VARIETIES: OR, A SURVEY OF RARE AND EXCELlent matters, necessary and delectable for all sorts of persons. Wherein the principal Heads of divers Sciences are illustrated, rare secrets of Natural things unfolded, etc. Digested into five Books, whose several Chapters with their Contents are to be seen in the Table after the Epistle Dedicatory.  
By DAVID PERSON, of Loghlands in Scotland, Gentleman.  Et quae non prosunt singula, juncta juvant. 
LONDON, Printed by Richard Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the green- Dragon. 1635.   

To THE MOST NOBLE AND ILLUSTRIOUS, JAMES, DUKE OF LENNOX, EARL Darnley and March, Baron of Setrington, Treboulton and Methuen, LORD Great Chamberlain and Admiral of Scotland; Gentleman of his MAJESTY'S Bedchamber; Knight of the most Noble order of the GARTER, and one of the most Honourable Privy COUNCIL, in both KINGDOMS.  
WHo sacrificed unto their Gods of old (most Noble and illustrious Prince) were accustomed to appropriate the matter of their offerings, as near as they could, to the nature and better acceptance of the Deity to whom they immolated; as to Mars a Horse, to Phoebus a Cock, to Venus a pair of Doves, to Vulcan fire, and the like; in this Dedication I do not much deviate from that ceremony, for as your Gr. knowledge is generally observed to be multifarious, and as the many successive most famous Virtues of your illustrious Predecessors do most conspicuously survive in you, so no where more duly could this volume of Varieties be sacrificed then to your Gr. Larger merits, which have learned Spain and other Country's to speak you every way most generous and Noble; and which favourably shined upon by our most glorious Sun, makes all conclude you to prove in your maturer years both delightful and profitable to King and Country. What my continued night-watches, studies, travels, and expenses have been in these recollections, I will think worthily bestowed if they be graciously accepted; and if they be thought worthy of your Grace's Patronage, I have my wish: Mean gifts have been favourably received by most worthy men; the PERSIAN KINGS disdain not their Peasant's cups of water; not Donum but Dantis animus is most acceptable; and with what integrity of affection I offer this, shall appear in what more worthy labour shall come from me hereafter; which already is devoted to your G. most worthy Patronage; as are my perpetual Orations to God for increase of all happiness to be heaped on you; which shall be still seconded with the most real and best services that are in the possibility of  
Your G. most humble and most zealous devoted servant. D. PERSON.   

In PERSONI Polyanthea.  
SVbtiles, varias, jucundas res, simul uno  
Congestas Libro, perlege lector, habes.  
Hîc Coelum, hîc superos Manes, ac Tartara cernes,  
Totus & ingentes quas capit Orbis opes.  
Eximium miraris opus, longè tamen infra  
Authoris vastum subsidet ingenium.  
Da. Episc. Edinburgensis.   

Ad LECTOREM.  
SI variis gaudes, miranda, recondita quaeris;  
Si peregrina cupis, splendida, rara, bona;  
Si leges, artes, & quae Coelestia spectant;  
Si manes, mores, Physica, mentis opes;  
Hoc opus eximium, ex cunctis praestantia pandet:  
Perlege, vix aliud talia, tanta dabit.  
Liv●r summa petens carpat; sed carpitur ipse  
Irradiante libri lumine, ne invideat.  
Io. Episco. Cathanesius.   

In praeclara Davidis Personi gymnasmata.  
FInibus hic arctis ingens constringitur orbis,  
Et stupet humanae Iuppiter artis opus.  
Hunc olim fragili conclusit Graecia vitro,  
Nunc brevis immenso cum Iove charta capit.  
Vitreus interijt, durabit charteus orbis,  
Ingenij donec cultor & artis erit.  
A. jonstonus, Medicus Regius.   

In Davidis Personi Lochlandij opera 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seu de multifaria rerum varietate.  
QVàm variae rerum facies, quam gramine campi  
Depicti vario, varij quam floribus horti,  
quam varium stellis Coelum, quam piscibus aequor,  
Et picturatis volucrum sunt agmina pennis:  
Tam varia & libri sunt argumenta perennis,  
Quae Persone tibi famam peperêre perennem.  
Io. Adamsonus Academiae Edinburgensis Rector Primarius.   

Of Persons Varieties.  
THe Lawyer here may learn Divinity,  
The Divine, Laws, or fair Astrology;  
The Dammaret respectively to fight,  
The duelist to court a Mistress right;  
Such who their name take from the Rosy-crosse  
May here by Time, learn to repair their loss:  
All learn may somewhat, if they be not fools  
Arts quicklier here are lessoned, than in Schools.  
Distich, of the same.  
This Book a World is; here if errors be,  
The like (nay worse) in the great world we see.  
William Drummond, Of Hathorn-den.   

In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ad juventutem Nobilem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
QVos plebi exemit splendor virtutis avitae,  
Et ditant veteri praedia structa manu;  
Dianae queis cura sequi, queis Castra diones;  
Quasque voluptates lusus inanis habet,  
Discite, Personus, quantum majora secutus,  
Prima dedit Castris tempora Phoebe tuis.  
Aemulus aethereos imitari deinde labores,  
Deseruit charum patria quic quid habet.  
Quique Isim, Rhodanumque citum, Rhenumque Padumque,  
Qui Lirim, & Tiberim, Dordoniumque bibunt,  
Tam varios hominum mores scrutatus & urbes,  
Sedulo Palladias accumulavit opes:  
Has quoque nunc ultrò promit, queis pectora vobis  
Sit fas eximijs excoluisse bonis:  
Quaeque sibi multo constabant ante labore,  
Dat vobis tenui mole paranda libri.  
Nubila quicquid habent, quicquid versatilis aether  
Eximium, aut vasto terra, vel unda sinu,  
Daedala naturae secreta, Artisque stupenda  
Quas sophia, aut partes clara mathesis habet,  
Accipite, & grata pensetis ment labores,  
Discite & hinc studium Nobile velle sequi.  
Tho. Crafordius.   

Generoso & omnigenâ cum ingenij tum morum Nobilitate illustri Davidi Persono à Lochlands.  
AStraeus poterat vates post somnia lauri  
Gustatae, lauri demeruisse decus.  
Maeonios postquam manes pater Ennius hausit,  
Romani eloquij coeperat esse pater.  
Pro monstro exemplum est; quando dij cuncta labore  
Vendunt, & duris gratia rebus inest;  
Tu varios hominum mores, urbesque secutus,  
Evario florum germine mella refers.  
Priscaque componens his tempora, cuncta perennas,  
Cascaque temporibus das rediviva novis.  
Ast ne ali●s tanti constent, compendia praestas;  
Et macrocosmum terra Britanna legit.  
Ro. Fairlaeus.   

In DAVIDIS PERSONI Lochlandij, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
NVnc tibi, nunc quantum debebit doctior orbis,  
Cui tuus unus erit Bibliotheca liber?  
Gualt. B●llendinus.   

A TABLE OF THE WHOLE BOOK: Wherein their several Chapters, with their Sections, and whole Contents are orderly pointed forth.  

The Table of the first Book, Wherein the matter and nature of the Heaven, Sun, Moon, Stars, Air, Sea, and Earth is comprehended.  
Sect. 1. 
OF the matter whereof the Heavens are composed, with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it. Pag. 4  Sect. 2. 
Of the Stars, their substance and splendour, where also of the Sun's place in the Firmament. 8  Sect. 3. 
Of the Moon, her light, substance, and power over all sublunary bodies. 10  Sect. 4. 
Of the Element of Fire, whether it be an Element or not, and of its place. 12  Sect. 5. 
A brief Discourse of Meteors; of their causes, matter, and differences.  Sect. 6. 
That the Earth and Waters make but one Globe, which must be the Centre of the World. Of the Seas saltness, deepness flux, and reflux; why the Mediterrancan and Indian Seas have none: Of Magellanes straight; what maketh so violent tide there, seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth. Of the Southern Sea, or Mare deal Zur. 18  Sect. 7. 
That the mountains and valleys dispersed over the earth, hindereth not the completeness of its roundness: Of burning mountains and caves within the Earth. 25  Sect. 8. 
Of time, whether it be the producer or consumer of things: Of the wisdom and sagacity of some Horses and Dogs: How the Adamant is mollified of the Needle in the Sea Compass; and the reason of its turning always to the North. 28  Sect. 9 
Of Fishes, if they may be said to breathe, seeing they lack pulmons: Of flying fishes, if such things may be, etc. which are the reasons of their possibility, are deduced, exemplified. 34  Sect. 10. 
Of fishes, and their generation: How fowls are generated in the waters. If gold can be made potable; and of the matter of precious stones. 40  Sect. 11. 
Of the Earth, its circumference, thickness, and distance from the Sun. 43    

A TABLE OF THE SECOND BOOK.  
OF METEORS.  
Chapt. 1. 
THe definition of Meteors, their matter, substance, place, and cause. 46  Chap. 2. 
Where Meteors are composed of Clouds, where they are fashioned, together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region. 52  Chapt. 3. 
Of falling Stars, Fleakes in the air, and other such ●●ery Meteors. 55  Chapt. 4. 
Of Comets, their matter, form, nature, and what way they portend evil to come. 61  Chap. ●. 
Of R●ine, Dew, H●are-frost, and their cause. 69  Chap. 6. 
Of Snow, its cause, matter, and nature. 73  Chap. 7. 
Of Winds, their true cause, matter, and nature, etc. 75  Chap. 8. 
Of Earthquakes, their cause and nature. 79  Chap. 9 
Of Thunder, Lightning, Ha●le, and certain other secrets of Nature, with their solution. 82  Chap. 10. 
Of Rivers, Fountains and Springs, their sources and causes. 88    

A TABLE OF THE Third Book.  

OF ARMIES AND BATTLES.  
Sect. 1. 
THat greatest Armies have not always carried away the victory; the reason of it; two examples of Semiramis, and Xerxes. 97  Sect. 2. 
Examples of Greek, Roman, and British Battles, where the fewer number have overcome the greater. 100  Sect. 3. 
Whether it be requisite, that Princes hazard their Persons in field, or not; of the encouragement that their presence giveth to the Soldiers: When a King should venture to the field; and what Lieutenants are to be deputed by him; all exemplified. 102  Sect. 4. 
Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies; and why the Grecians conjoined two in their Embassies: and of the danger of too strict Commissions. 105  Sect. 5. 
Difference between Battles and Duels: that Generals may refuse challenges: with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their wars. 108  Sect. 6. 
That the exploits of our modern Warriors have been every way comparable to those of the Ancient; with some examples to that effect. 111  Sect. 7. 
The different betwixt the ancient manner of warfare, and the modern: how far the modern engines of War exceed those of the ancient greeks and Romans. 113  Sect. 8. 
That the Ancients in their wars had greater opportunities to try their prowess in battle, than the moderns have. 115  Sect. 9 
The manner how the greeks and Romans ordered their battles, both by sea and by land; the battles of Cannas and Trasimenes described. 116  Sect. 10. 
A Maxim in Military discipline, inferred, to confirm Pompey's oversight at the battle of Pharsalia. 119  Sect. 11. 
That the French, what within their own Country and abroad, have fought more battles of late times, than any other Nation; and of their success in them. 120  Sect. 12. 
That Emulation amongst the Princes in France, rather than Religion, was the cause of the many Civillwarres there. 122    

A TREATISE OF DVELS and COMBATS:  
Sect. 1. 
OF Combats by Champions for clearing of Queen's honours: Combats betwixt Ladies; betwixt Churchmen; and betwixt judges: Combatants, rewarded by Kings their spectators; and S. Almachius killed for declaiming against Duels, etc.  Sect. 2. 
A recital of two memorable duels, the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky, and Don Philippin; the other in Spain between Pedro Torrello, and jeronimo Anca, both of Arragon, in the presence of Charles the fifth. 129  Sect. 3. 
How Combats may be thought permissible: the relation of a Combat betwixt jarnacke and Chastigneray, in the presence of King Henry the second of France; citations of the Canon Law against Combats: Examples of a Combat where the innocent was killed: that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duels were permitted, aught to be left to God. 133  Sect. 4. 
Several objections for the toleration of Duels and Combats confuted; Cajetans' opinion of Duels, wherein also the lawfulness of Battles is allowed. 136  Sect. 5. 
Cajetans' reason for referring the event of Battles to Monomachy: where also is inserted the story of the Horatij and Curiatij. 139  Sect. 6. 
That Kings and Generals of Armies, for saving of the greater bloodshed of their Soldiers, have fought single for victories: Examples of both; A quarrel and challenge betwixt the Emperor Charles the fifth, and Francis the first, King of France: how it took no effect. 141  Sect. 7. 
A discourse of a combat, where thirteen French Knights fought against so many Italians; wherein the French were overcome, and some observations thereupon. 144  Sect. 8. 
A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the Highlands of Scotland, (betwixt whom there had been a long and mortal enmity) for the total extirpation of the one of them; fought before King Robert the second, at Perth in Scotland. 147  Sect. 9 
A combat appointed by two French Barons, the one of Gasconie, the other of Poictou, which was taken up of their own accord in the field: the end of this Title. 149    

A TREATISE OF DEATH: And of diverse Orders and Ceremonies of Burials.  
Sect. 1. 
The remembrance of death requisite in all men: Ceremonies for the remembrance of it; some documents against the fear of it: what death julius Caesar wished: of Autocides: of selfe-murtherers, etc. 153  Sect. 2. 
That Christians ought not to fear death, as the Ethnics did. All things, save man, keep their constant course. The uncertainty of man's life. 156  Sect. 3. 
In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients: Of Alexander: of Sylla: How the people of Vraba did use their dead: Customs of Finland, Lapland, Greece, and other places, concerning Burials. 158  Sect. 4. 
Other several Customs of interring the dead amongst Egyptians, Romans, and Indians; that the manner of Christians interrements are preferable to all other. 162  Sect. 5. 
That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funeral ceremonies, as by their Bells, Cymbals, Torches, Processions of order, and the rest: silent obsequies condemned: A story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after death; and the cause thereof. 164    

A TREATISE OF Mental reservation.  
Sect. 1. 
THe Decree of the Council of Constance, That no faith is to be kept with Heretics and enemies, is agitated: the commendation of peace: that a necessary and just war is to be preferred to it: a story of Augustus Caesar. 167  Sect. 2. 
Montall reservation defined. All fraudulency in making peace or taking truce, condemned; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians, Romans, and others. 170  Sect. 3. 
The integrity of the Ancients commended in making peace, and their other pactions. A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose. Graeca fides, what, and wherefore used: Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander, and his Nephew Caesar Borgia, etc. 172  Sect. 4. 
The difference betwixt the ancient and the modern Romans in uprightness of dealing, instanced by a story of Pompey the Great, and Augustus Caesar. 175  Sect. 5. 
Of the breach of faith to enemies: treachery at a siege of Capua: treachery and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a siege of Genoa: the strictness of Generals over common Soldiers exemplified, etc. 176    

A TREATISE OF Laughing and Mourning.  
Sect. 1. 
THe benefits and content that all men reap by the works and labours of Writers and Travellers. 181  Sect. 2. 
Of sudden deaths that have happened unto men amidst their feasting and other jollities, exemplified with stories both sacred and profane. 182  Sect. 3. 
Stories of several worthy and brave men, that upon occasions have shed tears: of the sensible grief of some Horses, Dogs, and Hawks upon the loss of their Masters. 184  Sect. 4. 
Risus Sardonicus, what and how to be taken: Of the holy tear kept in the Abbey Church at Vandesme in France. 187  Sect. 5. 
Of weeping for the dead, how to be moderated. The matter of tears: of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing: moderation in both commended. 188     

A TABLE OF THE fourth Book.  

Of Curiosities, etc.  
Sect. 1. 
THe difference betwixt factions and seditions: a rebellion of the common people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians. Emulation a principal producer of great exploits; the harm that followeth Curiosity, and that Churchmen are not exempt from it. 177  Sect. 2. 
How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church; a recital of some impertinent curiosities in Religion; with some also of Subtilis Scotus, and Thomas Aquinas, etc. 179  Sect. 3. 
A continuation of some other Theological and Metaphysical subtleties and curiosities. 181  Sect. 4. 
Of Curiosities in Logic; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature: to what Heaven the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapped: what place is said to be Abraham's Bosom. 182  Sect. 5. 
The curiosity of the Millenarii; with many other curiosities more frivolous than necessary. 184  Sect. 6. 
That the Planets and other celestial bodies have not that power over the natures of men and women, that Astrologers ascribe unto them: that the stars are innumerable: Of the number and greatness of some in Via lactea: where the centre of the earth is; its circumference. Of Aetna, Hecla, Saint Patrick's hole, and the like. 186  Sect. 7. 
To search out the secrets of Nature allow able, if men be not too curious in them; Eudoxus wish; Plinius killed on the Mountain of Vesuvius: Aristotle drowned in Euripus: Too much curiosity is a plague sent down from heaven on men; the Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of God; how the heathenish Gods were portrayed. 190  Sect. 8. 
Too great curiosities condemned; and a moderation to be used in them prescribed. 193  Sect. 9 
How God disppointeth the expectations of the most curious; and that the most subtle spirits run into greater errors than the meaner do. 194  Sect. 10. 
An inducement to the study and search of the secrets of Nature: Of the Needle in the Sea compass: Of the inundations of the River of Nilus, and from whence it hath its source and beginning: Of the several dispositions of men: Why continual burning Hills and Mountains do not diminish, etc. 190  Sect. 11. 
Of Christopher Columbus his practical curiosity in his discovery of the new World, or America. 199  Sect. 12. 
The conclusion of this Treatise of Curiosity, containing a singular curiosity of Livia, Tiberius Caesar's wife. 203    

Of divine Philosophy, and Man's Felicity.  
Sect. 1. 
THe Sun and Moon in the Heavens compared to the Understanding and Will of Man Aristotle's definition of happiness: The distinction in Understanding and Will; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chief felicity. 205  Sect. 2. 
That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our Will, is confuted: Aristotle's opinion hereupon. A theological solution on it, seconded with a Philosophical; and an agreement of both to solve the difference. 207  Sect. 3. 
Which of the three faculties of the soul, Understanding, Memory, and Will, is the most excellent. 218  Sect. 4. 
Liberty and compulsion defined; that the will is prompted by the understanding, and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence: At what the will and understanding chiefly aim, proved to be the glory of God. 219  Sect. 5. 
That all Philosophical precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity; Philosophical distinctions to know what is good of itself in Sciences; yet all weak to illustrate wherein man's true happiness consisted; which is philosophically agitated. 221  Sect. 6. 
That wealth and honour cannot be esteemed to be our supreme good or felicity, and the reason therefore; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions: Opinions of several Sects of Philosophers concerning felicity, instanced to that effect. 223  Sect. 7. 
The later Philosophers have aimed nearer the definition of true felicity, than the more ancient; and their opinions specified: the final and true scope of man's felicity, is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men, for endeavouring to attain unto it.    

The Consonancy and Agreement of the ancient Philosophers, with our Christian Professors.  
Sect. 1. 
THe difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician, compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and Divine. Some of Plato's opinions not far dissonant from our Christian: The multiplicity of Heathenish gods: that Plato came near the definition of the Trinity. 229  Sect. 2. 
Of God's creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order; Plato's reasons that the world hath a life. Aristotle's opinion of God; he is praised, and at his dying, preferred before many doubtful Christians. 231  Sect. 3. 
Plato's opinion concerning the creation of the world; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes: Opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers, confirming God only to be the Creator of all things. 234  Sect. 4. 
Opinions of Plato, Aristotle and some Hebrews, concerning the world's eternity: the consonancy of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the world's creation. 236  Sect. 5. 
Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures (as we Christians do unto God; with a recapitulation of several consonancies betwixt us and them. 238  Sect. 6. 
Several other opinions wherein the ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians, confirmed by the testimonies of their Poets. 240  Sect. 7. 
Of good and bad spirits; and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good spirits. 242  Sect. 8. 
How near the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits; and in what orders they were divided of old. 243    

OF SLEEP AND DREAMS.  
Sect. 1. 
THat nothing can subsist without sleep or rest; exemplified in the death of Perseus' King of Macedon: The primary and secondary causes of sleep: that a sound conscience is a great motive to sound sleep, proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sons. 245  Sect. 2. 
Examples of Kings and great Commanders, that upon the thoughtfulness of some great exploit or encounter, have been extraordinarily surprised with unusual sleep; and the reasons thereof agitated. 248  Sect. 3. 
Alexander the great his sound sleeping, when he should have encountered Darius in battle, here excused. Cato's sleeping before his death, whereupon is inferred a discourse against self-murder. 249  Sect. 4. 
Of Dreams both Natural, Accidental, Divine, and Diabolical: Apollodorus dream; abraham's, Joseph's, Pharaohs, Nebuchadnezzars', &c. 251  Sect. 5. 
The Emperor Severus his dream of Pertinax; which he caused to be moulded in Brass: An admirable dream of the Emperor Henry the fifth; Cicero's of Octavianus. That beasts dream, but hard labouring men seldom, and the reason thereof, etc. 254     

A Table of the fifth Book, Wherein the READER must conceive, that the Page begins anew, and doth not follow the former computation.  

OF THE NUMBERS THREE and SEVEN.  
Sect. 1. 
Treating briefly of Numbers in general. 1  Sect. 2. 
Containing variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of Three, as of Heaven, and Hell, and of Poetical fictions, and some observations amongst the Romans. 2  Sect. 3. 
Containing some Theological and Moral precepts and observations, redacted under the number of three. 5  Sect. 4. 
Of Politic Government: Of living Creatures; and of duties belonging to men of several professions, as Physicians, judges, and Lawyers, etc. with some Physical observations, all Tripartite. 7  Sect. 5. 
Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven, as of the age of the World, and man's generation. 9  Sect. 6. 
How the seven Planets are said to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man. 11  Sect. 7. 
The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven, what attributes they gave, with some of Hypocrates observations thereon. 13  Sect. 8. 
Of the Seven Wonders of the world. 14  Sect. 9 
A continuation of observations on the number of seven, taken out of holy Scripture. 15  Sect. 10. 
Of the seven great Potentates of the world; of critical days, and climacterick years, with other observations. 16  Sect. 11. 
Of the World's Continuance and Ending. 19    

A TREATISE OF Prodigies and Miracles.  
Sect. 1. 
The definition of Miracles, with their distinction; In what time they were requisite, in what not, etc. 21  Sect. 2. 
Of Prodigies, and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans. 23  Sect. 3. 
A continuation of prodigies which happened in the time of the second Punic War; with many others that were seen under the times of several Consuls of Rome. 26  Sect. 4. 
Of Prodigies that happened during the civil wars betwixt Marius and Sylla; of some in julius Caesar's time; as, at his passing the River of Rubicone, the Pharsalian wars, and at his death, etc. 28  Sect. 5. 
Of Prodigies before the death of Galba, before the destruction of jerusalem, and at the end of the Valeri●n persecution. 29  Sect. 6. 
A continuation of other Prodigies, with a conclusion of this Treatise. 31    

SALAMANDRA▪ OR The Philosopher's Stone.  
Sect. 1. 
THe History of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino. 33  Sect. 2. 
The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter: the different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians: the definition of the Philosophical Stone; the general way and matter whereof it is made. 35  Sect. 3. 
The Author's proposition: the reason of its denomination; opinion of most approved Authors touching it; and of the possibility and factibility of it. 37  Sect. 4. 
That the making of the Philosopher's Stone is less expensive and laborious than many things we both use and wear; why the makers of it every not themselves and others. 39  Sect. 5. 
A general relation of the matters and materials requisite to this Work; and in what time it may be perfected. 41  Sect. 6. 
Of the five degrees whereby the Work is perfectioned, and first how to bring it to Solution. 43  Sect. 7. 
How from Solution to make Coagulation. 44  Sect. 8. 
How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation. 45  Sect. 9 
The way to bring the Work to Fixation. 46  Sect. 10. 
From all the former, how to perfectionate Multiplication. 47  Sect. 11. 
A short recital of some other ways of perfecting it, used by some Filii artis, and why it is called Salamandra. 47    

OF THE WORLD.  
Sect. 1. 
OF the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods; and upon how ill grounds they were settled, 94  Sect. 2. 
Of the several sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen; that they imagined them to be authors of evils; that they were but mortal men: And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature, being, and power of their Gods. 51  Sect. 3. 
Pythagoras' opinion concerning the transmigration of souls rejected; of the coupling of the soul and body together; with several opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soul. 54  Sect. 4. 
The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Belief; that they differed concerning the time of the soul's continuance, and place of its abode; how they thought souls after the separation from the body to be rewarded for good or ill, etc. 56  Sect. 5. 
Philosophical tenants of plurality of Words confuted; of God's Creation of male and female of all living Creatures. 58  Sect. 6. 
Several opinions of several Philosophers concerning the World's Eternity; their natural reasons for approving of it; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquity of the World. 60  Sect. 8. 
The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the World's beginning and matter: the infallible truth of it; and a check of Augustine's against overcurious inquisitors after those and the like mysteries. 64  Sect. 9 
How Philosophers differ from Christians in the ways whereby God is known; the parts whereof the world is composed; the division of the celestial Spheres, wherein several varieties may be observed. 65  Sect. 10. 
The order of the Elements, with some observations of the Air and Water. 70  Sect. 11. 
Of the Earth, that it is the lowest of all the Elements; its division, first into three, then into four parts; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled. 71  Sect. 12. 
Of the different professions of Religion in the several parts of the world: what Countries and Lands are contained within Europe, and what within Asia. 73  Sect. 13. 
With what Religions and Sects all the Eastern and Northern Countries are possessed, and in what places Christianity is most professed, etc. 75  Sect. 14. 
America and the New found-lands briefly described; and some opinions about what time of the year the world had its beginning. 77  Sect. 15. 
Wherein is to be seen some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end. 79  Sect. 16. 
Copernicus' his opinion of the Earth's moving, confuted: Archimedes opinion of the world: an Induction to the following Section. 81  Sect. 17. 
The division of the starry firmament, in twelve hours; of the Power and efficacy that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country: and the maintainers of these opinions confuted: the diverse dispositions of people of several nations, how attributed to the natural disposition of the Planets: An observation of God's Providence. 83  Sect. 18. 
The causes of the Changes of several things as of men, Countries; plots of ground, etc. and that these proceed not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it. 87  Sect. 19 
How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries; and to what Countries the faculties of the soul are attributed. 88    

A general Introduction and incitement to the study of the METAPHYSICS.  
Sect. 1. 
OF the several titles and appellations that have been given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Metaphysic; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it; and finally whereof it principally treateth. 91  Sect. 2. 
The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysic to the other parts of Philosophy; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences. 93  Sect. 3. 
Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysic, inducing all men to the study of it; and setting down some principal ends and uses thereof. 95  Sect. 4. 
The excellency and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysic; that only free and sublime minds, not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this study; and the Reasons wherefore. 96  Sect. 5. 
For three respects the Metaphysic is called the most excellent Science, and the most necessary to be understood by Christians. 99  Sect. 6. 
The first respect, for the universality. 101  Sect. 7. 
The second Respect, for the dignity. That the consideration of the soul of man belongeth to the Metaphysics, with several Reasons for the proof thereof. 102  Sect. 8. 
The third Respect, for the usefulness. Of the great use of Metaphysic is towards the furthering of all Divines, in Controversies, and other things: A Conclusion. 104      

A Table of the principal Authors perused in the Contexture of this book.  

A  
AMbrosius.  
Augustinus.  
Ammianus Marcellinus.  
Alexander ab Alexandre.  
Aristoteles.  
Aristophanes.  
Apuleius.  
Albertus Magnus.  
Aulus Gellius.  
Albertus' Coloniensis.  
Ausonius.  
Aetius.  
Auriliacus Albitegnius.   

B  
Bodinus.  
Buchananus.  
Boe●ius Hist.  
Beroaldus.   

C  
Chrysostomus.  
Cardanus.  
Caietanus  
Cicero.  
Cuspinianus.  
Cornelius Tacitus.  
Cujacius.  
Copernicus' Clavius.  
Chopinus.  
Comineus.  
Catullus.  
Conimbricenses.  
Claudianus.   

D  
Pioniseus Areopagita  
Dion.   

E  
Ennius.  
Elias Vineti.   

F.  
Fernelius.  
Froissard.  
Fonseca.   

G.  
Guicciardin.  
Galen.  
Gensales Ovied●s.   

H  
Hieronimus.  
Horatius.  
Haly Arab.  
Homerus.  
Herodotus.  
Herodianus.  
Hypocrates.  
Herpinus.   

I.  
Irenaus.  
Ius civil & Canon.  
juvenalis.  
justinus Trogus.   

L.  
Lactantius.  
Lucanus.  
Lu●●ius.   

M.  
Montaignes.  
P. Martyr Verini.  
P. Martyr Decad.  
Mercator.  
Martialis.  
P. Matthew Paris.  
Magirus.  
Macrobius.   

N.  
Natalis Comes.   

O.  
Origines.  
Ortelius.  
Onuphrius.  
Ovid.   

P.  
Plato.  
Plinius.  
Plutarch.  
Polybrus.  
Plautus.  
Philo Hebr●●●●,  
Propertius  
Ptolomaus.  
Pierius Hierogli   

Q.  
Quintus Curtius.  
Quintilianus.   

R.  
Riplous.  
Rodiginus.  
Rwius.   

S.  
Seneca Ph.  
Strab●.  
Sophocles.  
Seneca Trag.  
Suettonius.  
Serres.  
Scaliger.  
Suarez.  
Sabellicus.  
Sacraboskus.   

T  
Tertullianus.  
Tibullus.  
Titus Linvius.  
Terentius.   

V.  
Valerius Maximus.  
Vitruvius.  
Virgilius.  
Velleius Paterculus.  
Villamont.  
Vlpranus.  
Volatteranus.   

X.  
Xevophon.    

TO THE READERS OF these Varieties.  
Courteous Reader,  
AS best deserving Precedency I begin at you, whose short Character may be this: One who is accomplished with such endowments as make an excellent man, the meanest whereof would blow up some men with self-conceit, self-love, selfe-praise, and an universal disparaging of others abilities; He hath learned that God distributeth not his gifts to all men, and makes good use of it; for he derideth, despraiseth, nor condemneth any man, nor his works nor actions as being conscious that God might have endued him with that man's spirits, to have produced no more admirable thing: He reads many books; though he may serve for a library himself, yet his censure of these books he measureth by the Author's ability, good intention, and the profits it may yield to meaner Capacities than his, but so discreetly, that his words favour more of Commendation than reproach: In a word, he is one that escapeth not the Venomous bites of the ignorant Rabble, but hath Antidotes against it, Yea he is one, who when he considers my Travels, studies, expenses, and painful observations, and withal that my ten years' travel abroad hath taught me almost to forget my Native Language, and that the importunity of friends made me put this to the view of the world which I thought ever to suppress, as being for the most part composed in the Country, far from the conversation of the learned which is the chief help to the perfectioning of such works; he is one I say, that will then give such a Candid censure of me and it, that the most rigid Critic will be struck dumb from Calumny; But before I leave him, let him give me leave to tell him ingenuously, that to him only I present this work, and promise that ere long he shall be gratified with a present far more worthy of his excellently well qualified goodness. As opposite in all the former expressions to the courteous, I address myself to the carping Reader; He is not a naked but a ragged pretender to all wit and learning and hath a smattering of many some things: He is so conceited of himself that he is not content to discommend some of the parts and members of another man's creature, as not elegant enough or uniformly composed, but will lay most vile and infamous asperations on the whole body of it whilst in his own conscience he finds his to be but prodigious monsters, if ever he had a spark of Promethean fire in him to give a short life to any thing: When he meets with any ignorant men, than the Peacock's tail of ostentation spreads abroad and they silly creatures admire the Variety of its colours even to the disparagement of more perfect and more sweetly singing Birds: but presently that falls, and the most ignorant than perceive the harshness of his note: He feeds all the world with large promises of some rare work to proceed from him ere long, and thereby he so long feeds and drinks; till both he and it and his name do all die: and none to sing his requiem; Now being loath to resuscitate so peccant a humour, I leave him too without an Epitaph in hope never to hear of his succession or his ghost wand'ring after this.  
For the ignorant Reader, he hath such a quality, to make himself appear witty, that he will commend every thing that he doth not understand and so I am sure of his approbation; but Land●●iab indocto vituperari est. Wherefore I leave him to admire and wish for better proficiency. Lastly, to the view of all in general; I expose this book into the world; upon this confidence that if the most discreet and judicious give it but that auspicious approbation, that many worthy and learned gave it before it suffered the Press; for the rest my care is taken; yet shall I to all (but in a different manner) ever be  
A Wellwisher. D. P.   

The Author's Friend to the Book.  
Go venturous book, thyself expose  
To learned men, and none but those;  
For this carping age of ours  
Snuffs at all but choicest flowers,  
Culled from out the curious knots  
Of acquaint writers garden plots;  
These they smell at, these they savour,  
Yet not free from fear, nor favour:  
But if thou wert smeled a right  
By a nose not stuffed with spite,  
Thou to all that learning love  
Mightst a fragrant nosegay prove,  
So content thee, till due time,  
Blazethy worth throughout this Clime.   

To the curious Reader.  
THough in the former leaves you may descry  
The Sum of all this Book, drawn to your eye,  
In succinct perspective; yet if you trace  
A little farther, and survey each place  
As it in all dimensions, colours, Art,  
Is measured out; O! than it would impart,  
That true content that every man enjoys  
Betwixt things Real, and fine painted toys:  
Most Sciences Epitomised here  
Are as the Noon days light set down most clear;  
With other rarities, to yield delight,  
If thou but deign to read the same aright.  
How ere thou think, or speak, my comfort's this,  
They'll speak themselves well, though thou speak amiss.   

ERRATA.  
What Errors have Escaped in this book, either in the Quotations, Omission of Words transplacing, or the like, let them be imputed to the Transcriber, And shall be mended Godwilling.  
PErcurri librum hunc, cui inscriptio est Varieties, etc. nihilque in eo contra Catholicam fidem, aut bonos mores inveni.  
THOMAS WEEKS R. P. D. Epo. Lond. à Sacris.   

The first Book of Varieties. CONTAINING, A DISCOURSE AND DISCOVERY OF some of the Rarest and most Profitable secrets of natural things, whether in Heaven, Aire, Sea, or Earth.  
As of 

The Heavens, Sun, Moon, and Stars, their Matter, Nature, and Effects, etc.  
The Airs Regions, and their effects, etc.  
The Seas saltness, deepness, and motion.  
The Earth's circumference, and distance from the Heavens: by way of Question and Answer.    
The Preface to the following questions; wherein is set down the Praise, Effects, Uses, Ends and Parts of Philosophy.  
SEEING Philosophy (which is the love of Wisdom, and of the knowledge of divine and humane things) by ancient Philosophers and Wise men in their several ages, was accounted not an invention of mortal men, 
The praise of Philosophy▪  but a precious jewel, and an inestimable propine, sent down from the Gods above; Thereby, in a manner, to make men partakers of their divine knowledge: which made the Poets feign Minerva (the patroness and precedent of wisdom) to have issued from Jupiter's brain, and the Muses (nurses of learning) to be his daughters) it is no wonder that Plato in his Timaeo, and M. T. Cicero, do so highly extol the knowledge of it, giving to it the Attributes of the Searcher of virtue, the Expeller, and chaser away of vice, the Director and guider of our lives, the Builder of Cities, Assembler of men, (for before that knowledge, they strayed through Wildernesses like bruit Beasts) the Inventor of Laws, 
Effects of Philosophy.  Orderer of manners, Promover of discipline, Instructor of moral good living, and the mean to attain a peaceable and quiet death. Finally, seeing by it we arrive at the perfect understanding (at least, so far as humane wit can reach) of all the secrets that Mother Nature containeth within her embraces, whether in the Heavens, Air, Seas, Earth, and of all things comprehended within or upon them.  
What time can we better spend here on Earth, than that which we employ in the search of her most delightful instructions? for thereby every sort of men, whether Moralist or Christian, may have his knowledge bettered; 
Uses and ends of Philosophy.  which made Saint Paul, and before him Aristotle confess, that by the knowledge of these visible things we might be brought to the knowledge, admiration, and adoration of our great and powerful GOD, the Maker of Nature; for the knowledge of natural things, and of their causes, leadeth us (as it were) by the hand to the search of their Author and Maker. This the Poet points at, when he sang, Praesentemque refert quaelibet herba Deum.  
There is nothing so mean in Nature, which doth not represent unto us the Image and Power of the Maker; and argue, that none but He could have been their Former. And it is this sort of Knowledge, which properly we call Philosophy, or Physic, which in this Treatise I intent most to handle; and by which, as by one of the principal parts of Philosophy, the reader may have an insight in the Cabals and secrets of Nature.  
The Philosophers and Learned sort reserved, in a manner, to themselves the other parts of Philosophy, as not being so absolutely necessary for all to understand, except a very few, and these pregnant wits only: For Logic, 
Of Logic▪  the first and lowest of all, is but as an Instrument necessary for the other parts, wherewith to serve themselves, by subministring grounds and ways of reasoning, thereby to enforce conclusions of the precedents, which they propounded.  
Metaphysics again, 
Of Metaphysics.  contrary to the Physics, meddleth with things transcendent and supernatural, whereto every reader is not called, and whereof all alike are not capable; 
Of Mathematics▪  neither are the Mathematics befitting every spirit, giving hard essays even to the most pregnant wits, all not being alike capable of the dimensions and mensurations of bodily substances; no more than all are for the Military precepts and Architecture, Printing, Navigation, Structure of Machines', and the like; which are things consisting in Mechanic and Real doings: neither are all alike able for Music, Arithmetic, Astronomy, Geometry, etc. whereas all men as fellow-inhabitants of one World, and the workmanship of one Hand, by an inbred propensenes, with a willing desire are carried to the search of things merely Natural: though, as in a City, Commonwealth, or Principality all indwellers are not alike, neither in honour, dignity, nor charge.  
If in the discovery of these Mysteries and secrets of Nature, 
The Author's Apology.  I answer not the vast expectation of the overcurious; the more modest and discreet Reader will rest satisfied▪ that I infer the most approved Reasons of the more Ancient and Modern Philosophers, and such men as have most Copiously treated of them, thereby to ease thee and all men of the like pains and turmoil, that I have had in the search of these secrets; which if they bring thee that content & satisfaction that I desire and intended for thee; I am assured of a favourable applause, and have the reward I expected.  

Section 1.  
Of the matter whereof the Heavens are composed with the confutation of various opinions of Philosophers concerning it.  
ALthough the world, and all comprehended within its embraces, is the proper subject of Physic, and that physiology is nothing else but a Discourse of Nature, as the Greek Etymology showeth, and so were a fitting discourse for this place; yet because the questions which concern a Christian to know, 
Questions concerning the World.  against the Philosophical conceits; (Of the World's eternity, his pre-existent matter, that it had a beginning, but shall never have an end: if there be more worlds than one? If the world be a living Creature, in respect of the Heavens perennall and incessant rotation, and the Airs continual revolution; the Seas perpetual ebbing and flowing; the Earth's bringing forth, o● conceiving fruit alternatively, etc. Because, I say, these questions of the World, together with these, if there was a World before this which is now? or, if there shall be one after this is consummated? if there be any apart by this?) are handled in the Chapter of the World in this same Book; I pass them for the present, and betake me to the more particular questions more necessary to be known, and less irreligious to be propounded.  
And because the Heavens, of all the parts of the World are most conspicuous, as that wheretoever we bend our eyes, being the most glorious Creature of all the Creator's works; at it I will begin: but as I said, I would always have the Reader to understand that I propound these questions not so absolutely of mine own brain to solve them, 
The way how these questions are propounded.  as to give him a view of the variety of opinions; yea, of the most learned in these high and sublime questions, whereat we may all conjecturally give our opinions, but not definitively, while it please the great Maker to bring us thither, where we may see Him and them more clearly.  
Quest. First then, I ask of what matter are the heavens composed?  
Answ. Divers have been the opinions of Philosophers upon this subject: For Averro in his first book of the heavens, and there in Text 7. and tenth, holds it to be so simple a body that it is free from all material substance; which opinion of his, by this may be refelled, that with Aristotle in the eight book of his Metaph. chap. 2. and in his first book De coelo, and Text 92. What ever things falls under the compass of our senses, these same must be materially substantial: But the heavens are such, and therefore they must be material. Besides that all movable Essences consist of matter and form, as Aristotle in his second book of Physic chap. 1. holdeth. 
Divers opinions of the heaven's substance.  But so it is that the heavens are movable, therefore they cannot be free of matter.  
Quest. Seeing then it is evinced by argument, and concluding reasons, that the heavens do consist of matter; I ask now, what kind of matter are they compounded of?  
Answ. The Philosophic Schools in this point are different: Some of them maintaining, a like matter to be common with them, and the sublunary bodies, that is, that they were composed of the four elements, of which all things here below do exist. Neither lacked there some Sects that gave forth for truth, that the heavens were of a fiery and burning nature, 
What is the true matter & substance of the firmament.  which opinion Aristotle confuteth by many reasons in his first Book, De coelo chap. 3. establishing his own, which have been held for truth not only by his Sectaries the Peripatetics, then; but ever since have been approved; which is, that the matter of the heavens being distinct in nature, from that of the four elements of which all other sublunary things are framed, must be composed of a quintessence; which opinion of his he thus maintaineth against the Platonists and all others who maintained that it was framed of the most pure and mundified part of the four elements: for (saith he) All simple motion which we find in nature, must belong unto some simple body; But so it is that we find a circular motion in nature which no ways appertaineth unto any of the elements, in regard that in direct line, they either fall downward, as the waters and earth; or else they ascend upward, as the air, and fire: And it is certain that one simple body, cannot have more proper and natural motions than one. Wherefore it followeth of necessity, that seeing none of the elements have this circular motion as is before verified, therefore there must be a distinct simple body from them, to which this motion must appertain, and that must be the heaven.  
As for those who enforce identity of matter in kind, betwixt the heavens and these elementary things below, and consequently would involve them under corruption, which is peculiar to all other things; their warrant is of no validity: for although they take upon them, to demonstrate, by their late Astronomical observations in the Aetherian region, new prodigies not observed nor remarkable heretofore, which both Ruvius and the Conimbricenses give forth to proceed from a corruption, and defect of the first cause from whence they flow; They mistake: in so far as they are rather extraordinary works of the great maker, threatening mortals by their frownings, than other ways Symptoms of the Celestial P●r●xysmes and corruption. Neither must you understand that I do so adhere unto the heaven's incorruptibility, that I think it free from all change, but contrarily rest assured that at the last conflagration, it shall suffer a change and novation, but no dissolution, as the low elementary world.  
Quest. You conclude then that the heavens are of a fifth substance, not alembecked out of the four elements, but an element by itself, having it's own motion several from the others which is a circular one?  
Answ. Yea, truly I do.  
Quest. But now seeing all circular motion is such, 
The earth rolled about with the heavens.  that it hath some immovable thing in the middle of it, whereabout it whirleth ever, as we see in a Coach Wheel and the axletree: What is this immovable thing, whereabout the heavens circular rotation, and perpetual motion is?  
Answ. The Globe of the earth, which (whatsoever fond conceit Copernicus had concerning the motion of it) yet remaineth firm and immovable.  
And the heaven doth roll still about this earth, and hath still as much below it as we see round about and above it.   

Sect. 2.  
Of the Stars, their substance and splendour, where also of the Sun's place in the firmament.  
Quest. But I pass from the motion of the heavens, and their matter, which you hold to be a quintessence, and so a thing distinct from the four elements. Now I crave to understand, what is the matter of these twinkling Stars which we see glancing in the face and front of this heaven?  
Answ. Of that same matter whereof the heavens are, 
What is the substance of the stars.  because in simple and not composed bodies their parts do communicate with that same nature, and matter whereof the whole is; so that the heaven being a most simple body, and the Stars, her parts or a part of it, no wonder that they communicate both of one essence; and of this opinion is the Philosopher himself in his second book De coelo. chap. 7.  
Quest. But if so be (as you say) the stars are of a like matter with the body of the heavens; how then is it that they are a great deal more clear and glancing where they appear, than the rest of the heaven is?  
Answ. Because they are the thicker part, and better remassed together, 
What maketh them so clear.  and of a round Spheric form, and so more susceptible of light. Now round they must be, for beside, that we discern them so with our eyes; the Moon, and Sun, are found to be round. But so it is, that all Stars are of a like form and matter, but the lesser and the bigger differ only by the lesser or greater quantity of their matter condensed, or conglobed together.  
Quest. But whether do they shine with their own innate or inbred light, or is their splendour borrowed from any other beside?  
Answ. Some such light they have of their own, howbeit but little, whatsoever Scaliger saith to the contrary in his sixty two exercitation.  
But indeed, the brightness of the Stars light floweth from the Sun, the fountain of all light, and that this is either lesser or more, according to their diversity of matter, and their equality and inequality, there is no question: For which cause the Sun is placed in the midst of all the movable Stars, 
The Sun placed amidst the Planets & why.  as in the midway betwixt the starry firmament, and the first region of the air, from thence to communicate his light unto all; so that those which are nearer unto him above, and to us below, do seem brighter than these higher above; as may be seen in Venus, Mercury, and Luna.   

Sect. 3.  
Of the Moon, her light, substance, and Power over all sublunary bodies.  
Quest. NOw resolve me, if the Moon hath not more light of herself then the rest?  
Answ. Yea she hath a glimpse of light indeed of herself, but that is dim and obscure; as may be seen in the sharp-new (as we say:) but as for the fullness of that light wherewith she shineth unto us at the quarters or full, 
What light the Moon thineth with.  she borroweth that from the Sun. But we may better conceive the weakness of her light in her eclipses; when the earth's shadow, interposed betwixt the Sun and her directly, vaileth and masketh her face; which then appeareth blackishly brown, yet not altogether destitute of light. Now as the light of the Sun is the fountain of warmness by day; even so, no question, but the winter and Summer nights, are at a full Moon warmed more, then during the first or last quarters.  
Quest. But is it true which is usually reported, that in the body of the Moon there be mountains, and valleys, and some kind of spiritual creatures inhabiting; which Palingenius an Italian Poet describeth at length?  
Answ. It is certain, and our Mathematicians have found out, that in the Moon there are some parts thicker, some thinner, which make her face not to look all clear alike; 
what signifieth the black spots in the face of the Moon.  for that dimmer blackness in the middle of it (vulgarly called the Man in the Moon) is nothing else but a great quantity of the Moon's substance not so transparent as the rest, and consequently less susceptible of light: which black part of it, with other spots, here and there Plinius lib. 2. cap. 9 of his Natural history taketh to be some earthly humours attracted thither by her force, and attractive power; which I hardly give way to, in respect of the weakness of her force to draw to her any heavy dull and earthly humour, which never transcend the regions of the air, above all which the Moon is.  
Quest. Now finally, hath the Moon no power over particular sublunary bodies? for I hear much of the influence and power of the Planets over the bodies of Men, Beasts and Plants.  
Answ. As for the power and efficacy of the other Planets over us, I have something in the title of Necromancy. As for the Moon's power experience showeth, that the ebbs and flows of the Sea, (how different so ever the Coasts be) depend totally and constantly on the full and change of the Moon; 
The Moon's power over sublunary bodies.  for accordingly her waters swell, or decrease. Moreover the brains and marrow in the bones of Man and beast do augment or diminish as the Moon increaseth, or waneth, as do likewise the flesh of all shell fishes. Daily experience too hath taught your Pruners of trees, gelder's of cattle, gardener's and the like, to observe the Moon's increase, and decrease: all which is strongly confirmed by Pliny in his second book De Historia animalium, and Aristotle lib. 4. cap. 41. De generatione animalium.   

Sect. 4.  
Of the Element of Fire, whether it be an Element or not, and of its place.  
Quest. LEaving the heavens, their number, matter, Sun, Moon and Stars, I come lower unto the four Elements whereof the Philosophers will all things below the Moon to be framed and made. First, 
Reasons that there is not an lement of fire.  than I adhere to Cardan and Volaterans' opinion, that betwixt the sphere of the Moon, and the first region of the air, where the Philosopher's place this fire to be, which they make the first element, it cannot be, and so that it cannot be at all; because, that if it were there, we should see it with our eyes; for the Comets, and these lancing Dragons, and falling Stars, etc. whereof many are neighbours with this Ignean-sphere, we visibly see, and the fires which burn on earth also.  
Answ. There is not a point of Philosophy, which if you read judiciously, and peruse the Authors treating thereupon, but you shall find such controversy, concerning the establishing of it amongst themselves, that one to an hundred if you find two or three jump together.  
Quest. But yet as a Mirror or Glass giveth way unto divers faces, 
Comparison of a Mirror to variety.  and representeth unto every one their own visage, although never so far different from other, while it of itself remaineth unchanged or unaltered: So it is with truth, how different soever the opinions be of the searchers out of it in any Science; yet this verity itself abideth in them all, and is always one and alike in itself: and so in this point, what ever be Volateran or Cardan's opinion, yet sure it is, that the Element of fire is there; and the cause why it is not seen as are our material, and grossly composed fires, of all the Elements mixed together; is the pureness, subtleness, and simplicity (if I may say so) of that Element. Which reason may serve too against them when they say, that if it were there, it should burn all about. And which, likewise, may serve for answer to the objection of the Comets, which are seen: 
Why Comets are seen and not the Element of fire.  seeing they are of a terrestrial malign exhalation, and so having in them that earthly mixture, and being inflamed by the neighbour-heate of that fiery Element; no wonder though they be seen, and not it; her subtle pureness being free of all combustible matter, and so the less conspicuous to our eyes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive perspicuum, nisi condensetur, est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quia visum non terminat, jul. Scal. Exer. 9  
There is no such question about the second Element which is the Air: for of it all agree, that it hath three regions wherein all these you call Meteors are fashioned, as clouds, hail, snow, thunder, wind, and dew; yea, and higher than all these, in the first and supreme Region these blazing Comets, although other men place them above the Moon, which are so formidable to ignorants who know not the causes of their matter.  
Quest. Is this so as you give it forth?  
Answ. It is of verity, that the first Element which we call the Element of fire, is disputable, and hath been denied by many: but as for the Air, none (to my knowledge) ever called it in question; neither is there in all our Philosophy a subject more fitting a man of spirit to know, 
Knowledge of Meteors fit for men of spirit.  than the discourse of the Meteors therein framed; of all which, although you have a tractate hereafter, by itself, yet one word here more to make you understand their nature, and matter, the better.   

Section 5.  
A brief Discourse of Meteors, of their causes, matter, and differences.  
THE great Creator hath so disposed the frame of this Universe, in a constant harmony, and sympathy amongst the parts of it; that these Heavenly Lights, which we see, above our heads, have their own force, power, and influence, upon this Earth, and Waters, whereon, and wherein we live; marrying (as it were) these two so far distant Creatures, both in place and nature, by the mediation of this Air above spoken of; which participateth of both their qualities; warmness from the Heavens, and moistness from the Earth and Waters. Nature then, but Melior naturâ Deus, or GOD, better than Nature, hath ordained the Sun, Fountain of light and warmth, to be the physical or natural cause, yea, and the remotest cause, (as we say in the Schools) of these Meteors; 
The remotest cause of Meteors.  as Aristotle himself in his first Book of his Meteors, cap. 2. observeth.  
When I speak of the Sun as most principal, I seclude not the Stars, and these celestial bodies, which rolling about in a perennall whirling and rotation, do lance forth their power upon the Earth also. 
The nearest cause.  The nearest Physical or natural cause again, must be understood to be cold and heat; heat from these heavenly bodies, to rarify or attenuate the vapours of the Earth, whereby they may be the easier evaporated by the Sun; or heat, to draw fumes and vapours from the Earth upward; cold again, to condensate and thicken those elevated vapours in the Air; to thicken them, I say, either in clouds, rain, or snow, or the rest.  
Thus, 
Their remotest matter.  as the Meteors have a twofold cause as you have heard, so have they a two fold matter. The first and remotest, are the two Elements, but of them chiefly Earth, and Water: the nearer cause or matter are exhalations extracted from these former two. Which exhalations I divide in fumes and vapours: fumes being a thin exhalation hot and dry, elevated from the Earth; and that of their most dried parts, by the virtue of the heavenly Stars, and the Sun's warmness elevated, I say, by the virtue and warmness of the Sun and Stars, from the driest parts of the Earth, even the Element of fire, from whence, and of which, our Comets, fiery-Darts, Dragons, and other ignean Meteors do proceed; although later Astronomers have found and give forth, some of the Comets formation to be above the Moon.  
Whereas vapours are exhalations, 
Matter and cause of the moist Meteors.  thicker, and hotter, swifter drawn up from the Seas and Waters by the power of the Sun and Stars; of which vapours, thither elevated, are framed, our reins, snow, hail, dew, wherewith (they falling back again) the Earth is bedewed and watered: When, I say, that these vapours are hot and moist; think it not impossible, although the waters, their mother, be cold and moist; for that their warmness is not of their own innate nature, but rather accidental to them by virtue of the Sun and Stars warmness; by whose attractive power, as the efficient cause, they were elevated. Now then as of fumes, elevated to the highest Region of the Air, the fiery Meteors are composed: so of their watery vapours which are drawn no higher than the middle Region, proceeds rain, clouds, snow, hail, and the rest; or if they pass not beyond this low Region wherein we breath, they fall down into dew, or in thick mists.  
Thus you see, 
Difference betwixt fumes and vapours.  that these vapours are of a middle or mean nature, betwixt the Air and the Waters; because they resolve in some one of the two easily; even as fumes are medians betwixt fire and earth, in respect that they are easily transmuted or changed in the one or the other.  
And thus as you have heard the efficient and material causes of Meteors: 
Great differences of the Meteors.  So now understand that their form dependeth upon the disposition of their matter, for the material dissimilitude, either in quantity, or quality, in thickness, thinness, hotness, dryness, abundance, or scarcity, and so forth, begetteth the Meteor itself, different in species and form, as if you would say, by the abundance of hot and dry exhaled fumes, from the Earth, and the most burnt parts thereof are begot the greater quantity of Comets, winds, thunders; and contrary-wayes by the abundance of moist vapours, elevated by the force of the Sun from the Seas and waters, we judge of abundance of rain, hail, or snow, or dew, to ensue, according to the divers degrees of light in the Airy Region whither they are mounted.  
Now, when I said before, that hot exhaled fumes are ever carried aloft, to the highest Region of the Air; take it not to be so universally true, but that at times, they may be inflamed even in this low Region of ours here; and that through the Sun's deficiency of heat, for the time: for as the uppermost Region is always hot, the middle always cold, so is the lower, now hot, now cold, now dry, and again moist, according to the Sun's access, or recess from it, 
What are our S. Anthony's fires.  as Aristotle, lib. 1. Meteo. cap. 3. noteth. And of this sort are these even visible inflammations, which in the Seas are seen before any storm, flaming and glancing now and then, as I myself have seen; yea, and sometimes upon the tops of Ships masts, Stern, and Poop, or such as in dark nights now and then are perceived to flutter about Horse-meines and feet, or amongst people gone astray in dark nights. And these our Meteorologians call Ignes fatui & ignes lambentes, wilde-fires.   

Sect. 6.  
That the earth and waters make but one globe, which must be the Centre of the world. Of the Seas saltness, deepness, flux, and reflux; why the mediterranean & Indian Seas have none; Of Magellanes straight, what maketh so violent tide there, seeing there is none in the Indian Sea from whence it floweth. Of the Southern Sea or Mare deal Zur.  
THus then leaving the Air, I betake me unto the third and fourth elements, which are the earth and waters; for these two I conjoin in the Chapter of the world, and that after the opinion of the most renowned Cosmographers, howbeit Plinius Lib. 2. Naturalis Histor, cap. 66. and with him Strabo lib. 1. distinguish them so, as they would have the waters to compass the earth about the middle, 
The earth and waters not se●cred like the other elements but linked together.  as though the one half of it were under the waters, and the other above, like a bowl or Apple swimming in a vessel: for indeed Ptolomee his opinion is more true, that the earth and waters, mutually and linkingly embrace one another and make up one Globe, whose centre should be the centre of the world.  
But here now I ask, 
Quest.  seeing the frame of the universe is such that the heaven circularly encompasseth the low spheres, each one of them another, these the fire, it the Air, the air again, encompasseth the waters; what way shall the water be reputed an element if it observe not the same elementary course, which the rest do, which is, to compass the earth also, which should be its elementary place?  
Answer. True it is, that the nature of the element is such; but GOD the Creator hath disposed them other ways, and that for the Well of his Creatures upon earth. Who, as he is above nature and at times, can work beyond, and above it, for other ways the earth should have been made improfitable, either for the production or entertainment of living and vegetable Creatures, if all had been swallowed up and covered with waters; 
Why the waters are not about the earth▪  both which now by their mutual embracing they do: hence necessarily it followeth, that the Sea is not the element of water, seeing all elements are simple and unmixed creatures, whereas the Seas are both salt, and some way terrestrial also.  
How deep hold you the Sea to be? 
Quest.   
Answ. Proportionably shallow or deep; as the earth is either stretched forth in valleys or swelling in mountains, and like enough it is, that where the mouth of a large valley endeth at the Sea, that shooting as it were itself forth into the said Sea, that there it should be more shallow than where a tract of mountain's end; or shall I say that probably it is thought that the Sea is as deep or shallow below, as commonly the earth is high in mountains, and proportionably either deep or shallow as the earth is either high in mountains or low and stretched forth in valleys?  
But what reason can you render for the Seas saltness? 
Quest.   
Answer. If we trust Aristotle in his 2 book of Meteors and 3. as he imputeth the ebbing and flowing of the Sea to the Moon, so he ascribeth the cause of its saltness to the Sun, by whose beams the thinnest and sweetest purer parts of it, are extenuated and elevated in vapours, whilst the thicker and more terrestrial parts (which are left behind by that same heat) being adust become bitter and salt; which the same Author confirmeth in that same place before cited, by this, that the Southern Seas are salter, and that more in Summer, than the others are; and enforceth it by a comparison in our bodies, where our urine by him is alleged to be salt in respect that the thinner and purer part of that moistness, by our inborn warmness is conveyed and carried from our stomach (wherein by our meat and drink it was engendered) through the rest of the parts of our body: Neither leaveth he it so, but in his Problems Sect 23. & 30. for corroboration hereof he maintaineth, that the lower or deeper the Sea-water is, it is so much the fresher, and that because the force of the Sun's heat pierces and reaches no further, than the Winter Cold extendeth its force for freezing of waters unto the uppermost superfice only, and no further.  
If it be true then that the Seas are salt, wherefore are not lakes and rivers by that same reason, salt also?  
Answer. Because that the perpetual running and streams of rivers in floods hindereth that, 
Why lakes and running floods are not salt.  so that the sun beams can catch no hold to make their operation upon them: and as for lakes, because they are ever infreshed with streams of fresh springs which flow and run into them, they cannot be salt at all: the same reason almost may serve to those who as●● what makes some springs savour of salt, 
Why some fountains savour of brass, or salt, etc.  some vitrio●●●●e of brimstone, some of brass and the like? To which nothing can be more pertinently answered, then that the diversity of minerals through which they run, giveth them those several tastes.  
What have you to say concerning the cause of the flowing and ebbing of the Sea? 
Quest.   
Answ. To that, all I can say is this, that Aristotle himself for all his cunning was so perplexed in following that doubt, 
Of the Seas ebbing and flowing.  that he died for grief because he could not understand it aright, if it be truth which Coelius Rhodiginus lib. 29. antiquarum lectionum cap. 8. writeth of him; it is true indeed (yea and more probable) that many ascribe the cause of his death to have been a deep melancholy contracted for not conceaving the cause aright of the often flowing and ebbing of Euripus a day, rather than to the not knowing the true cause of the Seas ebbing and flowing chiefly, seeing Meteor. 2 & 3. he ascribeth it to the Moon the mother and nurse of all moist things; which is the most received opinion, and warranted with the authority of Ptolomee and Plinius both, as depending upon her magnetic power, being of all Planets the lowest, and so the nearer to the Sea; which all do acknowledge to be the mistress of moisture, and so no question but to it it must be referred, which may be fortified with this reason. That at all full Moons and changes, the Seas flowing and swelling is higher than at other times, and that all high streams and tides are observed to be so, seeing the Moon doth shine alike upon all Seas, what is the cause that the Mediterranean Sea, together with the West Indian-Seas, all along Hispaniola and Cuba and the Coasts, washing along the firm Land of America, to a world of extent, hath no ebbing nor flowing, but a certain swelling, not comparable to our Seas ebbing and flowing?  
Answ. Gonsalus Ferdinando Oviedes observation in his History of the West-Indian-Seas, 
Why the Mediterranean & West-Indian Seas have no flux or reflux.  shall solve you of that doubt; and this it is, He compareth the great Ocean to the body of a man, lying upon his back, reaching his trunk from the Pole Arctic (from the North and East) to the Antarctic, South & West; stretching forth the left Arm to the Mediterranean, the other to the West-Indian-Seas; now the Ocean (as the lungs of this imagined body) worketh, by Systole and Diastole on the nearer parts to it, & maketh a flux and reflux where its force faileth in the extremities, the hands and feet, the Mediterranean and Indian Seas.  
Quest. How is that possible; 
Of Magellanes Strait, what maketh so violent a tide there.  that you admit no flux nor reflux to the West-Indian-Seas; seeing their Histories inform us, that at Magellanes-strait, that same West Sea doth glide through the firm land of America, into the Mare Del Zur, and that with such rapiditie and vertiginousnesse, that no Ship is able with Wind or Art to return from that South-Sea backward?  
Answ. That must not be thought so much a flowing as the course of Nature, whereby the Heavens, Sun, Moon, and Stars, yea, and the Sea, do course from East to West, as that Straight doth run. I may join to this the Easterly-wind which of all others bloweth most commonly (as elsewhere) so there also, which furthereth that violent course: and of this opinion is Peter Martyr in his Decades upon the History of that Country.  
Quest. Admit all be true you say: 
Why the Mare Del Zur hath flux, and not the neighbouring Sea.  but what have you to say to this, that the Mare Del Zur hath flux and reflux, and yet your West-Indian-Seas have little or none, as you confess? how then can the Moon be the cause of the universal Seas ebbing and flowing, seeing they two under one Moon both, are nevertheless so different in Nature, and yet so near in place?  
Answ. Seeing Ferdinando Oviedes, who was both Cosmographer & Hydographer leaveth that question undilucidated, as a thing rather to be admired than solved, leaving to the Reader thereby (in a manner) to adore the great Maker, in the variousnes of his works; I think much more may I be excused not to pry too deeply in it.  
Quest. What is the cause then, seeing the Moon is alike in power over all waters, that Lakes and Rivers flow not and ebb not as well as the Sea doth?  
Answ. Because these waters are neither large nor deep enough for her to work upon, and so they receive but a small portion of her influence.  
Quest. What is the reason? why, seeing the Sea is salt, 
Why Lakes & Rivers ebb not nor flow not.  that the Rivers and Fountains which flow from her (for we all know that the Sea is the Mother of all other waters) as to her they run all back again (exinde fluere, saith the Poet, & retro sublapsareferri) are not salt likewise?  
Answ. Because the Earth through whose veins and conduits these waters do pass to burst forth thereafter in springs, cleanseth and mundifieth all saltness from them as they pass.  
It seemeth that your former discourse maketh way for answer to such as ask, 
Why the Sea w●xes never more nor less for all the waters run to and from it.  why the Sea doth never debord nor accreace a whit, notwithstanding that all other waters do degorge themselves into her bosom, the reason being, because there runneth ever as much out of her to subministrate water to springs and rivers, as she affordeth them.  
But is it possible which is reported that our late Navigators have found by experience, 
Quest.  that the Seas water so many fathoms below the superficies is fresh so that now they may draw up waters to their ships by certain wooden or rather iron vessels, 
If the Seas be fresh some fathoms below he superfice.  which ovally closed, do slide through the first two or three fathoms of the salted superfice down to the fresh waters, where artificially it opens, and being filled, strait shutteth again, and so is drawn up, which they report to have but small difference in taste from the waters of fresh Rivers, which (if it be true) is a strange, but a most happily discovered secret.  
Answ. Yea it is possible, for probably it may be thought, that the Sun's rays which before are granted to be the cause of the Seas saltness, penetrate no further than the first superfice; like as on the contrary the coldness of the Northern winds freezeth, but the uppermost water congealing them into Ice; or the reason may better be the perpetual and constant running and disgolfing of Rivers, brooks and springs from the earth into it: And verily I could be induced to think the Mediterranean sea, the Sound of Norwey, and such like which lie low, and are every where encompassed with the higher land except where they break in from the greater Ocean, 
The probability, that certain Seas may be fresh low.  that such Seas should be fresh low, in regard of the incessant currents of large Rivers into them, and in respect they do not furnish water back again to the springs, rivers, and fountains, seeing they are low beneath the earth; yea it hath troubled many brains to understand what becometh of these waters which these Seas daily receive: but it cannot be received for possible, that the waters of the great Ocean are fresh, at least drinkably fresh under the first two or three fathoms, it being by God in natures decree made salt for portablenesse.   

Sect. 7.  
That the Mountains and valleys dispersed over the earth, hindereth not the Completeness of its roundness: Of burning mountains, and Caves within the earth.  
But leaving the Sea, 
Quest.  thus much may be demanded concerning the earth, why it is said to be round? since there are so inaccessible high mountains and such long tracts of plain valleys scattered over it all?  
Answ. These mountains and valleys are no more in respect of the earth to hinder its roundness, than a little fly is upon a round bowll, or a nail upon a wheel to evince the rotundity of it, for the protuberances of such knobs deface not the exact roundness of the whole Globe, as not having a comparable proportion with it.  
But what signify these burning mountains so frightful to men, which may be seen in several places of the earth; as that of Island called Hecla, in Sicily called Aetna, besides the burning hills of Naples which I have seen, one in Mexico in our new found lands of America so formidable as is wonderful: If the earth be cold as you give it forth to be; then how can these mountains burn so excessively; or if they be chimneys of hell venting the fire which burneth there in the centre of the earth, or not?  
Answ. No question, but as there are waters of diverse sorts, 
Reason for the burning hill's which are in diverse Countries.  some sweet, others salt, and others sulphureous, according to the mineral veins they run through; right so there be some parts of the earth more combustible than others, which once being inflamed and kindled either by the heat of the Sun's beams, or by some other accident, and then fomented by a little water (which rather redoubleth the heat than extinguisheth it; as we see by experience in our farrier's or smith's forges, where to make their coals or charco ales burn the bolder, they bedew or besprinkle them with water) they hold still burning, the sulphureous ground ever subministrating fuel to the inflammation. But they and the like do not hinder the earth's being cold, no more, than one or two Swallows make not the spring of the year.  
But yet, if so be the earth be so solid and massy as you say it is, and that it admitteth no vacuity; How and whence proceed these terrible earthquakes, tremble, palpitations, to the overwhelming of Cities, shaking of Towers and steeples, etc.  
Answ. No question but as these are commonly prodigies and forerunners of God's wrath to be inflicted upon the Land where they happen, 
The true cause of earthquakes.  as may be seen in the second book of the Kings chap. 22. Commota est, & contremuit terra, & quoniamiratus est Dominus; So some way lack not their own natural causes: and they be chiefly comprehended in one for all, 
The comparison of the earth and man's a body.  and this is it, that the earth is not unfitly compared unto a living man's body, the rocks and stones whereof are his bones, the brooks and rivers serpenting through it, the veins and sinews conveying moistness from their fountains unto all the members; the hollow of our bowels and of the trunk of our bodies, to the vast and spacious caverns and caves within the body of this earth (and yet these not hindering the massiness of the earth, for where earth is, it is massy indeed) within the which hollow of our bodies our vicious winds are enclosed, which if they have no vent, presently they beget in us Iliak passions, colics, etc. whereby our whole body is cast into a distemper and disturbed; even as the winds enclosed in these caverns, and hollow subterranean places, pressing to have vent, and not finding any, making way to themselves, do then beget these earthquakes. And of this opinion is Aristotle lib. 2. Meteor. cap. 7.   

Sect. 8.  
Of time, whether it be the Producer or Consumer of things: of the wisdom, and Sagacity of some Horses, and Dogs: How the Adamant is Mollified of the needle in the Sea compass: and the reason of its turning always to the North.  
SEeing there is nothing more properly ours, than time, and seeing it is the eldest daughter of nature; How is this, that you Philosophers bereave us of our best inheritance saying that there no time at all: in respect (say you) the time past, is gone, the future and time to come is not yet, 
Reason's why there is no time▪  and the time present is ever gliding and running away, yea and your Aristotle calleth it but a number of motions: seeing than it consisteth but of parts not having a permanent being, it cannot be said to be at all, say you.  
Answ. Our true Philosopher's reason not so, it is but our Sophists who by their ensnaring captions do cavil thus, therefore take heed of the subdolousnesse of their proposition, 
The Reasons confuted.  which is not universally true: for admit that maxim might hold, concerning the standing and not standing of a thing in its parts, in subjects material essential and permanent, yet it must not evert things of a fluid and successanean nature, such as time is: and whereas they say that the parts of time are not, they mistake; in so far as time is to be measured by now, which the greeks do term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which ever existeth, and by which indeed time is said properly to have existence.  
Quest. What things hold you to be in Time? or whether is Time the consumer, or the producer of things?  
Answ. To the first, 
What things are said to be in Time.  with Aristotle, I understand only such things to be in Time as are subject to mutations, changes, risings, and fall, such as are all natural things below the Sphere of the Moon; by which means, things sempiternal wanting both beginning and ending, whose diuturnity cannot be measured by time, cannot fall under it.  
2. Ans. To the second, whether Time be the producer or consumer of things; I answer, that as in the contravertible points of Philosophy our learned disagree amongst themselves; so herein they agree not aright; indeed Aristotle (whom customably we all follow) in his 8. Cap. lib. 4. Physician, will have Time rather to be the cause of the ruin and decay of all things, and that by virtue of its motion, by which sublunary bodies are altered and corrupted, rather than of their rising, increase, or growing. And with him many of our Poets, 
Tempus edax rerum, 
Aristotle's opinion, that Time is the ruin of things how to be expounded.  tuque invidiosa vetust as  
Omnia conteritis,— and again,  
Omnia fert aetas, animum quoque, etc.  
Tempora labuntur, tacitisque senescimus annis,  
Et fugiunt (fraeno non remorante) dies.   
To which opinion of Aristotle Cardan adhereth, calling Time the Author of life and death: but as julius Scaliger hath refuted diverse of his opinions in his exercitation, 352. not without reason hath he confuted this also, making Time to be an accidental cause of the decay of things; for beside Time there must be causa agens which is the Law of Nature engrafted in all things living, moving, creeping, vegetating, by which they tend to ruin: as sin in Man (besides his natural corruption) is, and must be thought the Author of his death.  
Now seeing your Philosophy admitteth no other difference betwixt Men and Beasts, 
Quest.  but the use of reason, wherewith we are endued above them; how will you term those many reasonable things performed by Beasts, whereof our Histories are full: as that of Bucephalus of Alexander the Great, 
Of the wittiness of Dogs ●nd Horses.  who would suffer none to back him but his Master, though never so artificially disguised in his apparel; julius Caesar his Horse likewise, who at his death was observed to fast so long, is remarkable: and that of Nicomedes, who because his Lord was killed in the field, choosed rather to dye starving for hunger, than to survive him: Stories of the sagacity of Dogs, books are fully replenished with; the example of one only shall suffice; This Dog being with his Master, 
Of the love of a Dog to his Master.  when a Robber killed him for his purse, and had flung him into a River that he might not be found again, did first leap into the River after his dead Master, and then upon his shoulders bore up his head so long, as any breath was remaining within him, thereafter discerning him to be dead, strait follows the rogue by his scent to the City, finds him, and incessantly barketh at him whithersoever he went; while at length, his Master being miss, and the Rogue under suspicion of robbery, and the Dogs violent pursuing the fellow drew the people into a jealousy of the murder: whereupon the robber being called before a judge, 
Discourse of a Dog's memory.  after due examination confessed the murder, was condemned, & died for the fact. Now I demand, if these and the like doings of Beasts be not founded upon reason whereof we men brag as of a greater prerogative above them?  
Answ. No ways; for we must distinguish betwixt actions of true reason, such as ours are; and these which are done by a natural instinct or sensitive faculty of sagacity, use and custom, but most especially, from that which is a near tying bond even amongst the cruelest of Beasts, a perpetual resenting of a good turn received; as is manifest in the example of the Lion, 
Distinction between things done by reason and a natural inclination.  who not only saved the life of that poor condemned caitive, who fled into his den and cave, because he pulled out of his paw the thorn which molested him, but likewise fed him, by kill beasts of all sorts and bringing them unto him; whereof Gellius at length; and out of him Du Bartas.  
If I should follow forth here all other questions of Nature's secrets, the task were long and tedious, and peradventure, less pleasant to the Reader, than painful to me: as why, the Adamant-stone which (of its own nature) is so hard, that neither fire nor Iron can bruise or break it, is nevertheless broke in pieces in a dishfull of hot Goates-bloud, soft blood being more powerful than hard Iron? Whether fishes do breath or not, seeing they have no lungs the bellowes of breath? What can be the cause of the Lodestones attractive power to draw Iron unto it? Why, some Plants and Herbs ripen sooner than others? Or what makes a member of a Man or Beast being cut from the body, to dye presently; and yet branches of trees cut off will retain their lively sap so long within them? 
That certain plants & herbs will grow hi●dlier together than others.  Whether or not there be such affinity, and to say love amongst plants and herbs, that some will more fruitfully increase, being set, planted, or sown, together, then when mixed amongst others, according to that of the Poet, 
Vivunt in Venerem frondes, omnisque vicissim  
Felix arbor amat, nutant ad mutua palmae  
Foedera, populeo suspirat populus ictu, etc.   
To which questions, & some others hereafter to be handled, for me to give answer, were no less presumption and foolhardiness, than a demonstration of my grosser ignorance; since, Cardan and Scaliger are so far from agreement in these matters, as may be seen in Scaligers Exercitations; yet having propounded these questions, and to say nothing of my own opinion touching the solution of such Riddles (as we call them) were someway an imputation; and I might be equally blamed with those who lead their neighbour upon the Ice, and leave him there; wherefore thus I adventure.  
And first, why the Adamant which for hardness is able to abide both the force of the fire, and dint of any hammer, yet being put in Goates-bloud, parteth asunder.  
Answ. Howbeit Scaliger in his 345. Exercitation Sect. 8. giveth no other reason than that absolutely, it is one of the greatest miracles and secrets of Nature; and therein refuteth their opinions, who allege the Analogy and agreement of the common principles of Nature; which are common to the blood and to the Adamant together, 
The true cause how the hard Adamant is dissolved in a dish of Goat's blood.  to be the cause; yet I think for my own part, that if any natural reason may be given in so hidden a mystery, it may be this; That Goats (as we all know) live and feed usually on cliffy Rocks whereon herbs of rare piercing and penetrative virtues and qualities grow; (neither is the derivation of that herbs name Saxifrage other, than from the power it hath to break stones asunder) Goats then, feeding on such rockie-herbes as these, no wonder that their blood having Analogy and proportion to their food, be penetrative, and more proper to be powerful in virtue, than otherways convertible in fatness, for we see them of all grazing Beasts the leanest.  
Quest. Now by what power draweth the Loadstone Iron unto it?  
Answ. Aristotle in the 7th. Book of his Physics which almost all other Philosophers do affirm, 
What maketh the Loadstone draw Iron.  That the Loadstone attracteth Iron unto it by their similitude and likeness of substances; for so you see they are both of a like colour: and that must be the cause how the false-Prophet Mahomet, his Chest of Iron, wherein his bones are, doth hang miraculously unsupported of any thing, because either the penned or some vertical stone of the Vault where it is kept, is of Loadstone: and thus with julius Scaliger, Exercitatione, 151. I disallow Caspar Bartholinus his opinion, who allegeth that the Loadstone doth not merely and solely by its attractive faculty draw Iron unto it, but for that it is nourished and fed by Iron; for nothing more properly can be said to feed, than that which hath life. Therefore, etc.  
Here also it will not be amiss to add the reason why the Needles of Sea-compasses (as these of other Sun-dyals') being touched by the Loadstone, do always turn to the North; 
What maketh the Needle in a Sea compass turn ever to the North.  and this is the most received; That there is under our North-Pole a huge black Rock under which our Ocean surgeth and issueth forth in four Currants, answerable to the four corners of the Earth, or the four winds, which place (if the Seas have a source) must be thought to be its spring; and this Rock is thought to be all of Loadstone; so that by a kind of affinity (it would seem) by a particular instinct of nature, it draweth all other such like stones or other metals touched by them towards it. So that the reason of the Needles turning to the North in Compasses is that Nigra rupes of Loadstone lying under our North Pole: which by the attractive power it hath, draweth all things touched by it, or it's alike thither.   

Section 9  
Of Fishes, if they may be said to breath, seeing they lack pulmons: Of flying fishes, if such things may be, etc. which are the reasons of their possibility, are deduced, exemplified.  
Quest. BUT whether and after what manner can Fishes be said to breath, seeing they have no lungs, the bellowes of breath?  
Answ. This question hath been agitated many Ages ago, both pro & contra, as we say; Arist. cap. 1. De respiratione, denying that they can breathe: Plato and diverse others of his Sect affirming the contrary: they who maintain the negative part do reason thus; Creatures that want the Organs and Instruments of breathing, 
Reason's pr● and contra that fishes breath.  cannot be said to breath or respire; but such are all fishes, therefore, etc.  
The opposites on the other side do thus maintain their breathing; all living creatures not only breath, but so necessarily must breathe that for lack of it they die, as experience showeth: nay, that the very infects, or (as you would say) demi-creatures, they must breathe: but fishes are living Creatures, therefore they must breathe. The Aristotelians answering this, distinguish the major proposition, restraining the universality of it but to such Creatures as live in the Air, whereas there is no Air in the water, the nature of it not admitting place for Air as the Earth doth, which being opened with any Instrument, as with a Plough or Spade, may admit Air; whereas the waters will fill all the void presently again, as we may see by buckets, boxes, or any other material thing, being put into the water, and taken out again, do leave no vacuum behind them; for the waters do strait ways reincorporate: seeing then there is no Air in the Fish's Element, they cannot nor need not be said to breath; for chose we see that being drawn from the waters to the Air they do incontinently dye.  
For answer to both extremes, 
What way fishes may be said to breath.  I could allow for fishes a kind of respiration called refrigeration, which improperly may be said to be respiration; but since nothing properly can be said to breath but that which hath lungs, (the instruments of breathing) which indeed fishes have not: The conclusion is clear; That they have rather a sort of refrigeration, than respiration.  
Quest. 
If herring can ●●ie.  But is it of truth which we hear of our Navigators, that in the Southern seas they have seen flying fishes, and herring like a foggy or moist cloud fleeing above their heads, and falling again in the Seas with a rushing and flushing?  
Answ. Yea I think it possible; for the great Creator, as he hath created the fowls of the Air, the beasts of the earth, and the fishes of the Sea, at the first creation, in their own true kinds; So hath he made of all these kinds Amphibia. And as there are four footed beasts and fowls of double kinds, living promiscuously on land and water, why may there not be fishes of that nature also? of which hereafter. So hath he endued the Air (as the more noble element of the three) with that prerogative; that in it, either fowls or watery creatures might be engendered; out of vapours either moist or terrestrial, or extracted from standing lakes, stanckes, marshes, mires, or the like oily and marshy places; which waters, elevated to the Air, by the violent operation of the Sun's beams, either from the Seas, or the foresaid places, 
How herring may be engendered in the Air.  by the benefit of the warm Air, where they abide, as in the fertile belly of a fruitful mother, do there receive the figure either of frog or fish, according to the predominancy of the matter whereof that vapour is composed; from whence again as all heavy things do tend downward, so do they also. Which hath made some suppose that herrings, (by them called flying fishes) do descend from the air, 
A sea-sawing r●●●on why herring 〈◊〉 site.  their place of generation: where indeed more truly, the error cometh this way; the Herrings, in their season, do come in great shoals (as Sea men say) upon the superfice of the waters, where scudding along the coasts, some sudden gale of wind (they being elevated upon the top of some vast wave) may chance to blow them violently so far, till they encounter, and light on a higher billow, which hath made Mariners think they fly.  
Quest. What have you to say to this, that as there are fishes extraordinary, so I have heard of fowls without either feet or plumes?  
Answ. Fowls they cannot be, 
Apodes, or fowls without feet or Plumes.  because fowls are defined to be living creatures feathered and two footed; and since these are not such, fowls they cannot be: And yet julius Scaliger exercitatione 228. sect. 1. & 24. maketh mention of them, call them Apodes, which Greek word is as much as without feet.  
Quest. But, leaving the various diversities of fowls, as the Geese who hatch their eggs under their paw, 
Of Claick Geese.  or foot, and the like, how do those claick geese in Scotland breed, whereof Du Bartas maketh mention as of a rare work of nature?  
Answ. Their generation is beyond the ordinary course of nature, in so much that ordinarily one creature begetteth another; but so it is, that this fowl is engendered of certain leaves of trees, out of which in a manner it buddeth, and ripeneth; Now, these trees growing upon the banks of lakes, do, at their due time, cast these leaves, which falling into the lake, do there so putrify, that of them is engendered a Worm, which by some secret fomentation & agitation of the waters, with the Sun's help, groweth by little and little to be a fowl somewhat bigger than a Mallard, or wild Duck; and in those waters they live and feed, and are eaten by the inhabitants thereabouts.  
First then, I resolve their questions who argument against the possibility of this generation, and then I shall clear you of that doubt you have proposed: thus it standeth then with these Argumentators; when Aristotle in his last chapter of his third book De generatione animalium, before he had dissenssed the material causes of all kind of perfect creatures, In the end falleth upon the material cause of infects, and so of the less perfect; 
Divers kinds of Infects.  one kind of them he maketh to be produced of a Marish clay an earthy and putrified slimy substance, whereof worms, frogs, snails and the like are produced; the Sun beams, as the efficient cause, working upon that matter; The other sort is more perfect, and these are our Bees, wasps, flies, midges and so forth, which are engendered of some putrified substance, as, peradventure, of a dead horse, ox, or ass; out of which by the operation of the environing air, and the internal putrefaction together they are brought forth: 
Sea Infects.  The infects of the Sea are said to have the like generations, whereof Aristotle De historia Animalium, lib. 1. cap. 1. Et in libro de respiratione; and lately the learned Scaliger Exercitatione 191 sect. 2. Notwithstanding the venerable testimony and authority of such famous Authors; yet our believers of miracles do reason thus both against the generation of the Claik Geese; and of the Infects also.  
Every thing begotten must be engendered of a like unto itself, 
Reason's why Infects are not propagated by a Celestial heat.  as men, horse, Sheep, Neat, etc. engender their life; and this by the warrant and authority of Aristotle else where, but particularly cap. 7. Meteor. Text 2.  
Quest. But so it is that the body of the heavens, the Sun and his heat, are no ways similia or alike unto these Infects produced and procreated from the slimy and putrified matters above rehearsed.  
And therefore that cannot be the way of their generation. Thus they.  
Answ. To this answer must be made Philosophically, in distinguishing the word alike to itself; for things may be said alike unto other, either of right, or univoce as they say in the Schools: That way indeed our Infects are not a like to the putrified earth or beast they came of, but Analogice they may be said to be alike, that is, in some respect, in so far as they communicate in this, that they are produced of the earth, and by the warmness of the Sun, which are things actually existing.  
Quest. Now to clear the question concerning fowls wanting feet and feathers; whether may such things be, or not?  
Ans. Yea, for as the great Creator hath ordained in nature betwixt himself and us men here, Angels, yea good and bad spirits; betwixt sensitive and insensitive Creatures, mid creatures which we call Zoophyta, and Plantanimalia, as the Fishes Holuthuna, stella marina, Pulmo marinus, etc. Even so betwixt fowls and fishes, nature produced middle or mean creatures, by the greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or beasts of two lives; 
What middle Creatures are.  partly living by waters, partly by earth; And of this sort these fowls must be, as betwixt land beasts and fishes, are frogs, and Crocodills; and some others the like.   

Sect. 10.  
Of fishes, and their generation: How fowls are generated in the waters. If gold can be made potable; and of the matter of precious stones.  
Question. But you have not as yet sufficiently enough satisfied my mind of that scruple, wherewith it was perplexed: for I was saying that if things on the earth were propagated by their likes, as by the authority of Aristotle I did instance, and almost unto that the Lyric Poet Horace applaudeth while he saith, although not to this purpose wholly, fortes creantur fortibus, and again, Nec imbellem feroces progenerant aquilae columbam; 
How fishes can be said to live by the Sea seeing their flesh is more firm than the water whereof they are generated.  then how can fishes be said to live, and have their substance of, and by the Sea? For if the Maxim both of Philosophy and medicine hold good, that we exist and have our being of those things whereof we are nourished; surely fishes existing of a more gross and more material substance than water is, cannot be said to live by the Sea; much less Fowls, seeing their flesh is more terrestrial, and for that cause they build and bring forth their young ones upon the Land; whereas otherways it should seem that they live and have their essence, and existence from the Sea: for in Genesis we read, that the Great Creator commanded the waters to produce swimming, creeping, and flying creatures upon the Earth?  
Answ. With Aristotle whom you object to me, you must consider, that in the fire and air no Creature is framed: For so in the 4th. Book of his Meteors he holdeth: from them two indeed he admitteth virtue and power to be derived to those which are created upon the Earth, 
How fowls are brought forth in waters  and in the Waters; true it is, that Fowls being volatile Creatures, their generation should have fallen by lot in the Air; but in respect that none can be well procreated there, the next Element became their bringer forth; as nearest in nature to the Air, and as being little less than a condensed Air, from which these Fowls might soon fly up: so that all things here below being made up of a dry, and then of a thickened moist matter, which are the Earth and Waters; no marvel, that properly of them all things are procreated: howbeit they may be said to have their temperament and virtues from the superior two, fire and air: and where it may be objected how the matter of Fishes should be so firm and solid, they being nourished by the thin, waterish, and slimy substance of the waters; it must be considered that the Seas and waters are not so exempted of some mixture of earth in them, out that even as the Earth some way participateth of them, 
The cause of the firm flesh of fishes.  so they impart partly to it their moistness again; of which mixture both Fowls and Fishes do live.  
Quest. What is your opinion concerning the potablenesse of Gold, after which, our Chemists, and Extractors of quintessences, Calcinators, and Pulverizers of Metals make such search and labour; whereby Gold made drinkable (as they undertake) our youth near spent may be renewed again, all diseases cured, and the drinker thereof to live for many Ages?  
Answ. Although Gold of all Metals be the King, 
That Gold cannot be made potable.  as the Sun amongst the Planets, and that it is the softest of all, and most volatile, so the easiest to be extended and wrought upon; in so much, that one Ounce of it is able to cover many Ounces, and Pounds of Silver: yea, although of all Metals it abideth the trial of the fire best, and loseth nothing by it, as Arist. in the 3. Book of his Meteors, cap. 6. observeth; yet that it may be made potable I doubt much of it, and am a Galenist in that point, and that for these two notable reasons which julius Scaliger setteth down in his 272. Exercitation.  
First, because there must be some resemblance betwixt the body nourished and the thing that nourisheth; which no more holdeth betwixt our bodies and gold, than betwixt a living and a dead thing.  
Secondly, because nothing is able to nourish us, which the heat of our stomach is not able to digest: But such is Gold, and therefore, etc. Always of the worth and virtue of Gold, read Plinius, lib. 1. etc. 3. cap● 1.  
Quest. Now what is the matter of preciousstones; 
The matter of precious stones  earth it cannot be; for it is heavy, dull, and blackish coloured; they are glitteringly transparent like Stars: water it is not, for even Crystalline Ice will dissolve, whereas they for hardness are almost indissoluble: yet Cleopatra is said to have liquefide a Pearl to Anthony.  
Answ. They are of most purified earth, not without some mixture of moistness, but such as are both mavellously by the force of the Sun subtilised, tempered, and concocted.   

Section 11.  
Of the Earth, its circumference, thickness, and distance from the Sun.  
OUR Cosmographers generally, 
Quest.  but more particularly our Geographers have been very bold to take upon them the hability (as I am informed) to show how many grains of Wheat or Barley will encompass the whole Earth, which I esteem a thing impossible to any mortal man to do, and therefore frivolous to be undertaken: and I think it very much, if they can demonsttate how many Miles it is in compass, leaving to trouble their wits with the other: yet hereupon I desire to be resolved.  
Answ. The Philosophical general knowledge of things, 
Two Philosophical ways to know things.  is twofold, either knowing things which fall under the reach of their Science in their effects, thereby to come to the knowledge of the cause; or chose, by the cause first to know the effects to come. But the Mathematical demonstrations, whereof Geometry is a part, consist not in these speculations, but in real demonstrations; and that in such sort, that their positions being once well founded, thereon they may build what they please; whereas on the other side, a little error or mistaking in the beginning, becometh great and irreparable in the end: and so to make way to your answer; there is no question, but if once a Geometrian give up the infallible number of the Miles which the Earth will reach to in compass, but soon and on a sudden he may show how many grains will encompass it; for it is universally held that the Earth is in circuit one and twenty thousands and so many odd hundred Miles; a Mile consisteth of a thousand paces, a pace of five feet, a foot of four palms, a palm of four fingers breadth, a finger's beadth of four Barley corns; and so from the first to the last, the number of the Miles holding sure, the supputation of the grains number will clear itself by Multiplication.  
Quest. By that means I see you seem to make no difficulty of that whereof I so much doubted?  
Answ. No indeed; and in this point I perceive how far learned men are to be respected above ignorants; yea as much as Pearls, Diamonds, or precious Stones are to be preferred to gross Minerals.  
Quest. Seeing all depend upon the knowledge of the Earth's compass, then how many Miles hold you it to be in roundness?  
Answ. The discovery of our new found-lands, 
What leeteth that We cannot aright give up the supputation of the Earth's cricumference.  and the confident assurance which our modern Navigators and Mappers have of this Terra australis incognita, maketh that punctually not to be pointed out: but what may satisfy in that, or in knowing how thick the mass of the Earth is, in how many days a man might compass it about, if by land it were all travellable: or conjecturally to shadow how great is the distance betwixt the Earth and the Firmament, I refer you to the Title of Curiosity following; for as I find a discrepance amongst our most learned Writers, in diverse most important heads of their professsion; So in this point also I find them variable and disassenting; 
Diversity of opinions concerning the world's Compass.  for Elias Vineti commenting on Sacrobosk upon that Text, giveth forth the Earth's compass to extend to above two hundred and fifty thousand stadia, whereof every eight maketh up our Mile; which shall far exceed the most received opinion of our expertest Mathematicians; who by their modern Computations make the reckoning of its circumference but to amount to one and twenty thousand miles and six hundred; & that answerably to the three hundred and sixty degrees wherewith they have divided the great heavenly Circle, and proportionably thereunto the Earth.  
Yet pondering aright the discrepance and odds which doth arise betwixt our learned Authors, concerning the compass of the Earth's Globe, we shall perceive it to proceed from the great diversity of Miles in diverse Nations, every man understanding them to be the Miles of that Nation wherein he liveth: but speaking to our Natives of Britanne, it is found by daily experience of Mathematicians, that if a man go 60. of our British Miles further to the North, than (I say) visibly he shall perceive the Pole to rise a degree higher, and the Equinoctial to fall a degree lower; whereby it is manifest, that to one degree of the great Circle of heaven (such as is the Meridian) there answereth on earth 60. of our miles; Now there being in every such great circle 360. degrees or equal parts, multiplying 360. by 60; 
The earth's circumference or compass.  we find that they produce 21600. miles British: for a line imagined to pass by the South and North Poles, and so encompass the earth, would easily appear to amount to the same computation.  
As for the diametrical thickness of the earth; 
The thickness of the earth.  the proportions of a circles circumference to its diameter (or line crossing from one side to the other through the centre) being somewhat more than the triple, such as is the proportion of 22 to 7. called by Arithmeticians triple Sesquiseptima, triple with a seaventh part more; and seeing the circumference of the great circle of the earth is a little less than 22000 miles; it followeth, that the thickness or diameter of it from face to face, is a little more than 7000. And consequently the half diameter, viz. from the circumference to the centre near about 3600 miles. Now then suppose a man to travel under the equinoctial or middle line of the earth betwixt the two poles, making every day 15. of our British miles; It is manifest that such a Traveller should compass the whole circumference of the earth in three years 345 days, some 20. days less than 4 years: As for the distance of the earth from the firmament, I dare not give you it for current: 
Distance of the earth from heaven.  yet in the Schools thus they shadow it, that the airs diametrical thickness is ten times above that of the waters; the waters diameter ten times above that of the earth: By the Air I understand here all that vast interstice betwixt us and the Moon; which if it be true, counteth itself: but because the distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun is more particularly specified by our Astronomers; therefore to give you further content, thus much of it you shall understand; that if you will remark diligently, and compare together the observations of Ptolomeus, Albategnius, and Allacen, you shall find, that the aforesaid disstance betwixt the centre of the earth and that of the Sun containeth the earth's Semidiameter 1110. times: Now as I have said before, the earth's Semidiameter being somewhat less than 3500. we shall take it in a number, to wit 3400. Which if you multiply by the aforesaid 1110. the product will show you the whole distance betwixt the centre of the earth and the centre of the Sun to be 3774000. 
The most approved opinion of the earth's distance from the Sun.  Three millions, seven hundred seventy four thousand miles: likewise if from this number you subtract 3400. miles for the earth's Semidiameter from the centre to the superfice, and 18700 miles, which is the Sun's half diameter according to the doctrine of the afore-named Astronomers, there remaineth 3751900. miles, as the distance betwixt the uppermost superfice of the earth which we tread upon, and the nearest superfice of the Sun, which being the chief and middle of the planets may conjecturally shadow forth the distance of the earth from the heavens.    

OF VARIETIES THE SECOND BOOK: CONTAINING A DISCOURSE OF METEORS, As of Comets, falling Stars, and other fiery impressions, etc. Of Wind, Clouds, Thunder, Hail, Snow; Rain, Deaw, Earthquakes, with their true Natural Causes and effects, etc. Of Rivers, and Fountains, their Springs, and Sources, etc.  
BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.  Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant. 
LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Green- Dragon. 1635.   

To THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD PATRICK, By the providence of God Archbishop of Glasgow, Primate of Scotland, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council, and Exchequer in that Kingdom, etc.  
My LORD.  
TO whom can those two Pillars JACHIN and BOAS erected before Salomon's Temple, be more properly applied then to your Grace, who both in Church and commonwealth have shown yourself to be the lively Hieroglyphic figured by them, as your Memorable deeds in both can bear record to Posterity? for with what vigour did your piety and zeal extend itself in suppressing vice and superstition in the Churches con●redited to your care, and in establishing virtue and learning both there and elsewhere, may appear in the people's harmonious Concord in Religion to God's glory, your eternal praise and their eternal comfort; And as your Piety, so have your justice, and travels been extraordinary in settling of the Church rends universally through the land, repossessing every man of his own tithes upon most competent considerations; all which with your great gravity Munificence and other endowments fit for the accomplishment of so venerable a Prelate, have heaped upon you both God's blessings, our Royal Sovereign's favour, and the people's love, and reverence; But lest others should deem that adulation which the mouth of verity would even extort from your enemies, without further commendations of your Person, I humbly recommend this book to your Grace's Patronage, acknowledging the strong ties I have to continue  
Your Grace's most obsequious servant, D. PERSON.   

OF METEORS, THE SECOND BOOK.  

CHAPTER 1.  
The definition of Meteors, their Matter, substance, place, and cause.  
I Define Meteors to be things, 
Definition of Meteors: their matter, substance and height of formation.  above our sight, in the air, as the Etymology of the word importeth. I divide them into dry and moist, according to the diversity▪ of the matter whereof they are framed, which are dry and moist vapours and exhalations extracted from the earth and waters; and from thence elevated to the regions of the air, where they are fashioned; and that diversely, according either to the degree of the Region they are framed in, or the matter whereof they are fashioned.  
The Philosophers and mere naturalists have not alike consideration of them; for Philosophers have regard to them both as they have their dependence from above, specifying time, place, and all other their circumstances: whereas the mere naturalists do particularise none of them, but generally show how they flow from the earth: the knowledge of stars, and of the regions of the air, better fitting the Philosopher than the other.  
For so it is, 
Meteors severally considered by Philosophers and na●uralists.  that, the vapours, and exhalations which the Sun extracteth out of the Seas and earth, sending them up to the regions of the air, are the true and original material cause of these Meteors.  
Not of all uniformly, but severally of each one, according to the height, whereto they are elevated from the said waters and earth; and the nature of the vapour elevated: 
A comparison of these Vapours ●nto the body of man, chiefly to the ventricle and head,  which I may not unfitly compare to the natural body of man, whose stomach is the centre of his fabric, which sendeth up to the head, the moist or flatulent humours, wherewith for the time it is affected; and receiveth back again either heated and consuming distillations, or refrigerated and quenching humours, wherewith to attemperate and refresh the incessant motion and heat of the other noble parts by a circular motion.  
Quest. I know the curiosity of more subtle spirits will move the question, 
Whether there be any exhalations from the lowest Region of the air?  whether the Sun draweth exhalations from the lowest or first region of the air; seeing it is humid and hot, sometime hotter, sometime colder, according as the reverberation of the Sun's heat from the earth affecteth it: although I grant, that the air, of its own nature, is hot; yet that hindereth not, but accidentally, it may be heated also, yea sometimes made hotter than of its nature it is. To this question I answer.  
Answ. That the subtlety and rarefaction of the airs humidity hindereth the Sun from exhaling of it; for although some parts of the moist air be grosser than others, yet the same grosser parts are more subtle than any vapour, which the Sun extracteth from the earth or waters: for not all subtle humidity is evaporable, but that of water only, as that which may more easily be apprehended by heat.  
As then, 
The lowest region of the air is hot and moist, both by nature and accident.  the lowest and first region of the air about us, wherein we breathe here, is hot and moist, both by nature and accident; as I was saying, by the reverberation of the sunbeams, upon solid and combustible bodies, and heated by the exhalation of fumes from places or things that are apt to be kindled, even so, the uppermost region is hot and dry, both by nature, and accident; and almost more, or rather by accident then by nature, propter viciniam ignis; albeit the supreme region must be hotter than the lower, 
The uppermost region hot and dry.  both in respect of the propinquity of it, to the element of fire, (even as the lowest region by the neighbourhood of it to the earth oftentimes is colder than hot) as also in respect of the nearness of it to the heavens, which as with the light of them, they warm the lower things; So, by the rapidity and velocity of their circular course, they heat this first region also.  
Now as these two regions are of themselves hot, and moist, 
The middle region is only cold, at least respectively.  and hot and dry; so the middle Region is only cold, but drierwhere it is contiguous with the uppermost, and more moist whereit is ●igher the lowest. This great coldness of it, enforced together, by an Antiperistasis (as we say) or opposite contrarieties of heat above, and cold below.  
The Air then being divided into these three Regions, wherewith the uppermost, as comprehended within the concavity of the fiery Element, is ever hot and dry, the lowest hot and moist, but of a weak and debill heat, which by a breathing cold may be changed; the middle Region is always cold.   

CHAP. 2.  
Where Meteors are composed. Of Clouds, where they are fashioned, together with the solution of some questions concerning the middle Region.  
NOW remains to know in which of these Regions any of these Meteors are framed: 
In what region of the Air the Meteors are composed.  and first, whether or not Clouds be generated in the middle Region of the Air? It is most likely, that not there, but in the lower; because in it divers other Meteors alike in matter and form are framed.  
To which, not so much cold is requisite, as to the other two; yet the nature of Clouds being considered, we shall find them to be generated in the middle Region only.  
For, seeing Clouds are nothing else but vapours mounted, and thickened by condensed cold; then sure they cannot be framed in the uppermost Region of the Air, 
What clouds are.  because in it the Sun's rays are directed, lacking reflex, beside the circular and Spheric motion it hath, by virtue of the proximity of the Elementary fire, which warmeth it again: this thickening or condensing cold cannot be in the lower region, by reason of the heat of it through the reverberation of the Sun's rays, beating upon the solid bodies of the earth, and waters: so there resteth the middle Region, in which the reflex faileth, & the virtue from above too of the direct Sun's rays; so that naturally it being cold, in it only these vapours must be condensed to a cloud. 
Clouds are fashioned in the middle region.   
And whereas I was saying before that it should seem that the Clouds are begotten in the lowest Region; in respect that in it, Waters, as Dew and Fountains, at least their matter and form are brought forth, that always cannot hold; because that Fountains, and Rivers, are rather bred in the concavities, and hollow places of the earth, than of it, or rather flow and have their source from the Seas.  
Neither must my words be mistaken, when I say that the middle Region is naturally cold, seeing before I have set down the Air, naturally to be hot and moist; for when I say that it is cold, it must be understood, but respectively, in regard of the other two, as wanting the reflective heat of the lower Region, and the circulative heat by the ignean or fiery warmness of the other.  
Now if it be objected that seeing the middle Region of the Air is cold, 
Concerning the middle ●●gion.  and all cold things are heavy, and so consequently tend downward; what can be the reason that this middle Region falleth not thorough the lowest to its own centre of weight, 
Solution.  which is the earth? It availeth not; for first, not all frigidity draweth or tendeth always from its circumferences, to the centre, but that only which is absolutely and simply cold; as that of the Earth and Waters, and not that of the Air, which (as I say before) is but respectively cold; yea, albeit that the middle Region divide not the lowest in whole, yet in parts it doth; as in rain, when it falleth from the middle one upon the dissolution of a cloud.  
Finally it may be said here, that clouds not only may be seen beneath us to environ the tops of our lower Mountains; for I myself crossing the lower Alps, at Genoa, have seen them below me along the sides of the Mountains; they likewise may be perceived to glide over the Plains, and swimming over our Lakes and Rivers: yet that serveth not to prove, that they are generated in the lowest Region; 
The foggy vapours which we see like clouds skimming our lakes are but ascending to frame the cloud.  but rather argueth the ascending of these vapours, and the gathering of them together; of which the clouds must be coagulated and no otherwise, as that they are absolutely there framed. But this by the way.   

CHAP 3.  
Of falling Stars, Fleakes in the Air, and other such fiery Meteors.  
THere be four Elements as all know; the Fire hot and dry, the Air hot and moist, the Earth dry and cold, the Waters cold and moist. Now as of the moisture of the Waters, whether in their own Element, or on the Earth's superfice, are composed all watery vapours, as clouds, rain, dew, hail, snow, and hoare-frosts, etc. Even so, from the dry parts of the Earth, calefied, or made hot by the Sunbeams do proceed fumy exhalations, whereof the fiery and burning Meteors are generated.  
But so it is, 
The matter and form of fiery Meteors from whence they proceed.  that of these vaporous exhalations, whereof all the ignite and fiery Meteors or impressions are composed, all are not framed alike; for according to the diversity of the dispositions of their matter they are either round or long, or more long than round, or more round than long; for if by the efficient and material causes, which are the Sunbeams exhaling these fumous evaporations from the driest part of the Earth, these spumeous exhalations are such as are combustible and capable to be kindled (if it be of a like length and breadth:) then in that case, it shall be seen to burn in the uppermost Region of the Air like a blazing fire of straw: if it be longer than broad, then is it taken for those long falling Stars, which by the Meteorologians are called dal. If otherways broader than long, then are they called fiery inflammations, which seem to reel in the Air, as it were, and to shoot hither and thither. And because sometimes these exhalations (although dry) have some coldness in them; therefore the ejaculation of that cold matter, maketh the Meteor to seem by that extrusion to fall; 
What are our falling-stars.  as being in labour to expel it; whence more properly are our falling Stars, which Stars at some times seem to fall aside, at other times straight down, or upward, according as their matter is for the time either disposed or placed.  
And if it be objected how contrary to their nature can they descend or fall down, 
What maketh them fall down seeing they are light?  their matter being light and not ponderous? I told before, that that cometh by expulsion, and by way of projection; for confirmation whereof, 
Solution.  may be added the experience we have of Thunder, whose bolts and claps light at times, even at our feet; otherwhiles what in our houses, beating down Pinnacles and Steeples, the tops of Turrets and the like, although it be both light and dry; 
Of thunder, the matter whereof, and place where.  and the reason is, That Thunder being generated in the middle Region of the Air, not by exustion of any kindled hot matter, but rather by a separation of an expelling cold; mean while this cold thickening and coagulating itself together with violence, in a manner detrudeth the hot matter, which with it was thither drawn up, and maketh such a noise and terrible din, the time of that expulsion, that not only the Air seemeth to be rend asunder, but the very Earth also appeareth to tremble at its violence.  
Just so, as the matter of the falling Stars is placed, they fall either strait down, aside, or upward, as before I noted. Even so is it with the Thunder.  
Now, as those vapours, thickened in the air, do produce the aforesaid effects; so shall it not be thought amiss, to say, that the same air, being thickened, with their vapours, but not condensed in a cloud, by susception of light, but chiefly from the Sun's rays opposite to it either by night or day, 
The matter & form of th●se which we call pretty Dancers  but chiefly by night, become fiery coloured, and look as burning; the same vapours stirring to, and fro, and being someway thickened, by refraction of light, do assume unto themselves variable, and divers colours; and those fires in effect are the same which vulgarly are called pretty dancers: and by reason that the material cause of such impressions is swift, and soon vanisheth, therefore they abide and remain the shorter time; for such phantasms not being come to the full perfection of other Meteors, (as seldom they are seen to do) so their abode, and being is but short, and inconstant, they being composed but of hot, and dry exhalations, from chalky, rocky, sandy and sulphureous parts of the earth, there being a mixture of moisture with them.  
And to the effect, 
Four sorts of vapours ascend from the earth and waters which ar● the nearest m●tter of all Meteors▪  that this may be somewhat better cleared, we must consider: That four sorts of vapours are exhaled, or drawn up out of the earth by virtue of the Sun's rays, beside the smoke of our fires, which ascending to the air also augments these fiery Meteors.  
First vapours hot and dry, not having so much humidity in them, as may be able to overcome them; but rather such, as may make this dry vapour to be continued, for no earthly thing can continue without moisture.  
Secondly, cold and dry, which altogether are of the earth's nature, virtually cold, albeit formally all vapours are hot.  
The third are those vapours which are hot and moist, where humidity predominateth over the heat.  
The fourth kind of vapours which ascend, are cold and moist, in which absolutely watery moistness beareth rule, and this vapour virtually is called cold. These four sorts of vapours than are the nearest matter of all our meteors.  
The first whereof, viz, hot and dry vapours, do ascend through the air quickly, even to the concavity of the fiery and ignean element; where being inflamed and enkindled, it becometh the right generation and propagator of our fiery Meteors: whereas, the second, being hot, and moist, doth not ascend so high; and because it is easily resolved, 
Air what.  it cometh to be air.  
The other two cold and dry, and cold and moist vapours are elevated aloft also, but no farther then to the colder parts, where they are thickened and coagulated together, 
Raine what. wind.  by the environing cold; but so, as cold and moist are converted to rain; and the other cold and dry to wind, or this falls down with the pluvious or rainy vapour. This being so, we may see, that there are four kinds of vapours and exhalations, conformable to the four elements which make up the matter of these Meteors; in such sort, that as there are hot, and dry exhalations, and cold and dry, even so there are hot vapours and cold and humid ones also.  
Since then, 
Quest.  you know the matter of wind, 
What is the cause, that the falling Stars make no noise as the Thunder seeing one matter is common to both.  rain, falling stars and inflammations in the air, let us hear what can be objected: One demands, what is the cause that the falling stars or other descending flames or flashes make no such noise as the thunder doth, seeing their matter and manner of composing is almost alike.  
Answ. Because the cloud which throweth away and expelleth them, invironeth not them in her belly, as their clouds do, in which the matter of the thunder is; for the thunder bursting through the cloud occasioneth the clap.  
Quest. Now if it be asked, 
What meaneth these fi●es we see by night before us or by us when we ride at some times.  what mean these fiery inflammations, which at some times in the night are seen, either amongst our horse feet when we ride, or about their manes, or sometimes like the glance of a candle light before, a little above or about us? The answer is, that these dry exhalations, as divers other things, are of several degrees; some elevated to the highest region, others to the middle region, and these, which ascend no higher than this low region where we inhabit, being composed of a more oleagenous, or oily substance, do inflame sooner, than these of the middle region do, as being environed with cold.  
Or if it be asked? 
Why are they not seen in the day time▪  Why see we not such inflammations in the day time as in the night? No question but that then they are, and more frequent than in the night, but the greater light obfuscateth the lesser.  
Or if it be asked; What mean the rents and clefts (as it were) which we see in the firmament, as if it were opened and hollowed in 〈◊〉 places? That is nothing else, but the vapours and exhalations, carried up to the air, which are condensed and thickened together; where, by accident, if in the midst of this condensation, any part be more subtle, or thinner than the extremities are; that thinnest part, appearing black, and the two extremities coloured, maketh people believe that it is an open gap, which indeed is not.  
Quest. As to that question; 
What be these complain and laughing which sometimes are heard in the air?  by what cause it happeneth, that moanings, mournful voices, and sometimes also laughings are heard in the air? I think the Meteorologians answer not so fully satisfactory as theirs, who treat of spirits, whom I may well call Physiognosticks: for the Albertists, upon this place, say, that the cause is, the multitude of exhalations, extracted out of graves and other Subterranean places, pressing upward, through places not proportionable for them; and being of themselves, of a resolutive nature, do make noises, not unlike to those of men; which in my conceit is ridiculous: and yet such is their gloss upon the latin Text, De die igitur sol pro●ibet.  
Answ. But I incline rather to their opinion, 
They are aereal spirits.  who, speaking of the nature of spirits, say, that these Cachinnations or laughings, and weeping voices, which we hear, are rather aereal spirits; which is handled more largely in my title of spirits, where you may find all their orders and natures.  
Now because the matter of comets, is of greatest moment, amongst all the Meteors; I hasten to them.   

CHAP. 4.  
Of Comets, their matter, form, nature, and what way they portend evil to come.  
COmets, being of the number of Ignean and fiery Meteors; No question, they are composed of a like matter; the difference being in the quantity of that matter more or less, to wit, dry, clammy and hot exhalations, in their framing being condensed, and by reason of the motion of the superior bodies, in the fiery element beginning to kindle, do make these comets; and thus they differ from the fiery Dragons, and falling sttars; for these Meteors, once kindled by way of exustion, and extrusion, or projection, are thrown down suddenly, and so vanish; where, on the other side, the dry and hot exhalations, whereof Thunder is composed by way of detrusion, (the cloud renting asunder, in whose body it was enclosed) do presently vanish, as lightnings (their forerunners) do.  
Now where the nature of comets must be such; 
The nature & form of comets.  that neither the fiery kindling of them may soon consume it, by the greatness and violence of it; neither must their matter be so weak and thin, that the fire may on a sudden overcome it, but such as may endure at least for a little season, both with the quality of the fire, and the disposition of the matter condensed and thickened; and yet so as the exustion or kindling of the matter and condensed exhalation, beginning at end of it may ascend upward, till it consume the whole extent of its rays and beams upon the matter combustible, in form of a beard, 
The reason of their long hair or beard.  or long discheveld look of hair, continuing so for a time; from whence Cometa à Coma, hair, hath its denomination.  
Now the form and shape of these exhalations, is not ever after a like proportion or fashion; that is, always long and broad; so that the one end being kindled, the other remaineth but enlightened, like a beard, from whence they are called Crinitae stellae, or Barbatae Cometae, bearded Comets. For sometimes their figure will be Spheric and round; so that the fire taking these Spheric exhalations in the midst maketh the blazing beams which extend from the centre to the circumferences, 
Sometimes they are round.  to look like long hair circled about a face or head.  
Neither must it be thought that this hair or environing beams are like to these which before a storm we see encompassing the Sun, 
Halos. 1. area▪ What are the Circles about the Moon, which we call broughes?  but more frequently the Moon, which Aristotle calleth Halae & Halones; for these Circles by us called broughes, are a world of way remote from the bodies of the Sun and Moon, and in effect, are but in the troubled Air, with abundance of exhalations and vapours, thorough which, the Sun and Moons rays, making way to themselves, do fashion these circles about them there. Whereas these circles or long beards of the Comets, a●e directly under, yea, sometime above the concave of the Moon; and thence to the first Region of the Air they are conveyed with the Comets of that same matter of exhalation, and nature; although our modern Astronomers, now averting this Aristotelian opinion, have found out some Comets place to be above the Moon.  
This being briefly spoken of the matter and form of Comets, 
What course the Comets observe.  it may be asked what course they have? to which I answer; first, that the motion of Comets is common with that natural course of the world; for either it is from the Orient to the Occident, or from the West to the East: at times most frequently it declineth to the South, and at other times to the North; now high, then low, now seeming near to the Earth, then remote from it.  
And if it be said, how can Comets have so many different courses, 
Answer for the divers courses of Comets.  seeing a simple body can have no more but one motion of itself? To this I say, that as the Sphere of fire and the supreme Region of the Air, by the heavenly motions are wheeled about from the Orient to the Occident; thus the Comets exist above the first Region, and so naturally with it they should keep the same course: in respect that conformably a thing placed, must turn with the place, in which it existeth. So if this first Region by the rapidity of the Heavens be moved; much more should Comets, they being nearer to it than the first Region.  
Now albeit the Heaven, Fire, and Air move in a circular motion, yet they move not all alike, for by certain degrees the course of the one is swifter than the other; so that the Air as nearest to the Earth, is flower than the other two. By this subdeficiency then, the Air, and they within it, seems but to go about from Occident to Orient of its own proper motion, having regard to the swiftness and velocity of the superior course. And whereas I say, that they move high and low, to and fro; that is to be understood in so far that every thing perfectible striveth to attain to its own perfection; which consisteth in the approximation and near attaining and touching of the generant, which chiefly beareth rule in the place, whereat they aim or tend; whether that thing engendered be a Star, or any other celestial virtue, whereunto this subdeficient striveth to attain.  
Now the reason wherefore most commonly Comets do reach, 
What maketh the Comets commonly move from the South to the North.  either to the South, or North, is to be attributed to the special influence of some other Star drawing them thitherward; as the Loadstone maketh Iron turn towards it: and whereas sometimes they appear low and near the Earth; at other times farther remote from it: that must be appropriated either to the inflammation of the Comets matter, either at the nearer or farther end, or else to the height, or lowness of the Region, above which it is elevated: for none of the three Regions, but have in them their own degrees and stations, some parts in them being higher than others are.  
The place of their appearing is most frequently in the Northern Climates; 
The place of their abode commonly.  and that most often under Via lactea, which is that white coloured draught called the milky way in the firmament, which may be perceived by night, reaching in a manner from East to West. The time of their abode again is but at shortest seven or eight days; albeit I read of some that blazed half a year; but such have seldom happened: nevertheless the shortness or length of their abode, is to be imputed imputed to the bigness or scantness of their matter.  
Now rests to know, 
Whether or not they can portend evil to come.  whether or not these Comets may portend or prognosticate bad or infortunate events of things here below, and whether over particular persons or Countries in general? To this the Philosophers (who will have all things, 
The Philosophers deny it, admitting them but as natural things.  either above or below, to be and exist by natural reasons, and admit no prodigies or things beyond nature) make answer that Comets are but mere natural things, no way fore showing evils to come.  
Because (say they) when jupiter falls to be in the sign of Pisces, or in the sign of Cancer, if then the Comets appear, it foretokeneth abundance, and wealth, as in the days of julius Caesar, there was one seen; which nevertheless had no evil ensuing upon it; as it may be seen in Albertus his Commentary upon Aristotle's Text in the Meteors, 
The Philosophical reason why not.  latinized, Ejus autem quod est.  
Besides this say they, when Comets are seen, than these evils which follow them, and which they portend should fall forth through all or very many parts of the Earth, seeing they are seen by all, or most: the contrary whereof is known.  
Besides, that burning Lances or Spears which now and then also are seen in the Air; and other fiery impressions, which are of that same matter with these Comets, should foretell evils to happen, as well as they which are not.  
But above all, 
Other of their reasons why they can portend no evil to come.  seeing it is oftenest thought, that Comets either foretoken great winds, or reins; none of which can be, say they: not winds, because the matter whereof the winds behoveth to be, which are dry exhalations, are converted towards the framing of the same Comets themselves.  
Not rain; for no one thing can be a sign of two opposite contrarieties. Thus seeing Comets portend drought, they cannot likewise preaugurate inundations, and overflowings; 
Other reasons of theirs.  finally, much less the death of Princes and Monarches no more than of other private men; seeing the same constellation and ascendent may be equal, and have regard to mean men as well as to them, in a like distance.  
Which reasons, with divers more albeit at first view, they may seem forcible; yet being better considered their insufficiency will soon appear: for none of the natural Philosophers but do acknowledge their Prognostications, for some one thing or other; albeit the Astrological Philosopher particularizeth them more punctually.  
And thus they say, 
The contrary is seen by experience.  that a Comet circumbeamed about with that which they call long hair (to say so) environing it as we see, about the Sun, Moon and Stars; before a storm and great tempest, doth signify and portend great debording of waters; whereas if it be but radiant in one side, that is a sure sign of terrible and destructive drought, and consequently of famine and scarcity; because without humidity and warmness corn and fruits cannot grow.  
Now as high winds move and stir the Seas with other waters; so from that commotion ariseth rain and boisterous showers; so that appear how they will, yet they ever portend some one evil or other.  
As for death of Princes and change of estates foreshown by them, experience of former Ages can qualify; and by late miserable proof it may be understood by that blazing Star, which appeared in the year 1618. I being at that time in Florence, where an Italian Astronomer, upon the third Bridge, drawing in his Table-books the height and aspect of it, was overheard by us who gazed on him, to cry although with a low voice, 
Lamentable accidents which have followed after the appearing of Comets.  Vae Germaniae, Woe unto Germany: and who so is, but never so little acquainted with the histories of divers Nations, shall soon perceive in them what lamentable accidents have ensued after extraordinary deluges, and overflowings of waters, and intolerable droughts; but more especially after the appearing of Comets, what dreadful effects according to their affections: so we require, that those Recusants would with the Philosopher, who denied that the fire was hot, but put their finger into it to try the truth of his assertion.  
Neither do our Astronomical Philosophers want their own grounds, wherein they settle the warrant of change of estates, after the apparitions of these Comets; and this for one.  
That the exhalations of hot and dry vapours from the Earth, 
The reasons which our Astronomical Philosophers give, that Comets may portend change of States.  whereof these Comets are made, betoken a bilious and wrathful, sudden and ireful disposition of the indwellers of these Countries; for the same air which they attract, and emit, doth someway affect them, and this air is filled with these exhalations, resolved by the heat of the incumbing Sun; so no question but this same way it moveth their bodies and minds to fear fiery and sudden revolts, fightings, seditions, and uproars.  
Comets appeared in England before their Country was conquered by the Normans: 
Examples of Comets appearing before desolation.  and thereafter another, when they subdued France. What more remarkable one then that which appeared above Jerusalem, before its sacking and captivity? And again, what desolation befell all Italy, almost after that prodigious debording of waters which fell from the Alps without any former rain? Charles' the 8th. of France his entering thereafter, and the disastrous chances that followed thereupon can testify: all which our and their stories can record, besides many others, as Sabellicus in the penult. book of his last Aeneids doth intimate.  
Neither yet may I be induced to believe, that the Star whereof Tichobray, that famous renowned and noble Astronomer maketh mention, which is yet seen and was affirmed to be (though the Prince now be dead) most fitly appropriated to the victorious, wise, and fortunate Gustavus King of Sueden, to have been no other than a Comet, what ever reasons he allegeth to the contrary. Albeit such remarkable Stars are rather observed to appear at the death of great men and Kings, than at their birth. Neither must we instance the example of the Star, which was observed by the wise men of the East, at the birth of our Lord and Saviour at Nazareth; such extraordinaries should be admired, not inferred to exemplify things.  
For answer to this, 
Answer to the former objections.  that the death of common people may as well happen under these Comets, as that of Princes: there is no question but that the supereminency of great persons and States making them the more remarkable, maketh their death also more perspicuously to be notified.  
And as in the Title of curiosities I have shown, that not ever the most curious questions of Arts and Sciences are the most profitable; Even so in this I allow not of Hali the jew his commentary, upon the centiloquy of Ptolomee; where, referring the death of Princes to comets he thus saith.  
Quòd si apparuerit cometa Domino istius regni exeunte in Oriente, significat mortem Regis, vel principis; si autem Dominus istius regni fuerit in Occidente, significat aliquem de regno suo interfecturum Regem; I overslip the interpretation of these words, lest the divulging of them might more harm than profit. 
Conclusion of comets with a particular observation.  Always leaving Philosophical alterations, thus much by natural experience we may resolve upon; that they never appear, but some bad event followeth thereon, either to the country over which it blazeth, or to which it aspecteth; or else to that country over which ruleth a star which that comet's tail tendeth towards or followeth; though much rather to that country which it hath aspect unto: not by virtue of its influence, but by reason of the superabundancy of malign, dry, and hot exhalations regorging and dispersing themselves over it.   

CHAP 5.  
Of Rain, Dew, hoarefrost and their cause.  
AS hot and dry exhalations are the matter and cause of Meteors in the upper region of the air, of which before: Even so, cold and moist vapours are the causes of these; after this manner; vapours elevated up into the air, by force of the Sun's beams; and being separated from the heat which accompanied them; either, by that heat's ascending higher, and leaving the grosser vapours; or the subtlest of that heat being extinguished by the grossness, & abundance of cold and moist vapours, which mounted up with it in the air: or else by the coldness of the place, the middle region of the air. These grosser vapours I say segregated from that heat, 
The first matter of rain  which accompanied it, and being thickened and carried about in the air for a time, fall back again to the earth; but being first coagulated in a cloud, 
The way how rain falleth down.  which dissolving, falleth down to the place from whence it ascended: so that by a circular motion first the waters resolving in vapours, the vapours thickening in a cloud, then that dissolving back again into waters, imitateth in a manner the circular motion of the Sun, by whose approximation as these vapours are elevated, even so by his elongation (if I may say so) they do fall back again.  
Now, as this is the general cause of these moist Meteors, so is it the particular cause of the falling of Rain: for Rain being a watery vapour, carried up by heat into the Air, and there that heat leaving it, resolveth and falleth down again in great or lesser showers, according to its quantity.  
Dew and Hoarefrost are not so generated, 
The matter & manner how dew is engendered.  for why? When there is not such quantity of vapours elevated in the day time (through want of heat to draw them up, or through great drought upon the earth,) they are not carried high: in hotter countries they fall down again before the day be spent, and that by them is called Serene, 
What is that which in France we call Serene.  as in France particularly: So when these elevated vapours are thickened in waters, without either so much heat as may dry them up, or so much cold as to congeal them; then I say the dew appeareth.  
Now the Hoar-frost happeneth otherwise; 
The matter & manner how Hoarefrost, are fashioned.  as, when the like exhaled vapours are congealed, before they be condensed; whereby you may see that dew falleth in temperate times and places, whereas Hoare-frosts fall in Winter and in the colder parts of the earth: and the reason may be alleged, that, seeing vapours are hotter than water; in respect of the concomitating heat, whereby they are carried up; no question, but more cold is required, for the congelation of vapours, then of waters: and so if in cold seasons, and places, waters congeal, and harden, much more may we say of vapours congealable into Hoarefrost. Thus we have touched the material and efficient causes of dew and Hoarefrost; so it shall not be amiss to show that the time when the Sun engendereth these Meteors in the air, by the drawing up of these vapours, from out the earth and waters, must be, when the lowest region of the air is, calm, serene and clear, without wind rain, or cooling clouds; for they being mounted thither may either hinder their ascending or condensation and thickening; as also the stirring winds would hinder their condensation, or at least their congregation or gathering together.  
Now that both dew and Hoarefrost are begotten of vapours not carried high in the air, 
The place where dew and hoarefrost are framed.  by this it may be known; because we see little Hoarefrost or dew, in the higher mountains, where it seemeth likeliest, they are made and do reside in regard of the cold there; which is so much the more probable in this, that the heat, which elevateth these vapours from low and Marshy places, carrying (as you would say) a burden heavier than their hability can comport with, leaveth them ere they can ascend any higher.  
Besides that, we may say, that the second region of the air, being higher than these mountains, and carried about; and in a manner drawn after the circular wheeling about of the heavens, dissolveth these vapours by its motion; and by this means maketh the dew and Hoarefrost, for so I expound Pruina. Notwithstanding this, a greater motion is required, to disgregate and sunder apart heavy and many vapours, than few and light ones; now seeing the matter of Snow, and Rain is greater and containeth a great many more vapours than the matter of dew and Hoarefrost: Therefore it is, that in exceeding high Mountains, 
Some more good observations of dew and Hoar-frost  neither rain, dew, nor Hoarefrost fall; because of the violent motion and great flux of the air there: for that matter is rather even wheeled about with that violent motion, whereas in the lower Mountains again, because of the lesser flux and motion of the air snow and rain falls, but not dew nor Hoare-frosts.  
To end this part in a word then, I say, That dew and Hoarefrost have a like matter common to both, viz, moist vapours exhaled from the earth and waters, but not highly elevated in the air; and (except in quantity) they differ not, but only in this, that dew is fashioned of moderate cold, the other is begotten by a more violent.   

CHAP 6.  
Of Snow: its cause, matter and nature.  
THe matter of Snow, 
What Snow is?  is a cloud, composed of an aereal substance, whereby it may be made some way hot; and of a terrestrial and earthly matter, whereby when it is dissolved, it leaveth some muddy substance behind it; but the most special matter of it is of the vapours exhaled from the waters dispersed over the earth. Their place, is in the middle region where violent colds are; which excessive cold must not be thought their generation only, but then, when that cold is dispersed through the whole air; for then this cold is not so sharp and piercing, as that cold is, which, by the dispersed heat in the air, is reenforced and crowded into one place. Now because such colds are not spread abroad through the whole air, but at certain times, as in winter, in the end of Autumn, and in the beginning of the Spring; therefore it is that in winter in the tail of Autumn or in the beginning of the Spring, Snow falleth (at least then) most frequently. 
Much Snow in the Northern climates, and Why?  And because the Northerly Climates are coldest and farthest remote from the hot Zone, as there where the Sun beams hath least reflex; — Quod sol obliqua non nisi luce videt.  
Therefore it is also, that in these places snow is most usually seen.  
Now if it be said, how can it be, that the snowy cloud must be of a hot airy disposition, seeing the other two ingredients are earthly and waterish vapours which naturally are cold, for by this I should include contrarieties in one subject? To which I answer; that there are no absurdities in that; for in this case, the one is as ingredient, the other as egredient, the one overcoming, the other remitting something of its dignity: for as the cold holdeth together this snowy cloud, till it dissolve into water; so, before this cloud begin to dissolve into snow, we find the air which before was marvelous cold, during the time of the congealing of this cloud, to wax somewhat hotter by reason of the airy heat, which leaveth the cloud and disperseth itself through the air. 
Difference betwixt the Snowy cloud and the rainy one.  From whence likewise we may gather the reasons why the snowy cloud, before it dissolve in the air, is clear, and cleareth the earth also: Whereas the rainy clouds do both dim the sky and earth, & are exceeding cold immediately before the rain fall down? That is, because the rainy cloud, hath nothing but gross and heavy earth and waterish vapours in it; whereas the snowy one, hath besides them, the air enclosed, which being by nature warm, and then being thrust out of the cloud by the predominancy of the other two, cleareth and warmeth both.   

CHAP. 7.  
Of Winds, their true cause, matter and nature, etc.  
IN the former part of this treatise, we have heard that there are two sorts of exhalations, whereof all Meteors above us, in the Air, are composed: one of them moist, called vapours; the other dry, called fumes or smoke; not that any of these are so either wholly dry or moist, or that they have no mixture of others, for that is not: but that the predominancy of the one above the other, in the compound, maketh the denomination.  
Now as the heat of the Sun, extracting these two from the earth and waters is their efficient cause, so they again are the material causes of the Meteors made up by them, viz. vapours, the causes of rain, hail, snow, dew, clouds and so forth. As the dry and fumous exhalations are the causes of wind in particular, as also of the hot Meteors above mentioned. Hot and dry exhalations than are matter and causes of the wind; 
The matter and cause of wind.  and as they are elevated in the Air by the force of the Sun; so no question but from that same Air, the winds begin to blow, and not from the Earth first; which in this may be discerned; because that the highest Mountains (I mean, if they exceed not the first Region) Towers, Trees, Steeples, and so forth, are more agitated with winds, than the lower and base are, as being nearer the air.  
Feriunt summos fulmina montes.  
Saepius ventis agitatur ingens  
Pinus—  
And the reason is, because straining to mount aloft conformable to their nature, they are reverberated again by the middle region, their opposite (being cold and moist) to their hot and dry nature.  
Now as the beginnings and first springs of Rivers are small, but by corrivation of other lesser ones they increase: 
The beginning of wind is but small, but it increaseth in blowing.  Even so the first beginnings and principals of winds are commenced but with few exhalations; no question but their increment floweth from the adunition and combination of more exhalations; Whence it is, that some years are more windy and some seasons too, than others; and commonly the driest Summers' maketh the windiest and most tempestuous winters.  
It is said in Scripture, that the wind bloweth where it pleaseth, and that none knoweth, either whence it cometh or whither it goeth. 
A place of Scripture concerning winds solved.  And it is truth indeed to speak particularly, we feel it and find it, we know it vanish away into the many vast and spacious inturning of the air; but from what particular place it floweth, we know not well: for as they are small in their principals, so no doubt, but they receive augmentations in their progress. Here than it may be inferred, that winds and rain are not procreated of the self same matter, as some foolishly do maintain; which by this only may be evidently confuted, that often times the winds are abated by rain; and commonly after rain we have winds: 
What maketh rain commonly follow wind.  The first for this natural reason, because that violence of winds blowing clouds together, and the environing cold condensing and thickening them together, makes them dissolve into water.  
The other is because of waters or rain falling from the clouds, 
And what after rain.  by which means the Air is warmed, and consequently the Earth; which maketh it yield abundance of hot exhalations for the Sun's rays to transport upward to the Air, wherewith wind is framed again.  
And if it be objected, 
What maketh some winds cold, other hot seeing one matter is common to both.  that exhalations are common causes of winds, and yet of the same winds, some are cold, as the North, and East, whereas the Southerly and Westerly are commonly hotter? To this may be answered, that the exhalations themselves are not the occasion of that, but the disposition of the Climates from whence they flow; the Sun's heat never approaching the North Climate, but afar off, and obliquely, or sideways; occasioning the cold of it, and consequently of the winds blown from thence.  
Whereas more perpendicularly it glanceth on the other Meridian and Western parts; by which means, as the Earth is warmed, so are the winds.  
And if it be asked, why in the height of Summer (the Sun being in Cancer) that then are fewest and lowest winds, as in the extremity and cold of Winter there are few likewise, as by experience may be seen:  
To that may be answered, 
What maketh that in the heat of Summer there are fewest winds, seeing then there should be most.  That as in all things extremities are vicious, even so in this matter; for great heat and drought in june, july, and August, do keep back the winds and their matter, as extremity of cold doth in December and january.  
The Earth in that time of Summer, being burned up with scorching heat, hindereth the winds to rise; because the earth than is burningly dry without any mixture of moistness; out of which drought of the earth, without some moistness no fumes can be exhaled.  
So the Air clogged with cold, thick, heavy, and lumpish clouds of rain and waters, holdeth (as it were) the winds within their Precinct; hindering them to blow then, till the Air be disburdened of that load, and do give way to the winds to sport themselves in the spring, recompensing their long captivity with licentious unbridled blasts.  
Or to know how the wind bloweth is this: 
The way how the wind bloweth.  First, the exhalations whereof it is composed, are carried from the Earth, high up to the middle Region of the Air, but so, that when it is there, it is encountered and repercussed, tossed and moved with cold and condensed Air; finally it is put aside, from whence again by violence it is thrown down by the cold predominating in that Region, so it striketh upon this lower Region of the air, in the descent of it; not right and diametrically down, but slentingly; which air again beating the Earth, by the superior impulsion, and the earth's repelling it upward or back again, maketh it (following the round circumference of the Air) to blow about, filling it with its noise.  
As for the number of the winds, what Countries be subject to such or such winds, what maketh the Northerly winds to blow dry, the Southerly moist; I refer the first to Seamen, whose experience is surer than our contemplation: the other are soon solved by a good Naturalist; for the Sun shining upon the South Countries more kindly and hotter than upon the North, maketh the winds conform to the Air of the Countries, hotter there, than in the North, and moister.   

CHAP. 8.  
Of Earthquakes, their cause and nature.  
THIS question dependeth upon the knowledge of the former; for the nature and matter of winds being well understood will clear this the sooner. I formerly said then that cold and dry exhalations, by the force of the Sun elevated up in the Air, and from thence by predominating cold beaten aside, and from that through the Air downward to the Earth back again whirling upon the face of it, 
Again, the way how the wind bloweth.  and round about through this lowest Region, are the matter and nature of the winds; which cold and dry exhalations, I say, are the matter of these winds, which often times so loudly blow upon the superfice of the Earth; that not only Ships on the Seas, Trees in the Woods are overturned by their violence; but likewise high Steeples and Towers are made to shake and tremble in such sort, that even Bells have been blown out of the one, the roof of the other uncovered; our fruits and corns beaten down to the terror and amazement of the beholders.  
Even so dry and cold exhalations, 
The matter and form of Earthquakes.  but these more gross, and not so Elementary as the first, enclosed within the bowels and concavities of the Earth, (for Nature hath no vacuity) and there converted into winds, do struggle and strive as it were, to burst up through this earth to attain to its own right place, which is upwards; and that is the cause of this trembling and motion of the Earth which we call Earthquakes.  
And because the Southern Countries are hotter than the Northern, 
What makes the Southern countries most subject to these earthquakes.  in respect of the Sun's approach to them, I mean in its perpendicular beholding of them, they (I say) are consequently more apt to be inflamed, and so to be concaved and wasted within; yea, and to be more capable of the engendering and reception of these exhalations and winds, and their effects: therefore it is, that these Countries are more subject to the motions and tremble of the earth (whereof their particular Histories afford us testimonies enough) than the more Northerly are; for they having grosser and less matter evaporated from them by the Sun's heat, do admit less concavities, and so fewer exhalations: so then, both winds and Earthquakes are of one selfsame matter and subject, viz. of cold and dry exhalations, whereof they are framed; and they differ only in this; That the exhalations whereof the winds are, do rise more purified, of the superfice of the earth, and as we say in Schools, Ex Elemento superiori; 
The od● between wind & earthquakes▪  whereas the other, more grosser are from below, Et ex Elemento inferiori, so that both in matter and motion they do agree.  
Neither is this called in question by Aristotle, handling the same matter, 
A very fit comparison.  Lib. 3. Meteor. Where his Commentator Albertus Coloniensis compareth this motion of the Earth by the power of these enclosed vapours in the bowels and caverns of it, to the motions and tremble of our pulse, by the Systole and Diastole of our spirits, in and above our hearts, and so within the cavity or hollowness of our body.  
And yet, not content with this comparison, he insisteth in the duration and continuance of the Earth's motion, saying, that even as the tremble wherewith our bodies are agitated (during the fits of a Fever) do continue so long as the faulty and peccant humour reigneth in our veins, 
As our bodies are stirred with a hot ague, even so the earth with an enclosed wind.  and accordingly diminisheth its proportion, as the matter occasioning the fever impaireth: even so it is with this trembling of the earth, having respect to the multitude of vapours and to their declining; for the more these vapours are, the Earthquake lasteth the longer, and is more violent; but when they spend and decline, its violence and continuance is remitted.  
I know now the Philosopher and Naturalist (who admit nothing done in nature, to be otherwise than by natural means) will admit nothing beyond the reach of Nature when they are posed.  
How is it then that commonly after Earthquakes, 
A remarkable question.  Plagues, Pestilences, and death of Bestial do ensue? To this they answer, That the exhalations which causeth the Earth's motion, having burst up through the Earth, infecteth our Air with the infective breath of it, which it contracteth when it was incarcerated within the bowels and waste places of the said Earth?  
Likewise they ascribe some such or not far different reasons in their own degree, to the cause of evils which usually (I will not say ever) befall after blazing Comets, 
Solutions both Philosophical and Theological.  which although in effect they have their own probabilities; yet they should not deprive our great Creator from the supernatural working thereof, who by such unusual and terrible Syncopes of nature, would even foretell, and have mortal men, (whom these prodigies admonish) forewarned of some effects of his wrath to ensue; to the effect, that if they will amend, and turn to their God by humiliation, and repentance, they may avert that evil threatened, and prevent his judgements.   

CHAP. 9  
Of Thunder, Lightning, Hail and certain other secrets of Nature, with their solution.  
AND first concerning Thunder. Quest. What can be the causes of the lightning, and firefleakes, which in Latin are termed Fulgura, & coruscationes, either in the clouds themselves, from whence Thunder proceeds, 
What is the matter of lightnings.  or wavering in the air? Whether or no the exhalations, enclosed within the cloud from whence they do proceed, be the cause, and occasion, both of the Thunder itself, it's sound, and of the coruscation and lightning also?  
Answ. Yea; but diversely, and by its own course; for first by the agitation, and motion of it, within the cloud, it causeth the sound after this manner: The dry exhalation, (whereof this sound, thunder itself and lightnings are generated) ascending upward, in the vapour, to the middle region of the air, is engrossed in a cloud, through the coldness of the place: so it is compacted, and this exhalation coarct within the belly of that thickened and condensed matter: which dry, or fiery exhalation, thus enclosed, (by Antiperistasis or contrariety) by the environing cold, in the outward body of the cloud, striveth to get out, and make way for itself; at last, with much reluctance, 
The right cause of the noise of thunder after the lightning.  overcoming the environing cold, maketh that hideous and horrible noise, wherewith here on earth we are so terrified, that sometimes Women are struck in such fear by it, that they part with child; So by that same agitation it kindleth too, being of a combustible substance, viz. of a dry, terrestrial, and inflammable matter; which, once kindled by Antiperistasis, expelleth itself, with violence, through that cold thickened cloud: but first in, and about the cloud it maketh these flashes and coruscations spoken of before: so in lightnings, it disperseth itself, here, and there through the air, both clearing the cloud above, and the air beneath.  
Now if it be asked; 
Why we see the lightning before we hear the noise.  What is the cause, why we see sooner the lightning than we hear the thunder clap? That is because our sight is both nobler, and the eye is sooner perceptive of its object, than our ear; as being the more active part and priore to our hearing: beside the visible species are more subtle, and less corporeal than the audible species, this being real, the former intentional, as the skilful in Optics know: and this is the reason why likewise we see the flash, ere we hear the noise of discharged guns.  
Question. Again, being asked, why fire, being naturally light, doth not rather ascend then descend?  
Answ. (To that as before:) Because it is extruded by violence from its abode. 
And why do●● it descend seeing it is light.  Besides this, it being accoupled to a matter contrary to its own nature, and that matter predominating, viz. A dry terrestrial substance, in which it existeth; that I say, this terrestrial matter, tending downward, draweth the fire perforce with it: which may be perceaved by a kindled charcoal thrown out of one's hand, which carrieth the fire along with it.  
Again, if it be expostulated, what can be the cause of the admirable effects of this thunder? at some times bruising the blade of a sword, 
The cause of the admirable effects of thunder.  the sheath un-offended; melting money and gold in a pocket, the pocket remaining entire; and killing a Man and not harming his clothes; And what maketh things touched by it smell of sulphur and brimstone? And to kill a man in such sort, that the bolts shall bruise all his bones, the flesh never a whit hurt, nor by appearance touched; and the like.  
Thus much for answer. The thunder which is expelled or extruded from black clouds, is more violent and hath greater force, 
Why the thunder of black clouds are more terrible, than those of White.  than that which is ejaculated from the whiter clouds. This thunder then by nature subtle, and piercing, but much more purified in its distent, when it mixeth with the air, is far more subtilised: And again being by the fire, and heat of the thunder repurged of all grossness, it is made so purely spiritual, that is pierceth suddenly, and insensible as it were, almost all porous bodies, and never exerciseth its force till it find resistance: And hereby it appeareth plainly how the skin is, as it were, untouched when the bone is broken, which may serve for all accidents in this kind.  
But when it only toucheth the outward of things without any great hurt, it betokens the weakness, and imbecility of the matter. 
Why those that be thunder beaten smell of brimstone.  And where commonly bodies, so thunder beaten, do smell of sulphur and brimstone, the matter of Thunder giveth the reason, for it is composed of dry, and sulphureous exhalations, as of the smoke of Sulphur-terrae by Naples; of hot smoke in baths, and rocks there; of Monte de Sommi; of Aetna in Sicily: of the burning hills at Mexico in America: of our Hecla in Island, and such like chalky, lymie and sulphureous places; so vapours elevated out of these and the like places, must make thunder which is composed of them, to savour of them.  
Now to those, who ask which is the place where thunder is procreated, 
The true matter of thunder.  and begotten: answer may be made, from the gross humidity, having in it some terrestrial glutinous, and viscous humour not easily separated from it that it existeth in; which being thickened in a cloud in the highest part of the middle region whither they are elevated, above all other clouds, composed of other moist vapours; from thence (I say) by the environing cold, by Antiperistasis, or a stronger opposite part, they are extended and thrown down.  
Qu. Again, if any demand why black clouds are conjectured most to contain, and send forth thunder bolts most fearful?  
I answer, indeed as black clouds, flashes, and lightnings, 
The reason why the thunder of black clouds are most dangerous.  are little to be regarded, in respect that the blacnesse of them argueth but little fiery matter to be within; But contrarywayes that it aboundeth in waterish vapours; So commonly after thunder great reins, ensue; the cloud being dissolved, and the fire expelled. But indeed, if the lightning be not much to be feared of such a black cloud, yet the thunder bolt of it is terrible, as being violently expelled by the predominating cold, even as the great charge of a Cannon enforceth the bullet's flight, and causeth the roaring noise of it.  
Of radish, or whitish coloured clouds, the bolt is but weak in regard of the rarity, and paucity of cold vapours to expel it; but the flashes and lightning will be found dreadful, in respect of the abundance of exhalations, wherewith, after their own colour, the cloud is died.  
But leaving these fiery and hot Meteors, we betake us again unto the moist and watery ones, as more consonant and frequent to our climate.  
First, if it be asked whether our moist Meteors, such as snow, hail, and rain, have one common matter, whereof they are generated; and if they have one, what can be the cause of their different shapes and forms; 
All weak Meteors have one common matter▪  for we see the snow broad and soft, contrarieways hail, round and hard. No question but one matter is common to all, viz. Waters; from which, by vapours they are elevated to the air; and in which they are dissolved again: but the difference standeth here. 
Their difference in form, and place.  That the nearest matter (to say so) of snow, is vapours congealed in a cloud, which hath in it a great mixture of air; by which means, being some way heated, when the snow dissolveth, you see it holdeth, open and soft, by reason of that air, whereas hail hath no airy substance in it, and thus qualified by experience, that we see hail fall down on a sudden, and ofttimes with violence, because of the terrestrial heaviness of it, whereas snow falleth but leisurely.  
The reason why hail is round may be this, 
Why hail is round.  because falling down from the middle region where it is congealed, by the way it reencountereth with some circular and round drop of rain or water, which accordingly by the rolling about of the hail itself, becometh hard likewise; more especially, as not having any hot place, but the cold air to fall through, till it light on our lowest region; which accidentally hot, for the time, you see, maketh them immediately after their lighting upon the earth, to dissolve quickly, or at least not long after. And as these two are form in the highest of the middle regions, and for the extreme cold which is there are congealed: 
Why rain falleth in drops.  so on the other side because the clouds from whence rain issueth, do not ascend so high, therefore they dissolve in drops before they can be congealed. And so by degrees, dew and Hoar-frost, because they are not mounted so high as the matter and clouds of rain; Therefore they fall sooner, and softlyer than rain doth; so one matter is common mother unto all of them, but the degrees of their elevation in the air maketh their differences: the hail higher than the Snow, the Snow than the Rain, the Rain then the Hoar-frost, mildew, or dew is.   

CHAP 10.  
Of Rivers, Fountains and Springs, their sources and causes.  
THere ariseth a question here not unworthy of our consideration. Whether the Springs and Rivers, in and on the earth have their original from the waters of the Sea, by subterranean conduits, or from the waters on the superfice of the earth which is caused by rain; or finally from the huge and unmeasurable caverns, and hollow places of the earth, 
From whence fountains have their courses.  in whose bowels are monstrous lakes, pools, and other standing waters, created of the air, therein enclosed, which not having any vent to ascend upward, but being condensed there, dissolveth itself into these waters. Now before we enter into the solution of this question, we must understand, that when I speak of the vast and endless caves, like valleys within the bowels of the earth, wherein waters are, that it is no invention of mine own: for Seneca, & with him Aristotle in his Meteorologicks in the 19 book of his natural questions instanceth it, saying, Quid miraris (saith he) si distructos terra non sentiat, cum adjectos mare non sentit? And again, Quemad modum supra nos imbres, it a infra nos fluvios aer facit, supra autem nos diu segnis aer stare non potest, qui aut sole atte●uatur, aut vento exp●nditur; sub terra autem, quod aerem in aquam vertit idem semper est, scilicet umbra aeterna, frigus perenne & in excitato densitas quae, semper materiam fontibus fluminibusque praebebunt, and so forth: all which he confirmeth in that same place by authority of Theophrast, whom he bringeth in saying, That since the Earth hath swallowed Towns, Cities, and houses, who can doubt but that there are within her bowels, Brooks, Caves, Dens, and Valleys? which seeing they cannot be empty, must of necessity be full of waters. Seeing then all things are composed of all the Elements, as of their common causes; (For water is a thickened air; and the Air again a rarified water:) How then can these subterranean hollow places, but be full of waters, since the Earth doth dissolve in waters, 
That there is waters within the earth.  to fill them up? For the earth being delved or digged but a very few footsteps down, water doth strait appear, earth and water being of as great affinity as air and waters are: howbeit Zeno and others do contradict this opinion, saying; That the Earth is a massy, 
The Sea the mother of fountains.  solid, and homogenean body. I say, that absolutely the Sea (as a common Mother to all waters) is she, from whence all Rivers, and Springs have their source, but yet not so wholly, but that they may be augmented by rain and water, as we see by experience; that after huge reins, both Fountains and rivers do accreasse. And if it be asked, how water being of its own nature heavy, can leave its own element and centre, and be conveyed to the tops of Mountains and high places, as may be daily seen almost every where?  
To this first, 
How Fountains are on the tops of mountains.  I say, that the Sea being some way higher than the Earth, most easily, by its own conduits, and channels, it may make passage unto itself, as through so many veins.  
Besides this, the vapours which the Sun's heat, and the power of some other Planets, raiseth from the waters even under the earth, are not ever exhaled and carried aloft to the Air, but sometimes are even retained for a long time in solid places of the innermost parts of the earth; where gathering themselves into the concavities thereof, they boil upward by the force of the said agitation, as a pot upon the fire, by the force of an under hear: so these waters bubbling up through the earth cause our fountains; which running downward again, to the Valleys and Plains, do make our Brooks, Rivers, and Springs. And of this opinion is venerable Albertus Coloniensis, commenting Aristotle upon this question, Dubio nono & decimo. Or it may be said, that the caverns and concavities of the earth, being filled up with waters, which distil from the want of the caved earth above, are procured by the gross Air there enclosed and converted into waters, which issuing out of the rarer or voider parts of the Earth, above, do occasion these Springs, Rivers, and Brooks.  
If it be demanded if steep Mountains do not retribute and send down waters to feed our Springs and Rivers; 
How mountain; furnisheth water unto fountains.  there is no question, for in their concavities, of certain, there are treasures of waters, which bursting out at their lower parts, do yield plenty enough, to bedew the lower Countries; not that these waters are gathered there by reins which fall (for raine-waters penetrate not so deep into the earth) but rather that the Mountains themselves, being spongeous, do attract and draw together, their whole dissolved waterish matter, to the frontiers and concavities; from whence surging and breaking-forth through orifices, they grow into springs, brooks and sometimes rivers.  
Quest. What causeth some Fountains to last longer than others? certainly, that must proceed from the copiousness and abundance of the vein and and waters, such long-lasting ones have, above the others.  
Or finally, if it be demanded what can be the cause that some Rivers, and Springs, which formerly did flow in large swift currents, do lessen, and sometimes totally dry up? That must not be imputed to the situation or change of the Stars, 
Why some springs cease running.  as some suppose; by which (say they) all places in the world are altered; but rather unto the decay of the vein: peradventure, because the earth pressing to fill up voidness, hath sunk down in that place, and so choked the passage, and turned, the course another way.  
Neither can there be a fitter reply given unto those who ask; 
What maketh two fountains a little distant, one hot and another cold.  what maketh two Springs or Fountains which are separated only by a little parcel of ground, to be of a contrary nature? yea, one sweet and fresh, the other brackish and salt; one extreme cold, another near adjoining to it, to be lukewarm.  
Then the diversity of Oars or Metals, through which these waters do run, which is the cause of their different tastes and temperatures; as on one parcel of ground some flowers and herbs salutiferous and healthful; others venomous, and mortal may grow.  
The Moon is often said to be the efficient cause of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea; now if so be (as universally all the Learned hold) what is the cause, seeing she is universally seen by all Seas in a manner, (and I may say equally) that therefore all Seas flow not and ebb not alike?  
To this I think no better reply can be given, than that some Seas there are which be rather Lakes, in a manner, and of fresher water than Seas, in respect of the incessant running of endless Rivers into them, whereof they make no account again (to say so) by subministring matter to Rivers, Fountains, Brooks, or Lakes, as the Ocean doth: the environing banks, and shores being higher almost than they: such are all Sounds, Gulfs, and (it may be) the Mediterranean Sea also. Or yet we may say, that the profundity and deepness of some Coasts hindereth the flowing more than it doth upon shallow and ebb sands and other valley and low banks.  
Now the cause of our hot Baths near Bristol, 
The veins through which the waters run maketh them salt, hot, or cold.  in Flanders, Germany, France, Italy, and else where, is only the sulphureous and a brimstony Oar, or Metal through which their waters run; as the salt earth through which some waters do run, is the cause of their saltness, such as the Salt-pits in Poland, and Hungary, out of which Salt is digged, as our Pit-coales, and stones are digged out of Quarries. And no question but these waters are heated too by running through such earth.  
These, and the like, are the reasons given by Philosophers, for such secrets of Nature, as either here before I have touched, or may handle hereafter: and howbeit, by humane reason men cannot further pry into these and the like, yet no question but the power of the great Maker, 
God's power outreacheth man's wisdom▪  hath secrets enclosed within the bowels of Nature, beyond all search of man: To learn us all to bend the eyes of our bodies, and minds upward to the Heavens from whence they flow, to rest there in a reverend admiration of his power, working in, by and above nature; and that by a way not as yet wholly manifested unto mortal men.  
By all which, and many more we may easily espy as the power, so the wisdom of this our Maker, in disposing the form of this Universe, whether the great World, or the little one, MAN; in both which there is such a harmony, sympathy, and agreement, betwixt the powers above, which we see with our eyes, as the Heavens, and the distinguished Regions of the Air in the greater World, with the Earth and Seas; or of the soul, mind, life, and intellect of Man; the heaven in him comparatively, with his body, the Earth, and such like, of the one with the other; that is the great and little world together, as is a wonder. 
The comparison of the great & little world.  For as in the Air, how the lower parts are affected, so are the superior; and contrariwise, as the superior is disposed, right so the inferior. So we see that not only a heaven of Brass, maketh the Earth of Iron, but likewise waterish and moist earth, causeth foggy and rainy air: as a serene or tempestuous day maketh us commonly either joyful or melancholy: or as a sad and grieved mind causeth a heavy and dull body: but contrariwayes, a healthful and well tempered body, 
A worthy similitude.  commonly effecteth a generous and jovially disposed mind.    

OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOK: CONTAINING FIVE TREATISES. OF 

1. Armies and Battles.  
2. Combats and Duels.  
3. Death and Burials.  
4. Laughing and Mourning.  
5. Mental Reservation.    
BY DAVID PERSON OF Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.  Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant. 
LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Green- Dragon. 1635.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THOMAS Earl of Hadington LORD Privy Seal of Scotland, and one of His Majesty's most HONOURABLE Privy Counsel in both KINGDOMS.  
Right Honourable,  
IF writers of books in former ages have made a grateful commemoration in the front of their works, of worthy, men who for their brave deeds either in Peace, or War, Church or Common wealth were renounced, thereby to eternize their fame, and by their examples to extimulate others to the imitation of their virtues; nothing could expiate my trespass, if I should pass over your Lordship's most accomplished rare virtues, thereby to deprive posterity of so excellent a Precedent, especially amongst your other many exquisite perfections you being in this barren age so worthy a pattern, and Bountiful Patron of letters and literate men. Let antiquity boast itself of the integrity of a Greek Aristides, in the gravity and inflexibilitie of a Roman Cato, and the rest: yet our age may rejoice to have all these accumulated on your Lordship alone; Envy cannot conceal with what credit and general applause (as through the Temple of Virtue to the Sacrary of Honour) you have passed all the orders of our Senatoriall Tribunal even to the highest dignity; where, like an Oracle, you strike light through most foggy and obscurest doubts. The continued favour of Kings, the aggrandizing of your estate by well managed fortune, the peopling by the fecundity of your fruitful loins not only your own large stock but many of the most ancient and honourable families in our nation, may well set out your praises to the world, but the true Panegyric which I (if able) would sound abroad your Honours due deserving merits, to which, in all humility and reverence, I offer this small pledge of my entirer affection, hoping ere long to present them with something more worthy the studies and travels of  
Your Lordships in all dutiful obedience. D. PERSON.   

OF ARMIES AND BATTLES: Wherein by the way our modern Warfare, is compared with the Old Roman. THE THIRD BOOK.  

Section 1.  
That greatest armies have not always carried away the victory, the reason of it; two examples, of Semiramis, and Xerxes.  
I FIND in Histories, that not always the greatest, and most numerous armies, have carried away the victories in Battles; whether it is, that the LORD of Hosts will disappoint them who trust in their numbers, 
Greatest armies have not always done great.  and armies of men, or their Martial Horses and their strength, or in their military discipline. For it is probable, that as their infinite numbers, cannot ever be so well Marshaled, as that, at all times requisite, they can come to blows; so on the contrary, if once they chance to turn backs, the Panike fear that seizeth on so gross, and peccant a body, is so remediless, that they can scarce ever be brought again into any right or perfect order, which in lesser armies, driven to such extremities, we hear and read to have happened: Or rather shall we say with that Captain of the Volsci, marching against the old Romans?  
Armati armatis obstant virtute pares, sed necessitate superiores.  
And again;  
justum est bellum, quibus necessarium, & pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis, relinquitur spes.  
I need not insist too much on battles of unequal numbers, for the Greek and Roman Histories are replenished with them; yet two I will produce, as incredible for their numbers, as unlikely for their loss. The one, 
Semiramis innumerable army defeated by a very few under an Indian Prince.  of Semiramis Queen of Babylon, who setting out for the conquest of the Indies, made up an army of three millions of armed men, whereof ten hundred thousand Horsemen, the rest were foot, besides many hundred thousand Chariots, with blades like scythes, or falchions, sticking out on either side; with many hundred thousand Camels and Elephants to fight on. Which horrible army was so overthrown by the Indian Emperor, that scarce one hundred returned home alive.  
The other was of Xerxes, 
Xerxes' alio overthrown by a handful of greeks and Salamines.  that powerful King of Persia, who intending to subdue Greece, came down upon it with such an army, that Rivers were drunk dry by the multitude of his soldiers. Herodotus reporter of the former two, reckoneth this whole army to amount to seventeen hundred thousand by land: and two hundred and fifty thousand by Sea, with 2200 Galleys; for, by Sea and land, he intended their subversion, and came down for that intent.  
The insolency of this King (environed with this terrible army) was such; that intending likewise to subdue Europe, and for which purpose he prepared to pass the Hellespont, (some seven miles broad) but because his bridge of boats, by the water's impetuousness, was overthrown, which he caused to be contrived for that effect (as Alexander did at Tyre) he made his Soldiers, with him, vainly to whip the Sea for its resistance against his so vast power. Nevertheless this presumptuous King (I say) with all his forces, and numbers of men, by a small number of greeks, was overcome at the Battle of Thermopilae; 
The battle of Thermopilae.  in so far that, that same glorious King of Medes and Persians, was forced to steal over the Hellespont, slenderly accompanied in a frigate, or Shallop, in the year of the world 4720. or thereabouts, if Sabellicus mistake not.  
Now as these two remarkable and populous armies were thus defeated by the smaller number, and so confirmeth this assertion aforementioned; So who will follow forth the tract of all either divine, or heathen Histories, shall find it more manifestly approved.  
As for holy Histories, unless I were obliged not only by an Historical but by an Evangelicall faith also, to trust all comprehended with●n the old and New Testament as undoubted verity, I could hardly be induced to believe, that so little a territory as the holy land was (and yet is) could afford so many hundred thousand fight men, as were so often recorded to be raised in it; unless that some would say, that beside the blessing of God upon that land in making it to overflow with milk and honey, wheat, wine and oil, that so he would have it to abound in men likewise.   

Sect. 2.  
Examples of Greek, Roman, and British Battles, where the fewer number have overcome the greater.  
THere is a freedom left to every Reader of Histories, to believe or not believe every particular in them: yet those battles, where the fewer numbers have overcome the greater, will most startle belief; as that victory of Alexander over Darius; the battles of Thrasymenes, Cannes, with the Pharsalian field, and the like. For Alexander, with but a few, did beat Darius great hosts: Hannibal, with lesser multitudes overthrew the Roman Consuls, Paulus Aemilius, and Terentius Varro; julius Caesar, with almost the half of Pompey's number put him and his army to rout.  
But neither the imparity of the Greek, nor Roman battles fought by them can give so great assurance of possibility, that small troops have overcome the greater. As that battle of Poitiers by Edward the black Prince of England, 
john King of France overthrown by Edward the black Prince of England.  against john King of France! where, not only four times as many that day were put to rout, by the worthy English, but likewise the King himself was led captive into England; whose ransom redacted his country unto that penury, and scarcity of money, that they were forced thereafter, to coin and stamp pieces of leather money, as their History of that time recordeth.  
Neither, 
Edward Carnarvan of england overthrown by Bruce at Bannak-burne.  was that glorious victory over the French much more remarkable, nor more sufficient for proof of this than was that famous victory of our valiant Bruce, at the battle of Bannak-burne, against an other Edward.  
I might add to these two the renowned victories won by Scanderbag a petty Prince of the Epirots, 
Scanderbag with a handfuls overthrew Mahomet.  who with but a handful of men (as it were) did overcome the hundreds of thousands of that victorious Mahomet, as at length may be read in the Turkish History.   

Sect. 3.  
Whether it be requisite that Princes hazard their Persons in field or not; of the Encouragement that their presence giveth to the Soldiers: When a King should venture to the field; and what Lieutenants are to be deputed by him; all exemplified.  
Our Politicians, 
If Princes may hazard their persons in a field or not.  of latter times, have made it a great question, whether a Sovereign Prince should hazard his person in battle or not, considering the great loss that ensueth either by his death, or captivity; a thing never doubted of in former ages; no not by such Kings who though sickly and diseased, have caused to carry their bodies from their bed unto the field, thereby the more to encourage, with their presence, their mutining and doubting armies; as Plutarch witnesseth in the life of Eumenes. Yea, Xisca had such a conciete of himself and his own presence, that after his death, he ordained his skin to be flayed off him, and a drum to be covered with it; imagining thereby, that, as he in his life had terrified and sorely beaten his enemies, so the sound of this after his death would be a terror unto them.  
Neither, 
Queen Elizabeth on the front of her army in 88  was there any thing encouraged our brave English, at the approach of the Spanish armada, more, than the assurance and undismayed countenance of that ever famous Q. Elizabeth, riding in the front of her troops with a javeline in her hand (like an armed Pallas) as the Bishop of Ely in his treatise of the 88 most appositely relateth.  
Philippe de Commines observeth nothing more worthy of remark in the battle of Fornouncie (which the Italians call the battle of Tarr which was struck at the foot of the Apennine mountains, by the French King Charles the eight, against the Venetian an army, under the conduct of the Marquis of Mantua, their general, at the King's return from Naples homeward,) then the young King his generous encouraging of his people, 
The countenance of a King a great encouragement unto soldiers▪  with a cheerful countenance: and so much the more; because that the night before, the army was so terribly frighted with thunder, flashes of fire from heaven, horrible tempests of wind, and rain, all which he persuaded his Soldiers, were only ominous prodigies, to dismay their enemies.  
So then, when I seem to admit, or allow the presence of a King in his Army, rather than to devolve that charge on Deputies; it is not to be understood, that therefore he should play or act the part of a Soldier, exposing his sacred person unto danger and palpable hazard, which are only for common Soldiers; but only by his advice, and countenance, to encourage, direct, and ensure all things. 
— stetit aggere fulti  
Cespitis intrepidus vultu, meruitque timeri  
Nil metuens— As Lucan  speaking of julius Caesar, exquisitely remarketh: neither yet is it to be understood, 
When a King should be in proper person in a field.  that a King should in person be in his battles, and armies at all occasions, but then only and especially, when the enemy is within, or approaching his Country; for otherways he may very conveniently do his business abroad, by his Lieutenant's. Provided always, that he who is employed, be not of such eminency, as thereby he be able to encroach upon his estate; and then armed with men, power, and strength, favour and means, attempt against his Sovereignty: but that by consanguinity, or other obliging bonds, the Prince be assured of this great man's fidelity and trust: as examples of former Ages can yield sufficient testimony to have been practised: 
Why powerful subjects are not always fi●est to be elected Generals of armies.  to which purpose I will only instance, that notable authority of Velleius Paterculus, in his abridgement of the Roman History; when he speaketh of that great employment entrusted unto Pompey, in scouring the whole Seas of those mighty and many Pirates which infested it. Idem autem (saith he) in Marci Antonii praetura ipsi concreditum fuit, populus id aequo animo ferebat; (and why) Quia rarò eorum invidetur honoribus quorum vis non timetur, tum demum verò extrema eorum formidantur, qui vim in potestate habent.  
Next it is most requisite in the deputed expeditions that two Commanders be not placed over one army, 
One General ●itter, not two,  the Heavens cannot abide two Suns, as Darius was told by the Macedonian Alexander.  
— omnisque potestas  
Impatiens consortis erat—  
But leaving former examples, or later miserable experiences of this we have in hand, I cannot but applaud that memorable Motto of the Duke de maine, on his Colours and other Ensigns, which doth well to this purpose; for when he had taken upon him the conduct of his Brother the Duke of Guyse's forces, after he was killed at Blois, had these words for his Motto, 
— uno avulso non deficit alter  
Aureas, & simili frondescet virga metallo.    

Section. 8.  
Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies; and why the Grecians conjoined two in their embassies: and of the danger of too strict Commissions.  
IF it be objected here, that the Romans and Grecians (who were chief Masters of this military Art) did in all their expeditions send two Consuls, 
How the Romans and Grecians send two Commanders with their armies abroad.  or Deputies together; yet that maketh not any ways against the former assertion: for as the several effects thereof proved not always successful, as their lamentable wars can testify; and particularly the bloody fights betwixt Silla and Marius, each vindicating to himself the honour of captivating the Numenian jugurtha: they commonly were sent, so, that either alternatively they should bear rule; or the younger was accoupled to the elder, that the younger might submit and give way to the gravity, years, and authority of his Senior; or finally these Consuls were so attemperated in that charge, 
Their foresight and prudence herein.  that one of a slow and procrastinating disposition was still joined to one of a sudden and forward nature; yet none of all scarce ever proved successful to the City: For what desolation Terentius Varro his suddenness brought unto the State that day that befell him to command, (although against the will or consent of the elder Paulus Aemilius) at the battle of Cans, their Histories yet may bear record in letters of blood.  
And though Marcellus and Fabius, 
Fabius and Marcellus contrary dispositions.  were so joined, that Marcellus impatiency was tempered and allayed by the delaying nature of Fabius, yet there are few Fabii Maximi to endure the upbraiding and insolent bravadoes of a camarade as he did; yea, and of his whole Army, for not fight at such occasions as they thought advantageous; of whom the Poet said well, Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem.  
And of both, their legender Plutarch; That Marcellus was the Sword of Rome, and Fabius the Buckler and defence!  
That the Grecians sent always two together, 
Why the Grecians did send always two, in ambassage, or to field.  either to wars, or in Embassage, was rather to the effect each should pry into, and control the others actions, to save their Commonwealth unbetrayed, then for advancing the business they were sent about; as in the lives of Lisander and Calicrates is manifest; every one of them for envy, emulation, and ambition, undoing that which the other had plotted.  
Now, as the Roman and Greek examples above rehearsed, do make little for the authority of two Generals over an Army, seeing the formerly particularised evils do ensue: In as little do I think their example to be imitated in these our days for prescribing particular and precise injunctions unto Generals, in so far, that they may not in a jot transgress the limits of their Commission. For though the Roman History affordeth examples enough of Fathers; who, when their own sons had returned victorious, and the business they went about, well and honourably performed; for which the first day they were honoured with the Ovations and Triumphs due unto victors; yet the next day were put to death for having gone beyond the points of their Commission; yea, but for halting one day more by the way, than punctually they were enjoined to do: 
The limitating of General's Commission dangerous.  (though peradventure they had brought the enemy unto such a pass, that if that day had escaped from giving battle, or any other thing of like consequence, the state of the Commonwealth might have been imperilld, or the enemy escaped, or the like.) Yet I know not how their doings, by Laws of a well managed state, may be lawfully warranted.  
For in wars it may be, that the opportunity of doing well presenteth itself so, that if the General lose the point of that present service (though his Commission carry no warrant for it) he may hazard to posterity both his fame and credit, and may, (which is more) endanger the state, or Prince whom he serveth.  
But as the jealousy of the Romans for the conservation of their liberty and state burst out in these strict Commissions; so I shall wish that for the preservation of ours, all expert Statesmen upon most weighty considerations do advise, such as the multifarious exigencies of affairs require; for I am no ways to direct.   

Section 5.  
Difference between Battles and Duels: that Generals may refuse challenges: with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their wars.  
NOw to return to our Battles from which we have digressed; 
Great odds betwixt battles and duels.  I observe great odds betwixt battles and duels: for in battles neither Generals of Armies repute it a point of disparagement or discredit, if either they refuse to fight, when they are bravadoed by their enemy: nor yet a point of disgrace to sue for conditions of peace and friendly compositions, when all things all the clear in the field: any of which, or both, in matter of duels, should be reputed a perpetual disgrace, unless it were in such terms as the Barons did; mentioned in the Chapter of combats.  
Of the first, we have the example of Fabius Maximus, whom Hannibal bravadoed so insolently, that Fabius' own soldiers had him in derision. And of late, the Duke of Parmas' example, who relieved the Town of Paris, from that terrible siege, wherewith King Henry the third and last of the Valois' had beleaguered it; for rising in arms against him in favour of the house of Guise: I say, this Duke having raised this siege, 
To shun fight at times is no disgrace unto a General  at last relieved the City with necessaries, in spite of all King Henry the great, then of Navarre, his valour, and hard pursuit; yea, and offer of battle: yet he returned the way he came without apprehending any disgrace, but deferred till he thought fitting again to give him battle.  
And on the other part, if any of all the worthy Ancients had reputed it an aspersion, or imputation either to their fame, valour, or fortune, who so unlikely to sue for putting off fight, as that witty, wise, valorous (and till then fortunate) Hannibal, and that at the hands of the man on earth, with whom he stood most upon points of credit and reputation, viz. Scipio, his Antagonist?  
And yet the History represents unto us, that the sixteenth year of the Punic wars, when Scipio the African, had invented, and prosecuted that stratagem of war, to draw Hannibal out of Italy, by kindling the fire of war in his own Country, yea, at the Gates of Carthage; which accordingly as he had invented, he put in execution; so that the Country and City, at the first approach of the Roman army, posted away Commissioners unto Hannibal to hast him over into afric with all his force, or else that all was undone.  
Hannibal, 
Hannibal sueth for peace at Scipio.  I say, considering that policy, and withal remembering unto what extremity he had both driven Rome, and almost all Italy, and what he might have done if he had not been so soon fatally recalled; moreover, being landed, and finding his forces not able enough to encounter Scipio (both Armies being in sight of other) before the battle should begin, desired parley with Scipio, and in these or the like terms the History makes Hannibal in mid-field to speak unto him, after serious eyeing each other.  
The Heavens be propitious unto our meetings; now that I, who am the elder, sue for cessation from fight this day (great Scipio) impute it unto fortune; whom now I perceive like a woman to favour thee at this time, 
Hannibal's speech unto Scipio.  who art the younger; the variableness of these events (me thinks) should move thee to condescend unto the peace I plead for, yea, as willingly and effectually as I crave it, if you do but ponder in the balance of an impartial and not preoccupied mind, what diversity of chances have fallen out since the beginning of our wars, and how, even now, this same City, which offereth conditions of peace, had both your glorious Rome, and in it all Italy, quaking and trembling under the auspexes of my fortunate successes; and how I am still the same man as before: and withal, how the Gods have a watching eye, and revenging hand when they are invocated as witnesses unto equal conditions offered and refused for the preserving of humane blood.  
And as they ever were, so still they are able, to turn the chance against all, whose swelling presumption would hinder the perpetual peace of both Empires. I am confident yet, great Scipio (saith he) that the sense of vicissitude in martial affairs shall touch thee so, as not to endanger all thy fresh former Trophies under the hazard of a doubtful battle. Call but to mind the fatal examples of so many brave wariours, and particularly of your countryman Attilius Regulus (seeing homebred experiences are most sensible) who having attained the vertical point of honour, and preferment, by the fortunateness of his successful victories, while he did not command his felicities, was plunged in the miserablest of misfortunes, etc.   

Sect. 6.  
That the exploits of our modern warriors, have been every way comparable to those of the Ancient; with some examples to that effect.  
AS no judicious man can be so unjust as not to retribute due honour to the never dying Worths, and valours, of the many renowned Roman and Greek Commanders, with others in all former Ages; so ought no man to be so transported with their so largely famed deeds, as thereby to derogate from the true worths, the many most admirable exploits; the undaunted courages, of the many excellent and most warlike Commanders that have of later Ages, like so many Comets, shined in their times, over Christendom; of whom our own Countries (without ostentation I say it) have filled up a very large number.  
It is not to be doubted but that in these our latter ages there are men every way equal for all manner of warlike exploits, whether stratagems, policy, or undaunted courage, to the so famed Hannibal, Scipio, Fabius Maximus and the rest. That exploit of Hannibals indeed, when Fabius Maximus had enlabyrinthed him in that strait of the Apennine Mountains was preferable to any in my conceit: with which I balance that admirable stratagem of Sir Francis Drake in firing the Spanish Armado in 88 
Sr. Fr. Drakes stratagem in 88  That it bred the ruin of that so huge and expensive Navy and so formidable to this whole Island.  
It is observed of Hannibal, that being in that strait, 
Hannibal's stratagem.  and recollecting his wits how to escape, with his army, he gathered together all the Oxen in the country about him, and under cloud of night, having tied unto their horns bundles of vine branches, like little faggots, which he kindled, and therewith chased them along the Mountains. Now they being so terrified with the flames of fire, burning about their ears, made such a noise, and dreadful show along the sides of the mountains, as they ran, that the Roman army, which lay in the valley, being astonished at such a sight, (it being in the night) when all things are most dreadful) did betake itself unto the opposite Mountain, and made way to the Carthaginian army which then marched to escape: neither think I, but for all the fame of these ancient illustrious deeds registrated in their records, but if either they had chanced to have ado with the people of these ages, where the acts of war are better refined, and purified then in those times; Or yet if our commanders had served in that age; but they had come shorter of victories here, then ours had done in their achievements there. But as Alexander reputed Achilles happy who had a Homer to sound his praises; even so these brave Heroes were a like happy, whose Histories have not been sparing to set them out in their fullest dimensions.   

Sect. 7.  
The difference betwixt the ancient manner of warfare; and the modern: how far the modern engines of War exceed those of the ancient greeks and Romans.  
IN marshalling of our armies, and Battles, our modern plans jump almost with those of the Ancient; yet our Sieges, beleaguring of towns, and instruments of war do far exceed theirs, whether by Sea, or by land.  
And first that the form of drawing up of our armies, 
A comparison of drawing up of our armies with the Old Romans.  is not far different from theirs, appeareth in this. Our armies consist of so many regiments, the regiment of so many companies, and our companies of so many Soldiers; then, subdivided amongst themselves. Our armies, in whole, having their General's commanding them, our Regiments their Colonels, our Companies their Captains, and every one of these their Lieutenants and under-officers, conformable unto the stations of their charge, such as Sergeant Majors, Quarter-masters, Ancient Corporals, Sergeants of companies, etc.  
Even so the Roman armies were composed of so many legions; the legion made up of 6000. soldiers, over which a Tribune had command: these again were subdivided into so many Cohorts: the Cohorts into so many Manipuli, which being redivided in Centuries, were again subdivided in Contuberneys which were the meanest company in a legion. These had a Captain, a Lieutenant, and Ensign bearer, wherefore they were called Subsignarii Milites.  
Thus two centuries made up a Manipulus, 3. Manipuli a Cohort, 10. Cohorts a legion, and so many Legions an army less or more according to the exigency of their affairs. When a Legion stood in battle array, the least squadron of it, was a Manipulus wherein was two Ordains conjoined together making 10. in front, and their Lieutenant in the reire: this excellent order of the old Roman warre-fare, is well nigh imitated by our modern warriors, as I was saying in the fields, when, both then, and elsewhere their armies, were like well governed Cities. Yet on the other side the Roman sieges and all their engines of war, come short in comparison of our manner of beleaguring now adays, notwithstanding their testudines, 
If the Roman field malice exceeded ours, yet our beleaguring, & instruments of war exceed theirs.  vineae, aggeres, and Turres, which were hurdells and planks of Timber, built in such sort that Soldiers might securely fight under them, or like Mounts of earth rolled before them, under which they might make approach unto Walls, either for scaling, or undermining; these and all others of this sort, when they come in comparison with our fire works, but chiefly our thundering Cannons, they are found to be but of little avail.  
But what shall we say? Truly we may conclude that in these days, true valour and strength had their just assays, cum latus lateri, dextra dextrae, pes pedi, as Plautus saith, were opposed to one another. Whereas now the bravest, and most venturous fellows without much proof of their undoubted courages, are prostrate on the ground: So that for any thing I either hear or can read in the French Histories, where manifest fights have been in these latter ages; and since these Vulcanian Thunderers have been in request; 
The terribleness of our pieces.  I understand (I say) yea even by those who were present, and had borne a part of the play themselves; that so soon as the fire and showers of shot were spent, the victory almost began to incline, unto one side, or other; before the push of Pikes, wherein commonly the strength of battles consist; the Romans indeed had their fundi, and hurling; Darts, but what were all these unto the former?   

Sect. 8.  
That the Ancients in their wars had greater opportunities to try their prowess, in battle; then the moderns have.  
AND as in their field battles, and sieges of Cities, 
How the Romans had a fitter occasion of trying their valour than we.  their people had occasion afforded, by the lack of these shot, to prove themselves and show sufficiently unto their commanders, testimonies of their valour, strength, and dexterity: Soin their Sea-fights, though they had no Ships of any bigness but Galleys (which then, as now, were of a low tire;) yet, whensoever they encountered, they had occasion to exchange blows enough.  
Whereas our Sea-fights (as they say) now adays, are able to astonish Nepture himself; no mercy being to be found nor almost place secure within our Ships, exposed as butts unto the fury of the roaring Cannon. That their numbers in these kind of fights exceeded ours, beyond compare, there is no question, their Histories do verify it: but if ever in their time there was such a naumachy or sea-fight in their seas, 
The battle of Lepanto surpasseth all the Romans Sea-fights.  as the battle of Lepanto betwixt us and the Turks, I doubt of it. Where the favour of the Lord of Hosts seconding the Christians order, valour, Commanders and Soldier's willingness, and affections to that fight, purchased that victory worthy to be sung by a King, yea the best since Solomon, of one that bore Crown, KING james of blessed memory, which at length is to beseen in the Turkish History, and in Du Bartas small works.   

Sect. 9  
The manner how the greeks and Romans ordered their battles, both by Sea, and by land; the battles of Cannas and Trasimenes described.  
AS for the disposition of the Roman, or Greek Sea-fights and battles, I find little other order, 
Four forms of drawing up of armies used by the Romen  then that they were drawn up in a crescent, and so was the battle of Lepanto. But for their land battles, I read of four kinds of pitching of them: For they were either into a strait front, by them called recta acies very usual amongst them; Or else the manner of imbattelling observed by Caesar against Ariovistus, was in request, which was, when one corner of the army was advanced nearer the nearest point of the enemy's army then the other was; to the effect, the one being wearied, the other might advance to renew the charge a fresh, which by him in his Commentaries was called acies obliqua. The third I understand, to be that observed by Scipio in Spain called acies sinuata, in manner of half Moon, whose points were advanced, as the Sea-battells spoken of before: And his reason of marshalling of them thus was, because he understood his enemy's best men to be placed in the middle of their army, and so by advancing his cornets he discomfited, and put their battalions unto confusion, before the better Soldiers could come unto blows. The fourth is acies gibbera, or gibbosa: When the main battle advanced, but the two cornets lay lagging behind in manner of Crescent too, with the Horns or points arreirward: This form was observed by Hannibal at the battle of Cannae, whereas he did the contrary unto Scipio, neither wanted he his warrant as the effect proved.  
And howbeit Sr. Walter Raleigh in divers places of his great and judicious works takes me much, yet in nothing more, than in this description of the plain order, fight, and end of that battle at Cannae, which was thus; Terentius Varro having enforced the gross of Hannibal's Crescent, in which, contrary to Scipio's order, 
Description of the battle of Cannae.  his worst soldiers were, whilst some Numidians counterfeiting a flight, to train the Romans unto their chase, some further within the Crescent made way unto them; till in the end, they were encountered by Hannibal himself: who standing in his squadron of Carthaginians, under the shadow of the vanquished gross battalion drove them back again, within the circumference of the half Moon, whose face looked towards him; which closing again, where it was first enforced, environed the il-governed Roman Army; so that they were exposed as a pray, unto the fury of the Maures, Numidians, Spaniards, Carthaginians, and some of their Countrymen Italians, whereof Hannibal's Army consisted.  
Which overthrow of the Romans, 
The defeats of Cannas and Trasimenes rather by the Romans unskilfulness then prowess of their foes.  with that at Trasimenes received under the consulship of Cneius Servilius, and Titus Flaminius', happened rather by the fury and blind ambition of the two younger Consuls, for the time (who would not attend the opportunities of times, and places appointed by their elders, viz. Paulus Aemilius Consul with Varro, and Cne. Servilius, with Flaminius',) then by the dexterity of Hannibal; or yet the valour of his people above them; yet may they not counterpoise, or at least over-value that of Pharsalia, where, the Romans, amongst themselves, gave sound proofs of their courages unto their own destruction: although julius Caesar's part (with fewer numbers) was more to be admired above Pompey, in regard of his providence above him in this.   

Section. 10.  
A Maxim in military discipline, inferred to confirm Pompey's oversight at the battle of Pharsalia.  
IT is a maxim of military discipline, 
A maxim of military discipline.  that if thy enemy invade thee, by running upon thy Army with force, in that case, to abide their charge in settled and sound station; if otherways, they budge not to fly upon them: 
Pompey his oversight at the battle of Pharsalia.  for Pompey his Army being composed of the flower of the Roman youth; no question, but if he had commanded them to give the charge, they, whose hot blood and rising spirits, had incensed and redoubled their courages, by the onset, had enforced Caesar's host (which although it was composed of old beaten soldiers, yet being so far inferior, as it was in numbers unto them) to a flight, so to avoid the swelling and furious onset: whereas, on the contrary, they were commanded to abide Caesar's charge: and thus by that attendance, their young and first fury being cooled and abated; withal, Caesar (as a well experienced Commander, enjoined his people to invade these young bloods, imagining (as it came to pass) that being amorous youths, they had rather turn their faces than have them torn (howbeit these scars are rather the honourable badges of true valour, than hindrances or lets of love to a discreet mind) by which means, as Pompey lost the field, so did he all hopes of redintegrating his losses again, making his recourse unto the King of Egypt, where by the way he was killed.   

Section 11.  
That the French, what within their own Country and abroad, have fought more battles of late times, than any other Nation; and of their success in them.  
BUT to leave Greek and Roman Histories, 
The nearer our own tim●s writers are more spa●ing to write without sure warc●nds.  and to pass by the battles, whereof in them are plenty to be read: I will descend to the later Ages, where the liberty of Writers is some way better restrained from debording; and whereof the commemoration will be more taking, and delightful unto the Reader.  
And to begin with the French; I find, that they have given maniest battles within this later Age, both at home in their own bowels, and abroad: and at home with strangers, though not with discredit, yet with small advantage.  
For to take a survey, 
More battles of ●ate amongst the French, than all country's ●e●ide.  either of their battles with the English in France, or in Italy; either in Lombardy for Milan, or in, and about Naples with the Spaniard; we shall find by their own Writers, that few of them have been fortunate: in so much, that beside the common loss in field, their Generals were either taken, or killed, both by the English and Spanish.  
Indeed I will not say, but at some times their deeds have been most worthy, both in the fights at Giradadda, and Tarr, which may counterpoise the loss of Gaston de Foix at Ravenna; 
Few fights abroad to their commendation▪  the Duke of Nemoures at Cerisoles; and almost the captivity of their King at Pavi●: yet what shall we say? they have lost all their footing beyond the Alps: whether by their misfortune, ill government, or the Heaven's decree, which have bordered France in with such unpassable marches, in a manner, that it may learn to live by itself without encroaching upon her neighbours.  
As for their intestine battles again; so many in so short space have not been struck in any place throughout the world.  
For albeit Flanders and Holland, have been now for long time debated, betwixt the Spaniards and the States; in so far, as it hath been, sedes belli, and the public Theatre whereon the Tragedies of bloody Mars have been acted unto the view of all Christendom, since the beginning of their troubles, and the reformation of Religion, as well as France: yet we shall scarce find in all their History of one set battle; for the story of Newport which comes the nearest unto one of any, was rather a successive fight, than a pitched field.   

Section. 12.  
That emulation amongst the Princes in France, rather than Religion, was the cause of the many civillwarres there.  
Whether the procrastinating and long suffering humour of the Spaniard, 
The Spaniard more slow and mature in their doings than the French.  with whom the Hollanders have to do (wherein they exceed the French) whether their fear to hazard the undoubted loss of the whole Countries unto the parties overcome upon a doubtful battle; or whether (like wise Scipio) they are loath to lose a soldier, be the cause of their never appointing set field, I know not: but I dare say, that there have been more civill-wars and battles struck within the bowels of France, since the reformation of Religion, there, than in all Christendom, for that or other causes whatsoever. The battle of S. Dennis, Moncon tour, Yuri, jarnack, Coutras, Arques; beside, divers others less remarkable may witness. Which argueth necessarily how hot and sudden the disposition of that people is. And how justly julius Caesar in his Commentaries (and with him diverse others) have hit, when he describeth the nature and humour of the ancient Gauls.  
Neither must it be thought, that the zeal of Religion only rouseth up this ferocity, on both sides, unto such bloody fights and battles. For other Countries about, have appeased all dissensions about Religion with fewer fights, and less bloodshed at, least in open field, as who frequent their Histories may find. And howsoever Religion was partly a motive unto it: yet it was sometimes used as a cloak to cover the emulous ambition of some great men: as that betwixt those illustrious Families of Bourbon and Guyse, 
Emulation betwixt the house of Gwyse and Bourbon, and not religion the cause of wars of France.  both aspiring unto the Crown, by the visible declining of the name of Valois, in the person of King Henry the third.  
As for all the late battles fought in Germany and other places of Christendom, there being so copious and plentiful relations of them every where to be had, I pass them by, and refer the Reader to them.    

OF VARIETIES THE THIRD BOOK. OF DVELS AND COMBATS.  
AS by Duels and Combats (under the false gloss of gaining, maintaining, or repairing of Honour and reputation) there hath been more young, generous, and Noble blood spilt over Christendom, then by any other Pestilential Custom whatsoever; So, no Nation hath been so universally and so long infested with them, as France; in so far, 
France most subject to Duels.  that it almost may be said that the first fountain of them sprang from thence, all Christendom beside not affording so many memorable ones as it alone. Their heat and impatient sudden fury that way being imputed by some of their own Writers to Mars the Predominant Planet over that Clime: And first I observe, that by their Salic Law Title 69. Duels were authorized, 
combats authorised.  and that Law seconded by the Gambetts Law, as Agobardus ad Ludovicum Imperatorem hath it; and continued so (though not without some opposition till the reign of Henry 2.  

Sect. 1.  
Of combats by Champions for Clearing of Queen's Honours: Combats betwixt Ladies; betwixt Churchmen: and betwixt judges: Combatants, rewarded by Kings their Spectators; and S. Almachius killed, for declaiming against Duels, etc.  
LOtharius (says P. P. Nicolas in his 5. Chapter:) desirous to make trial of the Chastity of his Wife Teuberga was advised by the Bishops to choose a Champion, 
Lotharius trial of his wife's Chastity.  and his wife another; which two were by simple Combats to resolve the Scruple: Their Queens too had recourse to Duels, in choosing Champions to maintain their Honours and clear any imputations laid against them: 
Champions in Duel to clear Queen's Honours.  for judeth, Wife to King Lewis the Gentle, being by him accused of having dishonoured his bed, by accompanying with Bernard his kinsman and Prince of the blood, was purged of that stain by Bernard's entering the lists, and freely offering Combat to any that would maintain that wrongful quarrel. 
That Ladies have fought combats.  And their Ladies also, not Content to have their honours and their other quarrels maintained by their Champions, have themselves to public view, within lists, body against body fought in single Combats, as Petrus de Auriliaco in his Title the Duello, affirmeth.  
And not only their Women, but their Churchmen also, were licenced to decide any debate of great consequence that had risen amongst them by Duel, 
Combats of Churchmen▪  whereof I will only mention that out of Goffridus Abbas Vindoci in his 3. book 38 Epistle. of Rhenold Chesnell Clerk of the Church of Xanites, who fought a Combat with one Guilleaume a Religious Monk of Vandosme. But more memorable is that of Anselm Bess, Churchman and Treasurer of the Church of Laon, who being accused of having robbed the Church treasury, of several rich and precious pieces, and sold them to a Goldsmith of Soissons, who had deposed against him, obstinately denied the fact, and craved combat, which was granted; they fought, and the Goldsmith was overcome; notwithstanding these things were sold him by the Monk: yet (saith my Author) the Goldsmith for having violated his oath, which he had given unto the other, never to reveal the theft, was condignly punished.  
Nor have their judges been exempted from this trial by duel; 
Combats of judges and Counsellors a● Law.  for Chopnius de Domanio, Tit. 26. §. 15. telleth of one Marsilli a Counsellor of the Parliament who, being accused by another of corruption or bribery, was dispensed withal by the authority of Parliament to challenge his accuse●, and did fight with him in the quarrel.  
Moreover, Petre d' Auriliack declareth, that their Kings did not only authorise Duels, but were ofttimes eye-witnesses and spectators of them. Charles the 6. (saith Frossard in his 3. Tom) was present on S. Thomas day, behind S. Martin's in the fields at Paris, 
Combats, whereof Kings have been spectators.  at the combat of john de Carrouges, and james Legris, and from that time conferred a Pension on Carrouges: And Charles the 8. (saith Ferronius, lib. 1. Hist.) 
Combats rewarded by Kings.  did behold Zerbulo and La Laude whilst they fought, and rewarded both, giving to Zerbulo 300. Crowns, and to La Laude 50. And of later days K. Henry the 2d. was present at that of Chastangueraye against jarnack; of which hereafter.  
Nay, the natures of that people in former ages have been so averse to have any custom, how pernicious so ever, abrogated, that it is recorded of S. Almachius, 
S. Almachius slain for speaking against combats.  that for having declamed publicly against Duels and the frequency of them in his time, he was, by the obstinate and seditious multitude overrun, and violently put to death.  
But not minding to fill up this Discourse with the many famous and memorable combats that have been fought amongst themselves, and against strangers in that Nation; as that of Peter Bajard against Don Alonzo de Sancto major: Anno, 1503. Or that of the Earl of Arguemont, against Montmorancy in the Isle of Maisiers; 
Six score men killed in combats in one voyage of K. Lewis of Fran.  or that of Delarges against Vaudrey, Anno 1521. with many others: Or of later days, how in King Lewes' voyage towards Limo●ine, six score were killed in single combat; with as many or thereabouts in his voyage towards Savoy. I will only mention in stead of all two most memorable ones, the one in France, the other in Spain; and first of the French in the following Section.   

Section 2.  
A recital of two memorable duels, the one in France betwixt Monsieur de Creky, and Don Philippin: The other in Spain between Pedro Torrello, and jeronimo Anca, both of Arragon: in the presence of Charles the fifth.  
THE French shallbe first inserted here, although latest acted, for it was but in the days of King Henry the 4th. surnamed the Great; set down by du Mathieu, and thus briefly it is. In the wars betwixt the said King, and the Duke of Savoy, for the recovery of the Marquisat of Saluces usurped long before that time, during the time of the French divisions by the said Dukes, and now reclaimed by this King, as having been formerly rend from his Crown, although it lieth in a manner within the Savoyards' bosom: 
The quarrel, a Commander on the King's side.  it fell out so, at the taking in of a little Town there, that Crekie did vaunt to have got in that conflict 
* A principal man in the Duke's party, and brother to him.  Don Philippin's scarf: which words being conveyed to his ears, he forthwith challenged Crekie of a lie; and that so much the rather; for that at certain other swagger, where Philippin his fortune was to be before this fatal fight; Crekie likewise, had vented and vaunted, 
The challenge  that he had dipped his hand in the 〈◊〉 blood; which wrongs (at least so pretended by him) accumulated together, drove him (if the French History say right, for Fides sit penes Authorem) to undertake the challenge, yet not without the valorous Duke his brother's threatening instigation: 
The combat.  the time, place, weapon's, judges, and all, agreed upon, they fought courageously both: but yet so, that the French having the advantage of the Sun, which even then was tending towards the West, by good fortune, and it may be by the equity of the challenge (for Perkins holds Duels not to be examen of innocency) left the Savoiard dead upon the field:  
The Spanish duel was more remarkable in its circumstance, 
Comparison of the French and Spaniard, Venetian and Florentine.  howbeit inferior in the dignity of the combarants, and in the event of their fight; for although it be proverbially spoken, that the French in single combat or duel, are better than the Spaniard, and the Spaniard in battles and greater numbers do surpass the French▪ even so in Italy I have oftentimes heard, that the Florentine alone is more wise, and subtle than the Venetians: but they again in counsel are more wise and deliberate than the Florentines In this combat the Spaniards gave very sound proofs both of their courage and daring. The discourse of it is at length, and in its punctual circumstances set down in their Country story, 
A duel betwixt two Spaniards granted by the authority, and fought in the presence of the Emperor Char●es the 5.  which I will briefly touch.  
In the days of Charles the 5. that fortunate Prince, for the time both Emperor and King of Spain, there lived in his Court Peter Torello, & Hierome Anca Arragonois, both Gentlemen of note (for so they were called) and withal entire and loving Comerades: these two on some occasion falling to contradictory terms, from words they fell so foul, that it came to a challenge, from challenge to a meeting, from that to fight; in which combat, after some bouts, Peter Torello was overthrown by the default of his Rapier, which either broke, or else was beaten out of the hilt by his Antagonists furious blows; 
The occasion, and quarrel.  by whom he was forced instantly either to dye, or sue for life; who being put to that extremity, condescended to accept of his life; but conditionally, that on the faith of a Gentleman, he should reveal that secret to none living, which he might do the more trustily, seeing no other were witnesses to it, but more especially seeing it was not through lack of courage on his part, nor of daring, but rather by chance of war. Things thus put up, they return to Court, living together after their old fraternity, as if never such a thing had been amongst them, never so much as a motion or whispering of it; till within a certain space of time a report of Torello his overthrow burst out, 
Occasion, moving the challenger to petition a public combat.  which coming to his ear after it had been blazed through the whole Court, he pondered with himself, that he could not be avenged on his companions perfidiousness by a private duel again, whom he persuaded himself was the only revealer of his disgrace and that secret; (notwithstanding Hierome Anca certainly affirmed the discovery thereof to be by a Neat-heard, who unknown of them overheard and saw them) Torello therefore being set on revenge to repair his disgrace, which he believed was whispered and talked of by every one, had recourse to the Emperor, and begged at his Majesty's hands, that it might please him for the recovery of his reputation now in question, to grant him a public combat with his enemy, who perfidiously against his plighted faith, had revealed the matter, whereof he made a particular rehearsal: whereunto the Emperor after many instant solicitations gave way, but with this restriction; that first, 
Conditions granted by the Emperor whereupon they should fight.  they should fight armed: next, that when he should throw in betwixt them a golden rod, which at solemn times he bore in his hand, they should give over, and not fight to death, as in other combats: these conditions were accepted by both parties, the day and place appointed, where in the Emperor's presence, 
Ceremonies observed in this combat.  and face of the whole Court, with great pomp and solemnity, the two combatants did appear clothed; first, in their most sumptuous attire, and accompanied with their most honourable friends: from whence, after low and humble reverences done; first, to the Emperor, sitting there in his Chair of state, next, to the Chancellor (whom the Story highly regardeth) they were conveyed every one to their own pavilion at the ends of the Carieer; from whence coming forth again, armed at all pieces, and (as they say) Cap ape, they reentered the precinct of their appointed place; where after solemn oaths made, that no other quarrel brought them to that hazardous encounter, but the defence of their honour; they commenced that memorable duel to the admiration of their beholders, with uncertain victory; till in the end, the Emperor throwing his golden rod betwixt them, 
The event of ●heir fight.  approving the courage and proofs of both, caused them to be parted, though without great difficulty they could not be separated.   

Sect. 3.  
How Combats may be thought permissible: The relation of a Combat betwixt jarnacke and Chastigneray, in the Presence of King Henry the second of France; citations of the Canon law against combats: Example of a Combat where the innocent was killed: that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duels were permitted, aught to be left to God.  
IN the former combats Spanish was more remarkable than the French; that first it was authorized by an Emperor and then countenanced by him. Wherein if any would infer, that by this I would seem to authorise Duels; 
What way combats permissible if they should be at all suffered.  hereafter the contrary shall appear: But thus much I may say; If any sort of Duels should be tolerated in a Commonwealth, I think that that which is performed after this manner (wherein as in his Miles gloriosus, Plautus speaks, Pes pedi, dextra dextrae, latus lateri opponitur) it is more dispensable than otherwise to permit men to butcher one another; true valour, strength, dexterity and courage being then put to the essay, although with the hazard of their lives, yet not with the infallible loss of any or both, as in other Combats.  
These two examples I have brought in out of the French and Spanish Histories, brieflier couched here then in their own Country Registers, Where they are at length and in their smallest circumstances set down.  
Now as here I allow of the Spanish sort of Duels (if any way to be tolerated) so can I not but disapprove the French King Henry the second his admitting and permitting of a Duel, not betwixt two men of a private estate, nor by themselves in private, neither for any remarkable injury done by one to another; but in the face and presence of himself and Court in their shirts, and so to inevitable death of either, or both, and for nothing but a leger or slight French quarrel, as a demanti betwixt two notable persons, of two illustrious houses, jarnak and Chastaigneray; where the fortune of the fight favouring the weaker for the time, to wit jarnak, sent his adversary, if not from the field to the grave, yet so sore wounded, that within few days thereafter he died.  
I might have alleged more of former ages, but that the nearer our own days things fall out, they bring with them the greater credit to the present times.  
Charles the fifth his example may be thought to be tolerable: and though by the constitutions or rather permissions of some Princes, Duels have been tolerated, as particularly when the notoriousness of a fact (as of murder) can neither be proved by witnesses, 
The Canon Law gaine-sa●eth their permission, and Why?  nor oaths of parties, and such other legal ways; which sort of proofs the Civilians call a vulgar sort of probation, as in the decretals lib. 2. quest. 5. cap. consuluistis, & cap. De Monomachia, is apparent. Nevertheless, the civil laws as well as the Canon, do absolutely condemn them, because say they, it is a fallacious proof, the order of nature favouring commonly the stronger above the innocent. As in the decretals cap. supra citato de purgatione vulgari, is manifest by a case propounded of two, 
Example where in a Duel the innocent was killed  who upon accusations of theft, challenged each other to Combat, where the stronger having overthrown the weaker, was found nevertheless guilty; for the goods in question were at last found in the Victor's house.  
To say here; What shall a Prince do when he is importuned by one for justice of such or such a man, for this or the like crimes; but to refer it to a Monomachy or Duel, seeing other proofs fail?  
I answer, that by such means both God and the King are tempted; for if God hath reserved to himself the discovery of what by all searching cannot be discovered, is not that an intolerable importunity, to pry or search any farther in that, but that the Magistrate (all legal proofs being used) do absolve him, whom secundum allegata & probata he findeth innocent, and refer to the allseeing and all knowing God, the punishment of him who is guilty, seeing in his own time he can by means unsearched by men, bring about a punishment on him, whom peradventure the civil judge hath absolved: 
We should rather refer to God the punishment of a misdeed, which by no legal means can be cleared, rather than to a fight.  for otherwise it should seem, that we were suing after a miracle, by permitting a Combat for proof, as was used in Linonia or Lapland in like cases, as may be seen in the aforesaid Chapter De probatione Vulgari in the decretals: for there saith the Canonist; If any crime such as that could not be proved, and that the accused or suspected, cried that he was innocent, and so stood forth in the avouching of his innocency, he was forced for the more and farther proof thereof, either bare footed to tread on hot iron, or else to wash his hands in hot boiling water.  
For notwithstanding all the circumspection of judges in prescribing equality of arms, and all the objections which can be thought on, either for prescribing equal quarters to both, or to save both from such treachery and circumvention; Yet can neither of these caveats be so punctually and judiciously set down, but ●hat the one part may be weaker than the other: nei●her yet have we assurance, that God will ever show his justice in such Combats; because it is written, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God.   

Sect. 4.  
Several objections for the toleration of Duels and Combats confuted; Cajetans' opinion of Duels wherein also the lawfulness of Battles is allowed.  
IF it be said here, 
David his fight with Goliath should not serve for example, and Why?  that David did fight in single Duel with GOLIATH; That maketh not against us for that was done by the instinct of the HOLY Ghost: Neither are all the deeds of the Saints to be obtruded as exemplary for all men, to imitate; they are rather to be admired than followed: for then Abraham his going to sacrifice his beloved and only Son Isaac, might be an instance too for imitation. But with Demosthenes we should live by Laws not examples, albeit examples are more moving at some times than laws.  
I find indeed, 
Cardinal Cajetan his permission where ●nd how?  that Cardinal Cajetan admits them; but upon two considerations: first, when two Armies are ready for the shock and yet where the most equitable part hath the fewest forces, in that case saith he, the event of the battle may be referred to a Duel of one of both armies, for avoiding of greater bloodshed; for in that case, si bellum sit licitum, quid ni & duellum? Next when any private man accused of a crime whereof he is innocent, is nevertheless borne down by power of adverse parties, if then by the Magistrate's authority (to whom he complaineth) a Duel be offered, to decide the question, in that case, he admits these fights to be permissible: for why (saith he) if we may safely fight with a Rogue, who would rob us of our goods, why not with him who would do so with our honour, it being alike to him, at least the odds not being great, whether he die by his adversaries hand, or by the sword of the Magistrate, it being a lot of chance experimented in the person of jonas.  
As all the Canonists, save Cajetan only, in the causes and cases abovementioned do disallow Duels, so the Civilians approve them not; for in the F. de gladiatoribus. L. Constant. it is said, that Cruenta spectacula in otio civili non placent. Then Leo and Anthemius Titulo de Feriis. L. Dies festos command, ut lachrymosa spectacula ferarum tollantur. Now if such sanguinolent and bloody shows and baitings of Boars, Leopards, Bulls and Lions, either amongst themselves, or else of condemned persons with them, yea and sometimes of venturous fellows to try their strength and daringness with them, were for these unnatural sights prohibited, much more think I, should these of men one with other be absolutely discharged.  
Now if it be objected here, that in the civil law, we find the Emperors themselves, 
Solution of certain Objections.  to have promised immunity and impunity to the gladiators, who either had vanquished their Commerad, or peradventure killed him in such fights, as ad Aquiliam. L. Quadratus actione. §. Si quis, is evident:  
To that I answer, and not without the same Law.  
That such killing when it did happen amongst these Luctators (which were men appointed to wrestle and fight together for sport to the people, who beheld them barter strokes, and exchange blows in the bottom of the Amphitheatre called Arena, whilst they sat in security) was not injuriae causâ, or by any premeditated malice, but only by mere accident without the deliberation of him, qui intulit damnum; whereas in these combats or Duels, they fly to it on intention and resolution, either to kill or to be killed: and the intention judgeth our actions, not the events.  
Neither need I for this be reputed an Anabaptist, 
It is not a good consequence, seeing I refuse Duels, therefore Batteils too.  though I refute the lawfulness of duels, by the aforesaid reasons; as though I therefore denied the lawfulness of necessary Wars, because they are founded upon some apparent grounds of Scripture, for out of the same we have many Warrants more enforcing besides examples where the Lord of Hosts hath shown his power and approbation in favouring of battles undertaken for his cause. 
No more is it a good consequence, if wars and Battles be lawful, therefore Combats 〈◊〉   
To say si bellum sit licitum, quidni & duellum? if a War be lawful, why not a Duel?  
It followeth not, for howsoever Majus and Minus change not the species and kinds of things, as we say in the Schools, yet is there great discrepance betwixt the two; for battles are approved by the authority of God, nature and Nations; provided the causes be lawful and just, as pro aris & focis: for the other there are none at all; for David and Goliath, their fight carry no example for imitation: But if any Nations have tolerated them, it hath been but such, Quos sol obliqua non nisi luce videt.  
Not the Greeks, Latins, Assyrians, Egyptians and the like.   

Sect. 5.  
Cajetans' reason for referring the event of Battles to Monomachy: Where also is inserted the story of the Horatij and Curiatij.  
AS for the first condition admitted by Cajetan for Duels; which is, when two armies are ready to join, for preventing of greater bloodshed, he averreth that it is better to refer the event of a battle to a Monomachy of two, then otherwise to hazard all:  
There is nothing more memorable in all the Roman History then the experience of this, 
A Notable Combat of 3. Brethren Romans against so many Alban.  in that notable not so much Monomachy as Polymachy of three brethren, Romans, called Horatij, against other three brethren of the Alban side called Curiatij, and those partly of kin and alliance, to which the decision of the victory of either of the armies, by the Roman and Alban Kings with their whole army's consent was concredited.  
Those six in the middle of both Armies valourously fight for their own private lives and credit, their country's fame and liberty, having so glorious a Theatre to act so important and tragical a combat upon, 
Their fight.  did so bravely on both sides, that the panting armies were in no less anxiety for the event of their trials, than the perplexed combatants themselves: at length the victory, which seemed dubiously disposed in favours of either side begun to incline to the Alban first, and that by the death of two of the Roman brethren; whereupon the Roman Survaior counterfeits to fly, and so was pursued by the other three; but turning to the foremost of his pursuers he set so furiously upon him that he forthwith killed him; then turning to the second with like fury rewarded him after the same manner: Now the Survaiour of the Curiatij being brother in Law to this victorious Roman, received the same lot that his brothers had from his valorous hands, which afterwards caused the death of his own Sister, the last killed Alban Spouse, as in the Roman History may be read at large.   

Section 6.  
That Kings and Generals of Armies, for saving of the greater bloodshed of their Soldiers, have fought single for victories. Examples of both. A quarrel and challenge betwixt the Emperor Charles the fifth, and Francis the first, King of France: how it took no effect.  
WHEN I say then, that neither the Greeks nor Romans admitted single combats, it must be understood, except in time of just wars, in which either one or more soldiers may single out a combat with one of the adverse party, with permission of the General, or else one General with another for saving the bloodshed of many; as Cassius and Marcellus did each of them fight with their adverse Generals: 
Some Grecian, Roman, Hunnish, Danish Kings have combated with others for saving much blood.  yea, and sometimes Kings one against another have done so for sparing the blood of their subjects; As Alexander the great did combat single with Porus King of the Indians, Godfrey of Bovillon, against Arnold King of the Saxons; Romulus, with one of the Kings of Latium; and Hundick King of Saxony, with a King of Denmark; 
Challenge, but no meeting nor fight, betwixt the Prince of Arragon, and Charles' of Anjou.  and of fresher memory, Charles of Anjou challenged Peter of Arragon, to duel; where at Bordeaux in Aquitany, before the Prince of Wales, for the time, with swords, they should have tried the right and claim that they both pretended to the Crown of Naples, but they met not just on the day and place appointed; whose default it was, their divers Histories agree not: like as the Histories of France and Spain descent upon the challenge given in a manner, and accepted by Charles the 5th. Emperor for the time, and King of Spain, with Francis the first of that name, King of France: albeit Guicchardin neutral to both; and reputed as another Cornelius Tacitus for his impartiality in his History of Italy, following forth the circumstances of the battle at Pavia showeth at length, how the French King Francis was beaten there, and taken prisoner by the Viceroy of Naples, General of the Imperial forces, from whence by sea he was conveyed into Spain: and how after a long and straight imprisonment, he was put to so high and invaluable ransom as lightly hath not been heard of: moreover, the quitting of the best branch of the patrimony of his Crown, the rites, titles and interests he pretended to the Kingdom of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, 
Challenge, betwixt Charles the 5. and the French King, Francis.  for the which then they had been a swaggering; His rights and sovereignties of Artois, Brabant, Hainault, and so forth: yea, to the marriage of Eleonora Widow of the King of Portugal and sister to the said Emperor, a ransom which he was as unwilling to pay as agree to any of the former Articles, her favour being as it was unfavourable to him, who otherwise was an amorous Prince; and although the distressed King subscribed to all, and confirmed the Articles with his promise, yet it was so, that often he protested even there (neither did he smother it) that promise what he would, perform them he could not, neither legally might he. So that being set at liberty, his two sons accepted in hostage for him, and returned home; he was charged by the Emperor for the performance of the points subscribed by him: whereto he answered, That it was not in his power, no more than in any other Kings to alienate things belonging to the Crown, 
The occasion of the quarrel.  without the consent of his whole States obtained thereunto. And for his promises he said, That seeing extraordinary conditions had extorted them from a Prince in close prison, and his consent to them violently wrung from him, they must consequently be infirm, for promises accessary to such like compulsions cannot be of better force and value. Which with the like and better replies, when they came to the Emperor's ears, he forthwith challenged the King by his Heralds of breach of faith, and offered in single combat to fight with him in the quarrel, which the French king accepting, desired him to appoint day and place, giving him the lie as often as he would say, that he had falsified his promise. But as their several stories disagree upon the particulars, so every one doth vindicate their own Prince, from all aspersion and stain of breach.   

Section 7.  
A discourse of a combat where thirteen French Knights fought against so many Italians: wherein the French were overcome; some observations thereupon.  
THE Italian and French Histories agree not upon the verity of that, 
Combat of 13 French knights against so many Italians.  not so much monomachy as polymachy of thirteen French Cavaliers against so many Italian. And because it is counted as a very memorable thing in their History, I shall the briefliest I may, touch it, to give the Reader content.  
At Barletta in the kingdom of Naples where the French and Spanish forces lay debating by sword, the right that either King claimed to that Crown; by their Generals for the time, Lantrek the French, and Consalvo Ferrandes, 
The quarrel and challenge.  the Spaniard: it fell out so, that at Kubos a Village of no great importance, a French troop had got the foil by an Italian one, for the time, under the pay of the Spaniard; of which several Companies, certain soldiers by hazard ran encountering together by their contumelious and reproachful objecting of one another's defects: the Italians to the French their vainglorious brags, and that in effect their courage was not so good. The French to them, their subdolous and crafty tricks by which they fight more fortunately than stoutly. They brought the matter to such a height, that thirteen of the one side were to fight on Horseback against thirteen of the other, the field to be Career railed about on the side, but not at the two passages, in the middle of both Armies; the quarrel was for the maintenance of the honour of their countries; and it was agreed upon, that the victors should not only have a certain sum of Gold, but the ransom also of their captived Prisoners.  
As soon as they had covenanted, 
The conditions agreed upon.  they met, they fight; the French are beaten, some killed, others taken.  
Which notable overthrow albeit Guicchardine lib. 5. of his History of Italy attributeth absolutely to the valour of his countrymen above the French; and penneth it in all circumstances with the exhortatory Orations of their Generals before the fight and the triumphs after: yet the French in their books, and with them Sabellicus also an Italian, lib. 2. Aenead. XI. imputeth it rather to the cozening subtleties of the Italians then otherwise, to their sole courage, because (say they) and Sabellicus with them, it was condescended upon, that if any horseman that fallied should transgress the precinct of the Career through error or unskilfulnes, that he should be held as dead, neither thereafter should be admitted to reenter the list to help his fellows; by which means the Italians knowing the eagernes, heat, and impatiency of the French, did plant themselves within the centre of the camp, without budging, and attend the French charge from a little distance within the limit of the Career; where wisely if they had remained as they were placed, and not precipitated the charge, they had apparently won that field.  
The French then whose charge is ever furious, and then more than ever, let loose so fiercely upon them, that five of their side and but two Italians transgressed the bounds; who not being able to wheel and rain about their Horses again, by that means lost the victory, in the sight of the panting and votary Armies.  
Now albeit in this so conspicuous and ominous combat the French were beaten, nevertheless we find commonly, that one for one the French surpass the Spaniard, although in companies they surmount them; and in this same fight although the French had the worse, yet by all likelihood, if their Horses had not proved their loss, they should have borne away that day's credit.  
Always as in this heat of an impatient nature, 
Observation upon this combat.  we communicate with the French, and it may be in our single combats too;  
So our neighbours the worthy English may justly be said to participate with the long patience, mature and ripe deliberatnes of the Italian and Spaniard: consequently more capable to maintain and keep well, than with the other to conquer and suddenly to subdue.   

Sect. 8.  
A memorable Polymachie betwixt two kindreds in the High. lands of Scotland (betwixt whom there had been a long and mortal enmity) for the total extirpation of the one of them; fought before King Robert the second, at Perth in Scotland.  
I Were ingrateful to my country to pass here with silence, 
A memorable combat betwixt two powerful Clan: & parties of our own nation debated of Pearth.  that true Polymachy, recorded of in our Histories, registered there to posterity, as a thing memorable, which befell in the days and under the Reign of King Robert the second, if I rightly remember.  
This brave Prince being often molested with the mutual complaints of two powerful Clans or Surnames in the Highlands where his Majesty's judicial power could but hardly and with many encumbrances execute his authority upon the party's offenders on both sides.  
After their mutual supplications given in, that they might at one time both rid his Majesty of molestation, themselves and their successors of the perpetual fear wherein they daily were, for their Wives, children, goods, and cattle; by one open fight, where all of either of these names should be on both sides.  
The King giving way to their Petition, the day and place was appointed, it fell out so, that there were one fewer on the one side than on the other; where the generosity of the party having the advantage of the supernumerary man, did appear in so far that they refused to fight with the advantage of one more, neither yet could any of them be induced to lie by to make them equal, all being desirous to be equal sharers of the common fortune: which controversy a Saddler of the City of Perth where the Combat was fought perceiving; lest the King, Court and Country which were met (to see so famous a spectacle) should be disappointed, 
The conditions accepted and agreed upon.  did offer for pay to make up the odd man, and was observed by all to do so well for his own hand, that when all the rest were either killed in the field, or else with terrible and deadly wounds left so (it being one of the most bloody butcheries of so many as is seldom read of) he alone or else with few more escaped, and that by swimming the River of Tey. Howsoever France in the days of KING Henry the third and fourth, was so overspread with the blood of Gentlemen killed in Duels, which amounted to such a number (notwithstanding all the King's edicts to the contrary) that almost they could have made up an army, and that Duels came to such a height, that none was reputed a brave fellow except he had killed a man as they said: Yet find I none so remarkable as that combat betwixt the Duke of Savoy his bastard brother and the Chevalier Creky, the time of the Wars betwixt King Henry the 4th. and the said Duke, for the Marquissate of Saluces, of which before.   

Section 9  
A Combat appointed by two French Barons, the one of Gasconie, the other of Poictou, which was taken up of their own accord in the field: The end of this Title.  
NOw to end this discourse: Exemplum alios fortasse nepotes instruet.  
In my time I remember at the Court of France an ancient Gascon Baron and Poictouvin 2 man of his own coat, but younger, falling to contradictory terms for a naughty matter, because in the King's house they durst not put hand to their swords, did agree to meet elsewhere: time place and arms are designed; the Gascon that same morning betimes calling on his page, commands him to provide a bottle of Wine and to have it in readiness at the place appointed, before he came: where he himself following and presently espying his adversary, both being demounted, and in their shirts, before they began to lie at their guard, in these or the like terms the Elder bespoke the younger.  
That I as the Elder do take upon me to speak first, impute it not to any presumption I have of my worth, but to the priority of my years. We read in the Roman History, that two of their Consuls who before had been at mortal enmity and variance, going together with their Armies against the enemy, 
An Exemplary Combat betwixt two French Barons.  being a pretty way from the City, the elder should say to the younger, Camerad, seeing we go together on a public charge, in conjunct offices, let us lay down all former grudges under this stone, now if thou please, at our return, lift thou it up again and reassume them: you may advise; but for the present I think this best, which was agreed unto to the great contentment of the younger.  
So say I to thee, if it please thee for so petty and frivolous a quarrel, that we expose our lives and estates to the hazard of a doubtful fight and of a variable fortune, I will not decline it: For as none doubteth of your courage; So I trust, that none dare call mine in question; so than if you list Cavalier, with the worthy Roman, let us bury in this Bowl of wine our yesternights rash words: so we shall procure God's blessing upon our souls and bodies, and our Prince his favour by our good examples to his quarrelling courtiers; and withal indissolubly tie our loves together for ever, without any disparagement of our credit or reputation; which being accepted by the younger, and related to the King, they were by him in presence of the whole Court condignly praised, as most duly they deserved.  
Now albeit it be not of those or the like voluntary duels I treat of here, but of these which are tolerated by permission of the Prince or Magistrate for the eschewing of murder & greater bloodshed in the commonwealth, upon apparent conject res of wrongs received, yet I thought it not altogether imperinent to insert this story. Now for the other. Although some have permitted them, as of old Fraton King of Denmark, and are yet tolerated in Muscovia: yet we find that Rhotaris King of Lombardy, absolutely discharged them: and although his successor for the inconvenience which thereafter ensued licenced them again, yet he protested that it was against his will and conscience: and as these good Kings inhibited them; so, many of the French Kings, as Philip le bell, Lewis the 9th. Charles the 9th. King Henry's 3d. and 4th. and many more of the best governed Commonwealths have done the like. Which maketh me admire why Bodin in his 7. Chapter of his 4. Book of Republic, giveth way to their toleration; they being both repugnant to the Law of God, and contrary to the Civil and Canon Laws, and the constitutions of best governed Kingdoms. Indeed, the said Bodin, admits them only to be permissible, when legal proofs are wanting, provided, that they be only for matter of honour, not wealth; and consequently among persons honourable, for the preventing of further bloodshed, averting of kinsfolk's murders, and such like evils which might ensue: to which if he had subjoined Charles the 5th. his condition of fight armed, I think his reasons might have been more passable.  
But however in elder times, duels were tolerated by certain Kings, which by appearance, the necessity of those times required; as common Stews were for eschewing of greater inconveniencies; yet they being practices so ill-grounded, so unnatural, and so far both against the Laws of God, and Man; Succeeding Kings (in every Nation almost) have enacted most strict Laws against them, with most exemplary punishments, to be executed on the rash infringers of them: all which, being well known every where, were superfluous to be inserted in this small Treatise.    

A TREATISE OF DEATH, And of divers Orders and Ceremonies of Burials.  

Section 1.  
The remembrance of death requisite in all men: Ceremonies for the remembrance of it; some documents against the fear of it▪ what death julius Caesar wished; of Autocides; of selfe-murtherers, etc.  
THERE is nothing whereof a Christian should be more mindful than of death. The Ethnics that wanted the true consolation which a believing and faithful Christian hath, had nothing more frequent in their mouths than Death: The Poets are full of these passages.  
Vive memor, quam sis aevi brevis—.  
Nascentes morimur, mors rediviva brevis.  
Especially Horace, with Tribullus, Catullus, Propertius, Seneca Tragoedus, Persius, juvenal, Claudian, Ovid, Lucianus, and the rest; whereof to make mention, were to fill up a little Volume: there is nothing almost under the heavens but may serve man as a memorial thereof; 
All things we see serves to refresh our memories of death and mortality.  the Sun setteth at evening, the day giveth place to the night; Summer, to Winter; infancy to childhood; that to youth, it to manhood; this again to decrepit old age: whence it may be inferred, that the best fruits we can reap of all our studies, yea, chiefly of Philosophy, are to prepare us for this death: neither almost to any other end tend all their documents, than to live with pleasure in reason here, & then to dye in patience, no ways dismayed at the approach of death, because of its inevitableness, of our our obedience to the Law of Nature, of the examples of all Ages, sexes and conditions of men to this hour, who have gone before us: 
The documents of all the old Philosophers tendeth to this chiefly, not to fear death.  so that the principal aim of virtue whereof they made such account, was to induce & prepare all that have been, are, or shall succeed, to a patient acceptance, or rather a contempt of it, that we might pass our lives more peaceably here; which otherwise by the perpetual fear of it, would be a neverdying life.  
For this cause, 
Burials and tombs in most conspicuous places erected for that cause.  it should seem, the Ancients, did institute Graves, Monuments, and Tombs, to be either in the Churches, or Churchyards adjoining thereunto, as in the most conspicuous and usual places where the living frequented most. I cannot but wonder, that what the Philosophers thought fit continually to be thought on, julius Caesar should wish to come upon him suddenly and at unawares. Histories relate, that while some Philosophers were reasoning before him, What sort of death was best; some alleging one kind, 
julius Caesar his death which he wished, not to be allowed of by a Christian.  and some another; He maintained that a sudden and unfore-seene death, was the best: for howsoever unto a man of his high estate and profession, it might seem a word dispensable; yet to a Christian who is learned to say, A morte subita & improvisa libera me Domine, it cannot so well be allowed: who as he should not wish a death unforeseene, neither yet be unprepared at the sudden approach of it; so should he not by any means either accelerate or wish it, thereby to be rid out of any encumbrances that may befall.  
Nec metuit mortem bene conscia vita—  
Nec optat—  
For as Saint Augustine reason well against such Autocides and self murderers, 
S. Augustine reputeth it a token rather of pusillanimity to put hand on ourselves, than of courage.  it is rather a token of pusillanimity and lack of courage in them, than otherways a mark of true resolution to do so; seeing they had not the daring to abide the dint of adversities which threatened them.  
Let us all remember to implore in our daily prayers, our Maker's assistance from above, to aid us in that last hour: 
My usual prayer.  for my own part, I think it one of the best fruits of my studies or travels, to be ever arming myself against it: and as in my morning and evening prayers I call for peace of conscience, in the assurance of my reconciliation with my God; and for peace on Earth, for his blessing upon my children, his favour upon my King and Country: so more specially for the favourable assistance of the Holy Ghost the comforter to assist me then; that neither the terror of a present death may affright me, nor my trust and confidence breed in me presumption, nor my fear, despair; but there being a sweet harmony betwixt my soul and my God, I may lay down my life, in hope to reassume it again for ever.   

Section 2.  
That Christians ought not to fear death, as the Ethnics did. All things, save man, keep their constant course. The uncertainty of man's life.  
IT is true, 
The ancients for all their good injunctions, yet feared it.  that the consideration of death, which of all terrible things is most terrible, as being the partition of the soul and body, and so the destruction of this structure, was the cause, why diverse of the Ancients fearing almost even to name it, were wont to say in stead of (he is dead) he sleeps, he hath left off to be; he is gone down to the lower parts of the earth, 
— hunc ferreus urget  
Somnus, in aeternam clauduntur lumina noctem.   
Or desiit esse, or transiit ad manes, and so forth; the reason being, that few or none of them had the full knowledge, much less the assurance of the enjoying these pleasures after this life past, which we Christians being taught at a better school, have: wherefore as well learned disciples of so worthy a master; let us learn not only to name it, but stead fastly to abide the approach, the frown and dint of it.  
In me si lapsus labtur orbis—  
— impavidum ferient ruinae.  
Remembering ourselves, 
Not to be afraid of death, and why?  that howsoever soul and body be severed for a season, and that the body lie companion with them that sleep in the dust; yet that they shall conjoin again in the glorious resurrection to possess those joys unknown to many of the Ancients, which our Lord and Master hath purchased to us by his death: remembering that howsoever we should live to the fullness of years, that we shall see no more, 
All things except man keep their constant course.  even unto the last date of our days, than a boy of ten or fifteen years: For the seasons of the Year, the Days, and Nights, the Seas, Sun, Moon, and Stars, Plants, Herbs, yea, Beasts themselves, etc. keep a constant course, which in a perpetual revolution were set: and if so be that in these any change be, then be sure it is a foretoken of God's kindled wrath against us. 
If change be in things, a token of God's wrath.  For the Heathen Astronomer, when the Sun did eclipse at the time of our Lord's passion, could well say, That either the God of Nature was suffering, or else the frame of the world was to dissolve, the eye of all things suffering such a deliquie: now if the elder see any thing other than the younger, be sure it is not in the nature and course of things above spoken, which in perpetual revolution do observe the course prescribed unto them by their Maker: But in the persons of men, which pointeth out unto us the frailty of their estates; and even of them also (if we remark well) we shall find more who have died within thirty or thirty five years of Age, than past it: But death being the common subject of our preachers especially in their funeral Sermons, I pass it over as their peculiar Theme, and according to my first purpose do hasten to the diverse sorts of Burials.   

Sect. 3.  
In what reverence the interring of the dead was amongst the Ancients; of Alexander; Of Sylla: How the People of Vraba did use their dead; Customs of Finland, Lapland, Greece and other places, concerning burials.  
AND first for the Antiquity of interring of the dead, 
The Antiquity of interring the dead.  as Writers do abound in their testimonies, that even amongst enemies in the hottest of their hostility and Wars, Truces were granted for burying of the dead; so particularly in the Word of God we have warrant out of the Macchabees, that although there were not positive laws of Nations and Countries for this effect, Nature seems to have ingraved it in the hearts of all; thus Palinurus case in Virgil is regretted, that he wanted the honour of burial, for having made shipwreck; thus the Poet deploreth his loss. 
Heu numium Coelo & Pelago confise seren●,  
Nudus in ignota Palinure jacebis arena.  What reverence and regard the Roman Emperors 
The Old Roman Emperor's respect had thereunto.  have had unto it in their laws and statutes in justinian's works may be seen plentifully, and especially in one Title expressed by itself, De non violando Sepulchro.  
Alexander the great having discovered Achilles' Tomb in Greece overgrown with brambles and briers, 
Alexander of Macedon danced about Achilles' tomb.  so honoured it, that being crowned with a Garland of Laurel and Cyprus, he carowsed so many full bowls of Wine to his memory, until he had almost lost his own.  
So did Tullius Cicero for the time Questor, send into Cicilie to readorne Archimedes Tomb, it being almost obscured with thorns and brambles.  
chose to this, 
Sylla his cruelty against burials remarked in Histories.  Sylla his cruelty and inhuman barbarity against the dead bodies of his enemies, is yet registered in the records of his Country; for that he (to be avenged upon his enemies being dead, whom alive he could not come at) caused to disinterr the half putrified carcases whereon he trampled with his Horses; and being jealous of being so served after his death, ordained his body to be cast into Tiber, and caused to divert the River's course, so to disappoint all who should search after it.  
The like I find done by a certain Pope, who caused to carry about with him the Corpse of some Cardinals in Sheletons, upon Mules ever before him, to be avenged of them, for that either they had crossed his election, or had conspired against him; whereupon the Author, Septem praelati Papa iubente praelati, etc.  
Even the most barbarous Nations, who otherways wanted all sort of humanity and civility, have had respect to this. For I find in Peter Martyrs decades touching the History of the West Indies in Vraba and other parts thereabout, 
The memory they carry to the dead, in Vraba, and the way how they use the Corpse.  how they do dry (as we do fishes) the bodies of their dead, which thereafter they hang up round about the Walls of their inner rooms, adorning their heads, shoulders, and upper lips with Gold and Pearl: 
The manner of burials observed in Find-land and Lapland.  And Ortelius in his cosmography, speaking of Find-land, or Lapland, (which he calls Livonia) where there is no Religion almost at all, (because after the manner of the Heathen they worship the Sun, Moon and Serpents, etc.) I find (I say) that when any one of great esteem dieth, his friends sit round about his corpse laid on the earth, but not yet covered with any mould, and make good cheer, and drink to his farewell; and putting the Cups in his hand, as if he could pledge them, they quaff about a long time; in end, they lay him in the grave with store of meat, and drink by him, and put a piece of money in his mouth, and a sharp Pole-axe fast by him: then they shout aloud in his ears, and give him in Commission, that when he shall come to the other world whither they had victualled him, and given him money to defray his charges, that he fail not whensoever he meet with any Dutch man, to correct him, as well as they had thralled him and theirs in this world: which custom (but after a more solemn manner and sumptuous.) they of China, Cathay, and Tartary keep almost in all points.  
The like whereof that same Author observeth done in Ternessare a City of the East Indies, but not to a like enemy: In Greece, yet (as of old) at least in such parts of it as are under the Turkish Empire; whensoever any remarkable person dieth, all the women thereabouts after their old heathen custom, meet together about the house of the deceased and there choosing the loudest and shrillest voices to begin, betimes in the morning they make lamentable howl and cries; weeping and tearing the hair from their heads, beating their teats and breasts, with their nails, defacing their cheeks and faces, they conduct him to his grave singing by the way his praises, and recounting what memorable things he had done in his life. Which custom Aëtius an ancient Historian of our Country observeth to have been used of Old amongst our British, 
That same sort observed of old in this same Country, and yet in certain parts of our Highland●▪  and yet in our Highlands is observed: The Poets in their Luctus & neniae make mention of this and the like, as Ovid, Horace, juvenal, Catuallus, Tibullus, Propertius; amongst the greeks, Sophocles, Musaeus, Aristophanes, Phocyllides and the rest; whereof Ennius, speaking of himself.  
Nemo me lachrymis decoret, nec funera flet●  
Faxit, Cur? volito vivus per ora virum.   

Sect. 4.  
Other several Customs of interring the Dead amongst Egyptians, Romans, and Indians; that the manner of Christian Interrements are preferreable to all other.  
NOw what hath been the Curiosity of the Egyptians for the keeping of their dead, their Momies can testify, where the whole and entire bodies of some of their Princes and great men were to be seen of late, who died many thousand years ago; whereof who pleaseth to read may consult Diodorus Siculus, 
The Egyptian burials and their Momies most remarkable.  Ammianus Marcellinus, Strabo, Herodotus and others: the Athenians, and after their example the Salaminians (saith Sabellicus. lib. 5. Aeneid. 2.) used to inter their dead with their faces turned to the Sun setting, 
Two sorts of interring the dead most remarkable.  not to the rising, with the Megarians; and apparently Catullus was of their opinion when he said, Nobis cum semel occidit brevis lux, nox perpetua una dormienda est.  
But of the several fashions of burying the dead I find two most remarkable; the one of some Greeks and Romans, and not used but by those of the better sort, 
The Romans burned & consumed theirs to ashes.  which was in burning the Corpse of the deceased after this manner; There was either an Eagle or some other great fowl tied unto the top of the Pyramid of Wood wherein the dead body lay; This Pyramid being kindled by some of the most entire friends of the deceased, amongst the cloud of smoke the Fowl being untied which was tied before, was seen to flutter and fly away, which by the Spectators was taken to be the soul of the deceased flying to Heaven; the Ashes then of this burnt body they collected and kept in an Urn, and of this the Poets almost every where make mention.  
The other was the Indians in eating the dead bodies of their Parents, 
The Indians again did eat their dead as thinking their bellies a honourable sepulchre for them.  and friends, as they did in ire to those of their foes, thinking that they could give them no more honourable Sepulchre, abhorring the others burning into ashes as a thing unnatural; which might well be seen at the time that Alexander had conquered them; for he willed both greeks and Indians to do alike, but they upon no condition would condescend to that, the power of custom being so strong, as it was impossible for any Novations (though never so good) to alter it.  
Amongst all fashions above rehearsed, I think that of our Christian interments to be most consonant to nature, seeing of earth we are, and that to it we must return again: As for the greeks howling, weeping, renting their clothes, hair, and faces, it seemeth that Saint Augustine in his work De cura pro mortuis habenda, aimed at them; for in that whole work, I perceive nothing that maketh much for praying for them, but chiefly he willeth all men to moderate extraordinary Griefs mournings and howl for them, seeing they rest from their labours; and his conclusion is good, that if prayers for the dead be not meritorious for them, yet at least that they are some way comfortable for the living; Si non subsidia mortuorum (saith he) tamen solatia sunt viventium: Indeed I will not deny but that Father and others also in their writings allow prayer for the dead; as Peter Martyr, Vermillius also in his loco. 9 lib. 3. in the Title De Purgatorio, denyeth it not, but only he refuseth such prayers to have been subsidiary or helpful to them, but rather congratulatory, for that they were released from all their miseries; which he instanceth by the funeral Oration of Saint Ambrose upon the deaths of the Emperors, Theodosius and Valentinian, where there is no mention of praying for their souls to ease or shorten their pains in Purgatory.   

Section 5.  
That the Church of Rome reapeth great commodity by their funeral ceremonies, as by their bells, Cymbals, Torches, processions of order and the rest: silent obscquys condemned: a story of a woman whose Ghost haunted her Husband and family after her death; and the cause thereof.  
NOw for all this, as there is nothing whereby the Church of Rome reaps more commodity then by their prayers for the dead; for it is called, the Friar's kitchen; So it is, there is nothing wherein their pompous solemnities and their devotion appeareth more than in their accompanying their dead to the grave, with the sound of Bells and Cymbals, Tapers, Torches, prayers, music, Church Ornaments, solemn processions of the fraternities, and not without contention of precedence of orders: all which ceremonies as they bred a kind of pious compassion in the beholders, 
The dumb & silent obsequies of our burials condemned.  So it begetteth a manner of content to their eyes and ears; But our silent and dumb obsequies, as wanting Bells and other noise, doth not so take the Spectators and such as accompany them.  
Now I will close this Title with one observation which the Poet's remark; who affirm that the spirits and Manes of them who want their due burials, wander here and there in Ghostly apparitions until their bones be interred.  
Nec ripas datur horrendas, aut nigra fluenta  
Transportare prius, quam sedibus ossa quierunt.  
For the punishment of the neglect of it may appear in one of our Northern Countries, 
A History of a Gentlewoman, who for not being interred in the Churchyard molested her family, by her ghost, while she was disinterred, and according as she desired, was buried.  called Lawder; who on her deathbed had enjoined her husband to bury her in the Churchyard, which if he did not, she threatened that her Ghost would haunt him after her death: but the plague then raging in those parts, and he fearing that if she were publicly buried, that all would have suspected her to have died of the plague, whereupon every one would have deserted him, and so lest he should be left succourless, he resolved to conceal her death, and buried her in a corner of his Garden; but thereafter, this woman's ghost, I say, did so incessantly both haunt and affright, both him, his children, and family, that there was no resting for them at any time; till by the advice of the Clergy she was taken up again and buried, where she desired to be in her life-time; which being done, both she and they rested.    

A TREATISE OF MENTALL-RESERVATION; And of no faith to be kept unto Heretics.  

Section 1.  
The decree of the Council of Constance, That no faith is to be kept with heretics and enemies, is agitated: the commendation of peace: that a necessary and just war is to be preferred to it: A story of Augustus Caesar.  
I begin this rhapsodicall Treatise with the famous act of the Council of Constance, wherein it was decreed, That no faith was to be kept unto Heretics and Enemies of the faith; by virtue whereof, as Vlidislaus King of Hungary violated the peace concluded betwixt him and Amurath (for the time great Turk) at the instigation and solicitation of Cardinal julian sent to him from Rome for that purpose, to the great prejudice of the civil Christian estate, and aggrandizing of theirs; So by virtue of the same the Martyrising of john hus and Hierome of Prague although under trust and safe conduct granted by the good Emperor Sigismundus, was to the great prejudice of the Ecclesiastic Roman estate, by renting a sunder from her Sea a great many of the Churches of Europe: for he that is the God of peace and Hosts both, never exercises his revenging hand better than when things agreed upon equal terms are not observed: So the Histories report, that the same day of the Battle given by the Hungarian King unto the Turk, that Amurath lifting up his eyes unto heaven, should say, jesus, if thou be a true God, and of this people who encounter me this day, and that they honour and serve thee, show it by the equity of this cause, which by his obtaining of that day's victory was plainly manifested: and it is manifestly seen, that the breach of faith plighted to the two Bohemians, and their burning unto ashes, was so far from smothering the faults whereof they complained; that on the contrary, divers worthy and learned men after them, blowing this coal, by them then kindled, have made its flame to blaze through all the world: as the bloody wars through many parts of Europe, for maintaining of their cause; at least their opinions, can to after ages bear record.  
It is true indeed, this word Peace sounds sweet in every ear; wherefore our Saviour Christ leaving this world, left his peace with his Disciples; and his house also is called Domus pacis: and blessed be the feet of those that carry the glad tidings of peace; yea, the Angel from heaven proclaimed peace on earth, and towards men good will: in a word, Beati pacifici, Blessed are all peacemakers: yet it hath never been thought so gracious, but that a necessary war was to be preferred unto it, if it was dishonestly violated, or shamefully agreed upon.  
What then may be said to Bartoll one of the greatest Lawyers of his age, 
Bartol and Ulpian admit deceit to be used with the circumventer, and no faith to be kept to particular enemies  who in the Law, Conventionum codice de pactis, or at least in the Digestis maintaineth, That faith is not to be kept to particular enemies; which Cicero in his 3. lib. Officiorum, although but a Heathen, contradicteth: and that of Ulpian, no less in credit than he, That it is lawful to circumvent one another; and chiefly, seeing in all their writings they esteem more of the true keeping of our promised faith in all our actions, than of strict and precise justice; 
The Emperor Augustus kept faith, although to a rogue.  but so thought not the good Emperor Augustus Caesar, though he had promised a great many Talents of gold to those who should bring him the head of Crocotas a notable robber in his time, which robber hearing of this reward, came of himself, and laid down his head at the Emperor's feet, and craved the reward conditioned; whereupon the Emperor did appear so far from revenge, that he forthwith granted him not only his life, but the promised Talents also.  
Neither did the noble josua so, when he was deceived with the Gibeonites; for although those deceiving Politicians, or rather hypocrites hold for truth that, Frangenti fidem, fides frangatur eidem.  
And worse than that, they do violate likewise their plighted faith to those who have done them no injury, nor made any breach of faith at all: yet, I say, josua did not so to the Gibeonites who deceived him; for when the jewish Captains would have been revenged on them; the Princes answered: We have sworn unto them by the Lord God of Israel, now therefore we may not touch them, etc. josh. 9 19   

Section 2.  
Mentall-reservation defined. All fraudulency, in making peace, or taking truce condemned; for which purpose are instanced examples of Grecians, Romans, and others.  
WHat shall be said to those, who while they swear and promise, have nevertheless in their mind no intention at all to perform?  Linguajuravi, 
Of mental reservation, what it is.  mentem injuratam servavi. 
A maxim with the former, not hatched in the brain of a Florentine matchiavill, but raked out of the profoundest Cabinet of the most secret, and most obscure dungeon in hell: Cleomenes after a truce made up with the Argives for seven days; 
Cleomenes although packed up a truce with his enemy, for somedayes, yet in the night surprised them  the third night thereafter under trust and assurance, surprised them; and then being challenged of his promise, made answer, That he made truces for days, and not for nights: Lysander used to say, that men should be deceived with oaths, 
Alexander the great could honourably say, Malo me fortunae pe●iteat quam victoriae pudeat.  as children with apples: the generosity of a noble Alexander acknowledged no such guile; who when Polypercon his Counsellor had advised him to take advantage of the darkness of the night, against Darius, could reply, That he had rather choose to repent the loss of his fortune, than to purchase victory with shame, Malo me fortunae poeniteat, quam pudeat victoriae: and the magnanimous Romans were offended with their Ambassador Lucius Marcius, 
The Roman offended with their Legate L. Marcius, because that in their wars under him with Perseus' King of Macedon, he used subtleties and circumventions.  in the managing of his wars with Perseus' King of Macedon, because he went about by subtleties and circumventions to purchase his victories: on such considerations as these, they sent back to Pyrrhus, K. of Epirots his Physician, (who had undertaken to poison him:) likewise Camillus at the siege of Veij, made the children whip their Master with rods, who had rendered them by his treachery into the Consul's hands. The bravest, both Commanders, and Soldiers, who were taken prisoners by the Samnites, and had obtained liberty to come back to Rome to take leave of their friends; were by them sent back again, or rather, returned of their own accord, although some to a certain death: so far were they from holding, that faith should not be kept either to enemies in general or particular, much less to stretch a thing to the contrary, whereof they had a reservation in their mind; for by such juggling evasions those Roman prisoners taken by Pyrrhus, and permitted to come home and visit friends, might have alleged, that they were not obliged to return, (as they did) because they might have said, that howsoever they had sworn with their mouths, yet in their hearts they thought not so: likewise, Attilius Regulus the Consul, taken by the Carthaginians, and set at liberty to visit the City, upon promise of return might have said: but the innocency of that age knew no other way but the right and square, and rather choosed to undergo death, than to make a breach of the integrity of their faith made unto an enemy.   

Sect. 3.  
The integrity of the ancients commended in making peace, and their other pactions. A story of P. Corn. Scipio to that purpose. Graeca fides, what, and wherefore used: Of the dishonest dealing of Pope Alexander, and his nephew, Caesar Borgia, etc.  
I will not pass under silence the manner observed by the Ancients in breaking truces, peace, pactions, or leagues amongst them; that posterity may understand, how averse they were from having their thoughts dissonant from their words: 
The manner observed by the ancients in making their truces, peace, or other pactions.  and to this purpose I remember, that at the peace concluded on betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians in the dictatorship of Pub. Corn. Scipio, a Roman Herald standing up betwixt both parties, assembled for finishing of the same, after they had spoken their minds, hinc jnde, the Herald, I say, standing with a stone in his hand, in these terms concluded the matter.  
If justly, and without any fraud or guile, I make the oath of observancy, and do finish this paction, then may the Gods be propitious, 
The terms and words of their covenants.  and grant that all things may fall happily out unto us; if I either do or think otherwise than I have spoken, then, (so all the rest be safe) let me fall and perish alone by mine own Laws, in my own family, with my private Lar, and domestic Gods, in my own Temples and Sepulchers, as this stone falls from my hand; which words finished, he throweth the stone from him, or rather lets it fall to the ground, and so endeth. The Carthaginian Herald swore by all their Country Gods, and their private ones, to observe all that is covenanted. Livius noteth these same terms to have been used in the first peace concluded on betwixt these same people in the consulship of junius Brutus, and Marcus Valerius, or shortly after (if Sabellicus mistake not), which two first Consuls, Rome had divers years before Zerxes expedition against the greeks: always Polybius hath these same words both exemplary and memorable: like as Sabellicus in his 6. lib. Aenead. 4. punctually fetteth them down, albeit both Livy and Dionysius remark but the generals: the special thing which I observe, is the word Cogito: if I think otherwise; which confounds all our mentallists, and makes them Mentirists: let the greeks with their deceiving tricks and cozenages keep that dishonourable honour, 
The Grecians branded with that, to be called, Not keepers of their oaths.  Graeca fides, which is always taken for a subdolous and fraudulent faith: but God defend that ever such aspersions and imputations be laid to a true Britanne; and let Popish Rome, now of late declined and degenerated from the old honest Rome, pride herself and her sectaries in their mentall-reservations; 
Pope Alexander and his nephew Borgia both remarked dishonest in their deeds and words.  let one Pope Alexander and his nephew Caesar Borgia vaunt themselves; the one, that he did never think the thing which he spoke; the other, that like our mentallists, he never spoke the thing which he thought: and let a Leo the tenth of that name, promise truth and faith to a Paul Baillon, (who had expelled his nephew out of Perugia,) that he under trust of his holiness's word should come unto Rome safely with his associates, to live at Court as before, and yet nevertheless, did put him and them to death: as likewise a Cardinal, Alfonso of Sienna, who for suspicion of poisoning the Pope with a Buccado, or Nosegay, retired himself from Court, perceiving his Holiness countenance to be cast down upon him, and would not be moved to return again; but under his holiness' faith and true promise made, not only to himself, but to the Ambassador of Spain, in his Master's name, for his more security also; yet nevertheless having once caught him in his net, did put him to a violent death.  
His successor Clement the seventh did almost this same to the Florentines, 
Other Popes guilty of that same fault.  to whom, as he had solemnly conditioned to give them their liberties and Immunities, as likewise to the Spanish Ambassador in his Master's name, for them, for theirfurther security; yet being once possessed of their City, contrary to promise, he subjected it to his Nephew, who having strengthened it with strong and mighty Citadels and forts, did appropriate it to himself and his family: Let these Popes (I say) think and promise one thing, and do another; 
Exhortation to his Countrypeople not to do so.  far be it from any Britain to do so; as equity and truth is, or aught to be in your hearts, so let truth be in your minds also.   

Sect. 4.  
The difference betwixt the ancient and the modern Romans in uprightness of dealing, instanced by a story of Pompey the Great, and Augustus Caesar.  
AND now it shall content me to parallel one example amongst thousands which I could produce, of the honesty and integrity of old Rome with our new Christianized Rome; and then let the indifferent reader judge of the one and of the other; 
The integrity of ancient Romans.  The great Pompey, when he with his Naval Army (so much renowned in their stories,) had scoured all the Mediterranean Sea, than infested with Pirates, having (I say) given his promise of safety to one or two of the most special amongst them, did not violate nor molest them; but that was little; for Augustus Caesar did as much to Crocotas; but herein showed he his honest mind, that when he had two of his most special enemies within his chief Galleon, (although for the time but coldly enough reconciled unto him,) and was spoken unto by the Pilot, who acquainted him, that now it was the time to rid himself of them both; and if he pleased, that he himself should be the man to do the business; No, no, said he; If thou hadst killed them without acquainting me therewith, then hadst thou done a piece of good service; but now, do it not, since they are here under my trust.  Quia habita fides ipsam obligat fidem. 
We should make our words and actions agree and jump together, such Princes who in their life time dissembling grant pardons to offenders, and yet leave it in charge to their successors to be avenged on them, can no ways be excused: for seeing our intentions do judge our actions; death cannot acquit them of that obligation, besides that the entrant King is made formidable at his entry, who otherwise should enter his Crown with love and peace.   

Sect. 5.  
Of the breach of Faith to Enemies: Treachery at a Siege of Capua: Treachery and cruelty committed by the Spaniards at a Siege of Genoa. The strictness of Generals over common Soldiers exemplified, etc.  
NEither yet know I how to exempt from the scandal of this fault these two which I read of in the late Italian History; 
Of keeping no faith to enemies.  The one, that of the LORD Aubigny at the Siege of Capua, where he commanded the French without the Town; and Seigneur Fabricius Colonna within: 
A fault' committed by our Duke Aubigny at the siege of Capua, or rather by the insolent French under him.  For the History saith, that while the said Colonna was parlamenting on the face of a bastion with the said LORD Aubigny, upon conditions of surrendering; That the (French by the negligent watch of Sentinels within, suspecting no hostility during a parley) entered the City in fury, and so made Prize of it.  
Although it might be lawful to all commanders (where there are no covenants made) to take the best advantages of their adversaries that occasion can offer; and though Montaignes, whether favouring his own country, or being misinformed of the passages of that Siege (I know not) thinketh that this Policy was intended or premeditated by that ever upright and most valorous Warrior Bernard Lord D' Aubignie (which must be a mistake;) yet the Precedent and succeeding most valorous and many most generous acts of that ever renowned man, may witness the contrary; for many French Writers, (as may be seen in Master Quines' book of his life) have so ingenuously, honestly and according to his Merit, illustrated his brave acts in so lively Colours, that the honours, which for them were conferred upon him, would convince one, and confirm their credit that have so largely and truly spoken of him: that it may truly be continued of his worth.  Vivet post funera Virtus. 
The other at Genoa, where the marquis of Pesquierra was commander of the Spanish forces without the Town, and the Duke Seigneur Octavian Fregoso commanding within in the name of the French King; in like manner (and it may be for revenge and compensation of the Capuan cruelty) whilst the two Generals were under terms, yea, and final conditions of rendering the Town; 
A Cruelty committed at Genoa against the French within, by the Spaniard without.  The Spaniard (taking advantage of the negligent attendance of those within, who were secure, thinking all ready for the surrendering) entered the City, putting them all to the sword without distinction of Age, Sex, or condition. I know not (I say) how to quit these two from the imputation of treachery, except to say, that at times the insolency and fury of poor incensed Soldiers is so hardly suppressed by the threatenings of their Generals or Commanders, as is a wonder; yea admit it were in as reform a Warfare as that whereof the Lord Montagues in his Chapter of Conscience lib. 12. speaketh; where amongst diverse others of his notable discourses, he bringeth in a General causing to kill a Soldier and rip up his stomach to see the pottage which a poor woman complained he had wrest from her, and with which she was to save her child from starving, conditionally, that if it were not found there, the Woman plaintiff should dye, to expiate his death and her false accusation.  
But strange it is albeit, this former recited Maxim should hold in Wars; That from a general Council which (as they say) cannot err, the representative body of the holy Church, the Column of verity, that from it (I say) such a decree should have sprung, which may occasion us to say of them as was said of the licentious Soldiers, Quibus, cum quod libet, lioet, & quod libent, audent, & quod audent, faciunt: O Saecucula, O mores!    

A TREATISE OF LAUGHING AND MOURNING.  

Section 1.  
The benefits and content that all men reap by the works and labours of Writers and Travellers.  
HIstories and travellers are said to be like those who crack the Nut and give away the kernel; their toils, labours and witty inventions are by them ready dressed for all readers, hearers or seers; for when they read their travels and studies, they are like those who lying secure upon land, do from some Promontory behold a ship tossed on the swelling billows, beating with raging winds and tempests, and well nigh Shipwrecked: Et mare cum Spumis candentibus astra lacessit: & cum tartarei subsidit ad ima barathri: Who sees or reads their works receive the sweet of their toil: but yet not hereby challenging any singularity unto myself above others, I freely offer and expose these labours to all, which for the variety will (I hope) be acceptable; and gracious acceptance is the reward I crave. But to the matter in hand.   

Section 2.  
Of sudden deaths that have happened unto men amidst their feasting and other jollities, exemplified with stories both Sacred and profane.  
IN the Country of Agenois (a part of the famous province of Aquitaine,) where first I spent some years not without some copious and several observations: a Baron there, Mr. de Longad la barriere, at a feast in his own house, laughing and making merry with his Guests, having a leg of a pullet in his hand, expired suddenly amongst their hands. Mirth at banquets should not be excessive but moderate; 
Little good followeth commonly excess of mirth and laughter.  for which the Egyptians used at their feast to set a Scull or Anatomy on or by the table, that by the thought and sight thereof they might moderate their excess, which oftentimes hasteneth death or else diseases.  
Holy Scriptures furnisheth us with examples, 
Examples of Nebuchadonozor, Baliasar, and the rich glutton to this purpose.  as those of Nebuchadonosor, Baltasar, and the rich glutton, who had the most exemplary punishments in this kind that we read of.  
In the Roman History Cornelius Balbus recorded by Tacitus, who, whilst he was under a cloud and silence of night, carousing, quaffing, and laughing so loud, that the sick Emperor (his Lord) could hear him from his chamber windows with his comrades, is memorable, who not only endangered the loss of his Prince's favour, but of his life also for his so unseasonable and insolent mirth.  
Now, if we shall leave feasting, and but speak of other joys, we shall find that when men think their estate most secure, and do rejoice in the enjoying of it; that even then their sudden fall happeneth, and followeth them as their shadow: King David for glorying in his numbered people, was plagued: 
Examples of such who in the midst of all their felicities, have been taken away.  julius Caesar in his imperial Throne having by the overthrow of his enemies attained that vertical point of earthly honour, was even then and there murdered.  
King Henry the second of France, was amidst the triumphs and tiltings of his Sister's wedding solemnities, killed. King Henry the third at the rendering up of his rebellious City of Paris to him, was murdered by the traitorous stroke of a black Friar, his predecessors both shortly taken away: But more miserably, his great and valorous successor Henry 4th. in the midst of that glorious City, and of the pompous shows at his Queen's coronation, was murdered.  
Our hopeful Prince Henry taken away about the time of his sisters mirthful Nuptials.  
And I read of a Prince in an Historian, whose torch dedicated and lighted to Hymen in his nuptials, served to kindle his funeral pile.  
Not to speak a word of Philip of Macedon killed in the midst of his Army, while he is assisting the sacrifice to the Gods: Nor of his Son Alexander the great, cut off in the flower of his years, joys, and glorious great victories, with a thousand of this same kind.   

Section 3.  
Stories of several worthy and brave men; that upon occasions have shed tears: of the sensible grief of some Horses, Dogs, and Hawks upon the loss of their Masters.  
WHich being so, 
Wisely was it ordained that the Paschall Lamb should be eaten with four herbs.  we may see that the Lord ordained wisely the Pascall Lamb to be eaten with bitter herbs; And providently the old heathen enjoined us to mingle cares amidst our joys.  Laeta tibi austeris varientur festa profestis. 
From holy Scripture we have warrant, that it is better to be in the house of mourning and weeping, then in that of laughing: And blessed are they that weep; for they shall be comforted, 
Our Saviour did never laugh.  and their tears washed from their eyes; our Saviour is said to have wept, and never to have laughed: we read of St. Peter's tears; of the royal Prophets, of the Prophet jeremy his complaints; of the groan, howl and lament of the best servants of GOD, of none, or little of their rejoicing, except it had been under the Cross, or at least in the Lord; finally with tears we come into this world, with care we abide in it, and with pain we remove from it.  
Yea even of those who are most enured, 
Four famous and renowned Warriors, have shed tears.  and hardened with fights, bloodshed, alarms, and consequently, who should seem most averse from tears, pity and compassion, some I mark to have solemnly wept and are signalised, more peradventure in consideration of humane frailty, as measuring things by themselves, than otherwise for any great matter or reason they had to shed tears for the time; seeing they had obtained the thing they so eagerly desired.  
— Nam cum praeda sternitur, alter  
Praemia solliciti certa laboris habet.  
The good Emperor Adrian at his triumphant entry into Rome after a remarkable victory, 
The Emperor Adrian even amidst all his triumphs. remembering the frailty of nature.  seeing the innumerable spoils of his enemies before his Imperial chair, and the Captives themselves manacled and fettered with chains, doing homage unto him; It is recorded of him, that though he rejoiced in public, yet in private he wept, and in a manner expressed by all likelihood no less than our famous Buchanan in this distich.  
Tuquoque crudelis Babylon dabis improba paenas,  
Et rerum instabiles experiêre vices.  
King David shed tears at the sight or hearing of his son Absoloms death: 
The Prophet David, when he did hear of Absoloms death julius Caesar at Pompey's head. Vespasian seeing the temple of Solomon on fire.  julius Caesar, at the sight of Pompey's head: Vespasian, seeing the holy and magnificent Sanctum Sanctorum on fire: Xerxes, the insolent Persian King, yet seeing a number of hundred thousands in a plain, wept, considering the frailty of nature; for that of so many as he saw there, they might be all dead in few hours, 
Xerxes' seeing all his numerous Army before him.  days, or years. To these, I may subjoin Bajazet successor to Mahomet Emperor of the Turks, Anno, 1481. his tears, after his brother Zizimus had surrendered himself to the great Master of Malta, in name of all the Christian Princes; whom nevertheless he drove to that extremity. As for Heraclitus his perpetual weeping for the misery of this world, I think it as worthy of blame, as Democritus his continual laughing at the folly of it: seeing (with Solomon) there are times to laugh, and times to weep also, 
— Nam res humana fatiscit,  
Laeta nisi austeris varientur festa profestis.   
And if we trust Sabellicus; not only Men, but also Horses and Dogs, 
We read of Horses which have wept.  have been seen to weep for the loss of their Masters; he instanceth particularly, that those Horses which julius Caesar vowed to Mars at his passage over Rubicon, were observed before his murder to stray carelessly up and down, prognosticating (as it were) their master's death by their unaccustomed drooping, dejectedness, and shedding of tears: Du Bartas Hawk, which he relateth to have cast itself (after some other signs of sorrow) into the grave with the corpse of its dead Master, may be mentioned as rare and memorable.   

Section 4.  
Risus Sardonicus, what, and how to be taken: Of the holy tear kept in the Abbey Church at Vandesme, in France.  
NOw for laughing: that which we call Risus Sardonicus, is a perfect model and pattern of our humane laughing: for as they who have eaten of the herb Sardis, do all the perfect gestures of one tickled with joy or mirth, as dimpling their cheeks, and other like gestures; yet it is only the contracting power of that venomous herb, that procureth that convulsive gesture in them: the Crocodiles tears may be compared oftentimes to our weeping, as being either delusive, treacherous, or revengeful; and too many (I fear) do like judas, kiss, only to deceive.  
But what shall be said to the Tear which is conserved in a Viol, and kept in a little Chapel on the North-side of the Abbey-Church, 
The Tear which is in the Abbey Church of Vandome, what it can be.  at Vandome in France; which they give forth to be a tear which fell from our Lords eyes, and was kept since in that Viol by some holy Saint living in those days; which in an overpious belief, they say, hath continued since without diminution; by them called, La saint alarm, The holy tear: this at solemn festival days they show and exhibit to the superstitiously credulous people, that repair thither from the remotest parts of that kingdom; who with great and submissive prostration and kneeling, kiss it, to the great and gainful profit of the keeper: truly, for my own part, I am not so universally catholic (though I have seen it) as to believe that, no more than their religious paradoxes of the transportation of our Lady De Loretta her chamber from so many divers places and countries, to the place where now it is: neither find I any motion to pray God for help in my unbelief of this and other such feigned miracles of theirs, being so merely and palpably gross inventions of men.   

Sect. 5.  
Of weeping for the dead how to be moderated. The matter of tears: of laughing and weeping for one and the same thing: moderation in both commended.  
ALthough Tertullian in his book De patientia, 
Weeping for the dead allowable, provided, it be not immoderate.  did forbid the people in his days to mourn and weep for the dead, yet our Lord and other Saints have wept for them: S. Paul indeed, reprehendeth the immoderateness of it, 1 Thes. chap. 4. where he forbiddeth not the Thessalonians to sorrow at all; but not sorrow as those who had no hope of the resurrection. The Poet could find fault with immoderate mourning for the dead; which in this Iron and declining age of the world but very few needs to be reproved for.  
Tu semper urges flebilibus modis  
Misten ademptam, nec tibi vespero,  
Cadente decedunt amores,  
Necrapidum fugiente solemn.  
The philosophical reason given for not mourning for the dead, I think neither allowable to a Christian, nor to a mere naturalist; for they say, that it is but lost time and action, seeing death is remediless, common, necessary; and tears cannot prevail to recall them again, and therefore avail nothing: for such like arguments are rather to reinforce sorrow, than otherways to mitigate grief: and so much the rather, because there is no remedy for it: for as another Philosopher replieth to one who reproved him for lamenting so heavily the death of his son, since (said he) you know that there is no remedy for it; and therefore (replied the other) do I weep: yet some of the wisest sort of them agreed unto this mourning for the dead, as a kind, natural duty; in so far, that they who wept not for their parent's death, were by them said, In patrios minxisse cineres.  
Not to speak of the matter of tears, 
The matter 〈◊〉 our tears.  whether it be the same with that of sweat, or the waterish part of blood, all these being salt: I shall inquire the occasion of tears, which we find out of holy and profane stories, 
We laugh and weep diversely for the selfsame causes.  to be both joy and sorrow. In Ezra, when the jews saw the holy Temple re-edified, They wept (saith the Prophet) but diversely, some for joy to see it rebuilt again, others for sorrow to see the glory and ornament of it, as it was then, not comparable to the former: so wept joseph for joy upon his brethren's necks: in a word, ire and revenge will occasion tears, as well as pity and compassion; yea, some will weep on no occasion.  Mens immota manet, 
Neither they commendable who laugh always, nor they who mourn.  lachrymae volvuntur inanes. 
I can say no more to the stupidity of these people, than to their folly who laugh at all occasions without cause.    

OF VARIETIES THE FOURTH BOOK: CONTAINING FOUR TREATISES. OF 

1. Curiosities.  
2. Divine Philosophy, or Man's felicity.  
3. The Consonancy and agreement betwixt Ancient Philosophers and Christian professors.  
4. Sleep and Dreams.    
BY DAVID PERSON of Loughlands in SCOTLAND GENTLEMAN.  Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvant. 
LONDON, Printed by RICHARD Badger, for Thomas Alchorn, and are to be sold at his shop, in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Green- Dragon. 1635.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, JOHN, Earl of Traquair, Lord Linton and Caberston; his MAJESTY'S Treasurer Depute of Scotland, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privie-Councell there.  
Right honourable,  
Example's of Histories and daily experience teach us, that as Piety and justice are the pillars of a State, and the Country happy (as none more than ours) whose King is endued with them, seeing people commonly follow their example; so most fortunate is the Land, where a most wise King substitutes such officers of State, as whose piety, justice, charity, and other virtues, may be a comfort, rule, and example to the people, over whom God and their King hath placed them: That this reflecteth upon you my Lord, none of our Nation is so destitute of understanding as to question; upon which assurance I have adventured this dedication to your Lordship, that where these eminent virtues do so clearly shine there can be no clouded mystinesse cast betwixt a candid and auspicious acceptance, and this small tender of my duty to honourable virtue, and entire affection to your Honour: which in your younger years at Paris (where I began this work) I did vow unto your then blooming merits; and now perform, that it may remain to after Ages, as an everduring token of the love, favour, duty, honour, and respect, that was always carried to the most illustrious name of Stewart in general, and to You my Lord in particular, as a Noble branch of the Honourable Stock of Lennox, By  
Your Lordship's faithful and affectioned servant, David Person.   

OF VARIETIES THE FOURTH BOOK, Of Curiosities, where the greatest Subtleties of all Sciences are some way unfolded, and disapprooved; and some natural Curiosities propounded, as of the Heavens, Air, Seas, Earth, etc.  

Section 1.  
The difference betwixt factions and (editions: a rebellion of the common people of Rome against the Senate and Patricians. Emulation a principal producer of great exploits; the harm that followeth Curiosity, and that Churchmen are not exempt from it.  
AS order and unity are the upholders of a Commonwealth, 
Difference betwixt factions and seditions.  so factions and seditions are their overthrow; These two I hold not to be one; for sedition is by open violence; faction, under colour of justice; That both these are procured by too curious and ambitious brains and diseased spirits, who envy other men's preferment or wealth above their own; it is manifest; 
Uproar of the Commons at Rome against the Patricians, appeased by Menenius Agrippa.  as thorough all the Roman history, so particularly in that sedition of the Commons who openly rose up against the Senate and Patricians, flying in arms to the Aventine Mount, where nevertheless by that elegant Oration of Menenius Agrippa (set down by Livius at length) they were appeased.  
My purpose here is not to hinder that honest emulation, and allowable curious ambition of well doing either in private or public men; for both the Greek and Roman stories do sufficiently inform us, 
Emulation and ambition in well doing is allowable.  that there were never greater incitements to an emulous antagonist, than their opposites glorious exploits in war, and virtuous proceedings in peace; nor sharper spurs to waken and rouse up their laziness (if any was) then the desire to parallel them; examples are very obvious in this kind. My intent here is to desire a moderation in men of all conditions, especially the learned; for the harm, 
Curiosity the Mother of mischief.  prejudice and evil that idle and stirring Curiosities (which have been caused by Antagonists emulations, and disputes) have procured in private and public men or States, in war and peace, is universally and daily perceaved and regretted: And who so would think that our Clergy and Gown men who prescribe rules of wisdom unto others, 
Our Schools and Learned men not exempt from it.  are to be exempted from this fault, are far deceived; for both of old and late days they have barboyled the sound doctrines of their professions, with their idle, unnecessary, and too curious questions; who so will with me skim over but a handful of them, shall soon confess this truth.   

Section 2.  
How Curiosities have wonderfully disturbed the peace of the Church; A Recital of some impertinent Curiosities in Religion; with some also of Subtilis Scotus, and Thomas Aquinas, etc.  
ANd first then, it may be demanded, what solid peace and agreement hath been in the sacred Church which is the pillar of Truth, 
What peace hath the most curious questions brought unto the Church, but rather hath divided us all.  since the purity of the Primitive Doctrine left by the holy Evangelists, Apostles, and their Successors hath been adulterated, and martyred with curious questions; as those of Transubstantiation, Concomitance, Latreia, Dulia, Hyperdulia, mental reservation, equivocations, implicit faith, congruities, condignities, and Supererogations, together with the inerrability of the Pope's Holiness, Semi-man, and Demi-God; as also those questions of our late Divines, whether CHRIST'S death alone was satisfactory for our salvation, or His life and death together? And those questions also of providence, of predestination, of prescience, God's effective and permissive power in sin, if GOD can lie, or recall time past, or make a thing done, to be undone, etc. what hath moved our so inquisitive Curiosists, as Subtilis Scotus, and D. Thom. who have (as it were) so overclouded all with their pregnancies of wit, to be so curiously solicitous, as to inquire, 
In Metaphysic we crossed to know, if there be in nature any other production besides Creation and Generation.  whether or not besides Creation and Generation, there were any other production of things in nature different and distinct from those two? which surely is not; for by that means accidents should befound to be concreated & congenerated, not inhesive, and having their being in the subject according to the Logicians rule, accidentis est inesse. Whereupon followed that no less idle than curious question, 
Whether accidents be create or concreat.  whether GOD may sustain accidents after the substracting of their subject from them, in which they were, and with which they were concreated; 
If God may sustain accidents without their substances to subsist in.  as who can imagine a whiteness to exist without a wall, paper, cloud, cloth or some such subject to be in, wherewith first it was concreated, as Ruvius in his Commentary upon the second Phys. and second de anima fond giveth forth? seeing it is certain, 
The actions of Gods will tend unto, and terminate with a subject.  that the actions of GOD'S will are ever bounded to, and terminated with an object, either possible or actual; and the reason of this is, because all potency and possibility to be, tendeth to and terminateth in an object, from which it may assume the own species & kind; So that the acts of the divine Intellect or understanding tending to an object extant, or in aptibility to exist, do tend to it, as it is in the Divine intellect; and so consequently such, as actually or possibly existeth.  
Such questions as these being more fit to cruciate and perplex the minds, yea even of the most learned, then otherwise to instruct them or any of the weaker sort.   

Section 3.  
A continuation of some other Theological and Metaphysical subtleties and curiosities.  
Such as this, 
If there be multiplicity of forms in oneself same matter.  is that of the multiplicity of forms in oneself same subject, and this; if the forms of matters be extracted out of the potentiality of the matters, which certainly is, the first, not: wherein I agree with Suares, 
If forms of matters be extracted out of the potentiality of the matter.  in his disputation upon the first of the Metaphysics; and whether Angels be species or individuals; howbeit in my mind, what ever Divus Thomas speaketh in favour of species, they are more properly to be held as individuals; 
If Angels be species or individuals.  yea, and with our Modern Divines reverence, whether Protestants or Jesuits; what can be the formal object of our faith, the subject of it being once perfectly known; howbeit in effect to my opinion, the formal object of it (with Divus Thomas) must be the divine verity manifested unto us in holy Scripture by our Lord and Master, the holy Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles, the pen men of GOD, together with the authority of the Church, which authority is but as a testimonial, and secondary, and with both and all others permission, who pry and dive so deeply in the Orcum and mysteries of Learning, as, whether or not Creation be all one with the thing Created, sooner solved, then advisedly propounded: for so it is, that Creation being an action of the divine will, fiat & factum est. Gen. 1. 34. Moreover, that will in GOD, and His Divine essence being all one, there is no question, but that Creation is prior to the thing created: the like, or part whereof neither the jewish Thalmud, nor the Mahometan Alcoran scarce ever did propound to their Readers. But I leave the sublimity of Theological and Metaphysical questions which hath puzzled marvellously even the best refined and acute Spirits.   

Section 4.  
Of Curiosities in Logic; the relation betwixt the Creator and the creature: to what Heaven the Prophet Enoch and Elias were wrapped; what place is said to be Abraham's bosom.  
What hath the Logician advantaged his art of reasoning by troubling himself and others, 
Curiosity in Logic to know what sort of relation between the creature and the Creator.  with what kind of relation is betwixt the creature and the Creator? Whether, with Aristotle, predicamental or not? mutual, or that it holdeth only of the creature, not of the Creator also? howsoever, predicamental with Aristotle it cannot be; for that Creation argueth no change in GOD, (as it doth in the thing Created, which is transchanged from a not being to a being which is certain,) because GOD and supernal intelligencies (as mere forms free of all matter) do work by their intellect and will; So that Creation proceeding from GOD as an act of His will and intellect, must have been from all eternity with Him, nothing being in Him which was not with Him likewise.  
To the former add this curiosity likewise: what Heaven it was which the Prophets Enoch and Elias were wrapped into? 
What Heaven the Prophet Enoch was wrapped unto.  for our curious Our anographers by their doings (I warrant you) shall exclude them out of all Heavens: for why say they? into the Air, (which is the first Heaven) they could not be wrapped, seeing if they were taken up from the Earth for rest and ease, there they would find little, it being the proper place of storms and tempests; neither into the second, for if for ease, joy and rest, they were taken from the earth, it behoved to be elsewhere then there, because that starry Heaven by many is held to be in perpetual revolution and motion; much less will they admit them into the third Heaven; because they were not as yet glorified, at least, there is no warrant in Scripture for it: besides that, our MASTER JESUS CHRIST being Primitiae resurrectionis was the first that entered, which was many ages after their uptaking.  
Where the bosom of ABRAHAM is, to which most credibly they were rapt, our curious Topographers cannot agree; their sublimities and curiosities rather producing scruples then instruction. What it is, 
What and where Abraham's bosom  is by all almost agreed upon; but where it is, maketh the doubt: with Peter Martyr Vermillius loco. 16. Classis 3. It is thought to be nothing else then a place of rest, where the souls of the Fathers departed before our SAVIOUR'S coming to the World, were attending, and in joy expecting it, denominated from Abraham the Father of the faithful, without excluding the rest of the Fathers; which place, what ever they say, I take to have been in Heaven, in which (we know) there are many stations, how ever they perplex themselves in marshalling our lodgings there. And, against them all, of this opinion is S. Augustine, Commenting on the 85. Psalm.   

Section 5.  
The Curiosity of the Millenarij; with many other Curiosities more frivolous than necessary.  
THe curiosity of the Millenarij, called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is worth your notice; who give forth, that after the general resurrection, the godly shall enjoy a thousand years' pleasures in soul and body on this earth, before the wicked be resuscitated, which they on earth did want whilst the wicked flourished; and that according to Irenaeus his opinion. lib. adversus haereticos. But they have even as much likelihood and warrant for this out of holy Scripture, 
If beasts, herbs plants, will be renewed with man after the resurrection.  as others have for that other tenant, that after the resurrection of man, there shall be likewise a renovation of beasts, herbs, plants, etc.  
But to proceed in their subjects, what curiosity hath driven our Inquisitors to ask, if death shall bereave our most learned of all sense and insight in Sciences, 
If there be degrees of glory in heaven.  that in Heaven they shall be in no better degree of happiness than the rude ignorant; whereas in the first to the Corinthians and the fifteenth Chapter it is said, alia est gloria lunae, alia solis; better it were to know how to come there, then inquisitively to search what higher places there are there: but no question if the arguments drawn from contraries, do hold, then sure in hell there be diversity of pains, so in Heaven also there be disparity of joys: for in the house of the Lord are many mansions.  
Yea, but saith my curiosist, what language shall we speak in Heaven? 
What language in heaven.  an idle question; what other language should we have but Hallelujuhs, hymns, and praises to Him who sitteth upon the Throne? This with many other scruples, and errors in inverting, perverting augmenting, derogating, transverting, throwing, wresting GOD'S Word, Will, Truth, and Decree, I pass, and apply myself to the Physiologist enquiring, if there was a world before this began; 
Curiosity in Physic to know whether there be more worlds than one.  if there shall be another after this. If there be more than this which presently we inhabit; if there be more celestial spheres then one; what time of the year this world began, and when it shall have an end. All which, in my Title of the world I handle, 
If there was one before this.  excepting only the multiplicity of heavenly orbs which I do admit, refusing always their Eccentrick and Epilicks; as also I dissallow the Eccentricks of the earth, as being all curiosities of small moment, and remit the Reader to the sound and true knowledge of the course, nature, and influence of the planets; which our curious Physicians, or Pseudo-Astrologers imaginatively do handle.   

Section 6.  
That the Planets and other Celestial bodies have not that power over the natures of men and Women that Astrologers ascribe unto them: That the Stars are innumerable; Of the number and greatness of some in Via lactea; Where the centre of the earth is; its Circumference. Of Aetna, Hecla, Saint Patrick's hole, and the like.  
NEither can I be induced to believe the enforcing power they ascribe to these planets over men and women's natures at the hour of their birth; 
The Stars and heavenly lights force not our inclinations.  they may well (I confess) incline and help our propensnes, force them they cannot: for with Homer latinized; 
Tales sunt hominum mores, qualis pater ipse  
jupiter aurifer as lustravit lampade terras.   
Or rather with Hypocrates the Lord of their Art I think, against these sublime curiosities, that the heavens work not upon the sublunary bodies of children, but by the mediation of the Air, which being always in motion, and seldom alike at all times, cannot always produce such and such like infallible dispositions proper to any one alone more than to others, in, and of that same time and place: the contrary whereof we see.  
Mille hominum species, & rerum discolor usus.  
Velle suum cuique est, nec voto vivitur uno.  
But what ever fall out, it must not be so much attributed to the domination of any Star at the Nativity of him or her, that way disposed, more than to others who suck in that same Air, but rather to the diversity of men's inclinations of whom they are propagated; 
The inclination of Parent● more moveth children naturally, than the Stars do.  or to their studies, educations, and affections, etc.  
Thus the extremity of Philosophy is accounted folly, as the best rules in Physic are; not but in case of extreme necessity, to use Physic at all.  
But yet, what extremity of folly is it in our Astronomers to give up the reckoning, yea even of the immovable Stars, when GOD their Maker (blessed forever) holdeth them (in respect of men) as innumerable; as when He assured jacob the Patriarch of the numerousness of his posterity, He compareth their innumerableness to the Stars of the heaven; when (howsoever these of via lactea alone are so miscounted, that there are miriads beside, millions of misreckoning given up by the Arabs themselves) Reneus Herpinus in his Apology for Bodin against Augerius Ferrerius his book de diebus decretonorijs intendeth to give their supputation, if not infallibly, 
The number and greatness of certain Stars in the via lactea.  learnedly and Astrologically; yet too too curiously, in that place fol. 22. he divideth them in forty eight figures, and placeth twelve in the Zodiac, fifteen Meridionalls beyond the Ecliptic; twenty one septentrionals, and so forth; beside so many obscure ones, of which some of the biggest he instanceth to be 107 times bigger than the earth; some again of the first and sixth bigness, eighteen times bigger, observing the diameter of the largest, four times bigger than that of the earth. Whereas the diameter of the lesser sort is in comparison to that of the earth, as fifteen, to eight, in respect of twenty one: all which he proveth against Ferrerius to observe a constant, equal, and not different course; of which Stars nevertheless, their number, course, bigness, force, etc. not only Ptolomeus (the Primate and Patron of that Science) (although Plotinus, Proclus, and Prophyre have not adhered to his demonstrations) in his work, at least in his Preface 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaketh rather as of things sooner remarked by the Ancients, then rightly understood by him or them either; But likewise his Commentator Theon Alexandrinus on the like subjects giveth forth, 
Diversities of opinions.  that in these and the like matters, he desireth not his words to be taken for undoubted authorities: What have our Topographers won by enquiring, what can be in the centre of this Terrestrial Globe, which he giveth up to be near seven thousand miles in diametral thickness? whether hell be there or not? and whether or not Aetna in Italy, hecla in Island, Saint Patriks hole in Ireland, or that formidably burning Mountain by the American Mexico (wherein at times as elsewhere also (if our Historians mistake not) there are plaints and mourning voices to be heard through) by the vents and Chimneys of hell, as they give out.  
Or what advantage have our Vranographers, or our familiar describers of the heavens, made (not to be behind with our Geographers, who have given up the compass of the earth? how soon a man may encompass it, as in the first Treatise of the secrets of nature may be seen? what have they advantaged (I say) by giving up the vastness of the firmament so unmeasurably large as they do? for by their calculation, though a man ride forty miles a day, yet shall he not see so much ground in many thousands of years as the firmament goeth about the earth in twenty four hours: 
Via Lactea differently given up.  So learned Clavius calculateth in his Commentary upon Sacroboscus.  
But withal to know whether or not the Moon be inhabited, or hath mountains, valleys, and champion ground within her body, and so forth; and whether the rest of the planets as she, be likewise inhabited; considering (say these curious fellows) that these vast bodies cannot be framed for light only, if not for this use also: but being wearied with these and alike more curious than profitable questions, I leave them.   

Section 7.  
To search out the secrets of Nature allowable; if men be not too curious in them; Eudoxus wish; Plinius killed on the Mountain of Vesuvius: Aristotle drowned in Euripus; Too much curiosity is a plague sent down from Heaven on men; The Poet Simonides acknowledged his ignorance of GOD; How the Heathenish gods were portrayed.  
IF any curiosity may be allowed, 
The enquiry of the secrets of nature, convenient food for a curious Spirit.  I think the inquiry of the hidden and abstruse secrets of nature are agreeable and pleasing for a curious spirit; provided that their curiosity carry them no further then to a reverend and respectful admiration of the power of God, working in Nature by them.  
But if once such curious and inquisitive brains do transgress these limits, and after the meditation of these things, do begin to draw out of the secrets of Nature that which is unprofitable, being known, and so do become transgressors of the old Law, Non altum sapere, not to be too inquisitive; 
Eudoxus craved to be near the Sun although it should be with the hazard of his life, as that he might know it.  then I say their curiosities become vicious: such as this, was the curiosity of Eudoxus, who desired at the hands of the gods to be so near the Sun as to discern the matter of it, (which was in question amongst his fellow Philosophers for the time) although it should be to the hazard of his life; Such curiosity as this: cost Plinius his life, while too curiously he approached to the top of the Mount Vesuvius, by Naples (which I did with the hazard of mine also) from thence to look down to the body of the hollowed hill to see if he might discern the cause and matter of that fire, which bursting up in flames now and then, had made it hollow within, for then being choked with a flash of a sudden flame, he died; So the river Euripus did requite Aristotle his curiosity with the like punishment, although not drowning or overwhelming him with waves, yet causing in him such melancholy for not comprehending its nature, as procured his death!  
We have warrant from holy Scripture, that too much curiosity to know things, is sent down upon men as a plague, in so far, that Herod esteemed Saint Paul distracted through his too much learning; and they are scarce otherwise, who think by their shallow capacity, to comprehend the height, length, and depth of GOD'S works, which are so much the rather His, by how much the less we understand them.  
And it is observable that our belief is settled upon things incredible to humane reason; 
Because curiosity to know, is a plague, therefore our faith is settled upon things incredible to human reason.  to which a humble submission of spirit attaineth sooner, than a curious inquiry.  
Thus Saint Augustine esteemed, GOD better to be adored, bene sentiendo, quam multum loquendo; In such sort, that Simonides the Poet, who was desired to describe God, required first one day to think upon the subject; and then another, lastly a third; and in the end confessed ingeniously, that the more he studied it, the further he was from comprehending it, and the more he searched into that Theme, the less he understood it; which gave us well to understand how wisely the Egyptian Priests, Indian Brachmians, the Persian Magis, the French Druids, and all the old Philosophers and wise men did, who caused to mould and pourtrayte their gods with their fingers upon their lips, 
The Gods of the Ancients were pourtraited with their fingers upon their mouths, and why.  to teach men (their Adorers) not to be too curious inquirers after their Nature, or rashly blab forth what ever they imagine of them, lest that being discovered, they should have been found in the end to have been but men, either worthy in their time for war or peace, and after their death, deified.  
Micat inter omnes  
julium fidus, velut inter ignes  
Luna minores.  
Whereas the Nature of our great Godhead is so profound a gulf, and hid mystery, that as the Sun beams dazzleth our mortal eyes, being too steadfastly fixed upon them; even so doth overcurious inquiry after God, and such other abstruse mysteries, obfuscate the dim eyes of our understandings: And as the Sun cannot be seen but by his own light; So no more can God be known but by himself.   

Section 8.  
Too great curiosities condemned; and a moderation to be used in them prescribed.  
THus then, 
As in Divine mysteries we should not be too curious: So should we not in any worldly business.  as in Divine and heavenly mysteries we should not be too curious, but should rather content us with what is revealed; So should we not in our worldly affairs busy ourselves too curiously and perplexedly: For as God's secrets are not disclosed to the highest and most eminent amongst men, but to the meaner and ignorant sort; even so fortune and chance of this world falleth and followeth not always the wisest and most curious, but on such as for the most part do not pursue them; and these we do term, fool happy or more happy than wise.  Dum vitant stulti vitia, in contraria currunt. 
When I blame the extremity of curiosity as a master-vice, 
As we should not b● overcurious; ●o should we not be l●sse curious with the Stoics referring all to destiny.  it is not for that we should with the Stoics, ●ull ourselves asleep, and cast off even allowable care concerning the events of our affairs in this life; as to remit and put over all to destiny; which is no less blame-worthy, then with the Epicureans, to eat and drink, as if the morrow we were to die: For as the golden mediocrity, and commendable virtue consisteth betwixt extremes; even so (I say) avoiding both evils, this meant good may be admitted, to be curious after all such things as concern our vocation and trade of life: And for this indeed we have warrant; but so, that we refer the event of all to the all-seeing providence, who best knoweth our wants, and can best help them.   

Section 9  
How GOD disappointeth the expectations of the most Curious; And that the most subtle spirits run into greater errors than the meaner do.  
I Wonder, 
As the most curious craftsman is not ever either the wisest or the Wealthiest; So the most curious heads are not they to whom God manifests his secrets.  since neither the subtleties of this present age, nor the wisdom of our predecessors, neither Prophets of old, nor preaching of new, no not theirmost curious inquiries could rip up the causes and notions of things, which it hath pleased the Everliving to work both above and below the concavity of the Moon, in a manner to dazzle men's eyes, and to make their profoundest wits stoop under the wonders of His works; Why then should our curious Spirits rack their brains about the resolution of such questions, which, as they are difficult to be solved, so are they dangerous (I may say) and impious to be propounded.  
And it is great presumption for mortal men to reduce under the precinct of humane sciences those things the knowledge of which GOD out of His infinite wisdom hath thought fit not to impart to mortals.  
For as God is above nature, 
God as he is above Nature, so worketh he beyond Nature some times.  so worketh He after His own will, either supernaturally, or else by some secret power of Nature unknown to us; To which point, the most subtle of all the Ancient Philosophers some times were driven.  
And yet these great spirits who could not content themselves but with the speculation of such things, as fell not under the reach and capacity of the weaker, and meaner sort; did sometimes in the meaner subjects stumble most miserably.  
So while they ran above the heavens, roving and tormenting themselves with their numbers, matter, force, motion's, sounding, depths and centre, yea, and turning the circumference of the earth, 
Great and sublime spirits stumble more vilely, than the meane● sort.  overskimming the Seas, saluting the Antipodes, and bringing novels from their Courts, and of their Cabals, dreaming with themselves (as Archimedes did) that they might remove the Globe of the universe out of its own place, and turn it about, if they had whereon, and wherein to fix their machines; they in the end (I say) do stumble, and fall in gross absurdities; like those men who peradventure, having sailed the better part of their lives, upon the stormy Ocean, and past her greatest dangers, may nevertheless at last be drowned in a little Brook.  Medium tenuere Beati.  

Section 10.  
An inducement to the study and search of the secrets of Nature; Of the Needle in the Sea compass; Of the inundations of the River of Nilus; And from whence it hath its source and beginning; Of the several dispositions of men; Why continual burning hills and Mountains do not diminish, etc.  
But on what more fertile and spacious a field can curious Spirits extend, and expatiate the wings of their fancies, than the discovery and searching out of the secrets of Nature, as in those things which are obvious to our outward senses, leaving those contemplative mysteries afore spoken of, to the omniscious Author of them, for when man's curiosity hath reached or rather dived into the depth of the secrets of the heavenly bodies and their changes; then the Creator, to check (as it were) their curiosities and presumption, altereth that orderly course that they presumed to have gathered thereby; 
Dion: Areopagita's observation of the Eclipse at our Saviour's suffering.  which made Dionysius Areopagita, seeing the Sun Eclipsed at full Moon, when our LORD and SAVIOUR suffered, contrary to their Astronomical position, to cry out, that either the God of Nature suffered at that time, or the course of Nature was inverted, or the Machine of the universe was to dissolve; with other the like examples known to all that are versed in the Scripture. Now to speak a little more of the incertainty of these curiosities; Mercator, 
Opinions of the needle in the compass.  and other more modern Geographers hold, that the needle in the compass, doth vary more or less from the Pole, as the place of observation is more or less distant from the Azorick Meridian, from whence it hath its longitude; Whereas the more ancient took its longitude to be from the Canaries Meridian. Some again, as Herodotus, will the River of Nilus, to take its source and beginning from the forked top of the Mountain Sienna in Ethiopia, from whence (saith he) do surge two admirable Currents, one towards the South and Ethiopia; the other toward the North and Egypt; I call these currents admirable, because the Whirlpools and bubblings in these waters are so great, violent and absorping, that though a Boat were there tied with most strong Cables, yet they would suck it in and ingurgitate it! 
Of Nilus, her source and inundation.  Others will have its inundations and Increment, to issue from the hills of the Moon in Arabia, A montibus lunae Arabia-Australis: whereupon such abundance of Snow falleth, that it liquifying and melting, runneth so abundantly and violently down, that it procureth these wonderful inundations: Plinius again (if Sabell: mistake not lib. 3. Eneid: 1.) maketh its source and deboarding to flow from Africa crossing Media, as the Danube doth Europe; Or else from Mauritania the lesser, instancing for possibility that the melted snow descending from thence causeth the overflowings in Egypt; from whence (say they) serpenting and gliding through a vast tract of ground in the bowels of the earth, that striving (as it were) to be refreshed with new air, it bursteth out in Mauritania Caesariensi, where it runneth the space of twenty days journey again under ground; from whence it issueth again and plentifully stretcheth itself through Ethiopia, with many meandres and turnings, and separateth Egypt from the rest of afric; where finally through most rocky, Precipitious and Declivous Mountains with most hideous rumbling, and terrible noise, it casteth itself down where the Catadupae dwell; and running through Egypt, disburdeneth itself, into the Mediterranean Sea. 
men's dispositions.  Others again (not without great contradiction) do variously picture out the several dispositions of men according to their several Countries, whereof read Bodinus in his sixth Chapter lib. 5. of his Republic: where he saith, that those who are borne towards the South are more humane, ingenious and affable than those towards the North: with several other distinctions which he setteth down in that Chapter: Some too, give the reason why so many great hills in several places of the earth do incessantly burn, without great diminution of the earth or their greatness, to be because the Sea winding itself in by secret Conduits, 
Burning hills and Mountains.  doth continually arrouse, or water the Sulphureous vain which subministrates fuel to their flame; as the endlessness of the combustible matter is the cause of the not diminishing of the earth: with many of the like, as may be read in several authors: Wherefore thus much for the contemplative and conjectural curiosity; Now to the Practic.   

Section 11.  
Of Christopher Columbus his Practical Curiosity in his discovery of the new World or America.  
NOw lastly, to conclude this treatise with Practical curiosity, instead of many, I will only touch that so fortunate and so much famed one of Columbus in the discovery of America; He was an Italian, borne in Genoa, whose most pregnant, curious and searching wit, far excelled all that ever were before him, in the like attempts; 
Columbus first intention, and motive to his voyage.  This worthy Columbus (I say) imagining, that since the Globe of the universe, the celestial Spheres, Air, Waters, and all superior bodies were round, concluded with himself that the earth could not be triangular, as in a manner it then was when he knew no other lands, but Europe, afric, Asia, but circular and round also; as the rest of the Elements; and so consequently that there behoved to be some vast tract of land, yet unknown, which should extend itself from South West to North West; Which conception of his he thus fortified.  
That seeing of three hundred and sixty degrees, 
Columbus his reason.  which the world containeth in longitude, there being only one hundred eighty filled up with land; that the Almighty Creator would not have suffered from all beginning the waters to overflow all the rest.  
But not content with this contemplation only, he never gave over till he put the trial of it in practice; wherefore in the year of God, 1492. aided and therefore furthered by the King of Spain, he set to sea, directing his course to the Canary-Islands (whereat from Spain he first arrived) towards the South-west: 
His voyage.  but having spent many days upon the Sea without sight of land, to the great toil, labour, and anguish of his men, who began to mutiny amongst themselves and despair of ever returning home, much less of attaining their adventure; he was driven to his wit's end, whereupon politicly, (and as it were prophetically) he strove with all probabilities to assure them that within two or three days, at furthest, they should discover land; 
His policy.  which the more confidently he undertook, because (saith my Author) he had perceived the colour of the clouds then tending towards him, to be more white and more purified like landclouds, from whence they behoved to come, than those that merely proceeded from the seas; which conjecture of his proved true; 
The cause of dearth since Columbus voyage.  for it pleased God, that the third day thereafter they discovered this land they sought for, of which, with its length, breadth, nature, etc. there are whole volumes extant; and from this country it is, that the gold, money and ware be transported, which hath caused our dearths; all things in the days of our forefathers, being bartered one for another as common merchandises.  
This man's spirit (no question) was warmed with a more celestial fire than ordinary; who first of all before him, did both invent and execute so glorious a design, and profitable an enterprise, as the discovery of a new world. Nevertheless, there hath not wanted some; who, to bereave him of this honour, do gather out of Plato's dialogue 'twixt Critias and Solon, 
Columbus' worth depraved.  that there was some knowledge of this world in former times; because so it is, that the Egyptian Priests of the City Sais reported unto him, that they had found in ancient Monuments, some mention of a terrible great Island, called Atlantida, which was opposite, or went off and on, with the straits of Gibaltar, of old called Hercules Pillars; but that it was taken away by Deucalion's deluge, as we read of Sicily to have been rend from Italy.  
Which admit were true: 
His vindication.  yet who, amongst the sons of men, before Columbus, did ever adventure to discover it? nay who so thinketh it to be an Island, mistaketh far: for our modern navigators have found it to be continent almost, and firm land; as joining to the East-Indies on the one hand, and to those Lands under the two Poles on the other: moreover, whereas Sicily is removed from Italy but a very few miles (if ever they were conjoined) as Ireland is from Britanne; this America, or, as they would have it, Atlantida, is distant from the mouth of the straits, where (they say) it was taken away, some thousands of miles.  
I know too, how Peter Martyr, cap. 1. and first decade, attributeth the first discovery of this to a Spaniard, to defraud Columbus of his due praise and honour: and how some have gone about, to take away from him the denomination of that Country, 
Columbus denomination of Americus conferred on Vespucius.  attributing it to Vespucius, calling him Americus, because he entered farther in the firm land than Columbus; who glad of his first discovery, made no long stay there: so that at the second setting out of a new Navy, 
Here again vindicated.  this Vespucius went further in, Egregiam verò laudem: as if the honour were not the first attempters: so Sheep bear wool, and Oxen plough, although not for themselves. Some too, say, that Columbus, being a learned man, gathered this enterprise from some verses in Seneca in his Medea, 
Another aspersion on him.  
Venient annis secula seris.  
Quibus oceanus vincula rerum  
Laxet, & ingens pateat Tellus,  
Tiphis que novos deteget orbs,  
Nec sit terris ultima Thule, etc.   
And why not? for this same (if it so was) argued the sublimity of his spirit; for who, I pray you, before him, ever marked or gathered the like from them to put that Theory and contemplation in practice? Then, sure it is, that none of the ancients, Greek or Roman whatsoever, can in this be compared or balanced with him.   

Sect. 12.  
The conclusion of this Treatise of curiosity; containing a singular curiosity of Livia, Tiberius Caesar's wife.  
BUT ere I fully close up this Treatise, and where I might bring before you many; let me only present you with one woman, whose singular curiosity was admirable, or (if you will) casual; it is reported by Cuspinian, an ancient and famous Author, in the life of Tiberius Caesar; 
Livias' curiosity.  that Livia being with child of Tiberius, fell into an inquisitive curiosity, to know whether the child she went withal should prove male or female: whereupon, repairing to Scribonius the ginger, she was advised by him to take an Egg from under a sitting Hen, and to hold it so long betwixt her hands, till (through the heat of them) the egg should bird and break the shell; which accordingly she did, and thereout came a Cock-chicken: whereupon the Mathematician divined, that she should be delivered of a man child; who as the bird was crested, should bear a crown, and command over others: and so thereafter it happened.    

OF DIVINE PHILOSOPHY, AND MAN'S FELICITY.  

Section 1.  
The Sun and Moon in the Heavens compared to the understanding and will in Man. Aristotle's definition of happiness: The distinction of understanding and Will; and wherein ancient Philosophers placed their chief felicity.  
AS there are two Lamps in the heavens which enlighten this lower world, 
The understanding and reason in man, is as the Sun in the firmament.  the Sun, and the Moon: So there are two principal faculties which rule in Man, the understanding and the will. For as the Sun in the Firmament, is as Master of the rest of the Stars, giving life to the Earth by the mediation of the Air; so this understanding ruleth the rest of the faculties of the mind; 
Will, as the Moon which should have no light cut from her Sun, reason.  and as the Moon hath little light of herself (as being but a diaphanous body or susceptible of light) but what it borroweth from the Sun, as the wife hath her lustre from her husband; so should not the will obstinately will any thing, but what the clearness of the understanding forseeth to be conducible unto us; and what hath passed and been sifted through the judgement; though otherwise we see it oft times come to pass. The Philosophers have a much disputed question, in what our happiness consisteth, Whether in the actions of our understanding, or in those of our will (which indeed are nothing else but that which we term contemplation and action) distinctly in any one of them, or in both conjunctly.  
For seeing Aristotle defineth happiness to be an operation of the soul according to most perfect virtue, 
What happiness is, according to Aristotle.  and that elsewhere he calleth it, the best and pleasantest thing that is; it cannot be then but one; because, what is spoken superlatively, is peculiar but to one only: so it would seem, that this felicity or happiness consisteth only in the operation of one of them and not of both; the one and the other way being both for the object and their operation the most pleasant and perfect things we have: by the operation of our understanding or intellect, 
By our understanding we know God, by our will we love him.  we have the speculation and contemplating of God, and by the will his love.  
Howsoever by this it would seem, that it consisteth in some one of the two only; yet if we have regard to reason which enforceth the placing of it so, or the Texts in Scriptures, where it is said, that our happiness consisteth in the contemplation of God, or in his knowledge; we shall find, that neither this perfect vision and knowledge of God can be separated from his love, nor his love from the knowledge of him. Wherefore it must consist of both jointly.  
But if by one of the two simply a man were made happy, than he could not totally, but diminitively be called so, which should not be thought; seeing nothing which is not entire aught to be attributed to felicity, because it should not be defective in any thing: whereupon we may conclude, 
What, and wherein consisteth the old Philosophical felicity, so much spoken of, being that whereof we now treat.  that the perfect felicity whereof both the Philosophers of old have treated, and here now we handle, is neither divisively an action of the intellect according to prudence and wisdom, nor yet of the will, according to moral virtue, as Aristotle in his Politics allegeth; but one combined of both according to perfect virtue.  
For if the question were betwixt the two, to which of them the prerogative and pre-eminence should appertain, the matter were very ambiguous.   

Section 2.  
That our felicity consisteth in the actions of our will is confuted: Aristotle's opinion hereupon. A theological solution on it, seconded with a Philosophical; and an agreement of both to solve the difference.  
IT is true, that the understanding goeth before the will, whereas will must wait for information from the understanding; seeing we cannot well will a thing we understand not, Ignoti nulla cupido. Besides this, seeing our beatitude and felicity consisteth in the acquisition and fruition of the end of the thing we aim at: 
That our felici●● cannot consist in the actions of our will.  certainly that cannot be by the act of our will, although it hath goodness itself for the object; considering, that Will, almost even in the most regenerate is so depraved, that without the grace of God, we cannot so much as will any good thing, without the preceding judgement of reason, in regard that Will is defined to be a rational appetite; consequently it is, that even in those who say that their will standeth for a reason, yet in their judgement there wanteth not their judiciary election.  
For St. Bernard in his work of Grace and freewill affirmeth; that Will, to what hand soever it turn itself, hath reason accompanying it; yet not that it is always guided with true reason, but that at least it is never without its own reasons. These considerations being had, it would appear, that this our happiness should be placed in the understanding, and not in the actions of our will; except we take them so, as they have a reference to reason or understanding, in which they are rooted, or (at least) should be.  
But if that be true on the otherside, 
It would seem that our happiness did not consist in the actions of our reason and understanding, but in these of our will.  as certainly it is, which Aristotle in his Ethics affirmeth, that our happiness perfecteth itself by the most noble operation of the most excellent part upon the excellentest subject; sure it is, that the noblest part of a man is his soul, the most excellent faculty whereof is his freewill; whose most lively operation is love, and whose most worthy object is God: so that from thence it would follow, that our happiness consisteth in the love of God, consequently in the operation of our will.  
Now that the will hath the more excellent power then the understanding, is clear; because that faculty (whose habits, 
Reasons in favours of Will.  operations and objects are more noble than the others) surpasseth the other: but so it is, that will surpasseth in all these, for knowledge and wisdom must give place to love and charity; because it were better never to have known God, then having known him not to love him.  
Besides all this, seeing the actions, which are done, do depend upon the nature of the agent, the actions of the will, are so much more noble, than those of the understanding, in how far the Intellect may be necessitated by the object of it, and by forcible and convincing reasons, which it cannot withstand; whereas will is free and cannot be forced; for than it should rather be a nilling (to say so) than a willing.  
Moreover in good Philosophy an argument taken from the nature of opposites is forcible: by the like reason I say then, if the understanding were better than the will, that then the contrary to the understanding were worse than the contrary to the will; seeing contraries are the consequences of contraries: but so it is not; for the contrary of will is worse than the opposite to the Intellect; because the hatred of God, which is opposite to the love of God, which dependeth upon the action of will, is worse than the ignorance of him. Epist. 2. Pet. 6. 2.  
Now as the actions of the will do surpass them of the understanding, so doth the object of it; for goodness which is the object of the will excelleth verity the object of the intellect, 
The actions of the will, the object of it seems to be more noble than these of the intellect.  as far as deeds do words; seeing verity is nothing else, but an adaequation or conformity of our conceptions with the words we utter.   

Sect. 3.  
Which of the three faculties of the soul, Understanding, Memory, and Will, is the most excellent.  
THe three principal faculties of man's soul, understanding, memory, and will, have their several operations: the understanding playeth as it were the Advocate, memory the Clerk, and will the judge; but who knoweth not that the judge is always above the other two?  
To say then that will cannot well make election without preceding sciscitation from the Intellect, is oft times true; but not always: for sometimes without the information of understanding the will worketh, Et nunquam visae flagrabat amore puellae.  
In a word, since the actions of the will are more noble than these of the understanding, it being true (as it is) that actions work not but with a regard to their object: the object of the will being an universal good, and that of the understanding but a particular, under the restriction of verity; thereupon it followeth, that the object and action of the will (being the better) in them consisteth our happiness.   

Sect. 4.  
Liberty and compulsion defined; that the will is prompted by the understanding, and that the adequate object of it proceedeth from thence; At what the will and understanding chiefly aim, proved to be the glory of God.  
ARguments in the behalf of will, are grounded most upon the freedom of its operations, whereas these of the understanding are coarct and limited as is said. Yet when all is spoken, our understanding wanteth not its own liberty, at least in so far as liberty is opposed to compulsion.  
For if there were nothing compelled but that which is repugnant to the inclination of the thing, certain it is that inclination to any thing agreeth very well with the intellect.  
Now whereas it is said that the object of will which is good, 
Will and understanding how coincident.  supposeth that of the intellect, which distinguisheth the verity of the thing: we must consider; that the will of itself could not have willed that, except first by the understanding it had known it to be such; so by this means the will hath no further regard to the object of it, in so far as it begetteth felicity and happiness, than the intellect hath; and although, by way of understanding, it be made the adequate or proper object of the will, yet it ceaseth not to be the object of the understanding also; as having all things that are, and which may fall under our capacity, for object; and consequently, it should be thought nobler and freer than the will, in regard of the boundless object which it hath in its extent.  
But to leave the decision of this question to better Divines, 
This question of felicity consisting in will and understanding is coincident with that Theological question, of Faith & good works.  seeing it falleth near on the controversy of faith and good works (by which together we attain salvation, as by the operations of will and understanding we attain felicity)  
I say, that all men naturally do desire for the well of their will, to be happy and have contentment; and for the exercising of their understanding to have a mark to aim at, which all Philosophers allow to be true; yet few of them came ever to the just point of both. It is necessary then to have a butt, and to have that good, and to have one, because GOD hath given us an understanding whose perfection is wisdom, and so one; to which as at a mark our understanding addresseth all her powers, and bendeth perpectually all her forces: again to have it good; because he hath given a will whose perfection is goodness.  
And certainly, God who is wisdom and goodness himself, had an eye unto both these in the creation of all things: For seeing the Philosophers confess, that nature doth nothing amiss, what should then be thought of God, whom nature serveth, is but as a handmaid.  
Now as GOD who is the beginning, middle and end of all things, hath had no other end in his works But himself: Even so, we his Creatures, should have no other aim nor end in our actions but him only, seeing we have both our beginning, continuing and ending from him: Naturally all reasonable creatures do wish well to themselves, and therefore propose some mark which they aim at as their peculiar good: which can be nought else but the end for which man was created, to wit the glory of God, who hath made all things for it: So that in striving to come thither, he attaineth to his own proper end and good, which is the good he aimeth at and naturally seeketh.  
By this means if we find either the principle butt of man's aim or our Sovereign good, we have found both, the butt he shooteth at as the object of his understanding, and his good for the object of the will; he therefore should apply all his endeavours to this end, and all his desires to this his good.   

Section 5.  
That all Philosophical precepts have come short to demonstrate true felicity; Philosophical distinctions to know what is good of itself in Sciences; yet all weak to illustrate wherein man's true happiness consisted; which is Philosophically agitated.  
IF man had persisted in his first integrity, he had not been now to seek this felicity; for than his understanding clearly perceaved truths, and his will readily desired all good things.  
But since the loss of the first, the ladders of the Philosophers in all their sciences have been too short to lead us to the latter: 
The end of all Sciences is to know, which the Philosopher saith is good of itself▪  for although their end is to know (which Aristotle affirmeth to be good of itself, as by Moral Philosophy to discern good from evil, and right from wrong; by physic, health from sickness; by the Mathematics, equal from unequal proportions: by Astrology, the course and force of the Stars, and the celestial signs: by Geography the length and compass of the earth; by the Physics the natural principles and causes of things: by Metaphysics supreme essences, good and evil spirits) yet none of all these could lead us to that right knowledge that I intent here.  
For all their sciences did conclude only to us, that a man's happiness consisted in a quiet and pleasant life, whose tranquillity is not interrupted with fear, want, sickness and the like, but all these will not serve our turn; for their worth passeth no further than this life and the body, and so must perish; but true happiness never hath an end.  
In the handling then of this felicity and happiness it must be remarked, 
The properties of our Sovereign happiness.  that it is common to the whole species of mankind, and therefore as all are borne capable of that end, so all should tend to that butt.  
Man feareth nothing more than his end (it being of all terrible things the most terrible) nor wisheth any thing more earnestly than ever to be, and this Sovereign good we aspire unto is the end of man; beyond which we shall crave no more; for if there were any thing further to be craved, it could not be our end, because beyond the end there can be nothing; or if we craved any thing further, it could not be our Sovereign good; 
The greatest property of our feli●i●y is, as to crave nothing more, so not to fear the loss of that which we have.  seeing the greatest property of this beatitude is as to crave nothing further, so not to fear the loss of that we have, and withal to be content with that which we possess.  
Of necessity then, that which must be our Sovereign good, behoved to be agreeable to the nature of man, particular to his species, yet common to all the individua of that kind: And in so far as it is our Sovereign good, it must be universal, perfect and everlasting. Thus having found out the nature of this our beatitude and felicity, let us a little run over the world, and all the Philosophers, to see, if either the one hath in her bosom, or if the other hath found it out by their curious inquiries.   

Sect. 6.  
That wealth and Honour cannot be esteemed to be our supreme good or felicity, and the reason therefore; Philosophers confuted by their difference of opinions: Opinions of several sects of Philosophers concerning felicity instanced to that effect.  
THe things of this world which should seem to make a man most happy are these two, 
Wealth and honour cannot be our happiness.  wealth and honours; but alas! the one is wind, and the other clay; they content not all men, for all men attain not unto them, and yet they that have them are not always content, seeing they who have most, do for the most part still crave more. Lastly they perish and decay; and the fear to lose them is more galling then the pleasure almost to enjoy them is solid; by which means they cannot be our sovereign good, seeing these do neither limit our wishes, nor fulfil our wills: they are not common nor permanent. Vigour, strength and beauty are but blossoms of youth, which decay with age.  
As for the Philosophers, 
The different opinions of the Philosophers upon this purpose.  look how many sects and divers orders they had, so different were their opinions. Aristotle in his Ethics allegeth two sorts of happiness; the one civil, and Politic, which consisteth in the prudency of our actions; the other private and domestic, which may be thought contemplation: but both these leadeth us not to the end we hunt after, nor yet are they the end themselves. Plato indeed in his Phaedon cometh nearer the truth, when he saith, that beauty, health, strength, wit, do corrupt and make us worse; so they cannot be our chief good, unless conjoined with the God's goodness, whereunto Aristotle (both in his first book De coelo, and in his work De mundo) agreeth. But I list not hereto fill this short Treatise, with long and tedious allegations of authorities.  
St. Aug. in the 19th. book of the City of God, in the 1. chap. reports out of Varro, that there was in his days 288. different opinions upon that matter, but few or none that hit aright.  
For as in Mathematics, a little error in the beginning becometh great in the end; as the mistaking of one in a million in the beginning, falsifies the whole account in the end: so fared it with them; the further they went, the further they strayed. Socrates indeed came near (by the Oracle of Delphos thought to be the wisest amongst them all; 
Happiness wherein it did consist, according to Socra.  in respect he confessed, he knew nothing, because he knew not himself) when he saith, that if any man may be termed happy, it must be he who hath a clear and undefiled conscience, whose tranquil and secure ignorance is not perturbed with the world's cares, but being void of coveting and fear, which molested others, neither needeth nor craveth any more.  
Solon thinketh, that no man can be happy before his death, seeing the end crowneth all; considering belike, that as a Ship which hath sailed the vast and spacious Seas, when to appearance all danger is past, may peradventure make shipwreck in the haven: so might a man whose life had been passed in pleasures and security, make a tragical end, as monuments of all ages can bear record: and the particular example of Croesus' King of Lydia, who in his dying hour called on the name of Solon, attesting this saying of him to be true: and this same Solon, hit the mark a great deal nearer than Epicurus, 
The Epicureans and Stoics, their opinions▪  who placeth our felicity in the pleasure of the body; whom the Stoics deride, saying, that there was no rose without its prickle, and so they settled it in the peaceable government of moral virtues. From these again the Perpateticks, and Academic Philosophers do differ, amongst whom, divine Plato hath come nearest the foresaid mark.   

Sect. 7.  
The later Philosophers have aimed nearer the definition of true felicity than the more ancient; and their opinions specified. The final and true scope of man's felicity, is illustrated with an exhortatory conclusion to all men for endeavouring to attain unto it.  
THE later Philosophers do clear this matter more fully; 
The latter Philosophers have refuted all others establishing their own.  wherefore more worthy of citation, as Seneca, Cicero, Plutarch, jamblicque, and Porphyre, all which have not only refuted most wittily the Epicures and Stoics touching their opinions, but have shown that they and all the others were only disputable opinions, and have concluded, that the beatitude of man consisteth in the knowledge and union of us with God: but little knew they that the first knot of our union with this God was united, and therefore the question is harder now; how we are to be reunited again.  
To cast up here the opinion of Aristippus, who placed our happiness in Venery; or of Diodorus, in the Privation of pain; of Calypso, and Dinomachus in Pleasure and honesty together: of Herullus, in the knowledge of Sciences, esteeming that thereby we might live both contentedly and prudently: of Zeno, in living according to nature; and so forth in the rest; might be enough to try the reader's patience: seeing of these things which they esteemed happiness, some were common to us with the Beasts; others were not common to all, and so they failed in the rules of our felicity.  
This being so, 
Finally, what our true felicity is, and wherein it doth consist.  let us now at least find it out, and so in a word conclude. Briefly, as all happiness at first consisted in the union of man with God; so our happiness renewed, consisteth in the reunion of us with the same God, from whom we have fallen; by which reuniting, we shall both contemplate his face, and love him, in whom we shall have our joy accomplished, wherewith the heart of man can never here be satiated, beyond which we shall crave no farther: this felicity is not peculiar to the great ones of this world above the meaner, but equally obtainable of all who in humility of heart, and uprightness of conversation, do embrace JESUS the Son of GOD, by whom only we may be reunited, since he is the only and sovereign Mediator, blessed from all eternity.  
The conscience, which hath its assurance grounded upon this foundation, and rock of verity, may call itself truly happy, because it hath the earnest in this life, of that great felicity which is to come, whereby it possesseth itself in peace which passeth all natural understanding (one of the surest tokens of this happiness) neither perturbed with the terrors of the superstitious, nor yet with the carelessness and lulled security of the Atheist; but in a sweet harmony betwixt the two extremes, 
By this sovereign felicity, a man liveth in tranquillity, and dieth in peace.  it retaineth the golden mediocrity.  
This is that sovereign felicity to my judgement, whereby a man liveth contentedly here, whatsoever befalleth him; and dyeth in peaceable assurance of that happiness which is to come; which sovereign felicity we shall attain unto, if by a lively faith we embrace the Son, and live according to his will; and so put in ure and practise that great Canon of Religion, to live and believe well; espousing by that means our will and understanding together.    

THE CONSONANCY AND agreement of the ancient Philosophers, with our Christian Professors.  

Section 1.  
The difference betwixt the Physiologer and Physician; compared to that betwixt the Metaphysician and divine. Some of Plato's opinions not far dissonant from our Christian: The multiplicity of Heathenish gods: That Plato came near the definition of the Trinity.  
AS, where the Physiologer leaveth to contemplate, there the Physician beginneth; so where the Metaphysitians' end, there the Divines commence their study, not to follow forth their doings, but, to refine their grosser rudiments; like cunning Painters, by the subtlety of their Art, giving life, breathing, 
A Simile.  and in a manner, moving unto a picture, which a more gross Painter had but rudely delineated.  
It was of old held for a truth, Platonicos pa●cis mutatis fieri posse Christianos': That with the change but of a very point, the Platonic Philosophers might be brought to be Christians; from whence Plato was called Divine.  
Who so shall revolve the monuments of his works, 
Difference betwixt Platonic and Christians.  shall find that, not without reason, he hath been so styled: for all other sects of Philosophers, have but like men in Cimmerian darkness, gropingly stumbled, now and then, upon the nature of the true Godhead; and every nation in those days, had their several, and those strangely imaginary Gods, distinguished in so many ranks, employed in so many businesses, appointed to so many different and sometime base offices; that their number, in fine, became almost innumerable! 
Multiplicity of Gods, amongst the heathen.  In the mean time this man, soaring above them all, hath more nearly jumped with our belief touching the Godhead. In so far that Amuleus that great Doctor in Porphyre his Schools having read Saint john the Evangelist his proem, was struck with silence and admiration, as ravished with his words; but at length burst out in these terms: by jupiter (saith he) so thinketh a Barbarian, meaning Plato; that in the beginning the word was with God, that it is this great God by whom all things were made and created.  
Now that this is true, This much I find, in his Parmenides, concerning the nature of the Godhead. That there are three things to be established concerning the maker of all: 
The Trinity shadowed by Plato.  which three must be coeternal, viz.  
That he is good; that he hath a mind or understanding; and that he is the life of the world.   

Section 2.  
Of God's Creating and conserving of all things in an orderly order; Plato's Reasons that the world hath a life. Aristotle's opinion of God; he is praised, and at his dying preferred before many doubtful Christians.  
THis King or father of all, which is above all nature, immovable yet moving all; hath in him an exuberant and overflowing goodness! From the Father and goodness, the mind or understanding proceedeth, as from the inbred light of the Sun cometh a certain splendour; which mind is the divine or Father's Intelligence, and the first borne Son of goodness.  
From this mind (the life of the world) floweth a certain brightness, as from light; which breatheth over all, distributeth, yieldeth, and containeth all things in life; So that the world which consisteth of four principles, or elements, comprehended within the compass of the heavens, is but a body, whose parts, as the members of a living creature, cohering and linked together, are moved, and do draw breath by benefit of this life or spirit (as he thinks.) This Virgil in his sixth of the Aeneids aimed at when he saith, 
Principio coelum & terras, camposque liquentes,  
Lucentemque globum lunae, Titaniaque astra  
Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus  
Mens agitat molem, & magno se corpore miscet.   
By his opinion here, 
Plato his reasons why the world liveth.  as all animals and living creatures do live every one by their own life; so the world as of greater dignity than any of the rest, hath a more noble life whereby it moveth, than they: And in effect, many pithy reasons he produceth both in his Epimenides, in Timaeo, and in the 10. Book of his Laws, to prove the world to be an animal, both from the constant and perpetual course of the heavens; from that natural heat of the Sun, seeing the Sun and man engender man, to which, as to all the Stars, he attributeth a soul, by which they live; but so, that as they are of a delicate and transparent body, so live they a most blessed life: yet not that they are moved with an other life then the whole world is.  
For as in the body of man the soul, whereby our sinews, bones, flesh, blood and all, are moved is one and the same, notwithstanding all the members be not alike vivificated; so is it there.  
For what reason is there (saith he) that man who is called a little world, and encompassed of the four elements, as well as the great world is, should be said to live, and in the mean time to deprive the greater one of life; Seeing the motion of the heavens, and of her lights, the moving of the Seas, the seasons of the year, all keep their equal and constant courses? Always as Plato here before settleth a Trinity in the Godhead, the Father; the mind, or men's which is the Son; and the life of the world flowing from them as the Spirit, and as brightness from light: So in his Timaeo he avoucheth that there is in the heavens one certain Ens, which is ever alike unto itself, without beginning or ending, which neither needeth, nor taketh help of any; which can neither be seen by mortal eye, nor yet perceived by any mortal sense, but only to be contemplated by our mind and understanding. So Aristotle in his Metaphysics, and in his works De mundo, esteemeth this Ens, sempiternal, unmeasurable, incorporeal, and individual, not resting in this habitable world, but above it, in a sublime one, unchangeable, not subject unto any passion or affection; who as he hath of himself a most blessed and perfect life, so without error may it be said of him, that he giveth life unto all other things below; and it is to be observed, that as in his writings he acknowledged this God, so in his dying-houre, he made his writings and words jump together. Which is so much the rather to be remarked: because, whereas many Christians did profess a sort of religion in their life-time, which on their deathbeds they did disclaim: yet this man as he acknowledged God in his writings; so dying, he recommended his soul unto him in these words, Ens entium, miserere mei.  
And particularly in his Book of the Heavens, the 9 cap. as is clear; there (saith he) without the outmost heavens there is no place, vacuity, or end: because, those that are there, are not apt or meet to be in place; neither yet maketh time them any older, nor are they subject to change, or alteration, being exexempted from all passion, affection or change: they lead a most blessed and eternal life.  
And in the 12. of his Metaphysics, cap. 7. but more especially, cap. 10. De unitate primi motoris. In God (saith he) is age and life eternal, and continual, which is God himself.   

Section 3.  
Plato's opinion concerning the Creation of the world; seconded by Socrates and Antisthenes: Opinions of Plato, Aristotle, and other Philosophers, confirming God only to be the Creator of all things.  
AS the Philosophers do agree with us herein, and in sundry other places about the nature of God, so do they likewise; that this God made the world, and all that is in it, governeth it, and sustaineth it. And first Plato in Timaeo: if, saith he, this world be created and begotten; it must necessarily be, by some preceding cause, which cause must be eternal, and be gotten of none other.  
Now what this cause is, in his Epimenides thus he expresseth, I (saith he there) maintain God to be the cause of all things, neither can it be other ways. And in that dispute which is betwixt Socrates and his friend Crito: let us not be solicitous what the people esteem of us, but what he thinketh who knoweth equity from iniquity, who is above, and the only verity, who cannot be known, nor portrayed by any image or representation (saith he) because no eye hath, or can see him: who whilst he moveth all things, yet abideth unmoveable, who is known to be mighty and powerful, and who is only known by his works to be the Creator of this world: 
His opinion of God.  as Socrates, so his disciple Antisthenes acknowledged this: yea, Plato in Epimenide, maintaineth these Gods to know all things, to hear and see them: then, that nothing escapeth their knowledge, whatsoever mortal things they be that live or breathe. And Aristotle in his book De mundo, proveth, that all things which it comprehendeth, are conserved by God; that he is the perfecter of all things that are here on earth; not wearied (saith he) like man, but by his endless virtue indefatigable.  
By all which, we may discern, that he acknowledgeth, (I may say religiously) this visible world, and all things therein to be created of God, as in the 2 Book and 10. chap. of his Work of generation and corruption, at large appeareth. To which authorities we may add these of Galenus, lib. 2. De foetu formando; and of Plato, Deum opificem & rectorem nostri esse: and that of Aristotle, Deum cum genitorem, tum conservatorem nostri esse, quorum principium, medium & finem continet. Of Theophrast, Divinum quiddam omnium principium, cujus beneficio sint & permaneant universa. Of Theodoret, Deus ut Creator naturae, sic & conservator, non enim quam fecit naviculam destituet: but chiefly Galen, Eum qui corpus nostrum finxit, quicunqueis fuerit, adhuc in conf●rmatis particulis manner.  
Now although in these particulars they agree both with us, and amongst themselves; yet in one point, as may be seen in the subsequent section, they differ.   

Sect. 4.  
Opinions of Plato, Aristotle and some Hebrews, concerning the world's eternity. The consonancy of opinions betwixt some ancient Philosophers and Moses about the world's creation.  
ARistotle would conclude the eternity of the world, saying, 
Some of the Hebrews of the same mind.  that as it had being from before all beginning, so that it should never have an end; to which opinions some of the Hebrews (particularly Leo the Thesbite) seem to assent so far, (howbeit they speak not of the ever durancie of it) that after six thousand years expired, they understand it shall rest one thousand; which then ended, it shall begin of new again, and last other seven. And so by course last, and rest, till the revolution of that great jubilee of seven times seven be out run. At which time, than this elementary world, and nature the mother of all things shall cease. To which opinion some way Origen in his work 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Quod mundus cum tempore coeperit, did incline.  
Yet for all this, I say, Plato in his Timaeo, speaking of the procreation of the world, and of the virtues of the heavens, proved that the world had a beginning, and consequently that it shall have an end. And that this is true (saith he,) it is aspectable, and may be seen, it may be handled, it hath a body: whence followeth, that it hath been begotten, and seeing it is begotten, it must be by some preceding cause: Now, saith he, as it is a great work to search out this causer of it, so by our enquiry having found him, to divulge him unto the vulgar is not altogether convenient. Further he saith, that God willing to beautify this world, as his chief work, made it a living creature subject to our sight; containing within the enclosure of it, all other living creatures, according unto their several species and kinds; whereas he approacheth nearer the mind and sense of our profession, 
Plato's opinion of propagation and continuance of all things.  than his fellow Aristotle: so directly in his Timaeo he maintaineth, that as God created or begat the world, so he infused in it a procreative power; which by divine or heavenly heat, induced from above, might propagate and procreate every thing according unto the own kind of it, whether living or vegetable, whether above or below. And as the great Prophet, and servant of God, Moses, bringeth in God speaking unto his creatures after their creation was finished, 
Plato's terms not far different from Moses words.  Increase and multiply, etc. So Plato in his Timaeo, bringeth in God speaking of the world, and all contained therein, in these words; All ye who are created by me, give ear to what I am to say, I will give you seed and a beginning of being; wherefore, do ye for your parts beget, and bring to light living creatures after your kinds: augment and nourish them with food, and when they shall cease to be, let the earth receive them back again from whence they came. And to this Aristotle in his 2 Book De generatione & corruption, cap. 10. giveth way where preferring in that place generation unto corruption, he saith, that it is more worthy to be, than not to be; seeing properly to be appertaineth only unto God, and not unto creatures.  
After the fabric of the universe was accomplished, it should have been for no purpose, if creatures had been wanting in it: therefore lest God should seem to have forgot it, he infused in every one, according unto their own kind, a procreative power, by which the generation of things might be perpetuated.  
But how did he this? saith he, First generally, having spread abroad in the Heavens, and Stars his divine seed (for they claim a part in our generation) Then particularly, in every thing the own proper seed of it: all which he avoucheth in the 12. Book of his Metaphysics, cap. 7.   

Section 5.  
Ancient Philosophers attributed the framing and continuance of all sublunary Creatures (as we Christians do) unto God; with a recapitulation of several consonancies betwixt us and them.  
IN which places and several others of their works, as these worthy men have ascribed the cause of the being of all things unto God; contrary to the opinion of these other frivolous preceding Philosophers; who imputed the cause of it unto the concourse of Atoms: So ascribe they the government of all these sublunary things unto the powers above, with us Christians: and not unto chance or fortune, as these former Philosophers did.  
Thus Aristotle in the first of his Meteorologicks; It is necessary, saith he, that this whole world which environeth the earth, should be continuated with the superior conversions, or revolutions of those celestial circles, and bodies, which roll, and wheel above: because the whole virtue of it dependeth from thence. Neither is it probable, that he, who hath created the world, and all that is within it, should abandon and leave it so: but that as the frame of the fabric was his, so likewise the guiding and ruling of it should be ascribed unto him also.  
Which is more clearly expressed by the said Aristotle, in his book De mundo. Where he saith that it is an old saying, and left by tradition from our forefathers; that all things both are of God, and likewise sustained by him; and that there is no nature of itself, left unto its own Tutory able to attain well being (for so I interpret Salutem) without his assistance or help: wherefore his opinion is, that God holdeth the beginning, middle, and end of all things. So Theophrast saith, that all things have a divine beginning, by which they are and do subsist.  
Dionysius likewise in his book De divinis nominibus avoucheth, that nothing hath subsistence, but by the omnipotent power of God: with whom, Theodoret, that the governor of nature is the Creator of it: neither will he forgo that Ship which he hath built: Hence GOD is said by the ancients to be divided through all natures, as if all were full of God; because his divine power spreadeth itself over, and is seen in all his works, how be it one way in the heavens, another way again in the inferior creatures; for in them also his power manifesteth itself.  
Ind hominum pecudumque genus, vitaeque volantum,  
Et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus,  
Igneus est ●llis vigour & coelestis origo  
Seminibus—   

Section 6.  
Several other opinions wherein the Ancient Heathnicks agreed with us Christians; Confirmed by the Testimonies of their Poets.  
GOD then as he created all things, 
Comparison of the old Roman Philosophers with the Roman Church now.  maintaineth and governeth them, both according to these Philosopher's opinions, and ours; so they jump with us in this, that, to procure his greater favour and to shun his greater curse, we should adore, invoke, and sacrifice unto him not only the calves of our lips, but real sacrifices, as in those days under the law was done by Aaron and his successors under the Old Testament; and as they who were appointed to attend upon the Altar were sequestrated from amongst the rest of the people, so was it amongst them.  
The Poets are full of the testimony of both these.  
Now as particularly Processions were used for the good success of their corns, (as yet in the Roman Church is observed) so had they particular days, which they esteemed more sacred than others. Tibullus in the first Elegy of his second book perfectly particularizeth it.  
Dii Patrii, purgamus agros, purgamus agrestes,  
Vos mala de nostris pellite limitibus.  
Neu seges eludat messem, etc.  
Vina diem celebrent: non festâ luce madere  
Est rubor, errantes & malè ferre pedes.  
And as yet in the said Church there is invocation of certain Saints, for such or such diseases, and for rain, whose relics in such processions they carry about; so the same Poet in the same Elegy acknowledgeth some Gods to be appropriated (as I may say) to this, or that use and place.  
Huc ades aspiraque mihi, dum carmine nostro  
Redditur agricolis gratia Coelitibus  
Ruracano, rurisque Deos.  
Lastly as in the new Roman profession there is almost in every family the Statue of some Saint, so find I amongst the ancient to have been the like.  
Sed patrii servate lares; aluistis iidem, cursarem vestros cum tener antepedes.  
Nec pudeat prisco vos esse è stirpite factos,  
Sic veteris sedes incoluistis avi.  
Tunc melius tenuere fidem: cum paupere cultu  
Stabat in exigua ligneus aede Deus.  
That they acknowledged nothing to happen unto men by chance, but by the dispensation of the supreme powers, In that also they agreed with us.  
Finally, I may say that as these Philosophers acknowledged punishments for sins to be inflicted upon men both in their life, and after their death, so had they confidence of joys to be reaped in the world to come for their good deeds, as Socrates in his Apology for himself at length declareth.   

Sect. 7.  
Of good and bad Spirits: and wherein the opinions of the Heathnicks agree with ours concerning good Spirits.  
AS for their opinion concerning good, or bad spirits; I read Plato and Aristotle come so near ours, that you would believe, that they had collected their sayings out of the holy Scriptures yet they do startle my belief, when they say that the continual rolling of the celestial orbs and their spirits do make that harmony they speak of in the heavens; I could much easier have trusted them if they had spoken any thing of Music within the heavens by those spirits, where we have warrant indeed, that the blessed Spirits there, assisting the presence of him that sitteth upon the Throne, do sing Allelujas, glory to God on high. Which good Spirits, as I find them distributed in 9 several Quires or orders by Dionysius, so in Plato find I 9 distinct orders of good daemons.  
Yea the story of the evil spirits is no clearer set down by our own Writers, than they have it expressed in theirs.  
The blessed spirits as I was saying, are divided by Dionysius in these Quyres, 
The Hierarchy of blessed Spirits.  Seraphins, Cherubins, Thrones, Dominations, Virtues, Powers, Principalities, Archangels, and Angels; subdivided in two ranks.  
The first of them assisting the presence of the Almighty.  
The second is called inferior, because as it obeyeth the commandment of the first (as Dionysius in the tenth Chap. of his book touching the heavenly hierarchy witnesseth:) so their employment is much in the world: as the Lord his servants excuting his will, appointed either for whole countries, or particular persons.  Apparent accinctae aurae flammaeque ministrae, ut jussa accipiant.  

Sect. 8.  
How near the Ancients agree with us concerning bad spirits; and in what orders they were divided of old.  
AS for the b●d spirits who were banished heaven, (the first and best mansion) for their pride, they invaded the principality of this world, and so bewitched it by their craft, that there was no nation almost that they did not draw to their obedience under the name of God, and that so strangely, that every where after a like manner, they were worshipped and adored as Gods, both amongst the French Druids, and the remotest Gymnosophists of the Indies, in shapes of Idols: how soever since the coming of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, both they and the old Sibylla's have ceased for a great part, although, yet in many places their sacrifices do continue. And that same Lucifer goeth about yet as a roaring Lion seeking whom he may devour.  
So Plato by several arguments proveth not only that they are, but setteth down their division and power over the world; both generally and particularly. But leaving all, both Deos majorum, and minorum gentium, The gods, as they termed them, of greater, or lesser Nations; their Gods Patrii and Penates, ordained for the custody of provinces, or families; their Dii Lares, which were propitious ones, or Larvae the badder sort, with their Genii, good or bad Angels, ordained as they thought for the guard and attendance of every particular person and so forth, I conclude this Treatise.    

OF SLEEP AND DREAMS.  

Section 1.  
That nothing can subsist without sleep or rest; Exemplified in the death of Perseus' King of Macedon: The Primary and secondary causes of sleep: That a sound conscience is a great motive to sound sleep; Proved in the example of Thirois and his two Sons.  
ALL motion tendeth to, 
Sleep, maintainer of all living creatures  and endeth in rest, except that of the Heavens; Which, in a perennall rotation wheeleth ever about! Wherefore men, beasts, Fowl, Fishes, after the day's travel do covet, and betake themselves to rest, as it is in the Poet.  
Nox erat, & placidum carpebant fessa soporem  
Corpora, per terras, syluaeque & sava quierunt  
Aequora, cum medio volvuntur cider a lapsu,  
Cum tacet omnis ager, pecudes, pictaeque volucres.  
— Et corda oblita laborum, etc.  
Captabant placidi tranquilla oblivia somni.  
This sleep is so necessary to the life of man, 
Perseus' died for want of sleep.  that for want of it many have died, as Perseus' King of Macedon, who being prisoner in Rome, and for torture being kept from sleep, there died.  
Causes of sleep are two fold, Primary and secondary: The true, Primary, Philosophical, and immediate cause of sleep may be said to be this; the heart, the fountain and seat of life, having much ado to furnish every part of the body with the streams of vital spirits, hath most ado to furnish the brains, which are the greatest wasters of them, in regard of the many and ample employments it hath for them, 
Causes of sleep  as for Pensing, Projecting, consulting, reasoning, hearing, seeing and so forth; which functions of the brain do so exhaust the animal spirits, sent up thither per venas carotides, through the veins organs; after by circulation in that admirable Rete, or net of the brain, they are there settled, that of all necessity either our life in the heart behooveth to cease, or it must betake itself to rest again, for the recollection and drawing back of her spent vital spirits, to refurnish the brains with a new recrew of them.  
Secondary causes of sleep are diverse; 
Secondary.  as excessive labour, agitation of the body, repletion, as by excess of meats or drinks, inanition, as by Copulation and many more of this kind, which do so waste the spirits, that of necessity, there behooveth a cessation to be for a time, that new spirits may be recollected for refreshing of it; Ausonius wittily chiding his servants lazy drowsiness, imputes it to excess of meat and drink.  
Dormiunt glires hiemem Perennem,  
At cibo parcunt; tibi causa, somni est  
Multa quod potes; nimiaque tendas  
— Mole saginam.  
Add to these causes the tranquillity of a sound Conscience; Whereupon it was, that the two Sons of Thirois (mentioned by Quintilian) upon most reasonable judgement; were quitted from the murder of their Father, 
Thirois murder.  who was found in that same Chamber with them alone, and they both in a sound sleep, the murderer perchance having fled away: for it was reasoned, no men, guilty of so heinous a crime, as Patricide, could sleep so sound, as they were found to do, by the discoverers of their murdered Father. But leaving examples of this or the former causes whereof every where are plenty, I proceed.   

Section 2.  
Examples of Kings and great Commanders, that upon the thoughtfulness of some great exploit or encounter, have been extraordinarily surprised with unusual sleep; and the reasons thereof agitated.  
WE read that great men and Commanders upon the most important point of their exploits and affairs, have sometime fallen in so deep sleeps, that their servants and followers have had much ado to get them to awake, the like formerly being never perceaved in them. justinus and Quintus Curtius in the life of Alexander the great relate of him: That, in the morning of that day apppointed for that memorable battle betwixt him and Darius, 
Alexander the great his sleep.  he fell in so deep a sleep, and slept so long, that, on the very shock of the battle, very hardly could his favourite Parmenio, after two or three trials get him to awake. It is agreed upon that hotter constitutions are least subject to sleep, and all his actions and proceedings mark him out to be such an one; so it could not be his constitution that brought that sleepiness on him; but he being then in hazard either to lose or conquer a field, whereby both his Crown, Country, and reputation lay at the stake (motives to keep a man awake) had so, no question, toiled his mind and body in the right preparing and ordering of all things befitting a man of his place, for the encounter; that being at a resolution, he gave himself to sleep, which his former thoughtfulness and pains did augment upon him; and not, as some would have it, the terror of his enemy's forces: as Marcus Antonius objected to Augustus in that Naval combat against Pompey in Sicily, 
Augustus his.  that he had not courage enough to behold the order of the battle; for indeed he fell asleep and slept so long till the Victory was his, which he knew not of till Agrippa with much ado had awaked him.  
But indeed I construe both their courages rather to have been so great (as their former and succeeding actions may witness) that they disdained that the apprehension of such hazards or accidents as might ensue so great encounters, should any way startle them from giving way to their own inclinations, whether to sleep or wake, or do or not do this or that.   

Section 3.  
Alexander the great his sound sleeping, when he should have encountered Darius in battle, here excused. Cato's sleeping before his death, whereupon is inferred a discourse against selfe-Murder.  
But laying all these excuses aside; I cannot much marvel at this sleeping of Alexander, he being so young in the flower of his age, and so more subject to sleep; 
Alexander's great fortune.  besides being so puffed up with the fortunate successes of his affairs, which made him have so high a conceit of himself, (as to whom (saith one) fortune gave up towns captive, and to whose pillow, whilst he slept, victories were brought;) as I must admire that strange sleep of Cato; who, after Caesar's▪ Conquest of the field at Pharsalia, despairing of the liberty of his enslaved Country, resolved to kill himself rather then behold the ensuing alteration which Caesar's government would bring with it; He then (I say) having put all his domestic affairs in order, 
Cato's sleep.  expecting news of the departure of his Colleagues from the Port of Utica, fell in so sound a sleep, that his servants in the next room, overheard him to snort extremely; yet after that sleep, which (as it should seem) would have opened the eyes of any man's reason and understanding, so far as not only to abhor his first so ill-sett resolution, but totally to extirpate a future thought of so damned an intention: he awaked so strongly confirmed in his former intent, that forthwith he stabbed himself: 
His death.  And sleep is said to mollify and mitigate fury or rage in any man's mind, Praeter Catonis invictum animum.  
Now, though this man, (whom, his many other excellent virtues had made famous) and many other worthy men amongst the ancients, did imagine for the like deaths to be highly commended for courage; yet Saint Augustine (and with him every good Christian) reputeth it rather to be an infallible mark of Pusillanimity, 
A digression against self murder.  and want of firm and constant resolution, to behold and withstand dangers, and inciteth us rather to await death, which is the worst that can befall us; then, to prevent the sufferance of trivial crosses by unnaturally Boutchering ourselves: 
In his book de Senectute.  To which purpose Cicero, in presence of this same Cato, saith: That since, we are placed here by our general the GOD Almighty, as Soldiers in a garrison; that it behooveth us not basely to forgo our station, till it be his good pleasure to call us off: So much for sleep, now to dreams which are the companions of sleep.   

Section 4.  
Of Dreams, both Natural, Accidental, Divine and Diabolical: Apollodorus dream; abraham's, Joseph's, Pharaohs, Nebuchadnezzars', &c.  
MAny more things might have been brought in, in the former Sections, as of those that walk or talk in their sleep, with the reasons thereof, and illustrations to that purpose; but so many having handled those themes, and I studying so much as I can brevity, and to shun tautologies, I remit the Reader to them; and will now by the way touch upon dreams: And they are either Natural, 
Division of dreams.  Accidental, Divine or Diabolical.  
Natural are caused either by the Predominant matter, humour or affections in us: As the Choleric, who dreameth of fire, debates, skirmishes and the like; The Sanguine, of love-sports and all jovial things; The Melancholic on death, 
Natural which  dangers, solitudes, etc. where the phlegmatic dreameth of Waters, Seas, drowning and the rest.  
These dreams which proceed from our Natural or predominant affections are either of love, jealousy, fear, avarice, envy, etc. by the first we may Presage and judge of the sicknesses which may ensue upon the superaboundance of such and such humours; (because they being the effects of the redundancy of these humours, have a connexion in Nature with them, as all other effects have in their causes.) By the latter dreams we may presage, and judge of the affections, and passions of the mind, and so consequently of the vices, consisting in their extremes; So the avaricious dreameth of gold, the lover of his Mistress, the jealous of his corrival, etc. and if not ever, yet for the most part, this happeneth true or at least in part.  
Accidental dreams, 
Accidental.  are caused either by diet, by fear or joy conceived in the day time; or the propense desire to have such or such a thing to come to pass, and the like: Thus oft times a vicious soul will figure to itself in dreams the terrors that it feareth: As Apollodorus, who dreaming that the Scythians were flaying off his skin, thought that his own heart murmured this unto him: Wretched man that thou art! I am the occasion of all these thy evils which thou endurest.  
Divine dreams are those, 
Divine.  whereby it pleaseth God to give either a warning or insight of things to come▪ such the Lord sent on Abraham the fifteenth of Genesis; and on joseph in the first of Saint Matthew; that too of Pharaoh, Genesis forty one: Of Pharaohs Butler, and Baker, Genesis forty: of Nabuchadnezzar, etc.  
Diabolical dreams cannot foreshow any thing unto any man; 
Diabolical▪  they may give a shadow or representation of things passed unto us, but not otherwise: Then seeing there is little connexion of things past and to come, therefore can there be no foresight by them; for although the Devil knoweth many things, and at some times even speaketh the truth of things to come, thereby to inveigle our credulity, when in effect he only lieth to deceive us; yet unto them we ought to give no regard or faith. Now how Natural or accidental dreams can portend or foreshow future things, it is doubted: indeed Cardan setteth down the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how, but not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why, any ways clearly enough, to my understanding.  
For the dreams that GOD sendeth upon a man, I understand to be mystical, and portending something touching his service: Our spirits it cannot well be; for when we are awake, we cannot foreshow any thing to come, at least without praemeditation, not by any Philosophical ground whatsoever. Neither can they be moved by the devil, for he is a deceaver, and all his works impostures: It must be then some other spirit, that infuseth these accidental dreams whereof we will instance examples hereafter; to my mind, it must be rather some peculiar extraordinary inspiration in the dreamer for the time, than Anima Mundi, or spiritus universitatis, although many learned men ascribe such dreams to it particularly.  
An example of this kind I read in Herodian, 
Severus dream of Pertinax.  where it is reported, that the Emperor Severus dreamt he saw Pertinax mounted upon his richly Caparassoned Horse, and received as Emperor by the Praetorian Soldiers, but that the Horse strait ways flung Pertinax off his back, and came stooping to Severus; who reaching the Horse by the main forthwith mounted him, and was by the same Soldiers received and admitted Emperor; which indeed came so to pass.   

Section 5.  
The Emperor Severus his dream of Pertinax; which he caused to be moulded in Brass; An admirable dream of the Emperor Henry the fifth; Cicero's of Octavianus. That beasts dream, but hard labouring men seldom; and the reason thereof, etc.  
WHereon he caused the whole drift as it happened, 
Severus causeth to be cast the manner of his dream in brass.  to be cast in brass, of which at length in Sabellicus Aenead. 7. lib. 5.  
To which I may subjoin that dream of the Emperor Henry the fifth, who being grievously pained with the stone, dreamt that Saint Barnabas had cut him and gave him the stone in his hand; 
Henry the 5 th'. his admirable dream.  which when he awaked, to his great joy he found to be true, if we may be believe Cuspinian.  
Likewise that Dream of Cicero may be ranked amongst these: He dreamt that there appeared a Boy before him who once should be Emperor and Master over Rome; 
Cicero's dream of Octavianus.  the next day, after his accustomed manner passing through the public market place, and espying Octavianus Augustus a little boy playing the part of a Commander over the rest of his companions, he called to mind the feature and stature of the boy who the night before had appeared to him in his sleep, and finding that in every lineament he assimilated Octavianus, took him by the hand & brought him before all the people that were there assembled, presented him, and told them that one day that boy should command over them, which thereafter came to pass.  
Now dreaming is not proper to men only when they sleep, but to beasts also; for War Horses accustomed to alarms, and skirmishes, are observed to start as affrighted, and sometime to neigh; Spaniels, Hounds and other hunting Dogs are known with their voices to hunt in their sleep.  
— jam jamque teneri  
Credit, & extento stringit vestigia Rostro.  
But sleeping men do not at all times dream, wearied and labour-toyled bodies do never find them.  Dulce sopor fessis in gramine. 
Again, Sopor virorum dulcis agrestium.  
Because nature hath enough to do to disburden and digest the drowsiness, wherewith their whole senses were clogged.  
But I will add no more of dreams, then that which Cato long ago hath warned us of, 
Somnia ne cures, nam mens humana quod optat  
Et sperat vigilans, in somnis vidit id ipsum.   
That this is love, beside daily experience we have warrants out of our most famous Poets.  
In somnis eadem plerosque videmus obire,  
Causidicos causas agere, & componere lights,  
Induperatores pugnare & praelia obire.  
The reason hereof being that the object of our senses do not only move them while they are present at a business, but also leaveth some certain Idea imprinted in the mind; which rancountring with our drowsy fantasies amidst our sleeps, produceth these confuted dreams above spoken of.  
FINIS.    

OF VARIETIES, The fifth Book. Containing five Treatises. 

1 Of the Numbers Three and Seven.  
2 Of Miracles and Prodigies.  
3 Of the Philosopher's Stone.  
4 Of the World.  
5 An Introduction to the Metaphysics.    
By DAVID PIERSON of LOUGHLANDS in SCOTLAND Gentleman.  Et quae non prosunt singula, multa juvent. 
LONDON printed for T. A. 1635.   

TO THE RIGHT Honourable, my noble good Lord, THOMAS Lord BINNING, etc.  
My ever honoured good Lord,  
NO so base attribute but might justly be vented against me, had I so far suppressed Your Lo▪ most generous goodness, and many singular favours conferred on my demerits, as not in this dutiful dedication, sacrificed to the altar of your larger merits, present this small offering of my greater good will and affection: I will not implore your propitious acceptance, for your noted and courteous affability to all, and gracious acceptance of meanest gifts, animates me to this presumption. What your known virtues (my Lord) are, would require a more accurate and tighter Pen than mine to delineate; yet were not the world so given, that even truths themselves are taken for palpable flatteries, I could tell with what universal applause and commendation your younger virtues and generosities in your travels made even strangers to honour and admire you! I could tell what great hopes our Country hath already received, that you will not only to the Lands and Possessions of your worthily noble Father, succeed as Heir, but to his singular Knowledges and Virtues also; which have already so fairly budded and now ripen so hopefully, that none can doubt the success; I could tell too of your Prudence, Courage, Charity, and your other ample endowments; but I am so full of admiration of your every goodness, that what the Tragedian said of Cares, I may of my affections, Leves loquuntur, ingentes stupent: Accept then (my dear Lord) for expression of all, this little Book; which, how voluminous and accurate soever it could be, were due to your high deservings from me; That Your Lo: in it, is mixed with so noble Partners, I hope for pardon not reproof, which likewise entreat for all my other trespasses and boldness with your Honour, always humbly desiring the continuance of your Noble Love and Favours to one, who would no longer wish to live, if it were not both to live and die  
Your Lo: most faithful and entirely-affectioned Servant▪ D. PIERSON.   

OF THE NUMBERS THREE and SEVEN.  

SECT. 1.  
Treating briefly of Numbers in general.  
GOD at the Creation is said to have made all things in number, weight, and measure, as indeed they were in a most exact order, symmetry and proportion.  
Antiquity have remarked many things by several Numbers, as Pierus in his Hierogliphics at length relateth, 
Antiquity superstitious in the observance of numbers.  Pythagoras is said to have esteemed much of the number of five, as composed of the first even and odd, numbers two and three: Numero Deus impare gaudet.  
Several men have severally treated of several numbers, but I have here made choice of three and seven, 
The use of number.  as finding maniest and most memorable things in all Sciences comprehended within them; which thus packed up together, cannot but be infinitely delightful, and most helpful to the memory of every Reader.   

SECT. 2.  
Containing variety of memorable things comprehended within the Number of three, as of Heaven, and Hell, and of Poetical fictions, and some observations amongst the Romans.  
THree of all Numbers should be held in greatest veneration.  
The Persons of the Godhead are three, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, which is that most blessed Trinity.  
There are said to be three Heavens; 
Three Heavens.  Aerial, which is betwixt this and the starry Firmament: Etherial, that great Primum Mobile encompassing the first: and Empireall, or Crystalline Heaven, the habitation of the blessed Spirits, whither (as is supposed) Saint Paul was ravished. There are also three Regions of the Air.  
As three heavens, 
Three Hells.  so there are said to be three Hells; The Grave, the place of torment, and the anxiety of a vexed mind.  
Saturn had three Sons, Pluto, Neptune, jupiter. jupiter had his threefold Thunder, Neptune his threeforked Trident, and Pluto his threeheaded Cerberus.  
Diana, 
Heathnick superstitions.  according to the place where she was, hath three several names; in the Heavens, Luna or Lucina; on Earth Diana; in Hell Hecate.  
There were also three Graces, Aglaia, Thalia, Euphrosyne: and the Muses are numbered by thrice three.  
Three judges are feigned by Poets to be in Hell; Minos, Aeacus, and Radamanthus.  
Three Furies Daughters of Acheron; Allecto, Tyfiphone, Megaera.  
Three Hesperides; Aeagle, Arethusa, Hesperethusa.  
Three Sirens; Parthenope for wit; Ligia for virtue; and Leucosia for beauty: 
Aspectu verbis, 
Poetical fictions.  animi candore trahuntur  
Parthenopes, Ligiae, Eeucosiaeque, viri.   
Three Sisters of the Destinies called Partcae; Clotho draweth out the thread of our lives; Lachesis, spinneth or twisteth it; and Atropos cutteth it at our deaths: Clotho Colum bajulat, Lachesis net, Atropos occat.  
Geryon was said to have had a threefold body: Three shaped Chimaera; Sphinx was feigned to have three several Visages; and three fatidick or prophesying Sybeles', & many the like amongst Poets: Martia Roma triplex, Equitatu, Plebe, Senatu.  
Amongst the Romans were three kinds of Flamens or Priests, their Deals, Martiales, and Quirinales.  
They had also three kinds of Prophets; Aruspices, who divined by sacrifices on Altars; Augurs by the chirping of Birds; and Auspexes, who foretold the events of things by beholding the entrails of birds.  
They divided every of the twelve months in three; Ides, Nones, and Calends.  
The Romans also, for recovery of the Greek Laws, sent three men, Spurius Posthumius, Servius Sulpitius, and Aulus Manlius: And amongst them three were noted for obtaining greatest spoils from their Enemies, Romulus, Coriolanus, and M. Marcellus.  
Rome's threefold government was first by Kings, than Consuls, lastly Emperors.   

SECT. 3.  
Containing some Theological and Moral precepts and observations, redacted under the number of three.  
THere are three Theological virtues; 
Theological and Moral Virtues.  Faith, Hope, and Charity; and three principal Moral virtues; Temperance, justice, and Fortitude.  
Three things incident to man; 
Of Sinne.  To fall in sin, which is humane; to rise out of it again, which is Angelical; and to lie in sin, which is Diabolical.  
Three things in all our actions are to be observed; 
How our appetites are bridled.  that our appetite be ruled by reason; that neither lesser nor greater care be taken about any thing then the cause requireth; and that things, belonging to liberality and honour, be moderated.  
There are three principal duties belonging to every Christian in this life; 
Christian duties.  to live in piety and devotion towards God; Charity towards our Neighbours, and Sobriety towards ourselves.  
There are also three subaltern, and less principal; to use respect to our superiors, clemency to our inferior; and gravity to our equals.  
We offend God three ways, 
How we offend God, an how to appease him.  with mouth, heart, and hands, (by hand here I understand all our senses;) for which to him we ought to make amends three other ways, by Confession, Contrition, and Satisfaction.  
Three degrees of Christ's humiliation; his Incarnation, 
Christ's humiliation and exhalation.  life, and death: three of his exaltation; his Resurrection, ascension, and sitting at the right hand of the Father.  
There are three things incident to unregenerate Nature; Ambition, Avarice, and Luxury.  
There are three ways to know God: 
How to know God.  Negatively, whereby what evil is in man, is denied to be in God: then by way of excellency, whereby, what good is in man we acknowledge to be in God most eminently above man, and in the abstract of it: Lastly by way of causality, whereby we acknowledge God to be the efficient cause of all things.  
God's word was written by Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles.  
David for numbering his people had choice of three things, 
David.  Plague, Sword, and Famine.  
Solomon had choice of three blessings; 
Solomon.  Wisdom, Wealth, and length of days.  
Three great enemies continually assail man: 
Man's Enemies.  the Devil without him, the World about him, and the Flesh within him: Against which he should be armed with these three weapons; Fasting, Praying, and Alms giving.  
Love three fold; Divine, Worldly, and Diabolical. 
Love.  Moreover we are tied to a threefold Love; Of God, our neighbour, and ourselves.  
A threefold fear also possesseth us; 
Of Fear.  a Natural fear, for our lives and goods; a Civil, for our honour and fame; and a Conscientious for our souls.  
So we are said to see with three kind of eyes; of our bodies, reason, and faith.  
The Pope's Mitre is engirt with three Crowns.   

SECT. 4.  
Of Politic Government: Of living Creatures; and of duties belonging to men of several professions, as Physicians, judges, and Lawyers, etc. with some Physical observations, all Tripartite.  
THere are three kinds of Government; Monarchy, 
Degrees of government.  of Kings; Aristocracy, of Nobility; and Democracie of Commons; as our State consisteth of Clergy, Nobility, and Commons.  
Philosophers, 
About dye●●  Physicians, and Divines do severally prescribe diet for living to all men; the first a moderate, the second a sparing, the third a most strict continency.  
There were principally three kind of Creatures ordained for the use of man, 
What Creatures God ordained for man's use.  living in three several Elements, Fowl in the Air, Beasts on the Earth, and Fish in the Sea.  
Three kind of living things, Intellectual, Sensitive, and Vegetable; as Men, Beasts, and Plants.  
There are three Principles of Physic; Matter, Form, Privation.  
There are also three things requisite in a Physician; 
Physicians.  to restore health lost, to strengthen it being weak, and to preserve it when it is recovered.  
Even so the Lawyer's parts are threefold; to recover means lost, 
Lawyers.  to preserve them when they are purchased, and to purchase such only as we have right to; which three the Canonists perform, in purchasing of Benefits, recovering those which are lost, and in conserving those which are once obtained.  
A judge should have these three qualities; 
judges.  not to be delaying, mercenary, nor ignorant.  
Laws of men are threefold; 
Division of Laws.  of Nature, of Nations, and of Cities; and the Laws of God are, Moral, Ceremonial, and judicial.  
Three things chiefly are to be observed in judgement, Examination, Consultation, and Sentence.  
Three things too are requisite in a good Chirurgeon; 
Chirurgeon.  an Eagles eye, a Lion's heart, and a Lady's hand.  
Three things required in an Orator; 
Orator▪  to speak fitly, ornately, and copiously; or as some will have it, demonst ratively, deliberatively, and judicially: and in every of these, the Circumstances are to be observed, Time, Place, and Persons.  
There are three objects of the whole Civil Law, 
Civilian.  Things, Persons, Actions.  
Amongst Latin Poets, 
Poets.  three kinds of Verses are chiefly used, Heroick, Elegiac, and Lyric; under Lyric are comprehended Saphick, jambick, and the rest.  
Three species of sickness wherewith we ate affected; 
Physical observations  which are of quality, humour, and substance; which again resolve in three kind of fevers, Simple, Corrupt, and Pestilentious: Simple fevers too are threefold, Quotidian, Tertian, Quartan: Corrupt or Hectic Fevers threefold; the first being in the consumption of our ordinary humour; the second in our Balmy or oily substance, both curable; the third which consumeth our noble parts called Marasmus, past cure.  
Of all measurable bodies there are three dimensions; length, breadth, and deepness.  
Three things especially the Persians taught their children; 
Customs amongst the Persians.  to ride, shoot, and speak truth.  
The day is divided into Morning, Noon, and Evening.  
Every Moon hath her increase, full, and wane, and Post triduum mulier fastidit & hospes & imber.   

SECT. 5.  
Memorable observations comprehended within the Number of Seven, as of the age of the World, and man's generation.  
THe Number of Seven by many learned men hath been held the most mystical, and by some entitled the most sacred of Numbers, as on it many most remarkable matters have happened: God created the world in six days, and rested the seventh; and therefore amongst the jews every seventh month, and seventh year were appointed to ●est: and in how great reverence was their great jubilee, which every seventh year being multiplied by seven, fell out every 49 year?  
The age of the world is divided into seven; the first from Adam to Noah's flood; the second from that to Abraham's time; the third from Abraham to the freeing of the people of Israel from their Captivity in Egypt; the fourth, from their coming out of Egypt to the building of Salomon's Temple; the fifth, from that to the Babylonish Captivity, at what time jeremy writ his Lamentations; the sixth, was the time betwixt that and the coming of our blessed Saviour: the seventh from our Saviour's time to the end of the world. And some have given forth, that the world shall take end the six thousand year of its age, and rest the seventh.  
The first seven days after conception, the seed of man in the womb becometh Embryo, the seventh week thereafter it becometh faetus and quickeneth; and the seventh month after that it is partus, and is brought into the world.   

SECT. 6.  
How the seven Planets are said to rule severally over the seven ages in the life of man.  
AStrologians, who will have the life and constitution of man to depend on the force of the stars and celestial bodies, 
The seven ages of man's life attributed to the seven Planets.  (no way depriving God of his Sovereign and absolute power) have divided the age of man into seven parts, ascribing to every part one of the seven Planets which ruleth over it. The first they call Infancy, over which they place the Moon, which is of nature weak and moist, changeable by increases and wanes, and this they make to last but four years.  
The second from four to fourteen, called childhood, over which they set Mercury, because he of himself is indifferently good or bad, according to the good or bad Planets with whom he is joined; so in this age a boy bewrayeth his inclination, and is so flexible, that according to his education and company he is mingled with, he becometh either good or bad, and that impression he then taketh, can hardly be rooted out of him.  
The third containeth the next eight years, and continueth to the twenty two; over which they place Venus, Et primae lanuginis aetas in Venerem est praeceps; and it was called Youthead.  
The fourth, called Adolocencie, lasteth twenty years, and continueth till the 42 year, and is governed by Sol, the Sun, which Astrologians call the spring, the light, the eye of the world, and King over the other Planets: In his age man attaineth to his full strength and vigour, becometh hardy, judicious, understanding, etc.  
The fifth lasteth from 42 to 56, and is called manhood or virile age, ruled by Mars, a bad star, dangerous, fierce, and hot; for in that men begin to wax angry, impatient, and avaricious, but more temperate in their diet, and more constant in their actions.  
The sixth taketh up 12 years, so lasts to 78, and is called old age, governed by jupiter, a noble Planet, making men religious, just, chaste, temperate, and pious: In this age men abandon on pains and travel, and practise devotion and good works.  
The last is from 78 to 98, which years few come to, and is called decrepit old age, ruled by Saturn, the highest and most malign Planet, cold, dry, and melancholic; cumbersome, insupportable, weak, and growing again childlike.   

SECT. 7.  
The opinions of some Fathers of the Church and some Philosophers concerning the number of Seven, what attributes they gave, with some of Hypocrates observations thereon.  
BY Saint Ambrose in his 12. chap. de Moha & Arca; S. Origen in his 2 Homily on Genesis, and his third on Exodus; and Eusebius de Praeparatione Evangelica; this number is sometime called a clean number, a holy number, a virgin number, a mystical, a number of perfection, with many the like Epithets attributed unto it both by Civil and Ecclesiastical Writers; yet Chrysostome in his 24 Homily on Genesis, speaking of the number of Beasts that entered the Ark, inveyeth against, and taxeth all observers of numbers: Hypocrates in his work de partu Septimestri, enlarging himself on the properties of this number, saith, that the life of man consisteth of septinaries; that in seven days a child hath all his complete members; and that if any man abstain totally from meat and drink seven days, he cannot live; that a child borne the seventh month may live, but not one borne the eight; because (saith he) that then Saturn, by course over-ruseth the birth; that in seven year children have all their teeth; that the Guts of man are seven times his length; that the celestical bodies of the Moon, and of the eight and ninth Orb do move by Septinaries; the Moon maketh her course in four seven days; the eight Sphere finisheth its revolution in seven thousand years; the ninth, in seven times seven thousand, which make out forty nine thousand, and many the like.   

SECT. 8.  
Of the seven Wonders of the world.  
THere have been seven wonders famed through the world, so called, either for the vastness of the fabric, or curiosity of workmanship: 1. The Pyramids of Egypt. 2. The Tower of Pharos, built by Ptolemy King of Egypt. 3. The Walls of Babylon, built by Semiramis. 4. The Temple of Diana in Ephesus, 
Seven Wonders.  which was beautified with 127 Pillars of Parian Marble. 5. The Tomb or Sepulchre of Mausolus' King of Caria, built by his Q. Artemesia. 6. The Colossus at Rhodes, the Image of a huge Giant cast in Brass, which bestrid the River which runneth to Rhodes, under which a ship might pass: By some the Palace of Cyrus which was reported to be cimmented with gold, obtained the seventh place, though some, as Martial in his first Epigram, preferreth Vespasians Amphitheatre at Rome before it, or any of the former: but the matter is not worthy a controversy. So I leave them and proceed.   

SECT. 9  
A continuation of observations on the number of seven, taken out of holy Scripture.  
THe Israelites compassed the Walls of jerice seven times; and at the seventh blast of the Rams horns, which they carried about them, they fell down to the ground, and the Walls were thrown down.  
The greater part of ancient Sacrifices were by sevens, as seven Rams, seven Bullocks, etc.  
Sibylla enjoined Aeneas to sacrifice in sevens, 
Nunc grege de intacto septem mactare juvenc●s  
Prestiterit, totidem lectas de more bidentes.   
The principal Feasts and Solemnities of God's people continued seven days.  
Seven days the people eat unleavened bread at the Passeover.  
God had seven thousand reserved unto himslfe, which bowed not their knee to Baal.  
job had seven Sons; and Zachary maketh mention of seven eyes, wherewith God seeth all things.  
The Prophet Elisha commanded Naaman the Leper to wash himself seven times in the River of jordane.  
The number of Beasts which entered the Ark of Noah were seven: The Ark rested on the Mountain of Ararat on the seventh month: and in the 19 of Proverbs, Wisdom hath built her house on seven Pillars; the seven Candlesticks, the seven Churches of Asia; the Book closed with seven seals; the seven Angels, with their seven Trumpets; the seven viols of God's wrath; the seven degrees of the Temple; seven loaves served the whole Company which were with our Lord: Pharaoh dreamt of seven fat, and seven lean kine: and God in the 26 of Leviticus, threateneth a sevenfold curse to be multiplied on all that think the evils that be fall them to come by chance; all which with many more mentioned in Scripture, cannot be without their own mysteries; No marvel then that Pythagoras and others have reputed this number a religious one; since Scriptures are full of occurrences of this number; and the world consisteth of the harmony of seven Unities, Natural, Conjugal, Regular, Personal, Essential, Ecclesiastical, and Political.   

SECT. 10.  
Of the seven great Potentates of the world; of critical days, and climacterick years, with other observations.  
IN the Heavens are seven Planets, and in the Earth seven great and powerful Potentates do rule: the great Cham of Tartary; the Emperor of China, by them called the second Son of God; the Sophy of Persia; the great Turk; the Emperor of Germany; Prester john; the powerful Monarch of Aethiopia; and the Emperor of Russia.  
The seventh and forteenth day in all diseases are accounted most dangerous, and are called Critical.  
Macrobius, Aulus Gellius and others observe, that every seventh year in the life of man there followeth some alteration either in estate, voice, colour, hair, complexion, or conditions: And Seneca, Septimus quisque annus aetati notam imprimit, wherefore the 7. 14. 21. 28. 35. 42. 49. 56. and 63. the great Climactericke year are counted dangerous for all. Firmian adviseth all to take great heed to themselves in these years: Octavianus Caesar having passed this date, writ to his Nephew Caius, to congratulate with him, that he had yet seven years more to live.  
There are seven Liberal Sciences, Grammar, Dialect, Rhetoric, Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy: 
Gram. loquitur, Dia. vera docet, Rhet. verba colorat,  
Mus. canit, Ar. numerat, Geo. ponderat, As. colit  
astra.   
Seven Roman Kings, Romulus, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus martin's, Tarqvinius Priscus, Servius Tullius, Tarqvinius Superbus.  
Rome was built upon seven Hills; Palatinus, Capitolinus, Quiritalis, Caelius, Escalinus, Aventinus, and Viminalis.  
There were seven wise men of Greece; Solon, Thales, Chilo, Pittacus, Cleobulus, Bias, and Periander.  
There were seven kind of Crowns amongst the Romans.  

1 The Triumphal, first made of Laurel, & there after of Gold, given to their Emperors by the Senate, in honour of their Triumphs.  
2 Obsidionall, given by Soldiers to their Emperors, for delivering them from a Siege; and it was made of grass, gathered from about the trenches of that Siege.  
3 The Civicall Crown, which was bestowed on any Soldier that had relieved a captived Citizen.  
4 A Mural Crown, which was given to any man that first entered a Town, or had scaled the Walls of it.  
5 Castrensis, a Crown, given to the first enterer into the Enemy's Camp or Trenches.  
6 The Naval Crown, bestowed on him that first had boarded an Enemy's Vessel.  
7 Was called Ovalis, or a Crown of rejoicing, made of Myrtle, which was put on the heads of their Emperors, in ●vatione (as they said) or in sign of rejoicing at his admittance to that dignity.    

SECT. 11.  
Of the World's Continuance and Ending.  
THat subtle and excellent Philosopher Leo Hebreus, expatiating in the meditation of this Number of seven, admiring and speaking of the world's rest, saith; That after six thousand years are expired, in the seventh thousand this elementary world shall rest, which God thereafter will renew seven times, betwixt every seven thousand giving one thousand years' rest; after all which, saith he, this elementary world, the Earth and all beneath the Moon, the Celestial world also shall take an end: which Proclus also the Academic secondeth, when he saith, that the life of this world is septenary, its parts, proportion, and circles are septenary; and with them many other Philosophers have dived too deep into these mysteries; yet I cannot pass by Charon, who in his History bringeth in Elias the jew (not the Thesbite) affirming, that the world shall last but six thousand years: viz. two thousand before the Flood; 2000 from it to the coming of the Messias; and from that two thousand more to the Consummation of all things; which in all amounteth to 6000. Whereto S. Augustine in his first Book on Genesis, ad Manichaos, some way inclineth; yet Hesychius ingeniously confesseth his ignorance of it, since neither to the Son of man (as he was man) nor to the Angels that knowledge was revealed: Origen adheareth to Leo Hehraeus opinion of 7000. years' continuance in his Homily, Quòd Mundus cum tempore caeperit, in this third Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and goeth further, saying, that after this world is ended, another shall begin; and that before this world, there was another which he would strive to approve with Authorities out of holy Scripture, which doth savour a little too much of presumption; for in all the Scripture there is no express mention to be found either of the one or other: But we are commanded, not to pry too far in these and the like mysteries which concern not our salvation, and which God hath kept only to himself.  Mitte arcana Dei, coelumque inquirere quid sit: 
Yet indeed this Father in his Homily the fine vel consummatione, ingeniously confesseth, that he only handled those matters by way of reasoning, than any ways to conclude an infallibility of them; for in the end he acknowledgeth, that he wrote them in great fear and suspensive trembling.    

OF PRODIGIES AND MIRACLES: Which are true, which false.  

SECT. 1.  
The definition of Miracles, with their distinction; In what time they were requisite, in what not, etc.  
SAint Augustine, that famous and reverend Father of the Church in his 6. Book de utilitate credendi ad Honoratium, defineth Miracles, 
Two kinds of Miracles.  to be things beyond the expectation and power of the beholder: Whereof there are two kinds, True and False.  
The false are such Miracles as are not in effect the thing they seem to be; 
False Miracles which.  or if they be, they are not of any power that excelleth nature, but merely of and by the power of nature, though obscured and hid; which the bad spirits as well as the good can perform.  
True Miracles are done by the power of God, 
True Miracles.  beyond all faculty of created nature, partly to draw the beholder to a due and true admiration of him in them, and partly to confirm their saith: such as these were; the bringing back of the shadow ten Degrees in the Dial of Ahaz, for Ezechias: A Virgin to conceive with child, and yet remain a Virgin: To draw water out of a hard Rock: To make the Sea to part in twain; the Sun to stand still; to turn water into wine; to cause Manna fall from heaven, and many of the like kind comprehended in holy Scripture, which indeed were miraculous things of themselves, if we consider the nature of their doing; where, on the other side, false Miracles may, 
Difference betwixt true and false Miracles.  in a manner, be thought miraculous, but not so much for the nature of their doing, as for the manner how they are done; Neque enim (saith one) constant miracula magnitudine operum; so these Miracles are not so much to be measured by the greatness of the work, as by the way of doing of them: and such as these bad spirits cannot bring to pass, because how wonderful soever their miracles appear to be, yet they do no ways exceed the reach of Nature: Itaut mirabi lia quanquam sint, non proinde sint, & Miracula.  
Neither is it to be denied, but that God serveth himself with, 
Why God permitteth false miracles.  and permitteth the false Miracle-workers, intending thereby rather to try the faiths of the beholders of them, than any way to allow or confirm their doings, as Deut. cap. 13. vers. 3. may be seen.  
Now, where it is said before, that true Miracles are for the confirming, as false ones are for trying of our faiths; this must be understood to be, when the workers of them do teach withal so sound doctrine, that his Miracles may be judged by it, not it by them. Hereby I intent not to enforce a necessity of miracles perpetually for confirming our faith; 
When miracles were most necessary.  for though, during the Church's infancy, they served some way towards the establishing and confirming of the weak and wavering faiths of the hearers; yet now they are not so requisite, seeing the Law, Prophets, Evangelists, and Apostles works and writing are so universally preached unto all.   

SECT. 2.  
Of Prodigies, and in what veneration they were amongst the ancient Romans.  
BEing loath to trouble the Reader with the tedious definitions of Prodigies, nor with the several and many opinions of Writers concerning them I will relate only some stories of them, and of the times wherein some of them happened; of all which, as the most part of the Roman Writers make mention, so particularly Sabellicus in his Rhapsoeticall history of the world; and that from the 11. or 12. Book of his 4. Aeneid, unto the end of his Worke.  
During the first Punic War, (which was the first betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans) under the Consulship of Appius Claudius, and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, which was the four hundreth and ninety year after the building of Rome; the Roman Histories were then both more frequent, and did savour more of truth and possibility than their former: Wherefore to begin with that time, I observe, that there never happened any remarkable Prodigy, 
The piety of the ancient Romans after any remakeble Prodigies.  either in the Air, Water, or Earth, after which there were not presently Expiations, Lustrations, Prayers or offerings made unto their Gods, to whose Temples and Altars people of every sex, age, and condition did flock and run, to pacify and appease their incensed wrath; which may serve to condemn the neglect and contempt that is in Christians of the like Prodigies, and teach us (as these Heathen did when they chanced) to repair to our true God, 
Christians blamed.  and implore for mercy, and forbearance of wrath at his hands.  
To begin then (as I said) with Prodigies observed in the time of the first Punic or Carthaginian War; of those many admirable ones recorded by Sabellicus, I find this most worthy of relation: In the Picenean Territory, Cneius Domitianus, and Lucius Annius being Consuls, 
A River ra● blood.  a River was observed for the space of a whole morning, to run red blood, no accident that might cause it being perceived by any; for which, and some others the like, 
The institution of the Nov●ndi●lia sacra.  the Romans entitled their Novendialia sacra, or expiations for nine days; and Livius likewise in the time of Tullus Hostilius their third King, relateth, that the like propitiatory Sacrifices were ordained for the like causes.  
In Hetruria also, 
The heavens burned.  (which is now the Florentines bounds) the heavens were perceived to burn.  
In the City of Ariminii, 
Three Moons▪  three Moons at once were one night seen by the Inhabitants; all which Prodigies appeared about the end of the foresaid first Punick War's.  
Shortly after, about the beginning of the second war, 
A child of a month old spoke.  after Hanno was overcome by Scipio, a Child of a month old was heard to cry in the Street Triumphi, Triumphi.  
In the fields of Amitermin near Rome, ships were discerned in the sky, and men in long white garments were perceived to march towards one another, 
Men seen in the sky.  but never to meet.  
In the Picen Territory it reigned stones; and the Sun and Moon were seen to joust (as it were) at one another; 
Two moons at once.  and in the day time two Moons appeared in the heavens. At Phalascis the heavens seemed to be rend asunder: And at Capua, the Moon seemed to burn; and, as envolved in a shower of rain, to tend towards the Earth; Civitas ob haec prodigia (saith Sabellicus) lustrata est, lectisternium & supplicatio indicta, aliaque aliis diis placamina decreta.   

SECT. 3.  
A continuation of Prodigies, which happened in the time of the second Punic War; with many others that were seen under the times of several Consuls of Rome.  
IN the first year of this second Carthaginian War, under the Consulship of Fabius Maximus, 
A green Palm three took fire of itself.  & Marcus Claudius Marcellus, a green Palm tree in Naples took fire, and burned away to ashes.  
At Mantua, a little Rivulet or stripe of water which ran into the River Mincio, 
Rivers run blood.  was turned into blood: And at Rome it reigned blood. An Ox was heard there to speak these words, 
An Ox spoke.  Cavetibi Roma.  
Afterward in the Consulship of Quintus Fabius, son to Fabius Maximus, and Titus Sempronius Graccus, the similitude or likeness of great, long, and tale ships appeared to be upon the River of Taracina in Spain: At Amiternum in Italy, a little Brook ran blood for several days: 
It reigned stones.  In Albano monte in Rome, it reigned stones. The Sun at diverse times was seen of a bloody colour: Many Temples and holy houses in Rome were beaten down with Thunderbolts from heaven: some of the City Ensigns or field Colours were observed to sweat blood; 
Ensigns sweat blood.  two Suns appeared in the Heavens; at one time it reigned milk, at another stones.  
During the Consulship of Cornelius Cethegus, and Sempronius, at what time the African Wars were appointed to Scipio, 
〈…〉  two Suns at one time were seen in the Heavens: and the night (which is by nature dark) appeared extraordinary light: A Comet in form like a burning torch was discerned to reach from the East to the West; and it reigned stones after that notable overthrow given to Hannibal by Scipio, (which was the last to Hannibal) and at the time when the Consul T. Claudius was appointed to prepare for afric, to appease some mutinies that had risen there; upon his setting out to that voyage, the Orb and face of the Sun was visibly discerned to be less than usual: Moreover in the Veliternean fields, 
The ●arth rend asunder.  the Earth rend asunder in so huge and frightful gaps, that trees and whole houses were swallowed up in it; after which there followed showers of stones.  
In the Consulship of ●n. Belius, and L. Aemilius Paulus, it reigned blood for two whole days together: 
A Statue wept.  And the Statue of juno in the Temple of Concord at Rome was perceived to shed tears.   

SECT. 4.  
Of Prodigies that happened during the civil wars betwixt Marius and Sylla; of some in julius Caesar's time; as, at his passing the River of Rubicone, the Pharsalian wars and at his death, etc.  
AT the beginning of the Civil wars betwixt Martus and Sylla, a Mule, by nature barren, 
The Capitol destroyed by fire from heaven.  did foal: The Capitol took fire; and which was lamentable, it being a work of four hundreth years standing, & famous through all the world, was destroyed, the whole City was so shaken with Earthquakes, that the face of it was wonderfully defaced: and a woman conceived and was delivered of a Serpent.  
When julius Caesar had crossed the River of Rubicon, contrary to the decree of the Senate, the heavens, as foreseeing what imminent danger was to ensue thereupon, 
Images in Temples sweat blood.  reigned blood. The Statues and Images of their Gods in the Temples did sweat great drops of blood; and many fair buildings in the City were beaten down with fire and thunder from heaven.  
On the same day that the Pharsalian battle was struck, the Statue of Victoria, which stood in the Temple of Minerva at Eulide, was seen to turn its face towards the Temple door, whereas before it beheld the Altar. At Antioch in Syria, such great noise and clamours were heard twice a day about the Walls of the Town; that the people, affrighted with a supposed approach of the Enemy, ran out of the City in their Arms. In the Temples of Ptolemais, Organs and other Instruments were heard to play before Caesar's death: 
Instruments heard to play where none were.  And those horses, which at the passage of Rubicon he had consecrated to Mars the day before his massacre, were observed and seen to weep and to forsake their food, and stray about. Shortly after his death too, about the proscription of Lepidus and Antonius, 
An Ox spoke.  an Ox being led out to plough, uttered these words to his Master; Why urge you me to work, we shall lack no corn, but men: and a new borne child did speak.   

SECT. 5.  
Of Prodigies before the death of Galba; before the destruction of jerusalem, and at the end of the Valerian persecution.  
THere were such fearful Earthquakes before the death of the Emperor Galba, that at the renting asunder of the Forth, most hideous noises were heard, not unlike to the lowing of Oxen: But of all the Prodigies and Miracles that I read of, those which went before the destruction of jerusalem, were the most terrible, whereof josephus maketh mention at length, yet my Author recounteth others no less memorable, which were these: 
A Comet like a sword hang over jerusalem.  The Comet in the shape of a Sword that appeared and (as it were) did hang directly over the City, before the destruction. 
An Ox called.  An Ox leading to the Altar to be there sacrificed, in the middle of the Temple, did bring forth a calf, to the amazement and astonishment of all beholders of it: One night, about midnight it grew as light within the Temple, as at noonday. Hosts of armed men, and Chariots appeared in the air; and the Priests heard a voice within the Sanctuary express these words; Let us remove from hence. About the end of the Valerian persecution, before the death of Galenus the Emperor, (in whose days the Empire began mightily to decline) there was darkness for some days over all that tract of Earth, in and about Rome; 
Formidable Thunders & Earthquakes  There were most dreadful thunders heard, with most frightful noises, as roaring and fearful lowings in the air, and bowels of the Earth; whereupon followed so terrible Earthquakes, and openings of the Earth, that whole Villages and Towns were thereby destroyed: Lastly, through the dread and terror of these frightful noises, and by the sight of these Prodigies and portentous wonders, many both men and beasts were strucken dead.   

SECT. 6.  
A continuation of other Prodigies; with a conclution of this Treatise.  
ABout the end of the Goths and Vandals wars against the Romans, there were seen in the air, Armies flaming as all on fire; from which there reigned drops of blood: and thereafter followed extraordinary overflowing and deboarding of Rivers, 
The deboarding of Tiber ominous to Rome.  but chiefly of Tiber; which of all other Rivers is observed to deboard both most excessively and most often; and these ever go before some evil to happen to the City: But of all her deluges, none more memorable than that which happened under the Pontificy of Pelagius, which overswelled the walls of the City, destroyed all the Corn in the lower Countries, and procured such a famine and Pestilence, that thereby many thousands perished, amongst whom the Pope himself, after whom Gregory, the most worthy Pope of that name succeeded.  
In the time of Sabianus successor to him, 
A blazing star.  a terrible and Portentous blazing star was seen; and the sea cast up many Monsters with visages like men. 
The sea cast out monsters.   
These, and many the like were seen before the days of Bonifacius the third, in whose time the Roman Church obtained of Phocas then Emperor, the title of Mother and supreme Church; for till then the Greek Church claimed the superiority.  
In the days of Adrian the second Pope of that name, 
It reigned blood three days.  it reigned blood three days. A little before the death of Sergius (the first Pope that began to change his Proper-name) terrible fiery torches and fleakes were seen in the air, with great noise and thundering.  
In the Pontificy of john the eleaventh, son to Sergius, a fountain in Genoa ran blood in great abundance.  
About the time that john the twelfth was for his flagitiousnesse and abomination deposed by the Emperor Otho, 
A huge stone fell from heaven.  a great stone fell from heaven: In Naples likewise within this hundreth years there fell a brownish coloured one of an extraordinary bigness. In France likewise upon a St. john's day there fell a great piece of Ice, 
A great piece of Ice fell in Rome.  in a shower of rain, many feet long.  
In the year of our Lord 1012. when jerusalem was taken by Anmrath the great Turk, there were terrible earthquakes, and fiery impressions seen over all the firmament, and the Moon appeared bloody.  
But to recount all Prodigies and Miracles which in latter ages have appeared in several Countries; and to set down the several Reasons that are given for them, 
Conclusion▪  with the events observed to ensue after every of them, would take up a greater Volume than I intent this whole book to be; therefore I will here put an end to this discourse.    

SALAMANDRA, OR A short Treatise of the PHILOSOPHER'S STONE  

SECT. 1.  
The History of the life and death of Antonio Bragadino.  
THe History of one Antonio Bragadino a Cyprian Gentleman, which in my time I did read in Villamont a French Barones' travels and voyages, hath occasioned me to undertake this task. This man, saith he, for the good services done to the Venetians in the time of their Wars upon that Isle, being retired to Venice, and there become their stipendiary, (or rather pensioner) having fallen at variance with some clarissimo whereupon ensued blood; 
〈…〉  not being able to keep their city any longer for fear of his life, withdrew himself to the country; where being in necessity (through reason of his pension which he wanted) bethinking himself how he might live by his wits; in the end, retiring to a desert, he rancountred with an Hermit, 
His meeting with an Hersute.  who took, him to his cell; and having imparted to him his distress, got this comfortable answer back again; that if he would be partner with him of the task which sundry years agone he had undertaken, that he would not only relieve him of his present necessity, but likewise (if the event: deluded not his intention) would make him one of the richest and wealthiest men in the world: 
His proficiency in the Art of Chimestrie.  To which discourse having listened, and perceiving it was nothing but the blowing of the coal he meaned, being alured thereto by his present want, the hope and expectation of future gain, the venerablenesse and gravity of the person, the religious silence of so solitary a place, he embraced the offer, and in the end became so expert in the calling, that by his white powders, (for as yet he had not come to that perfection to make red) he redeemed himself from his exile, 
His Present to the Senate.  by presenting the Senate of the City with Ingots, to the value of fifty thousand Crowns, with certificate, if that it should please them to restore him to his wont liberty (for thither was his affection carried beyond all the parts of the world, in regard his Mistress was there) he should enrich their Treasure for ever. 
Restored to favour.  Wherewith the Senate being much pleased, received him to their favour again, where he was entertained like a Prince, attended with a Guard not so much for honour of his person, as for fear he should have left them, and gone otherwhere; while in the end his Ingots being suspected and called in question for the validity of them, 
He is suspected of Treachery.  his Guard beginning to vilify him, and to neglect their wont strict attendance, he under cloud and silence of night, with his Mistress, and a black dog which still followed him, fled their City and Territory; and in the end having come to the Duke of Baviers ' bounds to Germany, 
He flies to Bavaria.  was there apprehended and hanged upon a gilded gibbet, 
He is hanged on a gilded Gybbet●  as one who had deluded the world by his sophisticate moneys.   

SECT. 2.  
The reason that moved the Author to handle this matter: The different blessings betwixt the Indians and Christians: the definition of the Philosophical Stone; the general way and matter whereof it is made.  
THe History, I say, of this unfortunate man, and rich cozener, made me the more curious and desirous to know the nature of so rare a thing as that which they call the Philosophical Stone, which if men might attain to, the West Indeses should not be so much frequented as they are; but O how great is the wisdom and power of the Creator of all, who reserveth the perfect knowledge of so high a secret to himself, and imparteth it but to very few, knowing the insatiableness of the heart of man; and to these who know not the worth of gold, he doth bestow it in such plenty, 
The plenty of gold which the West Indians have.  that their ordinary householdstuff, as Tongues, Chuffles, Pots, Tables, and Cupboards, etc. are made of it whereas they starve in a manner for that whereof we have such store; and which they esteem as much above their gold as we prise their gold above our other necessaries.  
So far as I can learn, I find that the Philosophical stone (by the Arabes called Elixir) is the very true and just seed that engendereth and begetteth gold: For gold is not procreated (as I may say) either of Brimstone, nor of Mercury, nor of any such thing as fraudulently some suppose and give forth; but it is to be searched and found out of gold itself, and that most purified: for there is nothing in Nature which hath not of it, or rather in it the seed of its own kind, whereby it may be multiplied; but yet hardly by Art may it be drawn out, by reason that the greatest and most vigorous strength of that seed consisteth in a certain oily substance, 
The true matter of gold.  or rather adhereth to it; which, whensoever by fire we go about to draw out, or segregate from the substance itself, it consumeth away; which not being so in gold, because by the violence of no fire it can be so burnt away, but that it may abide the whole strength and force of Art; therefore out of it only that seed or Elixir may be extracted, whereto it seemeth the Poet alludeth, when he saith, 
— Vni quoniam nil deperit auro  
Igne, velut solum consumit nulla vetustas,  
Ac neque rubigo, aut aerugo conficit ulla  
Cuncta adeò firmis illic compagibus haerent.    

SECT. 3.  
The Author's proposition: the reasons of its denomination; opinions of most approved Authors touching it; and of the Possibility and factibility of it.  
I Pass by the method and order of Fernelius in his last chapter de ab ditis rerum causis, as being too speculative; for I will here set down a more full and ample description of it, and such as hath been imparted by the most accurate wits that this age affordeth, after I have a little spoken of the names both of it, and of the Authors who treat of it; and have resolved some scrupulous difficulties; yet my intention herein is rather to let the Readers know the most approved opinions of the most learned Writers on this subject, then definitively to set down mine own.  
It is called a Stone, because the things whereof it is composed are consolidated and coagulated in a hard and heavy (yet friable) mass, and thereafter reduced to a most subtle powder.  
It is called the Philosopher's Stone, because Philosophers were the first Inventors of it, and they best know the making and use of it.  
They give it an infinite (almost) number of names partly to set out the matter, 
Ripleus c. 3. P. 74.  nature, and properties of it, and partly to obscure and hide it from the ignorant and impostors; for the which cause they gave it many figurative names, styling it by some part of the matter whereof it is made, 
jodoc.  and by similitudes, 
Grenerus p. 36.  as they call it Salamandra, quae igne concipitur, 
●los Flor. p. 35. 37.  igne nutritur, igne quoque perficitur: It is conceived, nourished, and perfected by the fire and in the fire: Philosophi celare volentes veritatem quasi omnia figuratiuè locuti sunt.  
Many think the Philosopher's Stone a thing impossible to be got, 
Thom. Aquin. ad fratrem, c. 1.  but a multitude of most ancient and modern Philosophers have thought otherwise, who knew both the theory and practic of it: And of the transmutation of metals, Libavius bringeth in a great number of them that testify the same, in his Appendix de natura metallorum, amongst whom he produceth Geberus Hermes, Arnoldus, Thomas de Aquino, Bernardus comes; joannes Rungius, Baptista Porta, Rubeus, Dornesius Vogelius, Penotus, Quercetanus, & Franciscus Picus, who in his 3. Book c. 2. de auro, declareth eighteen particular instances, whereby he affirmeth plainly, that so many times he did see the transmutation into silver and gold, so that the possibility and factibility of the Philosopher's Stone and transmutation is evident.  
If any would allege difficulty, it is true any thing is difficult, and even the most facile thing is such to them that are ignorant, but to those that know it in speculation and operation, it is most easy, even as ludus puerorum, and opus mulierum.   

SECT. 4.  
That the making of the Philosopher's Stone is less expensive and laborious than many things we both use and wear; why the makers of it every not themselves and others.  
THe true making of that Stone is neither expensive, nor long, nor wearisome to those that have the dexterity of it.  
Betwixt the Barley grain that must be sown, and the aquae vitae that is made of it, there is both a longer time, and many more points of labour: And betwixt the linnessed, and the linen cloth we were, there is a longer time, and much more labour than in the framing of Philosopher's Stone, as these blowers would have the world believe.  
It is true, many chemical Philosophers so soon as they attained this precious Stone, the very knowledge of it delighted them more than worldly gain; and they made more use of it in Physic than in projection. And if any would ask; what was the cause they made not themselves and all their friends most excellently rich. It may be well answered, they lacked not, they had contentment, they delighted more in theory than practic: they disdained to be gold-makers to those that were greedy, or to those that were through idleness needy, and were afraid to be made a prey and captivate slaves to avaricious and cruel tyrants: these things and such like made them obscure and hide from the world what they knew or could do, intending rather to have by the Philosopher's Stone a balsamic universal medicine than the feminary of gold.  
Many have written diverse treatises of this subject some one way some another way, some more mystically some more plainly; and what is dark in one, is found again more clear in another, specially to such as are diligent Readers of the Hermetical Philosophy, I will therefore set down here what by most approved consent of all, is the most easy and compendious way to perfect the Philosopher's Stone, without prejudice to others, that think they knew a better way. In this my discourse there shall be nothing obscure, but that which a ●●lius artis may easily understand.   

SECT. 5.  
A general relation of the matters and materials requisite to this work; and in what time it may be perfected.  
ANd first, these principles and grounds for this work are to be understood, to wit, 1. Every mettle consists of Mercury as a common versatill and flexible matter of the which all metals are, and unto the which all may be by Art reduced. 2. The species of metals, and their specific and essential forms are not subject to transmutations, but only the individuals of the species. 3. All metals differ not in their common nature and matter, but in their degree of perfection and purity. 4. Art surmounteth and over-reacheth Nature, for Art assisted by Nature in a short space may perfect that which Nature otherwise by itself was a thousand years in perfiting and accomplishing. 5. God hath created every mettle in its own kind, and hath implanted in them (specially in the perfect mettle) a seed whereby they may be by Art multiplied.  
The chief matter of this Work is most purified gold, 
Tauladan. p. 28.  and silver joined together in the progress of the Work; 
Rosarum. p. 18.  and (as some hold) Gold alone in operation ad rubeam tincturam, 
Libaniu● Mullerus▪  and silver alone ad albam; 
Aquinase. 3.  and Mercury according to Art well prepared, is the principal perfecty of the Worke.  
The only and chief key in this Work, 
Daustricus. p. 16.  is that black brat that ariseth and is emergent out of the solution of Sol and Luna with Mercury; 
Monachus p. 16.  called Caput 〈…〉 etc. 
Benedictus p. 5●, 57, 58. etc.   
The chiefest works are Solutio and Coagulatio; by solution caput corvi is obtained, 
Mo●iennes two principless  as a seminary arising from the dissolved Sol, Luna, and Mercurius, 
Solut. & coagulat.  and must be chiefly regarded. By coagulation caput corvi is fixed and fitted for impregnation and fermentation. Solution whereby caput corvi is obtained, is more facile; but coagulation is more difficile.  
The time to finish the whole Work is not years, 
Moriennes Theob.  but some months; the expense are not many, 
Arnaldus.  but tolerable, and the pains are easy, with some diligent attendance on the Work: One Furnace Philosophically made for distinction of the degrees of the fire will suffice: And one or two Glasses will be needful; the Glass must be a Vial in form, and with a long small crag or neck, the body of it must be round, and so devised, that consisting of two parts, the inferior part may receive the superior part, that it may be closed skilfully, and opened again at the Artificers pleasure▪   

SECT. 6.  
Of the 5 degrees whereby the Work is perfectioned, and first how to bring it to Solution.  
THe whole artifice in composing the Philosopher's Stone consists in five distinct operations each following other in order, 
〈◊〉 p. 61, 62.  to wit, Solution, Coagulation, Fermentation, fixation, and Multiplication.  
Solution.  
Take of Mercury (made menstrual by calcination, 
Exercet. 3. in tu bam.  so subtly prepared by sublimation, that it may become sharp and piercing) twelve ounces: 
Arnald. in specie.  of Solis the best sort refined by frequent fulmination, 
Scala philosoph. p. 103▪ Mulletus de lap. philosoph  and drawn forth in most thin plates or pieces, one ounce; upon the which in a Glass pour some of the Mercury about the fourth or fifth part. Set the Glass in a luke warm heat in the first degree on ashes, and so stopped and closed, that nothing fall in nor out of it, when it is stirred and inclined; and let all stand for the space of 15, or 20 days, during the which time a part of the Sol will be dissolved into the Mercury, by reason of the internal fire and corroding acrimome thereof, pour off that menstrual and keep it, and power on another part of the same, doing as is said before; and let all stand eight or ten days, and so forth do till the Sol be all dissolved into the mercurial water, which after the commixtion and resolution of Sol into it, Mercury which before was menstrual, now is of another temper, and is called lac virgineum, aqua vitae wherein Sol is fully dissolved.  
Put all this lac virgineum in the Glass with the foresaid degree of heat every eight or ten days, then will appear a black brat and matter, partly emerging and swimming above, and partly subsident which (the water or lac being first poured off) must be collected so oft as it appeareth, and is to be kept for coagulation: 
Rosarium p. 189.  It is called caput corvi, sulphur auri crudum & nondum fixum. 
Libanius Arnaldus.    

SECT. 7.  
How from Solution to make Coagulation.  
COagulation: 
jullius, p. 116.  put the sulphur Solis into the viol-glasse close stopped, and set it in the foresaid first degree of heat for eight days, 
Arnaldus.  till it be almost exsiccat with the humidity of lac virgins that was left inherent in it; 
Mullerus.  and then open the glass and pour thereon as much of the lac as is the weight of the caput corui, 
Miracula chymica.  and mixing it well, let it stand one or two days till they both be coagulat in one, 
Libanius.  and become almost dry; and so forth do thus till all the lac be drunk up, which will be about the space of 90. days more or less, according as the matter is of quickness and activity; and if this lac or aqua vitae be suspected to have contracted any dulness and superfluous humidity while it was in the former work of solution: in that case it is to be prepared again, quickened, sharpened, and made fitter for this present work of Coagulation.  
Both these, to wit the Lac virg.. and Sol. being Coagulat as is said, the Coagulation must yet go on, and with the second degree of heat for the space of a month, the matter Coagulat must stand in that heat, till there appear cauda pavonis, that is, a variety and multitude of colours; and at length it will turn to a white colour, called corpus album, sulphur album, coagulatum album, terra philosophorum, etc.   

SECT. 8.  
How from Coagulation to produce Fermentation.  
FErmentation: 
Isaacus.  take as much of purified and laminated Sol. 
Lullius.  (as answereth to the third part of the foresaid coagulatum album) and of menstrual 
Calid. c. 6.  Mercury four parts of the weight of Sol. 
Rolinus. p. 283.  Amalgamaz them and put them in the viol on a lukewarm heat for 15. days, 
Dastin●s p. 30.  till Sol. by the Mercury be reduced into a subtle calx. 
Mullerus.  Then amalgamaz 
Libanius.  in a marble mortar all the foresaid coagulatum album with the Calx Solis and menstrual Mercury, than put altogether in the viol, and set it for a month in a heat of the second degree: then set it in a heat of the third degree, and let it so continue a good space till it become an hard white heavy mass, and from thence to an yellow colour, and from this to an orange colour, and thereafter incline to be reddish coloured.   

SECT. 9  
The way to bring the work to Fixation.  
FIxation: 
Scotus p. 61. A 1.  for projection and transmutation, take the half of the said mass and bruise it, put it in a luted glass, and set it on sand in a furnace, and increase the fire unto the fourth degree, that all may be made so fervent, that if a drop of water do fall on the sand it make an hissing, it must stand so, for 40. days, till the pulverished mass become a most subtle powder.  
And for projection of this powder, one part of it upon a 100 parts of Mercury vulgar (but washed with vinegar and salt) will make the whole, a perfect tincture, and as some hold; one part of this hundreth fold tincture projected on another hundreth parts of Mercury: in whole will make and afford 1000 parts of tincture for gold, whereof one part projected on 100 parts of warm Mercury, will presently transmute it into perfect Sol.   

SECT. 10.  
From all the former, how to perfectionate Multiplication.  
MVltiplication: is that wonderful part of this artifice, whereby the stone being once made, needeth not to be made over again; but may be multiplied to suffice continually, and it is thus done. Take the other half of the mass left in Fixation, or what quantity you please of it before Fixation, and put to it of Lac virgineum or aqua vitae (prepared and provided for the purpose, and made after the manner aforesaid) a third part, and handle it after the same manner as is set down in the work of Fermentation, and it will become as fit both for Fixation to Projection, and Multiplication as before, and will ever be, so oft as it is reiterate.   

SECT. 11.  
A short recital of some other ways of perfecting it, used by some Filij artis, and why it is called Salamandra.  
IF any please to make the Philosopher's stone only ad album, that is for transmutation of Mercury into Luna, he may observe this forefaid method, which is only ad rubrum, and so proceed in all things after that same manner, except only two things. 1. for Sol take Luna fined and battered out in small and thin plates. 2. when it cometh to the work of Fermentation, give it only a heat and fire in the third degree, so long till the Fermented mass become somewhat hard, and then proceed with it to Fixation and Multiplication as is said in the operation ad rubrum.  
Some join together both Sol and Luna in the progress of the work till it come to Fermentation, and then to obtain tinctura alba for transmutation into Luna, they put to Luna for the Ferment, and to obtain tinctura rubra for transmutation into Sol they put to Sol for the Ferment, & so they proceed as is said.  
There are divers otherways in the making of the Philosopher's stone, some more compendious, some of a longer process, but this that is here set down is the best.  
The Philosopher's stone is rightly called Salamandra, because it's bred and nourished in the fire. It is a treasure both for turning other metals into gold or silver, and for any universal medicine to cure and prevent almost all diseases. Which so admirably being once by art found out, doth show its power and force; that with Augurollus, 
Ipsius ut tenui projecta parte, 
Agur●lls.  per undas  
Aequoris: Argentum vivum tum si foret aequor  
Omne velimmensum, Verti mare posset in aurum.     

OF THE WORLD, Its Beginning, Frame, and Ending; At least the conjectural Ending.  

SECT. 1.  
Of the various distractions of Philosophers in their opinions concerning their Gods; and upon how ill grounds they were settled.  
IN perusing the Monuments and Writings of the old Philosophers, as I find them abstruse and intricate in diverse points of their professions; so particularly I remark their irresolutions, and likewise the differences amongst themselves. Of these special heads following, 
Three special points wherewith the ancient Philosophers was most perplexed.  to pass by diverse others which I have observed in their Poets; First of the true nature and essence of the Godhead which they worshipped; Next of the descent of their souls into their bodies, and of the event of these souls when they should leave them: And lastly, of the beginning and ending of this World, of every one of which a little here.  
Always in handling these points, and the first principally I exempt Plato and Aristotle, for what their opinion is herein, I have touched in that Title which showeth, how near in all these three they jump with our Christian Religion, which otherwise distracted the rest of the Sects.  
To be brief then, à love principium▪ this is admirable, that some Gods they admitted as not perfect ones; whence Ovid saith, or at least bringeth in jupiter to this purpose. 
The opinions of the old Philosophers concerning the nature of the Gods.  
Quos quoniam nondum coeli dignamur honore,  
Quas dedimus certè terras habitare sinamus;  as if in any Deity, there should be imperfection; But, why not so to them? seeing Chrysippus admitteth some mortal as well as immortal, which at the last conflagration of the world shall all be consumed by fire; so that of their Dii minorum gentium, none shall go safe, except jupiter alone.  
To pass by, that Srato exempts the Gods from all charge and office, ascribing all things to be done by Nature; presupposing, as many restoratives ordained for the upholding of it, as there are destructives appointed for its undoing.  
Was there not Gods appointed by them, as the Patrons to all vices, and authorizers of it? yea they set them at odds one against the other; Mulciber in Troiam pro Troia stabat Apollo.  
And again, 
Neptunus muros, nagnoque immota tridenti  
fundamenta quatit, etc.  And through all Homer, Minerva aideth Achilles; jupiter lamed Vulcan; he again enchained Mars and Venus, and the like fopperies.   

SECT. 2.  
Of the several sorts of Gods amongst the Heathen; that they imagined them to be authors of evils; that they were but mortal men: And some opinions of Philosophers concerning the nature, being, and power of their Gods.  
IT was some way dispensable, 
The philosophers not only admitted their God's a● inventors of good, but fomenters of evil also.  yet at least (quoad eos) to have feigned Gods almost for all natural productions, as Flora for the flowers of the Gardens, Bacchus for the Wines, Ceres for the Corn, juno for Childe-births, and so forth: yea and to have prescribed one for every Craft or Trade; yea and one for the tutelage of every Country.  
But that they should have imagined their Gods so irreligious, as to have been fawtors or authors, much less actors of evil, I think far beneath the belief of any (ex faece) of the lees and dregges of the people, much more of a wise man and a Philosopher; which moveth me to think, that those were wisest amongst them, who meddled least to speak of their Gods, and vexed not themselves with their enquiry; but with Socrates, esteemed the best judgement that they could make of their Gods, to be, to judge nothing at all of them.  
The most diligent inquirers in the end discovered them to have been but mortal men, who in their life-time had proved worthy either in War or peace & were deified after their death: And accordingly Augustus Caesar had more Temples and pompous solemnities instituted in his favour, than jupiter Olympus almost had.  
So that to obscure the baseness of their Gods, it would seem, that they were moulded or painted of old with their fist closed upon their mouths, or at least their fingers, as willing thereby living men, to speak either sparingly of their nature, or nothing at all.  
Thus Pythius Apollo said well, and before him Timaeus to his Disciple Socrates, speaking of the nature of the Gods; 
Vt potero explicabo, non ut certa  
& fixa sunt quae dixero, sed ut homunciolus  
probabilia conjectura adumbrans.  And in other places, Sperantium sunt haec non probantium.  
But to enter here into the diversity of their opinions concerning the Deity the nature and descent of their Gods I am loath, lest we should imagine those Philosophers, 
The Philosophical error concerning the descent and progeny of their Gods.  in stead of wise men, as they were called, to have been stark mad: Thales esteeming Gods to be spirits, which had made all things of water, for he was the first that ●ried in the cabin of their secrets: Anaximenes on the contrary, willeth them to be of the air, because they (as it) should be in continual motion: Others of no little note, repute the Sun and the Moon with the Stars to be Gods.  
Labentem coelo qui ducitis annum  
Liber & alma Ceres vestro si numine, etc.  
Some again made that Law imprinted in our hearts, by which we are inwardly (as it were) driven to do good, and to abstain from evil: Pythagoras reputed God to be a certain Spirit, spread and shed abroad on, or in the nature of all things; so that with him all were full of Gods: Others finally flatly deny that there was any at all, but that all things had being as they are, and should continue in a perennell motion, vicissitude, and change: But I should weary you if I should but relate every one of their several opinions.   

SECT. 3.  
Pythagoras' opinion concerning the transmigration of souls rejected; of the coupling of the soul and body together; with several opinions of the ancient learned men concerning the substance of the soul.  
O What perplexity and doubts were the ancient Philosophers plunged in concerning the transmigration of their souls? 
The errors touching the descent of their souls.  their renowned Pythagoras avouched that strange opinion of Metempsychosis, of the change or transplacing of the soul of a dying man, to, and in the body of a new borne creature, whether beast or rational body; and then that body dying again, that self same soul to remove and regain a new habitation, and so to continue from body to body. To which so fond an imagination, I think no old woman's fable comparable.  
And yet I excuse some way the irresolution of the Philosophers in this point, much more than in the mistaking of their Godhead; because I find, that besides them, even the best Professors have doubtings in this point; that some of our Christian Fathers have been touched with an admiration how the soul and body were coupled and yoked together, whence one of the most famous is brought in, saying that 
Modus quo animae adherent corporibus  
omninò mirus est, nec comprehendi a●  
homine potest; as before him Plinius,  
Omnia abdita & in naturae majestatis gremio reclusa;  So that with the Poet, no marvel though they should say likewise, 
Ignoratur enim quae sit natura animai  
Nata est, an contra nascentibus insinuetur.  
Et simul intereat nobiscum morte perempta  
An tenebras orci visat, vastasque lacunas,  
An pecudes alias divinitus insinuet se.   
The alterations and disputes concerning the substance of the soul are so many and different as is a wonder; some deny there is any soul in the body, 
Divers opinions of the philosophers concerning the substance of their souls.  but that our bodies move of themselves, by the instinct and power of nature; Others again confess that there is a soul wherewith our bodies are vivified, say, it is a mixed thing composed of water and earth; others, of fire and earth: Empedocles wills it to be of and in the blood; thus Euryalus dying, was said to render sanguineam animam,— Sanguineam vomit ille animam: Zeno more judiciously in that kind, esteemeth it to be the quintessence of the four Elements: Hypocrates, a spirit diffused through the whole body and every part thereof, Ita ut sit tota in toto, & tota in qualibet parte: It was a general and received opinion, that in this world there was a general Soul, Anima mundi, from which as all particular ones were extracted, so being separated from their bodies, thither they returned again, according to which Virgil saith,— Deum namque ire per omnes, Terrasque tractusque maris, etc.  
And again, 
Scilicet hinc reddi deinde ac resoluta referr●  
Omnia, nec morti esse locum.—    

SECT. 4.  
The former Heathnick opinions confuted by our Christian Belief; that they differed concerning the time of the soul's continuance, and place of its abode: how they thought souls after the separation from the body to be rewarded for good or ill, etc.  
THe last most plausible opinion, and which hath purchased to itself most Patrons, was, that the Father infused it into the Child by generation; from which opinion few have swarved but Christians, who are taught to believe that the soul is given us from above.  
The jewish Church held (as we) Coelitus demissa, and not ex traduce: Thus Solomon, Eccles. 12. ver. 7. The Philosophers generally held the contrary: the Poets (whom I account Rythmicall Philosophers, as Philosophers unversified Poets) are copious in this subject.  
Forts creantur fortibus, & bonis,  
faith the Lyric,  
Nec imbelles faerocem.  
progenerant aquilam columbae:  
And again another, 
Dolus vulpibus, ac fuga cervis  
A Patribus datur.   
Now as they differed in opinion touching the substance and descent of their souls; 
The different opinion concerning the event of souls after their separation from their bodies.  so no less varied they about the time how long, and the place where the souls should continue after the dissolution of their bodies.  
The Stoics maintained, that the soul shall remain a certain space after the dissolution from the body, but not ever: Pythagoras and his Sect, of whom a little before, that the souls of the departed did remove from that body to another: of which sort yet some were of opinion, that of these same souls some removed to heaven again, and within a space thereafter reddescended to the lower parts, which Virgil intimateth when he saith, 
O Pater! Anne aliquas ad caelum hinc ire putandum est  
Sublimes animas, rursumque ad tarda reverti Corpora est?   
And again, Lathos culices & longa oblivia potant.  
Plato (and that he hath out of Pindarus) esteemeth that as a man hath lived well or ill in this world, accordingly his soul shall be requited hereafter; if well, that then it shall be rejoined to the Star to which it was first assigned; if ill, that then it shall be coupled to one of some malignant influence.  
Finally, Apuleius Madaurensis in his tractate of the Moon, bringeth in Plutarch, maintaining, that the souls of well doers here during their abode in bodies, to be converted into Demigods or Saints: On the contrary, the ill ones, or at the least the worst are turned into Demons: As for the absolute eternity of them, they meddled with that opinion rather more Sperantium quam probantium.  
By this preceding discourse, we may see how far we are obliged to the infinite mercies of our great God, who as he hath revealed himself truly unto us, at whom these ancient wise men but in a glimpse obscurely aimed; so hath he rid our minds of that perplexity, wherein they were wrapped and enfolded touching both the descent and event of our Souls.   

SECT. 5.  
Philosophical tenants of plurality of Words confuted; of God's Creation of male and female of all living Creatures.  
BEcause the discourse of the World, and the Philosopher's opinions touching the beginning, continuance, and ending of it, is the Theme which directly here I intent to handle; I haste me to it.  
That there were more worlds than one, Democritus, Epicurus, and others mantained as an undoubted verity, whence the Poet, 
Terramque & solemn, Lunam, Mare, caetera quae sunt  
Non esse unica, sed numero magis innumerali.   
The reason whereupon they grounded the probability of their opinion, 
Their reasons why there were mo● worlds than one.  was this, because that in all the Universe there was nothing created alone without a mate or fellow, as in all birds, fishes, beasts; Yea in plants and herbs, and in man their under Monarch may be seen, but as Aristotle himself hath confounded that opinion of his, prior Philosophers concerning their plurality of worlds, so natural reason may lead us by the hand to its convincing; for, if there was another world, it behoveth to be as this is, spherite and round, because that of all figures the orbicular is as most perfect, so most spacious; then if they were round, howbeit in their sides they might touch and kiss one another, yet sure betwixt the superior convexes and lower concaves, there behoved to be vacuities, which their own Maxims admit not, for Natura, say they, abhorret à vacuo.  
As for that conjugality (if abusively I might say so) of all living Creatures in pairs, it was ordained by the great maker for the propagation and multiplication of their kinds, which otherwise had decayed; for with Apulcias, Cunctatim sumus perpetui, sigillatim mortales.   

SECT. 6.  
Several opinions of several Philosophers concerning the World's Eternity; their natural reasons for approving of it; and what the Egyptians thought concerning the antiquity of the World.  
THeir other opinion of the Eternity of the World hath had more Patrons than this, 
Opinions concerning the Eternity of the World.  and that so much the rather, because that seeing the Godhead, their supreme Ens was from all Eternity, that therefore I say, he could not then even from all beginning (if Eternity could admit a beginning) be a Creator without a creature, for otherwise he should have nothing to do, as they say.  
So that those of this opinion do not infringe, that of the most famous in all the Greek schools, favouring the Eternity of the World saying, that the World was a god created by a greater One; this World being a body composed of soul and body, which Soul had its seat and residence in the Centre, from whence it diffused by musical numbers, her force and power to the remotest extremities of the circumference, having within it, other lesser gods, as the Seas, Air, Stars, which do correspond to other in a mutual harmony, in perpetual agitation and motion. The Earth sending up vapours to the Air, the Air raining down upon the Seas again, the Seas by secret conduits and channels transmitting them into the earth like veins ramifying themselves and bubbling up in fountains, rivers, and brooks, etc. The Sun and stars infusing their force upon all Creatures and vegetables: The Moon hers upon the Sea. Apuleius as in his tractat de Mundo Luna, & Deo; Socrates aims at this above spoken: So Herodotus when he enquired at the Aethiopian and Egyptian Gymnosophists what they thought of the Eternity of the Word, had for answer, That since their first king of whom they show him the picture exquisitely done, There had run out a leven thousand and so many hundred years, and that by their observations, the Sun had changed four times his ordinary course, and the heavens theirs also.  
And Diodorus setteth down that in his days the Chaldeans kept Register of four hundreth thousand years since the first beginning, which admit, were but Lunary (which is problematicke nevertheless) it is above all measure far beyond the reckoning of their neighbours the jews: 
The Gymnosophists answer concerning the Eternity.  To this opinion of the Egyptian and Indian Gymnosophists, favouring the Eternity of the World, may be added the opinion of the Materiarie philosophers, who howbeit they admit the beauty of the World to have come unto it with time, yet they hold confidently that the Chaos and matter itself (whence I call them Materiarcy) was coetanean and contemporary from all beginning with the Maker: Of this opinion was Hesiod in his Theogoma saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  
Now to speak of the diverse opinions of the other old Philosophers who admitted a beginning to this world, and what principals they supposed for it.  
Heraclitus was of opinion that the world was begun with fire, 
The Philosophical differences concerning the beginning of the World.  and that by the fatal order of the Destinies, it should be destroyed by it again, and dissolved in flames; yet in such sort, that after some ages thus being purified, it should be renewed again, which Leo Hebraeus some way admits.  
Thales again would have the beginning of it to have been of water, having fished that out of Homer as it seemeth and Virgil from him again: At nos interram lympham vertaminor omnes.  
And we often read in Homer and Virgil, pater oceanus.  
But what more foolish or idle conceit than that of Democritus and Leucippus, 
The fond conceits of those who imagined all things to be by the encounter of Atoms.  who imagined the beginning of the world and of all contained therein to have been by the casual encounter of Atoms (which are little infectile bodies (not unlike the Moats which we see to tumble and roll about in the Sun beams, when they pierce any glass-window or cranice, whose encounter like unto these, say they, do either perpendiculagor or obliquely, spherical or angularly, crowd together this globe, and all the diversities in it, whereof indeed I may say with the Satirists: Spectatum ad missir sum teneatis amiei?  
This is that which Virgil savoreth when he bringeth in old Silenus his Canto to this purpose, in these words: 
Nemque canebat uti magnum per inane coacta  
Semina, terrarumque animaque marisque fuissent  
Et liquidi simulignis ut his exordia primis  
Omnia  
— & ipse etiam mundi concreverit orbis.   
All which opinions in this may be refuted, that they derogate too much from the power of God, 
A theological observation upon the premises.  whether they would have had the world eternal, or of any preexisting water, insomuch as they thought not him who is able to draw light out of darkness, sufficient to have framed by his very World all this Fabric of nothing, or yet if this Chaos had been drowned in oblivion, and sunk in darkness, not to have raised and reframed a new one, by the same Word and his power.   

SECT. 8.  
The most approved opinion of all Philosophers concerning the World's beginning and matter: the infallble truth of it; and a check of Augustine's against over curious inquisitors after those and the like mysteries.  
THe more tolerable opinion was of those who held all things to be composed in time of the four elements; admitting the Creatures of the Etherial Region to be of a like kind and species with these of the Sublunary, and yet they thought not that any thing of them could be, but by some preëxisting matter.  
Whereas we hold sacred anchor of verity, that the mighty infinite, eternal, and all-powerfull God, created this World of nothing in and with time about five thousand six hundereth and odd years ago, 
Our Christian belief touching the World's beginning and ending.  and that he shall destroy it in time known only to himself.  
And if they ask what God was doing before this short number years; We answer with S. Augustine replying to such curious questioners, that he was framing Hell for them. Seeing then it was created, and with time, it cannot therefore be eternal: (these two being repugnant and incompatible ad idem as we say) which indeed to mortal men enlightened but with nature only, is hard to believe: As for Trismegistus in his Poemander, and Plato in his Timeo, what they have spoken more divinely than others herein, no question but they have fished it out of Moses his Pentateuch, who flourished before them, as Diodorus and josephus both witness.   

SECT. 9  
How Philosophers differ from Christians in the ways whereby God is known; the Parts whereof the world is composed; the division of the Celestial Spheres, wherein several varieties may be observed.  
THere are three ways of knowing God; first affirmatively by which, whatever good is in man, they with us acknowledged to be in God, 
Three ways of knowing God.  in a supereminent manner, and in abstracto (as we say in the schools) Secondly, by denying what ever evil is in man, can any ways be in God which is called the way of negation; But in the third way which is called the way of causation, by which we acknowledge God to be the causer of all things only. There they did mistake in so far as they imputed the cause of many things to a continued series and a perennall succeeding of one thing to another, for although Saint Augustine, Lib. 2. de civitate dei. cap. 17. and 4. holds that nature hath charecterised that much in every one, to know the finger of God in their Fabric. For that which to us Christians are as undoubted truths, to them were dubitable grounds, grounded upon their physical maxim. That ex nihilo, nihil fiet.  
But leaving these opinions of Philosophers (as almost all Cosmographers do) I divide the world into two parts Celestial and Elementary; 
A brief description of the World.  for the Almighty hath so disposed and linked them together, That the Elementary or lower world cannot subsist without the Celestial; Her virtue, power, motion, and influences; for effectuating whereof the heavens are framed like a concaved Globe, or a hollow Bowl, whose centre or middle body is this earth, environed about with these heavens, distant equally at all parts from it.  
The Celestial Region, which properly is all the bounds betwixt the Sphere of the Moon, and the highest heavens comprehendeth in it eight Starry Orbs, of which eight; seven Planets have their spheres betwixt the starry firmament and the air: but so set that every one's orb is lesser than the other, until they reach the Moons; which is the least, last, and lowest sphere of all.  
The eight orb which is the starry firmament comprehendeth all the rest of the fixed stars, 
The division of the heavens and Celestial Spheres.  and under it the planetary spheres before mentioned; But yet so, that it again is environed by one greater, more ample and capacious, called the ninth sphere; And this ninth is girt about again by that most supreme of all, called the tenth or primum mobile, above which again is the Emperian or Crystalline heaven, which is the domicile and habitation of the blessed Spirits.  
The tenth sphere or primum mobile, is that in order, by whose perennall revolution, the starry firmament and all the rest are rolled and wheeled about in the space of 24 hours from East to West, upon the two Poles of th' world called the South and North, or Polearticke or Antarctic.  
Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis at illum  
Sub pedibus styx atra videt, manesque profundi.  
And yet that revolution is not so swift, 
The Planets and their retrodations in their proper spheres.  but that the Planets have every one their own course and motions, and that from the West to the East upon other Poles; by the Astronomers called Zodiac Poles: Nor is each Planets course aalike swift and rapid for the Moon's course through the Zodiac is ended in one month. The Suns in a year and so forth of the rest: So that Saturn finished his but in 30 years, jupiter his in 12. And Mars in less and fewer, to wit in 2. Venus, and Mercury whose place is next below the Sun, in the like space with the Sun; but by reason of their changing by retrogradation and progression, they are sometimes before the Sun in the morning, and sometime behind at evening, and at othertimes so near him that they cannot be seen: finally the Moon as remotest from the first Mover or tenth heaven, is swiftest in her own peculiar motion through the Zodiac, which she endeth (as I was saying) in 27. days and some odd hours. Neither think It strange although the change fall not until the 29. and a little more; the reason being, that during the time of 27. days wherein the Moon goeth through the Zodiac, the Sun in the mean time by his peculiar motion hath gone 27 degrees forward in that same Zodiac; 
'Cause of the Moon's change.  which space the Moon must yet measure before she can be in Conjunction with the Sun, which in effect is the change. So they two are to be distinguished, the Periodick motion of the Moon, & her Lunation from change to change.  
All these motions of the Stars, our Astronomers have found out by visible demonstrations; as for a peculiar motion allotted to them beside, it is a thing of some further consideration. Aristotle, and the Astronomers of that age do teach, that the eight Sphere, commonly called the Firmament of fixed stars, is the highest and next to the first movable; yet the later Astronomers observing in the fixed stars, 
Different motions of the Stars.  beside the daily revolution of 24 hours, another motion from West to East, upon the Poles of the Zodiac, in regard one simple body (such as is the Firmament) cannot have but one motion of itself, have concluded, that above the Firmament of fixed stars, there behoved to be a ninth heaven: And last of all the later Astronomers (and chiefly the Arabs) observing in the fixed stars a third motion, (called by them Motus trepidationis, or trembling motion) from North to South, and from South to North, upon its own Poles in the beginning of Aries and Libra, have hereupon inferred, that there is yet above all these a tenth heaven, which is the first movable in 24. hours, moving round about from East to West upon the Poles of the World, and in the same space drawing about with it the nine inferior heavens; and the ninth heaven upon the Poles of the Zodiac, making a slower motion to the East, measureth but one degree in one hundreth years, and therefore cannot absolve its course before six and thirty thousand years; which space is called the great Platonic year, because Plato believed, that after the end thereof, the heavens should renew all things as they had been in former times, seeing they returned to their first course; 
What the great Platonic Star was.  so that then he should be teaching those same Scholars in the same School: whereby it seemeth, that this motion was not unknown in his time. The slowness of this motion proceeding from the nearness to the first movable, like as the eight Orb or Firmament finisheth its trembling motion in 7000. years; but of this trembling motion as also of the number, motions, and aspects of the Stars, who lists to read joannes Herpinus his Apology for Bodin against Ferrerius, shall rest marvellously contented.   

SECT. 10.  
The order of the Elements, with some observations of the Air and Water.  
NOw betwixt the Sphere of the Moon and the Earth and Waters, is the Element of Air, next after the Element of fire, filling up all that vast intecstice, divided in three Regions, whose middle Region by Anteperistasis (as we say) of the supreme one ever hot; and the lower ones now hot, now somewhat cold, is ever cold, and so is made the receptacle of all our Meteors, Rain, Hail, Snow, and so forth, framed there accordingly as the matter elevated from the earth and waters is either hot, moist, dry, cold, high or low.  
Next to the Element of the Air, is the Element of Water and Earth, which two make but one Globe, whose uppermost superficies is breathed upon with the incumbing and environing Air.  
These two are the centre to the Globe and environing heavens; 
The Waters and Earth make but one Globe.  the great Ocean (by Homer and Virgil called Pater Oceanus) which compasseth the earth, and windeth about it; as it is father to all other floods, fountains, brooks, bays, lakes, which do divide themselves through the whole body and upon the face of the Earth, like so many veins shed abroad and dispersed through our humane bodies, whose source and spring is from the Liver; so hath it diverse denominations from the Coasts it bedeweth, as Britannic, Atlantic, Aeth●opick, Indick, and so forth.  
Now the reason why the Seas which are higher than the Earth, 
Why the Seas debarred from overflowing the Earth.  do not overflow it (seeing it is a matter fluxible of itself) cannot be better given by a Naturalist, (setting aside God's eternal ordinance) than that the waters having their own bounds from the bordering circumferences, do always incline and tend thither.  Praescriptas metuens transcendere metas.  

SECT. 11.  
Of the Earth, that it is the lowest of all the Elements; its division, first into three, then into four parts; and some different opinions concerning them reconciled.  
THe Earth is as the heaviest, so the lowest; subsidit tellus though diverse admit not the waters to be higher than the earth; of which opinion Plato seems to me to be, placing the spring of Rivers and Fountains in orco or cavities of the earth.  
The former opinion our famous Buchanan elegantly illustrateth, in his first Book de Sphaera, 
Aspice cumplevis è littore concita velis  
Puppis eat, sensim se subducente Carina  
Linteaque & su●mo apparent Carche sia maio  
Nec minus è naviterram spectantibus unda  
In medio assurgens, etc.   
Which argueth rather the Earth to be round, nor that the Seas or waters are higher than it: so it may be confidently enough said, that the water is above, about, and in the Earth, yea and dispersed through it, as the blood is diffused and dispersed through the body or man or beast, from its spring the Liver, the Orcum (as we may say) of it.  
This Earth always by the Geographers of old was divided into three parts, 
Division of the Earth.  viz. Europe, Asia, afric, not knowing any further, but suffereth now a new partition or division; since the days of Columbus, who in the year 1492, by an enterprise (to the eternal memory of his name) made discovery of America, 
Of America.  added by our modern Maps as a fourth part, which (according to our late Navigators and discoverers, shall be found to exceed the other three in extent; from whence the gold and silver cometh hither as Merchant wares, occasioning all the dearth we have now, considering how things were in value the days of our Fathers, as Bodin, in his paradoxes against Malestrot, averreth; so that the profuse giving of their gold for our trifies, 
What maketh all things so dear now.  through the abundance of their inexhaustible gold mines, maketh now, by the abundance of money, which formerly was not; that a thing shall cost ten, yea twenty, which before was had for one or two▪  
Mercator, that most expert Cosmographer, expecteth as yet the fifth part of the Earth, intituling it Terra Australis; the Spaniards in their Cards, Terra dell fuego, which must be by South, that Sea descried by Magellanes: So that by his supputation the world shall be divided yet in three, making Europe, Asia, afric but one, as but one Continent, which in effect it is; America, and this looked for terra Australis, the other two.   

SECT. 12.  
Of the different professions of Religion in the several parts of the world: what Countries and llands are contained within Europe, and what within Asia.  
But leaving those two last parts (as most remote from our commerce and knowledge) of Europe, 
Of our old known world, the third part is not Christian, and that as yet different amongst itself.  afric, and Asia, thus much I find in Cosmographers, that scarce the fourth part of these three is Christians, and yet those Christians differing amongst themselves; the Greek Church differing in five principal points from the Roman; that from the Protestants; and the other amongst themselves.  
For not to speak of Europe where Christianisme is gloriously professed, consisting of Spain, Portugal, France, Italy, Greece, Thracia, Germany, Hungary, Rusland, Poll, Sweden, Denmark, Gothland, of the Lands lying in the Ocean, as Britain, Ireland, Island, Greeneland.  
In the Mediterr anean, as Cicilie, Rhodes, Malta, Cyprus, Corsica, Sardinia, Candia, Majorica, Minorica, and some few others; if we shall but overlook the large & plentiful bounds of Asia, illustrious in this, that the History of the Creation and Redemption of the world was especially accomplished in it, with the places wherein were the largest Monarchies, (so much blazed in Histories) in all this I say shall be found little or nothing of Christianisme.  
For to divide it in five main Principalities, or rather Monarchies (whereof now it consisteth) to wit, in that of the great Duchy of Muscovia or Russia, (a good part whereof is in Europe) in the great Cham of Tartary his Empire, 
Division of Asia.  both these two lying or reaching to the North; In the Empire of China, whose Lord by them is called the Sovereign of the Earth, the Son of heaven: In the Monarchy of the Sophy of Persia, lying in the bosom of that part of the world; and in the Turkish Empire, together with the Indian Monarchy: To omit the Emperor of Germany.   

SECT. 13.  
With what Religions and Sects all the Eastern and Northern Countries are possessed, and in what places Christianity is most professed, etc.  
WHat in all these (I say) of our Christian Religion but little, 
The West and East parts.  and where there is any, it is so mixed with judaism and Paganism as is a wonder; for in jappan, and through all the East Indies, howbeit the Jesuits indeed have laboured to draw them to Christianisine, yet their Histories record how and what way they are mixed; And to wind about again towards Aethiopia and Prester john his estate, reputed Sovereign and Monarch over forty or fifty Kings and Provinces: There are there also some footsteps of our profession, but as elsewhere, so intoxicated with judaism, that besides diverse other points, they are promiscuously circumcised and baptised: Then to pass by Egypt, next neighbour, how it is all enslaved to the mahometans, all know: In what better case are the Africans, the Numids, Maures, Barbers; and then in and about the Atlantic coast, these of Fez and Marroco, and so forth. So it hath pleased God the Maker, to chastise the world for the sins of men; in which although light hath clearly shined, yet they have delighted more in darkness than in it.  
I will not say but in Musco, Tartary, China, and Persia there be some Christians also; but these are commonly Greeks by profession, and yet so far rend asunder and eclipsed from the true doctrine acknowledged by S. Paul to the Corinthians, Ephesians, Philippians, and the rest, as is pitiful: divided amongst themselves in diverse Sects, as Nestorians, jacobites, Georgians, Armenians, Copits, etc. thus dispersed through all the Eastern Church; they obtrude unto us of the Western too, that we are Schismatics, and severed amongst ourselves likewise, as Papists, Anabaptists, Lutherans, Calvinists, etc.  
Nether are the Negro Princes of afric, the Turks and mahometans, and all the other idolatrous people and Nations of the South, so in accord amongst themselves, that they are free from division; for Leo After in the third Book of his History, quoteth particularly their differences and divisions; for the Turks four great Doctors and Mahomete successors are divided in 72 several Sects, 
Turkish professors divided amongst themselves.  which are extended and dispersed through all the Turks Dominions, in Europe, afric, Asia; always the rest of the World, as Terra Australis, and all America, except in such parts where the late Conquests are made by the Spaniards, English; and French are so far from Christianity, that they dwell all in the profoundest darkness of most gross Paganism, serving and adoring the Devil and his excruciating spirits; sacrificing their children, and those of the best sort, either to pacify their ire, or to conciliate their favour.   

SECT. 15.  
America and the Newfoundlands briefly described; and some opinions about what time of the year the world had its beginning.  
I Can speak nothing of Terra Australis or Incognita; as for America, I find in the Map of the new found world, 
A little description of America, and the Newfoundlands.  that although it be almost all continent, yet in a manner it is divided in two Lands, but so that they are made contiguous by nature, by a little Tract of Land or Isthmos, where their principal and Metropolitan City standeth, called Mexico; a brave City indeed, lying in that Bay.  
The Peninsule, or Northerly part of this America containeth in it Hispanianova, the Province of Mexico, Terra florida, Terra nova, Virginia, nova Francia, nova Scotia; further North is not yet discovered: The Southern Peninsule again reaching towards Magellane; and that part containeth Peru, Brasil, etc.  
This is the whole world as yet known, of which Plinius in the second Book Naturalis Historiae, (which you may be sure was long before the discovery of this America) speaketh, when he raileth against the covetousness of Princes, who encroached upon others limits; and men's ambition in conquering pieces and lumps of inheritances here and there; not taking heed, that so little a piece of ground must contain the best and worthiest Monarchy in the end.  
Which world hath neither been made over again, and recreated as a thing with time worn and grown old, needeth restauration; of which opinion was Philo Hebreus out of Theophrast; neither yet was it from all eternity, which Aristotle in his 3. cap. lib. 1. de caelo giveth way to, saying, that to be created and to be from all beginning, are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & de numero impossibilium: But, on the contrary, we have a warrant that it is, and was created, and that consequently it shall have an end, when it shall please the Maker thereof to bring on that period of time; at which, howbeit both Divines and Philosophers have conjectured, yet punctually to say when, the Angels of heaven know it not, much less they; uncertain it is likewise, at what time of the year it did begin; although the Rabins, and many Christians following them (as Bodin in his Republic, and his Apologetic friend Herpinus) accurately maintain, that it began in September, which September is with them mensis Nisan; and I could be induced to that same belief: yet more probably the Spring of the year may be thought to be the time when the world began, 
What time of the year the world was created.  as the day beginneth with the morning, and as the sun riseth upon our Horizon with the day. And howsoever the authority of fabulous Poets should not serve to instance a matter of so high an importance, yet Virgil his testimony in his fourth Georgics, is not wholly to be slighted.  
Haud alios prima crescentis origine mundi  
Illuxisse dies, aliumve habuisse tenorem  
Crediderim: ver illuderat, ver magnus agebat.  
Orbis & Hybernis parcebant flatibus Euri.   

SECT. 15.  
Wherein is to be seen some things concerning the time when it is thought to take an end.  
DIvers (you see) have been the opinions of the World's beginning, number, and ending also: some thinking it eternal, others corruptible, and those also differing among themselves.  
Cyprian Ludovicus (whom johannes Bodin refureth in his cap. of the changes of States) presumeth the year when this dissolution shall be, may be known: howsoever we should hold us to the written word of God, as to a holy Anchor; in which as we learn that it had a beginning, so must we know that it shall have an end; and rather to be preparing for the approach of it, than curiously and superstitiously to be enquiring when that shall be; seeing it hath not pleased God to make it known; for where God in the Scripture hath not a tongue to speak, we should have none to inquire or ask, or an ear to hear: I will relate the opinions of some in this point, among which, in my opinion, the Arabs, Moors, and with them the jews, as particularly Albumazar a Cabalist, have by all likelihood conjectured best the time of its dissolution, that any before either Chaldean or Egyptian have done.  
For, within these few hundred years they have discovered the Cabal and secret of the trembling motion of the eight Orb, that it doth not accomplish its course but in seven thousand years; which in Analogy and relation is some way answerable to the seventh years rest of the Earth, the seventh day's rest from labour: So that indeed by Leo Hebreus his opinion, 
When probably it may be thought to take an end.  the world should last but 6000 years, & rest the seventh; which opinion is founded upon the c. helck, in the jewish Sanhedrim; where it is written, 6000 years the world shall last, & then it shall decay: which Lactanctius lib. 7. cap. 14. illustrateth, comparing the six thousand years to the six days of the week's labour, the seventh to the Saboaths rest: our ancient both Poets and Orators have all given after ages to understand, that they all, I say, almost knew generally that its destruction was to come in the appointed time by the Fates. Although as wiser than us their successors did not touch the question, as Plato in his Timeo; Cicero in his Book de natura Deorum; Macrobius c. 10. de somno Scipionis: and for them all Ovid us lib. 1. Metamorph.  
Esse quoque in fatis reminiscitur affore tempus,  
Quo mare, quo tell us, corruptaque regio coeli  
Ardeat, & mundi moles operosa laboret.   

SECT. 16.  
Copernicus' his opinion of the Earth's moving, confuted: Archimedes opinion of the world: an Induction to the following Section.  
NExt unto this, I subjoin the frantic and strange opinion of Copernicus, who taketh on him to demonstrate, speaking of the world's frame, that the Sun is immovable and placed in the Centre of the World, and that the Globe of the Earth is movable, 
Copernick his opinion that the Earth did move, rejected.  rolling and wheeling about, admitting the change of States to depend upon the Eccentrick of the Earth; so that he giveth not only to the said Earth a daily running about the Sun in 24 hours, in the space of the day and night, but likewise an annual revolution; which opinion how absurd it is, as Nature convinceth it of error, so authorities of the Learned shall confound it: for besides that, in Scripture we have warrant, that the Earth is established sure— 
— Stat nullo mobilis aevo  
Terra, super solidae nitens fundaminae molis  
Pollenti stabilita manu.   
Moreover Archimedes the rarest Mathematician that erst was or since hath been, and who caused to be engraven upon his Tomb in Sicily the Sphere, with this admirable position — Datun● pondus movere.  
Granted to King Hieron of Siracusa, that there was no weight which he could not move; And that if there were any other earth beside this whereon he might establish his Machine, and Mathematical Instruments, he durst undertake to move this out of its place, whereon we dwell; By which he would have us know, that the earth budged nor moved not, much less in such celerity to compass the Sun, as Copernicke esteemed.  
Lastly, I am to evert that ground of some too curious Astrologers, 
Why the change of Triplicities cannot be a ground for change of States.  who upon the change of Triplicities, undertake also to found the change and alteration, which they would prove upon the face of the earth, both in the nature of the ground, and in the qualities of people: But because the Word of Triplicity is not so usual as that every one understandeth it aright therefore thus much for the intelligiblenesse of it in the following Section.   

SECT. 17.  
The division of the starry firmament, in twelve hours; of the Power and efficacy that is attributed to the Triplicities of them over every Country: and the maintainers of these opinions confuted: the diverse dispositions of people of several nations, how attributed to the natural disposition of the Planets: An observation of God's Providence.  
THe body of the Starry firmament which with our eyes we see, by the modern, at least not very old Arabs, and Moors (who first found out the trembling motion of it, as they hold called by them Motus trepidationis) is divided in twelve houses, which for more clearness, and intelligiblenesse are more compendiously packed up in four, 
The starry firmament divided in so many Asterisms.  every one of the four answerable to a corner of it; as we see in Scripture the four Winds mentioned; To every one of which four again, there are three houses or Asterisms appropriated.  
These houses or stars belonging to them are observed to appertain to the Region upon which they glanced first: So that what ever nature either the people or ground there at the first influence or aspect of that house had thereupon, by this trembling motion of theirs, the Triplicity having changed about is transported to another Region, which is another thing than the Triplicity set down, or at the least alleged so by Ptolemy in his book Quadripartit, 
Bodin his triplicit●ie is not such.  whereof Bodin maketh mention in his fourth de Republica: Allotting the Triplicity of fire to Europe, of Water to Africa; to Asia Septentrinall and Oriental Air, and the Triplicity of earth to Asia meridional. To say that the fixed stars in these houses of theirs, by the trembling motion of their Orb; had changed place or seat also, and thereby that they had changed the triplicity or nature of the regions of the earth either in the quality of the ground, or nature of the people, were most absurd, and capable to subvert all the Maxims of judiciary Astrology concerning the Horoscopie of men and Cities; which hold as true now as they did this day two thousand years, as Cardan averreth, who held Ptolomeus his Maxims in that point, which he again had from the Chaldeans and Egyptians, amongst whom there is not a word of these triplicities.  
For to say with Haly Arab, that Ptolemy obscured it amongst his writs, to make it a cabal and secret, argueth itself of falsehood, as being unlikely that he had interred and smothered so rare a secret, or yet made it a cabal which otherways might have added so much lustre to his works.  
But so it is on the contrary, that notwithstanding all these alleged changes of triplicities, we see these same proprieties of Celestial signs; which Cardan and julius Maternus observed by Chaldeans and Egyptians stand good in such sort, 
The changing of triplicities notable to change the nature of things; and Why?  that not only the Elements and Elementary things, Reptiles, Plants, Animals, with all living and moving creatures of all species and kinds minerals, etc. keep that same frame and figure without, and nature within which they had at first engraft and engraven, and primitively characterised in and upon them; But also we see the seasons of the year, nights and days, Sun, Moon, and Sarres, to observe their constant and equal course which from all beginning was imposed upon them.  
Whereby even now as before, we see the people of the North different from these of the South in nature, Stature complexion, colour, disposition, as at more length I have set down in my Title of the diversity of men's humours: And that not only by authority of famous writers who have described them to be just so then, as now yet we see them; But likewise conform to the positure of the very body of the heavens themselves. So that in a manner the nature and seat of the Planets argueth of necessity the nature of the people to which they shall be found to appertain.  
As Saturn to the Meridional and Southernely people, 
Diversities of people's natures conformeable to the positure of the heavenly Planets.  a dry and Melancholious Star: Mars, to the Septentionall, as strong and justier jupiter again, father of light and life equal to both: Venus for the Southern, as more lascivious than the other: The Moon for us in the North again as more moist and unconstant than they, while Mercury shall be equal almost for both: But more inclining to the Southern, as being better spirits; for from them eloquence, and contemplative Sciences do flow unto us: 
The natural disposition of the Planets argueth the Inclination of people over which they are planted.  As from us to them Miriads of lusty great people, which overranne all their fertile provinces: And if it be objected, how it comes to pass seeing Venus and lasciviousness are attributed to them, that they should be less populous than we; To this I answer, That their women in numbers far exceed their men. Thus Polygamy was and is so frequent amongst them, for if according to their wits they were both strong and numerous, the World could not abide them: Thus the All-seeing God hath disposed things wisely in this world, that the worst and subtlest creatures are fewest in number; as Lions, Foxes, Wolves, Leopards, whereas the weaker and more Innocuous sort are more frequent, as Sheep, Beefs, Hart, Hind, and so forth.   

SECT. 18.  
The causes of the Changes of several things as of men, Countries; plots of ground, etc. and that these proceed not from triplicities as Astrologers would have it.  
NOw if so be that some of the people have changed any whit of their former innated Natures, 
If people be changed from that which they were wont to be, Why? and How?  That must not be imputed so much to the change of Triplicities as to education, and the commerce of other more politic Nations, which is more frequent than before; formerly it being counted a rare thing for a man to make a voyage to Spain or Portugal, whereas now new found worlds and people of other countenances, are nothing so strange and wonderful unto us.  
Finally, that some Countries, or rather Grounds, are become more barren than they were, that men are more weak, and lower of stature than they were; must not be imputed to their triplicities, but rather it argueth the wrath of God upon the earth for the Sins of Mortals, the inhabitants thereof, and in like manner, the decaying age of the World, as in plentifulness, 
If some Countries be barren, others plentiful, Why, and How?  so in virtue: for if the Luxurious plenty of Sicily, Asia the lesser, of Egypt on the other side again; and Barbary; if by these triplicities they are changed, I pray you, where is it? for my own part wheresoever I have been, whatsoever I hear or read, nothing but universal complaints of the Earth's waxing worse and worse: I end this with that of Plimus in his Natural History, complaining upon the badness of the times in his days to that they were before.  
Gaudebat terra triumphali aratore  
& laureato v●mere subigi.  
This was when the Emperors themselves took pleasure in Agriculture, leaving their Sceptres, to betake themselves to the Plough.   

SECT. 19  
How ancient Writers have compared Man and all his parts to the World and all its parts; wherein is recounted the different dispositions of men of different Countries; and to what Countries the faculties of the soul are attributed.  
AS these above-cited Writers and many others have gone about with most apparent reasons to attribute the temperament of several Countries, and the several dispositions and complexions of men in those Countries, to the site and disposition of the Planets that govern over such and such places and men; so they instance many inducing examples for the proof of it.  
One of them in comparing the great World to the little world [Man, 
Man compared to the World. ] willeth us to imagine a Man, walking or laid, according to the natural motion of the superior bodies, from East to West; and we shall evidently perceive, that his right Arm, (wherein his greatest strength and vigour is) and his right Side, (where the Liver and Gall are placed) are towards the North; and the left hand and side (which is called the feminine part) towards the South; whereupon it is inferred, that according to this and the posture of the celestial Bodies, the place and people of the world, that the right side beholdeth, which are the Northern (wherein the Eastern are comprehended) are strong and lusty, where the people of the opposite part of the world, are more weak and lash.  
The one fair and lovely, the other brownish, swarthy and hard favoured; the one cold and moist, the other hot and dry; the one given to labour and travel, the other to study and contemplation; the one jovial and merry, the other melancholic and grave; 
Qualities of the Northern and Eastern people.  the one simple and no ways malicious, the other crafty and deceitful; the one inconstant, the other pertinacious, never swarving from his intended resolutions; the one prodigal, the other parsimonious and sparing; the one affable and facile, the other arrogant and stayed; the one merciful, the other cruel and revengeful; the one chaste and bashful, the other venereous and affronted; the one impatient, the other long suffering; the one in Counsel rash and sudden the other more constant & deliberate, with several other the like qualities, wherein the one half of the world North and East, do differ from the other, South and West: All which they do back with many forcible Reasons, in so far, that there is not any part in the Microcosm Man, to which they do not assimilate some part of the great World: 
The three faculties of the Soul.  yea the three principal faculties of the soul, Imagination, Reason, and Understanding are attributed to three parts of the World.  
Imagination, which is proper for meditations of divine and sublime Sciences, which consist not in demonstration and Reason, but on a naked and simple belief, is appropriated to the Meridionales or Southern people, who of all others are most carried away with superstitions.  
The second Reason, to the Mid-people, participating of both extremes, betwixt the religionary Southern, and the laborious, industrious, and warlike Northern.  
The third, which is Understanding, to the Northern, who have more strong and robustuous bodies, fitter for labour and handy-workes than the other two.  
So, 
Conclusion.  (as succinctly as I could) I have given you a relish, what the most learned have both written and thought of the world, and its parts till a fitter time, wherein (God willing) you shall receive a more ample content in this and other things.    

A GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND INCITEMENT To the study of the METAPHYSICS: Wherein the most excellent ends and uses thereof are illustrated, and how necessary it is to be understood by Christians.  

SECT. 1.  
Of the several titles and appellations that have been given by Heathnick and Christian Philosophers to Mataphysick; the reasons wherefore every of those names were attributed unto it; and finally whereof it principally treateth.  
THe high and sublime Science, which we call Metaphysic, hath diverse titles and styles attributed unto it, partly by Aristotle himself, and partly by other Authors, as is observed by Suarez in the beginning of his first Metaphysical Disputation, 
Metaphysic first called Sapientia.  and by Fonseca in his prooemium, prefixed to his Commentaries upon Aristotle's Metaphysics cap. 8.  
For first, this Science is called Sapient●a ● Metaph. c. 1. & 2. because it disputeth of highest and most hard matters, and of the first and most general causes of things.  
Secondly it is called Philosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or by way of excellency, 
2 Phylosophia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  4 Metaph. cap. 2. because it exceedeth all other parts of Philosophy in dignity very far, and as a Queen it hath Sovereignty, and royal prerogatives above them all, prescribing unto every particular Science the bounds and limits of it, confirming or establishing the principles of them all.  
Thirdly, 
3 Prima Philosophia.  it is called prima Philosophia, 6. Metaph. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap. 6. because it treateth of most excellent matters, as of God and of the Angels, in so far as they may be known, by the light of Nature: for as they are known to us by divine revelation, the consideration of them belongeth to Divinity.  
In the same respect it is called Philosophia Theologica, 
4 Philosophia Theologica.  6 Mataph. cap. 1. and Scientia Theologica, 2 Metaph. cap. 6. and by Christian Philosophers, who know another Theology above, for distinctions cause, it is called Naturalis Theologia.  
Last of all, 
5 Metaphysica and why.  it is called Metaphysica, which word occurreth not in Aristotle himself, but is used by his Interpreters and followers; yet it is grounded upon the titles of Aristotle's Books of Metaphysics, which after by Aristotle himself, or by Theophrastus, who is thought to have collected Aristotle's Works, and to have digested them in order, are entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, idest, post naturalia aut transnaturalia, and that, either because this Science was invented after Natural Philosophy, for the knowledge of the natures of bodily substances, (which is called Physiology) or else because the things considered in it, are beyond and above the order or rank of natural things; that is, of gross and bodily substances, for it doth treat of spiritual and invisible substances, 
Whereof it treateth.  viz. of God and of the Angels; as also it treateth of the attributes and notions or conceptions of entity or being, which are common to all things, which have a real being, whether they be bodily substances, or spiritual, yea whether they be substances or accidents.   

SECT. 2.  
The Reasons why Aristotle added Metaphysic to the other parts of Philosophy; and how it is distinguished from the other Sciences.  
ARistotle, who is thought to be the first author of this sublime and almost divine Science, 
Two causes why Metaphysic is added to the other Sciences.  added it to the rest of the parts of Philosophy, chiefly for two causes, as Fonseca well observeth in the 6. chapter of the Preface to his Commentaries upon the Metaphysics.  
First, 
The first.  because in the Physics these substances are considered, which are composed of bodily matter and form; and in the Mathematics, they are said to be accidentia abstracta à materia secundùm rationem; yet truly and really in their being or existence they have a necessary dependency from bodily matter, and therefore are called Accidentia materialia, because they have their being in, and from gross and bodily substances. Now besides these, there are some things merely immaterial, that is, neither composed of bodily matter and form, nor yet any way depending from bodily matter, (which therefore are in the Schools said to be abstracta à materia & secundùm rem & secundum rationem) as God, the Angels, spiritual accidents & caet. And therefore, as material substances are considered in the Physics, and material accidents in the Mathematics; so it was requisite, that there should be a third kind of Science, to wit, the Metaphysics, for the consideration and handling of things merely immaterial, and independing from bodily matter.  
Secondly, 
The second cause.  there are some general degrees and conceptions of entity or being, as also some attributes, properties, principles, and some divisions or distinctions, which are common to all things, whether they be bodily and material, or spiritual and immaterial, as ens, essentia, existentia, unitas, veritas, bonitas, and the divisions of ens, in completum, & incompletum, finitum & infinitum, necessarium & contingens, permanens & successivum, absolutum & respectivum, principium & principiatum, causam & effectum, subjectum & adjunctum, signum & signatum, mensuram & mensuratum, actum & potentiam, etc.  
Now these things are transcending, and do exceed the limits of particular and inferior Sciences, 
Metaphysic excelleth other Sciences.  as Physic, Geometry, Arithmetic, and the Sciences which are subalternate and subordinate to them; wherefore they cannot be handled in them, but for the handling of them there must be some general and transcendent Science, whose speculation is not limited to any particular species entis, but comprehendeth and taketh in all things under the capacity and amplitude of the object of it. And this is Metaphysic, of which we are now speaking.   

SECT. 3.  
Three Reasons conducing to the praise of Metaphysic, inducing all men to the study of it; and setting down some principal ends and uses thereof.  
BY this, every man may clearly see the necessity of this Science for the perfection of Philosophy. But it may be, that some will think, the consideration of these immaterial or spiritual things, of which I did speak in my first reason, as also these attributes, properties, and distinctions which are common to things material and immaterial, and of which I did speak in my second reason, some, I say, will think the consideration of them not to be necessary, 
A supposition resolved.  but to be more curious than profitable. But I persuade myself, no wise or judicious man will think so.  
For first, 
First Reason.  without the knowledge of these general and transcendent Metaphysical terms and notions or conceptions no solid knowledge can be had, for the subjects which are handled in inferior Sciences.  
Secondly, 
Second Reason.  seeing man in respect of the constitution of his nature, is participant, both of things bodily and material, as also of things immaterial and spiritual, (for which cause by Philo judeus in his Book de op●ficio mundi, he is called nexus Dei & mundi, and rerum materialium & immaterialium horizon) were great sottishness or stupidity in man, to labour for the knowledge of material and bodily things, with which he symbolizeth in respect of his base part, that is his body, and not to care for knowledge of spiritual and immaterial things, to which he is like, and as it were of kin in respect of his better part, to wit, his soul.  
Thirdly, 
Third Reason.  seeing the happiness of man, I mean his contemplative or speculative happiness, standeth in the knowledge and contemplation of these things, which are most excellent and most sublime, he would come very far short, of that happiness, if he were ignorant of these things, which are handled in the Metaphysics: for they are spiritual and immaterial, and consequently are most excellent, and also most sublime and difficult, in respect they do far exceed the reach of all sense and sensitive knowledge.   

SECT. 4.  
The excellency and dignity of the knowledge of Metaphysic; that only free and sublime minds, not distracted with worldly cares are fit for this study; and the Reasons wherefore.  
I Have spoken already of the diverse names and titles of this Science, of the reasons wherefore it was invented, as also of the necessity of it: Now in the last room I will speak something of the excellency and dignity of it. Aristotle in the 1. Book of his Metaphysics 2 chapt. saith, two things which serve very much for manifesting or declaring the excellency of this Science, first he saith, that it is a Science more fit and suitable for God than for men; or to give you it in his own words, that ejus possessio non existimari debet humana, that is, that man is not sufficiently worthy to possess or enjoy this Science, and that because this Science, 
That Metaphysic is free from all subjection to other Sciences.  of all Sciences, is most free; yea it only is free from all subjection to other Sciences, and from all reference to any higher or more eminent knowledge: for all natural knowledge can equal, and much less exceed the sublimity of Metaphysical speculation; and therefore this Science requireth a mind free and sublime, that is, a mind not depressed with base cogitations, 
Reason.  nor distracted with worldly cares, as ordinarily the minds of men are, in respect of the manifold wants and necessities into which they are subject in this life. Seeing then God only is free from such distracting and depressing cares, therefore in Aristotle's judgement, this Science is more suitable for him than for men. Secondly he saith, that this Science is amongst all Sciences the most honourable, because it is most divine: 
Why the Science of Metaphysic is most honourable.  And that it is most divine, he proveth by two very forcible reasons, first because this Science versatur in rebus divinis, it contemplateth divine and heavenly things: and this he proveth, because it considereth God himself as he is the first principium, and the supreme cause of all things. Secondly, because Haee Scientia maximè à Deo habetur, the perfect and exact knowledge of this Science most truly and properly is attributed to God: for this Science in a manner, vieweth and considereth all things, it hath an especially eye to spiritual and invisible substances, and amongst these it especially and chiefly contemplateth God himself, as the highest degree of entity, and the supreme cause of all things.  
Now to take a full view of all the ranks, orders, and degrees of things to have a positive and distinct knowledge of that invisible world, the world of Angels, and above all, to have a perfect and comprehensive knowledge of that boundless Ocean of being and goodness which is in God, it requireth not a finite engine or understanding, but an infinite capacity and an unspeakable sharpness of wit.   

SECT. 5.  
For three respects the Metaphysic is called the most excellent Science, and the most necessary to be understood by Christians.  
BY these things which are said by Aristotle in that chapter, and in other parts of his works, for the commendation of this Science, we may see this Science to be most excellent in three respects.  
First, because of the universality and amplitude of the object or subject of it; for in the Sphere or circuit of it, all ranks, orders, and degrees of things are comprehended, so that look how far the knowledge of the whole celestial Globe exceedeth the knowledge of one constellation, 
Comparison.  and the knowledge of the universal Map or table of the whole Earth exceedeth in dignity the knowledge of the Map of one Province or Country, as far doth Metaphysic (which is as it were one universal Card or Map, presenting to our view all ranks, orders, and degrees of being) exceed in dignity these particular delineations and descriptions of things, which are set down in inferior Sciences.   

SECT. 6.  
The first respect, for the universality.  
SEcondly, because of the dignity of the subject of it; for, not only is this Science exercised about the speculation of the highest and most general causes, 
Christian Philosophers.  principles, and attributes of things, but also it descendeth into a special consideration of the most noble and excellent things of the world, that is, of God and of his Angels: for, not only do Christian Philosophers now in the Metaphysics dispute of them, 
Aristotle.  but also Aristotle himself in his Metaphysics, especially in his 12 Book, doth most excellently discourse of them. And truly it is more than marvellous, that an Heathnick or Pagan-philosopher should, by the light of Nature, have penetrated so far into the knowledge of God. For to pass by that which he writeth in the 10. chapter of that Book De unitate Dei, proving and demonstrating, unum esse principium & gubernatorem universi; and concluding his discourse with that saying of the Poet: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
To omit, I say, this discourse of his De unitate primi motoris, or (as he calleth God in that Book) primi moventis immobilis, in the 7 chapter of that Book, he showeth, that God is primum intelligibile & primum appetibile, that is, he is ens omnium aptissimum & dignissimum quod intelligatur & appetatur, as Fonseca, 
Fonseca.  commenting upon that place, doth expound it: that he necessariò existit, & caetera omnia ab co pendent: that perfectissimam & beatissimam vitam degit; that ejus beatitudo est perpetua, & sine intermissione aut alteration; that Dei beatitudo ex sui contemplatione nascitur; that ejus contemplatio est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, jucund●ssimum quid & optimum; that not only vivit vitam beatissimam, but he is ipsa v●ta beata; or as he speaks himself, vita sempiterna & optima.  
Truly this Pagan Philosopher hath found a wonderful joy and delight in this his speculation of the essence and happiness of God, 
Suarez.  (as Suarez noteth writing upon this place, in his Index locupletissimus in Phisicam, lib. 12. cap. 7.) yea he seemeth to have been ravished with the sweetness of this heavenly contemplation. It is no wonder, that Dav●d in the 104 Psalm vers. 34. said, My meditation of him (that is of God) shall be sweet, and ● w●ll be glad in the Lord. For if Aristotle found such sweetness in the contemplation of God, as he is Pater mund, or Pater entium; what sweetness, yea what heavenly, what ravishing joy may a man living within the Church have in the contemplation of God, as he is Pater Ecclesiae, and Pater misericordiarum? 2 Cor. 1. 3.   

SECT. 7.  
The seco●d Respect, for the dignity. That the consideration of the soul of man belongeth to the Metaphysics, with several Reasons for the proof thereof.  
THere are some who think, that not only the contemplation of God, and of the Angels do belong unto the Metaphysics, but also the contemplation De anima humana seu rationali; and that, because it is a spiritual or immaterial substance. Suarez in the first Tome of his Metaphysics, Disput. 1. Sect. 2. Parag. 18. most justly condemneth this opinion; and that 1. because consideratio totius, & consideratio partium ejus ad unam & eandem scientiam pertinet.  
Now the consideration of man himself belongeth not to Metaphysic, 
That the consideration of man's soul, and not himself belongeth to Metaphysic.  but to Physic; and therefore the consideration of the soul of man, which is a part of man, belongeth also to Physic or natural Philosophy. 2. Albeit the soul of man be an immaterial substance in itself, and although in the real being of it, it hath not a necessary dependency from bodily matter, yet God hath appointed, that the ordinary and natural existence or being of it, as also the operation of it, should be in materia corporea.  
It is far more probable, that which is affirmed by Ruvins' and Conimbricenses in the Frontispiece of their Treaties de anima separata à corpore, 
Ruvins' his opinion.  and in their first questio prooemialis, before their disputes de anima, that the consideration of the being and operation of the soul in statu separationis à corpore, after death until the day of the general resurrection, doth belong not to Physic, but in some respects to Theology, and in other respects to Metaphysic.  
For the handling of these questions, [An status separationis à corpore, sit animae rationali naturalis; an anima à corpore separata habeat naturalem appetitum redeundi ad corpus; an anima separata specie ab Angelis differat, & quas facultates seu potentias, quas species intelligibiles, quos habitus, & quem modum cognoscendi habeat anima separata à corpore:] the handling, I say, of these questions doth belong properly to Metaphysic; nevertheless these same Authors, whom I have now cited, as also Suarez in the place already spoken of, affirm, that the Tractatus de anima separata, may most commodiously be added to the Books de anima, not as a proper part of the Science de anima, but as an Appendix to it.   

SECT. 8.  
The third Respect, for the usefulness. Of the great use Metaphysic is towards the furthering of all Divines, in Controversies, and other things: A Conclusion.  
THirdly and lastly, this Science exceedeth all the rest indignity, in respect of the great use it hath in all other Sciences and Arts, especially in Theology itself; I need not to insist in the confirmation of this: for it is very well known, that by the grounds of Metaphysic, 
The benefit of the knowledge of the Metaphysics.  we may demonstrate against Atheists, that there is a God; against Pagan's, that this God is one; against Cerdon, Martion, and the Manichaean Heretics, that there are not duo principia, but unum summum & primum principium; against the Stoics, that there is not such a fatal necessity in all events as they dreamt of, against that damnable and detestable Heretic Conradus Vorstius that Deus est infinitus, 
Controversies.  immensus, indivisibilis, simplex, totus in qualibet re in qua est; aeternus, & quoad substantiam suam, & quoad ejus decret a immutabilis, & omnium accidentium expers; for that wretched and mad Doctor denied all these things. In many other Questions and Controversies, which the Church hath against Heretics ancient and modern, there is great use of Metaphysic.  
But I fear to weary the Reader with these Generals, For I intent hereafter (God willing) to put forth a small Treatise of Metaphysics, wherein you shall find that noble Science more perspicuously delineated.  
FINIS.