AN ADVERTISEMENT WRITTEN TO A SECRETARY OF MY L. TREASURERS OF INGLAND, BYAN English Intelligencer as he passed through Germany towards Italy.  
CONCERNING  
An other book newly written in Latin, and published in diverse languages and countries, against her majesties late proclamation, for search and apprehension of Seminary priests, and their receivers,  
ALSO Of a letter written by the L. Treasurer in defence of his gentry, and nobility, intercepted, published, and answered by the papists.  
Anno Domini, 1592.   

TO MY LOVING GOOD FRIEND N. SECRETARY TO THE right honourable the L. Treasurer of Inglande.  
LOVING Sir, if my former letters written to you from Midleburg, Colen, Heid leberg, & Frankford, as I passed by those places, have come safely unto your hands, then have you understood by them the estate of affairs, as I could learn them in so short a stay, as the continuance of my journey permitted me to make in every of these cities: especially I wrote unto you in all my former, of the great variety of books both in English and Latyn, and other languages already come forth, or in making (as by good means I understood) against the last proclamation of her Majesty published in November for searching 
1591.  out, apprehending and punishing of Seminary priests, and jesuits, and such as receive or favour them in Ingland; which proclamation seemeth to have so nettled the papists, which we call here Catholics, (and so must I in the rest of my letters, especially those that shall come from Italy,) that there is no other talk almost now in these parts, nor of any other matters, but of this combat of England, and in this country here of Germany, where both parties live in peace together, our course of Ingland hath diverse that approve it not, though otherwise no papists, for that they think it both troublesome, and dangerous, whereof at an other time I shall write more unto you, if I may perceive that my letters do come unto your hands safely, whereof I have great fear and doubt, considering the difficulties of passages, and manifold interception of letters, whereof I understand daily by reason of wars.  
But to come to the matter, I sent you with my former letters while I was in flandres two or three divers kinds of answers made and printed in English without name of authors against the said late proclamation, and some others I was told were in coming forth though I could not learn by whom. Afterward from Colen I sent you one written in Latin by John Perne Inglis he man, as he nameth himself, & it goeth by way of a letter, or discourse, written to a friend of his that desired his opinion and judgement about the said proclamation, and it is directed to my L. Treasurer himself.  
But now coming to Augusta, I have learned of an other book also written in Latin, and lately sent hither to be printed again, & is now in hand & some sheets already drawn of: which book, though I can neither hinder the printing thereof, (for I have assayed) nor yet get any whole copy into my hands to send unto you (for I understand there is but one only as yet in this city, and this is that which serveth for the printer, sent hither by a certain principal person to be reprinted as soon as ever it had passed the press in an other place) yet have I so wrought as yesterday being sunday, and the print standing still, I got for money the sight of the book, and in some few nights I took out all the sum, and chief effect thereof, & do send it herewith unto you, promising further to send also the whole work as soon as ever it shall come forth, albeit if the haste and greediness of printing it in so many places and countries, at one time be such, as here some would make me believe, it is like you shall have it otherwise there in Inglande, before I can send it from hence, but yet this shall not let me from doing my duty also in sending it from hence as soon as I can get it.  
And in truth if I shall tell you mine opinion about the hasty spreading of this book (which I suppose you will also think, when you shall have seen the extract that herewith I do send you) there are so many points of curiosity, and hidden histories touching our estate discovered in the same, and so many personal causes, conditions of men, and secret affairs unfolded, (whereof man's nature partly by desire of novelties, partly by corrupt inclination to hear willingly other men's defects is greedy to understand) as I marvel not though printers to gain thereby, do strive in many places to divulgate the same with all celerity, and the like I find by experience in the late history of D. Sanders in Latin de schisimate Anglicano, which for that it contained matter of such curiosity, and novelty in personal affairs, I find it printed again in Latin almost in every state, besides the translations that go in other languages, which I am told are many.  
But for this book against the proclamation, I do assure you it is the most sharp, bitter, and odious thing that ever I think was written by the papists, though the writer pretend great modesty, and doth not in deed use open railing terms, but by a close, fluente, and cutting style, and by discussing (as I have said) of many, and curious particularities, and by pretending to prove all he saith, by our own books, laws, chronicles, and records, he filleth his reader with infinite desire to read all through out.  
More over he putteth down the whole proclamation turned in to latin by parts or Sections, (which is an other curiosity, that other books come out before observed not,) and after he awswereth the same by several 〈◊〉 ●eades distinstely, and in the end, he putteth also in Latyn the articles annexed to the commission for instruction to the commissioners, How to proceed in the execution thereof, with his judgement, and censure upon the same.  
He putteth down also in his answer a letter of my L. Treasurers writ with his own hand (as this fellow avoucheth) from westminster the tenth of lanuarie last paste unto one in the love countries, as by the extract you shall see.  
The writer nameth himself John Philopatris priest, and divine, that hath studied at Rome, and descended in times passed of the English blood, but he that shall see, and read the book (which is some xviij. or twenty leaves of printed paper or more) will easily see that he hath lined lately in Inglande, or is very extraordinarily instructed in the affairs thereof, and when I consider that Philopatris in greek signifieth a lover, or a friend of his country, I easily see that the name is but borrowed, and may be taken up in their sense by any of our English papists, that live here abroad, and so make your account that it is.  
More I shall write unto you from Italy, and namely from Venice, or Padua, for here I will stay only until this book come forth, that I may send you a copy. Which if you think good, you may present to our good Lord and master in my name, as you may do also the exstract thereof that now I send, though in truth, the tooth and stomach of the writer seemeth to be so specially great against his lordship above all others, and toucheth him so bitterly in so many places (esteeming him the principal cause of all the bloudshedd of his party) that I am ashamed, and half afraid also, that it should be given unto his honour in my behalf, yet could I not with my duty and allegiance but advertise the matter as I find it, and so have I done in the abbreviation, taking out every thing as near as I can in sense though not in words as in the book it lieth, and that in more sweet, and temperate manner also divers times, than there it is set down, culling out only the heads of the most principal matters, and leaving utterly the discourses, declarations, and proofs of the same, which are in truth more piercing, plausible, and popular then will easily be imagined but by reading the whole: and in one word believe you Sir, that it is a very pestilent book, and so I pray you advertise his lordship, and commend my service with continuing me in his honours good grace and favour, which I ever desire to deserve as I may, and so to the lord I commit you from Augusta this first of August. 1592.  
Your most affectionate.   

THE EXTRACT, AND ABBREVIATION OF THE BOOK OF JOHN PHILOPATRIS AGAINST her majesties proclamation.  

The preface of the Author  
FIRST in the preface he taketh upon him to discover the true causes of this proclamation, which he saith to be the fear of the new Seminaries lately begun in Spain, with the continuance, & flourishing of the others in Rome, and Rheims, fear of the Pope, and king of Spain's preparations of war against France, the lack of money in Inglande to help the K. of Navarre, and to prosecute other designments, and the art to get it this way, by feigning terrors and troubles at home.  
Secondly he showeth what modesty, and humility the Catholics (for his words I will use hereafter in all this extract) have used hitherto in their own defence, alleging for this, the example of two Apologies written by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & other books, upon hope that some clement & gentler way would be taken by her Majesty, and her Council: but seeing (as he saith,) that by all their submilsion they have profited nothing, he taketh leave by the precedent and example of many ancient fathers, that wrote sharply against the persecutors of their times, but namely and chiefly of S. Hilary, whose words he allegeth against Constantinus the Arrian Emperor, to deal more plainly in this his answer, than others have done heretofore, promising notwithstanding the modesty, that shall be convenient for the time, persons, and matter he handleth.   

THE FIRST SECTION OF THE PROCLAMATION, AND ANSWER.  
The first Section containeth only the title of the proclamation, and is divided in to three principal heads.  

THE first head concerneth those first words, By the Queen, about the which he examineth whether these so many fierce & cruel laws, and proclamations (as he calleth them) which come out daily against Catholics, do proceed of her Majesties own inclination and propension or no, or whether by the instigation of others for their own commodities, abusing her majesties sex, and age at the beginning, where unto he rather yieldeth, and nameth five, or six principal men, who have been the causes and instruments of all misery to Ingland as he termeth it, and of the perdition of the realm by their especial authority with her Majesty.  
These men he affirmeth to have been Sir Nicolas Bacon, 
Five councelors.  and my L. Treasurer, the Earl of Leicester, Sir Francis Walsingham, and Sir Christophor Hatton; of whom he saith he will tell their beginnings, their entrance with the Queen, their manner of proceeding, their actions, and their endings, observing the order rather of their deaths, and falling, then of their rising to honours, for that he saith the remembrance of this day is more joyful to good men then that of the other, and so for that my L. Treasurer is the only man of all the five that now liveth, he reserveth his story for the last place of all.  
Of Sir Nicolas Bacon he showeth how he rose, and 
Sir Nicolas Bacon  how my L. Treasurer and he, the one helping the other, by the assistance of Sir Antony Cook their father in law, and Sir John Cheek King Edward's schoolmaster, came both first in favour. That Sir Nicolas Bacon's father being servant to the abbot of Bery, and keeper 
He Was chief hind unto the Abbot.  of his sheep and cattle, put his son to Grey's Inn, where first he was under-butler, and afterward grew up higher until by the augmentation court, and atturneship of the Wards he came to be lord keeper, wherein this man (saith he) showed himself so corrupt, and partial for bribery, as never man before, or since in that place: for which he allegeth a protestation also of Plowden the famous lawyer, made at the Chancery bar Bacon being present, that he would never return thither so long as so cortupte a judge should sit in that place, which he performed; here unto he addeth divers other particularities touching the life and death of Sir Nicolas Bacon.  
Of my L. of Leicester, and the variety of fortune 
Earl of Leicester.  which he saw and proved in his life; how he was borne, and brought up in all abundance and felicity, and after saw himself again in extreme calamity, his father, and brethren being put to death, and himself condemned to the same lot, but that fortune turning again, lifted him up higher than ever before, but all to the worse, for that he had never been so wicked, if he had not been so potent. How he was the son of a Duke, brother of a King; nephew of an esquire, and great grandchild of a Carpenter, as the common fame runneth, which if it be true, the Carpenter by all likelihood was the happiest man of all the generation; for that perhaps he was an honest man, and died in his bed, whereas all the other perished by violent deaths, for their wickedness etc.  
Of Leicester's entrance in to favour with her Majesty, of the beginning of his greatness, how he first left the Catholic faith, which at the beginning for divers years he favoured; of the murdering of his wife at Cunner; of his adulteries, murders, and rapines, after; of his dealings in flanders, and miserable death, without heir, or friend, and of the quick marriage of lady Lettece after his dispatch.  
Of Sir Francis Walsinghams' serving of Leicester's 
Sir Francis Walsinghan.  turn in all things; how he was Ambassador in France, and how he came to be of the Council, how he held a faction against my L. Treasurer, was a man of hasty, fiery, and cruel nature, especially against catholics, spent infinitely upon spyery, and when matter wanted, filled her majesties ears with matters feigned of himself: how God plagued him for his furious cruelty against catholics; how he died in debt, deprived of his great Idol Sir Philipp Sidney his son in law, and strooken in the secret parts of his body, as Eusebius reporteth of Maximus the Tyrant.  
After Sir Francis Walsingham, he bringeth unto the 
Sir Christophor Hatton.  stage Sir Christophor Hatton, whose good nature he commendeth above all the rest, and saith that if he had any feeling of any religion, he thought the catholic to be the truer, and that so he had signified diverse ways in his life time, and that he had upon sundry occasions protested most earnestly in secret to his friends (and namely to father William Crighton the Scottish jesuite at his delivery out of the Tower) that his hand had never subscribed to the death of any one catholic, nor never should, which yet this awnsweret thinketh not to be true, considering his authority and place he had in the Council, and the bitter speeches, which he openly used often times in the star chamber, and other places against catholics for maintenance of his credit.  
And here by this answerer frameth a certain consideration how wicked a course this is of the Council, to set forward in common a thing so hotly for the murdering, and persecuting of Catholics, which most of them in private will deny, to their friends to have their fingers in, which he showeth also in other counsellors at this day besides Hatton and namely, and above the rest in my L. Treasurer who ever secretly feigned himself to be a moderator and mollefyer of Catholics afflictions, until of late he saith his lordship, hath been enforced to show himself openly their unmasked enemy. The like also he showeth, to have been in the Council of King Edward the sixth, when the Duke of Northumberland, the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Pembroke, the L. Pagett, Sir William Peter, and others sat daily upon orders to punish, and extinguish Catholics, whose religion notwithstanding at that time both they knew to be true, and after chose the same to die therein, when they found themselves more free of the bondage of ambition, wherein before they lived. Wherhfore he thinketh Sir Christofer Hatton to have been most unhappy even in these things wherein other men do think him fortunate, which are the favours had with her Majesty, the causes, beginnings, and increase whereof this awnswerer declareth, and finally his death, much subject (as he saith) to suspicion of poison, and how the very next day after his death my L. Treasurer triumphed and got forth this, 〈◊〉 nation against Catholics, which he never had done if the other had lived, and the causes why.  
In the fift, and last place, he cometh to treat of 
The L. Treasurer.  my L. Treasurer, and that much, more largely then of any of the rest, for that he yet liveth, and for that, as this man saith, he more than all the rest together, hath and doth in deed seek the destruction of the Catholics by covert means, though whiles the others lived that were more open, he shrouded himself, and his doings now under Walsingham, and now under Leicester, signifying in secret unto Catholics, when they sued unto him, that they only were the causes, which since hath been known to have been quite contrary, etc.  
Of my L. Treasurer's pedegrie, and how Cecil his father was groom of the wardrobe, and was never called master in all his life unless it were in jest, & how his mother would never suffer herself to be called Mistress, but after her son was made Baron of Burlegh: how my L. Treasurer's grandfather was one of the kings guard, and kept the best Inn in Stamford; how my L. Treasurer himself is said to have been first of all bell-ringer in S. Ihons' College in Cambridge, and after grew by learning and cunning, and by the helps, and favours of Sir John Cheek, and Sir Antony Cook, to be secretary to the Duke of Somersett that was protector, to whom he was a stickler to set him against his own brother the Admiral, for pleasing the Duchess, and to cut of his head, as he did, and that he is thought to have been the principal instrument to bring in father Latimer, (that fond and hypocritical preacher,) to be an agent as he was, in that barbarous tragedy, and that for this service chiefly by the Duchess of Somersets' procurement to her husband, M. Cecile was made Secretary to king Edward the sixth.  
How afterward he seeing Dudley the Earl of warwick 
Treason against his Master.  to be more cunning and potent than the duke of Somersett his master, he secretly forsook, and betrayed him, and gave matter of overthrow to warwicke against him: for which service, when the Duke, and his trusty friends were pulled down and cut of, master Cecil was set up by warwick and brought in to the kings favour and counsel again: & so he followed that man's fortune ever after, so long as he stood in prosperity, even to the consenting to the deprivation, and deposition of all king Henry the 8. his children, and nanamely of Queen Mary, and this Queen, against whom this awnswerer saith, that Sir William Cecil wrote, and penned the proclamations and oaths, that the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk set forth against them, and would have been content to have been the headsman also himself to have dispatched them both with his own hands, at that time, rather than they should have escaped to his loss or disgrace if Northumberland would have put him to it.  
How Queen Mary being established in the crown, 
Extreme hypocrisy and cozenage.  and the Duke of Northumberland beheaded, my L. Treasurer bestirred himself to get credit with the Catholics, frequented Masses, said the Litanies with the priest, laboured a pair of great beads, which he continually carried, preached to his parishioners in Stamford, and asked pardon of his errors in king Edward's time; what he said, and protested to divers, and namely to Sir Francis Inglefeild (then of the Council) about his belief of all points of the Catholic Roman faith. How he deceived Cardinal Poole, and persuaded Sir William Peter to resign up his office of the Secretariship unto him, if Queen Mary would have admitted the same, who never could be persuaded to believe him.  
How M. Cecil being rejected by Queen Mary, he 
His entrance with this Q.  got to serve the lady Elizabeth, and how he entered with her afterward when she came to the crown, to persuade her to the change of Religion for his own interest, against the opinion of other councelors. What reasons he laid for the same, and what great difficulties he found in the Queen and otherwise, and by what craft he overcame them, and how if he had by been admitted secretary in Queen Mary's time, he had never sought the change of Religion in this Queen's days.  
What shifts and deceits were used by him, and M. Bacon in the change of Religion, how the Earl of Arundel was cozened by them with hope of having the Queen in marriage, and thereby his son in law the Duke of Norfolk gotten to their part.  
How other noble men were persuaded either to give their consents, or else to absent themselves from the parliament, or else to leave their voices in the hands of heretics, and what fraud, breach of order, and ancient laws was used in choosing these first burgesses of parliament, and knights of the shires, and the open violence used against the Bishops, by which means this answerer holdeth that this first parliament could have no validity or force at all, and yet that all foundations of future treasons in matters of religion were laid in the same, and all other parliaments since have depended thereof.  
How the proceed of Cecil, and Bacon, seeming 
M. Cecilesca. p hanging.  at length intolerable unto the ancient nobility of the Realm, they joined together in the old L. Treasurer's house, and concluded to pull them both from her Majesty by violence, & to hang them at the Coure gate: what the old Earl of Penbrok said in that meeting and how Leicester was also present and consenting to this conclusion, and revealed all afterward, and how Sir William Cecil escaped the danger by flattering and abusing the Duke of Norfolk with weeping & fair promises and paid him for it afterwad with cutting of of his head, and how from that day forward he took sure order for pulling down, & disgracing the old nobility.  
How my L. Treasurer hath gotten in to his own 
But about some 50. offices in all.  power, all the great offices almost of the court, and country, and how he playing the Aman as he doth with the Catholics, may justly fear the great, and high gallows prepared by himself for Mardocheus, and the children of Israel, for that God is as just now, as he was then and as potent.  
Of Sir Walter Rauleys' school of Atheism by the 
Sir Walter Rawley.  way, and of the conjuror that is M. thereof, and of the diligence used to get young gentlemen to this school, where in both Moses, and our Saviour; the old, and new Testament are jested at, and the scholars taught among other things, to spell God backward.  
How miserable a thing it is that her Majesty descending of so noble progenitors, should be brought to make laws and proclamations in matters of Religion, according to these men's senses and opinions, & leaving all her old nobility, and the ancient wisdom, gravity, and learning which Ingland was wont to have, should rule herself by these new upstarts, and publish edicts so contrary and opposite to all the laws, & edicts of all the Kings and Queens that have been in Ingland from the first conversion thereof unto this day, as evidently he presumeth to show; and with this he endeth this first head of this section.   

The second head of this first section.  
THE second head of this first Section, is about these first words in the title of the proclamation, to wit; A declaration of great troubles pretended against the realm by a number of Seminary priests, and jesuits &c. about which, reserving the peculiar defence of the priests and jesuits coming into the Realm, unto the fourth Section where at large he handleth the same, in this place he taketh upon him to show how that the true causes of troubles, fears, and perils towards Ingland, do not proceed of the coming in of Seminary priests, and jesuits that come peaceably, & to yield their lives, and without intention to hurt any body, but that they come of their accusers, to which purpose he allegeth the fable of the wolf, who drinking at the fountain, & desiring to have a quarrel against the lamb, that drunk at a brook far beneath him, said that he troubled 
The true causes of the troubles of Ingland.  his water; also he allegeth the example of Nero that punished the Christians for burning of Rome, which himself for his pleasure had set a fire, all which this man apply saying, that these which now govern, finding Ingland quiet, peaceable, strong, rich, fortified with friends both abroad & at home at their entrance, have by change of Religion, by troubling, & vexing, & kill subjects at home, and by driving others to fly abroad, by breaking all leagues with ancient allies, & by other unquiet means, turned all upside down, and brought all about their own ears, & now being afraid of that which the murderers of Christ suspected when they said will you bring this man's blood upon us? They would gladly lay it upon most innocent Catholic priests, which have no part therein.  
After this he gathereth together divers particular, & special causes of the troubles, and dangers of her Majesty, and Ingland, whereof the first and principal, and root of all the rest, is (as he saith) the great, and irreconcilable differences, and wars in Religion, not only with the Catholics, but especially between the protestants, and puritanes themselves, who he saith, are mortal enemy, and would have been long ago by the cares to to●●●●er had not the fear of the Catholic held them both in awe. He touchetlt divers of their books written one against the other as Martin Marprelate, Mar Martin; The work for the Cooper. The Countercuffe to Martin junior; The Owls Almanac; The Pap with a batchet, or countrycuffe. 
Discord of heretics among themselves.  The Epistle to Huff, Ruff, and snuff; in which among other things is affirmed, that the Martinistes or Puritans are much more dangerous for domisticalbroyles, than the Spaniards for open wars, which this awnswerer also confirineth, for that they must needs (as he saith) hate her Majesty, & the Protestant Council most deadly, as both by reason, and by their books, and by their propositions gathered by R. Alison, and dedicated of late to Sir Thomas Henedge, that no hope remaining more now of reformation of the Antichristian Church of Ingland (which they call Babel) all are bound to forsake it, though the prince do inhibit them.  
another danger, and inevitable peril both of her 
Incertitud of succession.  Majesty, and the Realm he saith to be the incertitude of the succession, which he saith my L. Treasurer and others have especially procured, by keeping her Majesty from marriage against the example of her ancestors, and other princes of Christianity, and that for their own interests, thereby to be able to govern her Majesty the better, and to have her still in their power, as also to be able to shuffle the better for the crown to their own friends when occasion shall be offered, which he proveth at large.  
Of the pestilent, and dangerous doctrine of Hacket the late new Christ, and his Prophets against her Majesty; of the uncertain assurance of Prince's estates upon heretical doctrine, which their authors do vary according to times, fancies, & commodities; as he showeth by divers examples of later days in Ingland, by Latimer in K. Edward's reign, that could apply his conscience and preachingest, the overthrow of the L. Admiral Seymer without any cause at all; Also by Cranmer, Sands, and jewel, that were content under the Duke of Northumberland to bolster up Queen lanes title, and disinherit her Majesty that now is; and by Goodman, who in Queen mary's time both writ, & preached, that no woman ought to reign, with a comparison of the Catholic contrary doctrine and doctors in this behalf, and of their modesty, constancy, and certain rule of conscience, far different from heretics in these affairs,  
And finally he concludeth this head with a large proof and declaration, that by no law of Christian conscience, nor by any reasonable consequence or illation, can this coming in of priests in so peaceable, and apostolical sort, as they do come, be accounted treason, and that the Turk, More, or Persian doth not make this consequence against the lewesior Christians, that live under them; & that of all other infelicities this is the greatest, 
Great infelicity.  that her Majesty should be brought to account such men, so borne, and so brought up, so learned, wise, virtuous, and modest, and so determined to die in Gods, and her majesties service, if she would accept it, to be her mortal enemies; and of this he saith much.   

The third head of this Section.  
THE third head of this Section is about these words 
Insufficient provision.  in the title of the proclamation, with a provision very necessary for remedy thereof etc. Showing that this provision set down by my L. Treasurer's wit in this proclamation is most insufficient for the remedy pretended, but rather to make the sore far worses for seeing it is the very same provision, and no other than Antiochus, Herod, Nero, Decius, Diocletian, and other tyrants, and persecutors invented against gods servants in old times, to wit, founded only upon cruelty, tyranny, and false surmised crimes, it can have no other end or effect, then theirs had, which was the destruction of the devisers, and happiness of the sufferers.  
That the old persecutors edicts against Christians, though they pretended treasons as this doth, yet were they more moderate, and discreet in willing only such to be punished as were accused, or known publicly to offend, & not to turn upsid-downe their estates, & Kingdoms with such searching and revolving both of town city & country as this proclamation prescribeth, leaving neither village, house, nor common Inn untossed, which to all the world must needs seem extreme barbarous, and to the very protestants themselves at home intolerable. who must needs also be sought, & examined as well as others, except they always carry their pasportes with them in their pocketts, & ride up & down Ingland, as they would pass through Turkey.  
Of the miserable ends of all common wealths, and governors that have grown to these extremities in government; and that it is impossible for Ingland and her Majesty to avoid the same, if this violente course be used to drive men to desperation. That all the solicitude used to extinguish Catholic Religion by persecution is mere folly; and that all is very poison to the wound which my L. Treasurer useth for medicine, that a little time will prove this to be true, with an exhortation to her Majesty to take some other course both for saving the Realm, and those that stand at the government thereof.    

The second Section.  
THIS second section answereth the first part of the preface to the proclamation wherein her Majesty complaineth of the King of Spain's proceeding towards her, & other Princes, & namely towards Navarr named King of France, & it is reduced to three principal parts or branches according to the matters therein contained.  

For first her Majesty is made by M. Cecil to complain that the King of Spain for the space now almost of 33. years had always sought to molest, & trouble her dominions without any just cause on her part given. etc.  
To this before this awnswerer cometh to say any thing in particular, he maketh a large complaint against my L. Treasurer, and such other like politics, & men of no conscience or religion, as he imagineth them who from the beginning of this Queen's reign to make matters of the Catholic faith more odious, & punish able, have sought to entangle them ever with matter of estate, and with forged conspiracies with foreign Princes as Gensericus, and Hunricus Arian Kings did with the Catholics of Africa, under pretence they dealt with the Pope of Rome; and so he saith that our governors of Ingland have not pursued matters of Religion, as points of Religion in this Queen's government, according as the Catholic Church doth use to do with heresies, but rather have chosen to punish them as forged matters of estate, which this awnswerer showeth to be true by diverse former proclamations, set forth against the Seminaries of Douai, Rheims, and Rome, in which diverse feigned conspiracies were put to be contrived by the students, with the Pope, the Duke of Florence, & other Princes, all which, time had proved to be as vain and false, as he saith, this is of their conspiracy now with the King of Spain.  
After this he cometh to awnswere M. Cecils complaint 
K. Philip's doings to wards th'. Queen.  as he calleth it against the King of Spain for his proceed against her Majesty and for more equal trial (as he saith) he layeth down each Prince his doings towards the other for the space of more than thirty years; & first for the King of Spain he declareth how that coming into Ingland the year 1554. by the consent, & invitation of the realm, to marry Queen Mary, he found lady Elizabeth, after she had been some space prisoner in the tower for Sir Thomas wiates rebellion, committed now to woodstoke, under the custody of Sir Henry Benengfild, & in extreme great danger of her life, for that both Queen Mary, & the English Council, upon evident confessions of Sir Thomas Wyatt himself, and others of that conspiracy, were resolved to have caused her to be arraigned, and executed.  
How the King delivered her Majesty out of this danger of her life, and of two the like afterwards, to wit upon the conspiracies detected of Sir Antony Kingston Vdal, and his companion's; and of Thomas Stafford that took Scarbrough, and was beheaded at London, in all which her Majesty was again touched, and had been executed, but for the special favour of the King and his Spanis he Council.  
Of many other favours of the King to her Majesty, whiles he was in Ingland, and after; how he gave her freely all Queen mary's lewells, and other riches that she had of his; how the town of Calis being lost and betrayed by conspiracy of English heretics, that were within it, and specially of the Lord wentwoorth, without any fault in the world of the King, yet that after his great victory had against the French at S. Quintin's, he would admit no peace at all with them, but with restoring of Calis, until the English themselves without him had made their peace with them, and renounced Calis unto the French for ever.  
Of the King's proceed towards her Majesty after he returned into Spain, and how constantly he ever maintained his league with her for thirty years together, notwithstanding the manifold injuries that on the other side he received of the English divers ways. How he for conserving the said league and friendship refused to give aid to the ancient nobility of Ingland the year 1567. when they meant by force to have reform the estate, and to have hanged Cecil and Bacon, again how he denied the same the next year after to the Earls of Northumberland, & Westmoreland, and to the L. Dacres when they rose for the restoring of Religion in the North, pressed there unto by. M. Cecils urging.  
How the K. afterwaerds to wit the year 1575. For contenting her Majesty, and at the persuasion of some of his own officers, but namely of the Commendader Maior, that for the present governed Flanders, was content to yield to the banishment of all English Catholics out of his estates of Flanders, for the space of two years, though he paid them always their pensions to live on, as before. And for the same consideration of friendship with the Queen, and for his keeping his league with her, he denied divers years helps to the Irish that demanded the same, as namely the year 1578. to Sir james Fizmoris, and to Sir Thomas Stukley, and to the later of them when afterward he came with some five, or six hundred men that he had brought from Italy, the King would not grant so much as a port in Spain to enter into, whereby he was forced to pass to Lisbon, where finding the King of Portugal ready to go with his army to Barbary he could not refuse to go with him, where he was slain; 
Sir Thomas Stukely's death.  but to Sir james Fizmoris returning again the next year to ask succours for the Irish oppressed for their Religion in Ireland the King denied the same again, until at last at the earnest suit of the Pope (for that D. Sanders upon his extreme zeal had adventured to go thither before to comfort the Catholics with less than fifty men) his Majesty was content to wink at, and say nothing, whiles Sega the Bishop of Placentia the Pope's Nuncio under certain of his Italian Captains did send thither some four or five hundred soldiers taken up upon the Sea cost of Italy, which this awnswerer saith were those which my L. Grace so cowardly, and traitorously murdered in Irland, after they had yielded themselves by composition the year 1580.  
And so from this time forward until the year 1585. 
English actions towards Spain.  he showeth that the King of Spain observed most exactly his league with her Majesty, and the English nation; at what time being enforced by the Queen's open taking of Flushing, Briel, Ostende, & other towns in Flanders, he made the arrest of the English ships in Spain; but on the other side he declareth how the English even from the first entrance of her Majesty to the crown, have exercised all kind ofhatefull & hostile actions against the King, by stirring up and favouring first of all his rebels in Flanders by intercepting his money first in the Duke of Alva his time, and always after when they could lay hands on it, by treating also first the coming of the Duke Mathias into Flanders, and after ofMounsieur the Duke of Alenson, and assisting him publicly against the King in time of peace, by maintaining, and bolstering up ofDon Antonio that calleth himself King ofPortugall, by sending Hawkins, Frobishire, Drake, Candishe, & other Pirates to the Indians, and some of them even in to Spain itself, for which he allegeth out ofStowes chronicles, special commission given by her Majesty to spoil the King of Spain's subjects by sea, long before any breach ofleague was talked of by the kings part, and so he concludeth that this first accusation of the proclamation is most injust, and that the whole world will laugh thereat, & that the writer thereof (which he taketh to be my L. Treasurer) was very shameless in setting it down.   

The 2. part of this section.  
THE second point of this Section, concerneth that which the proclamation affirmeth of the King of Spain's ambitious doings also towards other Princes besides her Majesty, and that all Christendom is troubled at this day by his only wars. For discussing whereof this awnswerer layeth down all the proceed, both of her Majesty, and the King of Spain with their neighbours from the beginnings of both their reigns.  
And first for the King ofSpaine he showeth his dealings in particular with the Turk, Moors, and other 
The King of Spain: dealings with his neighbours.  infidels, than also with the Italians, portugals, French, English, Irish, Scotishe, and Flemishe, and showeth all to have been ever most honourable, quiet, just, & without injury offered to any, as by their own testimonies, and witness also of all writers appeareth, and for the war and other affairs that have passed in Portugal he proveth in particular out of Hieronimo Franchi a Genoese that was present, and wrote the story, and in other points showeth himself no great friend to Spaniards, yet doth he so justify all the King's actions in this affair, even by testimony of the Portugals themselves, as they seemed rather over scrupulous, then only justifiable.  
He proveth also out of Genebrard a French writer, the King of Spain's noble proceed with France in all the times of the minorities of all King Henry the second his children, to wit of Francis, Charles, and Henry the third, and how he never sought not only to profit himself, or to impair the kingdom of France, during those troubles (as the Queen of Ingland did by taking new haven) but also ofhi own charges sent aids of men, horse, victuals, and money often times to the succours of these young Princes, against their rebels, notwithstanding the old enmities, & emulation between these two crowns of France, & Spain, & the cruel wars that had passed between them many years before.  
Likewise he showeth the king's wonderful clement proceeding, with his own subjects that have rebelled in the low countries, as appeareth by his many pardons, pieces, and tolerations made with them, his liberal, and noble dealing with English, Irish, and Scottish, especially such as have been troubled, & afflicted for their consciences at home, whom he hath sustained liberally abroad without requiring any service at their hands.  
After this he taketh in hand to compare with this the 
English proceedings with their neighbours.  English proceed towards all their neighbours round about them, to whom he showeth that they have been the proper, and continual causes of troubles, wars, sedition, bloodshedd, and utter perdition, as namely in France of four civil wars, besides all other revoltes and conspiracies against the true Kings, turmoils in Religion, and other garbroyles, and the like to have been caused by them in Flanders, by stirring up and aiding first the Guses, and other rebels of the country, and then by setting on foot Orange, and bringing in other princes, and foreign powers, and lastly by open injustice of invading and holding the same to themselves, as at this day they do.  
In Scotland also he declareth very particularly, out of the English chronicles themselves what wicked, and sinful stratagems at the beginning were used, to put that people at discord the one against the other, and to pull down first the Queen Dowager, by the Hamiltons, and by them the Catholic religion, and afterward the Hamiltons again by others, and then to overthrow the true Queen proprietary with her husband, and to crown her own child against herself with the slaughters that ensued, and affliction of Scotland by the often hostile entrance of the English soldiers, which are recounted with many particulars of great misery and compassion: their troublesome proceed also with other nations are recou●●ed, which compared with the calm, quiet, and just proceed of the King of Spain, do show, as this answerer saith, that my L. Treasurer, which he accounteth to be both author, counsellor, and scribe of this proclamation, not only to lack shame, but also wisdom and consideration, in that he maketh her Majesty to publish to the world things so evidently false as these are, that the King of Spain is the only cause of the trouble of Christianity at this day.   

The third point of this section.  
THE third member of this Section is about these words, where it is said in the proclamation, that the King of Spain now in his declined years meetest for peace, when he ought to be satisfied with his own without seeking of more Kingdoms by violence, seeing be possesseth at this day more crowns, Kingdoms, and countries, than ever any Christian Prince had before, that all this notwithstanding he hath begun a most unjust war against the present King of France, most dangerous to all Christendom, which yet is like to be the ruin of himself, as his enterprise against Inglande gave him just cause to repent etc.  
For answer of all this, there are many points touched, 
divers falsehoods and follies of M. Cecil.  first that the King of Spain, not only in this his old age but in all his life by testimony of the whole world, hath been ever most desirous and obseruante of peace, and the English quite contrary: secondly that this exprobration of the kings old age, is ridiculous, her Majesty following him so near in years as she doth, & my L. Treasurer far passing him, and nearer to his grave by all likelihood. Thirdly that so great amplification of the kings forces, wealth, and power, (being their enemy) was inconsiderate, and can serve to no other effect, but to terrify their own friends and subjects, and to animate their contraries, and to show their lack of providence in making so unequalla match fowerthly, that this great power of the King of Spain being so justly and temperately used, at it is, can not be fearful to any good man, but rather comfortable nor is it dangerous to Christendom, but rather a great and singular stay, & providence of almighty God, who forcing the tumults and revoltes that heresies should bring in these times, hath provided this so potent and opulent a Prince of all ages, for the defence of his Catholic church in these troubles. Fystly that this war of the King against Navarre, is not injust, but most just, & necessary, not for any interest of the Kings, but only for the good of France itself, and consequently that all reasons, and circumstances considered, and the forces on both parts weighed, it can not be like to be the ruin of the King of Spain, but rather of Navarre, and other heretics depending of him, or joining with him; and albeit the King's last fleet against Ingland, had not the success which was expected, yet it was not for want of strength, or by any valour, or praise of the English, but rather by tempest, lack of experience in some principal officers, and other such casualties, that often fall out in war, whereof the English ought not to brag, seeing there are so many reasons, and examples of enterprises that take success the second or third time, which did not at the first, whereof this awnswerer allegeth many testimonies, and authorities, both profane, and divine, which in the book are to be seen,  
After this he entereth to treat at large of Navarre's 
Navarre's just exclusion from the crown of France.  injust pretence to the crown of France, being an open known heretic, as he saith, and refusing to take the oath of maintaining the Catholic Roman religion, which all Kings both of France and Ingland have taken before this, and are bound to take from the first institution of Christian Kings, and that her Majesty took also the same oath at her entrance to her crown of Ingland, and that by Cecils council also, by whose council the same oath was afterward violated; & that the title of particular succession in Kingdoms being founded only upon positive laws of several countries, (and not upon law of nature or nations, for that Kingdoms and monarchies neither were from the beginning, nor are at this day in all realms a like) it must needs follow, that the whole right of these successions and interests to the same, do depend of the particular ordinances, laws, oaths, and conditions, with which each country hath ordained admitted, & authorised their Kings, whereof the chief condition being in the Kingdom of France, hat the King shall swear, and give assurance to defend and maintain the old Catholic Roman religion, and the professors thereof, and Navarre refusing to do the same, he can by no law divine or humane be admitted to the crown, which is largely proved by many authorities, examples, and reasons.  
Upon this he declareth how all Catholic people in France are bound under pain of damnable sin, to resist Navarrs entrance into that crown, considering the inestimable damage that is like to ensue thereof unto that whole realm, if he should prevail; And for the same consideration he proveth, that the Catholic party of French nobility that either for hope of honour and commodity, or for hatred, and emulation against others that are against Navarre, or for any other passion, or pretence whatsoever do follow or favour him in this his pretence, do offend God highly, and are guilty of all evils & miseries of their country, and that besides the eternal punishment, which they are to expect at God's hands (except they repent) they will also be destroyed, and pulled down by Gods just judgements in this world, as this awnswerer showeth by as many of the nobility both of France, Flanders, Ingland and Scotland by name, as for any pretence whatsoever, have been the first aiders of heretics in their countries, have perished and come to nought.    

The III. Section.  
THE third Section containeth an other large complaint no less unjust than the former, as though the King of Spain not only by himself, but by other men's helps also went about to annoy Ingland, and this by three manner of ways.  

The first is, for that he is said here. for fortifying of his strange violent attempts to have procured a Milanois a Vassal of his own to be exalled to the Papacy of Rome, and to have seduced him without consent of the college of Cardinals to exhaust the Treasures of the church, & there with to levy forces in Italy (which had no sound of ware in is before) to invade France a Kingdom that hath been always a maintainer of that church, in all their oppressions etc.  
These are the words of the edict, which the awnswerer doth play upon diversly, ask where my L. Treasurer's wit was, when see set forth these fancies; for first he saith that it is no novelty for a vassal of the King of Spain's, to be made Pope, seeing the greatest parts of Italy, and the Islands adjacent (out of which nation in our times the Popes commonly are wont to be chosen) are under him, & the only state of Milan in our days hath had three Popes: which were Pius quartus, Pius quintus, and this Gregory the fourteenth, whereof this proclamation speaketh.  
Secondly he showeth, that it is rather a sign of great piety and humility in the King, then to be attributed to ambition, if he should desire a subject of his own to be made Pope, and thereby to be made his superior and better, for that, as this awnswerer avoucheth, the pride of heretical Princes can not bear such a matter, & in particular he thinketh my L. Treasurer for examples sake, would not choose Cardinal Allen of all others to be Pope, though he be an Inglishman.  
Thirdly he saith that it is a ridiculous complaint that the King seduced this Pope to exhaust the Treasures of the church without the consent of the College of Cardinals, as though the Pope were a child, or that Ingland had such care to conserve the Church's treasure, whereof it seemeth that my L. Burley would also be treasurer, aswell as of that of her Naiestie if he might.  
Fowerthly it is much more childish saith he that the Pope by levying soldiers in Italy for France, did trouble the peace of Italy, as my L. Cecil insnuateth, & most of all, it is foolish, saith he, that the Church of Rome by sending aid to the Catholics of France doth invade that Kingdom which hath been a maintainer of that church in all her afflictions; for neither is this aid of the Popes to invade France, but to assist France, nor is it sent against the French, but for the French: neither is Navarre of those Frenth Princes that aided the church of Rome, but contrary to them, and to their faith & affection towards that church, neither doth there thing with thing, nor time with time, nor person with person, as he saith, agree, whereof he maketh pastime at large against my L. Treasurer, and and his broken Rhetoric, as He termeth it.   

The second point of this section.  
THE second point touched in this section is about the accusations laid against Cardinal Allen, and father Persons (whom the writer of the edict calleth heads of sedition and of base birth) saying that they have been dealt withal hy the King of Spain to gather together with great labours upon his charges a multitude of dissolute young men, who either for lathe of living or crimes committed leave their country, & become fugitives, rebels, and traitors, and are brought up in certain demies and receptacles, named Seminaries erected in Rome, Rheims, & Spain.  
For awnswere of this, is examined first, why these two men above others should be so odious to the state of Ingland, seeing they never committed any thing against them that might justly be imputed to hatred or evil will, but rather have sought by all means their good both temporal, and eternal if they would see it.  
And whereas the Scribe, as this awnswerer termeth 
My L. Treasure ●●●er of his gentry.  him, thrusteth in a parenthesis, as hath been said, that these two men are very base in birth, the awnswerer handleth that point somewhat at large, especially touching the Cardinal, for that he living in so eminent a place of dignity, such a slander (as he saith) is not to be passed over by silence, albeit the other being a Religious man and hidden from the world, make less account of such affairs.  
And by this occasion he cometh to defend the Cardinal's gentry, and to compare it with the nobility of all the present clergy of Ingland, and with divers of the Council his enemies, & namely with my L. Treasurer the bringer in of this comparison, of whom he saith, that a letter of his, written with his own hand, at westminster, upon the 10. of January last 1592. to a certain intelligencer of his in the low countries, came unto his hands, even at this very time when he was come to answer this point of gentry and nobility, touched in the proclamation: and for that he saith the matter of the said letter, fell out fit for this place, he resolved to answer the same here, reducing the effect hereof to two principal heads.  
For my L. Treasurer in that letter first giveth thanks to the said Intelligencer for sending him a copy of a printed pamphlet set forth presently in awnswer of this proclamation, in which awnswer both the fact of setting forth this proclamation, and bloody course determined to be followed by the same, is with many reasons though briefly, yet very pithily reproved, and some persons that have been causers thereof, but namely my L. Treasurer by reason of this his bite to the cardinals birth is insinuated to be but of very mean parentage, whereunto his L. replieth in these words first that this course is a necessary course, seeing the multitude of priests (saith he) that come in daily appeareth now to be so great as they are seven for one in a year in respect of former times, and that this course will not he left for any such audacious censure of this awnswerer, & that he douhteth not but that the scope thereof is justifiable in all Kingdoms, and common wealths where it shallbe known.  
To which words of his L. this awnswerer saith first that the necessity of this course hath proceeded of the inconsideration and evil council of such as have governed, more for their own passion and interests then for the common good, & have brought her Majesty by little & little to this bloody necessity, which can not endure. And secondly if it be true that seven priests for one do return home now in respect of former times, then saith he may his L. see, what he and others have profited by their former persecutions against Catholics, and according to that may make their account and proportion for the time to come, for if they had not so vexed men at home, never so many would have come abroad, nor if there had not been so great hope of martyrdom within the Island, never would so many have desired to return, nor would foreign Princes so greedily have set up Seminaries, and offered maintenance abroad for the same.  
To the third point wherein his L. saith, that this censure of this awnswerers and this laying of their errors 
Wicked men are warned without open of amendment.  before their eyes will not stay this course begun of persecution, this man saith he is also of the same opinion, & that he took not this answer in hand, with any such hope of staying this course, until God shall bend or burst the same of himself, and that for all this, men may not cease to speak the truth for that Christ did not omit to tell the Scribes and Pharisees, of their errors, and wickedness, though he knew that they were obdurate therein, & would not cease to shed his blood for the same, so also he surceased not to forewarn ludas of his perdition albeit he knew it would little avail him; and generally when he sent both prophets, and other good men to reprehend both by word, and writings the wicked Kings, and Queens of lurie, and other countries, and common wealths as Moab, Idumea Egypte, and the like, that persecuted his servants, he sent them not with any hope (for the most part) that they would leave, or amend their course thereby, but rather be worse, & in the sending of Moses and Aaron to Pharaoh it is wonderful to consider that on the one side God would have him warned of his ruin, & on the other side he said in plain words, that he would obdurate, or harden his heart, so as he should not hear the good council given him, but rather wax more fierce thereby, and run on headling to his own destruction, for that there are some kind of people, as the Prophet saith, which have made a league, and contractewith death, so as nothing will make them to avoid the same, which this later awnswerer showeth principally to be fulfilled in wicked and ambitious governors, who laying commonly all conscience aside, & being tied to the prosecution of their evil actions once begun with the forcible chains of honour, credit, riches, authority, envy, malice, & ambition, have no other way ordinarily of retreat, but when God's hand entereth, and breaketh down all; and then all falleth together like old muddy walls with loss of all that was most dear unto them in this life, and of that also that should have been for the life to come.  
And finally to the last clause, he answereth that all foreign Kingdoms and states are so far of from allowing or justifying the scope of this desperate English course, that the very Protestant Princes and Councillors that otherwise are no enemies to Ingland, do cry out of the same. The rest that are adversaries do laugh in their sleeves to see Ingland ruin itself on the rocks, & the sands, as is doth by this course, which must needs be ere long their total destruction; only the poor Catholics (which rather I should call happy saith he) are those that abide the brunt for the present, who are sent to heaven more hastily, then otherwise they would perchance have walked of themselves, and others are enforced to merit more by suffering, than they had purposed, which is all the hurt they receive; for as for their seed it shall remain for ever & peccator videbit, 
Psal. 111.  & irascetur, dentibus suis fremet & tabescet.  
In the second part of my L. Letter, he defendeth somewhat the gentry of three persons touched before in the first English answer, to wit my L. of Leicester Sir Nicolas Bacon, and his own; and for the first he saith that Leicester's great grandfather (whom many men report to have been a carpenter) was no less than a lord dudley's son, wherewith this awnswerer saith he will not greatly trouble himself at this present, though this new genealogy seem strange & not credible to many English men's ears of most knowledge & experience that live abwade, and never heard of the same before.  
For the second his L. saith no more, but that albeit Bacon's father were no man of living, yet was he accounted so wealthy as he left to two of his sons stocks of money to be honest merchants, and to the third (which was afterward L. keeper) maintenance for his study in Gray's Inn: all which supposed to be true (saith this awnswerer) it is nothing against that which before hath been spoken of him.  
To the third, which is himself, my L. Treasurer saith much more for his gentry, affirming that his house, to wit the cecils of Stamford, do come of the ancient house of the Sat siltes of wales, and are descended from the reign of the conqueror, & have matched, & come of many noble houses both of Ingland and wales, yea of the Princes of wales (for these are my L. own words in his foresaid letter) and that his L. grandfather David Cecil came out of Britanny as a sergevit at arms first, with King Henry the seventh, and was by the said King placed at Samford, and was Steward of his mother's house the Countess of Richmond, and after was squire for the body, both to King Henry the 7. and also to King Henry the eight: hitherto is my L. Treasures own allegation for this gentry, and nobility.  
To all which, this awnswerer replieth, that so diligent a displaying of genealogies by his own hand writing at this instant, when he handleth the match of his grandchild with Arbella, implieth a further sequel, them every man doth look into, especially where he addeth that his house is descended of the very old Princes of wales themselves.  
Secondly he taketh upon him to show that all this flourish, or at least wise the more part thereof, is but an ambitious fiction of M. Cecil himself, and very ridiculous to all English of the discreeter sort; for that he saith, that many yet remember when M. Cecil for divers years after his coming to credit, went about to derive his name of Cecil, from Cecilius the Roman name, whereof their were divers, but especially that famous rich man named Caecilius Claudius who as Plinius writeth, 
Plin. 1. 23. cap. 10.  after great losses received in the civil wars, left notwithstanding in his testament, above four thousand slaves, and above three thousand yoke of oxen, and above two hundred and fifty thousand of other cattles besides infinite quantity of ready money, unto whom this awnswerer upposeth that our M. Cecil at that time, desired to be like as well in wealth as in name, and for that he imagined that the progeny of those Cecils had remained in Ingland, even from the Romans' time, and that his house was descended of the same: He writ himself (as he doth now also in this his letter) Cecil, with two c. c. and after the first of them an E, which is far different in antographie from Sitsilt which himself writeth with two s. s. two T. T. and two I. I  
By occasion also of this, this defender telleth a story, 
A story.  how that in Q. mary's time when M. Cecil had deceived Sir William Peter, and had made him believe he was an earnest papist, and had persuaded him to offer the resignation of his office of Secretariship unto him, as before hath been touched; the old countess of huntington mother to the earl that now liveth (though far different from him in Religion) told the Queen and maids of honour in the court, that she had hard an old prophecy that one who had two c. c. in his name should be the destruction of Ingland, which thing said she I know not whom it should mean, except it were M. Cecil, who being out of credit at this present, and never like to come in again, I hope shall never be able to bring that to pass. This do report such as have hard it of the Countess own mouth, and perhaps her son may yet remember it though he will not dare to speak it; neither remembered M. Cecil at that time to write himself Sitsilt to evacuate that prophecy, as he might have done, had he known himself then to have descended of that house which now he pretendeth.  
Moreover this awnswerer asketh, how if it be true 
Manifest arguments.  that David Cecil my lords grandfather descended of the nobles, & Princes of wales, & was so greatly in credit with K. Henry the 7. as to be squire for the body as well to him as to his son K. Henry the eight, how 
He is said to havebene first  then is it likely that he would keep an Inn in Stanford as divers worshipful yet alive or lately dead have affirmed 
an ostler in that Inn and after to have marry the hostess.  to have lain in the same; also how it is possible that his son the Treasures father, named also David Cecil (if I forget not) should be only groom of the wardrobe, & so plain, and mean a man, as thousands yet can testify that he was? & how finally William Cecil their child now Treasurer could be so poor, and meanly brought up, as to get part of his maintenance by ringing the morning bell at his beginning in S. Ihons' college in Cambridge as commonly yet in that university is reported.  
And lastly this awnswerer taketh this for an evident argument of M. cecils cogging and coseninge in this behalf, that for divers years he took himself far different arms from these, which of late he hath taken up of the Sitsiltes, for his former arms (if I be not deceived) were two Lions eating of a wheaten sheaf between 
In stead of two Forses at a bottle of bay.  them, as it is to be seen in divers of his houses where they are yet engraven, & afterwards seeing the Arms of the Sitsiltes (an ancient house greatly decayed, if not extinguished) to be six Lions, he hath taken them also to himself, as it is here reported, to terrify the world perhaps withal, and to liken himself thereby to Princes, that commonly have Lions in their arms, where as a good fat capon, or a roasted pig seemeth a fit cognisance for an Inneholders' grandchild as this man affirmeth, seeing that those things are more commonly to be found in Inns, and Osteries than are Lions; and thus much in effect he awnswereth to the contents of my L. Treasurer's letter touching his gentry, which this defender taketh either wholly to be feigned, or most vainly to be delated by the old man's ambition.  
After this he cometh to awnswere those words of the proclamation wherein is is said, that my Lord Cardinal, and father Parsons do gather together with great labours a multitude of dissolute young men, who have partly for lack, of living and partly for crimes committed, become fugitives, rebels, and traitors; for whom there are in Rome, and Spain and other places, certain receptacles made to live in, there to be instructed in school points of sedition etc.  
All which words this awnswerer examineth, and 
Ezech. 9 Proverb. 29.  first what difference there is in holy wryt between dispersers and gatherers, and what curse there is laid upon the one & blessing upon the other by Gods own mouth, and that seeing M. Cecil, and other persecutors at the instigation of the devil do so attend to disperse their countrymen; good reason some others should serve God in gathering, and nourishing the dispersed for his cause.  
Secondly he showeth that these two men have no need to use great labours in gathering together these youths, as the proclamation feigneth, for that God himself gathereth them abundantly from all parts of the Realm, and the evident truth of the Catholic faith stireth them to seek means abreode for the salvation of their souls, seeing they can not be permitted to have them at home: and whereas many were letted before from coming out of Ingland, for that they knew not where to go to be received, maintained and instructed, now being informed thereof by this indiscrete proclamation of M. Cecils penning, which admonisheth all men that besides the former colleges, and Seminaries in France and Rome, there are other also newly erected in Spain, many have resolved to come over, which otherwise had stayed in Ingland, & so themselves at their coming have professed: and the King of Spain among other Princes having seen so barbarous an edict, and considered the conscienceles causes of their distresses hath greatly enlarged his favours towards the said English Seminaries in his dominions both by his personal visiting of that in validolid, and larger allowance towards the maintenance of the same, and thus doth M. Cecil profit by his new diuises.  
Thirdly he showeth that these students come not out of Ingland neither for lack of living, nor for crimes committed, as the proclamation most unjustly doth slander them. Not for the first, for that they being commonly gentlemen, or wealthy people's children, and as good wits as any left behind them, they might easily have preserrment, if they would apply themselves to the protestant proceed, and here he showeth at large the great multitude of gentlemen's sons, which leaving their inheritances, and other hopes of worldly possibilities at home, do come over daily to study, and be made priests with infinite desire to return again quickly to Ingland, where priesthood is more hated, infamed, and pursued, than any crime or wickedness in the world: and that no such desire was seen in gentry and nobility to priesthood in Catholic time, when is was honourable and commodious to be a priest, which must needs proceed of Gods own hand: and that there are more gentlemen this day in the English Seminaries of France, Rome, & Spain, then in all the Clergy of Ingland twice told, to which no gentleman commonly will afford his son to be a Minister, and much less his daughter to be a Ministers wyf; with divers examples of the baseness of their chief Prelates, as among others of Pierce, & Cooper; archbishop, & Bishop, of york and winchester, both borne at Oxford, as this fellow saith, the one the son of a labourer, and the other of a cobbler, and divers others like unto them, which yet M. Cecil toucheth not with baseness, nor that they went to their ministery for need.  
And that these students come not over for crimes committed he saith is much more plain by the desire the Magistrates of Ingland have to receive them back again with all grace and favour, if they would return: and he noteth for a very markable thing, that in these twenty years, wherein above a hundred of the Seminaries have been put to death publicly, and willingly for their religion, and many hundreds have lived in Ingland in common attire of other men, the more thereby to dissemble their calling, never yet any one of them in so many years hath been apprehended, or punished for any crime or disorder of life, or manners; as theft, murder, adultery, quarrelling, cozening, or the like: for which crimes and worse, notwithstanding all Ingland knoweth that their ministers, are at every assize almost brought to the bar, and many times also to the gallows itself: neither at the condemnations of these so many priests as have been martyred hath any such matter of crime or evil life been proved against them, but only matters of judgement and learning laid to their charge which M. Cecil in this proclamation by a new fond, fantastical phrase termeth School points of sedition, as for example, to teach that a man must confess his sins to a priest, that he must make restitution of such things as he hath taken wrongfully from others, that he must hear mass, that he must acknowledge the Bishop of Rome to be superame head of the Church next under Christ, and the like which were points of school, and accounted both currant and Catholic doctrine in Ingland for a thousand years before Cecil was borne; and are at this present in other countries abroad, and will to the worlds end, when a thousand such malignant and wrangeling worms, as Cecil is, shallbe dead, and rotten, and roasting in hell for their wickedness, and yet only for these crimes of ancient doctrine, and our father's faith are these priests apprehended condemned, & murdered, which well declareth their innocency in crimes of life, and manners, whatsoever the staunderous tongue of Cecil the old Atheiste affirmeth to the contrary.  
The like manifest lie, & slander this awnswerer saith it is, whereby such as go over to the seminaries are named here by M. Cecil a multitude of dissolute young men, whtrin this defender reporteth himself to the testimony of all the pursevantes, and catchpoles of Ingland, whether their chief sign, and mark to descry a papist or a Catholic young man be not, to note his modesty, his silence, his gravity, his composition of body and countenance, his moderation of words, and the like; and if he can come to pierce more inwardly into his life, then to learn whether he fast, or pray much, whether he use to wear heareclothes, or some time to lie on the ground to mortify his body, whether he give much alms, or make secret restitution of things unjustly possessed either by himself, or his ancestors; which signs of a papistical life if any man should bring to a pursevante of Ingland, I doubt not but that he would think he had just cause enough to suspect, and apprehend such a person without further matter; and on the contrary side if one should come and say that such, or such a person is a papist, and recusant, and others should come, and say that they know him to be a good fellow, as they term him; that is to wit, that he will eat, and drink & toss pots with any man, that he will fight, and brawl, swear, and stare, and follow queans; cut, and hack, and take a purse when opportunity is offered; in this case this defender assureth himself that no pursevante in Ingland would ever lay hands on such a man for a recusant, though he never went to church throughout the whole year, as most of such protestantical good fellows do not in deed, except it be only once or twice for a show; & yet are they never touched or called in question for the same; by which is is evident saith this awnswerer, on what side lieth the dissolution of life, & licentiousness of manners, and where discipline and order is held in the same.  
And thus much now at home, where it is well known (saith this man) that many a Catholic youth, to the end he be not discovered, and brought in question, is enforced to feign himself against the hear often times, to be a Ruffian a cutter, or good fellow, thereby to get the credit of a good protestant, or at least wise, not to be any precise or zealous papist, which is not the least misery, and servitude, among others to such as inwardly are otherwise bend, & would serve God in virtuous life; wherefore it is no marvel (saith this awnswerer (if when they get over the sea, and are in liberty to live as they would, they betake themselves to so strict, and precise a form of living, both of their studies & manners, at that of the Seminariesis, which this man very particularly prescribeth; first, how they enter in, then how they proceed, and finally in what manor they end, and do turn to there country again.  
He declareth what they must do to be admitted, 
The order and institution of the Seminaries.  what exercises of learning and virtue they must have in the house throughout the whole day, week, and year; what prayers daily both mental, and vocal; what meditations, lessons, and disputes they have in the forenoon, what after dinner, what diet, apparel, conversation, & recreation, is allowed them; what exercises in philosophy; what in school divinity, what in positive, what in cases of conscience, controversies, tongues, and other learning fit for the end which they do pretend: how they profit in the same, & with what mind and furniture they return to Ingland; and at leugth he compareth all this with the lose proceed of English universities, and colleges at this day, where he saith that Cecil, Leicester, and such other like, rather Cancellers of all virtues than chancellors of universities have overthrown all, broken down the walls and hedges of all discipline, exiled all sound and solid learning, extinguished all modesty, shamefastness, and religion have laid open the way to dissolution, Ruffianry, and Atheism.  
For to these governors he imputeth the taking away of porters from college gates, which greatly kept students in awe; to these he imputeth the confusion in apparel, & immodesty thereof whereby every man weareth in the universities, either as his pride or fancy serveth, or as his purse and ability permitteth. To these he imputeth the filling up, and pestering all colleges with all harlotry women to be baits for young men, that study in the same, the headships given to light and wanton companions, the fence and dancing schools so much by students frequented, the taverns filled with scholars, the statutes of founders contemned & broken, the leases embezeled, the goods made away, and places of fellows, and scholars publicly sold, and infinite other disorders, confusion, and dissolution, which all the world seethe, and the students themselves do wonder at; when they come over, and see the contrary on this side the sea, as this defender affirmeth; and with this & with a place or two of S. Gregory Nazianzene against Julian the Apostata, very bitterly applied against my L. Treasurer, he endeth the second part of this third Section.   

The third part of this 3. Section.  
IN this part of the Section he answereth the charge given in the proclamation against Seminary priests, that their end of coming in to Ingland in such secret manner with authority of the Pope, is to move men to rebellion, and to cause them to renounce their allegiance due to the crown of Ingland, upon hope of a Spanish invasion, & that they bind men with oaths, and Sacramenes to yield their obedience to the Pope, and Spanish King: and that for this they bring indulgences for them that will yield to their persuasions, and curses to the contrary; all which this defender 
How priests return to Ingland.  saith is feigned stuff, & false calumniations; except the first two points, that they come into Ingland in secret manner; and that they have their spiritual authority from the Pope, which two points he confesseth, and saith that the former of them is warranted by Christ's own example, which walked not openly some times but in secret as the evangelist saith, at such times I mean as the jews sought to kill him; and the second he confirmeth by divers testimonies of the same Christ our Saviour, who assigned all principality of spiritual authority under himself to S. Peter, and his successors, whereby the Catholic Church hath ever understood, that no priest can be made, or have jurisdiction to deal with souls, but by authority derived either immediately or mediately from this supreme and universal pastor, & largely he declareth the disorders, & implications of the protestantical clergy, for want of this subordination among themselves & the sea Apostolic.  
These two points only then granted, he denieth all the rest, to wit, the intention to move sedition, or rebellion, the renouncing of allegiance dew unto the crown of Ingland, the hope of a Spanish invasion, the binding of men by oaths or Sacraments to yield any temporal obedience to the Pope, or King of Spain, or lastly the bringing in of any indulgences, or curses to that end. All which points are mere fictions saith he of William Cecils head, and devilish devices to make innocent men odious, and to shed their bloods, and that they were never yet proved, or confessed by any, & can not be presumed but by infinite malice, & among all other, this old murderers abominations, (which this man saith are infinite and do cry vengeance at God's hands none are more impious, and 
Great iniquity.  damnable, or that will lye more heavily on himself, & his progeny for ever (as the blood of Christ doth lve upon the Jews unto this day) than this wilful slandering & accusing of men against his knowledge, and conscience for serving only his own turn, & this is the effect of this awnswers speech to this third part of the Section though more largely delated in the book itself.    

The fourth Section.  
THE fourth Section of this proclamation, the awnswerer reduceth to two general heads, the first concerning the true causes of priests deaths, and other Catholics suffering, in Ingland and the second touching certain particularities laid against Cardinal Allen, and father Parsons.  

As touching the first, the proclamation avoucheth, that none suffer in Ingland for Religion, or are impeached in their lives, goods lands, or liberties for the same, except only in a certain pecuniary sum as a penalty for the time to those that do refuse to come to church, and that the priests, & such others as are put to death suffer not for any points of Religion, but only for mere treasons, as appeareth by their, arraignments, and condemnations, and that is a manifest course to falsify the slanderous speeches, and libels of fugitives abroad. This is the total sum yea the very words themselves of the proclamation in this Section, which this awnswerer taking to come wholly from M. Cecils head and pen, as he doth also the words 
Contradictions of M. Cecil.  to the same effect uttered in the book entitled the execution of justice in Ingland written some years ago, & published in divers languages, to the same end that this now is, (though it was evidently refuted out of hand, saith this man, by the Catholics:) he adjoineth here many sentences out of that book of Cecils to these of the same author in this proclamation, which affirm that no Catholic at all, yea not one is troubled in Ingland for his conscience, which words, and sentences after he hath laid together, then doth he show the plain contrary, & contradictory by other words of the Queen, and Cecil himself, and of the whole parliament in sundry statutes, and in this also, and other proclamations, and by the words of Holingshead, and Stow in their chronicles, and so maketh sport, and wonder of Master Cecils contradictions against himself, and of his shameless impudence in affirming things so evidently false, as if a fool, saith he, upon a stage should avouch such stuff in a comedy he would be hissed out, and not permitted, whereas this man telleth it both as an accuser, a witness, and a judge in a most bloody tragedy, in the sight, and hearing of the whole world.  
first then to begin withal, this awnswerer showeth out of S. Hilary, S. Nazianzene, Eusebius, and other ancient fathers, and writers, the custom of all devilish persecutors, and especially of heretics to have been ever to envy the glory of such as they put wrongfully to death, to the end they should not be honoured, & accounted for martyrs; & for that reason ever lightly affirmed the causes of their deaths to he sedition, rebellion, & treason, which lying course the Catholic Church notwithstanding would never yet use (saith this man) for that she never would punish heretic undet other title then only for heresy, but that M. Cecil thought good to follow the other way, & so to procure a double crown to the murdered, the one of martyrdom in that they die for the true faith, and the other of justice for that they suffer for supposed false treasons which they never imagined.  
After this he passeth on to avouch the matter more in particular by divers examples both of men, and women martyred in Ingland, whose causes could not contain any show of true treason by any law or reason in the world, nor that the judges or accusers did in their arraignments, or condemnations allege any such matter against them, but only of Religion, and Acts of the same, made crimes by parliament, as if the burgesses of Ingland should make it adultery to hear a woman's confession, or theft to give alms, and this he proveth by the very records of the condemnations yet extant, and by the testimony of the English chronicles printed by allowance of the present state, which have set down in print the causes of divers executed far different from that which M. Cecil here telleth us, who words he citeth.  
He handleth also the peculiar punishments for hearing of mass, & the 20. L. a month for not coming to Church, which are evident pains for matters of Religion, which matters M. Cecil so often, and impudently 
Great 〈◊〉.  (saith he) in his foresaid book of execution of English justice, denieth utterly to be punished in Ingland, and though in this proclamation he confess that there is a pecuniary payment for such as refuse to come to Church, yet he doth it very slily, and underhand, and uttereth not what the sum is, being ashamed (as may be thought) that the world should understand, of so barbarous, and in humane a cruelty, and rapine as no Turk, or Moor at this day doth exercise the like upon his subjects for difference of Religion; for it the Turk should impose such a tribute of twenty pounds for every month upon the Christians, Jews, and other subjects of his that refuse to come to hisMoscheyes, or Churches, what an infinite sum would it rise unto, or what people would abide to be under his government, saith this defendant.  
Besides M. Cecil telleth not (saith he) how recusants are handled besides the payment of these twenty pounds a month, how they are held in prison, and carried from bar to bar, let out, and called in, upon every light occasion, vexed, troubled, spoiled, made subject & obnoxious to every pursevante, catchpole, and other that list to molest them, and how they are denied the common refuge, and course of law in their affairs, as people out of the protection of their Prince, and country.  
Again he saith that M. Cecil telleth not of the torments, tortures, and other violences used to Catholics against all law in prisons, to make them confess and descry others of the same Religion; he saith nothing of the barbarous, and bloody questions urged upon men for their very thoughts to come; what they would do, persuade, or judge, if wars for Religion should happen in Ingland; as if the Pope, or any other Catholic Prince, should ask his friends or subjects, or the husband should examine his wife what they would do in such or such cases, wherein it is evident that under pain of damnation they are bound to be against him; and yet no civil humane Prince will ever ask such demands before hand, so that he concludeth Master Cecil to be a 
An egregious bloodsucker.  very monster and to break all law of nature, nations, civility, and religion, and showeth out of Luther's own sayings, and many examples beside, that protestants would never bear the hundred part of these tyrannies, and oppressions laid upon Catholics.   

The second part of this fourth section.  
THIS second part of the Section containeth particular matter against the L. Cardinal Allen, and F. Persons, against whom this defender saith, that my L. Treasurer telleth a large feigned tale, how that they, as heads of these dens, and receptacles, which by traitors are called Seminaries have very lately assured again the King of Spain, that though 
An impudent tale.  heretofore he had no good success in his army against Ingland, yet if he will once again renew his war for this next year there shallbe found ready many thousands of able people within the land to take his part, and that there be already many Seminary priests, and jesuits sent into the land to hold these reconciled people in this resolution, and that the Pope, and King upon these assertions (though they know the most part thereof to be false) yet have they resolved to attempt that matter once again this next year that cometh; and for that divers of the King of Spain's wisest councillors doubt that he shall not prevail, therefore is he otherwise persuaded that if this his purpose may not take place against Ingland, yet that the same forces may be well employed against France, or the low countries, or Scotland. Thus far telleth M. Cecil his tale, saith this awnswerer, devised ofhiss own head, as resolutely as if he had been of the King of Spain's council, and present at the deliberation itself.  
And first of all saith this defender, seeing that by a little process of tyme since the proclaiming of this famous lie, it is evidently discovered, that neither the Pope, nor King of Spain have made preparations of war correspondent to any such intention, as here is set down, nor have not at this present any least demonstration tending that way; every man will easily see how this old spirit of Beelzabub in Cecil hath followed his former accustomed course of forgery and lying in this bloody action, of so many people's molestation, and destruction, which this wicked man, saith he, hath wrought, by this hateful, and malicious fable invented of himself, in which fable as there are many things odious, so nothing, saith this defender, carrieth more foundation or credit, then is the only conscience of Cecil the reporter, which conscience by his former actions, may be presumed to be somewhat worse than that of Nero, Caligula, or Heliogabulus (for they had yet perhaps some) whereby it is easy to judge in what afflicted case poor Catholics do stand, whose lives, & beings must depend of the same.  
In this narration also the proclaumer saith (with like truth as the rest) that Allen the scholar, for his treason is honoured with a Cardinal's hat, & that Persons the schoolman, doth arrogate unto himself the name of the King Catholics confessor. By which occasion of the words Scholar and schoolman, and the like fond terms impertinently thrust in, this defender discourseth upon M. Cecils wit and discretion in using these and like words, and phrases so much out of order, sense, propriety and method in this proclamation, as it well declareth (saith he,) that he doth not only lack true judgement, wisdom, and learning, but also that he can not well speak 
M. Cecil 〈◊〉 wiseman.  English, with any gravity, or propriety, but lodgethup all his proclamations & other writings with idle ynckepot terms, without sense, judgement, or conveniency very often, and that he is so far of from all ability to write any one page of the fluente grave and substantious style of the Cardinal whom he stoffeth at, as if he were otherwise in Christianity and honesty fit for the same, yet his grace would be loath to entertain him for his secretary, though the simple Duke ofSomerset a man wholly unlearned, most unfortunately both for himself and others took him for his, and brought him in to be also the same to the King his pupil, as both their ruins felt it after, & since that time how he hath crept up by abusing her Majesty that now is; and how undeservedly he hath gotten the place, and riches that now he possesseth, every discreet man in Ingland doth easily see; and if he were here in banishment (saith this awnswerer to show, and shift for himself as others do (his far betters every way and that by his procurement he would appear but a silly soul, except only in lying, and cozening, which here among us, saith this awnswerer, is not accounted wisdom, but dishonesty, and though in Ingland of some of the simpler sort or passionate people, he be reckoned for a great wise man, yet is he not so abroad by those that more substantially look into matters, and if he had gotten his treasurship with no more treachery, then D. Allen hath gotten his hat with treason, he were a happy man; but the ones merit, and worthiness, beareth no comparison with the others indignity, and wikednes, and so I leave them both to the judgement of God, and good men, and thus much the awnswerer in effect replieth to this point of the Cardinal.  
another point also he handleth touching father Persons, whom, he saith, my L. Treasurer in this proclamation by a certain calumniation more ridiculous than envious, affirmeth to arrogate to himself the name of the King Catholics confessor, which not being so, nor likely, nor almost possible to be so, for that this place, and charge requireth a man of the same nation, skilful and practised both in the language, and affairs of the country, and the said father not lying, or residing in the court, but commonly in the English houses, and colleges either of Vallidolid. Civil, or S. Lucar, and no argument or probability offering itself in the world, why old Cecil should fall into this so doting an imagination, except it were to scoff by the way at the King of Spain's being called Catholic, and having of a confessor, this defendant taketh occasion hereby to examine these two words?  
First what this word Catholic meaneth, how it 
The word Catholic.  first began, even with the word Christian, and was invented by the apostles themselves, and put in to their creed to explicate the other word, and to restrain the signification of a Christian, or professor of Christ his name in general, unto a true, faithful, and obedient Christian, for which he allegeth the testimony of an ancient holy bishop named Pacianus, 
pacianus exempla ad Symp. Novat.  that said, Christian is my name, but Catholic is my surname, by the first I am named, but by the second I am known, proved, and distinguisted from all others, for which cause also the apostles used this word Catholic to distinguish the true Church of Christ, from all other false conventicles of heretics, and feigned Christians; of all which this man inferreth by divers testimonies of S. Augustine, and other fathers, that no name is more glorious in the world then to be called a Catholic; and that the Kings of Spain have justly to rejoice, and take honour of this title given them by the sea Apostolic notwithstanding Master Cecils scoff, and that it is much more ridiculous, & apis he in the Ministers of Ingland to give the title of defender of the Catholic faith, so solemnly in every of their sermons to the Queen of Ingland, seeing it is a title that was assigned to her father, by Pope Leo the tenth for writing only against Luther in defence of papistry, which her Majesty impugneth, and persecuteth to death; and therefore to hold the title, and to deny the faith, no man can imagine (saith this awnswerer) how it can stand together, but only by M. Cecils combinanation, that can patch together any thing for his purpose in what kind soever.  
For the second, why every Prince should have a 
kings confessors.  confessor, according to the old custom of all Princes, this man allegeth many reasons, and authorities; and namely out of S. Augustine, who saith, that no Christian will refuse to confess his sins to a priest (that is) 
Aug. lib. 2. de visit. infirm. cap. 4.  God's vicar) but only such as either are confounded by shame, or beaddy with pride to their own damnation: & upon this he inferreth what a miserable dangerous state Master Cecil hath brought not only himself, but also her Majesty unto, that whereas other Princes discharge their consciences by confession, and receiving absolution of the Church appointed by Christ 
Matth. 18.  our saviour, every year many times; her Majesty hath passed over now four and thirty years, without that benefit, contrary to the example of all the Kings, and Queens of Ingland her noble progenitors, that ever were from the first conversion of the same unto her time; whereof none ever wanted this honour and benefit of a confessor but herself, except it were perhaps King Edward her brother, who being a child, and in the hands of others, can make no precedent to the contrary; but for King Henry her father, he observed the same also most strictely even unto his dying day, and made it death unto him that should contradict the same, and so did all his ancestors before him observe the like most holy beneficial, and Catholic use, in so much that (in deed) her Majesty is the very first of all English Princes, that ever hath aventured to cast her soul into that aeternal danger, as to heap four and thirty years sins together, without confession or absolution of theChurch, and to leave them to the severe judgement of almighty God, upon contempt of that spiritual tribunal which he hath assigned in his Church for the remission of the same, and all this upon M Cecils persuasion (saith this awnswerer) who being oppressed with the multitude of his own sins, will not be able to help her Majesty in that day, and for that Cardinal Allen, father Persons, & others of their coat, and charity, do pity her Majesty in this great danger, therefore M. Cecil avoucheth them for traitors.  
Wherhfore this Section is concluded with a sharp reprehension of my L. Treasurer's proceed, words, and dealings against these two men in special, who yet are avouched never to have done him hurt, nor to any other protestant that hath passed in Catholic countries, where their credits might have wrought them prejudice, if they would. And in particular he 
Cecils grandchild in Rome.  allegeth how that both these men being in Rome together the year 1586. they had understanding of my L. Treasurer's grandchild, & heir of his house, being secretly there, and were so far of from doing him hurt (which they might have done) as they used all courtesy, & friendship towards him, both in words, and deeds, and procured from the Pope his safe return, which the grandfather that well knoweth thereof, and was privy to the journey, in all law of nobility, and civility were bound to requite (saith this awnswerer) if any seed of the one, or the other virtue were in his breast.    

The fift, and last Section.  
THE fift, and last Section comprehendeth the whole conclusion of the premises with order, & punishment for the offenders; and for that (〈◊〉 this defender affirmeth) the said premises have been proved to be most false, forged, and maliciously aggravated by the accuser, it is no marvel though the conclusion be correspondent to the same; that is to say, most unjust, and injurious, seeing it is inferred, and enforced upon these words in the proclamation itself, to wit, wherefore considering that these intentions of the King of Spain are to us made very manifest, which intentions notwithstanding this awnswerer taketh to be so manifesto by this day unto all the whole world, that there were never any such, as he thinketh that Master Cecil himself for very shame can not deny it, and consequently must needs confess in his heart, that all this bloody conclusion of murdering Catholics was over hastily awarded, either upon vain fear, or unchristian malice, and yet doth the ●…nswerer examine the particular remedies, which 〈◊〉 prescribed in the proclamation against these supposed dangers of the realm, and devised intentions of the King of Spain.  
And the first remedy is, that the Godly Ministers of 
The Minister's 〈◊〉 doctrine.  the Church do by their diligent teaching, and example of life, retain the people steadfast in the protession of the Gospel, here the awnswerer handleth divers points, first the ●●●ale credit, and authority (as he saith) of the English Ministers doctrine, and teaching, which partly for lack of study, and learning (those few apostatas being dead that at the beginning made some flouris he with their skill gotten in the Catholic schools) and partly by their division, wrangling, and dislension among themselves, the one discovering the others wants, and principally by the writings, and replies of Catholics in refutation of their childish novelties, the credit (I say) and estimation of the English ministery, for matter of learning is come to be so small, among such as have judgement, as they are very contemptible, especially since they have refused all disputation, writing of books, & other reasonable trial offered of the other part, & since they have brought their manner of preaching to only railing, and to bloody exaggerating of matters of treasons out of their pulpits, where matters of conscience, good life, & of sweet Christian charity should be handled: & therefore he concludeth that this first part of remedy hath no force in the world, with the wiser sort, to retain them in the profession of their new Gospel; but rather to cause men of discretion to run from it, & so would infinite multitudes do in Ingland, were it not for the only Magistrates authority, which bindeth them against their wills to be at their Ministers Churches, & conventicles, & to hear their wild & miserable bellowing from their pulpits.  
And much less (saith he) can their example of life retain the people steadfast in their Gospel, seeing they themselves are so variable, and changeable in the same, & in so few years are fallen to such mortal wars among themselves about which, and what is their Gospel: seeing also that the lives & manners of the ministers of Ingland are so scandalous, as no kind of people within the land have so evil opinion among all sorts of men for wickedness & lose behaviour, as have the ministers, & this may be verified (snith this man) not only in the base, & inferior sort of them, (which ordinarily are the scum, & refuse of the Realm,) but also in most of the very chief, to wit, of the Bishops, Prelates and other governors of the clergy, if the late books of the puritanes tell true, and if the matters printed of lechery against Sands late Archbishop of Yorcke, & of theft, & other like crimes against Elmer that presently is Bishop of London, & of all beastliness against the present Bishop of S. Davies, & others his compaignons lately presented to the press by Norton bear any credit, then much less effectual (saith he) is this part of remedy then the former.  
To this first remedy pertaineth also that which followeth in the same proclamation, that every man must pray earnestly to almighty God to assist this so naturel, honourable, & profitable a sernice, being only for defence of their natural country, their wives, families, children, 〈◊〉 goods, liberties, & their posterities, against ra●●●ing strangers, wilful destroyers of their natille country, & monstrous traitors. All which this awnswerer calleth M. Cecils ridiculous & raving Rhetoric; & warring in the air without an enemy, for that this defendant having proved before (as he supposeth) moste evidently that there is no sign at all of any such attempt or invasion towards by the King, nor of any such intention or least cogitation of treason or hostility in the priests, & jesuits that come into Ingland out of the Seminarles; all this crying out of 
Feigned pretences of M. Cecis.  defence of natural country against strangers & traitors, is but an artificial flourish of him that would seem to be a friend, & careful defender, who in deed hath been, & is, the only tyrant, and destroyer of the same; and hath brought it already to that point, that to treat only now of restoring the old, ancient, Catholic faith to the same, wherein his, & our forefathers from the beginning of Christianity have lived & died so Godly and worthily, must be accounted to put in hazard our wives families, children, lands, goods, liberties, & posterities, as though our predecessors in the Catholic faith did not possess these things far more abundantly than we do now, since the bringing in of new religions, or as though our natural country was not as honourably defended, & maintained then, when grave, & noble Catholic men had the menage thereof, as since M. Cecil got up to the stern, or as though the intention of these feigned troubles now were meant to the good of the wealepublique, & not to the maintenance of a few only in their ambition, or as though finally the fruit of this victory now intended over good subjects at home, should not be, that M. Cecil without contradiction may rule all as he list, may put in, & keep out of the Council whom he pleaseth, hold up the puritanes against herMaiestie for his own peculiar purpose, keep down the Archbishop of Canterbury, & the rest of the Clergy as himself seemeth best, make his eldest son deputy of Ireland yfhe can, & his second crooked cub to be also of the Council, his grandchild to aspire by Arbellas' title to the chiefest garland, & his nieces to match with great men of the land for the fortifying of this & other his plots; & all this must be contrived under show, & pretence of most honourable, & natural defending of the Realm, yea of wives, families, children, lands, goods, liberties, & posterities, & to the end that no man may look into these doings at home (especially her Majesty whom most it concerneth) all men's ears are to be filled, and held attended with clamours and outries of invasions, and dangers from abroad, by ravening strangers, wilful destroyers of their native country, and monstrous traitors; and for more hypocrisy, and deceitful show of some good meaning in this point, all men are exhorted by M. Cecil to have recourse to God by prayers, whereas it is well known, by testimony of such as live with him, and others, and see their lives, and have served them in their chambers, that neither he, nor Leicester, nor some others that have been heads of threatening these bugs do ever lightly use that exercise of prayer, but live as mere Atheists, and laughing at other men's simplicity in that behalf; and thus much in effect is said to this first remedy.  
But besides this he addeth somewhat also about the 
The vain vaunting of Gospel.  word Gospel, which M. Cecil in his proclamations so often iterateth, and yet (saith this awnswerer) no man can easily guess what he meaneth thereby, considering his own Religion in Queen Mary and King Edward's days, and his earnest being against the puritans under this Qneene until of late; and now his being for them, and yet his complying with her Majesty on the other side, so that by his gospel he can not seem to mean any other thing but his own fancy, and designments for the time present to serve his turn.  
And by this occasion this awnswerer declareth, how the old fathers and doctors did not use this name of Gospel commonly, but only for the sacred writings of the four Evangelists; to whom the privilege of this high word was peculiarly attributed, for that nothing in the said writing could be false or erroneous, & that the Religions of Christians founded thereon (especially against heretics) was usually called the Catholic faith, and doctrine, until these our days, when every man that devised new opinions or ways, would needs call it the very gospel itself; so began Luther, and after him followed Oecolampadius and Zwinglius, though different from him, and after them both, John Caluine; and about the same time the anabaptists, Trinitaries, and new Arrians in Transiluania, and since that in Ingland both protestants, puritanes, and family of love; of which no one will admit worse name to his sect, than the sacred name of the holy Gospel itself; which being but one, and a simple truth, and these men different and repugnant to themselves can not possibly be posiessed by them all, though all pretend it; and therefore, saith this awnswerer, as in a city, where one only precious stone is known to be, if a man should find the streets full of divers criers that swear and protest every one of them to have this jewel to himself alone, it were able to make a wise man, think rather that none of them had it, then that all could have it; even so (saith he) in this case of pretending the Gospel.  
Moreover he showeth that of all these sects which at this day profess the name of Gospel abroad in the world, no one either within or without the realm, will confess that the Religion generally held in Ingland at this day, is the pure Gospel, except perhaps some at home that dare not say the contrary, or esteem little of any Religion, for abroad he showeth first out of Luther himself, how he condemned to hell the heresy of Zwinglius & Caluin now held in Ingland, which Westphalus, Illiricus, and all other Lutherans have followed since, as appeareth by their broke yet in print, & the decrees are extant of the Earls of Mansfild in the year 1559. and of the Lutheran cities of Wittenberg, Hamberg and others the year 1560. and of all the rest of Saxony the year 1562. which condemned the Religion of Caluin now held in Ingland for damnable heresy. The like did the Zwinglians as appeareth by the doings, and writings of Andreas, Zebedaeus, and loannes Angelus Zwinglian Ministers against Caluin himself, being yet alive, when they accused him to the Magistrates of Berna in Zuicerland for an Archiheretique: & by the public decree of the same city and Magistrate yet extant, published in the year 1555. Is commanded that Caluius institutions, & such other books of his as in the assertions impugned by these Ministers were found, should be burned and prohibited as heretical for ever.  
At home also the determination of King Henry the eight, and his parliament for his six Articles against this Religion, & the difference of the communion book in King Edward's time from this that now is; & the exclamation of Caluin and Beza against the supremacy of a woman, or lay Prince (whereof dependeth the heart of English Religion) & last the multitude of erors, heresies, & abominations gathered out of late by the puritans (now defended by M. Cecil) in their late books against the protestants, whom M. Cecil also must needs admit; all these things (saith this awnswerer) do well show what ground or certainty there is in M. Cecils Gospel, and how little it ought to move a discreet man his often repeating of the same.  
This therefore passed over, he cometh to handle the second remedy appointed in the proclamation, which is of the forces, and preparations of her Majesty by sea and land to withstand this imaginary invasion, whereunto M. cecil exhortethal good subjects to give assistance with their hands, purses, and advises: of which three 
Forces of Ingland.  things this awnswerer saith, that he nothing doubteth, but that M. Cecil will easily admit the former two, to wit, that men do assist with their hands, and purses; for that in the first which is to fight, or put hands to work M. Cecil hath no skill, nor will to intermeddle himself, but only to set men on, whiles he, and his do look upon them; In the second of their purses, seeing he is Treasurer, it serveth for his purpose to pull them on as many ways as he can devise, and perhaps it was the greatest motive of all this tragedy, to fill his coffers by this devise: but for the third which is to assist with their advises, it is spoken only for courtesies sake; for in matters of most weight in government, & state, M. Cecil admitteth few but himself, and his own peculiar instruments; and in this I report me, saith this awnswerer, to the rest of her majesties privy Council, how truly I speak in this behalf.  
After this, saith this awnswerer, that notwithstanding M. Cecils great brag of forces, (whereof the poor people of the Realm do bear the burden,) yet if all things be indifferently, and wisely considered, it may be said of M. Cecil, as it was of Moab by the Prophet. We have 
〈◊〉. 16.  beard of the pride, and arrogancy of Moab; his pride, land his arrogancy, and his wrath is greater than his strength. which this man apply to M. Cecils arrogancy, & exceeding foolish, and furious wrath in breaking so openly and arrogantly with all the old Allies of the crown of Ingland, in provoking so many and so potent Princes abroad to revenge their injuries, in attempting so great and dangerous changes, and innovations, and exasperations at home, as must needs at length bring all the whole house about his own ears, and other men's to, and can not possibly endure; by all which, and many other things that he allegeth, this defendant will needs have membeleve, that my L. Treasurer is unadvised & not only wanteth conscience, and Religion, but also wisdom, & circumspection in the greatest of his doings, and that in very truth laying Gods cause aside (whereof his care is least) he is also for civil government a very insufficient man.  
Thirdly, and lastly, he cometh to the form of inquisition 
The form of Inquisition  appointed in the proclamation for the finding out of the Seminary priests, and punishment as well of them as of all such as shall receive, harbour, or comfort them, about which point after this awnswerer hath showed that this form of search & punishment is more rigorous, & cruel (considering all circumstances) then ever was any search in former times of any old persecutors or tyrants, he showeth himself to wonder more at the impudency, and folly of M. Cecil in setting down this said form of Inquisition, then at any thing touched in this answer before.  
And for his impudence he allegeth these words of the proclamation, wherein it is avouched that this form of examination, & vexing of men for the Catholic faith in Ingland, is in no wise contrary, but agreeable to the most ancient laws, and good usages of our Realm, which this man refuteth, beginning from the first Christian King of the Britan's named Lucius, that took his faith from Rome, unto the last called Cadwalladar, that made himself a monk, and died in Rome; & after that, from Ethelbert the first English King christened by S. Augustine a monk, sent from Rome, until the last King Edward the confessor, held for a saint in the same Religion: & after him from William Conqueror first King of the Normans, unto King Henry the eight father of her Majesty; all which Kings, and Queens this awnswerer showeth to have been contrary in Religion to this of M. Cecils, & consequently to have made all their laws, and ordinances in favour of Catholic Religion, & against that which is now held in Ingland; and so their forms, of search, and Inquisition must needs be against this, & not against that; and therefore that it is extreme impudence in M. Cecil to avouch so openly in proclamation, that this tyrannical form of his invention against the Catholics, is in no wise contrary, but agreeable to the most ancient laws of Inglande.  
Secondly for M. Cecils folly, and lack both of wit, & 
M. Cecils folly.  consideration in pressing a free people with such irking, & bloody laws, which drive to desperation, he allegeth the authority of all grave men that ever wrote of government of common wealths, who affirm that such proceeding is lack of wisdom, for that violent courses endure not long, and fear is no good conserver of perpetuity, and overmuch rubbing bringeth out blood, and patience abused turneth into fury. He noteth also a want of ludgement in Master Cecil the scribe to put down in her majesties name, after recital of so great rigour, that she is resolutely determined to suffer no favour to be used for any respect of any persons qualities, or degrees, which may chance to stir up some Matathias, and his children, and friends one day to do as he hide in his zeal for God's cause, being enforced thereunto by the indiscreet oppression of Antiochus the tyrant, to his own destruction; and seeing that it is evident that these hard, and rigorous words, could not proceed of her Majesties own inclination; but were thrust in by Cecil in despite, and disgrace of nohility, & principal peers, of whom he was afeard least the Queen might have some respect in these cases of Religion, this awnswerer exhorteth him to look unto it, and to think betimes 
Council and exbortation.  upon the end of pierce os Gaverston, & the Spencers, & others that have abused their Prince's favours in Ingland heretofore, to the debasing of true nobility, and pilling of the people; he willeth him also to think of the ends of wicked leroboan, & Achab with the death of seventy children of his in own day; notwithstanding they were as well established and allied for matters of the world, as M. Cecils of spring can be. Finally he beseecheth also her Majesty to look about her betime, & not to suffer herself to be carried away, or to be made a prey to one man's ambition only, who will not be able to remedy the calamities, that now he soweth, but will leave them all on his Princes back, when he can wade no further, as the pitiful examples of King John, King Edward the second, Richard the second, Henry the sixth, and others driven into miseries by such evil councillors do well declare, nor is it safe for any Prince to lean to much to one man's council, especially one that seeketh so evidently his own interest as in M. Cecil doth: moderate courses do endure, but this is desperate, neither want there means to reduce things yet to some composition, or moderation at least, if her Majesty would follow her own Princely disposition, and leave the bloody humour of this old ambition's serpent. Her majesties age requireth more love and peace of her subjects now, and to attend rather to security, then to enter into new odious conflicts; the fly hath her spleen, saith the Philosopher and much more men of courage and free education, and so much blood spent by violence as lately hath been in Ingland can not but threaten much blood again in the end. All this & much more to purpose saith this awnswerer, and in the end concludeth all with certain effectual consolations unto Catholics out of Eusebius, Gregory Nazianzene, and Victor Vticensis, who recount the exceeding comforts, which God gave unto Catholics that had suffered for him after their persecutors were destroyed & confounded.  
He writeth also certain annotations upon the instructions annexed to the proclamation for the commissioners how to execute their form of inquisitions and all he maketh very odious and cruel, which I can not set down here for lack of time, but I hope to send you the book itself very shortly.