a jesuit) after his confession, he opened to him his intentions, (belike persuading himself, that the good father would bite, at such a bate. But Fa. Creighton vertuoushe resolved him, quod omnino non liceret, it was against God's law: and by diverse reasons dissuaded him. and thus much he himself confessed to the Queen: Hollinshead in his chron. wituesseth it; and few men that are of experienc about London but know and acknowledge it. So there is a discharge both, to the fathers, and preasts, for Parries treason. Now touching the Pope's letter; you must understand, that this counterfeit, had bean long used in Italy, as a spy. and finding upon his return, so litl encooragement at Lions, by the fathers: he traveled to Paris. where he sought to insinuate him  into D. Allen and Fa. Parsons, (who wear there with the Lord Paget:) But not finding such entertainment at their hands, as he expected; he was brought by means to the Nuncio, to whom he delivereth a letter, written by himself in Italian and directed to the Pope. 1. Whearin first he confessed the wrongs, he had done to Catholics. 2. That he was going into England, to maik some satisfaction by his services; and 3. desiring his bsnediction and approbation (without specifi●ng any particularity, he meant to perform there.) which letter is yet extant, at Room, upon record. and to this letter, Card. Como answered: and upon this is all the triumph.  
The letter of C. Como. is common: examine it, and see if either there be any particular services intimated, or any seditious directions given from the Pope, more than an encooragement in genere, to an offer in genere. What then can you reasonably infer upon this to disgrace Catholics: you may infer, that the Popeshowed a fatherly affection to England, that would vouchsafe to write to Parrie, (promising to do some good service.) but by that letter, you can not infer that he exhorted, or encooraged Parry to any treasonabl act; specially considering, that such actions be notoriously condemned by the sea Apostolic, Counsels, fathers, and schoolmen.  
But it was Parries device, to procure that letter to serve his turn in England, and to use the Pope's name, both to abuse the Catholics, and deceive the Queen. when he departed secretly from Paris, withowt an Adieu to F. Parsons, (with whom he was not well pleased, for being ill regarded) he writ to the Lord Burlie, for a passport, that he might come over, and impart to the Queen great matters. he was admitted; the Queen heard him: and he informed, that the jesuits moved him to kill her. yet in the Parliement house, he defended boldly Catholics, and religion, (for which the house, committed him to the tower: not knowing that the Queen was privy to his purposes, and that her intention was thereby to give him reputation, and credit with the Preasts and fathers. for now he had continual accesss to the Queen, he hoped to be master of S. Katharins') was in great favour with the lo. treasurer; and was employed to discover the plaits and intentions of foreigners: and at home to betray the Catholics: and particularly the Lord Lattimor, (whom the treasurer, studied to have caught in Parries' net.) But he that was true to no man, proved false to himself, and was taken in his own snare: (having met with wits overreaching his:) and perished so worthily, as I may truely conclude, quis paena eius movebitur, qui id commiserit, pro quo, nemo misereri, misericors potest?  
Yet this was, generally judged the more 
4. Fa. Walpool, and Squire.  probable, that the Pope and the papists deed employ Parrie: because Fa. Richard Walpool, was accused to have encooraged Squire, to the like attempt. and surely upon examination, it will have the like success. This Squire, and one Rolls 1596. wear taken prisoners (in a pinnace of Sir Franc. Drakes, by Don Pedro Tellio) and brought to Siuil; where Fa. Parsons procured for them, both liberty and apparel, (though they professed them selves to be protestants:) and so they wear sent away, when they came to S. Lucre's, by indiscreation, they fell into the inquisition, (an argument sufficient to witness their religion,) and so they wear brought back to Sivil: where Fa. Walpool ded them much favour, set them at liberty, engaged his credit for there forth coming, and placed Rolls in the jesuits Coll. and Squire in a monastery. 1597. till they both secretly fled away, and left father Walpool in the briers, to answer for them.  
And afterward, they sent letters, to excuse there soodain departure to Fa. Walpol, (which letter he ded show for his discharge. Now then weigh well, all circumstances: and examine the indictment. Squire is accused that Fa. Walpool, provoked, and instructed him to poison the Queen: and preached to him at his departur, to persuade and confirm him. Is not this probable? 1. they fled secretly away, without his knowledge, (and that was generally known to be true) Squire was a man, who ever professed himself a protestant, and so died. 3. a man, that at his arrainment and death, denied it. (And though being upon the rack 5. times, the torture compelled him, to accuse himself; yet an argument from the rack, is not a sufficient evidenc, being after denied.) 4. a man, that had wife and children in England: and not like without some great and present temptation, to be drawn into suca a plat: and Fa. Walpool, was as unlike and unfit, either to promise or perform any recompence of value. 5. then what should be the motive? his religion, would not persuade him; for he regarded no merit. Rewards hear wear none, and without some end, he would not cast away himself. 6. Besides Fa. Walpool as he was not like, to trust a protestant, with a matter of that weight, and secrecy: so neither was he of that credit, nor authority, that he durst do it without the licenc of his superiors (Fa. Parsons. and Fa. Creswel, being his ancients. 6. Besides examine, how it was proved. by his own confession? it was extorted, and by the same breath denied. by Stallenge his testimony? he had it but by hearsay. a weak proof. and how was this to be performed? by poison delivered to him in Spain. a straying secret, which his fellow Rolls never knew of who returned with him. and how was it to be done? the sadl upon the horse back was to be poisoned.  
Hear was art. how could the Queen be poisoned with it so, and he scape that is said to havesqueased it upon the sadl? or if it wear squeazed (as they termed it) how could part be reserved, to poison the Earl of Essex? and specially how could it be done, that the grooms of the stable, and the querries (who ordinarily attend the horse for the Queen) could not discern it? but to conclude, was ever any man hard of that took hurt by that poison? or was sick of it? no, no, then surely seeing he denied it, seeing there was no probability, and specially seeing there was no witnesses to prove it, I can not esteem it, as a stain, to be justly imputed to the jesuits.  
But all these, and such like devices, passed as currant, in England (upon a false supposition) that Mariana a jesuite, and the father's ded mantain that ungodly position, of murdering and deposing Princes for religion.  
1. Touching Mariana: it was a personal 
5. The jesuits.  fault, Mariana's proper opinion; yet was he not resolute in that opinion, but handled it problematice; he inclineth to the worst part, but absolutely affirms it not. his words are, falli possum ut humanus, siquis meliora attulerit gratias agam.  
2. secondly his quaestion was not, for killing of kings, but for kill tyrants (which is to be noted as a great differenc.)  
3. Again, his whole order disavows his position, and categorice determine the contrary. Card. Tolet in his summa. l. 5. cap. 6. decreeth that it is not lawful, to attempt against the life of a Prince, though he abuse his power: and that it is heresy to mantain the contrary. So also holdeth. Greg. de Valentia part. 2. q. 64. and of the same opinion is Card. Bellarmin. cap. 13. of his Apology. and Salmeron, tom. expownding the 13. C. Rom. (wheare he referreth the fact of Aod, against king Aeglon, to God's express commandment.) I may allege, the authority of learned Lessius, de iustitia & iure, l. 2. c. 9 dub. 4. Serrarius in c. 13. jud. Azor in his Institut. Becanus in his answer to the 9 Aphorism. Gretser in his Vespertilio, Haeretico politicus, who confuteth Mariana's grounds. and so doth L. Richeome in his Apology.  
4. What nead I say more? yet to put all out of dowbt, this opinion of Martiana, was condemned both by a provincial congregation of the same society holden at Paris. 1606. and the condemnation was ratified, by Claudius Aquaviua, general of the order.  
5. And because, no man shall dowbt whether it be a droctrin so general received in the Church: anno 1413. by the declaration of the Doctors of Sorbonna the same is averred; as also renewed, 1606 that it is an unlawful and ungodly position.  
6. And lastlie, the doctrine of Mariana, was justly condemned by the court Parliament of Paris, the seam year.  
And that you may not stumble at Simancas words: you must know he was a lawyer no divine: and if you read Heisius ad Aphorismos, you shall perceive that both he and Becanus, are not guilty of this error. see pag. 85. and 91. And all this standeth and concordeth, with the agreement of God's ancient Church. for Ireneus l. 5. c. 14. setteth it down among heresies, to think that kings are given to men casually; and not by providenc, and appointment of God: quia omnis petestas a Deo. And S. Ambrose contra Auxentium. ait, lachrymae meae, arma mea, aliter nec debeo, nec possum resistere. Navarre, Cunerus, and all that I have scene (and I have curiously searched for it) agree in one sentenc. and the reason I am so curious in this; was not only to satisfy my own conscience; but diverse good and virtuous protestants in England my friends, who wear much offended that a Thesis so scandalous, should be protected by the learned fathers, of the society, as was given out.  
There remaineth yet certan stains in the 
6. C. maine.  Coat of Preasts, and fathers, which are honestly to be taken out. I have hard it much urged, that the greatest argument for the rigour against preasts; was necessity to free the state from danger, because they wear the likest men, to bread it. and that was specially discerned as they said by the coming in of C. maine, (who corrupted master Tregion, and diverse others, and with drew them from their obedienc.)  
Because it is a matter (which concerneth all preasts:) it is necessary to examine it with deliberation. Cuthbert Main was indicted at Launston 1577. that he had, and obtained from Room, a bull, and instrument for absolution, and that master Tregion, knowing him to have obtained the same 20. April, after ded aid and maintain him, and was reconciled These wear the accusations, and judge of them.  
1. First for his reconciling, Main answered, that they wear deceived, preasts ded use to reconcile men only to God: neither by reconciliation, was ever any man withdrawn from his remporal obedienc, by any consequenc, but rather had a greater obligation.  
2. And touching his being at Room, and procuring this bull of the Pope: he said he was never at Room▪ nor sought to obtain from thenc, any Bull at all for absolving any man.  
3. Moreover, that it was copy of a bull printed which he bought at Dovay, only to perule and see the manner of it.  
4. But that, which is most to be noted, is: that it was printed at Dovay; and by the indictment, he was accused that 1. Octob. 1597. he ded obtain from Room the afore said instrument. for the law intended, that the trespassor should obtain immediately from, the Pope, not a copy, but the instrument itself. and that it should contain some matter prejudicial to the Queen's person, or the quiet and good of the state, or to seduce and corrupt the subjects (for it is not to be imagined, that the parliement would maik that treason, by which no hurt nor danger can ensue to the state.)  
5. But what bull was this? that maketh the matter clear. it was a bull, concerning the jubilee, which by the Pope is granted of course, and not at the suit of any private person, and for all country's not for any one, and once in 25. years. and that bull ded continue in force, butone year: which year was ended 1575. (and so the date of the instrument was expired, before he bought it: much more, 1. Octob. 1597. when he was indicted. so you see par●u● junt montes Yet because he had the bull, tefused to come to the Church, and obey the Queen's proceedings, judge Manhood told the jury, where manifest proofs can not be had, persumptions must be allowed; and thereupon the jury found him guilty. (though the indictment contained altogether matter insufficient, and impossible, and neither answerable, to the words, nor senc of the statut.)  
For in this bull, there wear neither words nor matter, to withdraw or seduce any subject from dew obedienc: neither was there any thing prejudicial to the Q. to be executed. Notwithstanding master Tregion lay long in prison, among felons, in a dungeon noisome for smells, toads, etc. fed with bread and water: and was afterward condemned in the praemunire, and his lands seized by writ from the exchequer: and the date of the writ uhas before the judgement given, (as if they knew it should be so.) he was prisoner 16. years; an ancient gentlemen, and honourably allied: and his lands 1000 pounds of old rent.) and though it was entailed: yet the knight marshal found means to avoid it who had begged his lands of the Queen. And all this was, but for religion: and upon false accusation of one Twigs a parish Clack, who affirmed that he had speech with Main at Christenmas 1575. and at that time was Main at Dovay. But to go forward ex pede Herculem by this judge of the rest. (which is so much objected.)  
Touching the rising in the North, and 
7. The Bull of Pius V.  the attempts of Babington and his complices: they wear mixed actions, not for religion only, or state only, but for both: and not procured by the suit and solicitation of religious men, but out of their ownzeal, and compassion of the Queen of Scotland, whom the Earls accounted, nearest allied to the crown.) And such actions, are not comprehended within the compass of the Question I am to clear and discuss.  
1. But concerning the bull of PIUS V Preasts wear not to ask the reason of the Pope's do. yet you may find some of the reasons specified in the bull.) diverse have ascribed it, partly to the soodain revolt of England from the Church; partly to the provocations maid by the ministers there, (who in every pulpit whotelie and slanderously proclaimed the Pope Antichrist, and the man of perdition:) and some have attributed it, to minsinformation of the Queen's case, and the Catholics. But I am sure, many grave men wear sorry, that it was either procured, or defended.  
2. And C. Allen witnesseth, multos illud factum agre tulisse, (as before, you see, Bushop Watson, and the rest ded) and he wished, that it had bean Dei iudicio reseruatum.  
3. And Fa. Parsons, and Campion, solicited the mitigation thereof, (as appeared at his arrainment) that it might not bind the consciences of subjects, to disobey the Queen. Whearupon Gregory the 13. declared (without any limitation or restraint) that subjects ought to perform all duties to Queen Elizabeth, notwithstanding the censure.  
4. Lastlie, you may probably conjecture, that the Popes are not lightly induced to use so extreme courses: seeing they neither sought, by such censures, to disturb the peace of k. Ed. 6. of the kings of Scotland, Denmark, Sweden; the Duke of Saxony, or Marquis of Brandenburg.  
Neither doth it at all, touch the Catholics, nor the present state (for actio moritur cum persona:) which is the thing most concerning us.  
The greatest blot is: that there wear 
8. The preasts.  more treasons by the preasts committed in Q. Eliz. time, than ever wear in any age, by protestants. and that is no quaestion disputable, bycaus it is manifestè verum; near 200. preasts and religious have bean executed for that offenc. In dead Norton, D. Hammon, and Topclif affirm that it is true: but bycaus Catholics denieit, let us examine, whether it be a true Thesis, no preasts wear executed for religion but for Treason.  
1. And to, determine that the better: inquire what be the acts for which they are condemned, to be a pressed, to come over into England, to refuse the vath, to say mass. 10 absolve and reconcile, to preach, and minister Sacraments, and to bebred up in the Seminaries Are these matters of State, and not of conscience? temporal and not spiritual? crimes of treason, and not religion. There must then be a new lexicon de verborum significationibus: for else in foreign country's, they will exclaim, because it toucheth them all (by participation) both in conscience and credit, who are preasts, and find their function and profession so tainted.  
2. Th●n consider and define what is treason. The best definition thereof is the statut 25. Ed 3. (which was maid according to the common laws of England.) how know you that? master Ploydons' opinion directeth me.  
In that act, the Question was, what was treason by the common law: now saith he. it is a principle in the exposition of a statut, that if the preambls showeth any dowbt to be before, either in common law, or some statut, and afterward doth enact, that thus it shall be: in that case it must be taken, that the law doubted of, was so before For ab expositors of dowbts, they would not ordain it otherwise, than the law was.  
Now it appeareth, by that statute, scilicet, by the common laws of England, and by I. Stanford, in the pleas of the crown. 1. that Treason must ever be an action, not an opinion, nor a profession (for a man can not properly be called Traitor, till he commit an act, that gives him iusthe that denomination.) For Oldcastel was condemned a Traitor for his act in one court: an heretic for his opinion, in an other court; and so wear Cranmor and Ridlie for their actions. 2. it must be the act of a subject, against his sooverain. Now what hurt, had ever king H. 7. or his progenitors, by any subject, who was a pressed, said mass etc. or can you show, that any real treason by preasts was committed▪ or intended against the late Queen? ded they ever procure sedition, or stir rebellion actually? 3. and that was needful to be proved; for Treason must be for offences in the highest degree: because the punishment extends itself, to all his posterity (that offends so,) to the ruin of his family, and to terrify others.  
3. So then by the common laws, it is not treason. But D. H. elench was, quatenus he is a pressed, he is not a traitor: but quatenus, he doth the office of a pressed, in England. Subtilissima subtilitas: and yet bycaus false, it prevails not. For the function itself is maid treason: and therefore the act looketh back to 1. Eliz. (to maik all preasts traitors, that had their orders since that tyme.)  
4. Besides by the proviso of the act 25. and 27. Eliz. if any preasts (committed) shall submit them selves to the Queen's laws, and taik the oath; they shall be freed from the penalty of this act: and so they shall not be judged traitors, if they renounc ther religion. as Bell, Io. nichols and others ded. whereby it is plain they are not traitors simpliciter but secundum quid: not for fact but opinion, and to be enlarged upon condition. and seeing it is in their power to maik themselves in instanti no traitors; It appeareth, their offenc is not properly treason: for if it wear so by 25. E. 3. their acknowledgement only and conformity, and repentanc, neither could not would have discharged them from the justice of the law.  
5. Exampls will maik the case plainer. Wilm Anderson, a Seminary Pressed was executed, (45. Eliz.) for being in England contrary to the statut. so was M. Barckworth. anno 1600. that was their treason.  
Tho. Pormort. 35. Eliz. was attainded, for being a pressed residing in England, and reconciling: and Barwis was executed for being reconciled. that was their treason: both spiritual matters. you may as well call Mithridate, poison; black, white: virtue vice, as to call religion treason. but the la haith so called it. A new name altars not the operation of an old virtue: the caws of the death, maiks the martyrdom, not the name. And surely this act of general diffidenc, increased more discontent.  
But what ded force the state to use such violent and extraordinary remedies what ded bread such intricate trowbles? the extraordinary chaing of religion ded cast them into this labyrinth, bred these discontents, procured all these enemies; and forced the counsellors, so to punish preasts. 2. (as Camden noteth) the opinion of the Queen's illegitimation, abroad. 3. the iealouslie had, of the Queen of Scots; (whom they dowbted most for her religion, allianc in France, favour of the Pope, and her proximity and near kindred to the crown: 4. the bull of PIUS V.  
And 5. the dowbt of the house of Guise, in the behalf of their neace. and 6. lastlie the offenc of the k. of spain, for aiding Orange, and intercepting his moonie. these wear the causes, that induced the State, to prepare, arm, and use means to prevent all malice and mischeafe. And knowing, how strong a wall England haith for her protection: and yet with in them selves, what a party, religion had both in E. and Ireland: and no men wear so like, as preasts, to stir up all the humours in the body of the realms: therefore to keap then out, to expel them, and to curb them if they came in tey wear driven to use this policy, to maik it treason, to be a pressed, or to mantain a pressed. And as this was maid law, by that glorious Prince (who needed such a devise:) so it may be abrogated, by him that neadeth it not.  
It remaineth, that I show you, what 
Recusants.  men these Recusants' arr, who suffer in England, and how they have bean put to the trial of their virtue.  
The Recusants are such, as by the new laws, are men marked out, that refuse for their conscience, to frequent the ordinary prayers, sermons, and communion, appointed by the Church of England. this is all their offenc; and the sole true cause, they the la doth take notice of them, and that fault, because it showeth only that they are not conformable to the Queen's injunctions, and the Canons of that Church: and doth not convinc them of any disloyal affection to the Queen, and the state: there for they are subject to a pecuniary mulct, which the Scots men name very properly and significantly (Saul moonie.)  
They have always bean, and yet arr, persons of good quality, many of noble parentage; most of under standing: few of the meaner sort: and all, men of virtue and piety, who have learned, what account is to be maid of conscience. And of this sort of subjects, diverse have bean ever since the first alteration. It was an information of more malice, than truth (by that profownd Casuist and Reporter of the laws:) that from 1ᵒ Elizab. No person ded refuse to come to the Church (to public and usual prayers) till the bull of Pius 5. was published.  
As if that bull had bean the sole mean, to induce recusants, to disobey the Queen's laws; and so to maik disloyalty and disobedience, the Original of recusancy. I know, he could not be ignorant, that all puritans, refused to come to Church, or to communicate: and wear best content to walk in the Church, till sermon begonn; so much they ded dislike the liturgy of England.) Besides he forgot, how many Bushops, and preasts, wear then known and professed recusants: and how many noble men, and gentlemen of account, ded forbear to show them selves members of that Church. I marvel how he could conceive, that only Levites and Prelates, wear left to pray and serve God; for a people, who showed no religion nor constancy, to wards God's worship in ten years? No Sr England had many worthy men at that time, who never bowed their knee, to Nabugodonosors' statue; as Lanhearn, Grafton, Dinglie, Ashbie, and many other places can witness. and the author of the execution of justice, giveth better testimony thereof; and useth it as an argument of the Queen's rare clemency, and her confidence of their loyalty. further more, if you look curiously and judiciously into it, that bull ded not concern there going to the Church and serving God: but touching the Queen's being lawful Queen, and serving her, (after the excommunications.)  
Now How these noble gentlemen, and others succeading, wear used and oppressed: to what reproaches they wear subject, by the basest skoome of men: it is a lamentable story, and would move a hart of flint.  
It was not affliction enough, to authorize pursuivants to search their houses: and Promoters to inform against them: but they must also have a Felton, surue your of their lands, and estates: What losses ded they sustain, by the leases of the third part of their lands? what loss of goods, by rapine? what spoil of woods? what bribes wear they forced to give, gratiam emendicando? I nead not repeat them: I have scene some part of the proceading.  
For there committing to W●sbich, Banhurie, Elie, the Fleat, York, or Ludlow: though they ded suffer their restraint patiently: yet I must neads pity them, because there they lost their liberty, hazarded health, wear forced to neglect their state: wear detained from their wives and children: and maid subject to the contempt of the world.  
And touching there being Disarmed: it was more disgrace than loss: it proved they wear disinherited, which was a course rather to provoke, then reclaim them. But for their twenty pounds a month, paid into the exchequer: that ded lie heavy, and maid the meaner sort groan (though I know by the lo B. the rigour and extremity, was a litl qualified.) Compare these with the Puritans recusants (who will bear no such burdens:) you shall find in the Catholics, more virtue, and less insolency: more humility and less danger to the state. Compare them, with the recusants of France: and you will think our gentlemen preasts, and there ministers Capitains': our Catholics unwilling to offend, theirs unwilling to obey: they defend their faith with their swords, and resist the magistrate; ours endure, and scio, cui credidi, is their comfort; and because they have no beza's, no Knox's, no Synods, no boutefeus, they can not show you a Mountauban, or a Mountpellier, nor any other place of assuranc and retrayt, but the Fleat, or the Gatehows.  
And yet neither in these plots and treasons, supposed to have bean against her person in Queen Elizabeth's time; nor in that inuinc●bl armada 1588. nor in that invisible army (the skarcrowe of London) 1599 nor in the wars of Ireland (whearin the Queen, required aid of her subjects:) no men, ded show them selfs more forward, to do her majesty service: nor performed more readily and frankly what was imposed upon them: nor behaved them selves, with more duty, and less danger. The reason is plain; they that refuse to go to Protestant Churches, in respect of their conscience: will far more refuse for conscience sake, to commit treason (a sin of so high degree:) and surely they that regard so litl ther own bodies, for safety and salvation of their souls; will never attempt or consent to any desperate act, against the king's person, or the state of their country: and by such grievous and crijng sins, hazard the destruction of both body and soul.  
Now if you will compare the greavances 
The Inquisition.  of Recusants, Preasts and Catholics in England, with the Inquisition of Flanders (one of the long causes of that war.) you shall find hear, more burdens, and theirs not heavier. It is a rule taught commonly, but learned of few, quod tibi fieri non vis, alteri ne feceris. The protestants of E. condemned the name of Inquisition in Flanders, because their brethren groaned under that burden: and yet a more grievous load being imposed upon their countrymen, friends, and kinsmen at home, they taik no remorse, no compassion. there for I will set before you a glass, which shall truely represent unto you, the face, form, and differenc of their punishments.  
Charles the 5. at Worms 1521. decreed against Luther, only Exile, and Fire for his books. Anno 1526. at Machlin, he set down this penalty against Heretics, or those that disputed of controverses of religion, or that kept books prohibited: for the first offenc 40. shillings: for the second 4. pounds: and for the third 8. pounds, and perpetual banishment (as a proper remedy to remove them from infecting others.)  
Anno 1529. if at a time limited, they deed not repent their errors, nor disclaim then, he adjudged Viris ignem, mulieribus fossam (as the Canons anciently prescribed, and as Calum himself used Seruetus.)  
Anno 1531. he confirmed the former acts, adding that these who kept such books, and defaced and pulled down images (male animo,) should lose their goods. and yet he used some limitation. and for heresy, if he wear worth 6. l. and be convicted of it, the delinquent should pay. 3.  
And to avoid all quaestions, 1555. he interpreted and explained himself, for the penalty of thes laws, with the advice of Viglius. to taik away all occasions that might hinder traffic: he limited that the penalty against those that wear receavors or abettors of such men; should not extend to inkeapers, victuallers, merchants or mariners. and if the accusors ded slander any injuriously, they should be punished for example sake. this though it wear generally enacted, yet it was both intended, and accordingly more sevearly executed against Anabaptists and Libertines (the greatest plagues of a state.) After ward king Philip 1555. set down instructions, rules, and orders, direct (this court properly erected for heresy, and to prevent secret conventicles the moothers of sedition:) and these regia mandata exquisitorum, I refer you to see in the story of Ʋander Hare. Whearin the king addeth no new amerciements, nor deviseth any new severity: for as he answered Montigny, he purposed not to bring in the Inquisition of Spain, but to revive his father's laws: nor to create any new offences, but such as wear of old censured for offences both in the Church and state. And yet this proceeding ded work ill effects: bred in the Catholics a commiseration of their countrymen, and a greater obstinacy in the protestants.  
Now look upon E. match and compare 
The laws of England against Catholics.  them together: and you will find the penalties far moe, and more sevear.  
To acknowledge the Pope's suprematie in spiritualibus, is Treason. To be reconciled, is Treason.  
To refuse the oath of supremacy, is for the first offenc praemunire, for the second, Treason. For preasts to come over into E. is Treason. (1585. or if they stay in E. 40. days after the parliement: or if they wear maid preasts since 1. Elizab. To harbour a preasts is felony.  
If young students continue beyond the seas, and return not, and abjure their religion, and show them selves conformable: it is Treason. To bring in an agnus Dei, beads, or crosses, is premanire. To bring a bull from Room; or any sentenc of excommunication, which toucheth the Queen; is Treason.  
To absolve or reconcile any man, is Treason. He that cometh not to Church upon each sunday, was to pay 12. d. and be further censured: but afterward he that refused to hear their prayers, and communicate, (27. Eliz.) is to pay for every month 20. pounds: and he that can not pay it, his body shall fine for it in prison. To departed out of the realm without the Queen's licens, and not to return within 6. months after the proclamation, is an offenc so great; that the offendor shall forfeit his goods, and his lands during his life.  
To hear mass▪ is an offenc fyned at a 100 marks. If a man suffer his son or his servants (being not a merchant) to go beyond seas: he shall forfeit 100 l. There are many more: but these are too many. now, whether of these, are whipped with the greatest scourge? whether of these laws are most sevear, and have most nead of mitigation? the name only of Treason, is terrible, and overgoeth far the rigour of the most rigorous and capital laws of the Inquisition: and when I have named that, I slightly pass over the loss of goods, imprisonment, reproaches, chains and fetters, exile, aggravation of offences, (which would have appeased the wrath of Minos or Rhadamanthus.)  
But the rigour of the execution of these laws, is most to be noted. The tower, was full of such patients; and new prisons erected to entertain them: and how they wear at that time used; you may best know by the exampl of dealing with master Tregion at Lanson, of master Rigby; of master Christophor watson, who perished at york, with the infection of the prison, as 18. other prisoners for religion ded, 1581.  
Add to this, the strict examination of justices; the proceading of the high commissioners (the inquisitors in E.) the Harpies, at visitations; the promoters in temporal courts informing against them: pursuivants searching the houses of men but suspected: and how much they wear noted, that afforded any charity or alms to such persons. And surely it is a thing I maruelat, that so great and wise counsellors would not remember that note of Tacitus as a stain of government; that ●o● esse delatores in republica, was a certan sumptome of a diseased state.  
I can not forget, though I would Racks and torments, (the examino●s of Fa Campion, and Fa. Sowthwel, and many others:) but satius est pertransire calamitat●m publi●am.  
Therefore I may justly affirm, that the Catholics in England, ded endure greater torture by the laws of the realm: then the Geuses ded by the Inquisition, and had therefore nead of more commiseration, (specially when puritans, Anabaptists, Arrians, nor Atheists wear so curiously searched for, nor so terribly afflicted.  
But the great cross Crosslet, is this, exceeding all punishment, that they generally gave out in proclamations 1591. and in the book of execution of justice: that no man was punished for religion, no man's conscience was examined for his faith.  
A politic devise, to blind the world with show of humanity, and to preserve the opinion of the Queen's mercy unstained with any aspersion of cruelty: so they abuse the credulity of foreign states, to aggravate the offences of preasts and prisoners.  
But was no man punished for religion in Q Eliz. time? 1. there was a general pardon 1581. whearin, a strict caution and proviso was. that the benefit thereof should not be extended to any person in prison, or recusant, for matter of religion (and yet all malefactors, had their part in the pardon.) and was this no punishment, nor partiality? 2. the Recusants pay 20. li. pounds a month, in regard of their religion: is this no punishment? is not this properly called Sawl moonie? The Turk layeth not such a tribute, upon the conscience of Christians, nor Christians upon the jews. 3. the old prelate's and Clergy all died in prison, or in exile, for their religion: and yet no man is punished, either in goods, or body, or liberty. What contradictions are these? and how palpable.  
The Lady Morlie La. Brown, and La. Guildeford. 1575. Hollinshead recordeth, as a matter to be noted, that thresuch ho. persons, wear committed to prison only for hearing Mass. and was this no punishment? leases wear maid of two parts of diverse of their lands: and was that no punishment?  
But to conclude, the loyalty of these Recusants might appear to the king plainly, by their petition to his majesty 1604. and many times after: and ever by their obedienc. and in Q. Eliz. time, by their protestation 1588. maid at Ely where they wear kept prisoners: by the offers they maid to the Lord North (Livetennant there) by the justification of them by the letters of the Lords of the counsel, (and by their submission sent to the Lords not withstanding all excommunications.) and so the Irish Recusants joining their forces with the Queens. 1600. at Kinsal, showed them selves subjects àbsolutè and not ex conditione.  
Now it is time to draw to a conclusion, 
An answer to the questions proposed in the beginning.  and deliver up an account and some of all. and decide those quaestions, proposed in the beginning of this discourse, that Princes may know, how far, and how safely, they may repose them selves, their persons, and states, upon the loyalty of Catholic subjects. First therefore, touching the last quaestion, whether to be a protestant and a loyal subject, be not more in compatible, and more improbable; then to be a Catholic and loyal? It is in this discourse, largely demonstrated, both by their first generation in Germany and Geneva: by their progress in France, by their proceading in Holland, and by their sedition in Scotland. The scope and end of them all was, to set up the doctrine of Luther and Caluin, to ruin the Church, and advanc the desseins of ambition (oft intermingled with these fair shows of Reformation.) Now as you can never plant any new sect without, faction, conventicles, associations: so to faction and schism, sedition is an accident inseparable; for thereupon all magistrates and laws are resisted, and that with violenc (for no war is so passionate, as the wars of conscience.)  
Remember the nativity of Lutheranisme, the Huguenots, and Geuses: and how well they wear mantained by the sword, even from their Cradle: so as they grew to that height of presumption, that either they would unking their sooverains, and create them selves Lords, as in Holland: or by tiring and terrifijng their Princes with arms and tumults, force them to pacification, as in France: or absolutely depose their Princes, (when they became masters and commanders of the state) as Scotland can well remember, and haith cawse.  
So likewise on the contrary part, consider exactly; whether it be so impossible (as some by their books have misinformed the world, for a Pressed or a Roman Catholic to be a good subject, which question concerneth us most.  
If you look back to former ages you shall find that from the Saxons, to king E. 6. To be a Catholic, was never taken as a bar to loyalty; neither was there ever any opposition found in the essenc and nature of loyalty, and the grounds of the Catholic faith, And good reason; for that religion, which most aimeth at mortification of the body, and best armeth him to combat with sin: and disposeth best the consciences of men, to peace and due obedienc; and is aprooved by experienc of all ages, lest to embroil and endainger a state with practices, and treasons: must neads (of all indifferent men) be esteemed more consonant and agreeable, to allegianc and fidelity, than that wild and popular doctrine of the consistorians; which (out of presumption and licensiousnes) will be confined into no circle of order; but ever contemning law, will dominer and rule as transcendents, and taik upon them the jurisdiction both of preasts and kings in a kingdom.  
2. secondly no man can deny, but that Spain, Italy, France, he Empire, and Poland, account him the best affected subject, and least daingerous to the state, who is most devoted to Catholic religion. And then if to be a Catholic ded bread and engender any ill blood in the body, or secret infection of disloyalty, and so wear in regard of the state, malum in se, and naturally; then upon the general trial of nations, in so many ages, it would have bean discovered and detected, for that imperfection. which it never haveth bean charged withal, neither in all these foreign country's; nor heartofore at any time in England.  
Therefore, seeing it is not malum in se and simpliciter, (as T. M. and parson white, have in their books scandalously slandered that religion, and the Preasts and professors thereof:) seeing, it can not be verified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, neither genarallie of the profession (as Calyinism may justly, if the Lutherans say truely;) nor particularly of the persons professing it: nor originally and ordinarily in precedent ages, neither for doctrine or exampl, they can be taxed: I may justly infer, they are acquitted.  
And surely it was an error both uncivil and undiscreat, to maik ther proposition so general, and thereby to maik the whole Church so odious to the people, and so much suspected to the king: for we acknowledge, that there are of their sect, very many calm, and moral men, boni viri, boni ciues, of sociable nature, and not apt to blow the coals of sedition, of persecution.  
And so also the autho of the execution of justice, ded give a good testimony, of the love and loyalty of diverse worthy and noble Catholics to Q Elizab. (even when they had greatest cause to the contrary, when oppressions and contempt might have provoked flesh and blood to mutinies.) and though each man wisheth the propagation, and advancement of his own religion: yet in the means to procure it, and in the course to seek, and in the manner and order of proceeding to find it, this treatise heith proved, that there is great odds and differenc betwean them. as the confession and supplication of the preasts; the patienc, and obedienc of recusants; the piety and doctrine of the Seminaries have sufficiently proved.  
3. Now let us compare, and parallel them (to maik it more plain.) The Catholics generally both in France, Germany, and England, are the patients, the Protestants are the agents.  
1. The one stand as defendors, the other as inuadors.  
2. Preasts songht to keap that de iure they had, Ministers to get that they had not, for heresy being a separation from the body, could not enjoy the liberties, or benefit of the Church, till it was maid no heresy.)  
3. The Preasts wear possessors: the ministers disseisors, and injurious.  
4. The Catholics obey ex conscientia, and absolute: the protestants conditionaliter and with a quatenus, and only for policy and government.  
5. Preasts are punished, not for any injustice inhaerent, but by imputation only, and not for trespasses, but for opinions. not for that which is, defacto, but to prevent fiendum (if Priscian will pardon me.) But Caluinists, are guilty both of action, usurpation, and treasons really, as this last year Lescun (precedent of the assemblies at Rochel,) Haute-Fontain, Chaumier (preacher of Saumur suffered in France. and P. Gombault, (all for real treasons.) And Bischarcy in Polland, for attempting to kill the king, whom he wonted greavouslie (as he went to the Church.)  
6. And there practices, and their spirits differ as much: foras.  
7. They object, the positions of some private and disavowed persons, and words only: the Catholics object their rebellions in dead, their battles, there real conspiracies, at Amboys, and in the wail of Charmentras near Meaux, to surprise the king.  
8 They reform per populum and tumults: the Catholics by order, law and superiors.  
9 They charge the Catholics, with treasons newly enacted, strained, and upon suspicion: contrarily they are condemned by ancient laws, currant in all Ghristendom by consent, and by all civil and municipal laws.  
10. The Catholics seek not to hinder succession of kings that are protestants: as knox holdeth null is Pa●ista in regno utherano aut Calumiano, in regis principis aut aliam quam cunque dignitatem evehi potest.  
11. The Catholics prefer a Monarchy: Caluin, Wolfius & Swinglius, an Aristocracy.  
12. Yet the Catholics, and our English protestants agree in this (as in many other weighty matters) that princes are not to be deposed: but the Caluinists hold the contrary. and therefore master T. M. by ●. sound propositions; condemneth, both the practice of the Hollanders, Bohemians, Swevelanders, Parraeus, etc. and that judiciously. 1. in his 6. reason. they who suggest a doctrine, of forcible deposing Princes, are manifestly rebellious. 2. in cap. 4. they that upon any pretenc, deny the right of election or succession of Princes, are seditious (for though he saith is of protestant princes, I taik it he meaneth a●l, and generally, or else h●s gap it to wide and partial.) 3. when the king is established in his throne, who seduceth the hearts of subjects, and withdraws their obedienc, are traitors. apply these well, and commend master T. M. for his plain dealing with Holland, and their fellows.  
But I perceive they will object that the state of England, ever since. 13. Eliz. upon jealousy and distrust had of Catholics: armed their magistrates with sevear laws, against them (as the most capital enemies of the crown:) and therefore have branded the Preasts, with the bleamish of treason, (as a character inseparable, and a stain never to be taken out.) From whenc proceedeth it, that to be a pressed, should be reputed as a poison to corrupt obedienc? surely upon certan new laws, maid in the time of Q. Elizabeth: whereby that is made malum prohibitum, which before was never judged in England, to be malum in s●: and that vocation was maid Treason; which was wont to sit in the chair of government, and by whose oracles and decrees, the people was directed, both in Chancery, Rolls, and all Ecclesiastical courts. I have before revealed their reasons: and pulled of all visards, which hide the face of truth. After the supremacy was enacted, and the Oath commanded: the next care was; to compel men to the exercise of the religion then established. but the seminaries being erected, the society of jesus increasing, and preasts being often sent over into England; then begonn fire and sword to rage: the acts of 13. of 25. of 27. the proclamations of 1580. and 1591. wear published against the preasts and fathers. and no man is so blind, but may discern, the occasion of this rigour, was for religion (being for hearing mass, and confessions, which are the foundation and pillars of religion: and yet I confess the jealousies, fears, and suspicious of the time set for ward these sevear courses. for thes provident Counsellors, ded think it necessary by the horror of laws, to maik the seminaries of no use by barring out of the realm the Seadsmen. for though they ded observe how far the zeal of the Church, had transported the preasts, that they preferred the Triumph of Truth before their lives: yet by all wordlie conjectures they probably conceived, that the name of Treason (as a Medusa's head) would have amazed and terrified them: 1. because it stained them all with a most reproachful blot: 2. and specially, because they taught it deprived and rob them of the crown and glory of martyrdom, the trophies of religion. 3. besides they supposed, that the loss of their lives (in so infamous manner) the bleamish and hazard of their friends, and the punishment of their partakers and abettors, would have utterly discooraged them, from resorting any more to England.  
But this devise ded not prosper, it proved quite contrary; ex cineribus Phoenix, religion increased by persecution out of the ashes of martyrs: so these politic laws wrought not the effect, they wear enacted for, and yet wear very offensive to all foreign princes, as leges Draconis, and phalarismus, (for these are ever held to be most godly laws, that are least sanguinary, and yet mantain.  
Now forasmuch, as upon worldly respects, 
A petition and reasons for mitigation.  many acts have of passedin parliement, to try what operation and cure they would works in the state: and if they proved fruitless medecins, or as empirical purgations (too violent, fit to kill then to cure,) then to be repealed. and because these provisions and laws against religious persons, are proved to be such: so they likewise ex gratia speciali, and out of his majesty's gracious compassion, may be well abrogated. for as they wear maid for the fears, and suspicions of that time: so by the grace and mercy of this time (when they are both neadles and causeless) they may with honour be canceled (if his majesty shall please,) and the execution thereof suspended: to whose royal consideration, I most humbly offer. these few lines, as petitions rather than reasons, not for justice but mercy.  
1. It was ever held against the wisdom and policy of this realm, to fetter them selves with too many shackleses of treason and danger. and therefore as 25. Edw. 3. at the petitions of the subjects, the king ded declare and determine, what should be taken and judged for a case of treason, by the common laws of the realm. so 1. Henry the 4. c. 10. it was confirmed and established, that nothing hearafter should be deamed treason, otherwise then was expressed by E. 3. And howbeit diverse actions wear strained, up to be treason for a time (which wear not within the list of 25. E. 3.) as H. 6. the taking and surprising of persons and goods in Wales, (so to stand for the space of 7. years only.) and 8. H. 6. burning of houses: and 22. H. 8. poisoning, etc. which of their own nature, and simply wear not treason, (and therefore had a limitation of time annexed to them. yet prudently all such former acts wear repealed and maid void 1. E. 6. for a more indifferent and merciefull proceading with subjects; that the remedy might not be more daingerous than the disease; and that the Lilies and roses of the crown, might not be died with innocent blood. For both in the time of Civil wars, and now (while this great controversy of religion dependeth in England undecided) such statutes open the gate, to let in ruin, desolation, and confiscation both into the prisons of preasts, and into the castles of the nobility and gentry: as appeared by the exampls, and daingers of Arondel, Northumberland, Arden, Sommerfeld, and diverse others: ane what ded happen to them, may endainger all.  
2. It will be a thing incredible to posterity, that so wise a nation would maik that to be treason, by parliement: which so generally, so perpetually, ane so anciently haveth bean honoured end approved, by all laws. was not preasthood used and exercised by the patriaches, under the la of nature? established by Moses, and the la of God? continued yet in Christ, and his Churches, and never repealed by any new decree, under grace and the gospel? and if which is impossible,) the Church erreth in that point of preasthood, all ages, all fathers: all counsels, all nations, have lived (as blindmen) in darkness and a chaos, till Luther dispersed the mist: is it not likely?  
Religion and preasthood, wear like Hypocrates twins, born and bred, laughing and weeping beginning and ending together. for in Moses' law, the pressed, wear the inquisitors, inspectores omnium, iudices controversiarum, punitores damnatorum: as josephus l. 2. contra Appion, sets Down. if any difficulty arise, venies ad Socerdotes, 17. Deuter. and in c. 44. Ezech. Sacerdotes populum meum docebunt, quid intersit inter Sanctum & prophanum, and so Philo. l. 3. de vita Moysis, josaphat 2. paral. and the Sanhedrim itself doth witness it. the reason of these remaineth yet in the time of the gospel, and there for by the laws of England, such reverenc was ever showed to religious men: that if a bond man ded enter into a cloister, the law held it more reasonable, that the king should lose his interest in the body, then to be taken out of his order. the like was judged: if the king's wards should enter into religion: besides an alien can hold no lands in E. yet if he be a pressed he may be a bishop hear, and enjoy his temporalties, as Lanfranc, and Anselm wear (who wear never dennisons.) Besides the state reposed so great trust in them, that they wear, masters of the Rolls, Six Clarks, nay oft, Chancellors and Threasorers of the realm. And therefore it was a course of Summum ius, by new laws, to punish men for an ancient vocation, and so generally received (specially when the storm is overblowen.)  
3. Besides, in Germany, Charles V punished Luther by Exile: and in Scotland by Baratre, banishment they punish heresy. so they ded wisely distinguish Heresy and Treason, as several offences, by several punishments.  
4. Add also, that if you prejudice it so far, to be a pressed or religious man, as to think it opposite to religion: then both their fault and their punishment had bean more properly marshaled in the rank of Heresies, then of treasons. So ded Caluin deal with Seruetus at Geneva: so ded the Bushop of London lately with Leggat the Arrian. for Heresy, is most properly to be judged by the Church, as appeareth in the preface of the statut, 24. H. 8. C. 11. that by the laws and customs of this realm, and by the goodness of the Princes, the knowledge of Testaments, matrimony etc. of old appartained to the spiritual jurisdiction. and all Canons for heresy wear maid and judged by the Clergy, as by 25. H. 8. C. 19 and by Linwoods constitutions appeared; and by the act 32. H. 8. whereby preasts wear maid judges to inquire of the 6. articles. and the two jurisdiction be distinct as D. Ridlie proveth; and no prohibition can lie in the courts at westminster for matters of heresy. Therefore these great and politic men, to avoid infinite disputs for religion; and to insinuate to the Q. there rare, providenc, and preservation of her, and the preventing of many daingers, (to uphold their credit daily with her, and show how much she needed them) they ded think it best, to accuse them for treason.  
And yet there was an other cause also, for there was no Canon in esse, to maik them haeretikes.  
For if you will maik papists, to be a sect: it is so old a sect, as it will trowble the best Doctor, to find directly any other beginning, them from S. Peter: (of whose sect and fowld all the fathers desired to be.)  
5. Lastlie and principally, seeing that as Sails so Laws, are to be turned; and as occasion time, circumstanc, and reason of state shall direct, either to be altered, or revoked. and seeing also, as the case, so the caws of Queen Elizabeth, and his majesty are far different (for the king haveth no Competitor; no reason for such jealousies and fears as Q. Eliz. was subject to: he holdeth amity and good correspondenc, with these foreign princes the Q. dowbted; the roses grow not up now among thorns, as heartofore.) and Therefore his Majesty may be pleased, to grant that out of grace to his subjects, which other Princes have permitted to their subjects, for occasions of state. and to stop and stay a litl the passionate humours of those that are adversaries to that grace: I humhlie offer these few considerations, to qualify and cool the heat of undiscreat zeal, and a supposition of incompatibility.  
For I doubt noting on his majesty's behalf, who haveth bean ever constantly disposed to mercy, (if there had bean no crooked instruments to hinder it.) he who at first, told us, My m●nd was ever free from persecution, or thralling my subjects, in matters of conscience. he, who in writing told the world, Fate or me non libenter suspendere Presbyterum, pro sola religione, aut celebratione Missae. he, who judged that it can no way become a man, to pronounc lightly, sentenc in so old controversy: what pressed or religious man could appeal to a better judge? or expect a judgement of more compassion. he that sent to Franc to mediate for the peace of straingers: who can doubt, but he will as gracioustie deal with his own: for charity beginus with itself, and though they differ in religion, they agree in obedienc: their bodies are at the king's command, and souls he will lean to God: put them to be tried on all actions, and services, he will find cause to trust them. who would not them bury a quaestion or 2. in silenc, to save the lives of subjects, and to be assured of loyalty? for the greatest offenc is verbal, but the hart is really loyal.  
If the rules of civil society, and moral conversation, may bear any sway: then I dowbt not, but mercy, and grace will ever sit in the highest place of the throne, and become it best.  
1. For is majesty out of his wisdom 
Reason for the toleration of Cathol. in E.  haveth long observed, that too sevear persecution, maketh men desperate, non coercet, sed provocat violentia. and too heanie a hand upon those, that the law casteth down: showet a will rather to oppress the offendor, then cure the offence. It is the greatest honour to a king that his mercy is more than his justice; and that his benches and courts can witness compassion. for he that sets open the prison doors, (in so wise, and gracious manner:) meaneth not to conquer the hearts and consciences of his subjects by torments, but win them, by mercy and virtue.  
2. If you respect the ancient Aphorisms of state: It haveth bean ever in such cases the wisdom of the greatest princes, punire raro. It was ascribed, as a title of honour, to Aug. Caesar, nunquam civilem sanguinem fudisse. And great reason, for clemency is a virtue royal, sometimes of as great policy as piety: because it begets love, and love breads loyalty: commands the very soul, and layetha the body at his feat. A king's mercy kindleth fire and zeal in the hearts of subjects; pity and toleration, as they maik the obligation of the offenders greater; so it maiks them repent to have offended him, who haveth so obliged them. the reason is infallible in all noble spirits, fidelem si putaveris, facies: who everaccoumpt, that the greatest disgrace, is to be disinherited.  
3. It haveth bean a common rule, and seldom fails, being so true, malus custos diuturnitatis metus. and therefore Tacitus, could not describe the tyranny of Tiberius, but he must declare the morks, and properties thereof, ubi delatorum authoritas magna, lesoe maiestatis crimen frequens obijcitur, ac boni cuiusque viri invadendi, vel tollendi pretextus est, and he addeth frequens accusatio, & in quovis crimine adiuncta, de laesa maiestate principis. Nothing showeth more evidently, that authority inclineth to tirannte; then the multitude of promoters, continual informations, and the name of treason maid as a livery to put upon all offences: and it fitteth well both the case of preasts, and of their entertainors. Seneca (who lived under a Tyrant) found by experience, that frequens vindicta paucorum odium reprimit, omnium irritat. and is not that an error? but it is a greater error to punish, all crimes, with the penalty of treason. Vltima supplicia supplicijs ultimis ponat; ut nemo pereat, nisi quem perire etiam pereuntis intersit. The speech of Abnar, to joab. 2. regum. c. 2. may not be forgotten, Num usque ad inter necionem huius mucro deseviet? an ignoras quod periculosa est desperatio? usque quo non dicis populo, ut omittat, persequi fratres suos? it is both good counsel, and good exampl. Germanicus is noted to have weapt, when he see the slanghter of the soldiers of the legions, that mutined; non medicinam illud, sed cladem appellans. And do you think that pity died with Germanicus, or that there wear not many, and great persons, moved with the butchery in England of some preasts? it is the property of commiseration, to be touched rather with the calamity it seethe, then to examine the cawse, it seethe not.  
4. I must plead this, as an argument, (by exampl of a pagan Prince) for compassion. Marcus Aurelius, (though the law was strict at Room, Deos perigrinos ne colunto:) yet he permitted toleration to Christians, as Tertullian in Apol. c. 5. Theodosius and Gratian, (the most Christian Emperors) wear content, to tolerate the Arrians, (enemies really of Christ.) and josephus noteth of Onias Megalita, the same permission, to continue brother hood for the peace of the state l. 14. c. 13. Antiq. The Venetians suffer the jews to live among them, as the king of spain ded the Moors, (till necessity forced him to expel them.) How much more reasonable is it to tolerate Catholic religion, the mother of the new religion: and the law maker and judge heartofore of all religions.  
5. It is a falls proposition, and proceeded from gall and Splean, that Catholics are unsociable: that they can not live with protestants in one common wealth; without jars and tumults: and lasthe (which is given out, only to bread an exulceration in the hearts of the people) it is not tolerable in a Christian and well governed common wealth, to grant toleration to papists.  
Touching the first point, the better and more charitable sort of protestants, will not endure to hear so gross a paradox, which day lie is before their eyes proved false. for the Recusants in E. live among you, both peaceably and neighborlie, and without scandal. you buy and sell with them: they perform all the offices of neighbourhood, they deny no temporal duties, neither tithes to ministers (though for sacraments.) nor duty to magistrates, nor society even with puritans. and it is a falls Surmise, that Catholics hold Protestants, as haeretiques and excommunicate (a skarcrowe, to keap them a sunder, and nourish division, as if there wear a natural antipathia betwean them) But these Doctors, (who play therein the Boutefeus,) remember not, that the Catholics, deseru more respect, and favour, by the law of seniority (as the right heirs of the Church, disinherited of their patrimony.) The old Church ded leave them their privileges, and honour: she erected their Cathedral Churches for our preasts, she endowed their colleges for our professors, she builded their altars for our sacrifices. Most of their ancients have their baptism from her the Bibles, Cread, and ceremonies: and surely it requireth some better respect, for if they had not left them, you could not have found them, and they hope, they shall not find charity buried in England: the contention is not general, and personal, but for opinions: so if you force them not to be insociabl by scandals and provocations, you can not find them unsociable; though they meat not at Church, they may meat at market. Hitherto they have lived among you, and without just complaint, and should they be worse respected, if the king be pleased to show them mercy? remember, that chacun à son tour; forget not, that since k. H. 8. religion haith had his chainges; and what God pleaseth to determine, man must obey: they that are now in Gloria Patri, may be hearafter Sicut erat in principio. The Pure Caluinists will not endure Bushops, therefore further not oppression, lest you find suppression when you look not for it. Continue amity; and forget not, that the bonds of religious unity are so to be strenthned, as the bonds of human society be not dissolved.  
I dowbt to mutineers, if the king please: for reason of state is a king's privilege, which may dispenc with civil ordinary courses, for his own safety, and preservation of the realm. and he deserves not to be respected as a subject, that will seek to bind the hands of his Princ, and bar his benevolenc.  
6. And touching the last point, that religion will not permittanie such toleration. I know and acknowledge, there are many reverend, learned, and good men (protestāns in E.) who are very charitable, nor enemies to their persons, though to their profession: with whom friendly and safely they may converse, without offenc: for how can there be offenc, where there is discreation? But heartofore most, of the ancient protestants deed defend, and desire this toleration (whearat now malice doth so snarl. Vrbanus Regius, locis Theol. Deus non docet comburere errantes oviculas, sed sanare infirmas, pascere macilentas. The same is Luther's opinion and assertion art. 33. de non comburendis haereticis. The same Musculus teace loc. come. de haeres. and Osiander, Epitome. Centur. 7. the same Acontius mantaineth lib. Stratagem. Satanae. Dominus, non permittit haereticorum supplicia, (& definite declaravit magistratus non esse idoneos iudices dogmatum, & interdixit illis talis jurisdiction is usum.) And to omit Castalio, Chytraeus in his Chron. Anno 1593. showeth how much the Protestants of Swecia desired toleration. And D. Fulk l. de successione Ecclesiae. reproves the king of spain for too much austerity and severity in that point. Hispaniarum Rex unicus est, tam alienus à nobis, ut nec foveat, nec palam coire Ecclesias permittat in ditionibus suis. Caluin ded once hold the same opinion. and you your selves, generally and continually object, the cruelty of Queen Mary's bonefyres: and if you so dislike it then, why do you like it now? but it is now against the law: and was it not so then, prohibited by law? but yet we claim nothing by law, but appeal to grace. It is true, that rigour to Catholics, is the way to bread Atheists, when they are barred from all exercise of their own religion they are not easily drawn to an other, and so they cast away all religion. and that was the reason, why (these wise protestants,) M. Lanove, in his discourses, persuaded princes to grant toleration: why Cassander, Sturmius, held that opinion: why Belloy, in his Apol. and Melancthon consented to the like: why at first, the Geuses in the low country's deed so urgentlie solicit the Religions Vried, and by so many books: and why Erasmus, libro de sarcienda amabili concordia Eccl●siae, donec Synodus, laboured to prove the necessity of it.  
7. I will give you examples; for matters of fact, move more, and are subject to less dispute. At Hieusalem, in the time of our Saviour Christ, there wear two sects much differing in religion, and yet ded live sociablie together, and without offenc either to the Church or the state. The Pharisei, and Sadducei. and they wear not men, of one religion, and differing only in rites, and orders: but they wear of opposite religions. No man will dowbt, but that the Sadduces wear heretics, for they denied the resurrection, and the immortality of the soul (an articls of our beleafe, and the foundation, both of faith and hope.) that there was opposition betwean them and the Pharisees, it is evident, by cap. 5. Acts, exsurgens Pontifex & omnes sadducei qui cum eo errant, etc. and c. 23. Sciens Paulus, quod una pars esset sadduceorum, altera phariseorum, exclamavit, etc. you may then conclude, they wear opposites, and ded contradict one an other. The Sadduces mantained the templ of Garisim, and agreed with the Samaritans, and sacrificed there (contrary to the la, and to the prejudice of the templ at Jerusalem.) The people followed the Pharises, the scribes and Elders applauded the Sadducees: and both wear heresies (as Sigonius de repub. Hebrea p, 538. and Epiphanius l. 5. c. 11. do testify:) and all the city was divided into these two sects, in the time of Herodes Antipas, (as josephus saith, lib. 18. antiquit.) and yet ded they live, quietly without discord, riots, or tumults.  
8. To come home to these times: in Swizzerland, (though Swinglius was violent, owtragious, seditious, and by arms sought to compel, the five pages to the religion of Barn and Zurich;) yet by agreement, all is pacified; they hold there private Churches in their particular towns, and yet mantain the liberties, the Commonwealth of the Cantons, all contributions, confaederations, traffic and society.  
To pass over Swecia: that famous kingdom of Poland, and the Empire of Mosko, have thought it needful, to suffer the Religions Vried, in their dominions: both to taik away all domestical quarrels, and by a general unity (as a brazen brickwall) to fortify them selves against the Turk. and shall England degenerate so far from their ancient glory and virtue, as to show more barbarism than Mosko or more unnaturalness than Poland? (who reserve the blood of their neighborts to be shed with honour in the feald against the common enemy, rather than by tyranny to weaken the body.)  
Germany also may be an exampl that toleration is expedient, and that it is both possible and faisibl, that two different religious may live together in peace. call to mind, how quietly the Catolicks have suffered and conversed with Lutherans, these 100 years, and without any tumults. And surely Charles the V and Ferdinand, as they wear great and wise Princes, so wear they provident and merciefull: there ground was the same, the king's Majesty stands upon, Salus populi suprema lex esto. And therefore they ordered that caveret utraque pars ne in suis dominijs, quenquam ad suae religionis professionem cogat, aut revocet, aut depellat, contra ipsius consc●entiam, à religione quam profitetur. So saith Dresserus; and afterward, confidently (against those, that are so precisely scrupulous) nec hic metuo eorum reprehensionem, qui putant, non nisi unam religionem tolerandam. For conscience can not be compelled, it may be persuaded.  
9 How oft and how merciefullie ded the french kings, grant their edicts of pacification. And to what conditions, wear they content to descend, only to preserve life, and avoid bloodshed of their people.  
Look upon the old articles of peace, granted for the liberty of conscience, set down by Laval. l. 3. fol. 141. and by Pig. l. 6. c. 7. Poplonnier l. 18. a general freedom, to preach in all parts of Franc: to revoke the condemnation of the admiral: to licens them, to hold their forts, as pledges for their assuranc: and that the king should pay the Germans, their wages, who came to aid the protestants, etc. The present king Lewes, in Oct. last. 1622. was content to let Majesty descend, to article with his subjects; only for pax publica, and bonum publicum. He granted, 1. that the edict of Nantes should continue, as it ded in his father's time 2. that the exercise of Catholic religion, should be reestablished in all places, where it had bean interrupted: and the like was agreed for these of the reformed religion, (except only Nerac.) 3. the Caluinists to be discharged of all judgements against them for matters of religion, no judges nor the king's counsel to proceed or pursue them, but to grant them an ulterius non vult prosequi. 4. all prisoners to be set at liberty. Rochel and Montauban to stand as towns of surety: with many other articles; wheareof the Catholics of England, would be glad, if they deed but participate a share of such grace. to there is some differene: for in E. they pray for it, in France they wrested it: princes intercede for us, arms for them.  
10. Now to conclude all, seeing the Turk permitteth Christians to live freely in his dominions; seeing the Precedent and exampl of the greatest Princes, in Europe, doth set it forward: the Preasts and recusants hope they shall not far worse, because of their patienc and obedienc, (which deserveth more.) There ambition is to be accounted good subjects to the king, and servants to God: all their platts and wars are against sin, and the world: and there only suit is hanc animam concede mihi, ●ua caetera sunto. And to whom shall his majesty do this grace? to men that groan under the cross of Christ: to men that ever prayed, as by his great grandfather he was right heir to the roses united, so he might live to inherit the kingdoms united. to which title no man better knoweth then himself, who have bean the greatest hinderers, and who the most assured friends (not only in his virtuous moothers time) but ever sinc. He knoweth who employed Beal in foreign universities, to advanc the house of Sussolk: how Hales ded sweat by la and litl art to set forward that title: what a volume S. N. B. ded write to maik a royal nest for the Phoenix: he knoweth likewise, who wear the true Champions of his claim, Sr A. Brown, the wise and noble author of the book against the E. of Leicester: and that Aiax (whom no man ever durst encounter therein) master Ploydon. all Catholics, all well-willers.  
Who now hope, that there ancient, and tried fidelity shall so move the king, that he will refresh and eas them (as he may with his breath;) that they may find the warmenes and comfort of the son shine at last, in England: and that he will grant there humble supplication, subscribed with the services of so many worthy man, presented by men of Piety, religion and obedienc: and signed with the blood of his royal mother.  
So as he came to the crown with peace and applause: he shall end the catastrophe of his days, with the general plaudite of the whole world. and this will follow (as the fruit end effect:) peace within, and honour without: love at home, respect abroad: and so maik a concord of discords, an union of divisions, and a religious contention an both sides; for devotion and good life, for peaceable conversation, obedience to magistrates, excellency of learning: who shall do most good in the state, and deserve the prize.  
And such an Vtropia, only can he make England; who shall deserve the Olive brainches for mercy and peace, and the laurel for wisdom, government, and constancy (the crown of all.)   
FINIS.   

THE III. PART. THE TOUCHSTONE, APOTHEOSIS LUTHERI.  
HEAR I purposed, to have 
An excuse or Apology of Luther, and Caluin.  ended. but I discover an ambush laid to surprise me, and to beat all my forces out of the feald. for I perceive it will be objected, that the heat and vehemency of Luther, Swinglius, and Caluin (which I have named Sedition) was to be honoured, and not worthy of reproof: because the zeal of god's glory and the truth, ded kindl ●hat fire, and those heavenly sparks in them And touching Luther, they object, that he was the Elias foretold to come in the latter age, illuminated by the spirit, and raised up by extraordinary vocation, for the reformation of error and corruptions, renovation of virtue and good life, and the detection of Antichrist, (who had captivated, and seduced the whole world, in many ages:) and therefore such a prophet, was not to be teddered within the compass and rules of ordinary professors. If thereupon, he neglected the sway of authority, the titles of laws, the glory and majesty of Princes, the peace of common welths: you can not object and lay it more to his charge, than Achab ded to Elias, Tune is es, qui conturbas Israel? The whole world was possessed with a Lethargy and Frenzy, (two extreme diseases,) which could not be cured with Manna, and gentl remedies: a violent disease requireth strong purgations, and he is the true Hippotrates, that can apply the proper cures to the world so infected. god's power is not abated, he can raise up at his pleasure extraordinary men, to deliver his people, from Egypt and Babel, sin and ignorance. And if that be granted, undowbtedlie then was Luther the Angel of the west Church, and the messenger of God, to set up the golden Candlsticks, and give light to his people.  
Stay theridamas and pause a litl. how can you maik me know, and believe, that Luther was gods pursuivant, and not the harrold of Antichrist? They will hear produce, the Colloquy of Altenburgh, wherein pag. 80. and 587. they term Luther Angelus Dei, Elias, and tuba nonissima, he that revealed Antichrist, multo illustrius quàm unquam antea. they will cite Aretius, that Luther was sent immediately vocatione Dei, cùm totum mundum impijs opinionibus fascinatum esse constat. they produce Caluin, who calls him a singular Apostl of Christ, from whose Church they had there gospel, Cum densis tenebris suffocata esset Dei veritas. they use jewels authority in his Apollogie, that he was a man sent from God to lighten the world, veritas tum inaudita, cum Lutherus & Swinglius primo accessissent. I pass over Fox (in Apocal.) who proves him the Elias: and john Amsterdam lo. de prophet. Lutheri. But what neads more? for it is evident that at the sound of that tromper, Swinglius a Cannon of Constanc, Bucer a Dominican, P. Martyr a Cannon regular, Pelican a Minorite, Oecolampadius a monk of S. Brigits order, and infinite other like to the locusts, (9 Apocal.) who broke out of all orders, ded sting the very souls of men, and fought the battle under that A, bad-don, their Captain; and to them was power given, to hurt those men, who had not the sign of God in their fore heads. So I dowbt not but Luther was the first that broke unity, as a M. Wutton calls him truely, a scholar withowt a master, and a son withowt a father, (and so he must be either a bastard Church man, or a miracle.)  
But these wear all protestants, the Myrmidons of that Achilles of Saxony: and he himself, haveth taught me, not to believe any matter of faith, except Sic dicit Dominus, be my warrant. and therefore because it is a daingerous point, and subject to many deceptions and tromperies: prove unto me, that Luther was the Elias foretowld, and that he had his vocation extraordinarily and immediately from God: otherwise you labour in vain. for I remember, how Mahomet abused the world, with the name of the angel Gabriel: how Theudas blinded the jews: and how Barcosba drawn them to their destruction, and prevailed so powrfullie and generally with them; that Akyba one of the cheaf scribes and eldors, reverenced him, as the true Messiah, and applied, all the prophecies (proper to Christ) to the honour of that Impostor. And Galatinus (l. 4. c. 21.) notes it as their error, that these wise men deed not demand signs and miracles to approve his divinity. neither deed they, (till it was to late, that Titus came to beseach Jerusalem) and then the peopl seeing they had bean seduced, and that he could not work any miracles, to give them hope and comfort for their delivery they put him to death.  
So ded Nuncer possess the Bowers of Germany, as a man to whom God had committed the Sword of Gedeon: so (about Luther's beginning, the age for new worlds, and new chainges) Thekel, persuaded Ishmael of Persia, that God in the top of the Anti-Taurus, had appeared and revealed to him the reason he used to reform their religion. And Because, it is no dainty practice of Satan, and that David Georg, Hacket, H. Nichols. and others, have bean of late so seduced: I am induced to stand upon my guard, in a case that concerns my soul so nearly: till I can sift out the truth, whether Luther wear called in dead, as an Elias, and an apostl, or he ded intrude himself? and if he wear sent, only and not called, whether it was to reform the Church, or to power out the vial of wrath, and scourg the world? And why I maik this dowbt, I learned my lesson of Beza, p. 86. l. vindicia cont. Tyrant, Because (saith he) God doth not now speak himself, nor send his prophets extraordinarily, we ought to keap watch of our souls, for if any man think he is inspired by the holy ghost, and taiks upon him that authority, (as called of God:) I desire him to sound himself well, and see if he be not inspired with pride, and maik himself an idol to himself, and conceive such an opinion of his own head. Let the world taik head, least thinking they war under the banner of Christ, they fight under the Devils Flagg. etc. well then how shall we know, when God doth raise up, and send such men? Beza answereth, pag. 80. By having a spirit void of 1. all Ambition, 2. 2 true and perfect zeal, 3. right knowledge and conscience, 4. and not worshyping Idols, or ourselves rather then God. Then these are the marks by which (as Beza appointeth) I must examine Luther. and not without reason for they agree with that 2. Ep. S. Pet. c. 3. v. 3. in the last days shall come mockers, walking after their lusts. and Bushops must be chaste 1. Tim. 3. v. 3. modest. not puffed up in pride. v. 6. a Christian, must be no railer, fornicator, etc. 1. Cor 5. v. 11. patient in persecution, and deputed to death c. 4. v. 9 11. 12. not contentious and authors of division 1. Cor. 1. v. 11. 13. (for Christ is not divided:) loving the charity of brotherhood. Rom. 12. v. 10. patienc, etc. (where all the virtues of a true religious man are set down.) upon so good grounds I will first examine Luther's vocation, his life and piety, his doctrine, and his charity (the badge of Christianity) and what fruit, the world haveth reaped for the sanctification of souls by him. and as you and I find cawse, so let us follow and favour him.  
First therefore touching his Vocation. Beza 
1. His vocation.  at Poissy affirmed that he and his fellows wear called by extraordinary vocation: then must neads Luther have the like honour, (whom they all ack nowledged, their lantern and there guide.) but ask himself his title? and he will tell you, Ego Domini nostri jesu Christi indignus evangelista.  
In his book to king Henry, Certus sum dogmata mea, habere me de caelo. I am an evangelist (unwortilie in dead) and I have my doctrine from heaven. I was the first, that brought light to the world. Com. in 1. Cor. 1. Euangelium tam copiose nunc predicatum, ut tam clarum non fuit temporibus Apostolorum. Ser. de destruc. Hierusal. the gospel was not preached so clearly and plentifully in the Apostles time, as it is now.  
In l. de falso statu. Ego Lutherus sum, alter Elias, & currus Israel. Now to show you the greatness of this prophet, in l. contra Regem Angliae. Christum spiritum mihi suppeditabat insignem. Christ bestowed upon me a great spirit. In what kind, and how excellent? Tanta est dignit as mea; quod ad doctrinam & ministerium mihi divinitus datum attinet, & quatenus vita ac mores cum illo congruunt, ut nemo unquam (precipuè tiranns') nec patientiam nec submissionem &c expectaturus est. Debent me sanctum Deiorganum agnoscere. truely that tanta est dignitas, would maik a man think it had bean the prologue of Miles gloriosus. I will now therefore examine, what opinion the world haith, of so famous an Organ.  
1. Caluin in vlt. admonit. saith thus. Volunt de Luthere intelligi hoc vaticmium, de ●lia venturo: qua falsitate non minus faedarunt ●utheri nomen, quam Egipty Hieremiae corpus & sepulchrum adorando. and in an other place, Atque ut Eliae nomen I uthero concedatur, Sacrilegae tamen temeritatis est, asserere ultimum Eliam, ac si precisaesset Deo manus, ne quem vel praestantiorem, vel parem postea emittat. you see Caluin dislikes that title, as if he would leave his successors no credit, nor place, to erect the pillars of their glory; but would usurp all himself.  
2. Conradus Regius, deals more plainly, in admonitione C. 6. scimus isto● magnos Theologos, magnis clamoribus regerere I utherum e●● Prophetam, quia & ipse immediate, & extra ordinem à Deo excitatus ad officium propheticum sc. repurgationem Ecclesiae, etc. Ideoque sine exceptione tanquam Prophetam audienun, qui errare non potuerit, etc. Manifestum est illos, pessime de tota Christi Ecclesia mereri: qui Lutherum in catalogum Prophetarum referunt, tertium Eliam faciunt, examini & censurae Ecclesiarum eximunt, libros ipsius regulam iudicandi ●●uunt, etc. So hear are two, great Doctors of the pretended reformation, who give their opinions of his vocation; and how far are they from gening him the honour of Elias, and exempting him from the censure, and examination of other Churches? and from esteaming his writings, as the rule of faith, (as at Altenburgh they ded?)  
Now touching his vacation; his ordinary calling could not authorize him with so extraordinary a power, as to reform the church, and preach new doctrine never hard of before. (and whether there Apostasy, heresy, excummunication, have not deprived them of all vocation; learned D. Champnie, in his book of that argument can best satisfy you.) And concerning his extraordinary calling, to be an Apostle, an Evangelist, Elias, how can he maiks it appear to the world and satisfy their conscience that dowbthe of it, whether God haveth given him such commission, and created him so in dead. For his own words, want weight: and this must sowndlie be proved, and the rather because Beza affirmed the like extraordinary vocation at Poissy; and his opinion was impugned there by Cl. de Saints and others, and in England by D. Saravia etc. They that are so called, must prove it by external signs and miracles, as Moses and Elias ded: and if he be an apostl, I may urg him with that of Tertullian de prescript, c. 30. probent se esse Apostolos. He who called them to so high an office, could also give them pour to approve their vocation, and induce the world to accept, honour, and reverenc them, by their extraordinary works, and the testimonies of their supernatural virtues. But Luther had no such calling, for that was ever inseparably accompanied with miracles (as was manifested by Moses and Elias.) besides it was not in use since the apostles tyme. if I can prove that, I shall hit the bird in the eye: and to prove that, I pray you let Luther judge himself. for he affirmeth the same proposition tom. 5. Witteb. in c. 1. ad Galat. p. 376. and in loc. come. class. 4. ca 20. and so doth Musculus locis come. p. 304. so doth Saravia against Beza: so doth Piscator vol. Theo. Thes. 1. loc. 23.  
But to come home nearer to the purpose, if Luther be Elias, it must only be spiritu & virtute: then let us parallel these two, and see how well they are matched for piety, and virtue. Elias (3. Reg. c. 17.) at mount Oreb. would sequester himself, in his cave from the noise of the world, from the sight of vanity, that he might elevate his soul from mud and earth, and maik it more capable of divine inspirations, and pray with more fervour of spirit, and break that wild colt (the lusts of the flesh) with fasting and prayer. and so ded S. lo. Baptist. Esdras, so ded. compare them, and their actions with Luther's, and see if they be suitable.  
I must now therefore of force, paint him out in his coolors, and draw his picture with his own pensile: his own mouth shall judge him. For Elias his retyrednes, Luther and he wear not matches: for Luther's mott was, solitatienes is an enemy of pleasure. he was as dainty as Caluin, he thought it an error to contristate the spirit; he reproved and rejected S. Hierome for such inhumanity. lib. de seruo arbitrio. Hierom inepte scribit. quid magis sacrilegum, quam id quod scribit, virginit as c●lum, coniugium terra replet. Virginity fills heaven, marriage peopleth the earth. and therefore, in colloq. convival▪ Nullum scio, cui aque infes●us sum ac ei, tantum scribit de ieiunio, virginitate, etc. There is no man I condemn more than Hierom, he doth so magnify fasting, virginity, etc. he ought not to be accounted among the Doctors of the Church, for he was an heretic.  
You see this holy Evangelist, would not imitate Esdras to fast and pray so long: nor choose to live in the wilderness, and deprive himself of all wordlie pleasure. Therefore, tom. 6. germ. Witteb. pag. 252. lib. ad dominos ordm. Tenton he doth inveigh against vows of Chastity, quomodo fieri potest, ut tale voium non sit peius quam ullum adulterium? a good lesson to teach katharin Bower. But he maiks it better yet. ponamus, quod aliquis voveat condere novas stellas, an non iure vocares amentiam? his reason he setteth down tom. 6. witeb. germ. p. 171. haec res non est arbitraria seu cons●lij: sed neces●aria, ut omnis vir mulierem hab. at, & omnis mulier virum. Estque hoc plusquam preceptum, magisque necessarium, quam comedere, bibere, dormire, vigilare. It is a matter of necessity, that every man should ●●ap a woman, and every woman entertain a man: it is more than a commandment, and more needful then to eat or drink. nay hear him still, be not weary of so religious counsels. In mea potestate non est ut vir non sim: tam parum in mea potestate est, ut sine muliere sim. As it lieth not in my power, to maik myself no man: so litl also is it in my power to live without a wench. tom. 7. lat. Wit. p. 505. Cast vivere tam non est in manu nostra, quam omnia reliqua miracula Dei, qui celebs manner vult, ille nomen hominis à se deponat. It is a miracls to live chaste: and against the nature and humanity of man, imposs●bilia tentat, he would work wonders. I could with ease repeat many such lectures of that heavenly apostl; of whom his brethren of Zurich gave this worthy testimony, in the confess. Tigurin, Germ. anno 1545. Nullum unquam mortalium, I uthero vel faedius, vel incivilius praeter omnes modestiae Christianae terminos, in negotijs illibatae religionis nostrae, scripsisse luce clarius constat. And yet there own Saint, V Swinglius in Parainesi ad come. Helu. civet. fol. 115. showeth the same lasciviousness: and confesseth himself, aestu libidinis, & carnis cupiditate sic fuisse incensum, ut carnis libidinosae studia animo suo versavit, in ijs solis, omnes cogitationes insumpsit. Was it not high time, to grant that ministers should have wives, when these two great patriaches wear so entangled: and ded execut their lusts with pleasure, as natural motions, rather than strive to mortify and supress them. for neither of them, liked, or practised the fashion of Elias.  
And his counsel to others was as wanton, and sportful. read his book de vita coniugali fol. 147. Si cui mulieriimaritus frigidus: posse eam à marito (tam nullius pretij homine) cum ipsius fratre, aut agnato proximo, concubendi licentiam posiulare, ad eamque permittendam, cornigerum & semimarem maritum lege teneri. And the like sermon he preacheth fol. 152. part. 2. and in c. 16. Genes. fol. 95. above all his lectors, there is one for which the ladies in England will persecut him. Non prohibi●um est, qum vir plures uxores habeat: nequè ego id hodie pro●ibere possem, suadere tamen nollem. It is not prohibited by the law, but that a man may have many wives. Quae●unque Patriarchas veteris testaments, exterius fecisse l●gimus, integra ac libera esse, nec prohiberi debeant. Is this a spiritual or a carnal lesson: be these reformers of life, or patrons of vanity?  
Now observe what excellent remedies, what virtuous counsels, he gives against sin tom. 1. lat. Epist. ad Philip. fol. 345. Si veragratia est, verum non ficium peccatum ferto, Deus non fac●● sal●os fic●os peccatores: esto peccator, & peccafort●●er (sin with a courage,) sed fortius fide & gaude in Christo. Ab hoc enim non avelut nos peccatum, etiam si millies millies uno die fornicemur aut occidamus: sin can not divorce us from Christ, though we commit adultery or murder a thousand times in a day. For as there is no sin but incredulity: so is there no justice but faith. and therefore in 1. Pet. 1. fol 442. Ait quia f●de renati sumus filij atque h●redes Dei, pares sumus in honore ac dignitate D. Petro, Paulo, S. Deiparae Virgini, etc. By faith we are maid equal in honour and dignity, to S. Peter and Paul and the Virgin Marie, habemus enim eundem thesaurum a Deo, bonaquè omnia tam largiter quam ipsi, we have all graces and gifts as largely as they. And for the fathers, his insolency is incredible, so undiscreatlie to condemn them all. No wise and virtuous man, would use such words, papistam & asinum, unum & idem esse: and in an other place, I will taik asses that can speak, judge you that are Sophisters of Paris. But to tax, scorn, and reject all fathers, is a note of intolerable presumption. I will omit all other places (which would fill a volume) in convival. serm. cap. de patribus. Of Hierom he saith, de fide & vera religione, ne verbum in ipsius scriptis extat. Originem iamdudum diris devoui. Chrisostomum nullo loco habeo, nam est loquaculus. Basilius nihil valet, totus est monachus, ne pilo quidem eum redimerem. Apologia Philippi omnes Ecclesiae Doctores exisperat. Tertullianus inter Ecclesi● Doctores merus est Carlstadius. Ciprianus martyr infirmus est theologus. Augustinus nihil singulare habet de fide. Ambrose ●e●●ne in Genesim scripsit. Bernardus vincit omnes concionando, sed cum disputat, nimium tribuit libero ar●●●rio, etc. It was no marvel, if he professed and bragged, nemo prorsus a me patientiam expec●e● vel humilitatem: for in that you 〈◊〉, he is master of his word. I pass over his gifts and rare excellency in Railing, (whearin he is ●ans pear.) and in lying: (having collected out of him and Caluin 50. places of moment, and material, whearin they slander the Catholic religion.) as de captain. babylon. c. de penitent. Babilonia adeo sdem exim●●t, ut in pudente front desiniret haer●sim esse, si quis fidem necessariam esse assereret. which was as perfect a lie as Caluin maid l. 4. c. 7. that in the Pope's divinity primum ca●ut est, nullum esse Deum: doctrinam de resurrectione, fabulas esse: quae de Christo scribuntur▪ esse imposturas. Now examine the worth and value, of this Prophet, by the fruits and benefit, which the world haveth received by his doctrine, and examp. Ex fructibus corum cognoscetis eos: Erasmus, in spongia adversus Hu●t. saith he, Lutheranos video mulcos, Euangelicos nullos aut paucos. Circumspice mihi populumisium evangelicum, & obserua num minus ill●● indulgeatur lux●i, libidini, & pecuniae, qu●m facium illi, quos detestamins, proffer mihi, quem is●ud Euangelium, ex comessatore sobrium, ex impudi●o reddiderunt verecundum? Ego tibi ostcndam, qui facti sunt seipsis deteriores. Quis unquam vidit in eorum concionibus, quemquam fundentem lachrimas, aut ingemiscentem? And Luther in self confesseth as much in postil. Super 1. Dominic. Aduentus pag. 623. Mundus fit quotidie deterior, sunt nunc homines magis vindictae cupidi, magis avari magis immodesti & mdicisplinati, multoque deteriores, quam suerunt in papatu. Aurifaber pronounceth from Luther's mouth, that post revelatum Euangelium, virtus est occisa, devotio pulsa, etc. And Caluin complaineth, that omnes fere ad corruptelas degenerant. and Smidelin saith, ut totus mund●s agnoscat eos non esse papistas, nec bonis o●eribus ●u●●quam sidere, illorum operum nullum exercent penitus. I will conclude with Bucers' testimony, l. 1. c. 4. de regno Christi. Maxima corum pars visa est, id tatum ex Euangelto Christipet●●sse, ut iugum qualiscunque disciplinae, penitentiae & religionis quae in papatu reliqua fuit abijcerent, proque carnis suae arbitrio ac libidme instwerent omnia. Nec pauci eorum qualem cunque euangel ●predicationē eo tantum receperunt, ut in opes muaderent Ecclesiasti●as. If you desire to know the most probable cause, of this confusion, sin, and impiety? Luther himself, having set open the port of liberty, and broken down the hedges of order and discipline: could not so easily shut it again, nor give laws to them, that come in.  
When a multitude haveth learned the way of pleasure, you can hardly restrain them: you bet them from confession to preasts, from penance, from fasting; and advanced the reputation of sola fid●s, as a medicine for all diseases.) by so many new quaestions of faith, they have buried charity: and by their disputes of religion they have frozen up all devotion, and reverenc of piety.  
So, having showed you, how well and 
2. His reformation and de●ection of Antichrist.  effectuallic Elias haveth restored and reform all things, let us examine how well he haveth detected Antichrist, and how like a Prophet? or whether he haveth not mistaken himself, like a head troubled with vertigo, and giddienes.  
First consider well, how wear to know Antichrist, and what characters and marks, the holy ghost haveth set down, that the Church might not err in so weighty a matter. 1. his title is the man of sin, and sonn of perdition: 2. an adversary to Christ, 3. extolled above all that is called God, or worshipped as God: so that he sitteth in templo Dei, as if he wear God. 5. his coming is in all power, lijng signs and wonders. 6. he must be revealed before the revolt. 2. Thessaly. c. 2. 7. and S. john, 1. Ep. c. 2. v. 22. addeth this. he is a liar that denieth jesus is not Christ: this is Antichrist, which denieth the father and the son. 8. and as Daniel described him, so Apocal. c. 13. §. 1. he must have upon his dead the names of blasphemy. and §. 7. a power to maik batl with the Saints; he must have horns like the lamb, but the mouth of the dragon. and c. 19 the beast (and with him the false prophet) who seduced them that took the character of the beast: these two, wear cast alive into the pit of fire and brinstone.  
Now examine, who doth bear these badges, and to whom are they most proper. The infallibls and certan mark is; to be opposite fully to Christ, ex diametro, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, most contrary (more than a diversity or difference.) king of a kingdom, opposite to Christ's: a prophet and la maker opposite to Christ's: an enemy both to his preasthood, to his testament, to his royalty, to his name jesus, and to the son of the living of God. And one that striveth with Christ both uter esset, and uter imperaret, and so persecutes his saints, and servants. It is not vice, not superstition, not a false worship of God: nor errors of opinion, that must rear up the walls of this Babylon; it must be, kingdom against kingdom, and crown against crown. and contain and express the full power, pride, and malice of satan. Whether then can this be truely and properly applied to the Pope? No in dead, and I will show my reason.  
1. Luther contra Anabaptistas'. Ego dico sub Papatu esse verum Cristianismum, imo nucleum Christianismi, & multos pios. Fatemur apud Papistas Ecclesiam, quia habet baptismum, absolutionem, textum Euangelij, etc. in 1. Galat. ibi verum concionandi munus, verus Catechismus, ut sunt oratio dominica, decem paaecepta, fidei artic. And whitacre saith, haec ad nos ab illis devenerunt. junius confesseth, in fundamento essentiali convenimus, controuers. l. 3. c. 19 Inuito satana, tenuit Ecclesia illa precipua fidei fundamenta saith Zanchius. Saravia, de gradibus minist. p. 30. saith Ecclesia Romana, Ecclesia est, ipsa est matter nostram qua & per quam Deus nos regeneravit. And manet ibi ordinatio, vocatio, ministerium verbi. And there is reason for to acknowledge it, bycaus otherwise the ministers have no calling, nor can prove it. and if she be the mother Church, and filia devorabit matrem? no there is in that Church yet remaining, verus baptismus, verum Sacramentum, verae claues ad remissionem peccatorum. The Bushop of Elie, calls it membrum, sed non sanum: and Caluin acknowledgeth as much, but calls it Ecclesiam semirutam, deformen and yet Ecclesias Christi, Resp. ad Sadoletum. And l. 4. c. 2. §. 11. Instit. foedus Dei apud eos inviolabile permansit. And whitacre saith, est apud illos quoddam ministerium, & aliqua verbi praedicatio, quae valet nonnullis ad salutem sine dubio. Lay these together: and put them into the balance.  
The Church of Room, by the confession of their cheaf adversaries: holdeth entirely baptism, the Lords prayer, the ten commandments, absolution, foedus Dei (the ark of covenant) both the testaments, the three Creads, the fowr first general counsels, the fowndations of faith, ordination, vocation, and the preaching of the word. Nay I will add one, no small pillar: they teach and mantain the true doctrine of the blessed Trinity, which no protestant Church doth hold inviolatelie (but only the Church of England.) then under whose banner do they fight? under whom is the Pope Vicarius? at whose altar, and to whom, do they offer sacrifice? if to God, to Christ his son and their redeamor; then surely, we must look for an other Antichrist, he is not heart to be found. wresting of words, and straining of some texts of the Apocalips will not serve your turn. Luther at first denied the Apocalips to be Canonical scripture, as appeared by his preface upon that book, (which is now suppressed.) And to found a new doctrine only upon arguments drawn from prophecies, and the Apocahps (so obscure and hard to be understood) whether it be of sufficient force, I leave it to the learned to resolu. Only this I must say, S. john received the Apocalips, from the Angel of God: and when Brightman (the Puritan) can prove, that immediately from God or infallibly the true sense thereof was revealed to him: then will I subscribe to his babble Apocalypsis Apocalypseos.  
2. But to come nearer to the matter, and omit trifles. Melancthon (the Pronotharie of the confession of Auspurg) in his common places, Basil. 1562. confirmeth me in my opinion p. 164. saith he, in monarchijs caeteris, gubernatio precipue spectabat, ad ciuil●s & h●nestae societatis defensionem, ettamsi erat ignota religio: 1. sed in regno Antichristi, leges perpetuae & precipuae regno, sunt de novo cultu contumelioso in Christum, etc. 2. (saith he) finis principalis eius regni, est delere nomen Christi: & hoc 
N●●.  ipso pretextu, conditum est regnum, quasi glortae Dei intersit, ex●irparinomen, & doctrmam Christi. Tale est regnum Mahometis. So hear is law against la: a falls God, against a true god: the Koran advanced above the Gospel hear they at ex diametro opppsita: and all for the glory of the God Maozim. but go on a litl further, and Melancthon. will make it plainer. 3. Lex ip a Mahometis est manifesta contumelia erga Christum. 4. Deinde est mandatum de latrocmio: quia iubet interfici eos, qui credunt Christum esse filium Dei: precipit ergo propagari suos errores gladio. And all these things he saith wear foretold by Daniel c. 7. of the litl horn. and so he concludeth, in eo regno neclex est à Deo, sed diaboliciu furor: and his end is not civil government, but the propagation of his Koran. And therefore, this being so plainly and distinctly set down, Slusselberg saith, that Melancthon in many things fell into error after Luther's death, and seamed to dowbt whether the Pope was Antichrist.  
But I will show you as learned a pillar to lean upon; and a protestant of same, (for it is vain to allege fathers, as I learned by D. Sanders.) Zanchius, in his answer to the Arrians 2. tom. 7. p. 875. allegeth in defence of the Pope, constat, ex doctrina de Deo, Christo, forma baptismi retenta, Ecclesiam illam non penitus à Christo Apostafiam fecisse. Agnoscit adhuc Christum, pro filio Dei, rege suo, & saluatore: eius legibus se subiectam profitetur: adhuc publica sui regis insignia (licet conspurcata) baptismum nimirum & caenam retinet, & veneratur. But the Pope haveth added images, etc. and without God's warrant, haveth devised a new worship, ex quodam erga eum honoris study. To that objection he answers, he is to be reprehended for it, but he is no Apostata: for all that melius competit in Turcam, qui est ex diametro, in duello contra Christum, and an Antagonist. and his reason is strong for (saith he) Mahomet, veram & plenam apostasiam, cum suo populo fecit: abrogans qu●cunque Christus instituit, praedicationem Euangelis, baptismum, caenam, invocationem in suo nomine: & contra, revocans quae abrogata erant à Christo, doctrinam legis, circumcisionem: negat eum filium Dei, & verum Deum esse, & risit Trinitatem. And therefore, he making hym selves above all Cod, sets Christ an inferior Prophet under him. But Mahomet sits not in templo Dei. That ded a little shake Zanchius, yet he answers, that all the fathers confessed, by the name of the temple, the temple of jerusalem to be understood, and not impertinently (for there Mahomet haveth long bean worhipped.) And at this day, there is a Moschee called, Temple de la Roche, builded by Homar, Mahomet's nephew, in the very place of salomon's templ: there Maozim is worhipped; and all pilgrims, that go or come from Mecha. taik that in their way, as a holy place. And admit, it wear to be understood, sedet in templum Dei, id est Eccles●am Dei: it may also stand with Good congruity. For Mahomet penes se solum dicit esse Ecclesiam, & se illius esse caput, a quo regatur. He is the Princ of the Damned Empire, and by his power, all the Candlsticks of the Churches of jury, Alexandria, Antioch, Asia, Grece, Corinthus are removed, and the lights quite extinguished by him: and therein is set up the abomination of desolation in loco sancto, and yet he sits also in Ecclesia Dei, and where Christ is worhipped. For in the Church of the Saepulchre, at Jerusalem the Christian Marronites Georgians, Aethiopians, Grecians, Latins, have there altars and offer their sacrifices, to God (the which the Turks further profit, as the Sultan's and Saracens before them, have fuffred and permitted.) So as in that city both God haveth his church and the Devel haveth his chapel (and sooverainlie commanded for many hundred years which is all they stand upon. And contrarily for many ages, no man haveth showed a more fatherly care, to resist his tyranny: no man haith more solicited the princes of Europe with united forces to expel and repress that Nimrod, than the pope. As appeared by the wars in the Holy land, by the support of Malta, by the aid of Hongarie, by Tunis and Algieres, and by that memorable battle of Lepanto. And for the increase and prapagation of Christ's glory, he haveth also erected seminaries for Grecians, Asians, and jews: that the world may discover who is the Antichrist.  
3. My third and last reason is. that they who are so desirous, to create the Pope Antichrist: can not agree among them selves when he fell so fowl, as to deserve the name of Antichrist. They can not name the person who was stella cadens de caelo: nor the age and time: nor the errors he ded fall into, whereby he was so judged: nor produce any accusers, testes fide digni, to justify the same. ask Caluin when the defection was, he answers multis abhinc seculis. S. Francus saith presently after the Apostles. Napper, saith Antichrist ded begin his raing about 313. in the time of Pope Silvester. Melancthon, that in Sosimus time, the defection appeared 420. Beza assigneth Leo the Pope 440. Fulk nameth Boniface (and so do willet, and downam anno 607.) Bullinger nameth Hildebrand (Gregor. 7.) anno 763. Whitaket, that Gregory the Great, was the last pious, and true Bushop. Parkins, about 900. years sinc. Hospinian ab annis 1200. Lanaeus, about 574.  
So then, the uncertantie maiks their judgement erroneous: for all can not say true: and who saith truest they can not define. We are not bound saith D Whitacre, to answer in what age superstition crept into the Church, by whom, nor at what time: and yet, in his answer to D. Sanders, p. 799. he swears, by him that liveth, that the Pope is Antichrist.  
4. But I wonder that they mean to maik the Pope Antichrist: and the true Church to be in Papatu, and yet Papatus not to be in Ecclesia. Aridl; my dull wit can not apprehend. but seeing I am sure of this, that out of that Church all haeretikes ded go: that exire, teacheth me that the sanctuary: out of which they fled, was the Ark of Noah, the Church of God.  
5. One thing, yet moveth me much c. 19 the beast: and with him the false Prophet shall be cast into the pit of Hel. hear at two, distinct persons (and so named by the scripture, and the one subordinate to advanc the other) and distinct calling, if the Pope be the beast, than who is the false prophet? and contra if he be the false prophet, who is the beast, (whose character the false prophet shall seduce the world to taik, and to adore his image●) there can not be two Antichrists, at once: and whether the Pope, or Mahomet should be he, the Marks and notes will best testify and if you compare 39 Ezech. with the 19 of Apocalips, it will give you good direction; (so you fall not upon Sergeant Finch his rock.) but undowbtedlie, his description there, will show you an Antiochus, an Antichtist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and such a one, as will maik a conquest with his sword, of fowls and consciences; and only Vorstius against Bellarmin, acknowledged it was neither a matter improbabl, nor impossible.  
But how can you prove, or assure me, and with what warrant of scripture, that no such Antichrist shall come. De futuris contingentibus, I think D. Whitacre, doth adventur far, to engage his soul, by such an oath. But the Evangelist having set down his name, (the name of a particular man 666.) he that can maik Apocalypsis Apocalypseos: why doth he not, or can he not detect that Pope, and reveal to whom that name was dew?  
3. As by the first argument, you may 
The vocation of Luther by the devil.  discover his vanity; and how greatly he differed from Elias: and by the second, his calumniation proveth him an Impostor: so this, will unmask, and uncase him, he shall appear in his proper Coolors. His vocation they call extraordinary: and so it is in dead. For it was by conference with the Devel, (as he confesseth himself l. de Missa private. contigit me sub mediam noctem subito expergefieri: ibi satan mecum cepit huiusmodi disceptationem. So the devil and he disputed. D. Fulk, and Chark, interpret it, to have bean a spiritual combat in mind, and such a contemplation as good men are subject to, (as Christ had, S. Paul, and others:) and no bodily conflict and conference: 1. whether these reasons came from the devil, by bodily conference or inward suggestion, all is one, so it came from the devil. 2. but hearby Luther maiks it plain, when he describes, the devils voice to have bean, a great base voice, and so fearful that it maid him sweat, as he confessed (by haec illo dicente) 3. besides he calls him (Doctor Perdocte:) which if it wear a dream only (as Doctor Sutclif imagined) it showed that he was subject to Philautia, and arrogancy, to conceive such a title and salvation▪ but is rather argues a personal conference, because he confesseth there, that Oecolompadius and Empser wear slain by the like encounters (and surely neither of them died, by spiritual temptations nor by dreams.) if you read Luther's own words out of the old and first edition of jene: they will confirm you much, for so Hospinian in historia Sacrament. recited them.  
But Luther himself, calls it disceptationem, and neither a drean nor a temptation. And if it wear a spiritual temptation; that excuseth not Luther, for he yielded to the Devel, so ded never holy job, not any sanctified vassel.  
Balduinus a Lutheran, writes of purpose a book of that disputation 1605 and he confesseth it was a real truth, and not a dream (as D. S. dreamt:) and that it was not spoken hyperbolice but historic. But he excuseth it, wit'st a shift and evasion. Luther (saith he) had before abandoned the mass? and this diologue the devil, maid, to call to Luther's remembranc his old errors, and that he had said Mass fifteen years, and so to drive him to desperation for so great an offenc. and that therefore he ded speak always in preterito not presenti. These are but Skarcrowes and conceits: 1. for in the text and words of Luther, there is no mention of despair, nor passage of any words to induce him to despair 2. the devil reproveth Luther and the papists for thinking Christ unmercieful, and therfar seaking Saints for their mediators. this is far wide from Baldwins mark. It rather proveth that the conference was before Luther's fall; for otherwise it had bean a dart cast at rovers, and an idl temptation, if Luther's had bean bean all ready so persuaded (as after his fall he was.) Besides, if it wear after that Luther abrogated the Mass, (as Bald. saith) than his sola sides, was a sufficient buckler, to ward any blow the devil could give him, there was no imagining of driving him to despair, who had professed that neither sins, nor defects, nor I idolatry past, could be cawses of his damnation, but only incredulity. and as falls is it, that the devil spoke always de preterito, and not presenti, for he saith, vanior est haec vinctio tua, quam baptisatio saxi, and so persuades him to contemn his unction, which is spoken de presenti, and nothing touching desperation. read the words, and weigh them, and all the devils arguments against the Mass: and you will then find your own error.  
I will maik it more plain that it was not a spiritual, but a personal combat. Io. Manlius a Lutheran loc. come. I uthero saepius spectra apparuerunt: and that usually after such apparitions in the night, his head ached: and at one time, he was almost, in a trauns after it. And Luther, against the Swenfeldians, (who bragged of their revelations:) he witnesseth of himself, vidi spiritus & forte plus quam ipsi videbunt, intra annum; so it appeareth, these personal conferences betwean satan and Luther wear neither so rare, nor so incredible. joh. Regius l. Apologet. objecteth unde constat tibi malum fuisse spi●itum? qui Luthero hoc dixerit: & posito, licet malus genius fuisset, non sequitur statim eum menti●um fuisse. Hear it a Champion, that fights with an other weapon, and because he dowbts, whether he was malus genius: let him hear his half-brother, Hospinian, in historia Sacrament. Lutherus (saith he) narrat se à diabolo edoctum esse, quod Missa privata res sit mala, & rationibus diaboli conuic●um, abolevisse eam. And Luther confessed, that he was haunted and affrighted by satan personally. Epist. ad patrem tom. 2. Witteb fol. 269. and Melancthon saith as much, in his preface to that 2. tom. and surely Regius deed never read, that God used to reform the world by the oracles and service of devils, to reform sin by the instruments of vice, or to teach the truth by impostors. the Devel was suffered to try the virtue and patienc of job, and the Saints: But was never sent to catechise them. Neither ded ever such spirits appear to Daniel, Esdras, and the old prophets. And why may we not think that Luther was taught by such a schoolmaster; for he objecteth that Carolostad had his exposition of Hoc est corpus meum, from the devil. and in loc. come. class 5. puto non uno diabolo obsessum fuisse illum miserabilem hominem Carolostadium. He had bean in the oven, himself, and so knew what it meant: and therefore Alberus said the devil posseded corporally that Carlestad: and Chemnitius witnesseth l. de Caena, p. 214. that Carolostad was wont to boast, that head his exposition by revelation.  
Hear rests yet one wound to cure B. Murton in his Apol. l. 2. part. 1. doth not answer it, but evadeth by retorting a report of Delrius (l. 4. de magia c. 1.) that the devil appeared to an abbot, and persuaded him to say mass. So hear is quid pro quo. bycaus we object, that Luther was taught by the devil to oppugn the Mass: he showeth, likewise where the devil persuaded one to say Mass.  
But the case is not a like; he erred, it was not an Abbot, but a monk. 2. the said Simeon was not yet pressed, and so it was against the Canons for him to say Mass, and a sin: and therefore the devil tempted him to it (and this he leaveth out, as not for his turn to be remembered.) 3. Neither is there hear any disputation, to approve or disprove the Mass. 4. Neither ded the party assent to the devil. 5. Neither ded the Mass, begin then first. And so he both mistaketh, and faileth of his purpose.  
But to show the error of Fulk, and D. Sutclef: Luther's own words fully clear all. Contigit me sub mediam noctem, subito, expergefieri: so there is the time (at Midnigth:) and that it was not a dream, (expergefieri) proves it: and the manner (subito.) And he maid that book, 1521. afther his revolt from the Church. Besides he yielded not at first, nor was not of the devils opinion and gave his reasons for it, sum unctus Sacerdos, etc. and the devil strongly opposed him with the very arguments used by the confession of Auspurg. And to show that it was neither a dream, nor a spiritual conflict, saith he (when he was overcomed,) at hic ridebunt sancti patres, etc. an ignoras diabolum esse mendacem. And then he showeth, that his lies are not simplicis artificij, sed instructiora ad fallendum. Si vobis sustinendi essent ictus diaboli, you could not sing the song of the Church. And his manner he reveals, sic adoritur ut apprehendat aliquam & solidam veritatem. So it is certan it was a personal conflict. And if it had bean a dream what is the differenc, whether the devil seduced him, sleeping or awaked? the ministers of Zurich, insinuate so much. tract. 3. confess. Lutheri. Say they how marvelously, here doth Luther bewray himself with his devils, quam impuris utitur verbis, quot daemonibus crepat? and in an other place, of the same book, Edidit L. librum, in quo condemnat Swinglium & Oecolampadium, liber plenus est demonijs, impudicis dicterijs, etc. So by the opinion of the Swinglians, (the Tigurines;) it was not thought as a dream, or a concept, that Luther had conference with devils. And Schusselburg in Theol. Caluanist. proaemio, recompenseth the Tigurines with the like charity: diabolum ipsissimum, Swinglio per sumnium, suam haeresim Sacramentariam inspirasse: and Luther's objects the like tom. 7. Witteberg. fol. 386. against the Phase, revealed to Swinglius. So on both sides, hear are devils in the play; and there familiarity with him, induceth me, to distrust, if not to condemn them both.  
And surely, if there wear no other argument, 
4. The divisions sects, tumults, raised by Luther.  to prove that the Devel had schooled, and taught Luther his divinity; the sects, tumults, discord, begotten by him, and that issewed out of his brain, do approve it. Documenta damus, qua simus origine nati. As if his sectaries, had bean like Cadmus his issue, homines ●lipe●ti, grown out of the earth, where the vipers' 〈◊〉 wear sown. and Luther the the Cadmus, and cause of all, for in temporal matters, origo damni, est causa peccati. And this discord and division, was among his disciples even from the beginning, from the cradl.  
D. Whitacre, in his preface to W. Raynolds, excuseth it thus. pag. 8. greater differenc shall he not find, among the true professors of the gospel, and Churches reform, then may be among the children of God. about the passover in the east and west Churches, there was bitter dissension, yet they ceased not to be Churches of Christ. Perfect concord is not to be hoped for, etc. S. Peter and Paul, Augustin and Hierom disagreed. And afterwards. yet by God's grace, all Churches reform agree sowndlie in matters of faith, substantial, and necessary to salvation. So 1. he denieth that there is any such discord 2. that all Churches reform agree sowndlie in matters of faith. 3. by exampls he extenuates their divisions.  
And Gualther professeth in prefat. Ep. ad Rom. that there is good agreement for all articles among them, sola Sacramentaria velitatione excepta. I wonder of this confidence, and bold asseveration, in a matter so clear. It is true, the varianc betwean the two Apostles, and betwean these two Doctors of the Church, was great: but as it ded neither break their union, nor hinder their communion, nor maid any sects: so also, it was managed with such Christian modesty, and temper, as ded not slain their profession. and when that is proved, D. Wh. haith his answer. and to prove it, look upon the disorder and discord, betwean the Lutherans and Sacramentaries, how hot fires have bean kindled among them, and how long? what care was taken, at Swabach, at Marpurg, at Smalcald, and at Montpelgart, to have reconciled them: and they parted ever with so litl charity, that the world had no cause to hope for any unity. And for their harmony how sowndlie they agree in matters of faith; as D. Whitacre affirmeth, you shall best find by Schlusselberg his works, whereby it is maid manifest that they , in these points, de omnipotentia Christi, of predestination, of the force of Baptism, of the Eucharist and real presenc, whether Christ died for all men, of original sin, in their discipline, in their liturgies, touching images, etc. and are all these trifles? The Palatinate Churches, in their act. (as I have showed before) would not permit the Lutherans, and for bad their books: totus Lutheranismus è medio tollatur, generally and precisely; and yet do they agree sowndlie? Philip Nicholai, rector of Tubing, a famous Lutheran, accuseth the Caluinists of Arrianism: Henricus Petri proveth at large Nestorianismum Caluini. A great learned man in E. affirmed, that those Lutherans ded object it in spirit of opposition: and whether they judged right or no, is an other quaestion. an other answered, they wear but there private opinions, and not to be regarded. So than you confess their spirit of opposition, there contrarieties and wars, which is that I desire and labour to prove, (whether rightly or wrongfully, is not pertinent to my quaestion.) yet neither is it only there private opinion, but the public doctrine of all their congregations. Albert Grawer rector of Magdeburg, mantaineth as much as I affirm, libro Called. Bellum Iohannis Caluini & Christi. Aegid. Hunnius, describeth how Caluin doth judaize; and that learnedly, and with applause. And Luther's own warrant, maik it no private quarrel. See his confesses. se his Theses contra art. Lovan. thes. 27. haereticos serio censemus, & alienos ab Ecclesia Dei Swinglium, & sacramentariosomnes, And in an other place, Beatus vi●, qui non abijt in consilio Sacramentariorum, etc. lib. de c●na Domini Fatcor me Swinglium non amplius in Christianorum numerum referre posse, etc. And on the contrary side, the Tigurint tract. 3. contra Luth. confess. are as vehement. let Luther look (say they) he do not declare himself an archehaeretick, seeing he will not have society with the professors of Christ. Caluin, notes him, for a man distemperet: & minus excusabilis inconsiderati zeli fervour, ut pollet eximijs virtutibus, it a magnis vitijs laborat. Daniel Tosianus, accuseth him, maligni spiritus instinctu, to patronise his followers, against the Sacramentaries. Bucer contra Melancth. accusatur Lutherus ab omnibus imperiosae dicacitatis. Campanus saith that diabolicus mendax est Lutherus. Swinglius tells Luther, demonstrabo te, Euangelij splendorem, nunquam adhuc plenè cognovisse. Oecolompad. resp. ad Luth. confess. priorem illum librum à daemone auspicatur, hunc vero eiusdem auspicijs absoluit. Is this unity, are both these in Noash ark? is Christ divided? Bonum semper malo contrarium est, malum nunc bono nunc malo: so they incline to the malum for they are violent in their civil wars, and yet as furious against the Catholics. I will now conclude for Luther, that he was far from the virtues, spirit, and wisdom of an immediate vocation from God. For▪ if you comment Moses he saith, nihil ad nos pertinet. Vide ut sis prudens, & Moysem cum lege sua longissimè amoliri, & 
Serm. de Moyse & ad Galat.  in malam rem abire iubeas: neque quicquam illius terrore & minis movearis. non mihi sed Iudaeis Mosem tuum predica. If you magnify 
Admonit. ad Argentin tom. 3.  the lice of Christ, he tells you non esse hominibus opera Christi inculcanda, & exempla eius. Christi enim opera minimam & vilissimam particulam in Christo, eaque in re Christum caeteris sanctis parem esse. And in an other place. Non multum mihi opera Christi prosunt: sed verba eius. Touching the Trinity, he likes it not, vocula haec nusquam in scriptures repetitur. It is Man's invention, & frigide sonat, and therefore he put it out of the Litany. and because he will stop your mouth from alleging the council of Nice, he saith, Nullum vidi concilium in quo 
Serm. de nat. Mariae.  Spiritus sanctus reperiatur. If you praise our lady, he saith, sumus pares matri Christi, & aeque sancti ac illa. But above all other things this is to be noted, that God ded not reveal unto him, his secrets, and inspire him with perfection at first, as he ded S. Paul, and the prophets and Apostls. For Luther confesseth of himself, at first, fovebat me aura popularis: and, per imprudentiam in istam causam lapsus. and l. de seruo arbit. ego ultra decennium motus eram authoritate Ecclesiae tam confidens & certus non fui. This dopocagione assureth me, he was not called immediately of God, nor can be no other than an impostor for challenging it. I will conclude with the relation of his own virtues; for of himself he gives this evidenc. in Coll. Francof. f. 445. Nihil singulare in vita mea eminet, possum to cari, potare, sum facetus convivator, saepiusque bene bonum baustum cerevisiae facio in Dei gloriam. scilicet. He professeth himself a good companion, and that he doth oft carrous and drink largely a health to the glory of God. And if you read all the Ecclesiastical story, you shall not find such a ruffianlie phrase, and passage of vanity: and so, I leave him to Clebitius his prophecy. who haith foretold the ruin of the Pope of Saxony.  
FINIS.   

APPROBATIO.  
LIbrum hunc Anglico idomate ad Serinissimum Walliae Principem, jacobi primi magnae Britanniae Regis filium scriptum, cum aliter mihi quàm ex aliena fide censere probaréue non liceat: quia talis reverendi atque eruditi viri, natione Angli, D. Leandri de S. Martino, Prioris Benedictinorum S. Gregorij Duaci, nunc absentis, qui librum integrum accuratè legit, per ipsias ad me, ante menses aliquot, literas esse renunciatus est, qui magno in Remp. Christianan usui futurus sit, ut qui praeterquam quòd eleganti ac modesto stylo scriptus, optimis rationibus, ex rerum hoc seculo gestarum comparatione desumptis, quàm perniciosa fuerit Angliae professio haeresis, quàm contra salutaris ipsi Catholico-Romana fides: quàm fida ipsi Romae & Hispaniae amicitia, quàm contra perfida, infirma, & damnosa haereticorum confoe deratio sit doceat, multaque in apricum proferat, que hactenusaut latuerunt in scrinijs aulicis, aut longè aliter quàm acta fuere, narrata & credira sunt, atque ita multis clausos hactenus oculos aperturus sit: propterea fit, ut tam gravi & accurato tanti viri testimonio fretus, calculum meum hic adijciam, ut dignum praelo, & qui multo cum fructu legi possit, esse asseverem. Actum Tornaci 15. Maij, anno 1623.  
I. BOUCHER, S. Theol, Doct. Can. & Archid. Tornacens.   

Blame not my will, but my wants; that the Latin is not translated into English: I had not paper, nor means, (being stinted.)