AN HOURGLASS Containing I A Computation from the Beginning of Time to Christ by X. Articles.  
TWO A Confirmation of the same for the times controversed before Christ: as also that there wanteth a year after Christ, in the usual Computation.  
With other matters, offered to the judgement of the learned, and use of the studious in Chronologie and history.  
By Thomas Pie Doctor of Divinity.  
LONDON, Printed by John Wolf. 1597.   

To the most Gracious and Reverend Father in Christ, JOHN by the providence of God Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitan, and one of her majesties most Honourable privy Council.  
HOW necessary and requisite Chronologie is in the study of all History, Divine or human, it being the right eye thereof, as Geography is the left: there is no man, unless he be blind of both eyes, but may easily discern and will freely confess. Without which we cannot but wander in the estate & affairs of the world as Polyphemus in his cave, and be tossed in the vast Ocean of History, as a Pilot without the Northstarre, discerning nothing in the main course thereof, but an huge heap of diffused matter. For which cause Athenaeus is so sharp in reprehending both Plato and Xenophon, for misnoting the times of some stories; and Thucydides findeth the same fault with Hellanicus, Dionysius with Fabius Pictor, Plutarch with Thucydides, for misdating the Ostracism of Themistocles, and the Reign of Artaxerxes; and Tully with certain before him, which made Numa to be the scholar of Pythagoras, who was borne not a few years, but whole ages after Numa. And therefore it is the more strange that Ovid after him should fall into the same error. 
Hieron. ad Nepot. de vica clericali.  Hierome writing to Nepotian of unlearned preachers in his time, allegeth this example out of an Oration of Tully for Quintus Gallus (which now is not extant:) Quidam Poeta nominatus, homo perliteratus, cujus suntilla Colloquia Poetarum & Philosophorum, cum facit Euripidem & Menandrum intersese, & alio loco Socratem & Epicurum disserentes, quorum aetates non annis, sed saeculis scimus esse disiunctas; quantos is plausus & clamores movet? multos enim condiscipulos habet in Theatro, qui simul literas non didicerunt. Doubtless, had Tully himself been there, or at the sermons of Hieroms unlearned preachers, (I would God our age were void of the like,) he would have exclaimed, 
Ad Atticum. li. 6.  as he did of one Metellus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 turpem! Oh foul ignorance of History! It is a wonder to see the Beauperes of the Law, Bartolus and Paulus Castrensis, roving at Random about the time and age of Papinian and Diocletian, and that when they handle the same of purpose for the reconciliation of certain laws: and a very world to behold the great Antiquaries of the Saxons, 
Specul. Saxon. li. 3. ca 43. Alb. Stadenfis ad annum 917. Epiph count haer. l. 7. tom. 3. Socrates li. 5. ca 21. Lact. divin. instit. li. 4. ca 5. Aug. de doctr. Ch. li. 2. Retract li. 2. De civit. Dei li. 18.  averring that their first ancestors were Alexander's Macedonian companies, which assoon as Alexander was dead, arrived in Germany, even jump at that time, when Theodorik king of Frankes had war with Ermifrid king of Thuringians; which was little less than a thousand years after Alexander: and the great Historicians of the Danes, johannes Magnus Archbishop of Vpsala, Pantaleon and Heminges, making Dan the Archege and Grandsire of the Danes, to be equal in antiquity to Gedeon, who was at the least a thousand years after Gedeon. And therefore the less marvel, that the great Fathers in Divinity are sometime out of their numbers too; as Epiphanius, mistaking the death of justin Martyr to be under Adrian: Socrates, misplacing the martyrdom of Polycarpus to be under Gordian: Lactantius affirming that Moses was 900 year before the Trojan war: and Augustin himself likewise, avouching that Plato went into Egypt in the time of jeremy the prophet; and producing Ambrose for a witness thereof, though afterward he both confess the misciting of Ambrose, and also acknowledge that Plato was borne after Ezra his time.  
But it is not my purpose here to imitate Castor Rhodius; who as Suidas recordeth, hath written in large volumes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Errors of time and Ignorances' of History.  
In ancient time, the Pagans so out faced and overbore the Christians with such mistaken Histories, antedated and forged authorities, worn and worm-eaten antiquities, that the Christians were constrained to bestow more time and diligence in that study: as among other Eusebius, and before him Clemens Alexandrinus have performed that part most painfully and profitably; whose tract other since have diligently traced.  
And albeit many in our time have laboured in this argument, with great pains and no less praise, whose candle myself 〈◊〉 scarce worthy to hold; yet finding none of them all, fully to content me in the main Computation of the years of the world, or thoroughly to clear that principal account, being the ground of Chronologie, and as it were the main body, whereout all other Computations as branches do spring: no man, I hope, will blame my endeavours, either for wading further in the broken ice to find out the truth, or for divulging my opinion and reasons in this naked shadow and short delineation: since it is done to this end, that the judgement of the learned may be had thereof, not that the conjectures of other should be prejudiced thereby, as I would not have the conceits or authority of any to prejudice or forestall the truth. It was truly said of Seneca to Lucilius, of all parts of learning generally, and it is verified of this specially, 
Epist. l. 8. ep. 7.  Multum egerunt qui fuerunt ante nos, sed non peregerunt.  
Besides this, great men employed in great matters, busied with weighty affairs, and bestowing their study in the greater parts of learning, have not that liberty and quiet leisure, which these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and lesser studies do require. Which since the Almighty hath vouchsafed me, as I take it for no small benefit of his goodness, especially in these evil times, and very dog-days of the Church and Religion, which now lie together in a desperate paroxysm and most dangerous fit, jointly shaken and assaulted by Popery and Atheism, and daily weakened, yea hazarded by both, but that the zealous care of her sacred Majesty, and the careful foresight of her Honourable counsel holdeth in life: so I thought it my duty to employ some part thereof in these smaller and lower arguments, which greater matters will not suffer other men to stand about and thoroughly to look into. Which labours of mine (if the lowness thereof in regard of your Highness breed not too great a disparaged) I hight as wholly due to your Grace, in respect not only of the common right, in that you are the highest person and chiefest patron of my profession; or of that special interest, in that you are the Visitor and Overseer of Merton College my tender parent, but also even of a certain property, which your Grace in regard of many benefits above other hath in me, now that I am bereft of that Reverend Father D. Bickleie late L. Bishop of Chichester, Qui nobis haec otia fecit. Wherefore craving pardon for my boldness herein, I humbly submit this short treatise to your Grace's censure and favour, and with daily prayers commit your Grace to all the blessings of the Almighty. September. 1597.  
Your Grace's most bounden: THOMAS PIE.   

The first Article.  
From 

Adam to Seth Years. 130  
Seth to Enosh Years. 105  
Enosh to Kenan Years. 90  
Kenan to Mahalaleel Years. 70  
Mahalaleel to jered Years. 65  
jered to Henoch Years. 162  
Henoch to Mathushelah Years. 65  
Mathushelah to Lamech Years. 187  
Lamech to Noach Years. 182  
Noach to the beginning of the Deluge Years. 599  
Beginning of the Deluge to the end. Years. 1    
The Sum from the 

Creation to the 

Beginning of the Deluge, 1655. years, 1. month 16 days.  
End of the Deluge, 1656. years, 1. month and 26. days.    
Beginning of the Deluge to the end of it, 12. months containing 354. days for the common year, and one day, for the Bassextil year; and 10. days over: which with the foresaid odd day make up the Epacts; so that Noach was in the Ark precisely a just Solar year: unless the year 1656. had the month Veadar intercalated, as Wolphius seemeth to prove: and then he was a year and a month full.     

The second Article.  
From 

End of the Deluge to Arphaxad Years. 2  
Arphaxad to Shelah Years. 35  
Shelah to Heber Years. 30  
Heber to Peleg Years. 34  
Peleg to Rehu Years. 30  
Rehu to Serug Years. 32  
Serug to Nahor Years. 30  
Nahor to Terah Years. 29  
Terah to Abraham Years. 130    
The sum from the 

Deluge to Abraham Years. 352  
Creation to Abraham Years. 2008    
Abraham was borne in the year of the world 2009. which is accounted for his first year.   

The third Article.  

Abraham's age before the beginning of the Peregrination or Sojourning, that is before he went from Vr of the Chaldees Years. 70   
Abraham departed from Vr, in the year, 2079. which is the first of his Peregrination.   

The fourth Article.  

The Peregrination or sojourning of the Hebrues from Abraham's departing from Vr, to the Israelites departing out of Egypt Years. 430   
The Israelites departed out of Egypt in the year, 2509. which is the first year of their departing.   

The fift Article.  

From the departing of the Israelites out of Egypt, to the Foundation of the Temple, that is, to the end of Solomon's fourth year, in the second month whereof the Temple was sounded. years. 480   
The Temple was founded in the second month of the year of the world, 2988.   

The sixth Article.  

From the beginning of Solomon's fift year, to the end of Rehoboams' first year years. 37   
The first year of Rehoboam and jeroboham was the year of the world, 3025.   

The seventh Article.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Bearing of the burden of the iniquity of Israel, from the sin of jeroboam, and the Apostasy of the ten Tribes in the first year of jeroboam, to the end of the siege & taking of jerusalem, in the eleventh and last year of Zedechias. years. 390   
The siege ended, and jerusalem was taken the ninth day and fourth month of the year 3416. in the very end both of Zedechias 11. year, & Nabuchodonosors 18. which year 3416, falling some small part in Nabuchodonosors 18. but the greater part in his 19 is the first year of the Captivity.   

The eight Article.  

The punishment of the iniquity, viz. the Captivity of the people from the taking of jerusalem by Nabuchodonosor to the taking of Babylon by Cyrus. years. 70   
The Captivity ended in the beginning of the year of the world 3486. which was the first year of the deliverance, and likewise the first year of Cyrus.   

The ninth Article.  

From the taking of Babylon to the Edict of Artaxerxes Longimane for the Return of the people and building of the City by Ezra, that is to Artaxerxes 7. year, exclusiuè Years. 78   
Artaxerxes seventh year, in the very beginning whereof the Edict proceeded forth, was the year, 3568.   

The tenth Article.  

daniel's 70. weeks from Artaxerxes Edict to the death of Christ, in the 34. year of his life. Years. 490    

Conclusion.  
At the death of Christ there were complete and ended 4053. years of the world, out of which subtract 34. backward to his Conception or Incarnation, and there will be 4019. complete before his incarnation: which was on the day of the Vernal equinoctial beginning the year of the world, 4020. and he was borne, as learned Astronomers have calculated it, agreeably to this Computation, the day of the winter Solstice being friday in the year of 

the world 4020. the 29. day of Cisleu of the Hebrues.  
Olympiad, 194. Y. 3. the 28. day of 

Anthestion of the Athenians.  
Andyneus of the Macedonians.    
Rome, 751. the 

8. Calends of januarie, of the Romans'.  
25. day of December. of the Romans'.    
Nabonassar 747. the 4. day of Tibi of the Egyptians.  
Augustus' Empire 42. or his xiii. Consulship.  
Indichon 4. having the 

Golden number, 19  
Circle of the sun, 8.  
Dominical letter E. because of the erroneous intercaling: else it should have been D. The next year was the last omitted leap year. And so since Christ the year of julius Caesar remained unviolated till Gregory, xxij. 1582. years. See Page,       

The Computation after Christ.  
THe year of the world 4020. and the Incarnation of Christ began just together. But the vulgar and usual Computation from the Incarnation of Christ, used in this Realm and other places, doth not reach to Christ's true Incarnation, and the beginning of the year, 4020. by one whole year: but beginneth the first day of the year of the world, 4021. Wherefore in reducing that vulgar computation to the true computation of Christ's Incarnation, and then consequently by it to the years of the world, you must ever first add one to the year of that vulgar computation, which also must be done to the computations of the church of Rome from the Nativity or 25. of December, and of the City of Rome and Astronomers from the Circumcision or first of januarie: between the Incarnation or twenty five of March, and the said days of Nativity and Circumcision following. But the first quarter of their said computation runneth jump with the last quarter of the same year of his true incarnation. As thus, February second, one thousand five hundred ninety five, according to the computation of Rome and the Astronomers, is also February second, one thousand five hundred ninety five, according to the true computation of his Incarnation. But the first day of April, one thousand five hundred ninety five, according to the computation of Rome, is the first of April, one thousand five hundred ninety six, after the true computation of Christ's Incarnation. See more of this in the discourse following.   

An Hourglass. The Confirmation of the Computation.  
THE first Article, from the Creation to Noah, is proved in Gen, 5. where the ages of the Fathers are recorded. From Noah to the beginning of the Deluge is proved, Gen. 7.11.12. The continuance of the Deluge to the end, Gen, 8.14. This year of the Deluge, being a just solare year of 365. days (as I noted before) is omitted by many in their Computations, and clean left out: but Io. Funccius setteth it a year latter than it should be, and so over-reckoneth the time by a whole year. For although in his first edition he begin the Deluge, as all ancient Chronologers do, at the 7. day of the second month of Noaches 600 year: yet in his second Edition, upon better advisement (as he saith) he beginneth it the same day in Noaches 601 year, wherein other notable Chronologers since do follow him. But surely their reasons are lame, and not concludent: yea plain flat against Moses, who saith the beginning was, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the six hundredth year of Noah: not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 After the end of the six hundredth year, as he speaketh, Gen. 16.3. where he intendeth full and complete years. For questionless ב ever importeth the day, month, or year current, not complete. His infallible rule (as he calleth it) is most fallible and false. His rule is, that wheresoever a number of years is set down, and months, and days be added to the same, that must needs be understood of years complete. By which rule it must be understood, Deut. 1.3. that Moses delivered Deuteronomie in the 11. month of the 41. year after the departing out of Egypt: whereas Funccius himself maketh josua to begin presently after the end of the 40. years: yea, and Aaron too, must be understood, Num. 33.38. to die in the first day of the 5. month of the 41. year of the Israelites departing out of Egypt, which himself doth not think. As for that Gen. 7.6. And Noah was six hundred year old, when the flood of waters was upon the earth (whereupon they stand so much,) it is not spoken of the Beginning, but of the Being of the flood upon the earth. The very instant of the beginning thereof is evidently and purposely expressed. v. 11.  
The second Article is confirmed. Gen, 11. from the 10. verse to the 25. where the age of the Fathers after the flood unto Terah are recorded. But about the nativity of Arphaxad there is some odding. For some account from the end of the Deluge to his birth, but one year, and other scarce that, whereas we account two years. For in the 1657 year, the 2 month, and 27 day the Deluge ended, Gen. 8.13. The same day and month of the year, 1659. end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two years after the flood, Goe 11.10. And these two years are to be taken for complete, as both the nature of the Dual number importeth, and also the use of the same word in scripture, 2. Sam. 13. & 14. jerem. 28. For when the holy Ghost meaneth the second year Current, he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as 1. Reg. 15.2. Reg. 1. & 14. & 15. & 19 And if it had been expressly said, that Arphaxad was borne in the 2. year Current, yet that might be in the first or second month of this year, 1659. and therefore I make the year of the world 1659. and the third year after the end of the flood, to be the first year of his age▪ Eusebius between Adam and Terahs' 71 year (which he maketh Abraham's first) overreckoneth the time by 1236 years. For from Adam to the end of the Deluge he saith there are 2242, which is too much by 586. For himself saith, that after the account of the Hebrues, it is but 1656. & so the several years of the fathers which himself a little before did set down, do amount to the same total sum of 1656. though he miss in some particulars, adding to Adam 20. years which he taketh from jered: and to Seth 25. which he taketh from Mahaleel. Yet the Lxx. Greek Interpreters are wider off than he. For they reckon to the end of the Deluge, 2362. which is more than Eusebius by 120. but that total of 2242. which Eusebius hath, agreeth with the Latin Translation of the lxx. Interpreters, which giveth Adam 100 years less, and Mathushelah 20. years less than the Greek doth. Again between the Deluge and Terahs' seventy one year; (which he after the common opinion, supposeth to be the first year of Abraham) he saith, there are 720. years: which sum is surely corrupted & falsified. For in the body of his Chronicle, he maketh Abraham's first to be the year of the world 3185. & upon that ground proceedeth in all his Chronicle, whereby it is evident that he maketh between the Deluge and Abraham's birth 942. yet the several sums of the father's ages, which he setteth down before, amount to 1082. which sum the lxx. make between the Deluge and Terahs' seventy one year, wanting but 10. years, which Eusebius putteth to Nahor more than the lxx. did, and those 10. years he struck out in the sum, whereby he proceedeth in his Chronicle: as also 130. which both he and they give to one Cainan: because in the Hebrew there is no such man as Cainan. And then there remain the foresaid 942. which is too much by 650. as himself intimateth in the 51. year of Abraham, affirming that unto that year the Hebrues account but 2000 years. The cause of this Surplusage is in the lxx. Interpreters whom herein he followeth who to make the years of the Fathers after the Deluge somewhat proportionable to those before the Deluge, give to all the Fathers between Sem and Nahor 100 years a piece, and to Nahor 50. more than the Hebrew hath, and so likewise before the Deluge the lxx. gave to Adam 200. to Lemech 6. & to all the rest, that were not in their hundredths 100 a piece.  
This Computatiton of Eusebius, coupling abraham's first with the 3185. of the world, is used by many, as Origen, Epiphanius, Cedrenus, Nicephorus etc. and by the Greek church, & East Empire even at the counsel of Basill.  
The time of Terahs' age, when he begat Abraham, is also controversed. For the Hebrues say, that Terah begat Abraham, when he was 70. year old, and so begin Abraham's first with Terahs' 71. whom all Greeks' and almost Latines follow. For which opinion these reasons may be given. First Moses Gen. 11.26. expresseth the 70. year of Terah, and joineth next to it the name of Abraham, by whom the Computation was to be continued: and Terah lived 70. years and begat Abraham, Nahor and Haran. Secondly, because that year 130. (at which age by this account Terah should beget Abraham) is no where expressed by Moses: So that whereas all the patriarchs have their ages recorded, only Abraham, the father of all the faithful, even the Archpatriarke, hath his omitted: and his age in other years is five times set down: which were all great absurdities. Thirdly, ab Analogia: because after the Deluge most of the Fathers begat about the age of 30. only Terah at 130. Fourthly, because Abraham himself wondereth that he should have a son at 100, year old: which were no wonder if he were begotten when his father was 130. year old.  
All this is counterpesed by the only authority of Saint Stephen, Act. 7.4. who plainly affirmeth, that Abraham abode at Haran till his Father Terah was dead: and Moses recordeth Gen. 11.32. that Terah died, when he was 205. year old, & that Abraham then presently departing from Haran was 75. year old Gen. 12.1.4. which being subducted out of 205. there remain 130. which was Terahs' age when he begat Abram. And this is plain by the very text of Moses, if by the dividing of the chapter, the sense and matter were not somewhat broken in sight and disjointed. For thus it hangeth together: And the days of Terah were 205. years, and Terah died in Haran. For God had said to Abraham: Get thee out of thy country, and from thy native soil, and from thy father's house, unto the land that I will show thee: and I will make of thee a great Nation, and will bless thee, and make thy name great: and thou shalt be a blessing. I will also bless them that bless thee, and curse them that curse thee: and in thee shall all the families of the earth be blessed. And Abram departed, even as the Lord spoke unto him; and Lot went with him, and Abram was 75. year old when he departed out of Haran. What can be spoken more plainly, to show that Abram was 75. year old, when his Father was 205. year old: and therefore his father 130. years elder than he? Doth not Moses say expressly; that Terah died when he was 205. year old: and then God said to Abram, Go out of thy Country: and Abram anon as God had spoken, departed, being then 75. year old; and this is the very first time that Abraham's age is spoken of by Moses, serving only to show at what year of Terahs' age he was borne.  
Of the objections alleged, the first is infringed by Genesis 5.33. And Noah was five hundred years old, and Noah begat Sem, Cham, and japhet. Where in the very same sort, Noah's 500 year is expressed, & the name of Sem, by whom the Computation was to be continued, joined next with it: and yet it is plain by Gen. 11.10. that Sem was begotten two years after, as Funccius himself proveth. And also by 1. Paral. 1. 28. where it is said, The sons of Abraham were Isaak and Ishmael, and yet no man will say, that Isaak was the elder. The reason of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those places may be the excellency of the Persons, in regard that the Messiah should descend of them. Secondly the absurdities are all avoided: because by the coupling of Terahs' 205. year, with Abraham's 75. year, Abraham's nativity is most certain. Thirdly, the proportion which is pretended, was in the first-born. For doubtless the other Fathers had their last children at a far greater age; and perhaps Haran was borne, when Terah was 70. year old, for that he was far elder than Nahor, appeareth verse 29. in that he had a daughter marriageable for Nahor; and also elder than Abram the jews do infer, holding that his daughter Ischa, was Sara Abraham's wife being but ten year younger than Abram as Moses showeth. Howsoever it be, that argument is of no force: for there was a greater disproportion and odds between Noach and the other Fathers before him, and every man seethe that the mistaking of that ground caused the lxx. and Eusebius to miss their footing so much in the years of the other Fathers. Fourthly the cause of Abraham's admiration was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Apostle speaketh Rom. 4.19. that is, that himself having a dead body, and Sara his wife a dead womb, being both by nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barren and unfruitful, 
Heb. 11.11.5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  (as Abraham complaineth for himself Gen. 15.2.3. and Moses affirmeth apparently for Sara, Gen. 11.30.) should now after they had been married above 40. years together, at that age, he being 100 
Compl. Bibl.  and she 90. year old, become fruitful, & begin to have children. Otherwise the impediments and barrenness by God's blessing being taken away, Abraham doubteth not after the death of Sara, 
Gen. 25.1.2  when he was 138. year old, for all his age dare operam liberis, and to take a new wife, by whom he had 6. sons, and no matter of wonder at all. He that objecteth that saint Steven erred also in other numbers in the same speech: though he bite at S. Steven, yet he bettereth not himself. For if in those numbers there be an error (which I dare not say or think:) yet the cause thereof may be not in Saint Steven, but in the carelessness or needless curiosity of Scribes and Writers many years after: But this is such, as must needs have proceeded from saint Steuens mouth, and saint Luke's pen.  
The third Article is plainly confirmed Gen. 12.4. And Abram was 75. year old, when he departed from Haran.  
The fourth Article is clear. Exo. 12.40. & the sojourning of the children of Israel, which sojourned in Egypt, was 430. year. Yet about the beginning of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sojourning or Peregrination there is some controversy. For it seemeth, it ought to begin at the descending of jacob into Egypt: Because Moses calleth it the sojourning of the Israelites and to be in Egypt: which reasons are very pregnant, were it not evident in Scripture to be otherwise. For first Cohath being one of the Descenders, lived but 133. years. Exod. 6.17. Amram his son lived but 137. years verse 19 & Moses his son, when they came out, was but 80. year old. Exod. 7.9. all which added together come short of 430. If Cohath descended when he was but a year old, and Amram and Moses were borne in the year that their fathers died in. But indeed, from jacobs' & the Israelites descending into Egypt unto their departing thence is but 215 years, as these ancient Writers avouch. joseph. Antiqu. lib. 2. cap. 13. Eusebius out of Alexander Polihister praep. evang. lib. 9 cap. 4. Cedrenus, Zoneras, & Sulpitius Severus: which is just half the time of the Pilgrimage or sojourning, as Epiphanius noteth in Anccrato. Again saint Paul, Gal. 3.17. evidently showeth, that those 430. years are the space between the promise made to Abraham, and the law given to Moses. And therefore in Exod. 12.40. the name Israelite must be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the lxx. do clear, adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these words: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: they and their fathers and Egypt is taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a part for all, as the lxx. do likewise express it, adding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & in the land of Canaan, and Gen. 15. it is not said they shallbe strangers in Egypt, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a land that is not their own: neither do the words Exod. 12.40. import that they were so long in Egypt: for thus they sound: The sojourning of the children of Israel which sojourned in Egypt, was 430 years. So that the words, which sojourned in Egypt, serve for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to describe the persons, not for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to define the time. So that it is clear that the peregrination began in Abraham's time, but at what year of his age, is a greater question: for many great Chronologers begin it at the taking of Abraham's journey from Haran, when he was 75. year old: but I am of the opinion, that it began at the taking of his journey from Vr to Haran when he was just 70. year old: Whereunto I am induced by four credible and sufficient witnesses.  
1 Moses, or rather God himself in Moses, Gen. 15.13. plainly pronounceth, that Abraham's seed should be sojourners and subjects or servants in a foreign Land 400. years. The seed which he meant, was Isaak; & the term which he mentioneth, began at Isaaks birth, as S. Steven showeth evidently, Act. 7.8. And so Abraham begat Isaak, and circumcised him, having relation as well to the sojourning, as to the circumcising of Isaak. Isaak was borne, when Abraham was 100 year old, Gen. 21.5. whereout we must take 30. & there remain 70. for Abraham's age before the sojourning, and then he took his journey from Vr, to go to Canaan, Gen. 11 31. and sojourned 30. years without seed, and then his seed sojourned 400. which make up the 430. recorded, Exod. 12.4.  
They which begin the sojourning at Abraham's journey from Haran, are forced to make 405. years between Isaaks birth and the departing out of Egypt: and therefore some of them say, that the term of 400, years, began at Ismaels' deriding of Isaak, when he was (as they imagine) 5. years old. But first it is uncertain when that was done. Secondly God saith that his seed shall not only be afflicted; but also be both Sojourners and Subjects too. Thirdly that he will judge the Nation, which shall afflict them: which was never verified in Ishmael, or the Ismaelites: but on the Nation of Egypt. Again other of them say, that God spoke indefinitely & summa solida, without respect of the small odds of 5. which is an indefinite answer, and will serve for any thing, and therefore not to be admitted, but where the true and definite number is otherwise manifest. As jud. 20.46. there are mentioned but only 20000: though there were 20100. because that odd hundred was evidently set down before in the definite number, verse 35.  
2, Achior in the book of judith, (who protesteth that there shall not a lie come out of his mouth) most evidently beginneth the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Sojourning of the Israelites, 
judith. 5.5  Abraham's journey from Chaldaea into Mesopotamia, and maketh three parts of the whole Peregrination, or three several soiourninge: one at Haran, another in Canaan, the third in Egypt. Hear him speak: 6. This people came of the stock of the Chaldaeans, 7. and they sojourned before in Mesopotamia, because they would not follow the Gods of their fathers, which were in the land of Chaldaea, 8. but they went out of the way of their ancestors, & worshipped the God of heaven, the God whom they knew; so they cast them out from the face of their Gods, and they fled into Mesopotamia and 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as Moses saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 11.31.  Sojourned there many days. 9 Then their God commanded them to departed from their 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Sojourning and to go into the land of Chanaan, and they dwelled there, and were increased with gold & silver and with very much cattle. 10. But when a famine covered all the land of Chanaan, they went into Egypt and sojourned there, until they returned. And so Moses maketh plainly their being at Haran a sojourning Gen. 11.31. using the self same word which he doth Exod. 12.40. and therefore when Moses accounteth from either of the latter soiournings, he doth specify it, as Gen. 16.3. Then after 10 years of the sojourning of Abraham in Chanaan. Not of the whole sojourning, but of that particular part of it.  
3. Saint Steven Act. 7. peremptorily affirmeth, that that famous 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recorded Gen. 12.1. Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, into the land that I will show thee &c. was spoken to Abraham, before he came to Haran, and Moses insinuateth the same sufficiently Cham 11, 31. affirming that Abraham with Terah came from Vr, to go into Chanaan. Moreover saint Steven avoucheth, that Abraham did obey, follow, & execute or put in practise the same calling, when he came from Vr. 
Act. 7.  Hear Saint Steven himself speak. 2 The God of glory appeared unto our Father Abraham, while he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelled in Haran. 3. and said unto him. Come out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and come into the land that I will show thee. 4. THAN came he out of the land of the Chaldaeans & dwelled at Haran: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and thence when his Father was dead, he made him flit into the land, wherein you now dwell.  
4 Saint Paul, Gal. 3.8.14.17. joineth with S. Steven and maketh all plain, avouching that the law was given 430. years after the promise. What promise he urgeth, appeareth ver. 8. & 14. namely this: and in thee shall all the Nations of the earth be blessed. Which was spoken in respect of Christ, as Paul proveth: and it was spoken to Abraham, when he was bidden go out of his country etc. as Moses showeth Gen. 12.3. & that was before Abraham dwelled at Haran: as saint Steven sayeth. join Paul to Steven, and them both to Moses: and take old Achior to them; & I think the proof of this Article will be clearer than the sun in his morning brightness, and stronger than the authority and arguments of men can infringe.  
The reasons which the other opinion standeth upon are very slender, as 1. that God so precisely dateth the departing of Abraham from Haran, namely when he was 75. year old, which they say could be done for no other cause, than to limit the beginning of the Peregrination. But it appeareth in the former Article, Pag. that the 75. year of Abraham, being the first year of his age mentioned by Moses, was there so precisely set down with Terahs' death, and age at his death, to show the distance from the birth of Terah, to the birth of Abraham: which could not otherwise be known. 2. They urge that Abraham was bid to go out of his father's house. I would know of them whether Vr were not his father's house, when GOD spoke to him before he came to Haran, & before they went from Vr for Canaan. Gen. 11.31. he was not bid go from his father, & therefore his father and he both together left their ancient mansion, and house of their ancestry. Again Abraham was bid go from his native soil, or land of his nativity, and that was not Haran but Chaldaea, and there Abraham beginneth his Peregrination, even from the land wherein he was borne, Gen. 24.7. Thirdly they press the order of the text. Gen. 12.1. as though that calling of Abraham, were after the death of Terah: because it is placed after. Whereas indeed it is an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and reason of the journey of Abraham from Vr toward Canaan, which Moses had specially set down, Chap. 11. 31. without insinuating any cause of it, and the 32. verse is inserted between, by way of a Parenthesis. The order and sense of the Story is this. Then Terah took Abraham his son, and Let the son of Haran, his sons son, 
Gen. 11.31  and Sara his daughter in law his son Abraham's wife, and they departed together from Vr of the Chaldees, to go unto the land of Chanaan, and they came to Haran, and they sojourned there (at which Haran Terah died, 
Because Terah died here, this is interlaced. 32. 12.1. 2. 3. 4.  being 205. year old,) For the Lord had said unto Abraham, while he was at Vr. Get thee out of thy country, and from thy native soil, and from thy father's house, unto the land which I will show thee etc. And Abram, leaving Haran too, now that his father was dead, went as the Lord had said unto him at Vr, continuing his journey toward Chanaan, and Lot went with him, and Abram was 75. year old, when he went from Haran.  
The fift Article is clear, 1. Reg. 6.1. In the 480. year of the departing of the children of Israel, out of the land of Egypt: in the fourth year in the month Ziu, (which is the second month) of the reign of Solomon over Israel, he built the house of the Lord. The particulars of this space are counted thus: under Moses 40: under josua 17: under the judges 199: Eli 40. Saul and Samuel 40: David 40: Solomon 4. For solomon's fourth, & that 480. year run together, though the Temple were founded the second month of both those years, as appeareth. 1. Reg. 6.1.2. Chron. 3.2.  
The number of 450. years from the division of Canaan to Samuel Act: 13.20. is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as most do take it) or an oversight in writing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which indeed is pronus lapsus and soon done: 
De Civit. Dei. lib. 15. cap. 13. ) but this non casum redolet, sedindustriam, as Aug. saith of the like. For it was the temerity and overboldness of an ignorant Corrector, who to the sum of 339. years, which is the time of the judges & Eli, added the 111, years of servitude under foreigners, which amounteth to the just sum of 450: not considering that the same years of servitude, were included in the years of the judges: as not only the jews, but also Eusebius, Lyra, and Hugo do affirm: See Mercator Demonst. Temp. Chap, 1. T.  
In the same Chapter of the Acts Vers. 18. it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and about the time of 40. years he suffered their manners in the wilderness: where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is well added, to show that forty years were not fully complete: for there wanted about a month & fifteen days: which were spent before their entrance into the Desert, and before the uttering of their evil manners, and murmuring against God because of the Desert Exod. 16.2. Wherefore H. Wolphius over reacheth too much, who maketh the abode of the Israelits in the wilderness to be full 42. years, that is (as he saith) one year, on month, and twenty days from their departing out of Egygt to their departing from Sinai, Numb. 10.11. and thence to the return of the spies, ten or eleven months to make up full two years: because the spies returned when grapes were ripe. But there first he putteth six months too much. For with Moses the first month is Abib, the 14 day, whereof they celebrated the Passeover. Cap. 9.3. and the 20 day of the next month they departed from Sina Cap. 10.11. and within four or five months after they might have ripe grapes: which he maketh above 10. months after. And then he beginneth the 40. years, which after their turning back into the wilderness, they wandered in it, till all were dead. the first of which 40, he beginneth with the third year of their departing out of Egypt: De tempore Lib. 1. Cap. 6.  
For the defence of Wolphius account this may be said. God threateneth the wandering of 40 years in the wilderness after the return of the Spies: and that as a punishment to some of the Spies for discrediting & discommending the land; to the people, for not believing josua and Caleb: and that also to be inflicted, according to the number of the days, wherein the spies searched the land, which were 40. Numb. 14.33.34. and therefore they must not begin before the offence was committed; but at the next morrow when they were turned back into the wilderness as a punishment Vers. 25. which was about one year and half (he saith two years) after their departure out of Egypt. This reason were great, were it not that Moses counters do control the same. For Moses affirmeth that Aaron died in the first day of the first month of the fortieth year of their departing out of Egypt. Num. 33.38. & in the next six months they had divers victories, specially against Sehon and Og, Num. 21. and did and endured those things which after are recorded in the book of Numbers. then in the first day of the 11. month of the same year Moses delivered the repetition & declaration of the law in Deuteronomie: Deu. 1. 3.4, and anon after died: and josua presently as the month of mourning was out, led the people over jordan. That Moses died immediately after the reading of the law appeareth by his age. for Deut. 31.1. it is said, that he was at the reading of the law 120. year old: This day am I 120. year old: and Cap. 34.7. when he died, he was but 120. year old. Which was not full forty years after their departing out of Egypt. For a little before their departing, when they went to Pharaoh, Moses was 80. and Aaron 83. year old Exo. 7.10. That josua led the people over jordan presently after Moses death, appeareth by the ceasing of Manna. The Israelites did eat Manna 40 years Exod, 16.36. Manna began the 16. day of the second month of the first year Exod. 16.2. it ended and ceased the 16. day of the first month of josuas' first year Ios. 5, 11. which is 40 years wanting one month. Wherefore the punishment of 40 years wandering in the wilderness, according to the 40 days of searching the land must be understood of the continuance of their abode and wandering in the wilderness till 40 years from their first entering into it were made up and fully expired. For although the years were proportionated to the number of the days that they searched the land: yet it was the punishment not only of the rejecting the report of josua and Caleb & despising the land; but also of nine temptations more, which they committed before that. Num. 14. 22.  
The sixth article is plain 1. Reg. 11.42. and 2. Chron. 9.30. The time that Solomon reigned was 40. years. out of which 40 we must take 4. which were reckoned before in the 480. (for the 480 and Solomon's fourth ended together.) and then there remain 36. and Reboams' first maketh up 37. Other reckon from the temple to Solomon's death 37. which is true, wanting but a month. But then they must not reckon from the departing out of Egypt to the Temple 480 (as they do:) but only 479. years and one month. For in the second month of the 480 year, and of Solomon's fourth year, the Temple was founded: so that Solomon's fourth year is the four hundredth and fourscore year. The want of marking that, hath caused many to put a year too much in the whole Computation after.  
The seventh article is evident Ezech. 4.1, Son of man take the a brick, and lay it before thee, & purtray upon it the city jerusalem.  
2 And lay siege against it, and, build a fort against it, and cast a mount against it: set the camp also against it, and lay engines of war against it round about.  
3 Moreover take an iron pan, and set it for a wall of Iron between thee and the city, and direct thy face toward it: and it shall be besieged and thou shalt lay siege against it: this shall be a sign unto the house of Israel.  
4 Sleep thou also upon thy left side, and lay the iniquity of the house of Israel upon it: according to the number of the days that thou shalt sleep upon it, thou shalt bear their iniquity.  
5 For I have laid upon thee the years of their Iniquity, according to the number of the days, even 390 days: so shalt thou bear the iniquity of the house of Israel.  
6 And when thou hast accomplished them, sleep again upon thy right side, and thou shalt bear the iniquity of the house of juda forty days. I have appointed the a day for a year, a day for a year.  
7 Therefore thou shalt direct thy face toward the siege of jerusalem, and thy arm shallbe uncovered, and thou shalt prophesy against it.  
8 And behold I will lay bands upon thee that thou turn not from one side to another, till thou have ended the days of thy siege etc.  
About the beginning and ending of these 390. years, quot capita, tot sententiae: as one saith of the same out of the Comic. Yet Ezechiel is plain enough in both, for he maketh it the time of bearing a burden. And the burden is the iniquity of Israel. (Paul calleth the like 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 13.18.) The beginning of that iniquity is that notable Apostasy & Schism ot the ten Tribes, from the whole Religion and service of God; and their notorious Idolatry in worshipping jeroboams Calves; as it is for perpetual memory recorded. 1. Reg. 12. And jeroboam thought in his heart: now shall the kingdom return to the house of David, if this people go up and do sacrifice in the house of the Lord at jerusalem. Whereupon he took counsel and made two Calves of Gold, and said unto them, it is too much for you to go up to jerusalem: Behold O Israel thy Gods, which brought thee up out of the land of Egypt. And he set the one in Bethel, & the other set he in Dan: and this thing turned to SIN. And jeroboam made a feast the fifteenth day of the eight month, like unto the feast that is in juda, and offered on the altar. So did he at Bethel and offered to the Calves which he had made, etc.  
And this the holy Ghost oftentimes termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sin of Israel, Because of the sin of jeroboam which he sinned, and which he made Israel to sin. 1. Reg. 15.30; and the way of jeroboam, walking in the way of jeroboam; and in his sin which he made Israel to sin. vers. 34. and the sin of the house of jeroboam they departed not from the sin of the house of jeroboam, which made Israel to sin. 2. Reg. 13.6. and in many other places. And here the holy Ghost beginneth expressly the sin of Israel by themselves, which was the cause of their utter ruin: For jeroboam drew Israel away from following the Lord, and made them sin a great sin. And the children of Israel walked in all the sins of jeroboam, and departed not therefrom, until the Lord put Israel out of his sight. 2. Reg. 17.21.22.23. And this year of the Schism and Apostasy of the house of Israel from the house of juda is made the Epoch and mark of a special computation. 2. Chro. 15.19. & 16.1.  
Indeed (as Tremellius saith) Solomon in his old age by the allurement of his heathenish wives, sell into heathenish Idolatry. 1. Reg. 11.4.5. & doubtless drew some of the people into the same, as the holy Ghost seemeth to say, vers. 33. But Ezechiels' account cannot possibly begin there (as Tremellius beginneth it:) first because God threateneth there a punishment for those sins, not to the whole people, but to the princes of the line of David. Secondly and principally because Ezechiell here speaketh of the iniquity of the Israelites particularly and severally; that is, as they are divided and distinguished from the house of juda: as in the other account of 40. years, vers. 6. he speaketh of the iniquity of the house of juda by themselves; as being separated from the house of Israel. And therefore neither of those accounts can possibly begin, before that division and separation was made in the beginning of Rehoboams' first year. And surely though God were greatly and grievously offended with the former sins of all the 12. Tribes, and specially with the offences & enormities of their Heads and Princes, David and Solomon: Yet herein he showeth his truth and mercy, that he concealeth them all, as being put away, for his former covenants sake, made with David; & not so much as once mentioneth them, but only speaketh of that iniquity and those sins, which were committed after a new covenant & the last covenant made with them specially. Which new & last covenant could not be made by any means at the dedicating of the temple by Solomon, (as Tremellius taketh it) because if there were any reiterating of the covenant there, yet it was with all the tribes together before the division: but the new & last covenant made for the Israelites specially & severally, was that which was made with jeroboam by the ministery of Ahia, as it standeth upon record. 1. Reg. 11. wherein as God bindeth himself, to be with jeroboam; to build him a sure house, as he did to David; and to make him king over the ten tribes after Solomon's death: So likewise he bindeth jeroboam, to hearken to all that God commanded him, to walk in his ways, and to keep all his statutes and precepts, as David his servant had done. Which covenant God for his part most faithfully observed, defending jeroboam from Solomon that sought his death; preserving him in Egypt; renting the ten Tribes from Solomon's son; and making him king over them. But jeroboam was no sooner in his kingdom but the covenant was for his part clean forgot and fordone, and thence Ezechiel taketh the beginning of bearing the burden of the iniquity of the house of Israel.  
The end of the bearing of this burden and the forbearing of the iniquity, is both plainly expressed, and also typically represented to be the besieging of the City jerusalem: yet not the besieging simply (for at the beginning of the siege they were in case good enough, feeling no punishment at all:) but that necessity, when as by reason of the siege the City grew to be in hard terms, and extreme famine, and began to consume in their iniquity. Then indeed God's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and forbearing of them was at an end, his burden was laid down, his rod taken up, and the punishment begun, as God most plainly expoundeth the type himself, vers. 16.17. Son of man, behold I will break the staff of bread in jerusalem, and they shall eat bread by weight and with care, and they shall drink water by measure and with astonishment: because the bread and water shall fail; they shall be astonished one with another, and shall consume in their iniquity. When and how truly this was performed, appeareth manifestly, jer. 52.6. Now in the fourth month, the ninth day, the famine being sore in the City, so that there was no bread for the people of the land, the City was broken up. etc. And with this famine Ezechiel in the next Chapter beginneth evidently the laying down of the burden and the punishment of the iniquity under an other type: 1 Son of man take thee a sharp knife, and make it pass upon thy head & upon thy beard: then take thee balances to weigh and divide the hear. 2 Thou shalt burn with fire the third part in the mids of the City, when the days of the siege are fulfilled, and thou shalt take the other third part and smite about it with a knife, and the last third part thou shalt scatter in the wind, and I will draw out a sword after them. 3 Thou shalt take of them a few in number and bind them in thy lap. 4 Then take of them again, and cast them into the mids of the fire: thereof shall a fire come into all the house of Israel. 5. Thus saith the Lord: this is jerusalem. The rest of the exposition followeth after: 9 Behold I will do in thee, that which I never did before, neither will I do any more the like, because of all thy abominations. 12 The third part of thee shall die with the pestilence, and with famine shall they be consumed in the midst of thee. (This was performed before the taking of the City as I showed before. 2. Reg 25.6.) an other third part of thee shall fall by the sword round about thee, (which was in breaking of the wall and taking of the City. 2. Reg. 25.7.) and the last third part I will scatter into all winds, and will draw out a sword after them, (this was done, vers. 8. and the armies of the Chaldaeans pursued the king, and all his army was scattered from him.) Hear you see, the first beginning of the punishment is the famine in the City, wherewith no doubt they had been grievously consumed before the City was taken. The City was taken in the ninth day of the fourth month of the year 3416. which is from the 15. day of the eight month of the year 3025. being jeroboams first year, 390 years complete; beside the three months and fifteen days of 3025. which must go to make up jeroboams first year, which was wholly numbered in the article before; and also beside the three months and nine days of 3416. which must go likewise to make up the first year of the captivity; and followeth to be reckoned in the next article. Herewith also lump the 40. years of judaes' iniquity spoken of by Ezechiell. Cap. 4. vers. 6. which begin with the 13. year of josias; as God himself showeth their beginning. jer. 25.3. From the 13. year of josias the son of Amon king of juda, even unto this day (that is, the 23. year) the word of the Lord hath come unto me, and I have spoken early unto you, rising early and speaking: but ye would not hear. This day that he speaketh of, was (as appeareth, vers. 1.) the fourth year of jehoiakim and the first year of Nabuchodonosor: which was as he saith, the 23. year of that computation. For josias 19 last, and jehoiakims' four make just 23. add thereto 17. to make up Nabuchodonosors 18. (for jehoiakims' 4. was his first) and there amount just 40. And herewith also agreeth notably the tradition of the jews for the standing of the Temple: which R. Abraham, the Cabalist recordeth: namely, that the temple stood 427. years. By our account the temple was founded in the second month of the year 2988. and it was desolated in the 5 month of 3416. The space between is just 427. years full and complete, beside the piece of the first year wherein it was founded, and the piece of the last year wherein it was destroyed. Beda. li. de nat. rerum. Cap. 66. saith that it was burnt the 430 year after it was begun to be founded; which differeth but one year: which perhaps Beda added to make the numberfull and round. Both these accounts, aswell of the 40. years of judaes' iniquity & of the 390. of Israel's iniquity are confirmed to the eye in the chronological table of the kings of judae & Israel.  
The eight article is recorded. jer. 25.11. And this whole land shall be desolate and an astonishment, and these nations shall serve the king of Babel 70. years. And also 2. Chro. 36.2. And they were servants to the King of Babel and his sons till the kingdom of the Persians had rule to fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of jeremy: until the land had her fill of her sabbaths. For all the days that she lay desolate, she kept her sabbaths to fulfil 70. years. This is the punishment of the iniquity, set down by Ezechiel. Cap. 5. as before is showed; and the 70. years of Captivity prophesied by jeremy; which begin at the taking of jerusalem; and end at the taking of Babylon. For at the taking of jerusalem they became absolutely the king of Babel's servants, and so continued without interruption 70. years, as jeremy foreshowed. Cap. 25.11. where he saith also, that the land shallbe desolate 70. years. At that time and before the land became desolate, and therefore Philo distinguisheth the Desolation from the Transmigration: affirming that the Captivity ended 70. years after the Desolation and 81. after the Transmigration. Also Ezechiel. Cap. 40.1. maketh the SMITING of the City the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and beginning of his general aera and computation. As in the same place he maketh the second Captivity the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a special computation, because then himself and his own king were carried away, and therefore he calleth it our Captivity. And Daniel in like sort, Cap. 9.2. maketh jeremies' 70. years to be the term and time of the destruction or desolation of jerusalem. And right so the holy Ghost, 2 Chr. 36.17. beginneth the same with the taking & sacking of the City, and massacring of the jews at the same. The end of these 70. years, is the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, at the taking of Babylon by Cyrus; as the holy Ghost showeth evidently. And they were servants to the King of Babel and his sons, till the kingdom of the Persians had rule, to fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of jeremy, etc. 2. Chro. 36.20.21.22.23. And jeremy himself doth end them at or immediately before the visiting of Babel. Cap. 25.11.12. And this land shall be desolate, and these nations shall serve the King of Babel 70. years, and as soon as the 70. years are ended I will visit the King of Babel. What time of the year Babylon was taken, is not any where expressed. Only Herodotus saith, thy Cyrus began the siege in the Spring; and prevailing nothing a good space, he devised to turn the current of Euphrates aside; that they might suddenly enter the City thorough it: and so set his soldiers to work about it, which required some time, since the cutting of Gyndes cost them a summers work. And therefore the next Spring must be well spent before it could be finished. But jeremy is plain; that the 70. years must be ended before the king of Babel be visited. And they ended in the ninth day and fourth month of 3486. and immediately after it seemeth that Babylon was taken, and the king slain, as Daniel and Xenophon report. Hierome in his exposition upon Daniel reporteth that the jews had a tale among them that Baltassar, seeing the 70. years expired, thought the promise false, and all cock sure; and therefore upon a jollity, and vaunting over the jews, made his great banquet, and sent for all the vessels of the temple: as Daniel showeth. But the same night he was slain and the promise fulfilled. Herewith agreeth the supputation of Metasthenes, attributing to Nabuchodonosor 45. years: Evil Merodach 30. Reg. Assar. 3. Labassar. 6. Balt Assar. 5. which make 89. thence take Nabuchodonosors 19 which were before the Captivity, and there remain 70. For Metasthenes followeth the computation of the Chaldaeans, as doth Daniel and Ptolemy, who begin Nabuchodonosors reign in jehoiakims' third year, that is, a year before jeremy beginneth it: so that his 19 year by them, is but his 18. year by jeremy. josephus also agreeth with this account. For Ant. jud. li. 10. ca 12. he saith that Nahuchonosor reigned 43. that is, so many years complete beside the odd months, which were almost another year. And therefore those odd months he joineth to the odd months of Regassar (whom he calleth Neregal Assar) and so maketh him four years, which with the other kings make just 70. joseph count Appion. And julius Aphricanus, who maketh the second year of Syrus to be the 72. year of the desolation of the Temple. Beda de nat. rerum. 66.  
The ninth article cannot be confirmed out of the holy Scripture. For although some of the heathen monarch of that space be there mentioned, yet not all: neither have they, that are, any term of their reins, or distinction of years set down. Again Metasthenes though he have a computation of years, yet he hath great obscurity, and great diversity from the Grecians. Insomuch that some conjecture that the kings named by Metasthenes and Philo unto Longiman, are not the same persons, nor of the same line and house, as those be which the Grecians speak of. The principal odds and differences I will briefly set down, before I come to the proof of this article. The holy scripture thus far mentioneth the kings both of Assyria and Babylon.  
1 Pull king of Assyria, whom the Historicians call Phul Belochus, made Menahem king of Israel tributary 2. Reg. 15. about the year of the world, 3240.  
2 Tiglath Pileser, king of Assyria, in the time of Pekahiah carried the tribe of Nepthalim captive into Assyria about the year 3250. and after he delivered Achaz from the kings of Syria and Israel. Cap. 16.7.9.10. about the year, 3270.  
3 Salmaneser king of Assyria subduing Hoseas king of Israel made him his vassal and tributary in Achaz 12. year, A. M. 3274. 2. Reg. 17.1.3. But anon after Hoseas rebelled, and Salmaneser taking him, committed him to prison, and carried his people the ten Tribes away captive. vers. 4.5.6.  
4 Sennacherib king of Assyria invaded judaea, took many towns, besieged Lachis, made Ezechias to become tributary again, (who had rebelled against Salmaneser before:) and not content herewith, after he had received the Tribute, sent his army against jerusalem; where having a wonderful overthrow, he fled home to Ninive, and there was slain by two of his own sons. Cap. 18.13. & 19.35.36.37. This was in Ezechias 14. year, A. M. 3290.  
5 Assaraddon king of Assyria, son of Sennacherab succeeded his Father; his two brethren, the parricides being fled for fear into the land of Ararat. Cap. 18.37. He was also called of the jews Osnapar. Ezr. 4. 10. and this king carried people and planted Colonies in the Cities of Samaria, in stead of the Israelites. 2. Reg. 17.14. Erz. 4.2. Hear ceased that race and progeny.  
The kings of Babylon are thus far recorded.  
1 Berodach Baladan (or as Esay calleth him, Merodac Baladan) the son of Baladan king of Babylon, sent letters with a present to Ezechias, 2. Reg, 20.12. That was about Ezechias 14. year, Sennacherib being then king of Assyria, and having the seat of his chief resiance at Ninive. But when Merodac began his reign the scripture doth not show but he is the first, that is called king of Babylon.  
2 Mention is made of another, whose Captains took Menasses king of juda captive, and carried him to Babylon. 2. Chro. 33.11. his name is no where recorded; but only his title, King of Assyria: whereby it is to be gathered that after Assaraddon, the kings of Babylon had Ninive and the whole kingdom of the Assyrians. For it is manifest that this king was of the race of Merodac, because they brought Menasses captive to Babylon, which the old kings of Assyria had lost before Sennacheribs' time.  
3 Mention is likewise made of a king of Assyria against whom Pharaoh Neco king of Egypt warred, in the end of josias reign: wherein josias was slain. 2. Reg. 23.29. His name is not recorded: but he might well be Nabuchodonosors' father, whom Berosus in josephus calleth Nabulassar, but josephus himself calleth him Nabuchodonosor too. In the end of his reign Ninive was destroyed and utterly razed by him and Assuerus. Tob. 14.17. whereupon afterward the kings keeping their Court and resiance at Babylon, were called again the kings of Babylon. See my Bibliotheca historica in Monarchiarum Perioche.  
4 Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, began his reign in jehioakims' fourth year, jer. 25.1. took from the king of Egypt all that he had between Euphrates and Nilus, 2. Reg. 24.9. whereby it is clear, that the king of Assyria, against whom Neco warred, and this king of Babylon, were both of one state and kingdom, though their titles differ. In his seventh year he took jehoiakim: in his eight jehoiacin: in his 18 Zedechias: in his 19 he burned the Temple and City. He reigned 44. years. 2. Reg. 24. & 25. jer. 52.  
5 Evil Merodac king of Babylon began his reign in the 37. year of jehoiacins captivity. jehoiacin was carried away in the very beginning of Nabuchodonosors eight year. To his seven, add the other 37, & there will be 44. and they were not fully complete neither. So that whereas josephus de Ant. li. 10. cap. 12 saith, that Nabuchodonosor reigned 43. years, he meaneth fully complete, beside the odd months which were almost another year. But Metasthenes giving 35. years to Nabuchodonosor, beginneth his reign at jehoiakims' third year, when he was made General of his father's wars, his father being sick. See Pag.  
6 Baltassar king of Assyria, and the very last of that line, of whom Baltassar aliâs Daniel speaketh, mentioning his first year. Cap. 7.1. and his third, Cap. 8.1. and the last year and very last night, wherein at his solemn feast and great banquet he was slain, Cap. 5.30. but in what year of his reign that was done, Daniel doth not specify. And this is all that there is spoken of that Monarchy. Baltassar being destroyed, the Monarchy came & was translated to two states jointly together, the Medes and the Persians: as the Scripture showeth. First Daniel prophesied to Baltassar that very night that his kingdom was divided, and given to the Medes & Persians. Cap. 5.28. again he saith that Darius Medus, or Darius of the seed of the Medes, being 62 year old, succeeded Baltassar, Cap. 5.31. and that in the kingdom of the Chaldeans, Cap. 9.1. who in the beginning of his reign highly promoted Daniel. Cap. 6.4. Likewise that Cyrus the Persian then reigned with him, appeareth, Cap. 1.21. where Daniel saith, that he remained in the service of the kings of Babel, to the first year of Cyrus (or of Cyrus the Persian Cap. 6.29. or Cyrus' king of Persians, Cap. 10.1.) which were not true, if Cyrus' reign began not with the reign of Darius: because daniel's estate was altered by Darius. Therefore he coupleth them together. Cap. 6.29. And Daniel prospered in the reign of Darius, and the reign of Cyrus the Persian. And he showeth that their laws were made by both states, and had their force and authority from both states, even in the beginning of Darius Medus: Cap. 6.9.12.15. according to the law of the Medes and Persians. And both of them had equal sovereignty, and administered the affairs of the Monarchy jointly: as the Romans had often times two Augusti; in which state Annius Verus and Marcus Antoninus were the first, as Spartian noteth in his Adrian: Hi sunt, qui postea duo pariter Augusti, primi rempublicam gubernaverunt. For Darius is said by Daniel to have 120. provinces. Cap. 6.2. and Cyrus saith of himself, that God had given him all the kingdoms of the earth, 2. Chro. 36. Esd. 1.1. Of Darius Daniel mentioneth no more than his first year, Cap. 9.1. & 11.1. who dying in the second year of his reign, the Monarchy came wholly and solely to Cyrus the Persian. And therefore Daniel altereth his style, & calleth the third year the third year of Cyrus' king of Persians, Ca 10.1 with out any mention of Darius.  
With this history of the holy scripture Xenophon agreeth notably. For first he maketh two distinct kingdoms, one of the Persians, whereof Cambyses was king; another of the Medes, whereof Astyages was king. Which two nations were combined togetherin league: which they confirmed by making of marriages one with another: as Cambyses married Astyages daughter, by whom he had Cyrus: which was the chiefest grievance, and cause of the complaint, that the king of Assyria alleged by his Ambassadors to Croesus, and other confederates: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Saying that the Medes & Persians were great & mighty nations; combined together; made marriages one with another; and were so linked in one, that unless they were prevented and weakened, it were danger, they would set upon other nations severally, and supplant them. By which inducements, and rewards withal, many other nations being drawn to his side, old Astyages being dead, and Cyaxares (that is Darius Medus) reigning in his father's steed; the Assyrian made war against the Medes and Persians, and invaded the land of the Medes, being next to him. Whereupon there was levied an army in Persia of 30 thousand old trained and beaten soldiers, beside 1000 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and worthy leaders, to pass into Media for Cyaxares aid: whereof Cyrus was General: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the ancient counsellors of Persia made him Emperor or General of the army that went into Media. And thereupon no doubt foreigners, and those especially that were far of, called him king of Persians and of Persia. When he came into Media, Cyaxares and he so joined together, 
l. 2.  that the chief state was in Cyaxares, who bore the charges of the army, but the ordering of the battle, and all matters of war were chief managed by Cyrus: who first had a great victory against the Assyrians wherein their king was slain, (perhaps it was Evil Merodach: for Gobryas commendeth him for a good man.) The like suceesse he had against Croesus and the rest of the confederates, whom he chased, having drawn the Hyrcanians to his side. afterward at the instance of Gobryas, a vassal of the king of Assyria (whose son this new king of Assyria, son of him that was slain in the former battle, 
l. 3.  had slain) Cyrus marched on toward Babylon: challengeth the king to fight hand to hand. Which being refused, 
5.  he removed thence to rescue the country of Gadata, another vassal of the Assyrian, that newly was revolted to Cyrus: and after passed by the walls of Babylon again: and returned to the confines of Media: whither he sent for Cyaxares, to view the armies and to deliberate, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: what he thought best to have done after this. When Cyaxares came, he had the best of the spoils and pillages for his share; and the Pavilion of the king of Assyria gorgeously provided for him: when they were in council, 
6,  Cyaxares was in greatest state, and Cyrus repaired to him, in regard of his age, and that he was his uncle. At the consultation Cyaxares maketh this Exordium: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Fellow soldiers, since myself am present, 
Pag. 118.  that am elder than Cyrus, it is meet, I speak first. In this council it is concluded, that the war should proceed, that provision be made of engines for battery: and Cyrus is made General, as he was before. The mean season the Assyrian likewise provideth for war; confederateth unto him many other kings, especially Croesus, who is made General of all the confederate forces. But he was soon overthrown by Cyrus in main battle, pursued to Sardis, and there taken with the City, and all his treasure. After this Cyrus conquered great Phrygia, Cappadocia, Arabia: & made the Greeks' Tributaries: and after all that marched toward Babylon the third time, which in the end he took in a night, wherein all the Babylonians had a great feast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Drank and reveled all night. And the king of Assyria was slain in his court the same night by the soldiers of Gobryas and Gadata, 
Pag. 128.  that got in as revellers among the rest. And so Cyrus to the use of his uncle Cyaxares and himself is possessed of the Monarchy of the Assyrians. For to his uncles use, 
Pag. 179.  that was absent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: There was chosen in Babylon a house and palaces, that when he would come thither he might have his own to go unto. As for himself what state he took upon him, by the persuasion of Chrysantas, 
Pag. 155.  Xenophon showeth in the 7. book at large: how he took possession of the Court, and first of all sacrificed to Vesta and to jupiter, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and to whatsoever God else the Magis thought meet. At which time no doubt he set forth the Proclamation mentioned, 2. Chron 36.22. Esd. 1.1. That the jews should go build the Temple of the God of heaven at jerusalem. Of this devotion and religious piety in Cyrus at his first coming to the Empire, 
Pag. 161.  Xenophon speaketh also in the eight book. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: First of all at this time he showed himself more religious toward the Gods, forasmuch as he was in more happy estate: and then first were appointed priests (magi) both to sing hymns to the Gods assoon as the day dawned, and also to offer sacrifice every day, etc. And for his special devotion to the jews, & the God of the jews, these two places of Xenophon seem to make: First, that assoon as he was entered Babylon, he caused proclamation to be made in all the streets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Assyrian tongue, that they should abide in their houses: or, 
Pag. 125.  that the which could speak the Assyrian tongue, should abide in their houses. Which he did without doubt, because he tendered the safeguard of the jews, being Syrians. Otherwise he would have done it in the Babylonian tongue. For the Babylonians, Assyrians, and Syrians are with Xenophon three distinct nations, having their diverse languages. The second, that he made a special sacrifice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Pag. 2. lin. 17. 1● Pag. 171.  To the Gods that dwelled in Syria, As Xenophon setteth it down in the heathenish speech: Cyrus intending doubtless the God, whose house was at jerusalem in judaea, as Ezra setteth it down rightly, which was a part of Syria. This narration of Xenophon suiteth well with the holy scripture, 2. Chron. 36.22. Ezr. 1.1.2. 
Ezr. 1.2. Ptol. l. 5.  For there the Proclamation is said to be in Cyrus first year; and to be his Proclamation only. For he alone was at Babylon, and delivered the vessels of the Temple to the jews. Cyaxares was not at Babylon to do any thing, nor came not thither of a year after: and it is most probable that he was never there in person. Surely neither the holy scripture, nor Xenophon doth any where mention his being there at all. Only Daniel maketh his computation by his reign, so long as Darius lived: by whom himself, was highly promoted. But after he computeth by Cyrus, who was sole Monarch. For Xenophon saith, that Cyaxares gave him his only daughter to wife, 
Pag. 179.  (as thy father:, saith he, married the daughter of my father) and gave him all Media for her dowry: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: For I have no male child LEGITIMATE. The marriage being celebrated, Cyrus ordaineth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lieutenants over all his realm: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: It seemed good to him to send Lievetenantes into the nations, that he had subdued. Right as Daniel speaketh in the same phrase, as though Xenophon had translated this out of him: it seemed good to Darius to set 120. Lievetenantes over all his kingdom. Which doubtless was done by their joint authority, and was the act of them both: but Xenophon doth attribute it to Cyrus because his purpose is to write of Cyrus; and Daniel attributeth it to Darius, because axioma imperij, the state of the Monarchy was principally in him while he lived. Try Xenophon by the touch of holy scripture, and you shall find a pleasant harmony between them; and nothing in him to cross or contradict it. It may be some digressions of communications, stratagems, and other exploits are not written so much ad historiae fidem, as Tully said, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Herodotus saith: yet the main course and tenor of the story may be found and right.  
Herodotus confesseth that the history of Cyrus beside the way that he telleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Is told three other manner of ways, and that he took his way for the likeliest. But try it by the touch and it will not prove so. For first he maketh the Persians no kingdom of itself; nor to be in league with the Medes, but mere slaves to the Medes and drudges: and Cambyses, who married Astyages daughter, no king, but a peasant and underling to all: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: bearing himself far under the estate of a mean person of Media. The reason of this disparaged, was because he dreamt, that his daughter had pissed such a flood, as filled his whole City, and overflowed all Asia. When Cyrus was borne, he commanded Harpagus to take and destroy him. Yet he was saved alive, and afterward by Harpagus procurement and aid he deposed Astyages his grandfather, and became king himself, 
Pag. 28.  
Pag. 43.  making the Medes subject to the Persians: yet Tomyris calleth him king of Medes. Anon after he subdued Croesus, and took Babylon, upon a great festival day, the Babylonians being so busy at their dances and pastimes, that they perceived nothing, till the Persians were in, & took them at unawares. Lastly that Cyrus went against Tomyris Queen of Massagetes and as he entered upon her territories, sent his son Cambyses back into Persia: and after in fight was slain himself. This is the sum of Herodotus, wherein the league between the Medes and Persians, as two nations linked and confederate in one, is clean dashed: and also Darius Medus (or Cyaxares) is quite wiped out: beside the taking of Babylon in the day time, and other diversities.  
Metasthenes differeth from both these: for first having reckoned up the kings of Medes from Arbaces to Apanda (in the same sort as Ctesias Guidius doth in Diodorus sixth book, who also addeth that Apanda was called Astyages of the Grecians:) he saith that Cyrus and Darius subdued him: and reigned in Persia six years: and after (resigning the kingdom of Persia to Cambyses his son) they made war against Tamaris six years. In the sixth year, being called out by the Babylonians, they slew Baltassar reunited the Monarchy, and translated it to the Persians: where they reigned jointly two years: and then Cyrus 22 alone: whom succeeded Priscus Artaxerxes Assuerus 20 years; being Darius' son: who revenged the Tamarical faction, 
Patruum  which by deceit slew his father's brother Cyrus. After him followed his son, Darius Longiman. Hear you see, Metasthenes maketh Cyrus and Darius brethren, and both Persians: because after the subduing of the king of Medes they reigned in Persia: and after the kill of Baltassar they reduced the Monarchy to the Persians: as Diodorus maketh Cyrus (for of Darius he maketh no mention) king of Persians, when he took Apanda. Secondly he preferreth Cyrus, as the elder and better, in that his son Cambyses was made king of Persia, before they had Babylon. 3 He maketh them to have six years war with Tamaris, before they slew Baltassar: though Cyrus were not slain there. 4 That the kingdom of Persia was resigned to Cambyses six years before the taking of Babylon: of whose issue and succession he speaketh nothing, but affirmeth that Priscus the son of Darius succeeded Cyrus in Babylon. 5 that the Babylonians rebelled against their king, and sent for Cyrus and Darius to aid them. 6 Between Cyrus and Longiman he maketh but one king, Priscus: whereas the Greeks' reckon three, and that agreeably to Daniel, to whom Chap. 10.1.2. the Angel showeth that between Darius Medus, and the rich king, that should raise all against the Grecians, (that is Xerxes) there should be three kings of Persia and he should be the fourth. Those were Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius Histaspis, and Xerxes, of which three last Herodotus writeth of certainty, without intimation of any other reports.  
Philo in Breviar. li. 2. agreeth with Metasthenes: but that he giveth an Epithet to Darius, that died in Cyrus second year, naming him Darius Histaspis: and further addeth, that the principal fautor of the tamarical faction, was Artaxat: who compelled the Assyrians, Medes, and Persians to revolt from Priscus, in so much that Priscus kept himself at Babylon: but in the end be sudued Artaxat.  
Thus you see the great odds among writers in this article: all which Clemens Schubertus laboureth and toileth to reconcile together. But I doubt, he hath lost both oil and toil. Yet that which he hath done perhaps may give light to some other grounded Historician, to effect some further matter. The mean season for the order of the kings or Emperors in the Persian Morarchie, we are to follow Xenophon for Darius and Cyrus, and Herodotus for the rest; as most agreeable to holy Scripture. And for the Confirmation of these two last articles, and the just Chronologie thereof, I will take a course more certain, 
Virg. Georg. 1.  even the course of the Sun with the Moon, ( quisdi cere falsum, Audeat?) observed by Ptolemy and other of the most authentic human writers. And to tie their Chronologie to the Computation of the Scripture, which ceaseth with the end of the Captivity, jeremy the Prophet helpeth us to a string or sinew, Cap. 25.1. where he coupleth the fourth year of jehoiakim (that is the 3398. year of the world) with the first year of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon.  
This verse of jeremy is the very key of Chronologie: wherefore I will first show how the Divine and human Chronologie is locked together: and after unlock and open it with this key. And first as we reckon the years of the kings of juda after Ezechias for full and complete, so we begin their reigns alike as we did his: that is at the beginning of the usual year: as shall appear in the Table. Wherefore jehoiakims' fourth began even with the beginning of 3398. Again Nabuchodonosors first year did not begin even with the first day of jehoiakims' fourth year, but at the first day of the month Phamenòth being the seventh month of the Chaldaeans, which Phamenòth in that age began about or rather anon after the middle of Thamus which was the fourth month of the Hebrews, so that about three months and an half of Nabuchodonosors first concurred with jehoiakims' fift, as appeareth, jer. 52.29. where one captivity or carrying away of the jews is attributed to Nabuchodonosors seventh year: which could not be before jehoijakims' 11 year: when jehoiakim and the Nobles were carried away. And so by this means jehoiakim reigned not above two months of his 11. year: not full so much (I mean) as was in Nabuchodonosors seventh: and then jehoakim reigned three months, who was taken in Nabuchodonosors eight year: the beginning of which three months was in Nabuchodonosors seventh, & the end in his eight: so that Zedechias began in the beginning of the sixth month of the year of the world 3405. that is about the middle of the second month of Nabuchodonosors eight year, and consequently the fourth month of the year 3416. (the ninth day whereof the City was taken) was the very latter end of Nabuchodonosors 18. year. Wherhfore jeremy, vers. 29. referreth that Captivity to Nabuchodonosors 18 year: with which 18 year he coupleth Zedechias 10. too, Cap. 23.1. For they concurred a month and an half together. Again, Cap. 25. vers. 12. he placeth the burning & Desolation of the Temple and City in the fift month, the seventh day of the month, that is Nabuchodonosors 19 year. For his 19 year began about the mid of the fourth month, about a fortnight after the taking of the City. And that fift month was the ending and expiring of Zedechias 11 year; as jeremy affirmeth plainly, cap. 1.3. unto the ending of the eleventh year of Zedekiah, even to the carrying away of jerusalem captive in the fift month.  
And thus it is evident and manifest, how the years of Nabuchodonosor king of Babylon, and king of the Chaldaeans, as he is called, 2. Chron. 36.6. are locked and linked to the years of the kings of juda: according to the Computation of the reign of Nabuchodonosor, which is used in the books of Kings, and Chronicles, and in jeremy the Prophet.  
Now for the use hereof, and opening of the Chronologie by this key: you must know, that Ptolemy taketh the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or mark of his aera or Computation from the beginning of a king of Babylon, & of the Chaldaeans whom he nameth Nabonassar. 
Ptol. l. 4. ca 6. & 8.  From whence he maketh the second of Mardocempad to be the 28. year: and the fifth of Nabopolassar to be the 127. etc. Who and when Nabonassar, 
l. 5. c. 14.  Mardocempad, & Nabopolassar were, will appear, if we take some king that is certainly known and agreed upon, and thence proceeding backward find out the other. The next king that is known and agreed upon, 
Ptol. l. 5. ca 14.  is Cambyses the son of Cyrus, whose seventh year is Cambyses 225. then consequently Cambyses seventh is the 99 year from Nabopolassars' 5. To Cambyses 7 add Cyrus 7. and the 70. years of captivity (the first whereof was Nabuchodonosors 19) then 14 backward to Nabuchodonosors fift, and all make 98. which is one too short. Wherefore the Computation of Nabuchodonosors' reign in jeremy and the books of Kings beginneth later by a year than the aera and account of Ptolemy's Nabopolassar. Now if it can be showed, that Nabuchodonosors' reign began a year before that computation of jeremy, we may undoubtedly affirm, that Ptolemy's Nabopolassar is Ieremies Nabuchodonosor. And this will easily and evidently appear, by two sufficient witnesses, Berosus the priest of the Chaldaeans; and Daniel the Prophet brought up in Chaldaea to the learning of the Chaldaeans. First Berosus. lib. 3. rerum Chaldaicharum hath these words recorded by josephus de antiqu. jud. lib. 10. Cap. 11. Nabuchodonosor the father, hearing that his Lieutenant, whom he had set over Egypt, Syria, and Phoenicia, had revolted from him: and being unable for sickness to go against him in his own person, made his son Nabuchodonosor Emperor or General of his army, and sent him against the Rebel, who joining battle with him, conquered him, and recovered his country again. The mean season Nabuchodonosor the father died of his sickness in Babylon, having reigned 21 years. Nabuchodonosor hearing of his father's death, strait ways left some of his friends to bring the captive jews, Syrians and Phoenicians together with the army and carriage to Babilonia; and himself accompanied with a few, sped him in all haste to Babylon thorough the wilderness. Where taking upon him the government of the kingdom, which the Chaldaeans kept for him till he came, he was made Lord of all his father's Empire. And first of all he disposed the captives in convenient places in Babilonia: and with the spoils which he had got, furnished and beautified the Temple of Belus. Among this company of captives, Daniel was one: 
Dan. 1. ver 1.2.3.4.5.6.  and therefore none can tell the time better than he: hear, what he saith. In the third year of jehoiakim King of juda came Nabuchodonosor King of Babylon unto jerusalem and besieged it. And the Lord gave jehoiakim King of juda into his hand, with part of the vesse s of the house of God, which he carried into the land of Shinar to the house of his God. And the king spoke to Ashphenaz the master of his eunuchs, to bring certain of the children of Israel, of the kings seed, whom they might teach the learning & tongue of the Chaldaeans: among these were Daniel, etc. join to these, 
2. Reg. 25.2 2. Chr. 35.  the books of Kings and Chronicles and see the consent. Two or three years before this, Pharaoh Neco King of Egypt, went up against the king of Assyria to the river Euphrates, and besieged Carshemish whom josias as feodary or confederate to the king of Assyria, seeking to resist, was slain: and the people of the land made jehoahaz his son king of juda, whom Neco taking imprisoned a while at Riblah, and after carried him into Egypt: making Eliakim his brother (whose name he turned into jehoiakim) king in his steed. Yet the jews would not vouchsafe him the name of King, while his brother jehoahaz lived, but only the title of high Priest, as he is called in the book of judith. For they still hoped for and earnestly expected the return of jehoahaz out of Egypt, as jeremy showeth plainly, Cap. 22.11.12. and about this time (as it is most probable) Nabuchodonosors Lieutenant, seeing Neco prevail so mightily, revolted from his master to him, and betrayed all those countries into his hands, which Berosus speaketh of. Wherefore Nabuchodonosor sent his Captain Holophernes against those Rebels with a great power; but what bad success he had, the book of judith showeth. This voyage of Holophernes happened, while jehoahaz king of juda, was captive in Egypt; and his brother jehoiakim reigned at home, though the people did not vouchsafe the name of King, his brother being alive. Holophernes being overthrown, 
●eros.  Nabuchodonosor in the third year of jehoiakim (his brother being then dead in Egypt) being sick himself, made his son Viceroy, & sent him to reduce those countries into subjection again, and to revenge the overthrow of Holophernes: who in the same third year of jehoiakim, 
Dan. 1.  besieged jerusalem, and in the beginning of the next year, made jehoiakim to yield, 
2. Reg. 24.3.  and become his vassal and Tributary. And so pursuing the victory passed thorough Syria and recovered Carchemish, 
jer. 46.2.  giving the army of the king of Egypt a great overthrow there. Then hearing of the death of his father, he sped him into Babylon, and became sole Monarch, as Berosus saith. Afterward jehoiakim rebelling against him, he made his second voyage into those countries, wherein he took jerusalem in his 7 year, and recovered from the king of Egypt, whatsoever he held from Euphrates to Nilus. 
2. Chro. 36 6. 2. Reg. 24.9  Thus the story recorded by diverse, in sundry parcels hangeth together. Hear is all the odds, that Daniel beginneth Nabuchodonosors' reign, in jehoiakims' third year, when he was made General in his father's sickness, as Berosus saith, with the title of King of Babylon: 
Beda de rat. temp. & nat. retum cap. 66.  and jeremy with the books of Kings and Chronicles, begin it in jehoiakims' fourth year, when his father being dead, he began his sole Monarchy over the whole Empire, judaea and all: which he had then newly subdued again. But doubtless Daniel, being brought up in Babylon, in the learning and language of the Chaldaeans, used the right computation of the Chaldaeans: which Metasthenes followeth also, attributing to Nabuchodonosors reign 35 years, and Ptolemy likewise, following the observations, and calculations of the Chaldaeans useth the same. And Nabuchodonosors 5 by all their accounts is but his 4. by jeremies' computation: which is just 99 years from Cambyses 7. as Ptolemy saith. And therefore we conclude that Ptolemy's Nabopolassar is that Nabuchodonosor, which destroyed jerusalem. So likewise by Ptolemy this 5 of Nabopolassar is the 100 year from the second of Mardocempad: draw these 100 years back, and the holy Scripture will lead you to the 25 year of Ezechias, and 3302 of the world: So that Mardocempads first was Ezechias 24. year, & the 3301. year of the world. This Mardocempad certainly was the next king, that succeeded Merodath Baladan in Babylon: whose name is not recorded in the holy Scripture: but he seemeth by all probabilities to be that king, which carried Ezechias son Menasses captive to Babylon. 2. Chron. 33.11. In like sort this second of Mardocempad, was Nabonassars' 28 year, as Ptolemy saith, draw thes 28 years back with the odd days, you shall find that Nabonassar began in the end of the year of the world, 3275. that is in Achaz 13 year: and the beginning of the first year of Hoseas Tributary reign under Salmaneser. Now if we can find who was then king of Babylon, we may undoubtedly say, that he was Nabonassar. It is generally taken by the learned Chronologers, Funccius, Mercator, Erasmus, Rainoldus, Eucelcerus & other, that this Nabonassar was Salmaneser which carried away the ten Tribes in Ezechias sixth year. But under correction, I take him to be Merodac Baladan as Esay calleth him (who in the book of Kings is termed Beroodoh Baladan) the first king of the Chaldaeans or Babylonians, 
Esay. 39.1. 2. Reg. 20.12.  and the very founder of that kingdom and house. I will show my reasons briefly, and leave the judgement to the learned. 1 This Nabonassar reigned as appeared before out of Ptolemy to the 23 year of Ezechias, whereas Salmaneser died before the 14 year of Ezechias. For then Senacharib was king of Assyria. 2 Albeit the same year of the world 3275, being the 12. and 13. of Achaz Salmanesar was king of the Assyrians, and the same year made a great voyage into Palestina against Hoseas king of Israel: and subduing him, made him his vassal, Teodarie, and Tributary, 2. Reg. 17.3. yet it is most certain that before the 14. year of Ezechias, the kings of Assyria had lost Babylon and Chaldaea, there being then a new king, Merodac Baladan; and it become another distinct kingdom, from the kingdom of the Assyrians, whose seat was at Ninive, as the holy Scripture evidently showeth, 2. Reg. 17.12. jerem. 50.17. 2. Reg. 19.36. This Merodac is the first that in scripture hath the Title of King of Babylon: and jeremy maketh him the very author, father, and founder of that kingdom, race, and family, jer. 50.2. As it is apparent, that he reigned in Babylon when Ezechias was sick, so there can be no reason showed to the contrary, but he began his reign there 14 years before: nay it is most probable and likely, that Salmanassar being that year 3275. a far of, and occupied in his wars in Syria and Israel; Merodac Baladan took that opportunity to revolt from him and erect that new kingdom. By occasion whereof Ezechias king of juda anon after rebelled against Salmaneser too, 2. Reg. 18.7. entering into league with the new king of Babylon. For it appeareth that they were combined and confederate against the king of Assyria: because Merodac sendeth so friendly to Ezechias to congratulate his recovery: and because Ezechias showeth his Ambassadors so readily all his treasure and power, to this end, that the other of the league might see, what forces he was able to make against the common enemy, the king of Assyria. And about the same time Hoseas king of Israel, induced by these examples, revolted from Salmaneser, and entered into league with So king of Egypt. 2. Reg. 17.4. But shortly after Salmaneser subdued him again: which Senacherib his son attempting to do to Ezechias, had that miraculous overthrow, 2. Reg. 19.35. which Merodac hearing, together with Ezechias recovery, sent that solemn congratulation, Cap. 20.12. 3 I see no reason why Ptolemy or the Chaldaeans, should take aeram Chaldaeorum the Computation of the Chaldees from Salmaneser king of Assyria more than from any other king before him, as Pull, or Tiglath Pileser. But every man may see reason enough, why he should take it from Merodac, because he was the founder of that kingdom of the Chaldaeans, their first king of Babylon, & first raiser of that house & family; as jeremy maketh him: and Daniel maketh that kingdom of Merodac, & his successors, the race of the Nabuchodonosors, the first of his four Monarchies, Dan. 1. & 7. Surely new aeraes, computations, & dates, are taken from new & great events and actions: as deliverance from servitude, and restoring of liberty. 1. Mac. 13.42. And such a one as that, was this action of Merodac delivering the Chaldaeans from the bondage of the Assyrians. As for the difference of the name, it is most usual, that forrenners and they which are far of, having a diverse language, call the same king by another name, than he is called at home. As whom the Chaldaeans themselves call Nabopolassar, the jews called Nebucadnetzar; & whom Daniel calleth Baltassar, which doubtless was his right Chaldaean name, Herodotus calleth Labynetus; josephus, Naboandel; Alphaeus, Naboniddochus. Eus. praep. Eu. l. 9 & our Merodac himself, is called Berodach. 2. Reg 20.12. & Esar-chaddon is called also Osnapar. Ezr. 4. But to leave this to the judgement of the learned, it is agreed & certain that Nabonassar was that king, which reigned then in Babylon. Wherefore, to come to the ninth Article, 
Censor. l. de die natali.  it may be proved either by proceeding in Ptolemy's Computation: or by the account of the Olympiades'. For Censorinus coupleth the 986. year of Nabonassar with the 2. year of Olymp. 254. that is (as he expoundeth himself) the 1014. year from the first Olympiad: and indeed the year of Nabonassar began then much about the beginning of the Olympical year, Subtract 986. out of 1014. and there remain 28. by how many years the first Olymp. began before Nabonassar; beside the days which Nabonassars' aera hath lost in that space by wanting the leap year. And therefore the Olympiades' began in the year of the world 3247: being Vzziahs' 52. year. By this account the first year of Cyrus' Monarchy, being the 23. year of his Regiment or reign, is the third year of the 60. Olympiad: which agreeth with Euschius, l. 10. Praep. evang. cap. 13. where out of Thallus, Castor, Diodorus, Polybius and Phlegon he placeth the first year of Cyrus' Regiment or reign in the first year of the 55. Olympiad. The distance of 78. years from Cyrus first to the beginning of Artaxerxes Longimans seventh, is proved thus: Diodorus Siculus Pag. 260. placeth Xerxes death in the 4. year of the 78. Olympad, and Artaxerxes beginning about 4 or 5 months before the end of the same year; which by resolution are 312. years. Add thereto 5 more, to make up Artaxerxes sixth, and there will be 317. in the end whereof Artaxerxes 6 begins; and ended within three or four months of the end of 318. abstract thence 238. accrueing of 59 full Olympiades', and two years of the 60. Olympiad, which were before Cyrus first, and there remain 78. and about three quarters: which three quarters were passed of the year 3. Olymp. 60. before the beginning of Cyrus' first. The same may be proved by julius Aphricanus, who (as Eusebius showeth Demonst. evang. l. 8. ca 2. and Hierome in Dan. 9) placeth Artaxerxes 20. in the year 4. Olymp. 83. and also by the reigns of the Kings of Persia: for Cyrus' 7. Cambyses 8. with the Magis: Darius Histaspes 36. Xerxes' 21. and Longimans' 6. make just 78. To Cyrus I attribute 7 years after the taking of Babylon; 
l. 8. pa. 183.  as Xenophon doth. For he saith, that Cyrus lived seven months of winter in Babylon, three months of spring at Susis in Persia, and two months of the heat of Summer at Ectabana in Media. And it is clear if we consider the time, wherein by all probability the City was taken, and the term requisite to establish the kingdom, and to set all things in order at Babylon, whereof Xenophon speaketh, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Pag. 184.  that he stayed about a year at Babylon before he went towards Persia. Now Xenophon further saith, that he came seven times in that order to Persia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. At which seventh coming, his father and mother being dead, and himself very aged, giving solemn and condign thanks to the Gods, for giving him both good directions in all his great actions, and also grace to embrace and follow their directions, he ended his life. The first journey of Cyrus into Persia was in the end of his first year: and the seventh journey was in the end of his seventh year. Wherefore we cannot give less than seven years to Cyrus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Kingdom or Monarchy: and 30. years to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Regiment, as Cicero, Eusebius, and justin do. Which 30. years are to be reckoned from that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and instant of time, wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: the ancient counsellors of Persia chose him Emperor or General of the Army, that went into Media.  
The tenth article is set down. Dan. 9.24. seventy weeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy City: These 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seventhes or seven nights, sennightes (as we say) or weeks, are not to be accounted by days, but by years as all do agree. And seventy seventies of years, are 490. years. The beginning of these 490. years the Angel fixeth most certainly, & showeth plainly to Daniel in the next verse: Therefore understand and mark; From the proceeding forth of the word (or Edict) to bring again the people, and to build jerusalem, unto Christ shallbe, etc.  
This Edict proceeded forth in Artaxerxes seventh year: as it is recorded, Esz. 7. from the 12 verse to the 26. Artashasht King of Kings to Ezra the Priest, and perfect Scribe in the Law of the God of Heaven. 13. I have given commandment, that every one that is willing in my kingdom, of the people of Israel, and of the Priests and Levites, to go to jerusalem with thee, shall go. 14 Therefore art thou sent by the King and his seven counsellors, to make inquisition in judah and jerusalem, of the law of thy God, which is in thy hand. This branch is for the bringing again of the people: after which followeth the second branch for the presents, which the King and the Princes, and the people sent to be offered to the God of Heaven, in his house at jerusalem: and then the third branch for the immunities and liberties of the Priests, Levites, & all other ministers of the house of God, vers. 24. and lastly ensueth vers. 25. the fourth branch, for restoring the Policy and Government, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  ordaining of Magistrates, establishing and executing of laws: And thou Ezra after the wisdom of thy God, that is in thy hand, appoint judges, and justices of Oyer and Terminer, to all the people that is beyond the river: of all that know the law of thy God, and them which know it not, teach. 26. And whosoever will not do the Law of the Lord thy God, and the Law of the King, let him have judgement without delay, either of death, or of banishment, or of confiscation of goods, or of imprisonment. Hear you see commission is given to Esdras: to restore a common wealth in juda and jerusalem: to ordain Magistrates and Officers of their own: to execute laws: to punish all manner of offenders; and to exercise all sorts of punishment: which be the principal and essential parts of a City; as Cicero said: Civitas est, in qua est Consul, est Senatus, est juris & aequitatis, quae vincula sunt civitatis, repetita memoria. And these were at this time and by this Edict, granted to the jews, and never before: being much more of the essence of a City, than the repairing of walls, which Nehemias came about. To Daniel the Angel speaketh of a word or Edict, that hath two branches: the first to bring again the people: the other to build the City of jerusalem; both which Esdras had; but Nehemias wanted the one, and Zorobabel wanted the other. Wherefore considering the evidency of daniel's prophecy & the Angel's speech, and weighing withal the wonderful consent & harmony of the best approved human writers with this Computation (which after will appear) it cannot be but clear and manifest to all men, that daniel's weeks begin neither at the one, nor at the other of them: though many learned men have made the beginning thereof at each of them. As: at Nehemias coming in Longimans' 20 year the common exposition beginneth daniel's 70 weeks: whom very many great Clerks follow, as Beda, Petrus Galatinus: and of late Lucidus Samotheus, and Clemens Schubertus etc. But as that is taken, it differeth not in time from our account. For they make it the 20 year, not of his sole reign after his father, but from the beginning of his reign, while his father lived: the 20 year whereof was but the 7 of his sole reign, which I reckon of. So they jump with us. Yet that is not the commission, which the Angel prophesied of: 1 Because Nehemias did bring none from Babylon with him, 
The Latin vulgar Translation omitteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de reducendo etc. which deceived them, and caused them to begin there.  but came only to repair the building. 2 He repaired not so much the City as the walls, Cap. 2.17.4.1. and as the whole survey of the work showeth in all the third Chapter. 3 That commission was out before, though the work were neglected, which appeareth in that he maketh mention of Overseers of the work before he acquainted any man with his commission or purpose, Cap. 7.16. At Cyrus first year and at the going out of the word at daniel's prayer, R. Aben Ezra beginneth daniel's weeks: whom of late Tremellius and Henricus Wolphius follow. But that cannot be the word, which the Angel meant: because the Angel pointeth out, describeth, and from all other words distinguisheth the word that he meant, by two notable & evident marks and signs: namely that it should be the going forth of a word to bring again the people, and to build jerusalem. Whereas the commission which Zorobabel received at that time, and was proclaimed in all Cyrus' kingdom, had not a word of building jerusalem, or of ordaining any state and common wealth there: 
Ezr. 1.2.  but only to build the house of the Lord God of Israel, which is at jerusalem. For that was the thing that Cyrus respected, even the serving of God, 
3  and sacrificing to God in that house: and therefore permitteth them of the people of Israel that will build it, to go to jerusalem and to build the house: 
4  and the residue, in what country soever they abide, to help them that go, with their contribution toward the building up of that house of God in jerusalem: whereof the Angel speaketh not one word. It may be, that most spiteful jew, Aben Ezra, wanting not wit but grace (as one speaketh of him) sought by this sleight to bring the Gospel into discredit and disgrace among other nations and to alienate them from it: when they should see Christians, to prove that Christ was incarnate and suffered in his due time, corsse and contradict the History and Chronologie of all other nations and times; and the records of all states and empires. As to the like end, that is, to obscure & overshadow the time & truth of christ, his fellow Rabbi Solomon, beginneth daniel's weeks at the destruction of jerusalem by Nabuchodonosor, & endeth them at the destruction of the same by Vespasian. It is a very hell to them, to see the records of the Monarchies bear reccord to Christ; or the annals, acts, and histories of other kingdoms and people appear as witnesses, that Christ was given and exhibited in the fullness of time, that God so long before had set and showed by his Prophets. And this use we are to make of human writers and Chroniclers, though heathenish; even to make them serve unto Christ, toward the leading of us into an understanding of the truth of times and seasons: since the holy Ghost doth not refuse the same neither in the old, nor new Testament: leading us to the better and readier knowledge of the old times by the years and account of Nabuchodonosor: and of the new times of our Saviour himself, by the time of Augustus, Tiberius, Cyrenius, Pilate, etc. Whereof we shall make small use, if we be barred from human writings & records. The end of these 70 weeks is the Passion of Christ, as is evident, vers. 24. & 26. Yet the authors of the former opinion, which begin them at Longimans' 20. year, and Tremellius for the other, end the 70 weeks three years and a half after Christ; beginning the last week, wherein the Testament should be confirmed to many, at Christ's baptism, and ending half of it at his passion, reserving the other half to his Apostles for the accomplishment of the work: or as though the Angel had used numero rotundo pro corrupto, the full and round number for the broken, not respecting the odd three years and half, that were wanting of the full sum. Which negligence doubtless the Angel would not commit in a matter of such importance. Again it is evident, that the Angel respecteth for the mark and scope of all those works, the person and office of Christ only; and not of his Apostles. Neither can those actions which he speaketh of, be attributed to the Apostles, as to restrain the falling away; to seal up sins; to expiate Iniquity, to bring in Everlasting righteousness, etc. The order of the Angel's speech, I will briefly set down. First vers. 24. delivereth the prophecy in general, setting down the whole term in one gross sum of 70 weeks: and withal reciting up the benefits in ample sort, which that time shall bring forth. Secondly, vers. 25. by a special 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he handleth all again: First setting down and fixing the very instant, where the Computation shall begin: Viz. at the proceeding forth of the Edict to bring again the people, and to build jerusalem. Secondly he divideth the whole term into three parts: two whereof he reckoneth in the same verse: First seven weeks, and after threescore and two weeks, unto Christ, wherein the people shallbe returned, and the streets and wall built: and those two parts shallbe in straits of time and much distress. But then come the happy and halcyon days wherein the benefits before promised shall be performed. Which is the last time, and therefore, vers. 26. he setteth down the end of the last week, and consequently of the whole term: namely the passion and death of Christ: and after the threescore and two weeks CHRIST shallbe slain. Intimating withal the events that shall ensue the same, even the utter desolation of the City, as a punishment for their ingratitude in contemning Christ & the benefits brought and wrought by him, and for their slaying of him. This last part, or last week, which he reserved for Christ, he handleth more particularly. vers. 27. For first lest he should take it, that Christ should be slain presently after the end of the 62 weeks: he showeth, that he shall continue first a whole week: and he shall confirm the Testament unto many one week: meaning the better Testament, Heb. 7.22. even the new Testament, Heb. 8.8. And lest he should be mistaken, as though he should spend a whole week in confirming that testament; and bestow seven years in his Public ministery, he useth a special 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or correction expoundeth his own meaning: even in half of that week he shall cease and abolish the sacrifice and the oblation. Which was the last half of that last week; even from his baptism to his Passion; the whole time of his ministery, that is three years and half: whereby he abrogated and abolished the Levitical Priesthood, and changed it. Heb. 7.11 having himself an everlasting Priesthood, vers. 24. whereunto he was called and invested at his baptism, when it was said unto him: thou art my son. Heb. 5.5. exercising & executing the same in the days of his flesh: wherein he offered up prayers & supplications with strong crying, Heb. 5.7. and finishing it at his passion, by which he did at once put away sin, by the sacrifice of himself, once offered. Heb. 9.29.28. which being done, this man after he had offered one sacrifice for sins, sitteth for ever at the right-hand of God. Heb. 10.12. and therefore justly & rightly he cried upon his cross CONSUMMATUM EST is it finished. For there was an end of all sacrifices, oblations, and the whole Levitical Priesthood, and of the 70 weeks too. The distance of 490. years from Artaxerxes 7. to the passion of Christ, is proved thus. Esdras with the heads and all the multitude of people, and his commission to restore the commonwealth of jerusalem and juda, departed from the river of Ahava to go unto jerusalem the 12 day of the first month: that is two days before the Passover in Artaxerxes 7: year, Esd. 8.31. that is a little above 100 days before the end of the second year of the 80 Olympiad. as is showed before. And Christ jesus with his Apostles and Disciples took his journey, to go to jerusalem to his passion, whereby he restored the kingdom of Heaven to us, and made us Citizens of jerusalem which is above the 12 day of the first month, that is two days before the Passover, Math. 26.1. a little above 100 days before the end of the 4. year of the 202. Olympiad. as Eusebius proveth out of Phlegon. The distance between these two journeys is precisely 490. years. For 202. Olympiades' multiplied by 4 make 808. years: and 79. Olympiades' and 2 years, make 318. years: which being subducted out of the other, there remains 490. Also it may be proved out of the most excellent Chronologer julius Aphricanus, whose words Eusebius citeth Demonst. evang. l. 8. ca 2. Anno imperij Persarum 115. Artexerxes 20. & Olymp. 83. anno. 4. Nehemias missus est Hierosolymam ab Artaxerxe, inde ad Olymp. 202. annum 2 Tiberij Caesaris 16: anni numerantur. 475. In the 115, year of the Empire of the Persians, being Artaxerxes 20, and the 4 year of the Olymp. 83. Nehemias was sent to jerusalem by Artaxerxes. From thence to the 2 year of the Olymp. 202. and Tiberius 16, are reckoned 475. years. Where first I would have noted, that he coupleth Artaxerxes 20, with the 115. year of the Persians; for the confirmation of that, which before I set down. For in that sum are contained first 23 years of Cyrus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or reign, before his Monarchy: Secondly, the 78 years, assigned before from the beginning of Cyrus' Monarchy to the end of Artaxerxes 6 year: Thirdly 14 that remain to make up Artaxerxes 20. This 20 year of Artaxerxes (as may be gathered by that which before is spoken of his first, 6 and 7 year) began about a quarter of a year before the 4 year of the Olymp. 83. so that from the beginning of his 7 year to the beginning of the year 4 Olymp. 83 are 13 years and a quarter: Which being added to Aphricans 475, make 488 and a quarter: then add the third years of the said Olympiad, and three quarters of the fourth (for Christ suffered about a quarter of a year before the end of the 4 year of the Olymp. 202) & there will be just 490.  
Likewise the same will fall out by Tiberius' reign. Aphrican saith, that from Artaxerxes 20. to Tiberius' 16 are 475 years: but there wanteth above half a year of it. For Tiberius 16 ended the 19 day of August, which was but 50 days after the beginning of the year 2 Olymp. 202. Add thereto 13 years from Artaxerxes 7, to his 20: and there will be 487 years and about 5 months. The 16 year of Tiberius was Christ's 31: wherefore we must add further Christ's 32 and 33, and about 7 months more, that is from the 19 of August to his passion; and there will be just 490.  
The same may be proved also by Ptolemy's calculation For he li. 4. c. 6. showeth that Adrian's 19 year was the 854 year from the second of Mardocempad, & li. 4. c. 9 he maketh the 20 year of Darius Histaspis, to be the 219 from the same 2 year of Mardocempad: to which 219 add 16 for the rest of Darius, 21 for Xerxes, & Ataxerxes 6 & there will be 262. which being substracted from the 854, leave 592 from Artaxerxes 7 to Adrians' 19 inclusiuè.  
The 19 of Adrian is joined by Historiographers with the year of Christ 136, as his first is joined with 118: out of 136 take 34 (that is, the space from Christ's incarnation to his passion) and there remain 102: which being taken out of 592 there remain 490 from Artaxerxes 7 to the passion of Christ. Or thus, Ptol. li. 3. ca 82. reckoneth from Nabonassar to Alexander's death, 424 years: then consequently Alexander's last, is the 200 year from Cambyses 7 inclusiuè. For I showed before, that Cambyses 7 is Nabonassars 225: add Cambyses first 6, and Cyrus his 7, and they make 213 from Cyrus' first of his Monarchy to Alexander's death. And from Alexander's death to the Conquest of Egypt, when Augustus reduced it to a Province, Ptolemy reckoneth 294 years: which was done in Augustus his III. Consulship, and the year of Antony's death; as Clemens Alexandrinus showeth, who also reckoneth thence to the Nativity of Christ 28 years, and thence to his Passion are 33: all which make 568. Out of which subtract 78 from Cyrus' first to Artaxerxes 7, and there remain 490 from Artaxerxes 7 to the Passion of Christ.  
Eusebius in like sort agreeth exactly with this account for the Persians. For Demonst. evang. l. 8. c. 2. from the first of Cyrus his Regiment, to the end of the old Testament, that is to the death of Simon the high Priest (which was in the year of the Greeks' 177.1. Maccab. 16.) he reckoneth 425. years. Take 23 years of Cyrus' Regiment before his Monarchy: then 213 (as before was showed) from Cyrus' Monarchy to Alexander's death: then 12 from his death to the Coronation of Seleucus Nicanor, where the Computation of the Greeks' beginneth: and lastly their 177. years, and there will be in all 425.  
Likewise the Computation of the Sabbath years and jubilees agreeth notably with our account. For Moses ordaineth that the Israelites should begin their Computation of them, assoon as they were entered into the land, so that the Manna ceasing, their tillage and husbandry began in josuahs' first year: and the first Sabbath year was in his 7 year, that is the year of the world 2555. wherein the Land was at rest from wars too: Ios. 10.43. and then they began the division of the land, as is evident by Calebs' age, Ios. 14.7.10. and the 7 month and 10 day, the people being assembled at Gilgall, the law was red, as it had been red by Moses 7 years before Deut. 31.10. which day they began to rest, and rested till that day twelvemonth: intermitting their ear-ring and tillage of 2555. and the harvest of 2556: so that the fruits of one year served three years, as God promiseth, Levit. 23: that is the old fruits of the labours, toil, and tillage of the 6 year, 2554. served the 7 year 2555. wherein they were gathered; and the eight, 2556 wherein they gathered none; and the ninth, 2557 till harvest that they might gather new. And so afterward for the Sabbath years. Every seventh Sabbath year was the jubilee, that is the 49 year from the former jubilee exclusiuè, or the 50 year inclusiuè, so that the year 2597 was the first jubilee, & 2646 the second etc. Now with this Computation all the sabbath years & jubilees, that we find recorded do justly agree, as the 18 year of josias, that is, 3381 was the 17 jubilee as Ezechiell maketh it, taking thence his Computation & account Cap. 1.1.2. It came to pass in the 30 year in the fourth month, (which was the fift year of king jehoiacins captivity. To the last 14 of josias, add 11 for the reigns of jehoiakim & jehoiacin, & 5 of his captivity, and there are just 30. So likewise the jews besieged in Bethzura, in the 50 year of the Greeks were driven to yield the town for want of victuals, by reason of the Sabbath year, 1. Maccab. 6.49. For the 49 year of the Greeks, that is 3759 was a sabbath year, whereby they intermitted the tillage of that year, and the harvest of the 50 year; and their old store of the harvest of 49, which should have served them till they might have new fruits of the year 51, was spent by them which had escaped from the Gentiles, and were come into judaea, vers. 53. Again Herod's oppugning of jerusalem was in a Sabbath year, which caused great famine in the City, joseph. li. 14. ca 28. meaning not that the Sabbath year continued all the time of the siege (which could have been no great cause of famine, because they ought to have had store enough of all the former year for all the Sabbath year, and the year after too, though they had had no wars at all) but because the oppugning began in the end of the Sabbath year, wherein no supply might be made, which in the winter following caused great dearth indeed. The City was taken, as josephus saith, the 185 Olymp. Vipsanius and Gallus being Consuls, the third month, and it was the third year of that Olympiad, because their consulship began at january in that third year, and in October before the Sabbath year ended: and a little before that the City was oppugned and besieged by Herod and Silo joseph. li. 14. ca 27. where grew a mutiny among the Roman soldiers, not liking to winter there for want of provision: which want grew by reason of omitting the harvest before in regard of the Sabbath year, joseph. li. 14. ca 27.  
Moreover the son of God was Incarnate of the virgin Marie, to whom the great and glad news was brought by an Angel from heaven, the very first year of the 30 jubilee: and the same Saviour of the world, having accomplished the work of our redemption, rested in his sepulchre, not only the sabbath day, but also the Sabbath year. For in the 10 day of the 7 month of the year 4053 next before the passion of Christ, began the 215 Sabbath year, wherein Christ jesus by his Passion purchased for us true manumission, eternal remission, perfect liberty and everlasting rest, even Sabbath upon Sabbath, as the Prophet speaketh. To which Sabbath year, and acceptable year of the Lord, he prepared his countrymen of Nazaret in his sermon there not long before. Luke. 5.  
Now that the 10 Articles of the Computation from the creation to Christ be clearly confirmed; and that the Olympiades' be tied to the Aera of Nabonassar; and they both be applied to the years of the world, which are most certainly continued in holy scripture till the Captivity of Babylon: it shall not be amiss to do the like with the years of Rome, which depend of the Olympiades', because that Computation is much used in the Roman Historiographers. And for the beginning of the Computation, Aera, or style of Rome, which the Chronologers briefly note with these two letters V C. that is urbis conditae, of the building of the City: there is great difference among the ancient writers, as is well observed by Solinus, and more particularly by Sigonius. Of the three principal opinions, the first beginneth it in the year 3 Olymp. 6 or 23 year of Iphitus: the second in 4 Olymp. 6. or 24 year of Iphitus: the third in 1 Olymp. 7. or the 25 year of Iphitus. The reason of which differences I will endeavour briefly to show; and to reconcile these Computations, for the better light to the studious in History. And hereto the distinction used by Livy in his very beginning will help us a little: where he saith, Ante conditam condendamuè urbem: before the building of the City was finished: or before the building of the City was begun. First therefore it is held as certain of the Roman Historiographers, that Romulus having revenged the injuries of Amulius, and leaving the rule and government of Alba to Numitor, incontinently and with all speed began the building of a new City: the plot whereof was drawn out with a plough, & the foundation laid on the day of the shepherds feast called Palilia, which after was called Natalis urbis, the birth day of the City: which was (as Pliny saith, li. 18. c. 16.) the 11. kalends of May, that is, the 21 day of April, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad, as Plutarch recordeth in his Romulus, (that is, the year of the world 3270) and within 46 days of the end of that third year and beginning of the fourth. Which space of 46 days is accounted for a year, and at that instant Plutarch beginneth, where he saith that Numa Pompilius was borne when Romulus built the City: and that he began his reign in the 40 year of his age. And Paterculus: In the 6 Olympiad, 22 years after the first beginning of them, Romulus having revenged the injuries of his grandfather, built (that is, began to build) the City of Rome in the feast Palilia in the Palatine. But in his Computation he useth the common account ab urbe condita: from the time after the City was built; as strait followeth: from which time (that is, post urbem conditam, as he speaketh Pag. 40.) to thy Consulship, M. Vinicius, are 781 years, and that was done after the taking of Troy 430 years, as the place is corrected: And Livy when he saith, that Romulus had peace 40 years: And Pomponius Atticus, and M. Tullius, as Solinus setteth down their opinions, Cap. 2.  
The City was in building and accomplishing a whole year, being finished at the same feast in the 4 year of the 6 Olympiad, that is, the 21 of April 3271. where began the account, V C. that is, ab urbe condita, and Romulus reign of 37 years. And from thence Varro taketh his Aera & Computation, which is followed by Eutropius, Orosius, and Censorinus, where he saith: This year, the style whereof is the Consulship of Vlpius and Pontianus, is the year 1014 from the first Olympias, beginning it but only from the Summer Solstice, about which time the Olympic plays and games were showed; and the 991 year after Rome was built, beginning it at the Palilia, whence the years of Rome are accounted. Now Dionysius a Greek, and writing in Greek, to make the Computation of Rome agreeable and proportionable to the year and Computation of the Greeks', did cast away those few days of the last year of the 6 Olympiad, and did begin it with the beginning of the new Olympiad, and maketh from the destruction of Troy, to that time 432 years: agreeing just with Diodorus Siculus, who maketh it 408 years from the destruction of Troy to the first Olympiad. julius Solinus followeth Dionysius, as you may see, Cap. 2. Comparing and proportioning our times and the Greeks' together, we find that Rome was built at the beginning of the 7 Olympiad, in the 433 year after Troy was taken. And in the same place he showeth, that in the year V C. after Rome was built, 801 there was written in the public acts the 207 Olympiad, which exceedeth the other by 24 years. And so Clemens Alexand. Strom. li. 1. reckoneth from the first Olympiad to the time that Rome was built 24 years. This Computation of Dionysius and Solinus is most usual. And although there be but small odds between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or marks of these two last accounts of Varro and Dionysius: viz. as much as from the 21 of May to the first day of Hecatombaeam about the summer Solstice, yet it breedeth in account the odds of a whole year: because Varro endeth his first year of Rome with the 4 year of the 6 Olympiad; and beginneth his second year where Dionysius beginneth his first: and so he accounteth those few days between the Palilia, and the Olympiades' for one year. The same odds must be observed, if you suit the Computation of V C. to the usual year of Rome which began at januarie, that Varroes' first year end at januarie next ensuing the building, & Dionysius first begin but at the same januarie. Whereupon Eutropius and Orosius place Augustus' death in the year of Rome 767: which after Dionysius account was but 766. In the same sort Orosius endeth Augustus' first year at januarie, where the Civil and Common year ended; accounting the short time between the 10 Cal. of October and the Calends of januarie for one year, and then at januarie in his first year, beginneth his second year. Whereupon he saith, that Christ was borne, anno quadragesimo secundo Augusti propemodum emenso.  
Of the years of Rome depend the years and catalogue of the Consuls; 
Dionys. l. 1. pa. 46.  which began in the year of Rome after Dionysius 245. and of both them, that is, of the years of Rome and of the Consuls, depend the years of the Emperors; and of the years of the Emperors depend the years of Christ. For S. Luke coupleth the 30 year of Christ with the 15 of Tiberius: so that the 15 year before Tiberius, is the first of Christ's Nativity: and that was the 42 year of Augustus. For out of the 56 years of his Empire take 14 and there remain 42: which 42 year is the 15 year before Tiberius, in which Christ was borne, as all the ancient writers agree, Euseb. Eccl. Hist. li. 1. ca 5. Epiph. count Haer. li. 1. tom. 1. Tertul. count judaeos, Pag. 128. Oros. l. 7. ca 2.  
And for the further confirmation of this Computation, it doth hereby appear most clearly, that the birth of Christ is rightly and justly placed in the 751 year of Rome after Dionysius account; and also in the 4020 year of the world. For Paterculus affirmeth, vol. 2. p. 40. that Augustus Caesar was created Consul (where Suetonius, Eusebius, Eutropius, and the most part begin his Empire and Monarchy; though Tacitus begin it at julius Caesar's death, but then he attributeth 58 years to his Empire) the 10 kalends of October 709 years post conditam Romam, after Rome was built: which years are fully complete, and as much, as from the summer Solstice unto the 22 of September: add thereto 42, and there will be 751, in which year Christ was borne. Now for the year of the world, it appeared before that Dionysius began the Computation of the years of Rome with the 7. Olympiad, which was about the summer solstice of the year of the world 3270, which taketh up the first year of Rome, and of the 7 Olympiad all save one quarter. Wherefore to 3269 and a quarter add 709, and a quarter (that is from the summer solstice to the 22 of September:) and then 41 of Augustus, and a quarter (from the 22 of September to the 25 of December:) and there will amount 4019 years and three quarters to the Nativity of Christ. And here it shall not be amiss to note the harmony, and agreement between Paterculus and other ancient and authentic writers in this point. Paterculus giveth for a note worth the remembrance, that the said 10 kalends of October, or the 22 day of September, was a day before Augustus was full 20 year old, pridie quàm viginti annos impleret. And first for the day Suetonius agreeth, affirming Cap. 5. that Augustus was borne 9 Cal. Octobris, or 23 day of September. Secondly for the year, it may be gathered thus: Florus and Eutropius affirm, that when julius Caesar was slain, Augustus was 18 year old: whereto we must add as much as from the 23 of September to the Ideses or 15 day of March, on which day julius Caesar was slain. After his death Antonius and Dolabella being Consuls took the authority upon them till januarie following, wherein Hirtius and Pansa were created Consuls: who afterward were slain at Mutina: and the 10 Cal. of October next after their death Augustus was made Consul; and the morrow after (as you see) was just 20 year old. So that from julius Caesar's death to Augustus' Consulship was about a year and half. Which agreeth likewise with the account of Paterculus. For Eutropius saith, that julius Caesar was slain anno ab urbe condita septingentesimo ferè ac nono: In the year after the building of Rome seven hundred and almost nine. He addeth almost, because the seven hundredth and ninth year was not fully complete by his account and Varroes' (indeed not begun by Dionysius account:) and the 22 of September twelvemonth after Augustus' Consulship began: so that as Paterculus saith, 709 years after the building of Rome, were fully complete before Augustus' Consulship, and as much as from the summer solstice to the 22 of September. And whereas Solinus, Cap. 2. saith that Hirtius & Pansa were Consuls in the 710 year of Rome, he must not be taken, as though their creation were in the year 710; but that the 710 began about the middle of the year of their Consulship: or else that therein he followeth the Computation of Varro, and not of Dionysius. But he is greatly overseen in the same place, avouching that Augustus was created Consul, decimum octawm annum agens, being in his 18 year. Contrary to Paterculus, as you heard before; and to Suetonius likewise, who saith Consulatum vigesimo aetatis anno invasit: He forcibly took the Consulship, in the twentieth year of his age.   

Of the Computation by the years of Christ.  
AT this day all Christendom useth to make their accounts & Computations by the years of Christ. And yet notwithstanding presently after Christ that Computation was not used: but the common order of accounting and dating was by the Consuls of Rome: saving that the Church had a particular Aera or Computation of their own, which began 38 years before Christ: and some kingdoms accounted by the reigns of their own kings; all which are seen by the dates in the Tomes of Counsels. But the Church of Rome used a Computation from the passion of Christ, as Beda showeth, li. de nat. rerum. Cap. 46. which also you may see in Hierome and Isidore: and some used the Computation of Antioch, as Eusebius, Euagrius, Cedrenus, Nicesorus, which began 48 years before Christ, as Marianus Scotus showeth. Yea both Heathen and Christian used the Aera or account of Diocletian, as you may see in Ambrose, etc. which began in the year of Christ 285, and also in former times the Computation of the Chaldaeans was much used, as you may see in Ptolemy, which began the 13 year after Alexander's death, even with the second year of the 117 Olympiad: and at the next Vernal equinoctial began the Computation of the Greeks' used in the books of Maccabees and in josephus, viz. at the crowning of Saleucus Nicanor: and at the coronation of Ptolomaeus Philadelphus in the 26 year of the Greeks' began the Aera of Dionysius much used by Ptolemy: yet the Church and Emperors of the East used to Date by the years of the world according to Eusebius account, as you may see in the council of Basil, where the emperors Crisobol or letter patent, is dated anno à mundi creatione 6944: and the Patriarch of Constantinople his letters are dated anno ab Adam seu mundi constitutione 6944: which was the year from the Nativity of Christ 1435: as both the said letters do testify: for they are both dated by the years of Christ's Nativity likewise. Marry now the Turks use their Computation which they call Alhigera, beginning in the year of Christ 622: and the Persians use their jesdagert, which began in the year of Christ 632. But in the year of Christ 532 Dionysius Exiguus instituting the Paschal Cycle, and Golden number, would not number and calculate the same by the Aera or Computation of wicked Diocletian the 10. persecutor of the Church, which then was used thorough the whole Empire, but would cast and account it by the years of Christ, beginning at his Incarnation, as Beda showeth Tom. 2 li. de nat. rerum. cap. 46. Which Aera or Computation was not used by the Emperors or Popes till long after. For the first Emperor that used it in dating of his Acts, proceed, & Epistles, was Carolus Crassus. And afterward Eugenius FOUR at the advise & instance of Blondus his Register received it into the Pope's Bulls and writs: as Paulus Forosemproniensis affirmeth in his Paulina part 2. li. 13. Praeside Eugenio IIII adhortante Blondo Forliviensi Pontificij collegij a secretis Notario, in bullis atque rescriptis Pontificalibus annorum haec a Christi Incarnatione supputatio scribi primùm coepit: when Eugenius IIII was Pope, at the instance of Blondus of Forli, Clarke of the Pope's counsel, this Computation of years from the Incarnation of Christ began first to be written in the Pope's Bulls and Mandates. Which I do not take, as though the Computation by the years of the Lord was then first brought into the Church (as Gerardus, Mercator and other take it,) or as though it were not used in the acts of the Church, and in ecclesiastical courts and proceed before that time; but that then and by that means it began first to be used in the Bulls, Mandates, and writs, that were mere Papal, and passed only from the Pope. For in writs of that nature, the year of the Lord was not mentioned at all before that time, but only the years of their own coronation, anno Pontificatus nostri, etc. For anon after Paulus Forosemproniensis addeth: Sed notarij annos à nativitate computare consueverunt. But all other notaries used to account the years from the Nativity. And that is evident by the dates of all the Sessions of the council of Constance, which was before Eugenius: which are all dated anno à Nativitate Domini: but the Pope's Mandates and letters are only dated, anno Pontificatus nostri. So that the Computation of Dionysius was both used, and also corrected, before Eugenius FOUR The order whereof I will briefly set down. The computation from the Incarnation of Christ, ordained by Dionysius was used till Decem. 25. 1351. At which time for special cause, which is showed, pag. _____ it was decreed, that the computation by the year of the Lord, should begin, not at the Incarnation or 25 of March (as before it did,) but at the Nativity or 25 of December: and yet the same number should be kept and observed without alteration all the year thorough, save the first quarter. Forsomuch they prevented the change and beginning of the new year, writing 1352. after the said 25. of December, which otherwise they should not have done till the Incarnation or 25. day of March following. The Act or Decree is recorded by jerapha: His quoque temporibus apud Perpinianum oppidum in curia generali 25 Decembris 1351 fuit determinatum in Catalonia, ne Calendae à notarijs in chartis scriberentur, nec ab Incarnatione annus Domini, sed à Nativitate inchoaretur. And also at that time, at Parpinnan in a general Court, Decemb. 25. 1351. it was decreed in Catalonia, that the kalends should not be used by Notaries in charts, and that the year of the Lord should not begin at the incarnation, but at the Nativity. The practice hereof appeareth in the council of Constance about 53 years after: where all the Sessions and Acts are dated, not by kalends, but by the days of the month, and by the years from the Nativity of the Lord, and not from his incarnation. Which year did alter & change not at the incarnation: for the second session holden the second of March, and the third holden the 25. of March, that is the day of Christ's Incarnation; and the fourth holden the 30. of March; and the fift, holden the 6. of April, are all recorded in one and the same year 1415. But the year altered and changed upon the very day of the Nativity. For the coronation of Martin V is recorded to be upon sunday the 21. day of November anno à Nativitate Domini 1417. Indictione 10. and upon tuesday the 28 of December following was holden the 42 Session, and there the year is altered both of the year of the Lord and also of the Indiction. For it is dated anno a Nativitate Domini 1418. indictione 11. Indeed printed copies have there also 1417. but an ancient copy written by a Notary at the very council (which Lucidus Samotheus affirmeth that he hath seen) hath 1418. And it must needs be so: first because the year of the Lord is there expressed, which would not have been done unless the year were changed. For otherwise he would have said, anno & indictione quibus suprà. Secondly because the 22. and 29. of April following, are there recorded, anno & indictione quibus suprà. And the next before mentioned is that: whereas in April 1417 the 32 Session was held, as before there was mentioned. Thirdly because the Indiction is changed: which the Church of Rome altereth with their year.  
But in all that Council the writs and processes of the Popes themselves, Martin v. Gregory xii or john xxiv. are dated neither by the days of the month nor by the year of the Lord, but by the kalends & the year of their own Papacy or Coronation. And I have a pardon granted by Martin V to Issabell Wootton of London dated thus: vi. Idus Martij, Pontificatus nostri anno nono, without any mention of the year of the Lord. Wherefore Blondus persuading Eugenius FOUR about thirty years after that council, to date his Bulls Pardons and writs by the year of the Lord, would have him to follow Dionysius style, and to write from the Incarnation, keeping the same number, but altering the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or mark: though all other courts and notaries did keep their new style from the Nativity; as Forocemproniensis affirmed before. The practice hereof is evident in the council of Basil, held under the same Eugenius, wherein all his Bulls and Mandates, as also the Bull of Nicholaus V are dated, anno Incarnationis Dominicae, etc. and by the kalends. And the revocation of three of his Bulls is dated by himself Calendis januarij, anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1433: but the Bishop and two Cardinals which subscribed to the same Revocation, the fift day of February following, date their subscription anno a Nativitate Domini 1434. where the year, you see, is changed. And so all the Sessions and Acts of the same council are dated by the year à Nativitate Domini. or anno Domini, which is all one: for they mean à Nativitate. The like practice we have in the Bull of Clement VII. for the jubilee 1525. For the Bull, as it came from the Pope himself, is dated thus: Datum Romae apud sanctum Petrum, anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1524. Cal. Maij. But out of the court of Audience by the Bishop of Worcester, Auditor General of the Apostolic Chamber, it is dated thus: Datum Romae in aedibus nostrae solitae residentiae, anno a Nativitate Domini 1524. die decimo mensis Junii. And these are the two usual dating and computations in Christendom at this day: the occasion of the difference whereof I will briefly show. The principal cause of the odds and error was in Dionysius Exiguus; who both erred himself, and caused other to err, as one said truly of him; though the same man could not find out the error: as in like sort, Reinerius, Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Stofflerinus, Paulus Forosemproniensis, etc. have found by their Calculations, that Dionysius was out and in an error: Marry wherein the error consisteth, and what was the true cause thereof, which being taken away, it might be amended and made right, they could not perceive: and therefore mistaking the cause, they plunge themselves into further errors. The truth is briefly this: Dionysius intending principally the time and account to come, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only the time and Computation past, came too short of the Conception or Incarnation of Christ by one whole year, in his account backward; because he accounted from the Incarnation of Christ to his Passion but only 33 years & so made the whole life of Christ but only 32 years; beside the odd time from the 25 of December to his Passion. In which error were (as Forosemproniensis reckoneth them up part 2. li. 4.) Apollinarus Laodicensis, Augustine, Victorinus Lemonicensis, Magister Historiarum, Nicholaus de Lyra, and Marianus Scotus; to whom we may add Bartholomeus Scultetus, and many other excellent Astronomers. And because that would not fit well with Histories and the astronomical calculations, it hath driven other into grosser absurdities, namely to avouch, that Christ lived but 31 full years, as johannes de Muris, and Rogerus Bacon in his Epistle to Clement V: or that he lived 34 years full, as Chrysostome, Albertus Magnus, and of late Gerardus Mercator: all contrary to the faith of the Church; as Beda showeth li. de nat. rerum. Cap. 46. Habet ecclesiae fides, Dominum in carne paulò plus quam 33 annis usque ad suae tempora passionis vixisse: The faith of the Church holdeth that the Lord lived in the flesh a little more than 33 years to the time of his Passion: And contrary to Ignatius, who attributeth to Christ 33 years and somewhat more in his Epistle to the Trallians: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Christ having conversed three Decades of years was baptized, and having preached three years was crucified: where he reckoneth 33 full years, beside the time from his baptism, to the beginning of his preaching: and contrary to Eusebius, who placeth Christ's Nativity in the 3 year of the 194 Olymp. and his death in the year 4 of the Olymp. 202. which is the distance of 33 years and as much as from the 25 day of December to the day of his Passion: & contrary to the age of Christ by the years of the Emperors. For Saint Luke saith that john the Baptist began his office in Tiberius 15 year: which ended the 19 day of August, if we begin his Empire at Augustus' death. Yet Tacitus and Suetonius, Cap. 14. show, that Tiberius stood a while after Augustus' death, in great suspense, whether he might take the Empire upon him, or not; insomuch that some brak patience, & one in a tumult cried out, aut agate, aut desistat, etc. And therefore it may be, that his Empire began to be accounted two or three months after. Howsoever it be (for it mattreth not much) it is evident by Daniel, that Christ was baptized about October, accounting from his Passion backward to his baptism half a week: and it is probable by the Analogy between the Baptism of Christ & the feast, of Expiation that he was baptized at that feast, which was that year the 7 day of October. Now Christ at his Baptism was almost full 30 year old, as appeareth by Saint Luke, Cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and jesus himself was beginning almost to be of 30 years of age, that is, beginning to be full 30 year old: as Epiphanius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and twice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth place the words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. and jesus was beginning to be almost of thirty years, being the son, etc. And so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken Act. 13.18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and almost forty years he bore their manners in the wilderness: meaning not full 40: for there wanted above a month of it, as before is showed. And so ferè is used by Eutropius: Caesar was slain in they year seven hundred and almost nine, septingentessimo ac ferè nono: because there wanted above a month of the full of that year. So Christ was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ferè triginta annorum, almost 30 year old: for he wanted above two months. And so Epiphanius taketh it, cont. Haer. tom. 2. li. 1. He was indeed 29 year old and 1● months: 30 year old, but not full. In which sense Ignatius said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For he was not full 30 till the 25 of December following in Tiberius 16 year. To which day, from the 25 of December in Augustus 42 are just 30 years. For it is evident before that Aug. was 20 year old wanting one day, the 10 kalends of October, when he was created Consul (where his Empire or reign began) and he died, as Suetonius recordeth, Cap. 100 the 14 kalends of September, or 19 day of August, when he was threescore and 16 year old wanting but 35 days. So that he reigned 56 years wanting 36 days. Whereto agree Eutropius and Orosius, who say he died in the year of Rome 767, after Vurroes account that is 766 after Dionysius account. Now Christ was born the 25 of December in his 42 year (as before is showed) so that Augustus reigned after the Nativity of Christ 14 years and 8 months wanting but 5 days: add to them 15 years of Tiberius, & there will be 29 years & the 8 months: which 15 of Tiberius ended the 19 day of August: and Christ was baptized about October following; & the 25 of December following, he was just 30 year old: which was in Tiberius 16 year. Now that Christ lived 3. years & 3. months after that, which was three years and an half after his Baptism, is plain both by Daniel, who attributeth to his ministery 3 years and half, that is half a week: and also by the history of the Evangelists, who make express mention of 4 Passovers after his baptism, at the last whereof he suffered his Passion: The first john. 2. when he cast the buyers and sellers out of the Temple: the second Math. 12. Mark. 2. Luke. 6. when the Disciples plucked the ears, in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 second principal Sabbath: the third Math. 14. Mark. 6. Luke. 9 john. 6. when he fed 5000 with five loaves. The fourth and last Math. 26. Mark. 14. Luke. 22. john. 13. when he instituted the new Sacrament of his body and blood, and accomplished the work of our Redemption. And this the fathers received by tradition: It is left unto us, that all the time of the doctrine of Christ was three years and a half, which is half one week. Euseb. Demonst. evang. li. 8. ca 2. And Ignatius in Epist. ad Trall. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and having preached the Gospel three years he was crucified: he saith not two years, or four years. As for the odd days he standeth not upon. For it was not his purpose to make so exact a computation, and yet he is near the mark. For if Christ began not to preach till the beginning of the spring, as Clemens Romanus Recog. 1. Pa. 2. affirmeth, than he preached not much above three years. But how long it was after his Baptism before he began to preach, the Evangelists do not show, neither saith Ignatius any thing of that space: but that he preached full three years. Wherefore to conclude, the time of the life, of Christ from his Nativity to his Passion, was 33 years and a quarter: and from his Conception or Incarnation to his Passion, was full 34 years.  
That Dionysius between the Incarnation of Christ and his Passion reckoned but 33 is manifest by Beda de nat. rerum Cap. 46. Sancta siquidem Romana & Apostolica Ecclesia hanc se fidem tenere, & ipsis testatur indiculis, quae suis in cereiss annuatim scribere solet, ubi tempus dominicae Passionis in memoriam populis revocans, numerum annorum triginta semper & tribus annis minorem quam ab eius Incarnatione Dionysius ponat, adnotat. Denique anno ab eius Incarnatione juxta Dionysium 701 Indictione 14 fratres nostri, qui tunc fuere Romae hoc modo se in natali Domini in cereiss sanctae Mariae scriptum vidisse, & inde descripsisse referebant: A passione Domini nostri jesu Christi anni sunt 668. The holy Roman and Apostolic Church testifieth that she holdeth this faith, even by the very Indices or Tablets, which she useth to write yearly in the Tapers, when as putting the people in mind of the time of the lords Passion, she setteth always a less number by 33 years, than Dionysius doth set from his Incarnation. And in the year from his Incarnation 701 after Dionysius, the 14 Indiction, our brethren which then were at Rome, did report that at Christmas in the Tapers of Saint Marie they saw written, and also wrote out, in this sort: From the Passion of our Lord jesus Christ there are 668 years. Subduct 668 out of 701, and there remain but 33 from his Incarnation to his Passion. Likewise if you go by the Indictions backward, from this year 701 being the 14 Indiction, to the Nativity of Christ, which Beda de not, rerum. ca 48. saith was the fourth Indiction, & then his incarnation was the third, you shall find the same odds and distance. More arguments and testimonies might be alleged for proof hereof, were it not confessed by Dionysius his followers, that they all make but 33 years from Christ's Incarnation to his Passion. Which afterward being perceived, caused those alterations of the year of the Lord, which I noted pag. _____, and the variety of Computation which is used in Christendom. For they which made the first alteration Anno Domini 1351, being loath to alter the number, and to add one year more to their vulgar and usual Computation, (which would breed by all likelihood too much inconvenience) they thought it better to keep the same number, and first to alter the Epoch or mark, setting it shorter back by three quarters of a year, and therefore decreed that it should be accounted but from his Nativity: Secondly to anticipate the change of the next new year, beginning it sooner by one quarter of a year. And by this means they both regained the whole last year, and also made the Computation of the year of the Lord to come within eight days of the usual Computation of the Romans, which began at the Calends of januarie. But Blondus about 80 years after that, persuading Eugenius FOUR that the Pope's own rescriptes, Bulls, Acts, and processes might also be dated by the year of the Lord, whether it were, for that he would of singularity make the Pope differ even in his Dates from the common course, or (which I think rather) for that he saw the new style and account did not well concur and agree, neither with the natural course of the year, which beginneth with the Spring, when the sun entereth into Aries, nor with the ordinance of God, which appointed the month Abib for the first, nor with the ancient Computation of the Church, which began both the years of the world, and the year of the Lord at one time, viz. about the Vernal Aequinocticall,) refused the new style and Computation from the Nativity, & took the old from the Incarnation. Yet beginning the change of the new year after the new year of the other Computation from the Nativity (as evidently appeareth by the two dates of the Pope's Revocation in the council of Basil,) he intimateth not obscurely, that this his Computation reached not to the true Incarnation of Christ by one whole year, but that it beginneth at the feast of his Incarnation, which was in the first year of his Nativity, and so left out the whole last year before the beginning of his Computation.  
This Computation of Blondus is used by the church of England: and not only here, but also in Italy by the states of Florence, and Sienes; all which use the Computation from the Incarnation, and begin the year the 25 day of March, after that the Church of Rome hath begun their Computation from the Nativity the 25 of December before. As Anno Reginae 37, the 25 day of December, the Church of Rome began the year 1595 from the Nativity: and the City of Rome together with the Astronomers (for they have a peculiar Computation, proportioned to the ancient and usual year of the Romans, without any regard of the first 8 days of Christ's Nativity) begin the same year 1595 the first day of januarie, or the feast of Circumcision, which therefore is called newyears day, as our yearly Almanacs show: and at the 25 of March following, we of England, Florence, and Senes begin the same year 1595 from the Incarnation or Conception of Christ. Which is as much, as if Christ had been borne and Circumcised too, a quarter of a year before he was conceived: were it not that they by this their Computation would give us to understand, that there is lost a whole year of the Lord, which they would regain and restore by beginning their Computation from his Incarnation a just year after his true Incarnation: that is at the feast of his Incarnation or Annunciation next after his Nativity. But the states of Pisa have the right and perfect computation from the Incarnation, which runneth always a just year before this of England, Florence, and Senes. For the same 25 of March Elizabethae 37 they begin the year 1596 from the Incarnation; and so date all their records, writs, processes, Epistles, evidences, etc. Indeed in those places, where any of the other Computations are used, perhaps it will seem good and convenient, as not unlikely it did to Blondus, not to alter their account and style ancient though erroneus, but rather to keep and retain the vulgar and usual Computation, both in their public and private Acts, because the alteration thereof would breed some confusion in their records and evidences. But yet it is necessary for the studious in History to be acquainted herewith, and to understand the differences of Computations in the world.  
Of this point I have been the larger, partly because the author of our last great Chronicle, in his description of England. li. 3. ca 14. maketh this a great scruple (to use his own term) and so leaveth it, concluding that with us Christ is borne before he is conceived: and partly because I remember this doubt was moved to a man of manifold learning, and of great reading and judgement, as any in this land, who did answer it by a distinction of Annus Nativitatis, and annus Actatis. Which distinction I have read in jacobus Phillippus Bergomensis Chronic. li. 8. where he laboureth by that mean to take away all doubt about the year of the Baptism and Passion of Christ. And first he putteth a difference between the usual year, and the Emergent year: which Emergent year, a quovis rei eventu quovis tempore anni usualis emergit & incipit, & revolutis duodecim mensibus solaribus finem habet, atque iterum in sua vestigia redit, & iterum atque iterum circumuoluitur, donec ea res numerari desinit, a cuius eventu coeptum est numerari; ut solet fieri in primordijs regum & imperatorum. And after he addeth: ad hoc tempus anni emergentis annos Domini dupliciter numeramus, aut secundum Nativitatem, aut secundum aetatem etc. By this Emergent year we account the year of the Lord two ways: either by his Nativity, or by his age. Whereupon Christ being borne in the end of the usual year, (he meaneth of the Romans) he had of the last year of his Nativity but only 7 days: but the first year of his age, from the 25 day of December, wherein he was borne, to that day twelvemonth, is ended in the second year of his Nativity. And so he accomplished two years of his Nativity, after the usual year almost in the first year of his age: and the second year of his Nativity and the first of his age is all one. Whereby it cometh to pass that the years of Christ's Nativity are 34 and a half almost, etc. Anon after, and in the 33 year of his age and 34 of his Nativity Christ suffered. Again, therefore julius Caesar being slain in March, whence Augustus' Empire is accounted, Christ began the first year of his Nativity in the end of Augustus 42 year. etc. This difference I thought good to allege, because it may serve the Historician to many good purposes; as namely it openeth and declareth the meaning of Oroseus, where he saith, anno Augusti 42 prope emenso Christus natus est, as before I expounded it. As for the scruple before mentioned and moved, it doth somewhat overshadow it, but not clean take it away: shifting it off prettily, but not satisfying it fully. For if we take the common and vulgar Computation of Christ to be secundum Nativitatem after his Nativity, than indeed the second year of Christ secundùm Nativitatem must begin before the second year of Christ's true Incarnation; and so onward the Computation secundum Nativitatem will begin a quarter of a year before the Computation from his Incarnation: Although the first year of Christ secundum Nativitatem, which contained but 7 days began three quarters after the beginning of the first year of his Incarnation. But here first I say, that in the common and vulgar Computation of Christendom, the year of the Lord is not taken secundum Nativitatem, but secundum aetatem, & beginneth not at the first day of januarie, but at the 25 day of December which was the day of his Nativity, as appeareth by the council of Constance, which putteth the 28 of December, and the 11 of March both in one year. And although the Astronomers, and some other have reduced the year of Christ to the usual year of the Romans and begin it with the beginning thereof, that is at the first day of januarie, being the day of Christ's Circumcision, yet they do not account those 7 days before for a year, but clean cast them away, and reckon them not at all: as Forosemproniensis showeth pag. 2. li. 4. and as the yearly Almanacs testify, which after the Circumcision keep ever the same year of the Lord, that the Church of Rome doth, whereas otherwise they would have a year more. Thirdly if it were so, that the common and usual Computation of Christendom, did take the year of the Lord, secundùm Nativitatem, yet that will not help the matter and cause in hand: because Bergomas maketh but 33 years between Christ's Incarnation and Passion, and then we are in as bad case as we were before. For a whole year of the life of Christ is still lost: so that the Computation will not reach to the true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Christ's Incarnation by a whole year.  
By this also you may see, that the dream of Paulus Forosemproniensis, was nothing but a dream. He writeth, that he had showed him in a vision or revelation, that all Chroniclers and Historiographers did anticipate the year of the Lord, and put the Nativity of Christ two years sooner than they should: and this vision, or dream rather, he laboureth tooth and nail to confirm; whereas indeed in the usual Computation the Nativity of Christ is set back by one year.  
If you desire to know, to what year of the world the year of any other Computation is to be referred, add to your year of the 

Olympiades' 3246.  
Rome 

3270. after Dionysius.  
3269. after Varro.    
Nabonassar 3275.  
The Chaldaeans 3710.  
The Greeks' 3711.  
Dionysius 3735.  
Antioch 3971.  
The Council 3981.  
Christ's 

Incarnation 

4019. after the Computation of Pisa.  
4020. after any other Computation, as England, Florence, etc.    
Passion 4053.    
Diocletian 4313.  
The Turks 4640  
The Persians 4650.    
As thus. The Council of Nice was held Aera 363: add thereto 3986 & we shall find the year of the world 4349. Again from 363 subtract 38: and you have the year of Christ 325; add thereto 4024; and you find that way too the same year of the world 4349. Yet it is hard to give a rule to reconcile the Computation of Eusebius and the Greeks', with this Computation, because he maketh new odds almost in every article. But after Christ there is one uniform order. For he placeth the birth of Christ in the year of the world 5199, which is too much by 1174: and that must be subducted out of this Computation. But the Computation of the Emperor and Patriarch in the Council of Basil, which couple the 6944 of the world, with the year of Christ 1435, is too much by 1484 years.  
By the like respect having a year of any one Aera or Computation, by this table ye may easily reduce it to any of the other.  
But in these concurrences due regard must be had what time of the year every Computation beginneth: otherwise (as Dionysius Halycarnassaeus complaineth of Thucydides manner of Computation) it will be hard to couple them together but that there will be an odds of one year. And therefore it shall not be amiss to set down the several forms and beginnings of these years by the which the principal Computations are reckoned.  
First the year of the Hebrews consisteth of 12 months, the odd having 30 days, and the even 29 whose names be 1 Abib or Nisan: 2 jiar or Ziu: 3 Sivan: 4 Thamus: 5 Ab: 6 Elul: 7 Thisri or Ethanim: 8 Marchesuan or Bul: 9 Cisleu: 10 Tebeth: 11 Schebath: 12 Adar. And because all this amounteth but to 354 days in the common year: therefore to meet and match the course of the Sun, they insert in certain years a thirteenth month of 30 days which they call Veadar, according to their cycle and rule of 19 years, wherein the 3. 6. 8. 11. 14. 17. and 19 have the said thirteenth month. And further to make up the odd minutes, in every fourth year they intercalate one day, as we do in our leap year. This year began (as some are of opinion) before the departure out of Egypt at the Autumnal equinoctial: as the Arabians, Persians, and latter jews begin their year: and as the Computation of the year for the jubilees began. But out of doubt it is, that after the departure out of Egypt Nisan was made the first month & beginning of the year, Exod. 12.2. This month shallbe unto you the beginning of months: even the first month of the year. Which began at the new moon next to the vernal equinoctial. At which equinoctial the old Astronomers began their year: and the Church beginneth the year of the world. And therefore Dionysius Exiguus to make the year of Christ proportionable to the year of the world, began it at the Incarnation or Conception which was on the vernal equinoctial. But in the year of the Lord 1351 for a special cause before spoken of, it was reduced to the Nativity of Christ. And so there is but a week odds between the Ecclesiastical or Church Computation of Rome, and the civil or imperial Computation. For the Church of Rome begin their new year at the day of Christ's Nativity, that is the 25 of December: and the Empire beginneth their new year the first day of januarie: which we in this realm and other countries too commonly call new years day; because the late Astronomers begin their new year there: as our yearly Almanacs do witness; and Paulus Forosemproniensis showeth part 2. l. 4. The Astronomers of our time, which after the manner of the Romans have reduced the Computation of years to januarie, and the radices motuum to the beginning of januarie in the first year of Christ's Nativity, begin the first year of his Nativity at the 8 day of his Nativity, not accounting the days between his Nativity and januarie. Which may evidently appear by this, for they which seek the place of the Planets at the hour of Christ's Nativity go back 7 days from the radices of the Planets noted in the tables. And this manner of Computation observe not only Astronomers, but also Divines allowed in Christian Religion, as Petrus de Aliaco, Nicholaus Cusanus, Rogerus Bachon, and generally all that have sought out the places of the planets at the hour of Christ's Nativity. The like or greater dissonancy there is, between the beginning of the Indictions of the Empire, and the Indictions of the Pope. The Indictions of the Empire begin the 8 kalends of October; but the Pope beginneth his Indictions three months after the 8 kalends of December; that is, at the day of Christ's Nativity.  
The Egyptians are made by Herodotus, li. 2. and by Diodorus Siculus, li. 1. to be the inventors and first authors of the year. But indeed as they had it from the Hebrews, among whom Noach himself the first of the renewed world did ordain the year, and months, as joseph. Antiqu. jud. li. 1. and Berosus l. 3. affirm, distinguishing the year by the course of the Sun, and the 12 months by the course of the Moon; so they did corrupt and deprave the same. For their year (after the which Nabonassars' Aera is accounted) hath indeed 12 months, namely, Thoth, Phaothe, Athyr, Chiac, Tybi, Mechir, Phamenoth, Pharmuthi, Pachon, Pawn, Epephi, and Mesori: all which have 30 days a piece, and the last 35: which make in all 365 days for their year. But because they omit the intercalation of a day in the leap year, it falleth out that the first day of their month Thoth and consequently of their year, wandereth thorough all the days of our year in 1460 years. Which space of 1460 years is called of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the great canicular year, because they begin it, when the first day of their month Thoth and the rising of the dog star meet together. In the first year of Nabonassars' reign, the first day of Thoth was the 26 day of February, accounting the year of julius Caesar backward. And the first year of Christ it was the 24 day of August. The same wandering course hath the year of the Saracens and Turks, but it differeth in the form much. For their year hath but 354 days, as the common year of the Hebrews, and in 30 years they have 11 leap years, that have a day more a piece: so that the beginning of their year wandereth thorough all our year once in 30 years.  
The year of the Greeks' agreeth in form with the year of the Hebrews. For first the common year hath 12 months with the same number of days, which are named of the Athenians thus: Hecatombaeon, Metagitnion, Boedromion, Maemachterion, Pyanephon, Anthesterion, Posideon, Gamelion, Elaphebolion, Munychion, Thargelion, Scirophorion: of the Macedonians thus, Lous, Gorpiaeus, Hyperberetaeus, Dius, Apillaeus, Audinaeus, Peritius, Dystrus, Xanthichus, Artemisius, Deutius or Destius, Panemos. Again they have a thirteenth month called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the year 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to the same rule, as the Hebrews had: and lastly every fourth year a day intercalated for the leap year, but it differeth in beginning. For the first day of Hecatombaeon and Lous is the next new moon to the Summer Solstice. And when that moon is at herful, they celebrate & keep the solemn games at Olympus, every fourth year. By which the Grecians account and compute, dating by the first, second, third, or fourth year of such an Olympiad. At the same time began the Aera Chaldaeorum in Ptolemy: but the year of the Greeks' or Saleucians began at the vernal equinoctial as may be gathered by 2 Maccab. 15.  
The style V C. that is, Vrbis conditae, of Rome built, began according to Dionysius, just with the year of the Olympiades'. But according to Varro, Plutarch, Orosius, Eutropius, etc. It began the 11 kalends of May or 21 of April, for the first year: but for the second and so onward, either at the beginning of the Olympiades', or at the usual year of the Romans. For the common and usual year of the Romans had another course. For before Romulus, they began the year at the summer Solstice, as it is likely, because they learned their year of the Grecians. Yet it may be, they had both their year & the beginning of it from Noach or his children, and afterward corrupted the same. Howsoever it be, Romulus (as Macrobius showeth Saturnal. li. 1.) ordained a year of 304 days, and divided it into 10 months, called the first March in honour of his father Mars, and therewith began the year coupling the first of March with the vernal equinoctial without respect of any leap year. But Numa Pompilius seeing this year go too fast for the course of the Sun, added 50 days more, and after upon better advisement he put to one day more and so brought them to 355, and withal added two months, januarie and February, and began the year with januarie, as the City and Empire of Rome hath done ever since. And because all this would not serve, he devised an intercalar month, as the Greeks' had; but he clean left out the leap year. Yet before julius Caesar's time they had gotten a quarter of every leap year, by their new Intercalation and adding to the three last years of every Octo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or eight days space) a thirtieth month. But julius Caesar in his IIII Consulship and year of Rome 708, with the advise of Sosigenes an Astronomer of Alexandria, and aid of M. Flavius a notary in Rome, took away those intercalated months, ordained the quantity of the common year to be 365 days: and that every fourth year should in February have a day more called Bissextus (because they wrote twice or two days together sexto Cal. Martij, the sixth kalends of March:) We call that year the leap year: because there we leap back to another Dominical letter. Moreover those days he divided among the 12 months in such sort, that all the odd months beginning with januarie had 31 days: and all the even months, as the second, fourth, etc. had in a full or leap year 30 days: but in the common years February had but 29. 
Colum●lla de re ● rust. l. 12. ca 2. Plin. l. 8.1.26.  and he placed the winter Solstice 8 kalends of januarie, and the vernal equinoctial 8 Cal. of April, continuing the beginning of the year, as it was before, at the kalends of januarie. But the priests mistaking Caesar's mind made every third year Bissextill or leap: and so in 36 years made too many leap years by three. Wherefore Augustus Caesar commanded the three next leap years to be omitted, and so brought it into order again. But Augustus calling the month Sextilis after his own name August, because it should not be inferior to july, that bore his predecessors name, took one day from February to August; and then because three months together had 31 days a piece, he put one from September to October, and one from November to December. And this form and fashion of the year remaineth at this day: saving that the points of the Aequinoctials and Solstices are varied since julius Caesar 15 days backward, so that the vernal equinoctial is now the 11 and 10 day of March.  
Which variation Gregory xiii. pretending to amend, in the year 1582 made an alteration of the year, and broke the course, which it hath ever kept since julius Caesar's time, reducing the Aequinoctials and Solstices to the points, which they possessed at the Council of Nice. And this he effected, by taking 10 days out of October 1582: ordaining for hereafter, that every 400 years 3 bissextil or leap years should be omitted: making the quantity of the year less than julius Caesar did by one hundredth thirty third part of a day, and one third of such a part. And so he saith, that Calendar will last and serve till the year of Christ 5000. This is the sum of Gregory's correction of the year and Calendar.  
How well he hath done, to make this correction, & how well he hath done it, may in few words appear unto us, if we consider these few points.  
First in removing the equinoctial he condemneth the council of Nice, who thought it not meet to remove it at all, but fixed it, where they found it, viz. at March, 21. as julius Caesar left it at March. 25: and so Petrus Cameracensis urged in the council of Constance, and had persuaded john twenty-three. if he had continued in the popedom, and of the same opinion was Paulus Forosemproniensis, in his Paulina part, 1.  
Secondly he taketh not the right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mark or point. For if he would needs remove it, why did he not reduce it to the original and first beginning of the julian year, that is to the 25 of March, which place it had at the Nativity of Christ, a thing more memorable than the council of Nice? But they must needs show their minds even in this, how they more affect and prefer the actions of the Church than of Christ jesus. If the Aequinoctials must needs be fixed, and kept from varying, fix them where they ought to be fixed, that is where they were at their Creation: or at the least where they were at Christ's Passion and Resurrection. For the right celebrating thereof they pretend to be the cause of their alteration. But rather, why are they not suffered to run their race and hold on their course, which they ever have kept since the beginning? For what authority hath he, more than all the world before him, to set the heavens their bounds, and prescribe laws to the stars, yea to bridle the Sun itself, as though he held the world in his hand? Cannot he be content, that the Sun Moon and Stars shall keep their course, and the festival days be solemnized in their appointed times, as well as God himself was? Why doth he take upon more than God himself did in the Levitical Passover and other solemnities; which being once by him appointed, continued a longer time than from the council of Nice to Gregory xiii. without any alteration of the year? He may assure himself that if it had been necessary or meet to be done, or any inconvenience had grown by the not doing of it, God himself would have altered it in that strict pedagogy of his people, who were so precisely tied to the observation of days and times.  
Thirdly the manner of removing it, was cause of great confusion and trouble, by taking of 10 days out of one month at one push; as they did: contrary to the wisdom of Augustus Caesar, who to amend the surplusage of three days, caused the three next leap years to be omitted. And contrary to the judgement of his own predicant Friar johannes Maria, who affirmeth that that way would be difficilis & gignens perturbationem magnam, 
Epit. de emend. Calend. ca 3.  & dissidium in Ecclesia Dei per orbem diffusa: and of johannes Lucidus Samotheus, who intimateth that the same way would be troublesome, and that the safest and best way were to fix it where they found it, as the Nicene fathers had done. The whole council of Basil refused this way of Gregory xiii. though greatly and vehemently urged unto them by Cardinal Cusan, and Hermannus Zoestius.  
Fourthly for the remedy provided for hereafter, the means of omitting three leap years in every 400 years, will not keep the equinoctial at the 21 of March. For the variation of it from julius Caesar to Gregory xiii. is not agreeable to that proportion. For by his reckoning, in 133 years, and one third part, it goeth back one day. Now from julius Caesar's instituting of the Calendar to the year 1582, are 1627. years. In which sum you have 133⅓, but 12 times beside the remainder of ¼ almost. So that by this reckoning, at that year 1582 the equinoctial is removed from the 25 and 26 of March not full 12 days and a quarter: whereas all Astronomers hold, that it is removed 15 days. So likewise from the council of Nice, which was in the year of Christ 325 to that year 1582, there are 1257 years: in which sum we have 133⅓ but nine times, beside the remainder of ¼ and a little more. So that by this account the equinoctial is removed from the 21 day of March, not much more than nine days and a quarter: and Pope Gregory hath stricken out of the Calendar full 10 days. Wherefore his Calendar must needs be false, either in the place of the equinoctial, which is reduced to the 21 of March; or in the new quantity of the year, and remedy provided for the perpetuity of it. And surely this is a notable argument of man's dullness of wit, and dimness of sight even of his owlish eyes (as Aristotle calleth them) in the great works of God. For indeed, the exact course of the Sun, and the just quantity of the year, is incomprehensible of man's wit. Which hath bred among the best Astronomers at the least 20 diverse opinions of the quantity of the year, all differing from this of Gregory's, as you may see in Censorine de die Natali, Cap. de anno vertente, and in Picus Mirandula adverse. Astrologos. li. 9 ca 9 where he noteth and observeth that Azerchel, Baten, Isaac, Israelita and some junior Astronomers do hold, that as the days do lengthen and shorten, so the years do likewise, and that in the year of Christ 1310 the year was at the shortest, and within a while after would begin to lengthen again.  
Lastly for the term that this Calendar will serve, I take it one of the wisest acts of his Holiness, when as he avoucheth that his Calendar will serve and last without alteration till the year of Christ 5000. For unless the term be long the labour is needless: because in a hundred years the variation is not sensible, and therefore causeth no inconvenience at all: in that (as himself saith) 133 years and a third part make but one days odds. And therefore since the Creation the equinoctial hath odded but 42 days: & now it would be 1463 years before it could get out of March, where now it is. And whether the world shall last so long, God knoweth. Sure we are, that it shall not last so long after Christ as it had lasted before Christ. For the holy Ghost well nigh 1600 years ago saith, It was the ends of the world 1. Cor. 10.11. the last days, Heb. 1.1. yea the last hour, 1. joh. 2.18. and therefore we must needs be now in the last minute of the last hour, our hourglass being almost out. Wherefore let them that be wise consider, whether the Pope in setting that term of 5000 years of Christ, show not himself and his to be of the number of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mockers, 
2 Pet. 3.  which Peter prophesied should come in the last days, and say, where is the promise of his coming etc. But let us, comparing the words and warnings of our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, with the term of times here set down, perceiving the hourglass to be almost run out, and seeing all these things, know that he is near, even at the doors: Math. 24.23. and because we know not when the time will be; Let us take heed, watch, and pray, Mark. 13.33. making ourselves ready, and ever waiting with all attendance to be caught up in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air, 1. Thess. 3.17. who hath said, Revel. 22.20. Surely I will come quickly. Yea come Lord jesus. Amen.   

A Table coupling the years of the Kings of juda with the Kings of Israel, and them both with the years of the world: taken out of the books of Kings and Chronicles, wherein the beginnings of their reigns are certainly recorded, and also some middle years compared together, as here is represented to the eye.  
Juda. World. Israel. 
REhoboam the son of Solomon succeeded his father: but at his Caronation, the 10 Tribes revolted from him, and so he reigned over the tribe of juda only, 1. Reg. 12.16.17.20. the space of 17 years. 1. reg. 14.21.  Rehoboam 3025 1 jeroboam 

jeroboam the son of Nebat was proclaimed king of Israel by the 10 tribes: he reigned 22. years. 1. Reg. 12. & 14.20.  
The 15. day of this eight month jeroboam ordained the solemn feast of his Golden Calves, ca 12.32. which was as solemnly kept and celebrated by the Israelites vers. 30. Hear began the Iniquity of Israel, Ibidem: & Ezech. 4.    a    2 2 3026    17 17 3041 18   19 
Abijam the son of Rehoboam began his reign in jeroboams 18. year: and reigned three years, 1. Reg. 15.1.2.  Abijam 1 3042    20 2 3043    21 3 3044    1 Nadab 
Nadab the son of jeroboam began his reign (his father being alive) in the second year of Asa. and reigned two years, 1. Reg. 15.25.  
Asa the son of Abijam began in jeroboams 20. year: and reigned 41 years 1. Reg. 15.9.10.  Asa 1     22   2 2 3045    Baasha 
Baasha the son of Ahijah of the house of Issachar conspired against Nadab, and killing him, obtained the kingdom. He began in the third year of Asa & reigned 24. year. 1. Reg. 15.27.28.33.  3 3046    2 4 3047    24 20 3069 1 Ela 
Elah the son of Baasha began in the 26 of Asa, and reigned two years. 1. Reg. 16.8.   3070  
jehosaphat the son of Asa began in Achabs' 4 year: and reigned 25 years 1. Reg. 22.41.  27     2  3081 1 Zimri: Omri: & Tibni 

Zimri Captain of half Elahs' Chariots, slew Elah in the 27 year of Asa. He reigned but 7 days. For Omri, General of the host, being the same day proclaimed king in the Camp, subdued him in 7 days. Tibni was proclaimed king by another side against Omri. But he died in the 31 year of Asa: and so Omri reigned alone. In the third year of his sole reign he finished Samaria and removed the Court thither, so he reigned 6 years at Tirza, and 6 at Samaria, in all 12. 1. Reg. 16.  
Achab the son of Omri began in the 38 year of Asa, and reigned 22 years 1. Reg. 16.29.  
Achab going the war against the king of Assyria, left his son Ahazia viceroy at home: who began in Iehosaphats 17 year, and reigned 2 years. 1. reg. 22.51. Ahaziah died in the beginning of his 2 year. whom his brother jehoram succeeded in Iehosaphats 18 year 2. Reg. 3.1. that is the second year of jehoram of juda, 2. Reg. 1.17. He reigned 12 years. For his father was slain in that war.   38    3082 12 
In his 17 year he with Achab went to war against the King of Assyria, leaving his son jehoram as Viceroy in his stead at home. But returning safe out of the war, he received the kingdom again, till the third year of jehoram king of Israel: wherein jehosaphat at the request of jehoram going to war against Moab, placed his son jehoram as viceroy again: and never after displaced him. Hear began jehorams' reign of 8 years: viz. 4 with his father, and 4 alone. 2. Reg. 8.16.  39     1 Achab  3083 2 40     3  3084  41     4 jehosaphat 1 3099    19  3100  16     20 1 17  1 Ahaziah 1   jehoram 3101    21   2 18   2 3102 1 jehoram jehoram 1 3106 5 7 3112 11 
Ahaziah was made viceroy by reason of his father's disease in his bowels. 2. Reg. 9.20. His Father died in the beginning of his 8 year: and so Ahaziah was proclaimed absolute king in the 12 year of jehoram of Israel, 2. Reg. 8.25. and anon after was slain by jehu.  Ahaziah viceroy.    3113 12 8     jehu 
jehu the son of jehosaphat the son of Nimsi, being anointed king of Israel, slay jehoram king of Jsrael and Ahaziah king of juda: 2. Reg. 9.6.24.27. He reigned 28 years. Cap. 10.36.  Ahaziah   
Athaliah destroying all the rest of the blood royal (save joash, that was hid from he●) reigned after her son 6 years. 2. Reg. 11.3.  Athalia 1    3118 6 6   
joash the son of Ahaziah began at the solemn feast Easter a little before jehues' 7 began: for his 23 was begun, before jehues' 28 was ended. He reigned 40 years, Cap. 12.2.  joash 1 3119    7 2 3120    8 22 3140    28 23 3141 1 jehoachaz 

jehoachaz the son of jehu began in the 23 year of joash: and reigned 17 years, 2. Reg. 13.1.2.  
joash the son of jehoachaz was made viceroy of Israel because of the war, which the king of Syria made against them. 2. Reg. 13.10. whereof he was the deliverer, vers. 5. & 25. he began in the 37 year of joash king of juda: and reigned viceroy and absolute king 16. years.   37 3155 15.1   joash 1 38 3156  

Amaziah the son of joash, was made viceroy of juda, because of the war, which Chazael king of Syria made against juda.  
2. Reg. 12.17. & 14.1. He began in the 2 year of joash of Israel, and reigned viceroy and absolute king 29 years.   Amaziah  16.2 15 3170 16   1 jeroboam 
jeroboam the son of joash began in the 15 year of Amaziah: and reigned 41 years. 2. Reg. 14.23.  19 3171  29 3184    15 
a Hear is a vacancy or Interregnum of 11. years in juda.  3185    16  3196    27 
Vzziah, al●âs Azariah the son of Amaziah, began in jeroboams 27 year, and reigned 52 years. 2. Reg. 15.1.  Vzziah 1    3210    41 15    3211    51 
Hear is a vacancy or Interregnum almost of 23 years in Israel.  16    3233  38    3234 1 Zacharias 
Zacharias the son of jeroboam began in the end of the 38. year of Vzziah, and reigned 6. months.  39  Sallum 
Sallum killed Zacharias and reigned one month in Vzziahs' 39 year. 2. Reg. 15.8.13.   3235 1 Menahems. 
Menahem killed Sallum in the very end of Vzziahs' 39 year: and reigned 10. years. vers. 17.  40    3245  50  1 Pekahiah 
Pekahiah the son of Menahem began in the 50 year of Vzziah, and reigned 2. years. 2. Reg. 15.23.   3246  51     2  3247  52    
* The first Olympiad Game was kept and celebrated by Iphitus, at the full moon of Hecatombaeon, that is the first month of the Athenians, about the summer Solstice, and hence the Computation of Iphitus and of the Olympiades' are to be reckoned.  1 Pekah 

Pekah the son of Remaliah killing Pekahiah began in the 52. year of Vzziah, and reigned 20 years. 2. Reg. 15.27.  
In his days Tiglath Pileser king of Assyria, took from him diverse towns and carried away the tribes of Reuben, Gad, half the tribe of Menasses, all Galilee, and the whole tribe of Naphthalie captive into Assyria. 2. Reg. 15.29. 1. Chron. 5.26.   
jotham the son of Vzziah began a little before the beginning of Pekahs second year: for jothams' 20 was begun before Pekahs 20 were ended; but Pekahs second was jothams' first: he reigned 16 years. 2. Reg. 15.32.  jothan 1 3248    2 16 3263    17 
Achaz the son of jotham began in the 17. year of Pekah, and reigned 16. years. 2. Reg. 16.1.  Achaz 1    3264 18 2   18    3265    16 3   19    3266    20 4   20    3267    1 Hoseas 
Hoseas the son of Elah, killing Pekah, began in jothams' 20. year, 2. Reg. 15.30. He meaneth Achaz 4. year, which would have been jothams' 20, had he lived so long: yet he useth his Computation being dead because he had made no mention of Achaz before.  5    3274  12  8   
a Salmaneser king of Assyria took a voyage against Hoseas, made him his vassal to hold that kingdom of him in Fee and for tribute: in the 12 year of Achaz. Here began a new style and Computation of Hoseas, which afterward is used. 2. Reg. ●7. 1.   3275    1 Hoseas 13 
* Merodac Baladan the son of Baladan taking the oppotunitie of Salmanesers' absence & business in the great wars of Syria and Samaria, revolted from him, and proclaimed himself king of Babylon. From this first king and first beginning of the kingdom of Babylon, Ptolemy taketh the Epoch and mark of his aera and Computation, naming him Nabonassar.    3276    2 14    3277  15  3 
Ezechias began in the third year of Hoseas tributary reign a little before the feast of Easter: and reigned 29 years. 2. Reg. 18 1.2. He rebelled against the king of Assyria, denying the tribute which Achaz undertook, 2. Reg. 16.7. entering into league with the new king of Babylon, as it seemeth by the great kindness between them afterward, Merodac sending ambassadors with presents to him, and Ezechias showing them all his treasure, that they might see what forces he could make against the common enemy, the king of Assyria.  Ezechias 3278    4 16   2 3279    5 
b Hoseas encouraged by the example & good success of Merodac king of Babylon, and Ezechias king of juda, revolted from Salmaneser and entered into league with So king of Egypt, 2. Reg. 17.4.  3 3280  4 3281 6 
c Salmaneser maketh his second voyage against Hoseas    7 
d Samaria besieged three years. 2. Reg. 18.9.  5 3282    8 6 3283    9 
e Samaria taken and Israel carried captive into Assyria in the 6 year of Ezechias, and the 9 of Hoseas. vers. 10.   
Hear ended the kingdom of Israel, which had continued 259 years, to this year of the world 3283: add 23 more of Ezechias, 55 of Manasses, 2 of Amon, 31 of josias, and you come to the year of the world 3394: the next year is jehoiakims' first, as here followeth.  

jehoiakim was made king of juda by Pharaoh Neco king of Egypt: to hold it of him for tribute: he reigned 11 years. 2. Reg. 24.1. in the beginning of his 11 year he was taken by Nabuchodonosor.  1 jehoiakim 3395  2 3396  3 3397 
a Nabuchodonosor the father being sick, Nabuchodonosor the great was made viceroy of Babylon, and went with great forces against the king of Egypt & other rebels, which had revolted from him: in which voyage he besieged jerusalem and made jehoiakim to yield, and become his vassal and tributary, 2. Reg. 24.3. Dan. 1.2.3. and gave the army of the king of Egypt a great overthrow at Carshemish Jer. 46.2. at this making of Nabuchodonosor viceroy in his father's life time, Daniel, Ptolemy, and Metasthenes begin his reign: that is in jehoiakims' third year, by which Computation he reigned 45 years.  4 3398    1 Nabuchodonosor 
Nabuchodonosor the father being dead, Nabuchodonosor the great was made absolute King & Monarch of the whole Empire Beros. in joseph. li. 10. ca 10. where jeremy, the books of Kings and Chronicles, and josephus begin his reign of 43 years complete, besides the odd months. He began in jehoiakims' 4 year, jer. 25.1 with the beginning of the 7 month of the Chaldaeans called Phamenòth: which began about the middle of Thamus the 4 month of the Hebrues.  5 3399    2 10 3404 7 11 3405  
jehoiacin reigned three months and 10 days: which began in Nabuchodonosors 7, and ended in his 8.2. Reg. 24.10.11.12. 2. Chro. 26.10. jer. 52.28.  jehoiacin  8 
Zedekiah began his reign in Nabuchodonosors 8 year: in the 6 month of the usual year of the Hebrues 2. Reg. 24.18. 2. Chron. 36.11. jer. 52.1.  Zedekiah 1    3406  2  9  3407  3  10  3413  9     16 
jerusalem was besieged by Nabuchodonosor in the 10. day of the 10. month in Zedechiahs' 9 year, 2 Reg. 25.1.  a    3414    17 
The famine began to be extreme in the City.  10    3415  11     18  3416  
b The 9 day of the fourth month in Zedechiahs' 11. year, jerusalem was taken ver. 6. & jer. 52.6. which was in Nabuchodonosors 18. year. jer. 52.29.      19 
c The 7. day of the fifth month the temple and City was burnt: which was in Nabuchodonosors 19 year, 2. Reg. 25.11. and the very end and expiring of Zedechias 11. year. jer. 1.3.     
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.