THE LIVES OF THE NOBLE GRECIANS AND ROMANS, COMPARED together by that grave learned Philosopher and Historiographer, Plutarch of Chaeronea: Translated out of Greek into French by JAMES AMYOT, Abbot of Bellozane, Bishop of Auxerre, one of the King's privy counsel, and great Amner of France, and out of French into English, by Thomas North. In repentance: remembrance ANCHORA SPEI. printer's or publisher's device Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier and john Wight. 1579. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCESS ELIZABETH, BY THE GRACE OF GOD, OF ENGLAND, France, and Ireland Queen, defender of the faith: etc. UNDER hope of your highness gracious and accustomed favour, I have presumed to present here unto your Majesty, Plutarkes lives translated, as a book fit to be protected by your highness, and meet to be set forth in English. For who is fit to give countenance to so many great states, than such an high and mighty Princess? who is fit to revive the dead memory of their fame, than she that beareth the lively image of their virtues? who is fit to authorize a work of so great learning and wisdom, than she whom all do honour as the Muse of the world? Therefore I humbly beseech your Majesty, to suffer the simpleness of my translation, to be covered under the ampleness of your highness protection. For, most gracious Sovereign, though this book be no book for your majesties self, who are meeter to be the chief story, than a student therein, and can better understand it in Greek, than any man can make it English: yet I hope the common sort of your subjects, shall not only profit themselves hereby, but also be animated to the better service of your Majesty. For among all the profane books, that are in reputation at this day, there is none (your highness best knows) that teacheth so much honour, love, obedience, reverence, zeal, and devotion to Princes, as these lives of Plutarch do. How many examples shall your subjects read here, of several persons, and whole armies, of noble and base, of young and old, that both by sea & land, at home and abroad, have strained their wits, not regarded their states, ventured their persons, cast away their lives, not only for the honour and safety, but also for the pleasure of their Princes? Then well may the Readers think, if they have done this for heathen Kings, what should we do for Christian Princes? If they have done this for glory, what should we do for religion? If they have done this without hope of heaven, what should we do that look for immortality? And so adding the encouragement of these examples, to the forwardness of their own dispositions: what service is there in war, what honour in peace, which they will not be ready to do, for their worthy Queen? And therefore that your highness may give grace to the book, and the book may do his service to your Majesty: I have translated it out of French, and do here most humbly present the same unto your highness, beseeching your Majesty with all humility, not to reject the good meaning, but to pardon the errors of your most humble and obedient subject and servant, who prayeth God long to multiply all graces and blessings upon your Majesty. Written the sixteen day of january. 1579. Your majesties most humble and obedient servant, Thomas North. To the Reader. THE profit of stories, and the praise of the Author, are sufficiently declared by Amiot, in his Epistle to the Reader: So that I shall not need to make many words thereof. And in deed if you will supply the defects of this translation, with your own diligence and good understanding: you shall not need to trust him, you may prove yourselves, that there is no profane study better than Plutarch. All other learning is private, fit for Universities than cities, fuller of contemplation than experience, more commendable in the students themselves, than profitable unto others. Whereas stories are fit for every place, reach to all persons, serve for all times, teach the living, revive the dead, so far excelling all other books, as it is better to see learning in noble men's lives, than to read it in Philosophers writings. Now for the Author, I will not deny but love may deceive me, for I must needs love him with whom I have taken so much pain: but I believe I might be bold to affirm, that he hath written the profitablest story of all Authors. For all otherwere say to take their matter, as the fortune of the countries whereof they wrote fell out: But this man being excellent in wit, learning, and experience, hath chosen the special acts of the best persons, of the famosest nations of the world. But I will leave the judgement to yourselves. My only purpose is to desire you to excuse the faults of my translation, with your own gentleness, and with the opinion of my diligence and good intent. And so I wish you all the profit of the book. Far ye well. The four and twenty day of january. 1579. Thomas North. Amiot to the Readers. THe reading of books which bring but a vain and unprofitable pleasure to the Reader, is justly misliked of wise and gravemen. Again, the reading of such as do but only bring profit, and make the Reader to be in love therewith, and do not ease the pain of the reading by some pleasantness in the same: do seem somewhat harsh to divers delicate wits, that can not tarry long upon them. But such books as yield pleasure and profit, and do both delight and teach, have all that a man can desire why they should be universally liked and allowed of all sorts of men, according to the common saying of the Poet Horace: That he which matcheth profit with delight, Doth win the price in every point aright. Either of these yield his effect the better, be reason the one runneth with the other, profiting the more because of the delight, and delighting the more because of the profit. This commendation (in my opinion) is most proper to the reading of stories, to have pleasure and profit matched together, which kind of delight and teaching, meeting in this wise arm in arm, hath more allowance than any other kind of writing or invention of man. In respect whereof it may be reasonably avowed, that men are more beholding to such good wits, as by their grave and wise writing have deserved the name of Historiographers, than they are to any other kind of writers: because an history is an orderly register of notable things said, done, or happened in time past, to maintain the continual remembrance of them, and to serve for the instruction of them to come. And like as memory is as a storehouse of men's conceits and devices, without the which the actions of the other two parts should be unperfect, and well-near unprofitable: So may it also be said, that an history is the very treasury of man's life, whereby the notable doings and sayings of men, and the wonderful adventures & strange cases (which the long continuance of time bringeth forth) are preserved from the death of forgetfulness. hereupon it riseth, that Plato the wise saith, that the name of history was given to this recording of matters, to stay the fleeting of our memory, which otherwise would be soon lost, and retain little. And we may well perceive how greatly we be beholding unto it, if we do no more but consider in how horrible darkness, and in how beastly and pestilent a quamyre of ignorance we should be plunged: if the remembrance of all the things that have been done, and have happened before we were borne, were utterly drowned and forgotten. Now therefore I will overpass the excellency and worthiness of the thing itself, forasmuch as it is not only of more antiquity than any other kind of writing that ever was in the world, but also was used among men, before there was any use of letters at all: because that men in those days delivered in their lifetimes the remembrance of things passed to their successors, in songs, which they caused their children to learn by heart, from hand to hand, as is to be seen yet in our days, by th'example of the barbarous people that inhabit the new-found lands in the West, who without any records of writings, have had the knowledge of things past, well-near eight hundred years afore. Likewise I leave to discourse, that it is the surest, safest, and durablest monument that men can leave of their doings in this world, to consecrated their names to immortality. For there is neither picture, nor image of marble, nor arch of triumph, nor pillar, nor sumptuous sepulchre, that can match the durableness of aneloquent history, furnished with the properties which it aught to have. Again, I mind not to stand much upon this, that it hath a certain troth in it, in that it always professeth to speak truth, & for that the proper ground thereof is to treat of the greatest & highest things that are done in the world: insomuch that (to my seeming) the great profit thereof is as Horace saith, that it is commonly called the mother of troth & uprightness, which commendeth it so greatly, as it needeth not elsewhere to seek any authority, or ornament of dignity, but of her very self. For it is a certain rule and instruction, which by examples past, teacheth us to judge of things present, & to foresee things to come: so as we may know what to like of, & what to follow, what to mislike, and what to eschew. It is a picture, which (as it were in a table) setteth before our eyes the things worthy of remembrance that have been done in old time by mighty nations, noble kings & Princes, wise governors, valiant Captains, & persons renowned for some notable quality, representing unto us the manners of strange nations, the laws & customs of old time, the particular affairs of men, their consultations & enterprises, the means that they have used to compass them withal, & their demeaning of themselves when they were comen to the highest, or thrown down to the lowest degree of state. So as it is not possible for any case to rise either in peace or war, in public or private affairs, but that the person which shall have diligently read, well conceived, & thoroughly remembered histories, shall found matter in them whereat to take light, & counsel whereby to resolve himself to take a part, or to give advice unto others, how to choose in doubtful & dangerous cases that, which may be for their most profit, and in time to found out to what point the matter will come if it be well handled: and how to moderate himself in prosperity, and how to cheer up and bear himself in adversity. These things it doth with much greater grace, efficacy, and speed, than the books of moral Philosophy do: forasmuch as examples are of more force to move and instruct, than are the arguments and proofs of reason, or their precise precepts, because examples be the very forms of our deeds, & accompanied with all circumstances. Whereas reasons and demonstrations are general, and tend to the proof of things, and to the beating of them into understanding: and examples tend to the showing of them in practice and execution, because they do not only declare what is to be done, but also work a desire to do it, as well in respect of a certain natural inclination which all men have to follow examples, as also for the beauty of virtue, which is of such power, that wheresoever she is seen, she maketh herself to be loved and liked. Again, it doth things with greater weight and gravity, than the inventions & devices of the Poets: because it helpeth not itself with any other thing than with the plain truth, where as Poetry doth commonly enrich things by commending them above the stars and their deserving, because the chief intent thereof is to delight. Moreover, it doth things with more grace and modesty than the civil laws and ordinances do: because it is more grace for a man to teach and instruct, than to chastise or punish. And yet for all this, an history also hath his manner of punishing the wicked, by the reproach of everlasting infamy, wherewith it defaceth their remembrance, which is a great mean to withdraw them from vice, who otherwise would be lewdly and wickedly disposed. Likewise on the contrary part, the immortal praise and glory wherewith it rewardeth welldoers, is a very lively & sharp spur for men of noble courage and gentlemanlike nature, to 'cause them to adventure upon all manner of noble and great things. For books are full of examples of men of high courage and wisdom, who for desire to continued the remembrance of their name, by the sure and certain record of histories, have willingly yielded their lives to the service of the common weal, spent their goods, sustained infinite pains both of body and mind in defence of the oppressed, in making common buildings, in stablishing of laws and governments, and in the finding out of arts and sciences necessary for the maintenance and ornament of man's life: for the faithful registering whereof, the thank is due to histories. And although true virtue seek no reward of her commendable doings like a hireling, but contenteth herself with the conscience of her well doing: yet notwithstanding I am of opinion, that it is good and meet to draw men by all means to good doing, and good men aught not to be forbidden to hope for the honour of their virtuous deeds, seeing that honour doth naturally accompany virtue, as the shadow doth the body. For we commonly see, not to feel the sparks of desire of honour, is an infallible sign of a base, vile and cloynish nature: and that such as accounted it an unnecessary, needless, or unseemly thing to be praised, are likewise no doers of any things worthy of praise, but are commonly men of faint courage, whose thoughts extend no further than to their lives, whereof also they have no further remembranuce, than is before their eyes. But if the counsel of old men be to be greatly esteemed, because they must needs have seen much by reason of their long life: and if they that have traveled long in strange countries, and have had the managing of many affairs, and have gotten great experience of the doings of this world, are reputed for sage, and worthy to have the reins of great governments put into their hands; how greatly is the reading of histories to be esteemed, which is able to furnish us with more examples in one day, than the whole course of the longest life of any man is able to do? Insomuch that they which exercise themselves in reading as they aught to do, although they be but young, become such in respect of understanding of the affairs of this world, as if they were old and gray-headed, and of long experience. Yea though they never have removed out of their houses, yet are they advertised, informed, and satisfied of all things in the world, as well as they that have shortened their lives by innumerable travels and infinite dangers, in ronning over the whole earth that is inhabited: whereas on the contrary part, they that are ignorant of the things that were done & come to pass before they were borne, continued still as children, though they be never so aged, and are but as strangers in their own native countries. To be short, it may be truly said, that the reading of histories is the school of wisdom, to fashion men's understanding, by considering advisedly the state of the world that is past, and by marking diligently by what laws, manners, and discipline, Empires, kingdoms and dominions, have in old time been established, and afterwards maintained and increased: or contrariwise changed, diminished, and overthrown. Also we read, that whensoever the right sage and virtuous Emperor of Rome, Alexander Severus, was to consult of any matter of great importance, whether it concerned wars or government: he always called such to counsel, as were reported to be well seen in histories. Notwithstanding, I know there are that will stand against me in this point, and uphold that the reading of histories can serve to small purpose, or none at all, towards the getting of skill: because skill consisteth in action, & is engendered by the very experience & practise of things, when a man doth well mark & thoroughly bear away the things that he hath seen with his eyes, & found true by proof, according to the saying of the ancient Poet Afranius. My name is skill, my Sire Experience height, And memory bred and brought me forth to light. Which thing was meant likewise by the Philosopher that said, that the hand is the instrument of skill. By reason whereof it comes to pass (say they) that such as speak of matters of government and state, but specially of matters of war by the book, speak but as book knights, as the French proverb termeth them, after the manner of the Grecians, who call him a book Pilot, which hath not the sure and certain knowledge of the things that he speaks of: meaning thereby, that it is not for a man to trust to the understanding which he hath gotten by reading, in things that consist in the deed doing, where the hand is to be set to the work: no more than the often hearing of men talk and reason of painting, or the disputing upon colours, without taking of the pencil in hand, can stand a man in any stead at all to make him a good painter. But on the contrary part, many have proved wise men and good Captains, which could neither write nor read. Besides this, they allege further, that in matters of war, all things altar from year to year: by means whereof the slights and policies that are to be learned out of books, will serve the turn no more than mines that are blown up. According whereunto Cambyses telleth his son Cyrus in Xenophon, that like as in Music the newest songs are commonly best liked of for once, because they were never heard afore: So in the wars, those policies that never were practised afore, are those that take best success, & commonly have the best effect, because the enemies do lest doubt of them. Nevertheless I am not he that will maintain that a wise governor of a common weal, or a great Captain can be made of such a person, as hath never traveled out of his study, and from his books: howbeit that which Cicero writeth of Lucius Lucullus, is true, that when he departed out of Rome as Captain general and Lieutenant of the Romans, to make war against king Mithridates, he had no experience at all of the wars, and yet afterwards he bestowed so great diligence in the reading of histories, and in conferring upon every point with the old Captains and men of long experience, whom he carried with him, that by the time of his coming into Asia, where he was in deed to put his matters in execution, he was found to be a very sufficient Captain, as appeared by his deeds: insomuch that by those ways, clean contrary to the common order of war, he discomfited two of the most purssant, and greatest Princes that were at that time in the East. For his understanding was so quick, his care so vigilant, and his courage so great, that he needed no long training, nor gross instruction by experience. And although I grant there have been diverse Governors and Captains, which by the only force of nature (furthered by long continued experience) have done goodly and great exploits: yet can it not be denied me, but that if they had matched the gifts of nature with the knowledge of learning, and the reading of histories, they might have done much greater things, and they might have becomen much perfect. For like as in every other cunning & skill wherein a man intendeth to excel: so also to become a perfect & sufficient person to govern in peace and war, there are three things of necessity required, Three things necessary for a Magistrate, or Captain. namely, nature, art, and practise. Nature (in the safe that we treat of) must furnish us with a good mother wit, with a body well disposed to endure all manner of travel, and with a good will to advance ourselves: Art must give us judgement and knowledge, gotten by the examples and wise discourses that we have read and double read in good histories: and practice will get us readiness, assuredness, and the ease how to put things in execution. For though skill be the ruler of doing the deed, yet it is a virtue of the mind which teacheth a man the mean point, between the two faulty extremities of too much and too little, wherein the commendation of all doings consisteth. And whosoever he is that goeth about to attain to it by the only trial of experience, and had liefer to learn it at his own cost, than at an other man's: he may well be of the number of those that are touched by this ancient proverb, which saith, Experience is the school mistress of fools: because man's life is so short, Proverb. and experience is hard and dangerous, specially in matters of war, wherein (according to the saying of Tamathus the Athenian Captain) a man can not fault twice, because the faults are so great, that most commonly they bring with them the overthrow of the state, or the loss of the lives of those that do them. Therefore we must not tarry for this wit that is wined by experience, which costeth so dear, and is so long a coming, that a man is oft-times dead in the seeking of it before he have attained it, so as he had need of a second life to employ it in, because of the overlate coming by it. But we must make speed by our diligent and continual reading of histories both old and new, that we may enjoy this happiness which the Poet speaketh of: A happy wight is he that by mishaps Of others, doth beware of afterchappes. By the way, as concerning those that say that paper will bear all things: if there be any that unworthily take upon them the name of historiographers, and deface the dignity of the story for hatred or favour, by mingling any untruth with it: that is not the fault of the history, but of the men that are partial, who abuse that name unworthily, to cover and cloak their own passions withal, which thing shall never come to pass, if the writer of the story have the properties that are necessarily required in a story writer, as these: That he set aside all affection, be void of envy, hatred, and flattery: that he be a man experienced in the affairs of the world, of good utterance, and good judgement to discern what is to be said, and what to be left unsaid; & what would do more harm to have it declared, than do good to have it reproved or condemned: forasmuch as his chief drift aught to be to serve the common weal, and that he is but as a register to set down the judgements and definitive sentences of God's Court, whereof some are given according to the ordinary course and capacity of our weak natural reason, and other some go according to God's infinite power and incomprehensible wisdom, above and against all discourse of man's understanding, who being unable to reach to the bottom of his judgements, and to find out the first motions and grounds thereof, do impute the cause of them to a certaine fortune, which is naught else but a feigned device of man's wit, dazzled at the beholding of such brightness, and confounded at the gauging of so bottomless a deep, howbeit nothing cometh to pass nor is done without the leave of him that is the very right and truth itself, with whom nothing is past or to come, and who knoweth and understandeth the very original causes of all necessity. The consideration whereof teacheth men to humble themselves under his mighty hand by acknowledging that there is one first cause which overruleth nature, whereof it cometh, that neither hardiness is always happy, nor wisdom always sure of good success. These so notable commodities are every where accompanied with singular delight, which proceedeth chief of diversity and novelty wherein our nature delighteth and is greatly desirous of: because we having an earnest inclination towards our best prosperity and advancement, it goeth on still, seeking it in every thing which it taketh to be goodly, or good in this world. But forasmuch as it findeth not wherewith to content itself under the cope of heaven, it is soon weary of the things that it had earnestly desired afore, & so goeth on wandering in the unskilfulness of her likings whereof she never ceaseth to make a continual changing until she have fully satisfied her desires, by attaining to the last end, which is to be knit to her chief felicity, where is the full perfection of all goodliness and goodness. This liking of variety can not be better relieved, than by that which is the finder out and the preserver of time, the father of all novelty, and messenger of antiquity. For if we find a certain singular pleasure, in hearkening to such as be returned from some long voyage, and do report things which they have seen in strange countries, as the manners of people, the natures of places, and the fashions of lives, differing from ours: and if we be sometime so ravished with delight and pleasure at the hearing of the talk of some wise, discreet, and well spoken old man, from whose mouth there floweth a stream of speech sweeter than honey, in rehearsing the adventures which he hath had in his green and youthful years, the pains that he hath endured, and the perils that he hath overpassed, so as we perceive not how the time goeth away: how much more aught we be ravished with delight and wondering, to behold the state of mankind, and the true success of things, which antiquity hath and doth bring forth from the beginning of the world, as the setting up of Empires, the overthrow of Monarchies, the rising and falling of Kingdoms, and all things else worthy admiration, and the same lively set forth in the fair, rich, and true table of eloquence? And that so lively, as in the very reading of them we feel our minds to be so touched by them, not as though the things were already done and passed, but as though they were even then presently in doing, and we find ourselves carried away with gladness and grief through fear or hope, well near as though we were then at the doing of them where as notwithstanding we be not in any pain or danger, but only conceive in our minds the adversities that other folks have endured, ourselves sitting safe with our contentation and ease, according to these verses of the Poet Lucretius: It is a pleasure for to sit at ease Upon the land, and safely thence to see How other folks are toffed on the seas, That with the blustering winds turmoiled be. Not that the sight of others miseries Doth any way the honest heart delight, But for because it liketh well our eyes, To see harms free that on ourselves might light. Also it is seen that the reading of histories doth so hold and allure good wits, that divers times it not only maketh them to forget all other pleasures, but also serveth very fitly to turn away their griefs, and sometimes also to remedy their diseases. As for example, we found it written of Alphonsus' King of Naples, that Prince so greatly renowned in Chronicles for his wisdom and goodness, that being sore sick in the city of Capua, when his Physicians had spent all the cunning that they had to recover him his health, and he saw that nothing prevailed: he determined with himself to take no more medicines, but for his recreation caused the story of Quintus Curtius, concerning the deeds of Alexander the great, to be read before him: at the hearing whereof he took so wonderful pleasure, that nature gathered strength by it, and overcame the waywardness of his disease. Whereupon having soon recovered his health, he discharged his Physicians with such words as these: Feast me no more with your Hypocrates and Galene, sith they can no skill to help me to recover my health: but well far Quintus Curtius that could so good skill to help me to recover my health. Now if the reading and knowledge of histories be delightful and profitable to all other kind of folk: I say it is much more for great Princes and Kings, because they have to do with charges of greatest weight and difficulty, to be best stored with gifts and knowledge for the discharge of their duties: seeing the ground of stories is, to treat of all manner of high matters of state, as wars, battles, cities, countries, treaties of peace and alliances, and therefore it seemeth more fit for them, than for any other kind of degrees of men: because they being bred and brought up tenderly, and at their ease, by reason of the great regard and care that is had of their persons, (as meet is for so great states to have) they take not so great pains in their youth for the learning of things as behoveth those to take which will learn the noble ancient languages, and the painful doctrine comprehended in Philosophy. Again, when they come to man's state, their charge calleth them to deal in great affairs, so as there remaineth no exercise of wit more convenient for than, than the reading of histories in their own tongue, which without pain is able to teach them even with great pleasure and ease, whatsoever the painful works of the Philosophers concerning the government of common weals can show them, to make them skilful in the well ruling and governing of the people and countries that God hath put under their subjection. But the worst is, that they ever (or for the most part) have such manner of persons about them as seek nothing else but to please them by all the ways they can, and there are very few that dare tell them the truth freely in all things: where as on the contrary part, an history flattereth with them not, but layeth open before their eyes the faults and vices of such as were like them in greatness of degree. And therefore Demetrius Phalereus (a man renowned as well for his skill in the good government of a common weal, as for his excellent knowledge otherwise) counseled Ptolemy, first king of Egypt after the death of Alexander the great, that he should often and diligently read the books that treated of the government of kingdoms, because (said he) thou shalt find many things there, which thy servants and familiar friends dare not tell thee. Moreover, this is another thing, that such great personages can not easily travel out of the bounds of their dominions, to go view strange countries as private persons do: because the jealousy of their estate, and the regard of their dignity, requires that they should never be in place where another man might command them. And often times for want of having seen the countries, and known the people and Princes that are their neighbours, they have adventured upon attempts without good ground: to annoyed the which, the instruction they may have by the reading of histories, is one of the easiest and fittest remedies that can be found. And though there were none other cause then only this last, surely it aught to induce Princes to the often and diligent reading of histories, wherein are written the heroical deeds of wise and valiant men, specially of kings that have been before them, the considering whereof may 'cause them to be desirous to become like them, specially which were of stately and noble courage: because the seeds of Princely virtues that are bred with themselves, do then quicken them up with an emulation towards those that have been or are equal in degree with them, aswell in respect of nobleness of blood, as of greatness of state, so as they be loath to give place to any person, and much less can found in their hearts to be outgone in glory of virtuous doings. Whereof innumerable examples might be alleged, if the thing were not so welknowen of itself, that it were much more against reason to doubt of it, than needful to prove it. Therefore a man may truly conclude, that an history is the scholemistresse of Princes, at whose hand they may without pain, in way of pastime, & with singular pleasure learn the most part of the things that belong to their office. Now, according to the diversity of the matter that it treateth of, or the order and manner of writing that it useth, it hath sundry names given unto it: But yet among the rest there are two chief kinds. The one which setteth down men's doings and adventures at length, is called by the common name of an history: the other which declareth their natures, sayings, and manners, is properly named their lives. And although the ground of them both do close very near in one, yet doth the one respect more the things, and the other the persons: the one is more common, and the other more private: the one concerneth more the things that are without the man, and the other the things that proceed from within: the one the events, the other the consultations: between the which there is oftentimes great odds, according to this answer of the Persian Siramnes, to such as marveled how it came to pass, that his devices being so politic had so unhappy success: It is (quoth he) because my devices are wholly from my own invention, but the effects of them are in the disposition of fortune and the king. And surely among all those that ever have taken upon them to write the lives of famous men, the chief prerogative, by the judgement of such as are clearest sighted, is justly given to the Greek Philosopher Plutarch, borne in the city of Chaeronea in the country of Boeotia, a noble man, perfect in all rare knowledge, as his works may well put men out of doubt, if they list to read them through, who all his life long even to his old age, had to deal in affairs of the common weal, as he himself witnesseth in divers places, specially in the treatise which he entitled, Whether and old man aught to meddle with the government of a common weal or not: and who had the hap & honour to be schoolmaster to the Emperor Traian, as is commonly believed, and as is expressly pretended by a certain Epistle se● before the Latin translation of his matters of state, which (to say the truth) seemeth in my judgement to be somewhat suspicious, because I found it not among his works in Greek, besides that is speaketh as though the book were dedicated to Traian, which thing is manifestly disproved by the beginning of the book, and by divers other reasons. Yet not withstanding, because me thinks it sagely & gravely written, and well be seeming him: I have set it down here in this place. Plutarch unto Traeian sendeth greeting. I know well that the modesty of your nature was not desirous of sovereignty, though you have always endeavoured to deserve it by your honourable conversation by reason whereof you have been thought so much the worthier of it, as you have been found the further of from all ambition. And therefore I do now rejoice in your virtue & my fortune, if it be so great as to 'cause you to administer that thing with justice, which you have obtained by desert. For otherwise I am sure you have put yourself in hazard of great dangers, and me in peril of slanderous tongues, because Rome can not away with a wicked Emperor, and the common voice of the people is always want to cast the faults of the scholars in the teeth of their schoolmasters: as for example: Seneca is railed upon by slanderous tongues, for the faults of his scholar Nero: the 'scapes of Quintilians young scholars are imputed to Quintilian himself: and Socrates is blamed, for being too mild to his bearers. But as for you, there is hope you shall do all things well enough, so you keep you as you are. If you first set yourself in order, and then dispose all other things according to virtue, all things shall fall out according to your desire. I have set you down the means in writing, which you must observe for the well governing of your common weal, and have showed you of how great force your behaviour may be in that behalf. If you think good to follow those things, you have Plutarch for the director and guider of your life: if not, I protest unto you by this Epistle, that your falling into danger to the overthrow of the Empire, is not by the doctrine of Plutarch. This Epistle witnesseth plainly that he was the schoolmaster of Traian, which thing seemeth so be avowed by this writing of Suidas: Plutarch being borne in the city of Chaeronea in Boeotia, was in the time of the Emperor Traian, and somewhat afore. But Traian honoured him with the dignity of Consulship, and commanded the officers and Magistrates that were throughout all the country of Illyria, that they should not do any thing without his counsel and authority. So doth Suidas write of him. And I am of opinion, that Traian being so wise an Emperor, would never have done him so great honour, if he had not thought himself greatly beholding to him for some special cause. But the thing that maketh me most to believe it true, is, that the same goodness and justice appeared to be naturally imprinted in most of Traian's sayings and doings, whereof the pattern and mould (as a man might term it) is cast and set down in Plutarkes Morals, so as men may perceive expressly, that the one could well skill to perform rightly, that which the other had taught wisely. For Dion writeth, that among other honours which the Senate of Rome gave by decree unto Traian, they gave him the title of the Good Emperor. And Eutropius reporteth that even unto his time, when a new Emperor came to be received of the Senate, among the cries of good handsel, and the wishes of good luck that were made unto him, one was: happier be thou than Augustus, and better than Traian. Howsoever the case stood, it is very certain that Plutarch dedicated the collection of his Apothegms unto him. But when he had lived a long time at Rome, and was come home again to his own house, he fell to writing of this excellent work of Lives, which he calleth Parallelon, as much to say, as a cupling or matching together, because he matcheth a Graecian with a Roman, setting down their lives each after other, and comparing them together, as he found any likeness of nature, conditions, or adventures betwext them, and examining what the one of them had better or worse, greater or lesser than the other: which things he doth with so goodly and grave discourse every where, taken out of the deepest & most hidden secrets of moral and natural Philosophy, with so sage precepts and fruitful instructions, with so effectual commendation of virtue, and detestation of vice, with so many goodly allegations of other authors, with so many fit comparisons, & with so many high inventions: that the book may better be called by the name of the Treasury of all rare and perfect learning, than by any other name. Also it is said, that Theadorus Gaza, a Graecian of singular learning, and a worthy of the ancient Greece, being asked on a time by his familiar friends (which saw him so earnestly given to his study, that he forgot all other things) what author he had leverest to those, if he were at that point that he must needs choose some one to hold him to alone, did answer that he would choose Plutarch: because that if they were all put together, there was no one both so profitable, and so pleasant to read, as be. Sofuss Senecio to whom he dedicateth his work, was a Senator of Rome, as witnesseth Dion, who writeth that the three persons whom Traian most loved and honoured, were Sosius, Parma, and Celsus, insomuch that he caused images of them to be set up. True it is that he written the lives of many other men, which the spitefulness of time hath bereft us of, among which he himself maketh mention of the lives of Scipio Africanus, & Metellus Namedicus. And I have read a little Epistle of a son of his, whose name is not expressed, copied out of an old copy in the Library of S. Mark in White, wherein he writeth to a friend of his, a register of all the books that his father made: and there among the cupples of lives, he setteth down lives of Scipio and Epaminondas, and lastly the lives of Augustus Caesar, of Tiberius; of Caligula, of Clandius, of Nero, of Galba, of Vitellius, and of Otho. But having used all the diligence that I could in searching the chief Libraries of Venice, and Rome, I could never found them out. Only I drew out certain diversities of readings, and many corrections by conferring the old written copies with the printed books: which have stood are in great stead to the understanding of many hardplaces: and there are a great number of them which I have restored by conjecture, by the judgement & help of such men of this age, as are of greatest knowledge in human learning. Yet for all this, there remain some places unamended, howbeit very few, because some likes were wanting in the original copies, whereof (to my seeming) it was better for me to witness the want by marking it with some star: than to guess at it with all adventure, or to add any thing to it. Now finally, if I have overshot myself in any thing, as it is very easy to do in so hard and long a work, specially to a man of so small ability as I am: I beseech the Readers to wouchsafe for my discharge, to admit the excuse which the Poet Horace giveth me, where he saith: A man may well be overseen In works that long and tedious been. Specially sith that of so many good men & men of skill as have heretofore set hand to the translating of it, there was never yet any one found that went through with it in any language, at lest wise that I have seen or heard of: and that such as have enterprised to translate it, specially into Latin, have evidently witnessed the hardness thereof, as they may easily perceive which list to conserve their translations with mine. Nevertheless if also fortune that men found not the speech of this translation so flowing, as they have found some other of mine, that are abroad in men's hands: I beseech the readers to consider, that the office of a fit translator, consisteth not only in the faithful expressing of his author's meaning, but also in a certain resembling and shadowing out of the form of his style and the m●●●● of his speaking: unless he will commit the error of some painters, who having taken upon them to draw a man lively, do paint him long where he should be short, and gross where he should be slender, and yet set out the resemblance of his countenance naturally. For how harsh or rude soever my speech be, yet am I sure that my translation will be much easier to my countrymen, than the Greek copy is, even to such as are best practised in the Greek tongue, by reason of Plutarkes peculiar manner of inditing, which is rather sharp, learned, and short, than plain, polished, and easy. At the hardest, although I have not compassed my matters so happily as ye could have wished and desired: yet do I hope that your Lordships in reading it will hold the parties good will excused, which hath taken such pains in doing of it to profit you. And if my labour be so happy, as to content you: God be praised for it, which hath given me the grace to finish it. THE TABLE OF THE NOBLE GRECIANS AND ROMANS, COMPARED BY Plutarch of Chaeronea. Theseus. pag. 1. compared. 41. Romulus. pag. 20. compared. 41. Lycurgus. pag. 44. compared. 82. Numa Pompilius. p. 66 compared. 82. Solon. pag. 86. compared. 120. Publicola. pag. 107. compared. 120. Themistocles. pag. 123. Furius Camillus, pag. 142. Pericles. pag. 167. compared. 208 Fabius Maximus. pa. 191 compared. 208 Alcibiades. pag. 210. compared. 260 Coriolanus. pag. 237. compared. 260 Paulus AEmylius. pa. 263 compared 306 Timoleon. pag. 286. compared 306 Pelopidas. pag. 308. compared. 349 Marcellus. pag. 330 compared. 349 Aristides. pag. 352. compared. 391 Marcus Cato. pag. 372. compared. 391 Philopoemen. pag. 395. compared. 424 T.Q. Flaminius. pa. 409 compared. 424 Pyrtus. pag. 426. Caius Marius. pag. 451. Lysander. pag. 480. compared. 525 Sylla. pag. 499. compared. 525 Cimon. pag. 528. compared. 576 Lucullus. pag. 544. compared. 576 Nicias. pag. 579. compared. 622 Marcus Crassus. pa. 600. compared. 622 Sertorius. pag. 621. compared. 654 Eumenes. pag. 641. compared. 654 Agesilaus. pag. 655. compared. 719 Pompeius. pag. 678. compared. 719 Alexander. pag. 722. julius Caesar. pag. 763. Photion. pag. 797. Cato Utican. pag. 815. Agis & Cleomenes. pag. 848. compared. 894 Tiberius and Caius Gracchi. pag. 875. compared. 894 Demosthenes. pag. 897. compared. 938 Cicero. pag. 912. compared. 938 Demetrius. pag. 941. compared. 1011 Antonius. pag. 970. compared. 1011 Artaxerxes. pag. 1013. Dion. pag. 1029. compared. 1081 Marcus Brutus. pa. 1055. compared. 1081 Aratus. pag. 1083. Galba. pag. 1108. Otho. pag. 1121. Annibal. pag. 1131. compared. 1173 Scipio African. pag. 1157. compared. 1173 Lives. 50. THE LIVES OF THE NOBLE GRECIANS AND ROMANS, COMPARED TOGETHER BY THAT grave learned Philosopher and Historiographer, plutarch of Choeronea. Theseus. LIKE as historiographers describing the world (srende Sossius Senecio) do of purpose refer to the uttermost parts of their maps the far distant regions whereof they be ignorant, Sossius Senecio a Senator of Rome. with this note: these countries are by means of sands and drowthes unnavigable, rude, full of venomous beasts, SCYTHIAN ise, and frozen seas. Even so may I (which in comparing noble men's lives have already gone so far into antiquity, as the true and certain history could lead me) of the rest, being things past all proof or challenge, very well say: that beyond this time all is full of suspicion and doubt, being delivered us by Poets and Tragedy makers, sometimes without truth and likelihood, and always with out certainty. Howbeit, having heretofore set forth the lives of Lycurgus (which established the laws of the LACEDÆMONIANS) and of king Numa Pompilius: me thought I might go a little further to the life of Romulus, sense I was come so near him. But considering myself as the Poet Aeschilus' did: What champion may with such a man compare? or who (think I) shallbe against him set? Who is so bold? or who is he that dare defend his force, in such encounter met? In the end I resolved to match him which did set up the noble & famous city of ATHENS, with him which founded the glorious and invincible city of ROME. Wherein I would wish that the inventions of Poets, and the traditions of fabulous antiquity, would suffer themselves to be purged and reduced to the form of a true and historical report: but when they square too much from likelihood, and can not be made credible, the readers will of courtesy take in good part that, which I could with most probability write of such antiquities. Now surely me thinks, that Theseus in many things was much like unto Romulus. Theseus and Romulus very like. For being both begotten by stealth, and out of lawful matrimony: both were reputed to be borne of the seed of the gods. Both valiant were, as all the world doth know. Both joined valiancy with government. The one of them built ROME, and the other, by gathering into one dispersed people, erected the city of ATHENS: two of the most noble cities of the world. The one and the other were ravishers of women: and neither th'one nor tother could avoid the mischief of quarrel and contention with their friends, nor the reproach of staining themselves with the blood of their nearest kinsmen. Moreover, they say that both the one and the other in the end did get the hate and ill will of their citizens: at the lest if we will believe that report of Theseus, The lineage of Theseus. which carrieth greatest show of truth. Theseus of his father's side, was descended of the right lineage of Erictheus the great, and of the first inhabitants which occupied the country of ATTICA, the which since were called Autocthones, as much to say, as borne of themselves. For there is no memory, or other mention made, that they came out of any other country then that. And of his mother's side he came of Pelops, Pelops, king of Peloponnesus. who was in his time the mightiest king of all the country of PELOPONNESUS, not so much for his goods and richesse, as for the number of children which he had. For his daughters which were many in number, he bestowed on the greatest Lords of all the country: his sons also, which likewise were many, he dispersed into diverse cities and free towns, finding means to make them governors and heads of the same. Pitheus, Pitheus' the grandfather of Theseus. The wisdom of Pitheus. grandfather to Theseus on the mother's side, was one of his sons, and founded the little city of TROEZEN, and was reputed to be one of the wisest men of his time. But the knowledge and wisdom, which only carried estimation at that time, consisted altogether in grave sentences, and moral sayings. As those are which wan the Poet Hesiodus such fame for his book entitled, The works and days: in the which is read even at this present, this goodly sentence, which they father upon Pitheus. Thou shalt perform, thy promise and thy pay: to hired men, and that without delay. And this doth Aristotle the Philosopher himself testify: and the Poet Euripides also, calling Hippolytus the scholar of the holy Pitheus, doth sufficiently declare of what estimation he was. But AEgeus desiring (as they say) to know how he might have children, AEgeus the father of Theseus. went unto the city of DELPHES to the oracle of Apollo: where by Apollo's Nun that notable prophecy was given him for an answer. The which did forbidden him to touch or know any woman, until he was returned again to ATHENS. And because the words of this prophecy were somewhat dark, & hard: he took his way by the city of TROEZEN, to tell it unto Pitheus. The words of the prophecy were these. O thou which art a gem of perfect grace, pluck not the tap, out of thy trusty toonne: Before thou do, return unto thy place, in Athens town, from whence thy race doth run. Pitheus' understanding the meaning, persuaded him, or rather cunningly by some devise deceived him in such sort, that he made him to lie with his daughter called AEthra. AEthra the daughter of king Pitheus & the mother of Theseus. AEgeus after he had accompanied with her, knowing that she was Pitheus' daughter with whom he had lain, and doubting that he had gotten her with child: left her a sword and a payer of shoes, the which he hid under a great hollow stone, the hollowness whereof served just to receive those things which he laid under it, and made no living creature privy to it but her alone, straightly charging her, that if she happened to have a son, when he were come to man's state, & of strength to remove the stone, and to take those things from under it which he left, there that she should then send him unto him by those tokens, as secretly as she could, that no body else might know of it. For he did greatly fear the children of one called Pallas, The Palla 〈…〉 tides. the which lay in wait and espial by all the means they could to kill him, only of despite because he had no children, they being fifty brethren, and all begotten of one father. This done, Pallas had fifty sons. he departed from her. And AEthra within few months after was delivered of a goodly son, the which from that time was called Theseus: Why Theseus was so called. and as some say, so called, because of the tokens of knowledge his father had laid under the stone. Yet some others writ, that it was afterwards at ATHENS when his father knew him, and allowed him for his son. But in the mean time, during his infancy & childhood, he was brought up in the house of his grandfather Pitheus, under the government & teaching of one called Connidas, Connidas Theseus schoolmaster. his schoolmaster: in honour of whom the ATHENIANS to this day do sacrifice a weather, the day before the great feast of Theseus, having more reason to honour the memory of this governor, then of a Silanion and of a Parrhesius, to whom they do honour also, because they painted and cast molds of the images of Theseus. Now there was a custom at that time in GRECE, that the young men after their infancy and growth to man's state, went unto the city of DELPHES, A custom to offer hears at Delphes. to offer part of their hears in the temple of Apollo. Theseus also went thither as other did: and some say that the place where the ceremony of this offering was made, hath ever sense kept the old name, (and yet continueth) Theseia. Theseia. Theseus' manner of shaving. Howbeit he did not shave his head but before only, as Homer sayeth, like the fashion of the ABANTES in old time: and this manner of shaving of hears, was called for his sake, Theseida. And as concerning the ABANTES, The Abantes. in troth they were the very first that shaved themselves after this fashion: nevertheless they learned it not of the ARABIANS as it was thought of some, neither did they it after the imitation of the MISSIANS. But because they were warlike and valiant men, which did join near unto their enemy in battle, and above all men of the world were skilfullest in fight hand to hand, and would keep their ground: as the Poet Archilochus witnesseth in these verses. They use no slings in foughten fields to have, nor bended bows: but swords and trenchant blades. For when fierce Mars beginneth for to rave, in bloody field: then every man invades His fiercest foe, and fighteth hand to hand. then do they deeds, right cruel to reconpt. For in this wise, the brave and warlike band Do show their force which come from Negrepont. The cause why they were thus shaven before, was, for that their enemies should not have the vantage to take them by the hears of the head while they were fight. And for this self same consideration, Alexander the great commanded his captains to 'cause all the MACEDONIANS to shave their beards: The cause of shaving their hears before. Alexander Magnus made the Macedonians shave their beards. Theseus said to be Neptune's son. The Troezenians coin stamped with Neptune's three picked mace. Theseus' youth. because it is the easiest hold (and readiest for the hand) a man can have of his enemy in fight, to hold him fast by the same. But to return to Theseus. AEthra his mother had ever unto that time kept it secret from him, who was his true father. And Pitheus also had given it out abroad, that he was begotten of Neptune, because the TROEZENIANS have this god in great veneration, and do worship him as patron and protector of their city, making offerings to him of their first fruits: and they have for the mark and stamp of their money, the three picked mace, which is the sign of Neptune, called his Trident. But after he was comen to the prime and lustiness of his youth, and that with the strength of his body he showed a great courage, joined with a natural wisdom, and staidness of wit: then his mother brought him to the place where this great hollow stone lay, and telling him truly the order of his birth, and by whom he was begotten, made him to take his father's tokens of knowledge, which he had hidden there, & gave him counsel to go by sea to ATHENS unto him. Theseus easily life up the stone, and took his father's tokens from under it: Howbeit he answered plainly, that he would not go by sea, notwithstanding that it was a great deal the safer way, and that his mother and grandfather both had instantly entreated him, because the way by land from TROEZEN to ATHENS was very dangerous, all the ways being beset by robbers and murderers. Great robbing in Theseus' time. Thucid. lib. 2. For the world at that time brought forth men, which for strongness in their arms, for swiftness of feet, and for a general strength of the whole body, did far pass the common force of others, and were never weary for any labour or travel they took in hand. But for all this, they never employed these gifts of nature to any honest or profitable thing, but rather delighted villainously to hurt and wrong others: as if all the fruit and profit of their extraordinary strength had consisted in cruelty, & violence only, and to be able to keep others under and insubiection, and to force, destroy, and spoil all that came to their hands. thinking that the more part of those which think it a shame to do ill, and commend justice, equity, and humanity, do it of saint cowardly hearts, because they dare not wrong others, for fear they should receive wrong themselves: and therefore, that they which by might could have vantage over others, had nothing to do with such quiet qualities. Now Hercules, Hercules a destroyer of thieves. travailling abroad in the world, drove away many of those wicked thievish murderers, and some of them he slew and put to death, other as he passed through those places where they kept, did hide themselves for fear of him, and gave place: in so much as Hercules, perceiving they were well tamed and brought low, made no further reckoning to pursue them any more. But after that by fortune he had slain Iphitus with his own hands, and that he was passed over the seas into the country of LYDIA, where he served Queen Omphale a long time, Hercules serveth Omphale. condemning himself unto that voluntary pain, for the murder he had committed. All the Realm of LYDIA during his abode there, remained in great peace and security from such kind of people. Howbeit in GRECE, and all thereabouts, these old mischiefs began again to renew, growing hotter and violenter than before: because there was no man that punished them, nor that durst take upon him to destroy them. By which occasion, the way to go from PELOPONNESUS to ATHENS by land was very perilous. And therefore Pitheus declaring unto Theseus, what manner of thieves there were that lay in the way, and the outrages and villainies they did to all travelers and wayefaring men, sought the rather to persuade him thereby to take his voyage along the seas. Howbeit in mine opinion, the fame and glory of Hercules noble deeds, Theseus followeth Hercules. had long before secretly set his heart on fire, so that he made reckoning of none other but of him, and lovingly harkened unto those which would seem to describe him what manner of man he was, but chief unto those which had seen him, and been in his company, when he had said or done any thing worthy of memory. For than he did manifestly open himself, that he felt the like passion in his heart, which Themistocles long time afterwards endured, when he said: that the victory and triumph of Miltiades would not let him sleep. ●●she of save pricketh men forward to great enterprises. For even so, the wonderful admiration which Theseus had of Hercules courage, made him in the night that he never dreamt but of his noble acts and doings, and in the day time, pricked forwards with emulation and envy of his glory, he determined with himself one day to do the like, and the rather, because they were near kinsmen, being cousins removed by the mother's side. For AEthra was the daughter of Pitheus, and Alemena (the mother of Hercules) was the daughter of Lysidices, Theseus and Hercules near kinsmen. the which was half sister to Pitheus, both children of Pelops and of his wife Hippodamis. So he thought he should be utterly shamed and disgraced, that Hercules traveling through the world in that sort, did seek out those wicked thieves to rid both sea & land of them: & that he, far otherwise, should fly occasion that might be offered him, to fight with them that he should mere on his way. Moreover, he was of opinion he should greatly shame and dishonour him, whom fame and common bruit of people reported to be his father: if in shonning occasion to fight, he should convey himself by sea, and should carry to his true father also a pair of shoes, (to make him known of him) and a sword not yet bathed in blood. Where he should rather seek cause, by manifest token of his worthy deeds, to make known to the world, of what noble blood he came, and from whence he was descended. With this determination, Theseus holdeth on his purposed journey, Periphetes Corinetes, a famous robber, slain of Theseus. with intent to hurt no man, yet to defend himself, & to be revenged of those which would take upon them to assault him. The first therefore whom he slew within the territories of the city of EPIDAURUM, was a robber called Periphetes. This robber used for his ordinary weapon to carry a club, and for that cause he was commonly surnamed Corynetes, that is to say, a club carrier. So he first struck at Theseus to make him stand: but Theseus fought so lustily with him, that he killed him. Whereof he was so glad, and chief for that he had won his club, Theseus carried the club he wan of Periphetes, at Hercules did the lion's skin. Sinnis' Pityocamtes, a cruel murderer slain. that ever after he carried it himself about with him, as Hercules did the lions skin. And like as this spoil of the lion did witness the greatness of the beast which Hercules had slain: even so Theseus went all about, showing that this club which he had gotten out of another's hands, was in his own hands invincible. And so going on further, in the straits of PELOPONNESUS he killed another, called Sinnis surnamed Pityocamtes, that is to say, a wreather, or bower of pine apple trees: whom he put to death in that self cruel manner that Sinnis had slain many other travelers before. Not that he had experience thereof, by any former practice or exercise: but only to show, that clean strength could do more, than either art or exercise. This Sinnis had a goodly fair daughter called Perigouna, Perigouna Sinnis daughter. which fled away, when she saw her father slain: whom he followed and sought all about. But she had hidden herself in a grove full of certain kinds of wild pricking rushes called Stoebe, and wild sparage, which she simply like a child entreated to hide her, as if they had heard and had sense to understand her: promising them with an oath, that if they saved her from being found, she would never cut them down, nor burn them. But Theseus finding her, called her, and swore by his faith he would use her gently, and do her no hurt, nor displeasure at all. Upon which promise she came out of the bush, and lay with him, by whom she was conceived of a goodly boy, which was called Menalippus. Theseus begat Menalippus of Perigouna. joxus, Menalippus son. joxides. Afterwards Theseus married her unto one Detoneus, the son of Euritus the Oechalian. Of this Menalippus, the son of Theseus, came joxus: the which with Ornytus brought men into the country of CARIA, where he built the city of JOXIDES. And hereof cometh that old ancient ceremony, observed yet unto this day by those of JOXIDES, never to burn the briars of wild sparage, nor the Stoebe, but they have them in some honour and reverence. Touching the wild savage sow of Crommyon, otherwise surnamed Phaea, Phaea the wild sow of Crommyon slain. that is to say, overgrown with age: she was not a beast to be made light account of, but was very fierce, and terrible to kill. Theseus notwithstanding tarried for her, and killed her in his journey, to the end it should not appear to the world, that all the valiant deeds he did, were done by compulsion, and of necessity: adding thereto his opinion also, that a valiant man should not only fight with men, to defend himself from the wicked: but that he should be the first, to assault and slay wild hurtful beasts. Nevertheless others have written, that this Phaea was a woman robber, Phaea a woman thief. a murderer, and nought of her body, which spoiled those that passed by the place called CROMMYONIA, where she dwelled: and that she was surnamed a sow, for her beastly brutish behaviour, and wicked life, for the which in the end she was also slain by Theseus. After her he killed Sciron, Sciron a notable robber, thrown down the rocks by Theseus. entering into the territories of MEGARA, because he rob all travelers by the way, as the common report goeth: or as others say, for that of a cruel, wicked, and savage pleasure, he put forth his feet to those that passed by the sea side, and compelled them to wash them. And then when they thought to stoop to do it, he still spurned them with his feet, till he thrust them headlong into the sea: so Theseus threw him headlong down the rocks. Howbeit the writers of MEGARA impugning this common report, and desirous (as Simonides sayeth) to overthrow it that had continued by prescription of time: did maintain that this Sciron was never any robber, nor wicked person, but rather a pursuer and punisher of the wicked, and a friend and a kinsman of the most honest, and justest men of GRECE. For there is no man but will confess, that AEacus was the most virtuous man among the GRECIANS in his time, AEacus. Cychreus. and that Cychreus the SALAMINIAN is honoured and reverenced as a god at ATHENS: and there is no man also but knoweth, that Peleus and Telamonius were men of singular virtue. Now it is certain, that this Sciron was the son in law of Cychreus, father in law of AEacus, and grandfather of Peleus and of Telamonius, the which two were the children of Endeida, the daughter of the said Sciron, and of his wife Chariclo. Also it is not very likely, that so many good men would have had affinity with so naughty and wicked a man: in taking of him and giving him that, which men love best of all things in the world. And therefore the Historiographers say, that it was not the first time, when Theseus went unto ATHENS, that he killed Sciron: but that it was many days after, when he took the city of Eleusin, which the MEGARIANS held at that time, where he deceived the governor of the city called Diocles, and there he slew Sciron. And these be the objections the MEGARIANS alleged touching this matter. He slew also certion the ARCADIAN, certion the Arcadian slain of Theseus by wrestling. in the city of Eleusin, wrestling with him. And going a little further, he slew Damastes, otherwise surnamed Procrustes, in the city of HERMIONIA: and that by stretching on him out, to make him even with the length and measure of his beds, as he was wont to do unto strangers that passed by. Theseus did that after the imitation of Hercules, Damastes Procrustes a cruel murderer, slain of Theseus. Hercules doing Termerus evil. who punished tyrants with the self same pain and torment, which they had made others suffer. For even so did Hercules sacrifice Busiris. So he stifled Antheus in wrestling. So he put Cycnus to death, fight with him man to man. So he broke Termerus head, from whom this proverb of Termerus evil came, which continueth yet unto this day: for this Termerus did use to put them to death in this sort whom he met: to jolle his head against theirs. Thus proceeded Theseus after this self manner, punishing the wicked in like sort, Cephisus, avi●er of Ca●●●. The Phytalides the first men that feasted Theseus in their houses. justly compelling them tabyde the same pain and torments, which they before had unjustly made others abide. And so he held on his journey until he came to the river of CEPHISUS, where certain persons of the house of the Phytalides were the first which went to meet him, to honour him, and at his request they purified him according to the ceremonies used at that time: and afterwards having made a sacrifice of propitiation unto their gods, they made him great cheer in their houses: and this was the first notable entertainment he found in all his journey. This sacrifice P●●●che calleth Mil●●●●●hia. It is supposed he arrived in the city of ATHENS, the eight day of the month of june, which then they called Cronius. He found the common wealth turmoiled with seditions, factions, and divisions, and particularly the house of AEgeus in very ill terms also, because that Medea (being banished out of the city of CORINTHE) was come to devil in ATHENS, and remained with AEgeus, whom she had promised by virtue of certain medicines to make him to get children. But when she heard tell that Theseus was comen, before that the good king AEgeus (who was now becomen old, suspicious, and afraid of sedition, by reason of the great factions within the city at that time) knew what he was, she persuaded him to poison him at a feast which they would make him as a stranger that passed by. Medea persuaded AEgeus to poison Theseus. Theseus failed not to go to this prepared feast whereunto he was bidden, but yet thought it not good to disclose himself. And the rather to give AEgeus occasion and mean to know him: when they brought the meat to the board, he drowe out his sword, as though he would have cut with all, and showed it unto him. AEgeus seeing it, AEgeus acknowledgeth Theseus for his son. knew it strait, and forthwith overthrew the cup with poison which was prepared for him: and after he had inquired of him, and asked things, he embraced him as his son. Afterwards in the common assembly of the inhabitants of the city, he declared, how he avowed him for his son. Then all the people received him with exceeding joy, for the renown of his valiantness and manhood. And some say, that when AEgeus overthrew the cup, the poison which was in it, fell in that place, where there is at this present a certain compass enclosed all about within the temple, which is called Delphinium. For even there in that place, in the old time, stood the house of AEgeus: in witness whereof, they call yet at this present time the image of Mercury (which is on the side of the temple looking towards the rising of the sun) the Mercury gate of AEgeus. But the PALLANTIDES, which before stood always in hope to recover the realm of ATHENS, at the lest after AEgeus death, because he had no children: when they saw that Theseus was known, and openly declared for his son and heir, and successor to the Realm, they were not able any longer to bear it, seeing that not only AEgeus (who was but the adopted son of Pandeon, The Pallantides take ernes against AEgeus and Theseus. and nothing at all of the blood royal of the Erictheides) had usurped the Kingdom over them, but that Theseus also should enjoy it after his death. Whereupon they determined to make war with them both, and dividing themselves into two parts, the one came openly in arms with their father, marching directly towards the city: the other lay close in ambush in the village GARGETTUS, meaning to give charge upon them in two places at one instant. Now they brought with them an Herald borne in the town of AGNUS, called Leos, Leos an Herald bewrayeth their treason to Theseus. Theseus killeth the Pallantides. who bewrayed unto Theseus the secret and devise of all their enterprise. Theseus upon this intelligence went forth, and did set on those that lay in ambush, and put them all to the sword. The other which were in Pallas company understanding thereof, did break and disparse themselves incontinently. And this is the cause (as some say) why those of Pallena do never make affinity nor marriage with those of AGNUS at this day. And that in their town when any proclamation is made, they never speak these words which are cried every where else through out the whole country of ATTICA, Aconete Leos, (which is as much to say, as Hearken, O people) they do so extremely hate this word Leos, for that it was the Heralds' name which wrought them that treason. This done, Theseus who would not live idly at home and do nothing, but desirous there withal to gratify the people, went his way to fight with the bull of Marathon, The bull of Marathon taken alive by Theseus. Apollo Delphias. the which did great mischiefs to the inhabitants of the country of TETRAPOLIS. And having taken him alive, brought him through the city of ATHENS to be seen of all the inhabitants. Afterwards he did sacrifice him unto Apollo Delphias. Now concerning Hecale, who was reported to have lodged him, and to have given him good entertainment, it is not altogether untrue. For in the old time, those towns and villages thereabouts did assemble together, and made a common sacrifice which they called Hecalesion, in the honour of jupiter Hecalian, jupiter Hecalian. where they honoured this old woman, calling her by a diminutive name, Hecalena: because that when she received Theseus into her house, being then but very young, she made much of him, and called him by many pretty made names, as old folks are wont to call young children. And forasmuch as she had made a vow to jupiter to make him a solemn sacrifice, if Theseus returned safe from the enterprise he went about, and that she died before his return: in recompense of the good cheer she had made him, she had that honour done unto her by Theseuscommaundement, as Philochorus hath written of it. Shortly after this exploit, there came certain of King Minos ambassadors out of CRETA, to ask tribute, being now the third time it was demanded, which the ATHENIANS paid for this cause. Androgeus, The Athenians paid tribute to Minos' king of Creta, for the death of Androgeus his son. the eldest son of king Minos, was slain by treason within the country of ATTICA: for which cause Minos pursuing the revenge of his death, made very hot and sharp wars upon the ATHENIANS, and did them great hurt. But besides all this, the gods did sharply punish and scourge all the country, aswell with barrenness and famine, as also with plague and other mischiefs, even to the drying up of their rivers. The ATHENIANS perceiving these sore troubles and plagues, ran to the oracle of Apollo, who answered them that they should appease Minos: and when they had made their peace with him, that then the wrath of the gods would cease against them, and their troubles should have an end. Whereupon the ATHENIANS sent immediately unto him, and entreated him for peace: The manner of the tribute conditioned. which he granted them, with condition that they should be bound to send him yearly into CRETA, seven young boys, and as many young girls. Now thus far, all the Historiographers do very well agreed: but in the rest not. And they which seem furthest of from the troth, do declare, that when these young boys were delivered in CRETA, they caused them to be devoured by the Minotaur within the labyrinth: or else that they were shut within this labyrinth, The Minotaur what it was. wandering up and down, and could find no place to get out, until such time as they died, even famished for hunger. And this Minotaur, as Euripides the Poet sayeth, was A corpse combynd, which monstrous might be deemed: A Boy, a Bull, both man and beast it seemed. But Philochorus writeth, that the CRETANS do not confess that, but say that this labyrinth was a jail or prison, The labyrinth a prison in Creta. in the which they had no other hurre, saving that they which were kept there under lock and key, could not fly not start away: and that Minos had, in the memory of his son Androgeus, instituted games and plays of prize, where he gave unto them that wan the victory, those young children of ATHENS, the which in the mean time notwithstanding were carefully kept and looked unto in the prison of the labyrinth: and that at the first games that were kept, one of the King's captains called Taurus, Taurus' one of Minoes' captains. who was in best credit with his master, wan the prize. This Taurus was a churlish, and naughty natured man of condition, and very hard and cruel to these children of ATHENS. And to verify the same, the philosopher Aristotle himself, speaking of the common wealth of the BOTTIEIANS, declareth very well, that he never thought that Minos did at any time cause the children of ATHENS to be put to death: Of the Bottieians. Plin. lib. 4. cap. 2. but sayeth, that they poorly toiled in CRETA even to crooked age, earning their living by true and painful service. For it is written, that the CRETANS (to satisfy an old vow of theirs which they had made of ancient time) sent sometimes the first borne of their children, unto Apollo in the city of DELPHAS: and that amongst them they also mingled those, which were descended of the ancient prisoners of ATHENS, and they went with them. But because they could not live there, they directed their journey first into ITALY, where for a time they remained in the realm of PUGLIA, and afterwards from thence went into the confines of THRACIA, where they had this name of BOTTIEIANS. In memory whereof, the daughters of the BOTTIEIANS in a solemn sacrifice they make, do use to sing the foot of this song: Let us to ATHENS go. But thereby we may see how perilous a thing it is, to fall in displeasure and enmity with a city, which can speak well, and where learning and eloquence doth flourish. King Minos defated by the Poets in the theatres as Athens. For ever sense that time, Minos was always blazed and disgraced through out all the theatres of ATHENS. The testimony of Hesiodus, who calleth him the most worthy King, doth nothing help him at all, nor the praise of Homer, who nameth him jupiter's familiar friend: because the tragical Poets got the upper hand in disgracing him, notwithstanding all these. And upon their stages where all the tragedies were played, they still gave forth many ill favoured words, and fowl speeches of him: as against a man that had been most cruel and unnatural. Yet most men think, that Minos was the King which established the laws: Radamanthus. and Radamanthus the judge and preserver of them, who caused the same also to be kept and observed. The time now being comen about for payment of the third tribute, The third time of payment of the tribute. when they came to compel the fathers which had children not yet married, to give them to be put forth to take their chance and lot: the citizens of ATHENS began to murmur against AEgeus, alleging for their grieves, that he who only was the cause of all this evil, was only alone exempted from this grief. And that to bring the government of the Realm, The Atheni●●e are grieved to departed with their children. to fall into the hands of a stranger his bastard: he cared not though they were bereft of all their natural children, and were unnaturally compelled to leave and forsake them. These just sorrows and complaints of the fathers, whose children were taken from them, did pierce the heart of Theseus, who willing to yield to reason, and to run the self same fortune as the citizens did: willingly offered himself to be sent thither, without regard taking to his hap or adventure. Theseus offereth to go with the children into Creta. For which, the citizens greatly esteemed of his courage and honourable disposition, and dearly loved him for the good affection, he seemed to hear unto the commonalty. But AEgeus having used many reasons and persuasions, to 'cause him to turn, and stay from his purpose, and perceiving in the end there was no remedy but he would go: he than drew lots for the children which should go with him. Lot's dream for the children that should go. Hellanicus notwithstanding doth writ, that they were not those of the city which drew lots for the children they should send, but that Minos himself went thither in person and did choose them, as he chose Theseus the first, upon conditions agreed between them: that is to wit, that the ATHENIANS should furnish them with a ship, and that the children should ship and embark with him, carrying no weapons of war: and that after the death of the Minotaur, this tribute should cease. Now before that time, there was never any hope of return, nor of safety of their children: therefore the ATHENIANS always sent a ship to convey their children with a black sail, The Athenians sent their children into Creta in a ship with a black sail. in token of assured loss. Nevertheless Theseus putting his father in good hope of him, being of a good courage, and promising boldly that he would set upon this Minotaur: AEgeus gave unto the master of the ship a white sail, commanding him that at his return he should put out the white sail if his son had escaped, if not, that then he should set up the black sail, to show him a far of his unlucky and unfortunate chance. AEgeus giveth the master of the ship a white sail, to signify the safe return of Theseus. Simonides notwithstanding doth say, that this sail which AEgeus gave to the master, was not white, but red, died in grain, and of the colour of scarlet: and that he gave it him to signify a far of, their delivery and safety. This master was called Phereclus Ama●siadas, as Simonides sayeth. But Philochorus writeth, that Scirus the SALAMINIAN gave to Theseus a master called Nausitheus, and another mariner to tackle the sails, who was called Phaeas: because the ATHENIANS at that time were not greatly practised to the sea. And this did Scirus, for that one of the children on whom the lot fell was his nephew: and thus much the chapels do testify, which Theseus built afterwards in honour of Nausitheus, and of Phaeas, in the village of Phalerus: joining to the temple of Scirus. And it is said moreover, that the feast which they call Cybernesia, Cybernesia games. that is to say, the feast of Patrons of the ships, is celebrated in honour of them. Now after the lots were drawn, Theseus taking with him the children allotted for the tribute, went from the palace to the temple called Delphinion, to offer up to Apollo for him and for them, a offering of supplication which they call Hiceteria: Hiceteria offering. which was an olive bough hallowed, wreathed about with white wool. After he had made his prayer, he went down to the sea side to embark, the sixth day of the month of March: Theseus taketh ship with the tribute children, the sixth of March, and saileth into Creta. on which day at this present time they do seude their young girls to the same temple of Delphinion, there to make their prayers and petitions to the gods. But some say, that the oracle of Apollo in the city of DELPHES had answered him, that he should take Venus for his guide, and that he should call upon her to conduct him in his voyage: for which cause he did sacrifice a goat unto her upon the sea side, which was found suddenly turned into a ram, Venus Epitragia. and that herefore they surnamed this goddess Epitragia, Theseus slew the Minotaur by means of Ariadne, king Minoes' daughter. as one would say, the goddess of the ram. Furthermore, after he was arrived in CRETA, he slew there the Minotaur (as the most part of ancient authors do writ) by the means and help of Ariadne: who being fallen in fancy with him, did give him a clue of thread, by the help whereof she taught him, how he might easily wind out of the turnings and cranckes of the labyrinth. And they say, that having killed this Minotaur, he returned back again the same way he went, bringing with him those other young children of ATHENS, whom with Ariadne also he carried afterwards away. Pherecides sayeth moreover, that he broke the keels or bottoms of all the ships of CRETA, Theseus' return ●●e of Creta. because they should not suddenly set out after them. And Demon writeth, that Taurus (the captain of Minos) was killed in a fight by Theseus, Taurus' overcome of Theseus, was a men. even in the very haven mowthe as they were ready to ship away, and hoist up sail. Yet Philochorus reporteth, that king Minos having set up the games, as he was wont to do yearly in the honour and memory of his son, every one began to envy captain Taurus, because they ever looked that he should carry away the game and victory, as he had done other years before: over and that, his authority got him much ill will and envy, because he was proud and stately, and had in suspicion that he was great with Queen Pasiphäe. Taurus' suspected with Pasiphäe, king Minoes' wife. Wherefore when Theseus required he might encounter with Taurus, Minos easily granted it. And being a solemn custom in CRETA that the women should be present, to see these open sports and sights, Ariadne being at these games amongst the rest, fell further in love with Theseus, seeing him so goodly a person, How Ariadne fell in love with Theseus. Minos sendeth Theseus' home with his prisoners, and releaseth the Athenians of their tribute. so strong, and invincible in wrestling, that he far exceeded all that wrestled there that day. King Minos was so glad that he had taken away the honour from captain Taurus, that he sent him home frank and free into his country, rendering to him all the other prisoners of ATHENS: and for his sake, clearly released and forgave the city of ATHENS the tribute, which they should have paid him yearly. Howbeit Clidemus searching out the beginning of these things to thutmost, reciteth them very particularly, and after another sort. For he sayeth, about that time there was a general restraint through out all GRECE, 〈…〉 restraining all manner of people to bear sail in any vessel or bottom, wherein there were above five persons, except only jason, who was chosen captain of the great ship Argus, and had commission to sail every where, to chase and drive away rovers and pirates, Daedalus 〈…〉 and to scour the seas through out. About this time, Daedalus being fled from CRETA to ATHENS in a little bark: Minos contrary to this restraint, would needs follow him with a fleet of divers vessels with owers, who being by force of weather driven with the coast of SICILY, King Minos died in Sicily. fortuned to die there. Afterwards his son Deucalion, being marucilously offended with the ATHENIANS, sent to summon them to deliver Daedalus unto him, or else he would put the children to death, which were delivered to his father for hostages. But Theseus excused himself, Deucalion King Minoes' son sent to Athens to demand Daedalus. and said he could not forsake Daedalus, considering he was his near kinsman, being his cousin germane, for he was the son of Merope, the daughter of Erichtheus. Howbeit by and by he caused many vessels secretly to be made, part of them within ATTICA self in the village of Thymetades, far from any high ways: and part of them in the city of TROEZEN, by the sufferance of Pitheus his grandfather, to the end his purpose should be kept the secretlyer. Afterwards when all his ships were ready, and rygged out, he took sea before the CRETANS had any knowledge of it: in so much as when they saw them a far of, they did take them for the barks of their friends. Theseus' landed without resistance, and took the haven. Then having Daedalus, and other banished CRETANS for guides, Theseus' sailed into Creta, and a anne the city of Gnosus, and slew Deucalion. he entered the city self of GNOSUS, where he slew Deucalion in a fight before the gates of the labyrinth, with all his guard and officers about him. By this means the kingdom of CRETA fell by inheritance into the hands of his sister Ariadne. Theseus' made league with her, and carried away the young children of ATHENS, which were kept as hostages, and concluded peace and amity between the ATHENIANS and the CRETANS: who promised, and swore, they would never make wars against them. They report many other things also touching this matter, divers opinions of Ariadne. and specially of Ariadne: but there is no troth nor certainty in it. For some say, that Ariadne hung herself for sorrow, when she saw that Theseus had cast her of. Other writ, that she was transported by mariners into the isle of NAXOS, were she was married unto O Enarus, the priest of Bacchus: and they think that Theseus left her, because he was in love with another, as by these verses should appear. Eagles the Nymph, was loved of Theseus, which was the daughter of Panopeus. Hereas the Megarian sayeth, that these two verses in old time were among the verses of the Poet Hesiodus, howbeit Pisistratus took them away: as he did in like manner add these other here in the description of the hells in Homer, to gratify the ATHENIANS. Bold Theseus, and Pirithous stout, descended both, from gods immortal race, Triumphing still, this weary world about infeats of arms, and many acomly grace. Other hold opinion, that Ariadne had two children by Theseus: the one of them was named O Enopion, O Enopion, & Staphylus Theseus sons. and the other Staphylus. Thus amongst others the Poet jon writeth it, who was borne in the isle of CHIO, and speaking of his city, he sayeth thus: O Enopion which was the son of worthy Theseus did cause men build, this stately town which now triumpheth thus. Now what things are found seemly in Poets fables, there is none but doth in manner sing them. But one Paenon borne in the city of AMATHUNTA, reciteth this clean after another sort, and contrary to all other: saying, that Theseus by tempest was driven with the isle of CYPRUS, having with him Ariadne, which was great with child, and so sore sea sick, that she was not able to abide it. Theseus leaveth Ariadne in Cyprus. In so much as he was forced to put her a land, and himself afterwards returning abourde hoping to save his ship against the storm, was forthwith compelled to lose into the sea. The women of the country did courteously receive and entreat Ariadne: and to comfort her again, (for she was marucilously out of heart, to see she was thus forsaken) they counterfeated letters, as if Theseus had written them to her. And when her groninge time was come, and she to be laid, they did their best by all possible means to save her: but she died notwithstanding in labour, and could never be delivered. So she was honourably buried by the Ladies of CYPRUS. Ariadne dieth wish child in Cyprus. Theseus not long after returned thither again, who took her death marvelous heavily, and left money with the inhabitants of the country, to sacrifice unto her yearly: and for memory of her, he caused two little images to be melted, the one of copper, and the other of silver, which he dedicated unto her. This sacrifice is done the second day of September, on which they do yet observe this ceremony: The ceremony of the sacrifice done to Ariadne in Cyprus. Venus Ariadne. Two Minoes and two Ariadnees. Corcyna Ariadne's nurse. they do lay a young child upon a bed, which pitifully crieth and lamenteth as women travellinge with child. They say also, that the AMATHUSIANS do yet call the grove where her tomb is set up, the wood of Venus Adriadne. And yet there are of the NAXIANS, that report this otherwise: saying, there were two Minoes, and two Adriadnees, whereof the one was married to Bacchus in the isle of NAXOS, of whom Staphylus was borne: and the other the youngest, was ravished and carried away by Theseus, who afterwards forsook her, and she came into the isle of NAXOS with her nurse, called Corcyna, whose grave they do show yet to this day. This second Adriadne died there also, but she had no such honour done to her after her death, as to the first was given. For they celebrated the feast of the first with all joy and mirth: where the sacrifices done in memory of the second, be mingled with mourning and sorrow. Theseus then departing from the isle of CRETA, arrived in the isle of DELOS, Theseus returneth out of Creta into the isle of Delos. where he did sacrifice in the temple of Apollo, and gave there a little image of Venus, the which he had gotten of Adriadne. Then with the other young boys that he had delivered, he danced a kind of dance, which the DELIANS keep to this day, as they say: in which there are many turns and returns, much after the turnings of the labyrinth. And the DELIANS call this manner of dance, the crane, Theseus' dance called the Crane. as Dicaorcus sayeth. And Theseus danced it first about the altar, which is called Ceraton, that is to say, horne-staffe: because it is made and builded of horns only, all on the left hand well and curiously set together without any other binding. It is said also that he made a game in this isle of DELOS, in which at the first was given to him that overcame, a branch of palm forward of victory. Palm a token of victory. But when they drew near the coast of ATTICA, they were so joyful, he and his master, that they forgot to set up their white sail, by which they should have given knowledge of their health and safety unto AEgeus. Theseus' master of his ship forgot to see out the white sail. AEgeus death. Who seeing the black sail a far of, being out of all hope evermore to see his son again, took such a grief at his heart, that he threw himself headlong from the top of a cliff, and killed himself. So soon as Theseus was arrived at the port named Phalerus, Theseus arriveth safe with the tribute children in the haven of Phalerus. he performed the sacrifices which he had vowed to the gods at his departure: and sent an Herald of his before unto the city, to carry news of his safe arrival. The Herald found many of the city mourning the death of king AEgeus. Many other received him with great joy, as may be supposed. They would have crowned him also with a garland of flowers, for that he had brought so good ridings, that the children of the city were returned in safety. The Herald was content to take the garland, yet would he not in any wise put it on his head, but did wind it about his heralds rod he bore in his hand, The Herald bore a rod in his hand. and so returneth forthwith to the sea, where Theseus made his sacrifices. Who perceiving they were not yet done, did refuse to enter into the temple, and stayed without for troubling of the sacrifices. Afterwards all ceremonies finished, he went in and told him the news of his father's death. Then he and his company mourning for sorrow, hasted with speed towards the city. And this is the cause, why to this day, at the feast called Oscophoria (as who would say at the feast of boughs) the Herald hath not his head but his rod only crowned with flowers, The feast Oscophoria. and why the assistants also after the sacrifice done, do make such cries and exclamations: Eel, leuf, iou, iou: whereof the first is the cry and voice they commonly use one to an other to make haste, or else it is the foot of some song of triumph: and the other is the cry and voice of men as it were in fear and trouble. After he had ended the obsequies and funerals for his father, October called Pyanepsion, in the A●ucan tongue. he performed also his sacrifices unto Apollo, which he had vowed the seventh day of the month of October, on which they arrived at their return into the city of ATHENS. Even so the custom which they use at this day, to seethe all manner of pulse, cometh of this: that those which then returned with Theseus, did seethe in a great brass pot all the remain of their provision, and therewith made good cheer together. Even in such sort as this, came up the custom to carry a branch of olive, Persd of Iresione in the life of Homer, and Suidas. wreathed about with wool, which they call Iresione: because at that time they carried boughs of supplication, as we have told ye before. About which they hung all sorts of fruits: for then barrenness did cease, as the verses they sang afterwards did witness. Bring him good bread, that is of saury taste, with pleasant figs, and drops of dulcet mell, Then sowple oil, his body for to baste, and pure good wine, to make him sleep full well. Howbeit there are some which will say, that these verses were made for the Heraclides, that is to say, those that descended from Hercules: which flying for their safety and succour unto the ATHENIANS, were entertained & much made of by them for a time. But the most part hold opinion, Theseus went into Creta with the tribute children, in the galliot of 30. owers. Disputation about increase. they were made upon the occasion aforesaid. The vessel in which Theseus went and returned, was a galliot of thirty owers, which the ATHENIANS kept until the time of Demetrius the Phalertan, always taking away the old pieces of wood that were rotten, and ever renewing them with new in their places. So that ever since, in the disputations of the Philosophers, touching things that increase, to wit, whether they remain always one, or else they be made others: this galliot was always brought in for an example of doubt. The galliot alleged for a doubt. For some maintained, that it was still one vessel: others to the contrary defended it was not so. And they hold opinion also, that the feast of boughs which is celebrated at ATHENS at this time, was then first of all instituted by Theseus. It is said moreover, that he did not carry all the wenches upon whom the lots did fall, but chose two fair young boys, whose faces were sweet and delicate as maidens be, that otherwise were hardy, and quick sprighted. But he made them so often bathe themselves in hot baths, and keep them in from the heat of the sun, and so many times to wash, anoint, and rub themselves with oils which serve to suppling and smooth their skins, to keep fresh and fair their colour, to make yellow and bright their hears: and withal did teach them so to counterfeare their speech, countenance and fashion of young maids, that they seemed to be like them, rather than young boys. For there was no manner of difference to be perceived outwardly, and he mingled them with the girls, without the knowledge of any man. Afterwards when he was returned, he made a procession, in which both he and the other young boys, were appareled then as they be now, which carry boughs on the day of the feast in their hands. They carry them in the honour of Bacchus and Ariadne, following the fable that is told of them: or rather because they returned home just, at the time and season, when they gather the fruit of those trees. There are women which they call Deipnophores, that is to say, supper carriers, which are assistants to the sacrifice done that day, in representing the mothers of those, upon whom the lots did fall, because they in like sort brought them both meat and drink. There they tell tales, for so did their mother's tattle to their children, to comfort and encourage them. All these particularities were written by Demon the historiographer. There was moreover a place chosen out to build him a temple in, and he himself ordained, that those houses which had paid tribute before unto the king of CRETA, should now yearly thenceforth become contributories towards the charges of a solemn sacrifice, Theseus' thanksfullnes to the Phytalides ●h● were the first that frosted him in their houses. which should be done in the honour of him: and he did assign the order and administration of the same, unto the house of the Phytalides, in recompense of the courtesy which they showed him when he arrived. Furthermore, after the death of his father AEgeus, he undertook a marvelous great enterprise. For he brought all the inhabitants of the whole province of ATTICA, to be within the city of ATHENS, and made them all one corporation, which were before dispersed into diverse villages, and by reason thereof were very hard to be assembled together, Theseus brought the ●●cabi●ants of the country of Arci●● into cue cin. when occasion was offered to establish any order concerning the common state. Many times also they were at variance together, & by the ears, making wars one upon an other. But Theseus took the pains to go from village to village, and from family, to family, to let them understand the reasons why they should consent unto it. So he found the poor people and private men, ready to obey and follow his will: but the rich, and such as had authority in every village, all against it. Nevertheless he wan them, promising that it should be a common wealth, and not subject to the power of any sole prince, but rather a popular state. In which he would only reserve to himself the charge of the wars, and the preservation of the laws: for the rest, he was content that every citizen in all and for all should bear a like sway and authority. So there were some that willingly granted thereto. Other who had r. oh liking thereof, yielded notwithstanding for fear of his displeasure and power which then was very great. So they thought it better to consent with good will, unto that he required: then to tarry his forcible compulsion. Then he caused all the places where justice was ministered, and all their halls of assembly to be overthrown and pulled down. He removed strait all judges and officers, Asty, the town house of the Athenians. and built a town house, and a counsel hall, in the place where the city now standeth, which the ATHENIANS call ASTY, but he called the whole corporation of them, ATHENS. Afterwards he instituted the great feast and common sacrifice for all of the country of ATTICA, The feasts Panathenea, and Metaecia. Theseus resigneth his kingdom, & maketh Athi● a common wealth. which they call Panathenea. Then he ordained another feast also upon the sixteenth day of the month of june, for all strangers which should come to devil in ATHENS, which was called Metaecia, & is kept even to this day. That done, he gave over his regal power according to his promise, and began to set up an estate or policy of a common wealth, beginning first with the service of the gods. To know the good success of his enterprise, he sent at the very beginning to the oracle of Apollo in DELPHES, The oracle of Apollo in Delphes. to inquire of the fortune of this city: from whence this answer was brought unto him. O thus which art, the son of AEgeus, begot by him, on Pitheus' daughter dear. The mighty love, my father glorious, by his decree, hath said there shall appear, a fatal end, of every city here. Which end he will, shall also come adown, Within the walls, of this thy stately town. Therefore show thou, a valiant constant mind, and let no care, nor cark thy heart displease. For like unto a bladder blown with wind thou shalt be tossed, upon the surging seas. Yet let no dint, of dolours the disease. For why? thou shalt, nor perish nor decay, nor be o'ercome, nor yet be cast away. It is found written also that Sibylla afterwards gave out such a like oracle over the city of ATHENS. The bladder blown may fleet upon the studde, but cannot sink, nor stick in filthy mud. Moreover, because he would further yet augment his people, and enlarge his city, he enticed many to come and devil there, by offering them the self same freedom and privileges, which the natural borne citizens had. So that many judge, that these words which are in use at this day in ATHENS, when any open proclamation is made, All people, Come ye hither: be the self same which Theseus then caused to be proclaimed, when he in that sort did gather a people together of all nations. Yet for all that, he suffered not the great multitude that came thither tag and rag, Theseus maketh difference of states and degrees in his common weals. to be without distinction of degrees & orders. For he first divided the noble men, from husbandmen and artificers, appointing the noblemen as judges & magistrates to judge upon matters of Religion, & touching the service of the gods: & of them also he did choose rulers, to bear civil office in the common weal, to determine the law, and to tell all holy and divine things. By this means he made the noble men and the two other estates equal in voice. And as the noblemen did pass the other in honour: even so the artificers exceeded them in number, & the husbandmen them in profit. Now that Theseus was the first who of all others yielded to have a common weal or popular estate (as Aristotle sayeth) and did give over his regal power: Theseus, the first that gave over regal power, & framed a popular state. Homer self seemeth to testify it, in numbering the ships which were in the Grecians army before the city of TROIA. For amongst all the GRECIANS, he only calleth the ATHENIANS people. Moreover Theseus coined money, which he marked with the stamp of an ox, An ox stamped in Theseus' coin. in memory of the bull of Marathon, or of Taurus the captain of Minos, or else to provoke his citizens to give themselves to labour. They say also that of this money they were since called Hecatomboeon, Hecatomboeon. Decaboeon. & Decaboeon, which signifieth worth a hundred oxen, and worth ten oxen. Furthermore having joined all the territory of the city of MEGARA, unto the country of ATTICA, he caused that notable four square pillar to be set up for their confines within the strait of PELOPONNESUS, and engraved thereupon this superscription, that declareth the separation of both the countries which confine there together. The superscription is this: Where Titan doth begin, his beams for to display even that way stands jonia, in fertile wise allwaye: And where again he goeth, a down to take his rest, there stands Peloponnesus land, for there I count it west. It was he also which made the games called Isthmia, after the imitation of Hercules, to the end that as the GRECIANS did celebrated the feast of games called Olympia, Olympia. in the honour of jupiter, by Hercules' ordinance: so, that they should also celebrated the games called Isthmia, by his order and institution, Theseus' erected the games Isthmia, in the honour of Neptune. in the honour of Neptune. For those that were done in the straits in the honour of Melicerta, were done in the night, & had rather form of sacrifice or of a mystery, then of games & open feast. Yet some will save, that these games of Isthmia were instituted in the honour & memory of Sciron, & that Theseus ordained them in satisfaction of his death: because he was his cousin germane, being the son of Canethus, and of Heniocha the daughter of Pitheus. Other say that it was Sinnis and not Sciron, and that for him Theseus made these games, and not for the memory of the other. Howsoever it was, he specially willed the CORINTHIANS, that they should give unto those that came from ATHENS to see their games of Isthmia, so much place to sit down before them (in the most honourable part of the feast place) as the sail of their ship should cover, in the which they came from ATHENS: thus do Hellanicus & Andron Halicarnasseus writ hereof. Touching the voyage he made by the sea Maior, Philochorus, Theseus' iornye into mare Maior. & some other hold opinion, that he went thither with Hercules against the AMAZONS: and that to honour his valiantness, Hercules gave him ANTIOPA the AMAZON. But the more part of the other Historiographers, namely Hellanicus, Pherecides, & Herodotius, do writ, Antiopa the Amazon ravished by Theseus. that Theseus went thither alone, after Hercules' voyage, & that he took this AMAZON prisoner, which is likeliest to be true. For we do not find that any other who went this journey with him, had taken any AMAZON prisoner besides himself. Bion also the Historiographer, this notwithstanding sayeth, that he brought her away by deceit and stealth. For the AMAZONS (sayeth he) naturally loving men, did not fly at all when they saw them land in their country, but sent them presents, & that Theseus enticed her to come into his ship, who brought him a present: & so soon as she was aboard, he hoist his sail, & so carried her away. Another Historiographer Menecrates, who wrote the history of the city of NICAEA, in the country of BYTHINIA, sayeth: that Theseus having this AMAZON ANTIOPA with him, remained a certain time upon those coasts, & that amongst other he had in his company three young brethren of ATHENS, Euneus, Thoas, and Solois. This last, Solois, was marvelously in love with ANTIOPA, Solois fell in love with Antiopa. and never bewrayed it to any of his other companions, saving unto one with whom he was most familiar, and whom he trusted best: so that he reported this matter unto ANTIOPA. But she utterly rejected his suit, though otherwise she handled it wisely and courteously, and did not complain to Theseus of him. Howbeit the young man despairing to enjoy his love, Solois dro●●ed himself for love. took it so inwardly, that desperately he leapt into the river, and drowned him self. Which when Theseus understood, and the cause also that brought him to this desperation and end: he was very sorry, and angric also. Whereupon he remembered a certain oracle of Pythia, by whom he was commanded to build a city in that place in a strange country, where he should be most sorry, and that he should leave some that were about him at that time, Pythopolis built by Theseus. to govern the same. For this cause therefore he built a city in that place, which he named PYTHOPOLIS, because he had built it only by the commandment of the Nun Pythia. Solois fl.. He called the river in the which the young man was drowned, Solois, in memory of him: and left his two brethren for his deputies and as governors of this new city, with another gentleman of ATHENS, called Hermus. Hereof it cometh, that at this day the PYTHOPOLITANS call a certain place of their city, Hermus' house. But they fail in the accent, by putting it upon the last syllable: for in pronouncing it so, Hermu signifieth Mercury. By this means they do transfer the honour due to the memory of Hermus, unto the god Mercury. Now hear what was the occasion of the wars of the AMAZONS, The cause of the wars of the Amazons against the Athen●●s. which me thinks was not a matter of small moment, nor an enterprise of a woman. For they had not placed their camp within the very city of ATHENS, nor had not fought in the very place itself (called Pnyce) adjoining to the temple of the Muses, if they had not first conquered or subdued all the country thereabouts: neither had they all comen at the first, so valiantly to assail the city of ATHENS. Now, whether they came by land from so far a country, or that they passed over an arm of the sea, Bosphorus Cimmericus, an arm of the sea. which is called Bosphorus Cimmericus, being frozen as Hellanicus sayeth: it is hardly to be credited. But that they camped within the precinct of the very city itself, the names of the places which continue yet to this present day do witness it, & the graves also of the women which died there. But so it is, that both armies lay a great time one in the face of the other, ere they came to battle. Howbeit at the length Theseus having first made sacrifice unto Fear the goddess, Theseus fighteth a battle with the Amazons. according to the counsel of a prophecy he had received, he gave them battle in the month of August, on the same day, in the which the ATHENIANS do even at this present solemnize the feast, which they call Boedromia. But Clidemus the Historiographer, desirous particularly to writ all the circumstances of this encounter, The order of the Amazons battle. sayeth that the left point of their battle bend towards the place which they call AMAZONION: and that the right point marched by the side of CHRYSA, even to the place which is called PNYCE, upon which, the ATHENIANS coming towards the temple of the Muses, did first give their charge. And for proof that this is true, the graves of the women which died in this first encounter, are found yet in the great street, which goeth towards the gate Piraica, near unto the chapel of the little god Chalcodus. And the ATHENIANS (sayeth he) were in this place repulsed by the AMAZONS, even to the place where the images of Eumenides are, that is to say, of the futies. But on tother side also, the ATHENIANS coming towards the quarters of Palladium, Ardettus, & Lucium, drove back their right point even to within their camp, & slew a great number of them. Peace concluded as fe●●e months end by means of Hyppolita. Afterwards, at the end of four months, peace was taken between them by means of one of the women called Hyppolita. For this Historiographer calleth the AMAZON which Theseus married, Hyppolita, and not Antiopa. Nevertheless, some say that she was slain (fight on Theseus' side) with a dart, by another called Molpadia. In memory whereof, the pillar which is joining to the temple of the Olympian ground, was set up in her honour. We are not to marvel, if the history of things so ancient, be found so diversely written. For there are also that writ, that Queen Antiopa sent those secretly which were hurt then into the city of CALCIDE, where some of them recovered, & were healed: and others also died, which were buried near to the place called AMAZONION. Howsoever it was, it is most certain that this war was ended by agreement. For a place adjoining to the temple of Theseus, doth bear record of it, being called Orcomosium: Oreemosion, the name of a place. because the peace was there by solemn oath concluded. And the sacrifice also do the truly verify it, which they have made to the AMAZONS, before the feast of Theseus, long time out of mind. They of MEGARA also do show a tomb of the AMAZONS in their city, which is as they go from the market place, to the place they call Rhus: where they find an ancient tomb, cut infation & form of a lozenge. Ancient tombs of lozenge fashion. They say that there died other of the AMAZONS also, near unto the city of CHAERONEA, which were buried all alongst the little broke passing by the same, which in the old time, Thermodon, now called Ha●monst. (in mine opinion) was called Thermodon, & is now named Haemon, as we have in other places written in the life of Demosthenes. And it seemeth also, that they did not pass through THESSALY, without fight: for there are seen yet of their tombs all about the city of SCOTUSA, hard by the rocks, which be called the dogs head. And this is that which is worthy memory (in mine opinion) touching the wars of these AMAZONS. How the Poettelleth that the AMAZONS made wars with Theseus to revenge the injury he did to their Queen Antiopa, Hippolytus Theseus senne by Antiopa. refusing her, to mary with Phadra: & as for the murder which he telleth that Hercules did, that me thinks is altogether but devise of Poets. It is very true, that after the death of Antiopa, Theseus married Phadra, having had before of Antiopa a son called Hippolytus, Ph●dra Theseus wife, and Minos' daughter king of Creta. or as the Poet Pindarus writeth, Demophon. And for that the Historiographers do not in anything speak against the tragical Poets, in that which concerneth the ill hap that chanced to him, in the persons of this his wife & of his son: we must needs take it to be so, as we find it written in the tragedies. And yet we find many other reports touching the marriages of Theseus, Theseus' marriages. whose beginnings had no great good honest ground, neither fell out their ends very fortunate: & yet for all that they have made no tragedies of them, neither have they been played in the theatres. For we read that he took away Anaxo the TR●EZENIAN, & that after he had killed Sinnis and certion, he took their daughters perforce: and that he did also mary Peribea, the mother of Ajax, and afterwards Pherebaea, & joppa the daughter of Iphicles. And they blame him much also, for that he so lightly forsook his wife Ariadne, for the love of Eagles the daughter of Panopaeus, as we have recited before. lastly, he took away Helen: which ravishment filled all the Realm of ATTICA with wars, & finally was the very occasion that forced him to forsake his country, and brought him at the length to his end, as we will tell you hereafter. Albeit in his time other princes of GRECE had done many goodly and notable exploits in the wars, yet Herodotus is of opinion, that Theseus was never in any one of them: Theseus' battles. saving that he was at the battle of the Lapithae against the Centauri. Others say to the contrary, that he was at the journey of Cholchide with jason, & that he did help Meleager to kill the wild bore of Calydonia: from whence (as they say) this proverb came: Not without Theseus. Proverb. Notes witheus Theseus. Proverb. This is another Theseus. Meaning that such a thing was not done without great help of another. Howbeit it is certain that Theseus' self did many famous acts, without aid of any man, and that for his valiantness this proverb came in use, which is spoken: This is another Theseus. Also he did help Adrastus' king of the ARGIVES, to recover the bodies of those that were slain in the battle, before the city of THEBES. Howbeit it was not, as the poet Euripides sayeth, by force of arms, after he had overcome the THEBANS in battle: but it was by composition. And thus the greatest number of the most ancient writers do declare it. Furthermore, Philochorus writeth, that this was the first treaty that ever was made to recover the dead bodies slain in battle: nevertheless we do read in the histories and gests of Hercules, that he was the first that ever suffered his enemies to carry away their dead bodies, after they had been put to the sword. But whosoever he was, at this day in the village of ELEUTHERES, they do show the place where the people were buried, and where princes tombs are seen about the city of Eleusin, which he made at the request of Adrastus. And for testimony hereof, the tragedy Aeschilus' made of the ELEUSINIANS, where he causeth it to be spoken even thus to Theseus himself, doth clearly overthrow the petitioners in Euripides. Touching the friendship betwixt Pirithous and him, Theseus' valiantness the cause of Pirithous friendship with him. it is said it began thus. The renown of his valiancy was marvelously blown abroad through all GRECE, & Pirithous desirous to know it by experience, went even of purpose to invade his country, and brought away a certain booty of oxen of his taken out of the country of MARATHON. Theseus being advertised thereof, armed strait, and went to the rescue. Pirithous hearing of his coming, fled not at all, but returned back suddenly to meet him. And so soon as they came to see one another, they both wondered at each other's beauty and courage, and so had they no desire to fight. But Pirithous reaching out his hand first to Theseus, said unto him. I make yourself judge of the damage you have sustained by my invasion, and with all my heart I will make such satisfaction, as it shall please you to assess it at. Theseus then did not only release him, of all the damages he had done, but also requested him he would become his friend, and brother in arms. Hereupon they were presently sworn brethren in the field: Pirithous & Theseus sworn brethren in the field. after which oath betwixt them, Pirithous married Deidamia, & sent to pray Theseus to come to his marriage, to visit his country, & to make merry with the Lapithae. He had bidden also the Centauri to the feast: who being drunk, committed many lewd parts, even to the forcing of women. Howbeit the Lapithae chastised them so well, that they slew some of them presently in the place, Pirithous married Deidamia. & drove the rest afterwards out of all the country by the help of Theseus, who armed himself, and fought on their side. Yet Herodotus writeth the matter somewhat contrary, The Lapithae overcomen the Centavari. Theseus and Hercules met at Trathina. saying that Theseus went not at all until the war was well begun: and that it was the first time that he saw Hercules, & spoke with him near unto the city of TRACHINA, when he was then quiet, having ended all his far voyages, & greatest troubles. They report that this meeting together was full of great cheer, much kindness, and honourable entertainment between them, and how great courtesy was offered to each other. Nevertheless me thinks we should give better credit to those writers that say they met many times together, and that Hercules was accepted and received into the brotherhood of the mysteries of Eleusin, by the means of the countenance and favour which Theseus showed unto him: and that his purification also was thereby allowed of, who was to be purged of necessity of all his ill deeds and cruelties, before he could enter into the company of those of holy mysteries. Furthermore, Theseus' fifty year old when he ravished Hellen. Theseus was fifty years old when he took away Helen and ravished her, which was very young, and not of age to be married, as Hellanicus sayeth. By reason whereof, some seeking to hide the ravishment of her as a heinous fact, do report it was not he, but one Idas and Lynceus that carried her away, who left her in his custody and keeping: and that Theseus would have kept her from them, and would not have delivered her to her brethren Castor and Pollux, which afterwards did demand her again of him. Others again say it was her own father Tyndarus, who gave her him to keep, for that he was afraid of Enarsphorus the son of Hippocoon, who would have had her away by force. But that which cometh nearest to the troth in this case, and which in deed by many authors is testified, was in this sort. The manner of Helen's ravishment. Diana Or●hia. Theseus & Pirithous went together to the city of LACEDAEMON, where they took away Helen (being yet very young) even as she was dancing in the temple of Diana surnamed Orthia: & they fled for life. They of LACEDAEMON sent after her, but those that followed went no further than the city of TEGEA. Now when they were escaped out of the country of PELOPONNESUS, they agreed to draw lots together, which of them two should have her, with condition that whose lot it were to have her, he should take her to his wife, & should be bound also to help his companion to get him another. It was Theseus' hap to light upon her, Theseus' left Helen in the city of Aphidnes. who carried her to the city of APHIDNES, because she was yet to young to be married. Whether he caused his mother to come to bring her up, & gave his friend called Aphidnus the charge of them both, recommending her to his good care, & to keep it so secretly, that no body should know what was become of her. Because he would do the like for Pirithous (according to th'agreement made betwixt them) he went into EPIRUS with him to steal the daughter of Aidoneus, Theseus went with Pirithous into Epirus, to steal Proserpina Aidonius daughter. Pirithous turn in pieces with Cerberus. Theseus' close prisoner. king of the MOLOSSIANS, who had surnamed his wife Proserpina, his daughter Proserpina, & his dog Cerberus: with whom he made them fight which came to ask his daughter in marriage, promising to give her to him that should overcome his Cerberus. But the King understanding that Pirithous was come, not to request his daughter in marriage, but to steal her away, he took him prisoner with Theseus: & as for Pirithous, he caused him presently to be torn in pieces with his dog, & shut Theseus up in close prison. In this mean time there was one at ATHENS called Menestheus, the son of Peteus: which Peteus was the son of Orneus, & Orneus was the son of Erictheus. This Menestheus was the first that began to flatter the people, & did seek to win the favour of the commonalty, by sweet enticing words: by which devise he stirred up the chiefest of the city against Theseus (who in deedelong before began to be weary of him) by declaring unto them how Theseus had taken from them their royalties & signiories, & had shut them up in such fort within the walls of a city, that he might the better keep them in subjection & obedience in all things, after his william. The poor inferior sort of people, he did stir up also to rebellion, persuading them that it was no other than a dream of liberty which was promised them: & how contrariwise they were clearly dispossessed & thrown out of their own houses, of their temples, & from their natural places where they were borne, to th'end only, that in lieu of many good & loving lords which they were wont to have before, they should now be compelled to serve one only head, & a strange lord. Even as Menestheus was very hot about this practice, The war of the Tyndarides against the Athenians. the war of the Tyndarides fell out at that instant, which greatly furthered his pretence. For these Tyndarides (to wit the children of Tyndarus) Castor & Pollux, came down with a great army, against the city of ATHENS: & some suspect sore that Menestheus was cause of their coming thither. Howbeit at the first entry they did no hurt at all in the country, but only demanded restitution of their sister. To whom the citizens made answer, that they knew not where she was left: & then the brethren began to make spoil, & offer war in deed. Howbeit there was one called Academus, who having knowledge (I can not tell by what mean) that she was secretly hidden in the city of APHIDNES, revealed it unto them. By reason whereof the Tyndarides did always honour him very much, so long as he lived, & afterwards the LACEDÆMONIANS, having oft burnt & destroyed the whole country of ATTICA throughout, they would yet never touch the Academy of ATHENS for Academus sake. Yet Dicearchus sayeth, Academia why so called. that in the army of the Tyndarides there were two Arcadians, Echedemus, & Marathus, and how of the name of one of them, it was then called the place of Echedemie, which sithence hath been called Academia: & after the name of the other, there was a village called MARATHON, Marathon. because he willingly offered himself to be sacrificed before the battle, as obeying the order & commandment of a prophecy. So they went & pitched their camp before the city of APHIDNES, Aphidnes won & razed by the Tyndarides. Alycus Scirons' son slain, at the battle of Aphidnes. & having won the battle, & taken the city by assault, they razed the place. They say that Alycus, the son of Sciron was slain at this field, who was in the host of the Tyndarides, & that after his name, a certain quarter of the territory of MEGARA was called Alycus, in the which his body was buried. Howbeit Here as writeth that Theseus self did kill him before Aphidnes: In witness whereof he allegeth certain verses which speak of Alycus. While as he sought with all his might and main (in thy defence, ●ayer Helen for to fight) In Aphidnes, upon the pleasant plain, bold Theseus to cruel death him dight. Howbeit it is not likely to be true, that Theseus being there, the city of Aphidnes, & his mother also were taken. But when it was won, they of ATHENS began to quake for fear, and Menestheus counseled them to receive the Tyndarides into the city, and to make them good cheer, so they would make no wars but upon Theseus, which was the first that had done them the wrong & injury: & that to all other else they should show favour & good william. And so it fell out. For when the Tyndarides had all in their power to do as they listed, the demanded nothing else but that they might be received into their corporation, & not to be reckoned for strangers, no more than Hercules was: the which was granted the Tyndarides, The Tyndarides honoured at gods, and called Anaces. & Aphidnus did adopt them for his children, as Pylius had adopted Hercules. Moreover they did honour them as if they had been gods, calling them Anaces. Either because they ceased the wars, or for that they ordered themselves so well, that their whole army being lodged within the city, there was not any hurt or displeasure done to any person: but as it become those that have the charge of any thing, Cicer. de Nasde●r. lib. 3. they did carefully watch to preserve the good quiet thereof. All which this Greek word Anacoes doth signify, King called Anactes. whereof perchance it comes that they call the king's Anactes. There are others also who hold opinion that they were called Anaces, Anaces why so called. because of their stars which appeared in the air. For the Attican tongue sayeth, Anacas, & Anecathen: where the common people say Ano, & Anothen, that is to say, above. Nevertheless AEthra, Theseus mother, was carried prisoner to LACEDAEMON, AEthra taken prisoner, and carried to Laceda●mon. & from thence to TROIA with Helen, as some say: & as Homer himself doth witness in his verses, where he speaketh of the women that followed Hellen. AEthra the daughter dear of Pitheus' aged Sire, and with her fair Clymene she, whose eyes most men desire. Yet there are other who aswell reject these two verses, divers opinions of Homer's verses. & maintain they are not Homer's: as also they reprove all that is reported of Munychus. To wit, that Laodice being privily conceived of him by Demophon, he was brought up secretly by AEthra within TROIA. But Hister the historien in his thirteenth of his histories of ATTICA, maketh a recital far contrary to other, saying: that some hold opinion, that Paris Alexander was slain in battle by Achilles, & Patroclus in the country of THESSALY, Sperchius' ●. near to the river of Sperchius', & that his brother Hector took the city of TROEZEN, from whence he brought away AEthrae: in which there is no manner of appearance or likelihodde. But AEdoneus king of the MOLOSSIANS, feasting Hercules one day as he passed through his realm, descended by chance into talk of Theseus & of Pirithous, how they came to steal away his daughter secretly: & after told how they were also punished. Hercules was marvelous sorry to understand that one of them was now dead, & the other in danger to die, & thought with himself that to make his moan to AEdoneus, it would not help the matter: he besought him only that he would deliver Theseus for his sake. And he granted him. Thus Theseus being delivered of this captivity, Theseus delivered one of prison by Hercules means. returned to ATHENS, where his friends were not altogether kept under by his enemies: & at his return he did dedicated to Hercules all the temples, which the city had before caused to be built in his own honour. And where first of all they were called Thesea, he did now surname them all Hercules, excepting four, as Philochorus writeth. Now when he was arrived at ATHENS, he would immediately have commanded and ordered things as he was wont to do: but he found himself troubled much with sedition, because those who had hated him of long time, The Asthenians disdain to obey Theseus. had added also to their old cankered hate, a disdain & contempt to fear him any more. And the common people now were become so stubborn, that where before they would have done all that they were commanded, & have spoken nothing to the contrary: now they looked to be borne with, & flattered. Whereupon Theseus thought at the first to have used force, but he was forced by the faction & contention of his enemies to let all alone, & in the end, despairing he should ever bring his matters to pass to his desire, he secretly sent away his children into the isle of EUBOEA, to Elphenor the son of Chalcodias. And himself, after he had made many wishes & curses against the Athenians, in the village of Gargettus, in a place which for that cause to this day is called Araterion: (that is to say, the place of cursings) he did take the seas, & went into the isle of SCIROS, Theseus' fled from Athens into the isle of Sciros. where he had goods, & thought also to have found friends. Lycomedes reigned at that time, & was king of the isle, unto whom Theseus made request for some land, as intending to devil there: albeit some say that he required him to give him aid against the Athenians. Lycomedes, were it that he doubted to entertain so great a parsonage, or that he did it to gratify Menestheus: carried him up to the high rocks, feigning as though he would from thence have showed him all his country round about. But when he had him there, Theseus cruelly slain by Lycomedes. he threw him down headlong from the top of the rocks to the bottom, & put him thus unfortunately to death. Yet other writ, that he fell down of himself by an unfortunate chance, walking one day after supper as he was wont to do. There was no man at that time that did follow or pursue his death, Menestheus king of Athens. but Menestheus quietly remained king of ATHENS: and the children of Theseus, as private soldiers followed Elphenor in the wars of TROIA. Theseus' sons. But after the death of Menestheus, who died in the journey to Troy, Theseus sons returned unto ATHENS, where they recovered their state. Sithence there were many occasions which moved the Athenians to reverence & honour him as a demi god. For in the battle of Marathon, many thought they saw his shadow & image in arms, fight against the barbarous people. And after the wars of the Medes (the year wherein Phaedon was governor of ATHENS) the nun Pithea answered the Athenians, who had sent to the oracle of Apollo: that they should bring back the bones of Theseus, & putting them in some honourable place, they should preserve & honour them devoutly. But it was a hard matter to find his grave: & if they had found it, yet had it been a harder thing to have brought his bones away, for the malice of those barbarous people which inhabited that I'll: which were so wild & fierce, that none could trade or live with them. Cimon taketh the isle of Sciros and bringeth Theseus' bones to Athens. Notwithstanding Cimon having taken the Island (as we have written in his life) & seeking his grave: perceived by good hap an eagle pecking with her beak, & scraping with her claws in a place of some pretty height. Strait it came into his mind (as by divine inspiration) to search & dig the place: where was found the tomb of a great body, with the head of a spear which was of brass, & a sword with it. All which things were brought to ATHENS by Cimon in the admiral galley. The Athenians received them with great joy, with processions & goodly sacrifices, as if Theseus himself had been alive, & had returned into the city again. Theseus' tomb. At this day all these relics lie yet in the midst of the city, near to the place where the young men do use all their exercises of body. There is free liberty of access for all slaves & poor men, (that are afflicted & pursued, by any mightier than themselves) to pray & sacrifice in remembrance of Theseus: who while he lived was protector of the oppressed, & did courteously receive their requests & petitions that prayed to have aid of him. The greatest & most solemn sacrifice they do unto him, is on the eight day of October, in which he returned from CRETA, with the other young children of ATHENS. Howbeit they do not leave to honour him every eight day of all other months, either because he arrived from TROEZEN at ATHENS the eight day of june, as Diodorus the Cosmographer writeth: or for that they thought that number to be meetest for him, because the bruit ran he was begotten of Neptune. They do sacrifice also to Neptune, the eight day of every month, because the number of eight is the first cube made of even number, & the double of the first square: which doth represent a steadfastness immovable, properly attributed to the might of Neptune, whom for this cause we surname Asphalius, Neptune why called Asphalius and Gaiochus. and Gaiochus, which by interpretation doth signify: the safe keeper, & the stayer of the earth. The end of Theseus life. THE LIFE OF Romulus. THE Historiographers do not agreed in their writings, by whom, not for what cause, divers opinions about the name of Rome. the great name of the city of ROME (the glory whereof is blown abroad through all the world) was first given unto it. For some think that the Pelasgians, after they had overcome the greatest part of the world, and had inhabited and subdued many nations, in the end did stay themselves in that place where it was new builded: and for their great strength and power in arms, they gave the name of ROME unto the city, as signifying power in the Greek tongue. Other say, thatafter the taking and destruction of TROYA, there were certain TROJANS which saving themselves from the sword, took such vessels as they found at adventure in the haven, and were by winds put with the Tuscan shore, where they anckred near unto the river of Tiber. Tybria st. There their wives being so sore sea sick, that possibly they could not any more endure the boisterous surges of the seas: it happened one of them among the rest (the noblest and wisest of the company) called ROMA, to counsel the other women of her companions to set their ships a fire, which they did accordingly. Wherewith their husbands at the first were marvelously offended. But afterwards, being compelled of necessity to plant themselves near unto the city of PALLANTIUM, they were appeased when they saw things prospero better than they hoped for, finding the soil there fertile, and the people their neighbours civil and gentle in entertaining them. Wherefore amongst other honours they did to require this lady Roma, they called their city after her name, as from whom came the original cause of the building and foundation thereof. The beginning of kissing their kinsfolks in the mouth, came from the Trojan women. They say that from thence came this custom continuing yet to this day at ROME, that the women saluting their kinsfolks and husbands do kiss them in the mouth, for so did these TROJAN ladies to please their husbands, and to win them again, after they had lost their favours, and procured their displeasures with burning of their ships. Other say that Roma was the daughter of Italus, and of Lucaria, or else of Telephus the son of Hercules, and of the wife of AEneas: other say of Ascanius, the son of AEneas, who named the city after her name. Other hold opinion that it was Romanus (the son of Ulysses and of Circé) that first founded ROME: other will say that it was Romus the son of Emathion, whom Diomedes sent thither from TROYA. Other writ that it was one Romis a tyrant of the LATINS, who drove the Tuscans out of those parts: which departing out of THESSALY went first of all into LYDIA, and afterwards from LYDIA into ITALY. And furthermore, Fables of Romulus birth. they who think that Romulus (as in deed it carrieth best likelihood) was he that gave the name to the city, do not agreed about his ancestors. For some of them writ, that he was the son of AEneas and of Dexithea the daughter of Phorbus, and that he was brought into ITALY of a little child with his brother Remus: and that at that time the river of Tiber being overflown, all other ships were cast away, saving the ship in which the two little boys were, which by great good hap came to a slay upon a very plain even ground on the bank, and because the children beyond all hope were saved by this means, therefore the place was afterwards called ROMA. Other say that Roma the daughter of the first Trojan lady was married unto Latinus the son of Telemachus, by whom she had Romulus. Other writ, that it was AEmilia, the daughter of AEneas and of Lavinia, which was gotten with child by the god Mars. Other tell a tale of Romulus' birth, nothing true nor likely. For it is said that there was sometime a king of ALBA named Tarchetius, a very wicked and cruel man, in whose house through the permission of the gods appeared such a like vision: that there rose up in the hearth of his chimney the form & fashion of a man's privy member, which continued there many days. And they say, An oracle of Thetis in 〈…〉 Tuscans. that at that time there was in Tuscan an oracle of Thetis, from whom they brought unto this wicked king Tarchetius such an answer: that he should 'cause his daughter yet unmarried to have carnal company with the strange thing, for she should bear a son, that should be famous for his valiancy, for strength of body, and his happy success wherein he should exceed all men of his time. Tarchetius told this oracle unto one of his daughters, and willed her to entertain this strange thing: but she disdaining to do it, sent one of her waiting women to undertake the entertainment. But Tarchetius was so mad at this, that he caused them both to be taken to put them to death: howbeit the goddess Vesta appeared to him in his sleep in the night, and charged him he should not do it. Whereupon he did command them to make him a piece of cloth in the prison, with promise that they should be married when they had finished it. These poor maids toiled at it all the live long day, but in the night there came other (by Tarchetius commandment) that did undo all they had done the day before. In the mean time, this waiting woman that was got with child by this strange thing, was delivered of two goodly boys or twins: whom Tarchetius gave unto one Teratius, with express commandment he should cast them away. This Teratius carried them unto the bank of the river: thither came a she wolf and gave them suck, and certain birds that brought little crumbs and put them in their mouths, until a swine heard perceiving them, and wondering at the fight, did boldly go to the children, and took them away with him. These infants being thus preserved after they were come to man's state, did set upon Tarchetius and slew him. One Promathion an Italian writer, delivereth this story thus. But the report that carrieth best credit of all, and is allowed of by many writers: cometh from Diocles Peparethian, (whom Fabius Pictor followeth in many things) who was the first that put forth this story among the GRECIANS, and specially the chiefest points of it. Though this matter be somewhat diversely taken, yet in effect the story is thus. The right line and blood of the kings of ALBA descended from AEneas, See the fragments of Fabius Pictor, and of Cato. by succession from the father to the son, and the Kingdom fell in the end between two brethren, Numitor and Amulius. They agreed by lot to make division between them, whereof the one to have the Kingdom; See also Haelitarnasseus, & T. Linius. and the other all the gold, silver, ready money, goods, and jewels brought from TROIA. Numitor by his lot chose the Realm for his portion: Amulius Romulus' kindred. having all the gold and treasure in his hands, did find himself thereby the stronger, and so did easily take his Realm from him. And fearing lest his brother's daughter might have children which one day might thrust him out again, he made her a Nun of the goddess Vesta, there to pass her days in virginity, & never to be married: (some call her Rhea, other Syluia, and other Ilia) nevertheless not long after she was found with child, Romulus' mother. against the rule and profession of the Vestal Nuns. So nothing had saved her from present death, but the petition of Antho the daughter of king Amulius, who entreated her father for her life: yet notwithstanding she was straightly locked up, that no body could see her, nor speak with her, lest she should be brought a bed without Amulius knowledge. In the end she was delivered of two fair boys and marvelous great twins: which made Amulius more afraid than before. So he commanded one of his men to take the two children, and to throw them away, and destroy them. Some say that this servants name was Faustulus: Faustulus. other think it was he that brought them up. But whosoever he was, he that had the charge to throw them away, put them in a trough, and went towards the river with intention to throw them in. Howbeit he found it risen so high, and running so swiftly, that he durst not come near the waters side, & so they being in the trough, he laid them on the bank. In the mean time the river swelling still, and overflowing the bank, in such sort that it came under the trough: did gently lift up the trough, & carried it unto a great plain, called at this present Cermanum, Cermanum. and in the old time Germanum (as I take it) because the romans called the brothers of father & mother, Germani. Now there was near unto this place a wild fig tree which they called Ruminalis, Ruminalis. of the name of Romulus as the most part thought: or else because the beasts feeding there were wont to come under the same in the extreme heat of the day, and there did Ruminare, that is, chew their cud in the shadow: or perhaps because that the two children did suck the teat of the wolf, which the ancient LATINS call RUMA, and they at this day do yet call the goddess on whom they cry out to give their children suck, RUMILIA. The goddess Rumilia. And in their sacrifices to her they use no wine, but offer up milk and water mingled with honey. To these two children lying there in this sort, they writ, there came a she wolf & gave them suck: and a hitwaw also which did help to nourish and keep them. These two beasts are thought to be consecrated to the god Mars, & the LATINS do singularly honour & reverence the hitwaw. This did much help to give credit to the words of the mother, who affirmed she was conceived of those two children, by the god Mars. Howbeit some think she was deceived in her opinion: for Amulius that had her maidenhead, went to her all armed, and perforce did ravish her. Other hold opinion that the name of the nurse which gave the two children suck with her breasts, gave occasion to common report to err much in this tale, by reason of the double signification thereof. For the LATINS do call with one self name she woulfes Lupas, & women that give their bodies to all comers: as this nurse the wife of Faustulus (that brought these children home to her house) did use to do. By her rightname she was called Acca Laurentia, Acca Laurentia Faustulus wife, that nurced the twins. unto whom the romans do sacrifice yet unto this day: and the priest of Mars doth offer unto her, in the month of April, the shedding of wine and milk accustomed at burials, and the feast itself is called Larentia. It is true that they honour also another Larentia, for like occasion. The Greek so●●● Larentia The clerk or sexton of Hercules temple, not knowing one day how to drive away the time as it should seem: of a certain liveliness and boldness, did desire the god Hercules to play at dice with him, L●rētia f●●t Laurentia a courtesan with condition that if he did win, Hercules should be bound to sand him some good fortune: and if it were his luck to loose, than he promised Hercules he would provide him a very good supper, and would beside bring him a fair gentlewoman to lie with all. The conditions of the play thus rehearsed, the sexton first cast the dice for Hercules, and afterwards for himself. It fell out that Hercules wan, and the sexton meaning good faith, and thinking it very meet to perform the bargain that himself had made, prepared a good supper, and hired this Laurentia the courtesan, which was very fair, but as yet of no great fame to come to it. Thus having feasted her within the temple, and prepared a bed ready there, after supper he locked her into the temple, as if Hercules should have comen in deed & lain with her. And it is said for troth, that Hercules came thither: & commanded her in the morning she should go into the market place, & salute the first man she met, & keep him ever for her friend. Which thing she performed, & the first man she met was called Tarrutius, Tarrutius. a man of great years, & one that had gathered together marvelous wealth & riches. He had no children at all, neither was he ever married. He fell acquainted with this Laurentia, & loved her so dearly, that shortly after chancing to die, he made her heir of all he had: whereof she disposed afterwards by her last will and testament, the best and greatest part unto the people of Rome. V●labrum whereof Livy deca. 3. lib. 7. Moreover it is reported also, that she now being grown to be famous & of great honour (as thought to be the leman of a god) did vanish away suddenly in the self same place, where the first Laurentia was buried. The place at this day is called Velabrun: because the river being overflown, they were oftentimes compelled to pass by boat to go to the market place, and they called this manner of ferrying over, Velatura. Other say, that those tumblers & common players, which showed sundry games and pastimes to win the favour of the people, were wont to cover that passage over with canvas clotheses and veils, by which they go from the market place to the lists or show place where they run their horses, beginning their race even at the place: and they call a veil in their tongue, Velum. This is the cause why the second Laurentia is honoured at Rome. Faustulus, chief neat heard to Amulius, took up the two children and no body knew it, as some say: or as other report, (and likest to be true) with the privity & knowledge of Numitor, Amulius brother, who secretly furnished them with money that brought up the two young children. It is said also they were both conveyed unto the city of the GABIANS, where they were brought up at school, Romulus and Remus education. & taught all other honest things, which they use to teach the sons & children of good & noble men. Further they say they were named Remus and Romulus, because they were found sucking on the teats of a wolf. Now the beauty of their bodies did presently show, beholding only but their stature and manner of their countenances, of what nature and linadge they were: and as they grew in years, their manly courage increased marvelously, so as they become stout and hardy men, in so much as they were never troubled or astonished at any danger that was offered them. Howbeit it appeared plainly that Romulus had more wit & understanding then his brother Remus. For in all things wherein they were to deal with their neighbours, either concerning hunting, or the bounds and limits of their pastures: it was easily discerned in him, that he was borne to command, and not to obey. For this cause they were both exceedingly beloved of their companions, and of those which were their inferiors. As for the king's herdmen, they passed not much for them, saying that they were even like themselves, and so seemed not to care a Pin for their anger or displeasure, but wholly gave themselves to all gentlemanly exercises and trades, thinking to live idly & at ease without travel, was neither comely nor convenient: but to exercise and harden their bodies with hunting, running, pursuing murderers and thieves, and to help those which were oppressed with wrong and violence, should be credit and commendation to them. By reason whereof, in very short time they grew to great fame and renown, And it fell outby chance there rose some strife and variance between the herdmen of Amulius, and the herdmen of Numitor: in so much as those that were Numitors, carried away by force some cattle of the others. Thother side would not bear that, but pursued fast after, and beating them well favouredly, they made them take their legs, and brought back again the greatest part of the cattle they had carried away with them. Whereat Numitor stormed marvelously, but yet his men seemed to make but little account of it, and purposing revenge, they gathered about them a good company of vacabonds (that had neither home, nor resting place) and certain fugitive bond men which they enticed ill favouredly, encouraging them to steal away from their masters. Romulus a godly man. Thus one day whilst Romulus was busy about some sacrifice, (being a devout man and religious, and well given to serve the gods, and to learn to divine and tell before hand what things should happen and come to pass) it happened the heard men of Numitor to meet Remus very slenderly accompanied: so they fell upon him suddenly, blows were dealt rowndely on both sides, and men were hurt on either part. Howbeit Numitors men in the end proved the stronger part, Remus taken of Numitors herdmen. and did take Remus by force, and carried him strait before Numitor, alleging many complaints and matters against him. Numitor durst not punish him of his own authority, because he feared his brother Amulius, who was somewhat terrible: but went unto him, and earnestly besought him to do him justice, and not to suffer him being his own brother, to receive such injury of his men. There was not a man in the city of ALBA, but did greatly mislike the injury done to Numitor: and spoke it openly, that he was no person to be offered such a wrong. In so much as Amulius moved herewith, did deliver Remus into his hands, to punish him as he thought good. Whereupon Numitor carried him home with him. But when he had him in his house, he began to consider better of him, with admiration how goodly a young man he was, how in height and strength of body he passed all the rest of his people: and perceiving in his face an assured constancy, and bold steadfast courage that yielded not, nor was abashed for any danger he saw toward him: and hearing also the report of his acts & manhood to be answerable to that he saw: (being chief moved in mine opinion by some secret inspiration of the gods, God's providence. which ordain the depth of great matters) began partly by conjecture, and partly by chance to take a conceit of him. So he asked him what he was, & who was his father and mother: speaking to him in a more gentle wise, and with a friendlier countenance then before, to make him the bolder to answer, & be of better hope. Remus boldly answered him. Truly I will not hide the troth from thee, for thou seemest to me more worthy to be King, than thy brother Amulius. Remus oration declaring the birth of himself & his brother Romulus. For thou enquierest, and hearest first before thou condemnest: and he condemneth before he examine or hear the parties. Until now, we thought we had been the children of two of the King's servants, to wit of Faustulus and of Laurentia: I say we, because my brother and I are two twins. But seeing we are now falsely accused unto thee, and by malicious surmised tales are wrongfully brought in danger of our lives: we intent to discover ourselves, and to declare strange things unto thee, whereof the present peril we stand now in, shall plainly prove the troth. Men say that we have been begotten miraculously, fostered and given suck more strangely, and in our tender years were fed by birds and wild beasts, to whom we were cast out as a pray. For a wolf gave us suck with her teats, and an hitwaw (they say) brought us little crumbs, and put them in our mouths, as we lay upon the bank by the river, where we were put in a trough that at this day remaineth whole, bound about with plates of copper, upon the which are some letters engraven half worn out, which peradventure one day will serve for some tokens of knowledge (unprofitable for our parents) when it shallbe to late, and after we are dead and gone. Numitor then comparing these words, Numitors' wisdom. with the age the young man seemed to be of, and considering well his face: did not reject the hope of his imagination that smiled on him, but handled the matter so, that he found means to speak secretly with his daughter, notwithstanding at that time she was kept very straightly. Faustulus in the mean time hearing that Remus was prisoner, and that the King had delivered him already into the hands of his brother Numitor to do justice, went to pray Romulus to help him, Faustulus care to save Remus. and told him then whose children they were: for before he had never opened it to them but in dark speeches, and glawnsingwise, and so much as sufficed to put them in some hope. So Faustulus taking the trough with him at that time, went unto Numitor in great haste, as marvelously afraid for the present danger he thought Remus in. The King's soldiers which warded at the gates of the city, began to gather some suspicion of Faustulus manner of coming: and he made himself to be the more suspected, being questioned with about the cause of his repair thither, that he faltered in his words: beside, they espied his trough which he carried under his cloak. Now amongst the warders, there was by chance one that was the man to whom the children were committed to be cast away, and was present when they were left on the bank of the river to the mercy of fortune. This man knew the trough by & by, as well by the fashion, as by the letters graven upon it: who mistrusted strait that which was true in deed. So he did not neglect the thing, but went forthwith to the King to tell him the matter, and led Faustulus with him to have him confess the troth. Faustulus being in this perplexity, could not keep all close upon examination, but did utter out somewhat of the matter, and yet he told not all. For he plainly justified the children were alive: yet he said they were far from the city of ALBA, where they kept beasts in the fields. And as for the trough, he was going to carry it to Ilia, because she had divers times prayed him to let her see and feel it: to the end she might be the more assured of her hope, who promised her that one day she should see her children again. So it chanced unto Amulius at that time, Amulius perplexed in his mind. as it commonly doth unto those that are troubled, and do any thing in fear or anger, as a man amazed thereat, to sand one presently (who in all other things was a very honest man, but a great friend of his brother Numitors) to ask him if he had heard any thing that his daughter's children were alive. This person being come to Numitors' house, found him ready to embrace Remus, who fell to be witness thereof, and of the good hap discovered unto Numitor: whereupon he persuaded him how to set upon his brother, and to dispatch the matter with speed. So from that time forwards, he took their part. On tother side also the matter gave them no leisure to defer their enterprise, although they had been willing: for the whole case was somewhat blown abroad. So Romulus then got strait a power, and drew very near the city, and many of the citizens of ALBA went out to join with him, who either feared or hated Amulius. Now Romulus power which he brought (over and beside those citizens) was a good number of fight men, and they were divided by hundreds, and every hundred had his captain who marched before his band, carrying little bundles of grass or of boughs tied to the end of their poles. The LATINS call these bundles Manipulos, whereof it cometh that yet at this day in an army of the romans, the soldiers which are all under one ensign, are called Manipulares. Manipulares whereof so called. So Remus stirring up those that were within the city, and Romulus bringing in men from without, the tyrant Amulius fell in such fear and agony, that without providing any thing for his safety, they came upon him suddenly in his palace, and slew him. Amulius slain. Thus you hear how near Fabius Pictor and Diocles Peparethian do agreed in reciting the story, who was the first in mine opinion that wrote the foundation of the city of ROME: howbeit there are that think they are all but fables & tales devised of pleasure. But me thinks for all that, they are not altogether to be rejected or discredited, if we will consider fortunes strange effects upon times, and of the greatness also of the Roman empire: which had never achieved to her present possessed power & authority, if the gods had not from the beginning been workers of the same, & if there had not also been some strange cause, and wonderful foundation. Amulius being now slain as before, & after that all things were appeased, and reduced to good order again: Remus and Romulus would not devil in the city of ALBA, being no lords thereof, nor also would be lords of it, so long as their grandfather by the mother's side was alive. Wherefore after they had restored him to his estate, and had done the honour and duty they aught unto their mother: The building of Rome. they purposed to go & build a city in those places where they had been first brought up, for this was the honestest colour they could pretend for their departing from ALBA. Peradventure they were enforced so to do whether they would or not, for the great number of banished men, and fugitive slaves which were gathered together by them for their strength, who had been utterly lost and cast away, if they had been once discharged by them. Therefore it was of necessity that they should devil by themselves, separated in some place, to keep this number together and in some order. For it is true that the inhabitants of the city of ALBA would not suffer such banished persons and runagates to be mingled amongst them, nor would receive them into their city to be free among them. All which appeareth sufficiently: first, because they took away women by force: and so not of insolency, but of necessity, when they found no man that would bestow any of them. It is manifest also they did greatly honour and make much of the women they had taken away before. Furthermore, when their city began a little to be settled, they made a temple of refuge for all fugitives and afflicted persons, Asylaus temple, a sanctuary for all banished persons and fugitives. which they called the temple of the god Asylaeus. Where there was sanctuary and safety for all sorts of people that repaired thither, and could get into the temple, for whom it was alleged they could not deliver any bond man to his master, nor debtor to his creditor, nor murderer to the justice that was fled thither for succour, because the oracle of Apollo the Delphian had expresslely enjoined them to grant sanctuary to all those that would come thither for it. So by this means in short space their city flourished, & was replenished, where at the first foundation of it, they say there was not above one thousand houses, as more at large hereafter shallbe declared. When they came now to the building of their city, Romulus & Remus the two brethren fell suddenly at a strife together about the place where the city should be builded. Strife betwixt Romulus and Remus. For Romulus built ROME, which is called four square, and would needs it should remain in the place which he had chosen. Remus his brother chose another place very strong of situation, upon mount Aventine, which was called after his name Remonium, Remonium. and now is called Rignarium. Rignarium. Notwithstanding, in the end they agreed between themselves this controversy should be decided, by the flying of birds, which do give a happy divination of things to come. So being set in divers places by themselves to make observation, some say that there appeared unto Remus six, and to Romulus twelve vultures. Other say that Remus truly saw six, and Romulus feigned from the beginning that he saw twice as many: but when Remus came to him, than there appeared twelve in deed unto Romulus, and this is the cause why the romans at this day in their divinations and soothesaying of the flying of birds, do marvelously observe the flying of the vultures. The Romans observe the flying of vulture's. It is true which the historiographer Herodotus Ponticus writeth: that Hercules rejoiced much when there appeared a vulture to him, being ready to begin any enterprise. For it is the foul of the world that doth lest hurt, and never marreth nor destroyeth any thing that man doth sow, plant, or set: considering that she feedeth on carrion only, and doth never hurt nor kill any living thing. Also she doth not pray upon dead soul, for the likeness that is between them: where the eagles, the dukes and the sakers do murder, kill, and eat those which are of their own kind. And yet as AEschylus sayeth, Needs must that foul accounted be most vile, Most ravening, and full of filthy mind, Which doth himself, continually defile, by praying still upon his proper kind. Moreover, other birds are always (as a man would say) before our eyes, and do daily show themselves unto us: where the vulture is a very rare bird, and hardly to beseen, and men do not easily find their ayeries. Which hath given some occasion to hold a false opinion, that the vulture's are passagers, and come into these parts out of strange countries. The prognosticators also think, that such things which are not ordinaire, and but seldom seen, be not natural, but miraculously sent by the gods to prognosticate something. When Remus knew how his brother had mocked him, he was very angry with him. And when Romulus had cast a ditch, as it were for the wall about his city, Remus did not only scorn it, but hindered also his work, and in the end for a mockery leapt over his wall. To conclude, he did so much, that at the last he was slain there by Romulus own hands as some say: or as other hold opinion, Remus slain by Romulus or Celer. by the hands of one of his men which was called Celer. In this fight they slew Faustulus, and Plistinus also his brother, who had holpen him to bring up Romulus. Howsoever the matter fell out, this Celer absented himself from ROME, and went into the country of Tuscan. And they say, that men which are quick, and ready upon a sudden, took their names ever after upon him, and were called Celeres. Celeres wherefore so called Q. Metellus Celer. As amongst other, Quintus Metellus, after the death of his father, having in very few days made the people of ROME to see a combat of fencers (called Gladiatores) fight at the sharp, they surnamed him Celer, for that the romans marveled how he could prepare his things in so short a time. Furthermore, Romulus having now buried his brother, and his other two bringers up (called foster fathers) in the place they call Remonia: began then to build and lay the foundation of his city, sending for men out of THVS●ANE, who did name and teach him particularly all the ceremonies he had to observe there, according to their laws and ordinances as a great holy mystery. And first of all they made a round ditch in the place called at this day Comitium, into which they did cast their chiefest and best things, which men use lawfully for good, and naturally as most necessary. After that they did throw also into it, a little of the earth, from whence every man came, and mingled these all together. This ditch in their ceremonies is called the world, The world. in Latin Mundus, even the self same name the Latins call the Universal. About this ditch they did trace the compass of the city they would build, even as one would draw a circle about a centre. This done, the founder of the city taketh a plough, to which he fastened a coulter or plough share of brass, and so yoked in the plough an ox and a cow, he himself holding the plough did make round about the compass of the city a deep surrowe. Those which followed him, had the charge to throw the turfs of earth inward into the city, which the plough share raised up, and not to leave any of them turned outward. The surrowe thus cast up was the whole compass of their wall, which they call in Latin Pomoerium, by shortening of the syllables, for post murum: Pomoerium why so called to wit, after wall. But in the place where they determined to make a gate, they did take of the plough share, and draw the plough, with leaving a certain space of earth unbroken up: whereupon the romans think all the compass of their walls holy and sacred, The walls holy. except their gates. For if their gates had been hallowed and sanctified, they would have had a conscience through them to have brought in, or carried out of the city, any things necessary for the life of man, that had not been pure and clean. Now they believe certainly, that this ceremony of the foundation of their city was made the one and twenty of April: The feast day of Rome's foundation the 21. April. because the romans do yet keep that day holy day, and call it the feast of the nativity of their country. On which day they did not in old time sacrifice any thing that had life, as esteeming that day (which was the nativity of their city) to be most meet to be kept clean and pure from being polluted or defiled with any blood. Notwithstanding before ROME was builded, they had another feast called the sheapeheards or heardmens' holy day, The feast Palilia. which they did celebrated upon the same day, and called it Palilia. Now at this day the beginnings of the months with the romans is clean contrary to the GRECIANS: yet for all this, they hold opinion for certainty that the day on which Romulus founded his city, was assuredly that which the GRECIANS call Triacada: that is to say, the thirty day. On which there was seen an eclipse of the moon, An eclipse of the moon at the laying of the foundation of Rome. which they suppose was observed by the Poet Antimachus (borne in the city of TEOS) in the thirteenth year of the sixth olympiad. Likewise in the time of Marcus Varro (as a man learned, and one that had red as much of ancient stories as any ROMAN) there was a friend of his called Tarutius, a great philosopher and mathematician. Varro a philosopher. Tarutius a mathematician. Who being given to the calculation of astronomy for the delight of speculation only, wherein he was thought most excellent: it did fall out that Varro gave him this question, to search out what hour and day the nativity of Romulus was, who gathered it out by certain accidents, as they do in the resolutions of certain geometrical questions. The hour of a man's nativity may be calculated by his accidents. For they say, that by the self same science, one may tell before of things to come, and to happen to a man in his life, knowing certainly the hour of his nativity: and how one may tell also the hour of his nativity, when by accidents they know what hath happened to him all his life. Tarutius did the question that Varro gave him. And having thoroughly considered the adventures, deeds, and gests of Romulus, how long he lived, and how he died: all which being gathered and conferred together, he did boldly judge for a certainty, that he was conceived in his mother's womb, in the first year of the second olympiad, the three and twenty day of the month which the EGYPTIANS call Chaeat, Romulus' nativity calculated by Tarutius. and now is called December, about three of the clock in the morning, in which hour there was a whole eclipse of the sun: And that he was borne into the world, the one and twentieth of the month of Thoth, An eclipse of the sun when Romulus was conceived in his mother's womb. which is the month of September, about the rising of the sun. And that ROME was begun by him on the ninth day of the month which the EGYPTIANS call Pharmuthi, and answereth now to the month of April, between two and three of the clock in the morning. For they will say that a city hath his revolution and his time of continuance appointed, as well as the life of a man: and that they knew by the situation of the stars, the day of her beginning and foundation. These things and such other like, peradventure will please the readers better, for their strangeness and curiosity, then offend or mislike them for their falsehood. Now after he had founded his city, he first and foremost did divide in two companies, The Roman legion. 3000 footmen. 300 horsemen. all those that were of age to carry armour. In every one of these companies there were three thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen: and they were called Legions, because they were sorted of the chosen men that were pyckt out amongst all the rest for to fight. The remain after these was called Populus, which signifieth the people. After this, Romulus suiteth a common wealth. he made a hundred counsellors of the best and honestest men of the city, which he called Patricians: and the whole company of them together he called Senatus, as one would say, What the Patricians & Senat● were. the counsel of the ancients. So they were called Patricians, as some will say, the counsel of the father's lawful children, which few of the first inhabitants could show. It may be, some will say this name was given them of Patrocinium, as growing of the protection they had by the sanctuary of their city, which word they use at this day in the self same signification: as one that followed Evander into ITALY, was called Patron, because he was pitiful, and relieved the poor and little children, and so got himself a name for his pity and humanity. But me thinks it were more like the troth to say, that Romulus did call them so, because he thought the chiefest men should have a fatherly care of the meaner sort: considering also it was to teach the meaner sort that they should not fear th'authority of the greater, nor envy at their honours they had, but rather in all their causes should use their favour and good will, by taking them as their fathers. For even at this present, strangers call those of the Senate, Patres Conscripti. lords or captains: but the natural romans call them, Patres Conscripti, which is a name of fatherhed and dignity without envy. It is true that the beginning they were only called Patres, but sithence, because they were many joined unto the first, they have been named Patres Conscripti, as a man should say, fathers of record together: which is the honourablest name he could have devised to make a difference betwixt the Senators, and the people. Furthermore, he made a difference between the chiefer citizens, and the base people, by calling the better sort Patroni, Patroni. as much to say, as defenders: and the meaner sort Clientes, Clientes. as you would say, followers, or men protected. This did breed a marvelous great love and good will lamong them, making the one much beholding to the other, by many mutual courtesies and pleasures: for the Patrons did help the clients to their right, defended their causes in judgement, did give unto them counsel, and did take all their matters in hand. The clients again interchangeably humbled themselves to their patrons, not only in outward honour and reverence towards them, but otherwise did help them with money to marry and advance their daughters, or else to pay their debts and credit, if they were poor or decayed. There was no law nor magistrate that could compel the patron to be a witness against his client: nor yet the client to witness against his patron. So they increased, and continued, all other rights and offices of amity and friendship together, saving afterwards they thought it a great shame and reproach for the better, The shame of the romans to take gifte● of poor men. and richer, to take reward of the meaner and poorer. And thus of this matter we have spoken sufficiently. Moreover, four months after the foundation of the city was laid, Fabius writeth, there was a great ravishment of women. There are some which lay it upon Romulus, who being then of nature warlike, and given to prophecies and answers of the gods, foretold that his city should become very great and mighty, so as he raised it by wars, and increased it by arms: and he sought out this colour to do mischief, and to make war upon the SABINES. To prove this true, The ravishment of the Sabynes comen. some say he caused certain of their maids by force to be taken away, but not past thirty in number, as one that rather sought cause of wars, than did it for need of marriages: which me thinks was not likely to be true, but rather I judge the contrary. For seeing his city was incontinently replenished with people of all sorts, whereof there were very few that had wives, and that they were men gathered out of all countries, and the most part of them poor and need●e, so as their neighbours disdained them much, and did not look they would long devil together: Romulus hoping by this violent taking of their maids and ravishing them, to have an entry into alliance with the SABINES, and to entice them further to join with them in marriage, if they did gently entreat these wives they had gotten, enterprised this violent taking of their maids, Romulus' craft about the ravishment of the Sabines daughters. and ravishing of them in such a sort. First he made it to be commonly bruited abroad in every place, that he had found the altar of a god hidden in the ground, and he called the name of the god, Consus: either because he was a god of counsel, whereupon the romans at this day in their tongue call Consilium, which we call counsel: and the chief magistrates of their city consuls, Consus a god. as we say counsellors. Other say it was the altar of the god Neptune, Neptune the god of horsemen. surnamed the patron of horses. For this altar is yet at this day within the great lists of the city, and ever covered and hidden, but when they use the running games of their horse race. Other say because counsel ever must be kept close and secret, they had good reason to keep the altar of this god Consus hidden in the ground. Now other writ when it was opened, Romulus made a sacrifice of wonderful joy, and afterwards proclaimed it openly in divers places, that at such a day there should be common plays in ROME; and a solemn feast kept of the god Consus, where all that were disposed to come should be welcome Great numbers of people repaired thither from all parts. He himself was set in the chiefest seat of the show place, appareled fair in purple, and accompanied with the chief of his city about him. And there having purposed this ravishment you have heard of, he had given the sign before: that the same should begin, when he should rise up and fold a plait of his gown, and unfold the same again. Hereupon his men stood attending with their sword: The execution of the ravishment. who so soon as they perceived the sign was given, with their sword drawn in hand, and with great shouts and cries ran violently on the maids and daughters of the SABINES to take them away and ravish them, and suffered the men to run away, The number of the Sabyne women ravished. without doing them any hurt or violence. So some say, there were but thirty ravished, after whose names were called the thirty lineages of the people of ROME. Howbeit Valerius Antias writeth, that there were five hundred and seven and twenty: and juba, six hundred four score and three. In the which is singularly to be noted for the commendation of Romulus, that he himself did take then but only one of the maids, Hersilia Romulus wife. named Hersilia: that afterwards was the only cause & mediation of peace betwixt the SABINES and the romans. Which argueth plainly, that it was not to do the SABINES any hurt, nor to satisfy any disordinate lust, that they had so forcibly undertaken this ravishment: but to join two peoples together, with the straightest bonds that could be between men. This Hersilia as some say, was married unto one Hostilius, the noblest man at that time amongst the romans: or as others writ, unto Romulus himself, which had two children by her. The first was a daughter, and her name was Prima, Romulus' first daughter called Prima. because she was the first: the other was a son, whom he named Aollius, because of the multitude of people he had assembled together in his city, and afterwards he was surnamed Abillius. His son was called Aollius. Abillius. Thus Zenodotus the TROEZENIAN writeth, wherein notwithstanding there be divers that do contrary him. Among those which ravished then the daughters of the SABINES, it is said there were found certain mean men carrying away, a marvelous passing fair one. These met by chance on the way, certain of the chief of the city, who would have taken her by force from them, which they had done, but that they began to cry they carried her unto Talassius, who was a young man marvelously well beloved of every body. Which when the others understood, they were exceeding glad, and they commended them: in so much as there were some which suddenly turned back again, and did accompany them for Talassius sake, crying out a loud, and often on his name. From whence the custom came, which to this day the romans sing at their marriages, Talassius, The cause why the romans dog sing the name of Talasius in ●●●●ages. like as the GRECIANS sing Hymeneus. For it is said he was counted very happy that he met with this woman. But Sextius Sylla a CARTHAGINIAN borne, a man very wise, and well learned, told me once it was the cry and sign which Romulus gave to his men, to begin the ravishment: whereupon on those which carried them away, went crying this word Talassius, and that from thence the custom hath continued, that they sing it yet at their marriages. Nevertheless the most part of authors, specially juba, thinks it as a warning to remember the new married women of their work, which is to spin, which the GRECIANS call Talassia, Talassia. the Italian words at that time being not mingled with the Greek. And if it be true the romans used this term of Talassia, as we of GRECE do use: we might by conjecture yield another reason for it, which should carry a better likelihood and proof. For when the SABINES after the battle had made peace with the romans, they put in an article in favour of the women in the treaty, that they should not be bound to serve their husbands in any other work, but in spinning of wool. Ever since this custom hath grown, that those which give their daughters in marriage, Matrimonial ceremony at Rome. and those who lead the bride, and such as are present at the wedding, speak in sport to the new married wife, laughing Talassius: in token that they do not lead the bride for any other work● or service, but to spin wool. Thereof this hath been the use to this day, that the bride doth not of herself come over the threshold of her husband's door, but she is hoist prettily into the house: because the SABYNE women at that time were so lift up, & carried away by force. They say also, that the manner of making the shed of the new wedded wives hear, with the Iron head of a javelin, came up then likewise: this story being a manifest token that these first marriages were made by force of arms, and as it were at the swords point: as we have written more at large in the book, wherein we tender and show the causes of the romans fashions and customs. This ravishment was put in execution about the eighteenth day of the month then called Sextili●, Sextillis, August. and now named August: on which day they yet celebrated the feast they call Consalia. Now the SABINES were good men of war, Plutat in his proble Consualia. and had great numbers of people, but they dwelled in villages, and not within enclosed walls: being a thing fit for their noble courages that did fear nothing, and as those who were descended from the LACEDÆMONIANS. Nevertheless, The Sabines what they were. they seeing themselves bound & tied to peace by pledges & hostages, that were very near allied unto them, and seating their daughters should be ill entreated: sent ambassadors to Romulus, by whom they made reasonable offers and persuasions, that their daughters might be delivered unto them again, without any force or violence, and then afterwards, that he would 'cause them to be asked in marriage of their parents, as both reason and law would require. To th'end that with good will and consent of all parties, both peoples might contract amity and alliance together. Whereunto Romulus made answer, he could not restore the maids which his people had taken away and married: but most friendly he prayed the SABINES to be contented with their alliance. This answer being returned, and not liked, whilst the princes and commonalty of the SABINES were occupied in consultation, and about the arming of themselves: Acron king of the Ceninenses maketh war with Romulus. Acron king of the CENINENSES (a man exceeding courageous and skilful in the wars, and one that from the beginning mistrusted the over bold & stout enterprises that Romulus was likely to attempt, considering the late ravishment of the SABINES daughters, and how he was already greatly dreaded of his neighbours, and somewhat untolerable, if he were not chastised and brought lower) first began to invade him with a puissant army, and to make hot and violent wars upon him. Romulus on th'other side prepared also, and went forth to meet him. When they were come so near together that they might see one another, they sent defiance to each other, & prayed that two might fight man to man amidst their armies, & neither of theirs to stir a foot. Both of them accepted of it, and Romulus making his prayer unto jupiter, did promise', and made a vow: that if he did give him the victory to overcome, he would offer up to him the armour of his enemy, which he did. For first he slew Acron in the field, Acron slain in the field. & afterwards gave battle to his men, & overthrew them also. lastly he took his city, where he did no hurt nor yet displeasure to any, saving that he did command them to pull down their houses, & destroy them, and to go devil with him at ROME: where they should have the self same rights & privileges which the first inhabitants did enjoy. There was nothing more enlarged the city of ROME, than this manner of policy, to join always unto it those she had overcome & vancquished. Romulus now to discharge his vow, & in such sort that his offering might be acceptable to jupiter, and pleasant to his citizens to behold: did cut down a goodly strait grown young oak, which he lighted on by good fortune, in the place where his camp did lie. The same he trimmed & did set forth after the manner of victory, hanging and tying all about it in fair order, the armour and weapons of king Acron. Romulus' triumph. Then he girding his gown to him, and putting upon his long bush of hear, a garland of laurel, laid the young oak upon his right shoulder, and he first marched before towards his city, & song a royal song of victory, all his army following him in arms unto the city in order of battle: where his citizens received him in all passing wise & triumph. The beginning of triumph. This noble & stately entry ever since hath given them minds in such sort, & in statelier wise to make their triumph. The offering of this triumph was dedicated to jupiter surnamed Feretrian: jupiter Feretrian. because the Latin word Ferire, signifieth to hurt & kill: & the prayer Romulus had made, was, he might hurt & kill his enemy. Such spoils are called in Latin, Spolia opima: Spolia opima. therefore sayeth Varro, that opes signify riches. Howbeit me thinks it were more likely to say, that they were so named of this word Opus, which betokeneth a deed, because he must needs be the chief of the army, that hath slain with his own hands the general of his enemies, & that must offer the spoils called Spolia opima, as you would say, his principal spoils & deeds. This never happened yet but to three Roman captains only: Three romans only obtained spolia opima. of the which Romulus was the first, who slew Acron, king of the CENINENSES. Cornelius Cossus was the second, Tarqvinius Priscus the first that triumphed in chariot. who killed Tolumnius, the general of the Tuscans. Clodius Marcellus was the third, who slew Britomartus, king of the GAULES, with his own hands. And for the two last, Cossus & Marcellus, they made their entry into the city, carrying their triumphs upon charets triumphant: but Romulus did not so. Therefore in this point Dionysius the historiographer hath erred, writing that Romulus did enter into ROME upon a charet triumphant. For it was Tarqvinius Priscus the son of Demaratus, The cities of Fidena, Crustumerium & Antemna rose all degast Romulus. who first did set out triumphs in so stately and magnificent show. Other hold opinion it was Valerius Publicola, who was the first that ever entered upon triumphant charet. Concerning Romulus, his statues are yet to be seen in Rome, carrying his triumph a soot. After this overthrow & taking of the CENINENSES, the inhabitants of the cities of FIDENA, CRUSTUMERIUM, & ANTEMNA, rose altogether against the romans, whiles the other SABINES also were a preparing themselves. So they fought a battle, in which they took the overthrow: & left their cities to the spoil of Romulus, their lands to be given where he thought good, and themselves to be carried to ROME. Romulus then did give their lands among his citizens, except those lands which did belong to the fathers of the maidens that they had taken away & ravished. For he was contented that the fathers of them should keep still their lands. By & by the other SABINES stomaching thereat, did choose them a general called Tatius, The Sabines led by Tatius, went to besiege the city of Rome. & so went with a puissant army toward the city of ROME, whereunto to approach at that time it was very hard, the castle or keep of their city of being seated, where at this day the Capitol standeth, within which there was a great garrison, whereof Tarpeius was captain, & not his daughter Tarpeia, as some will say, who set out Romulus as a fool. But Tarpeia the captains daughter, for the desire she had to have all the gold bracelets which they did weareabout their arms, sold the fort to the SABINES, and asked for reward of her treason, Tarpeia betrayeth the castle, and letteth in the Sabines. all they did wear on their left arms. Tatius promised them unto her: & she opened them a gate in the night, by the which she did let all the SABINES into the castle. Antigonus then was not alone, who said, he loved those which did betray, & hated them that had betrayed: nor yet Caesar Augustus, Antigonus & Augustus Caesar● words of traitors. who told Rymitalces the THRACIAN, that he loved treason, but he hated traitors. And it is a common affection which we bear to wicked persons, whilst we stand in need of them: not unlike for all the world to those which have need of the gall & poison of venomous beasts. For when they find it, they are glad, A fit similitude & take it to serve their turn: but after their turn is served, & they have that they sought, they hate the cruelty of such beasts. So played Tatius at that time. For when he was gotten into the castle, he commanded the SABINES (for performance of his promise he had made to Tarpeia) they should not stick to give her all they wear on their left arms, & to do as he did: who taking from his own arm first, the bracelet which he ware, did cast it to her, and his target after. And so did all the rest in like sort, in so much as being borne down to the ground by the weight of bracelets & targets, Note the reward of treason. she died as pressed to death under her burden. Nevertheless Tarpeius self was atteinted, & condemned also of treason, by Romulus' order, as juba sayeth, it is set forth by Sulpitius Galba. They that writ now otherwise of Tarpeia, Tarpeia pressed to death. saying she was the daughter of Tatius, general of the SABINES, & was forced by Romulus to lie with him, & how she was punished in this sort by her own father after her said treason committed: those I say, amongst whom Antigonus is one, are not to be credited. And the poet Simylus also doth dote most, who sayeth Tarpeia sold the Capitol not to the SABINES, but to the king of GAULES, with whom she was in love: as in these verses doth appear. Tarpeia, that maid of foolish mind, which near unto the Capitol did devil (In fervent flames, of beastly love be blind, wherewith the king of Gauls did make her swell) Caused stately ROMEsurprised for to be by enemies, as every man may see. And so through hope of his fidelity betrayed her sire, with all his family. And a little after, in speaking of the manner of her death, he sayeth also: Yet lo: the Gauls, those worthy men of might threw her not down, into the waves of Po, But from their arms, wherewith they wont to fight they cast their shields upon her body so, That she suppressed with such an heavy weight, (Ah woeful maid) to death was smoothred strait. This may den therefore being buried in the same place, the whole hill was called afterwards Tarpeius after her name, which continued until Tarqvinius the King did dedicated all the place to jupiter: for than they carried her bones into some other place, and so it lost her name. Unless it be that rock of the Capitol, which at this present time they call Rupes Tarpeia, from the top whereof they were wont in old time to throw down headlong all wicked offenders. When the SABINES now had gotten this hold, Romulus being exceeding wrath, sent them a defiance, and bade them battle if they durst. Tatius strait refused not, considering if by mischance they were distressed, they had a sure refuge to retire unto. The place between the two armies where the fight should be, was all round about environed with little hills. So as it was plain, the fight could not be but sharp and dangerous, The place of the fight betwixt Romulus & Tatius. for the discommodiousnes of the place, were was neither ground for any to fly, nor yet any space for any long chase, it was of so small a compass. Now it fortuned by chance, the river of Tiber had overflown the banks a few days before, and there remained in it a deeper mud than men would have judged, because the ground was so plain, and was even where the great market place of ROME standeth at this day. They could discern nothing thereof by the eye, because the upper part of it was crusted, whereby it was the more ready for them to venture upon, and the worse to get out, for that it did sink underneath. Curtius' the Sabyne. So the SABINES had gone upon it, had not Curtius' danger been, which by good fortune stayed them. He was one of the noblest and valiantest men of the SABINES, who being mounted upon a courser, went on a good way before the army. This courser entering upon the crusted mud, and sinking with all, began to plunge and struggle in the mire: whereat Curtius proved a while with the spur to stir him, and get him out, but in the end seeing it would not be, he left his back, and saved himself. The same very place to this day is called after his name, Lacus Curtius. Curtius' Lake. The SABINES then scaping thus this danger, began the battle. The Sabines give battle to Romulus. The fight did grow very cruel, and endured so a great while, the victory leaning no more to the one side then to the other. There died in a small space a great number of men, amongst whom Hostilius was one, Hostilius slain. who as they say was the husband of Hersilia, and grandfather to Hostilius that was king of romans after Numa Pompilius. Afterwards there were (as we may think) many other encounters and battles between them: howbeit they make mention of the last above all the rest, wherein Romulus had so sore a blow on his head with a stone, Romulus' hit on the head with a stone. that he was almost felled to the ground, in so much as he was driven to retire a little out of the battle. Upon which occasion the romans gave back also, and drew towards mount Palatine, being driven out of the plain by force. Romulus began now to recover of the blow he had received, and so returned to give a new onset, and cried out all he might to his soldiers to tarry, and show their face again to their enemy. But for all his loud crying, they le●t no flying still for life, and there was not one that durst return again. Whereupon Romulus lifting up his hands strait to heaven, did most fervently pray unto jupiter, that it would please him to stay the flying of his people, and not suffer the romans glory thus to fall to their utter destruction, but to repair it by his favour again. He had no sooner ended this prayer, but divers of his men that fled, began to be ashamed to fly before their King, and a sudden boldness came upon them, and their fear therewithal vanished away. The place they first stayed in was, where as now is the temple of jupiter Stator, which is as much to say, as jupiter the stayer. jupiter St●tor. Afterwards gathering themselves together again, they repulsed the SABINES even to the place they call now Regia, and unto the temple of the goddess Vesta: where both the battles being prepared to give a new charge, there did fall out before them, a strange and an uncredible thing to see, which stayed them they sought not. A wonderful boldness of women. For of the SABYNE women whom the romans had ravished, some ran of the one side, other of the other side of the battles, with lamentations, cries, and shouts, stepping between their weapons, and among the slain bodies on the ground, in such sort that they seemed out of their wits, and carried as it were with some spirits. In this manner they went to find out their fathers and their husbands, some carrying their sucking babes in their arms, other having their hear loose about their eyes, and all of them calling, now upon the SABINES, now upon the romans, with the gentelest names that could be devised: which did melt the hearts of both parties in such sort, that they gave back a little, and made them place between both the battles. Then were the cries and lamentations of every one plainly heard. There was not a man there but it pitied him, aswell to see them in that pittiefull case, as to hear the lamentable words they spoke: adding to their most humble petitions and requests that could be any way imagined, passing wise persuasions and reasons to induce them to a peace. For what offence (said they) or what displeasure have we done to you, that we should deserve such an heap of evils, as we have already suffered, The words of Hersilia and other Sabyne women unto both armies. and yet you make us bear? we were as you know violently (and against all law) ravished by those, whose now we remain. But our fathers, our brethren, our mothers and friends have left us with them so long, that process of time, and the straightest bonds of the world, have tied us now so fast to them, whom mortally before we hated: that we are constrained now to be slighted thus, to see them fight, yea and to lament & die with them, who before unjustly took us from you. For than you came not to our rescue when we were virgins untouched, nor to recover us from them when they wickedly assaulted us, poor souls: but now ye come to take the wives from their husbands, & the mothers from their little children. So as the help ye think to give us now doth grieve us more, than the forsaking of us was sorrowful to us then. Such is the love they have borne unto us, and such is the kindness we bear again to them. Now, if ye did fight for any other cause then for us, yet were it reason ye should let fall your arms for our sakes (by whom you are made grandfathers and fathers in law, cousins & brothers in law) even from those against whom you now bend your force. But if all this war began for us, we heartily beseech you then that you will receive us with your sons in law, and your sons by them, and that you will restore unto us our fathers, our brethren, our kinsfolks and friends, without spoiling us of our husbands, of our children, and of our joys, and thereby make us woeful captives and prisoners in our minds. These requests and persuasions by Hersilia, and other the SABYNE women being heard, both the armies stayed, and held every body his hand, and strait the two generals imparled together. Romulus and Tatius imparle together. During which parley they brought their husbands and their children, to their fathers and their brethren. They brought meat and drink for them that would eat. They dressed up the wounds of those that were hurt. They carried them home with them to their houses. They showed them how they were mistresses there with their husbands. They made them see how greatly they were accounted of and esteemed: yea how with a wedlock love and reputation they were honoured. So in the end peace was concluded between them, wherein it was articled, Peace between the romans and Sabines. that the SABYNE women which would remain with their husbands should tarry still, and be exempted from all work or service (as above recited) save only spinning of wool. And that the SABINES & romans should devil together in the city, which should be called ROMA, after Romulus' name: & the inhabitants should be called Quirites, Quirites why so called. after the name of the city of Tatius king of the SABINES, & that they should reign & govern together by a common consent. The place where this peace was concluded, is called yet to this day Comitium: Comitium. because that Coire, in the Latin tongue signifieth to assemble. So the city being augmented by the one half, they did choose of the SABINES another hundred new PATRICIANS, unto the first hundred of the romans that were chosen before. The Roman legion. 6000. footmen, 600 horsemen. The Roman tribes. Then were the Legions made of six thousand footmen, & six hundred horsemen. After they divided their inhabitants into three Tribes, whereof those that came of Romulus, were called Ramnenses after his name: those that came of Tatius were called Tatienses after his name: and those that were of the third stock, were called Lucerenses, as from the Latin word Lucus, called with us a grove in English, because thither great number of people of all sorts did gather, which afterwards were made citizens of ROME. The very word of Tribus (which signifieth bands, wards, or hundreds) doth witness this beginning of ROME from wards, or hundreds. For hereupon the romans call those at this day, their Tribunes, which are the chief heads of the people. But every one of these principal wards had afterwards ten other particular wards under them, which some think were called after the names of the thirty SABYNE women that were ravished: but that seemeth false, because many of them carry the names of the places they came from. Howbeit at that time many things were established & ordained in honour of women: Honour's given to women. as to give them place, the upper hand in meeting them, the upper hand in streets: to speak no fowl or dishonest word before them, no man to unraye himself, or show naked before them: that they should not be called before criminal judges sitting upon homicides & murderers: that their children should wear about their necks a kind of a jewel called Bulla, fashioned in manner like these water bubbles that rise upon the water when it beginneth to rain: & that their gowns should be guarded with purple. Now the two Kings did not strait confer together so soon as any occasion of business was offered them, but either of them did first counsel alone with his hundred Senators, and afterwards they did all assemble together. Tatius dwelled in the place where now is the temple of juno Moneta: Tatius and Romulus palaces. Romulus in the place called at this present, the stairs of the fair bank, than the descent of mount Palatine, as they go to the show place or great lists, where they say was sometime the holy cornel tree, The holy cornel tree. whereof they make so great account. Romulus' one day desirous to prove his strength, threw (as it is said) a dart from mount Aventine toward mount Palatine. The staff whereof was of a cornel tree: & the Iron of it entered so deep into the ground being a lusty far soil, that no man could pull it out, although many proved it, and did the best they could. The ground being very good and fit to bring forth trees, did so nourish the end of this staff, that it took root, and began to spread branches: so that in time it become a fair great cornel tree, which the successors of Romulus did enclose with a wall, & did keep and worship it as a very holy thing. If by chance any went to see it, and found it looked not fresh and green, but like a tree withered and dried away for lack of moisture: he went away strait as one afraid, crying to all he met (& they with him went crying still) in every place, water, water, as it had been to have quenched a fire. Then ran they thither out of all quarters with vessels of water, to water and moist the tree. In the time of Caius Caesar, who caused the stairs about it to be repaired: they say the labourers raising the place, and digging about this cornel tree, did by negligence hurt the roots of the same in such sort, as afterwards it dried up altogether. Now the SABINES received the months after the manner of the romans, The Sabines used the romans months. whereof we have written sufficiently in the life of Numa. Romulus again used the SABINES shields: and both he and his people changed the fashion of their armour and weapons they used. For the romans before did carry little shields after the fashion of the ARGIVES. As for either of their holy days and sacrifices, they kept them both together, and did not take away any of them, which either the one or the other people observed before, but they added thereunto some other new. As that which they call Matronalia, which was instituted in honour of the women, because by their means peace was concluded. And that also of Carmentalia, in the honour of Carmenta, Feasts, Matronalia, Carmentalia, Carmenta. whom some suppose to be the goddess of fate or destiny, because she hath rule & power over the nativities of men, by reason whereof, the mothers call upon her often, & reverence her very much. Other say she was the wise of evander the Arcadian, who being a prophetess inspired by the god Phoebus, gave the oracles in verse, whereupon she was surnamed Carmenta, because that Carmina in Latin signify verses: for it is of certainty that her proper name was Nicostrata. Howbeit there are some which give another manner of derivation and interpretation of this word Carmenta, which is the liklier to be true: as if they would say, Carens ment: which signifieth wanting wit, for the very fury that taketh them when they are inspired with the prophetical spirit. For in Latin Career, betokeneth to lack: and Mens, signifieth wit. As for the feast of Palilia, we have told of it before: but the feast of Lupercalia, Lupercalia. considering the time of celebrating thereof, it seemeth it is ordained for a purification. For it is celebrated on the unfortunate days of the month of February, which are called the purging days. The days in the old time on which they did celebrated the same, were called Februata. But the proper name of the feast, is as much to say, as the feast of wolves. Wherefore it seemeth to be a feast of great antiquity, and instituted by the ARCADIANS which came in with evander: albeit the name of wolves is as common to the females, as the males, & so it might perhaps be called, by reason of the wolf that brought up Romulus. For we see those which run up & down the city that day, & they call Luperci, do begin their course in the very place where they say Romulus was cast out. Howbeit many things are done, whereof the original cause were hard now to be conjectured. For goats about a certain time of the year are killed, than they bring two young boys, noble men's sons, whose foreheads they touch with the knife bebloudied with the blood of the goats that are sacrificed. By & by they dry their foreheads with wool dipped in milk. Then the young boys must laugh immediately after they have dried their foreheads. That done they cut the goats skins, & make thongs of them, which they take in their hands, & run with them all about the city stark naked (saving they have a cloth before their secrets) and so they strike with these thongs all they meet in their way. The young wives do never shun them at all, but are well contented to be stricken with them, believing it helpeth them to be with child, and also to be easily delivered. There is another thing yet in this feast, that these LUPERCIANS which run about the city, The Lupercians do sacrifice a dog. do also sacrifice a dog. Concerning this feast, the Poet named Butas doth writ somewhat in his elegies, where showing the occasion of the fond customs and ceremonies of the romans, he doth say that Romulus after he had slain Amulius, did run strait with great joy to the very place where the wolf gave him & his brother suck, in memory of which running, he sayeth this feast of Lupercalia was celebrated: Why the Lupercians run through the city naked. & that the noble men's younger sons do run through the city, striking & laying on them which they meet in their way with their goat thongs, in token that Remus and Romulus ran from ALBA unto that place, with their drawn sword in their hands. And that the touching of their forehead with a bloody knife, is in remembrance of the danger they stood in at that time to have been slain. Last of all, the drying of their foreheads with wool dipped in milk, is in memory of the milk they sucked of the wolves. But Caius Acilius writeth, that Remus and Romulus before Rome was built, did happen to loose their beasts on a day, & after they had made certain prayers unto Faunus for the finding of them, they ran here & there stark naked as they went a seeking of them, for fear they should have been troubled with overmuch heat & sweeting. And this is the cause he sayeth, why the LUPERCIANS do at this day run about naked. And if it be true they make this sacrifice for a purging, a man might say they might offer up a dog for that purpose, like as the Grecians in their sacrifices of purgation do use to carry out all their dogs. And in many places they do observe this ceremony, to drive out the dogs, which they call Periscylacismes. Otherwise, if it be of a thanckfullnes to the wolf that gave Romulus suck, & saved him from perishing, that the romans do solemnize this feast: it is not impartinent they sacrifice a dog, because he is enemy to the wolves. Unless a man would say it was to punish this beast, which troubleth and letteth the LUPERCIANS when they run. Some say also it was Romulus, who first instituted it a religion to keep holy fire, & that first ordained holy virgins, which are called Vestales: The Vestal Nuns and holy fire instituted by Romulus, Lituus. other do ascribe it to Numa Pompilius. Notwithstanding it is most certain otherwise, that Romulus was a very devout man, & greatly skilful in telling of things to come by the flying of birds: for which cause he did ordinarily carry the auguries crooked staff, called in Latin Lituus. It is a rod crooked at the end, wherewith the auguries or soothsayers when they sit down to behold the flying of birds, do point out & mark the quarters of the heaven. They carefully kept it within the palace: howbeit it was lost in the time of wars with the GAULES, when the city of ROME was taken. Afterwards when these barbarous people were chased and driven out, it was found again (as it is said) all whole, within a great hill or heap of ashes, having no manner of hurt, where all things else about it had been consumed and marred with the fire. He is said to have made certain laws, among which there is one that seemeth somewhat hard, which is: Romulus' Laws. that the man is suffered to put away his wife, and in some case to give her nothing: and like liberty is not given to the wife to put away her husband. As if she may be proved to have consented to the poisoning of her children, or to have counterfeited her husband's keys, or to have committed adultery. But if he put her away for any other cause, than the one half of the goods is adjudged to the wife, and the other moiety to the goddess Ceres: and he that putteth away his wife after this sort, is commanded further, to sacrifice to the gods of the earth. This also was notable in Romulus, who having ordained no pain nor punishment for parricides (that is for those that kill their parents) called yet all murder parricide, Parricides. to show how detestable that murder was, and as for parricides, he thought it unpossible. No parricide known in Rome six hundred years together. And it seemed a great while, he had reason to think so, that such wickedness would never happen in the world. For in six hundred years together it was not known that any man in ROME committed such an offence: and the first parricide with them was Lucius Ostius, Lucius Ostius the first man that slew his own father at Rome. after the wars of Hannibal. But enough touching this matter. Furthermore in the first year of the reign of Tatius, some of his kinsmen and friends met by chance on the way certain ambassadors, coming from the city of LAURENTUM unto ROME, whom they set upon, and meant to have rob them. Ambassadors slain coming to Rome. The ambassadors resisting them, and not willing to deliver their money, they made no more a do, but slew them. This heinous deed being thus committed, Romulus was of opinion they should be executed openly in the high way for example. But Tatius deferred it still from day to day, and did always excuse the matter unto him, which was the only cause, they fell out one with the other. For in all things else, they carried themselves as honestly as might be the one to the other, ruling and governing together, with a common consent and good accord. But the parents & kinsfolks of those who were murdered, when they saw they could have no justice because of Tatius: The death of Tatius in Lavinium. watched him one day as he sacrificed with Romulus, in the city of Lavinium, and stabbed him in, without offering Romulus any violence, but rather praised him for a good and righteous prince. Romulus caused the body of Tatius to be strait taken up, and buried him very honourably in mount Aventine, about the place now called Armilustrium. Armilustrium. Further he never showed any countenance to revenge his death. There are some Historiographers that writ, that those of the city of Laurentum being afeard at this murder, did deliver forthwith to Romulus the murderers of the ambassadors. He notwithstanding did let them go again, saying: one murder was required by another. This gave some occasion of speech to think, he was glad he was rid of his companion: yet the Sabines neither stirred nor rebelled for all this, but some of them were afraid of him for the great love they bore him, other for his power he was of, & other for the honour they gave him as a god, The Sabines obedience to Romulus. continuing still in duty & obedience towards him. divers strangers also had Romulus' valiancy in great honour: as amongst other, those who then were called the ancient Latins, which sent ambassadors to him to make league and amity with him. He devised to take the city of Fidena which was near neighbour to Rome. Romulus took the city of Fidena. Some say he took it upon a sudden, having sent before certain horse men to break down the hooks & hingewes with force, which the gates hung by: & himself came after with the rest of his army, and stolen upon them, before the city mistrusted any thing. Other writ that the Fidenates first invaded his country, and foraged unto the very suburbs of Rome, where they did great harm: and how Romulus laid an ambush in their way as they returned home, and slew a great number of them. When he took their city, he did not raze it, but made a colony of it, (as a place to sand the overincrease of Rome unto) whether he sent afterwards two thousand five hundred Romans to inhabit there: & it was on the thirteenth day of April, which the romans call the Ideses of the same month. Not long after there rose such a great plague in Rome, that men died suddenly, Plague at Rome. and were not sick: the earth brought forth no fruit: bruit beasts delivered no increase of their kind: there rained also drops of blood in Rome, as they say. It reigned blood at Rome. In so much as besides the evils men felt in this extremity, they fell in a marvelous fear of the wrath of the gods. Afterwards perceiving the like happened to the inhabitants of Laurentum, than every man judged it was the very vengeance and heavy hand of the gods, who plagued and punished these two cities for the murder committed upon Tatius, and the ambassadors that were killed. Whereupon the murderers of both sides were apprehended, and executed: and these plagues by and by ceased both in the one and in the other city. Romulus beside, did purify the cities with certain sacrifices that he devised, which they keep still at this day, at the gate called Ferentina. But before the plague ceased, the Camerines came to assault the romans, & had overcomen all the country, supposing they should not be able to withstand them, because they had been so sore troubled with the plague. Yet notwithstanding, Romulus set up on them with his army, & wan the field of them, in which conflict there were slain about six thousand men. After the battle done, he took their city, & conveyed to Rome the one half of the inhabitants that remained. Camerinum taken of Romulus. After this, he sent twice as many romans as there were natural Camerians left at Camerine, to devil there among them. This was done the first day of August: so great was the multitude of the inhabitants of Rome that had increased in sixteen years from the first foundation of the city. Among other spoils he got there, he carried away a charet of brass with four horses, which he caused to be set up in the temple of Vulcan, and his own statue upon it, and victory crowning him with a garland triumphant. His power being grown thus great, his weak neighbours did submit themselves unto him, being contented to live in peace by him. His stronger neighbours were afraid of him, and envied much his greatness, and did take it no good policy to suffer him thus to rise in the face of the world, and thought it meet speedily to dawnte his glory, and clip his wings. The first of the Tuscans that bent their power against him, were the Veians, who had a great country, & dwelled in a strong and mighty city. To pick a quarrel to him, they sent to have redelivered to them the city of FIDENA, which they said belonged unto them. This was thought not only unreasonable, but a thing worthy laughing at considering that all the while the FIDENATES were in war, & danger, the Tuscans never came to their aid, but had suffered them to be slain, and then came to demand their lands and tenements, when other had possession of them. Therefore Romulus having given them an answer full of mockery, and derision, they divided their power into two armies, and sent the one against them of FIDENA, and with the other they marched towards ROME. That which went against the city of FIDENA, prevailed; and killed there two thousand romans: the other was overthrown and discomfited by Romulus, in which there died eight thousand VEIANS. Afterwards, they met again somewhat near the city of the FIDENATES, where they fought a battle: and all did confess, the chiefest exploit was done by Romulus own hands that day, The incredible valiantness of Romulus. who showed all the skill and valiantness that was to be looked for in a worthy captain. It seemed that day, he far exceeded the common sort of men, in strength of body & feats of arms. Nevertheless that which some say, is hardly to be credited: & to be plain, is out of all compass of belief and possibility. For they writ, there were fourteen thousand men slain at that battle, & that more than half of them were slain by Romulus own hands: & the rather, for that every man judgeth it a vain brag and ostentation which the MESSENIANS report of Aristomenes, who offered in sacrifice to the gods three hundred beasts of victory, as for so many LACEDÆMONIANS himself had slain in the battle. Their army being thus broken, Romulus suffered them to fly who by swiftness could save themselves, and marched with all his power in good array towards their city. The citizens then considering their late great loss and overthrow, would not hazard the danger of withstanding him, but went out all together, & made their humble petition & suit for peace. Romulus ●●●●eth peace with the Veians. All was granted them for a hundred years, save they should forego their territory called Septemagium, that was the seventh part of their country: & yield to the romans all their salt houses by the rivers side, and deliver fifty of their chiefest citizens for their pledges. Romulus made his entry and triumph into ROME for them, the day of the Ideses of October, which is the fifteenth day of the same month, leading in his triumph many prisoners taken in those wars: & among other, the general of the VEIANS, a very ancient man who fond behaved himself in his charge, and showed by his doings, that his experience was far short for his years in the wars. And from thence it cometh, when they offer to the gods to give thanks for this victory, that even at this day, they bring to the capitol through the market place an old man appareled in a purple rob, & with a jewel called Bulla about his neck, which the gentlemen's young children wear about their necks: & a herald goeth hard by him, crying, who buyeth who, the SARDIANIANS, because they hold opinion the Tuscans are come of the SARDIANIANS, and the very city of VEIES standeth in the country of Tuscan. This was the last war that Romulus had offered him: after which he could not beware of that which is wont to happen almost to all those, who by sudden prosperity, and fortunes special favour, are raised to high and great estate. For trusting to prosperity and good success of his acts, Prosperity, increase of pride and stomach. he began to grow more strange and stately, and to carry a sowerer countenance than he was wont to do before: leaving to be after his old manner, a courteous and gracious prince, and gave himself in fashions to be somewhat like a tyrant, both for his apparel, and stately port and majesty that he carried. For he ware ever a coat of purple in grain, and upon that, a long rob of purple colour: and gave audience, sitting in a wide chair of estate, having ever about him young men called Celeres, Celeres, Romulus guard. as we would say, flights for their swiftness & speed in executing of his commandments. Other there were that went before him, who carried as it were ●ipslaues in their hands, to make the people give room, and had leather thongs about their middle to bind fast straight, all the prince should command. Now in old time the Latins said, Ligare was to bind: but at this present they say Alligare, from whence it cometh that the ushers and sergeants are called Lictores. Lictores wherefore so called. Howbeit me thinks it were more likely to say, they had put to a.c. & that before they were called Litores, without a.c. For they be the very same which the GRECIANS call Liturgos, and be in English, ministers or officers: and at this day, Leitoes, or Lea●, in the GREEK tongue signifieth the people. Romulus now after his grandfather Numitor was dead at the city of ALBA, and that the Realm by inheritance fell to him: to win the favour of the people there, Romulus conurteth the kingdom of Alba to a common weal. turned the Kingdom to a Common weal, and every year did choose a new magistrate to minister justice to the SABINES. This precedent taught the noble men of ROME to seek and desire to have a free estate, where no subject should be at the commandment of a King alone, and where every man should command & obey as should be his course. Those which were called Patricians in ROME, did meddle with nothing, but had only an honourable name and rob, and were called to counsel rather for a fashion, then to have their advise or counsel. For when they were assembled together, they did only hear the King's pleasure and commandment, but they might not speak one word, and so departed: having no other pre-eminence over the Common wealth, saving they were the first that did know what was done. All other things thereby did grieve them less. But when of his own mere authority, & as it were of himself, he would as pleased him, bestow the conquered lands of his enemies to his soldiers, and restore again to the VEIANS their hostages as he did: therein plainly appeared, how great injury he did to the Senate. Whereupon the Senators were suspected afterwards that they killed him, when with in few days after it was said, he vanished away so strangely, Romulus' vanished away no man knew how. that no man ever knew what become of him. This was on the seventh day of the month now called july, which then was named Quintilis, leaving no manner of certainty else of his death that is known, save only of the day and the time when he vanished, as we have said before. For on that day, the romans do at this present many things, in remembrance of the misfortune which happened to them then. The 17. day of july an unfortunate day to the 〈…〉. The death Africanus. It is no marvel, the certainty of his death was not known: seeing Scipio Africanus was found after supper dead in his house, and no man could tell, nor yet did know how he died. For some say that he fainted, and died suddenly being of weak complexion. Other say he poisoned himself: other think his enemies did get secretly in the night into his house, & smoothred him in his bed. Yet they found his body laid on the ground, that every body might at leisure consider, if they could find or conjecture the manner of his death. Howbeit Romulus vanished away suddenly, there was neither seen piece of his garments, nor yet was there found any part of his body. Therefore some have thought that the whole Senators fell upon him together in the temple of Vulcan, and how after they had cut him in pieces, divers opinions of Romulus' death. every one carried away a piece of him, folded close in the skirt of his rob. Other think also, this vanishing away was not in the temple of Vulcan, nor in the presence of the Senators only: but they say that Romulus was at that time without the city, The goat marsh. near the place called the goats marsh, where he made an oration to the people, and that suddenly the weather changed, and overcast so terribly, as it is not to be told nor credited. For first, the sun was darkened as if it had been very night: this darkness was not in a calm or still, but there fell horrible thunders, boisterous winds, and Bashing lightnings on every side, which made the people ronneawaye, and scatter here and there, but the Senators kept still close together. Afterwards when the lightning was past and gone, the day cleared up, & the element waxed fair as before. Then the people gathered together again, & sought for the King: ask what was become of him. But the noble men would not suffer them to inquire any further after him, but counseled them to honour and reverence him as one taken up into heaven: and that thenceforth in stead of a good King, he would be unto them a merciful & gracious god. The meaner sort of people (for the most part of them) took it well, & were very glad to hear thereof: & went their way worshipping Romulus in their hearts, with good hope they should prospero by him. Howbeit some seeking out the troth more eagerly did cumber sore, and troubled the Patricians: accusing them, that they abused the common people with vain & fond persuasions, whilst themselves in the mean time had murdered the King with their own hands. While things were thus in hurly burly, some say there was one julius Preculus, the noblest of all the Patricians, being esteemed for a marvelous honest man, & known to have been very familiar with Romulus, & came with him from the city of ALBA: that stepped forth before all the people, julius Proculus ●●● with Romulus after his vanishing. and affirmed (by the greatest and holiest oaths a man might swear) that he had met Romulus on the way, far greater and fayerer, than he had seen him evee before, and armed all in white armour, shining bright like fire: whereat being afraid in that fort to see him, he asked him yet: O King, why hast thou thus left and forsaken us, that are so falsely accused and charged to our utter discredit and shame, by thy vanishing. To whom Romulus gave this answer. Proculus, it hath pleased the gods from whom I came, that I should remain amongst men so long as I did: and now having built a city, Romulus' oracle unto Proculus. which in glory and greatness of empire shallbe the chiefest of the world, that I should return again to devil with them, as before, in heaven. Therefore be of good comfort, & tell the romans, that they exercising prowess and temperancy, shallbe the mightiest and greatest people of the world. As for me, tell them I will henceforth be their god, protector, and patron, and they shall call me Quirinus. These words seemed credible to the romans, aswell for the honesty of the man that spoke them, as for the solemn oaths he made before them all. Yet I wot not how, some celestial motion, or divine inspiration helped it much: for no man said a word against it. Romulus' called Quirinus, and honoured as a god. And so all suspicion and accusation laid aside, every man began to call upon Quirinus, to pray unto him, and to worship him. Truly this tale is much like the sales that the GRECIANS tell of Aristeas the proconnesian, & of Cleomedes the Astypalaetian. For they say, that Aristeas died in a fullers work house, & his friends coming to carry away his body, it fell out they could not tell what become of it: Aristeas a Proconnesian taken out of men's fight after b●●us dead. & at that instant there were some which came out of the fields, and affirmed they met and spoke with him, and how he kept his way towards the city of CROTONA. It is said also that Cleomedes was more than a man naturally strong and great, and therewith all mad, and furious hasty. For after many desperate parts he had played, Cleomedes As●ypaisis vanished strangely out of men's sights being fast locked in a chest. he came at the last on a day into a school house full of little children, the roof whereof was borne with one pillar, which he did hit with so terrible a blow of his fist, that he broke it in the midst, so as the whole roof fell and dashed the poor children in pieces. The people ran strait after him to take him. But he threw himself forthwith into a chest, and pulled the lid upon him. He held it so fast down, that many striving together all they could to open it, they were not able once to stir it. Whereupon they broke the chest all in pieces, but they found the man neither quick nor dead. Whereat they were marvelously amazed, and sent to Apollo Pythias, where the prophetess answered them in this verse: Cleomedes the last of the demi gods. The report goeth also that Alemenes corpse did vanish away, as they carried it to burial, and how in stead thereof they found a stone laid in the beer. Alemenes body vanished out of the beer. To conclude, men tell many other such wonders, that are far from any appearance of troth: only because they would make men to be as gods, and equal with them in power. It is true, that as to reprove and deny divine power, it were a lewd and wicked part: even so to compare earth and heaven together, it were a mere folly. Therefore we must let such fables go, being most certain that as Pindarus sayeth it is true. Each living corpse, must yield at last to death, and every life must lose his vital breath: The soul of man, that only lives on high, The soul eternal. and is an image of eternity. For from heaven it came, and thither again it doth return, not with the body, but than soonest, when the soul is furthest of and separated from the body, and that she is kept holy, & is no more defiled with the flesh. It is that the philosopher Heraclitus meant, when he said. The dry light, is the best soul which flieth out of the body, Heraclitus saying of the soul. as lightning doth out of the cloud: but that which is joined with the body being full of corporal passions, is a gross vapour, dark and massy, & cannot flame, rise or shoot out like lightning. We must not believe therefore, that the bodies of noble and virtuous men, do go up together with their souls into heaven, against the order of nature. But this we are certainly to believe, that by the virtues of their souls (according to divine nature and justice) they do of men become saints, and of saints half gods, and of half gods, entire and perfect gods: after that they are perfectly (as it were by sacrifices of purgation) made clean and pure, being delivered from all pain & mortality, & not by any civil ordinance, but in troth & reason, they receive a most happy and glorious end. Now touching Romulus' surname, which afterwards was called Quirinus: Why Romulus was called Quirinus. some say that it signifieth as much as warlike: other think he was so called because the romans themselves were called Quirites. Other writ, that men in old time did call the point of a spear, on the dart itself, Quiris: by reason whereof the image of juno surnamed Quiritides, was set up with an iron spear, and the spear which was consecrated in the King's palace, was called Mars. furthermore it is an use amongst men, to honour them with a spear or datte, which have showed themselves valiant in the wars: and that for this cause Romulus was surnamed Quirinus, The bill Quirinus Nonae Capravine. as who would say, god of the spears and wars. There was since built a temple unto him, in the hill called Quirinus, and so named of him. The day whereon he vanished, is called the flying of the people, or otherwise the Nones of the goats. For on that day, they go out of the city to do sacrifice in the place called the Fen, or the goats marsh: and the romans call a goat, Capra. As they go thus together, they call with loud shouts and cries upon divers romans names, as Marcus, Cneus, and Gaius, in token of the flying that was then: and that they called one another back again, as they ran away in great fear and disorder. Howbeit other say, that it is not done to show the ronning away, but to show their speed and diligence, and refer it to the story. Now after the GAULES that had taken ROME were expulsed by Camillus, the city was so weakened, that they could scant recover their force and strength again: The war of the Latins Posthumius general. wherefore many of the LATINS joining together, went with a great mighty army, under the conduct of Livius Posthumius, to war against the romans. This Posthumius brought his camp as near the city of ROME as he could, & sent to the romans by a trumpet to let them understand, how the LATINS were desirous by new marriages, to restore their old ancient amity and kindred that was near hand decayed between them: and therefore if the romans would sand them a convenient number of their daughters and young widows to marry with them, they should have peace, as they had before time with the SABINES, upon the like occasion. The romans hereat were sore troubled, thinking that to deliver their women in such sort was no better, then to yield and submit themselves to their enemies. But as they were thus perplexed, a waiting maid called Philotis (or as other call her, Philotia a warning maeydes sudden devise. Tutola) gave them counsel to do neither the one nor the other, but to use a policy with them, by means whereof they should scape the danger of the wars, and should also not be tied nor bound by any pledges. The devise was, they should sand to the LATINS herself, and a certain number of their fairest bond maids, trimmed up like gentlewomen and the best citizens daughters, and that in the night she would lift them up a burning torch in the air, at which sign they should come armed, and set upon their enemies as they lay a sleep. This was brought to pass: and the LATINS thought verily they had been the romans daughters. Philotis failed not in the night to life up her sign, and to show them a burning torch in the top of a wild fig tree: and did hang certain coverlets and clotheses behind it, that the enemies might not see the light, and the romans contrariwise might decern it the better. Thereupon so soon as the romans saw it, they ran with all speed, calling one another by their names, and issued out of the gates of the city with great haste: and so took their enemies upon a sudden, and slew them. In memory of which victory, they do yet solemnize the feast called the Nones of the goats, because of the wild fig tree called in Latin Caprificus. And they do feast the women without the city, under shadows made of the bough of fig trees. The waiting maids, they ton up and down, and play here and there together. Afterwards they seem to fight, and throw stones one at another, as than they did when they holp the romans in their fight. But few writers do avow this tale, because it is on the day time that they call so each other by their names, and that they go to the place which they call the goats marsh, as unto a sacrifice. It seemeth this agreeth better with the first history when they called one another by their names in the night, going against the LATINS: unless peradventure these two things after many years happened upon one day. Furthermore, Romulus' age and reign. they say Romulus was taken out of the world, when he was four and fifty years of age, and had reigned eight and thirty years by account. THE COMPARISON OF Theseus with Romulus. THUS have we declared all things of Theseus and Romulus worthy memory. But to compare the one with the other, it appeareth first that Theseus of his own voluntary will, without compulsion of any (when he might with safety have reigned in the city of TROEZEN, By what means men are provoked to great anteryriser. and succeeded his grandfather in no small kingdom) did desire of himself, and rather sought means to aspire to great things: and that Romulus on the otherside, to deliver himself from bondage and servitude that lay sore upon him, and to escape the threatened punishment which still did hang over his head, Plato in Phaèdone. was certainly compelled (as Plato sayeth) to show himself hardy for fear: who seeing how extremely he was like to be handled, was of very force constrained to seek adventure, and hazard the enterprise of attaining high and great things. Moreover the chiefest act that ever he did was, when he slew one only tyrant of the city of ALBA called Amulius: where Theseus in his journey only, as he traveled, gave his mind to greater enterprises, and slew Sciron, Sinnis, Procrustes, and Corynetes. And by ridding them out of the world, he delivered GRECE of all those cruel tyrranes, before any of those knew him whom he had delivered from them. Furthermore, he might have gone to ATHENS by sea, and never needed to have traveled, or put himself in danger with these robbers, considering he never received hurt by any of them: where as Romulus could not be in safety whilst Amulius lived. Hereupon it may be alleged, that Theseus vnprouoked by any private wrong or hurt received, did set upon these detestable thieves and robbers: Remus and Romulus contrariwise, so long as the tyrant did them to harm, did suffer him to oppress and wrong all other. And if they allege these were noble deeds, and worthy memory: that Romulus was hurt fight against the SABINES, and that he slew kings Acron with his own hands, and that he had overcome and subdued many of his enemies. Then for Theseus on tother side may be objected, the battle of the CENTAURI, the wars of the AMAZONS, the tribute due to the king of CRETA: and how he ventured to go himself thither with the other young boys and wenches of ATHENS, as willingly offering himself to be devoured by a cruel beast, or else to be slain and sacrificed upon the tomb of Androgeus, or to become bondslave & tied in captivity to the vile service of cruel men and enemies, if by his courage and manhodde he could not deliver himself. This was such an act of magnanimity, justice & glory, & briefly of so great virtue, that it is unpossible truly to be set out. Surely me thinks the philosophers did not ill define love, when they said she was a servitor of the gods, Love the minister of the gods. to save young folks, whom they thought meet to be preserved. For, the love of Ariadne was in mine opinion the work of some god, and a mean purposely prepared for Theseus' safety. Therefore the woman is not to be reproached nor blamed for the love she bore Theseus, but rather it is much to be wondered at, that every man and woman in like wise did not love him. And if of herself she fell in love with him, I say (and not without cause) she afterwards deserved to be beloved of a god, as one that of her own nature loved valiantness and honour, and entertained men of singular value. But both Theseus and Romulus being naturally given to rule and reign, neither the one nor the other kept the true form of a King, but both of them did degenerate alike: the one changing himself into a popular man, the other to a very tyrant. So that by sundry humours, they both fell into one mischief and error. For a prince above all things must keep his estate: which is no less preserved by doing nothing uncomely, The office of a prince. as by doing all things honourably. But he that is more severe or remiss than he should be, remaineth now no more a King or a prince, but becometh a people pleaser, or a cruel tyrant: and so causeth his subjects to despise or hate him. Yet me thinks the one is an error of to much pity and baseness: and the other of to much pride and cruelty. But if we may not charge fortune with all mischances happening unto men, but that we aught to consider in them the diversities of manners and passions, seeing anger is unreasonable, and wrath rash and passionate: then can we not clear the one, nor excuse the other of extreme rage and passion, in the fact committed by the one against his brother, and by the other against his natural son. Howbeit the occasion and beginning of anger doth much excuse Theseus, who moved with the greatest cause that might be, was put into such choler and passion. But if Romulus' variance with his brother had proceeded of any matter of counsel, or cause of the common weals: there is none so simple to think, that his wisdom would so suddenly have set upon him. Where as Theseus in contrary manner killed his son, provoked by those passions that few men can avoid: to wit, love, jealousy, and false report of his wife. Moreover Romulus anger went to the effect, whereof the issue fell out very lamentable: Theseus anger stretched no further, then to rough words, and old folks curses in their heat. For it seemeth, cursed fortune, and naught else, was the cause of his sons only mishap, as forespoken and wished for somewhat by his father. These be the special things may be alleged for Theseus. But for Romulus this was a noble thing in him. First his beginning being very low and mean, and his brother and he taken for bond men, and the children of hoggeheards, Wherein Romulus was to be preferred before Theseus. before they were themselves all free, they set at liberty in manner all the LATINS, winning at one instant many titles of glory and honour: as distroyers of their enemies, defenders of their parents, Kings of nations, founders of new cities, and no overthrowers of the old, where as Theseus of many habitations and houses made only one, and did overthrow and pluck down divers states, bearing the names of ancient Kings, princes, and half gods of ATTICA. All these also did Romulus afterwards, and compelled his enemies whom he had overcome, to destroy their own houses, and to come and devil with their conquerors. And in the beginning, he never changed nor increased any city that was built before, but built himself a new city out of the ground, getting all together, land, country, kingdom, kindred and marriages, without losing or kill any man: and to the contrary, rather he did good to many poor vacabonds, who had neither country, lands, nor houses, and desired nothing else but to make a people amongst them, and to become citizens of some city. Also Romulus bent not himself to follow thieves and robbers, but subdued by force of arms many mighty and puissant people: he took cities, and triumphed over Kings and Princes which he had vanquished in battle. And touching the murder of Remus, it is not certainly known of whose hands he died. The most part of authors do charge other with the death of him. But it is certain that Romulus delivered his mother from apparent death, Romulus' love to his kyuns. and restored his grandfather to the royal throne of AEneas, who before was deposed and brought from a King to servile obedience, without any regard of honour or dignity: to whom he did many more great pleasures and services. Besides he never offended him willingly, not not so much as ignorantly. Contrarylie I think of Theseus, who failing by negligence to put out his white sail at his return, Theseus' detected for oblivion. cannot be cleared of parricide, how eloquent an oration soever could be made for his excuse: yea though it were before the most favourable judges that could be. Wherefore an ATHENIAN very well perceiving that it was an hard thing to excuse and defend so fowl a fault, doth feign that the good old man AEgeus having news brought him that his sons ship was at hand, did run in so great haste to his castle, to see his son arrive a far of, that as he ran, his foot hit against some thing, and overthrew him: as though he had none of his people about him, or that never a man seeing him run so hastily to the sea side, did make haste to attend and wait upon him. Furthermore, Theseus faults touching women and ravishements, of the twain, had the less shadow and colour of honesty. Because Theseus did attempt it very often: Theseus' detected for his ravishements of women. for he stolen away Ariadne, Antiope, and Anaxo the Troezenian. Again being stepped in years, and at later age, and past marriage: he stolen away Helen in her minority, being nothing near to consent to mary. Then his taking of the daughters of the TROEZENIANS, of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and the AMAZONS (neither contracted to him, nor comparable to the birth and linadge of his own country which were at ATHENS, and descended of the noble race and progeny of Erichtheus, and of Cecrops) did give men occasion to suspect that his womannishenes was rather to satisfy lust, Romulus' ravishment of women excused. then of any great love. Romulus now in a contrary manner, when his people had taken eight hundred, or thereabouts, of the Sabyne women to ravish them: kept but only one for himself that was called Hersilia, as they say, and delivered the rest to his best and most honest citizens. Afterwards by the honour, love, and good entertainment that he caused them to have & receive of their husbands, he changed this violent force of ravishment, into a most perfect bond and league of amity: which did so knit and join in one these two nations, that it was the beginning of the great mutual love which grew afterwards betwixt those two people, and consequently of the joining of their powers together. Furthermore, time hath given a good testimony of the love, reverence, constancy, kindness, and all matrimonial offices that he established by that means, betwixt man and wife. For in two hundred and thirty years afterwards, there was never man that durst forsake or put away his wife, No divorce made in Rome for 230. years space. Val. Max. sayeth 520. nor the wife her husband. And as among the GRECIANS, the best learned men, and most curious observers of antiquities do know his name, that was the first murderer of his father or mother: even so all the romans knew what he was, which first durst put away his wife. It was one called Spurius Caruilius, because his wife was barren and had no children. The effects also do agreed with the testimony of the time. For the Realm was common unto Kings of both nations, The first wife put away in Rome. and through the alliance of these marriages that began first of ravishements, both nations lived peaciblie, and in equality, under one civil policy, and well governed common weal. The ATHENIANS contrariwise, by Theseus' marriages, did get neither love nor kindred of any one person, Theseus' marriages cause of wars and troubles. but rather they procured wars, enmities, & the slaughter of their citizens, with the loss in the end of the city of APHIDNES: and yet very hardly, and by the mercy of their enemies (whom they honoured as gods) they escaped for him, the danger which the TROYANS' suffered afterwards, for the self act done by Alexander Paris. So it fell out at the last, that his mother was not only in danger, but even feelingly suffered like misery and captivity, which Hecuba did afterwards, when she was forsaken of her son: unless peradventure those things that they writ of the imprisonment and captivity of AEthra, be found false, and but fables, as for the same and memory of Theseus were behoveful, that both it, and many other things also, were of no more troth nor likelihood. That which they writ of Romulus' divinements, maketh great difference between him and Theseus. For Romulus in his birth was preserved by the marvelous favour of the gods: Theseus to the contrary, Romulus more acceptable to the gods than Theseus. was begotten against the gods will, as appeared plainly by the answer of the oracle to AEgeus, that he should not meddle with any woman in strange and foreign country. The end of Romulus' life. THE LIFE OF Lycurgus. A MAN can not speak any thing at all of Lycurgus, who made the laws of the LACEDÆMONIANS, but he shall find great contrariety of him amongst the historiographers. For, of his parentage & travail out of his country, of his death and making of laws, of his form and government, and order of executing the same, they have written diversely. And yet above all things, concerning him, they agreed worst about the time he lived in. For some of them (and Aristotle is of that number) will needs have him to have been in the time of Iphytus, and that he did help him to establish the ordinance that all wars should cease during the feast of the games olympical: for a testimony whereof, they allege the copper coyte which was used to be thrown in those games, and had found graven upon it, the name of Lycurgus. Other counting the days and time of the succession of the kings of LACEDAEMON (as Eratosthenes, and Apollodorus) say he was many years before the first Olympiades'. Timaeus also thinketh there were two of this name, and in divers times: howbeit the one having more estimation than the other, men gave this Lycurgus the glory of both their doings. Some say the eldest of the twain, was not long after Homer: and some writ they saw him. Xenophon showeth us plainly he was of great antiquity: Xenophon in lib. de Lacedaemon. Rep. saying he was in the time of the Heraclides, who were nearest of blood by descent to Hercules. For it is likely Xenophon meant not those Heraclides, which descended from Hercules' self: for the last kings of SPARTA were of Hercules progeny, aswell as the first. Therefore he meaneth those Heraclides, Of the Heraclides, Pausanias, Diodorus, and Cleme. Strom. lib. 1. which doubtless were the first and nearest before Hercules' time. Nevertheless though the historiographers have written diversely of him, yet we will not leave to collect that which we find written of him in ancient histories, and is lest to be denied, and by best testimonies most to be proved. And first of all, the poet Simonides sayeth, his father was called Prytanis and not Eunomus: and the most part do writ the pedigree otherwise, aswell of Lycurgus' self, as of Eunomus. For they say, Lycurgus' kindred. that Patrocles the son of Aristodemus begat Sous, and Sous begat Eurytion, and Eurytion begat Prytanis, and Prytanis begat Eunomus, and Eunomus begat Polydectes of his first wife, and Lycurgus of the second wife, called Dianassa: yet Euthychidas an other writer, maketh Lycurgus the sixth of descent in the right line from Polydectes, and the eleventh after Hercules. But of all his ancestors, the noblest was Sous, in whose time the city of SPARTA subdued the Ilotes, and made them slaves, and did enlarge and increase their dominion, with the lands and possessions they had got by conquest of the Arcadians. And it is said that Sous himself being on a time straightly besieged by the CLITORIANS, in a hard dry ground, where no water could be found: offered them thereupon to restore all their lands again that he had gotten from them, if he and all his company did drink of a fountain that was there not far of. The CLITORIANS did grant unto it, and peace also was sworn between them. A subtle promise. Then he called all his soldiers before him, and told them if there were any one amongst them that would refrain from drinking, he would resign his kingdom to him: howbeit there was not one in all his company that could (or would) forbear to drink, they were so sore a thirst. So they all drank heartily except himself, who being the last that came down, did no more but a little moist his mouth without, and so refreshed himself, the enemy's selves standing by, and drank not a drop. By reason whereof, he refused afterwards to restore their lands he had promised, alleging they had not all drunk. But that notwithstanding, he was greatly esteemed for his acts, and yet his house was not named after his own name: but after his sons name Eurytion, they of his house were called Eurytionides. The reason was, because his son Eurytion to please the people, did first let fall and give over, the sole and absolute power of a King. Whereupon there followed afterwards marvelous disorder and dissolution, which continued a great time in the city of SPARTA. For the people finding themselves at liberty, become very bold and disobedient: and some of the Kings that succeeded, were hated even to death, because they would perforce use their ancient authority over the people. Other, either to win the love and goodwilles of the people, or because they saw they were not strong enough to rule them, did give themselves to dissemble. And this did so much increase the people's loose and rebellious minds, that Lycurgus own father being King, was slain among them. For one day, as he was parting a fray between two that were fight, he had such a wound with a kitchen knife, that he died: and left his Realm to his eldest son Polydectes, who died also soon after, and without heir of his body as was supposed. In so much as every man thought Lycurgus should be King: and so he took it upon him, until it was understood that his brother's wife was young with child. Which thing so soon as he perceived, he published openly, that the Realm belonged to the child that should be borne, if it were a son. After this he governed the Realm, but as the King's lieutenant and regent. The LACEDÆMONIANS call the regents of their Kings that are left within age, Prodicos. Prodicos, Regent's, or protectors of young Kings in minority. Lycurgus' brothers widow did sand, and let him secretly understand, that if he would promise' to mary her when he should be King, that she would come before her time, and either miscarye, or destroy that she went with. Lycurgus' detestably abhorring this brutish and savage unnaturallnes of the woman, did not reject her offer made him, but seemed rather to be very glad, then to dislike of it. Nevertheless he sent her word again, she should not need to try masteries, with drinckes and medicines to make her come before her time: for so doing, she might bring herself in danger, and be cast away for ever. Howbeit he advised her to go her full time, and to be brought a bed in good order, and then he would find means enough to make away the child that should be borne. And so with such persuasions he drew on this woman to her full time of delivery. But so soon as he perceived she was near her time, he sent certain to keep her, and to be present at her labour, commanding them that if she were brought a bed of a daughter, they should leave her with the woman: and if it were a son, they should forthwith bring it to him, in what place soever he was, and what business soever he had in hand. It chanced that she came even about supper time, and was delivered of a son. As he was sitting at the table with the other magistrates of the city, his servants entered the ●alle, and presented to him the li●e babe, which he tenderly took in his arms, and said openly to them that were present: behold my lords of SPARTA, here is a King borne unto us. And speaking these words, he laid him down in the kings place, and named him Charilaus, Charilaus, king of the Lacedæmonians, Herod. lib. 1. Dionysius Halic. lib. 2. as much to say, as the joy of the people. Thus he saw all the lookers on rejoicing much, and might hear them praise and extol his sincerity, justice, and virtue. By this means he reigned only as King, but eight months. From thenceforth he was taken and esteemed so just and sincere a man among the citizens, that there were more that willingly obeyed him for his virtue, then for that he was the King's regent, or that he had the government of the whole Realm in his hands. Notwithstanding there were some that bore him displeasure and malice, who sought to hinder & disgrace his credit, and chief the friends and kindred of the King's mothers: whose power and honour were thought much impaired by Lycurgus' authority. In so much, as a brother of hers called Leonidas, entering boldly into great words with him on a day, did not stick to say to his face. I know for a certainty one of these days thou wilt be King: meaning thereby to bring him in suspicion with the citizens. Which thing though Lycurgus never meant, yet of a subtle and crafty wit Leonidas thought by giving out such words, that if the young King happened to die in his minority naturally, it would be mistrusted that Lycurgus had secretly made him away. The King's mother also gave out such like speeches, which in the end did so trouble him, with the fear he had, what event might fall out thereof: that he determined to depart his country, and by his absence to avoid the suspicion that therein might grow upon him any way. Lycurgus' traveled countries. So he traveled abroad in the world as a stranger, until his nephew had begotten a son who was to succeed him in his kingdom. He having with this determination taken his journey, went first of all into CRETA, where he diligently observed and considered the manner of their living, the order of the government of their Common weal, and ever kept company with the best, and ever was conferring with the most learned. There he found very good laws in his judgement, which he noted of purpose to carry home to his country, to serve when time should come. He found there other laws also, but of them he made no reckoning. Now there was one man that above the rest was reputed wise and skilful in matters of state & government, who was called Thales: with whom Lycurgus did so much by entreaty, and for familiar friendship, that he persuaded him to go with him unto SPARTA. This Thales was called the Poet Harper, Thales a poet harper. whereupon he had that title and name: but in effect he sang all that the best and sufficientest governors of the world could devise. For all his songs were goodly ditties, wherein he did exhort and persuade the people to live under obedience of the law, in peace & concord one with the other. His words were set out with such tunes, countenance, & accents, that were so full of sweetness, harmony, and piercing: that inwardly it melted men's hearts, and drew the hearers of a love to like the most honest things, and to leave all hatred, enmity, sedition, and division, which at that time reigned sore among them. So as it may be said, he it was that prepared the way for Lycurgus, whereby he afterwards reformed and brought the LACEDÆMONIANS unto reason. At his departing out of CRETA, he went into ASIA, Lycurgus' journey into Asia. with intent (as it is said) to compare the manner of life and policy of those of CRETA (being then very strait and severe) with the superfluities and vanities of JONIA: and thereupon to consider the difference between their two manners & governments, as the physician doth, who to know the hole & healthful the better, doth use to compare them with the sick & diseased. It is very likely it was there, where he first saw Homer's works, in the hands of the heirs & successors of Cleophylus: & finding in the same, aswell many rules of policy, as the great pleasure of Poets feigning, he diligently copied it out, and made a volume thereof to carry into GRECE. It is true there was much fame abroad of Homer's poesies among the GRECIANS, The praise of Homer's works. howbeit there were few of them brought together, but were scattered here & there in divers men's hands, in pampflets & pieces unsewed & without any order: but the first that brought them most to light among men, was Lycurgus. The EGYPTIANS say, Homer's poems unknown to the Grecians, brought to light by Lycurgus. that he was in their country also, & that having found thereon notable ordinance among other, that their soldiers and men of war were separated from the rest of the people, he brought the practice of it into SPARTA: where setting the merchants, artificers, & labourers every one a part by themselves, he did establish a noble Common wealth. So the EGYPTIAN historiographers, and some others also of GRECE do writ. He was also in AFRICA, and in SPAIN, & as far as INDIA, to confer with the wise men there, that were called the philosophers of INDIA. I know no man that hath written it, saving Aristocrates, that was Hipparchus son. The LACEDÆMONIANS wished for him often when he was gone, and sent divers and many a time to call him home: who thought their Kings had but the honour and title of Kings, and not the virtue or majesty of a prince, whereby they did excel the common people. But as for Lycurgus, they thought of him thus: that he was a man borne to rule, to command, and to give order, as having in him a certain natural grace and power, to draw men willingly to obey him. Moreover the Kings themselves were not unwilling to have him to return home, because they hoped that his presence would somewhat bridle, & restrain the people from their insolency & disobedience towards them. Whereupon Lycurgus returning home in this opinion and affection of men, it fell out that he was no sooner arrived, but he began to devise how to altar the whole government of the common weal, Lycurgus returneth and changeth all the common wealth. & throughout to change the whole course and order of the state: thinking that to make only certain particular laws were to no purpose, but much like, as one should give some easy medicine, to purge an overthrown body with all humours and diseases. Therefore he thought first that all gross & superfluous humours, were meet to be dissolved & purged, and then afterwards to give them a new form and order of government. When he had thus determined with himself, before he would take in hand to do any thing, he went to the city of DELPHES: where after he had sacrificed to Apollo, he consulted with him about his matters. Lycurgus counseleth with the oracle of Apollo as Delphes. From whom he returned withthiss glorious title by the oracle of Pythia: o beloved of the gods, and rather god then man. Where when he craved grace of Apollo to establish good laws in his country, it was answered him: that Apollo granted his petition, and that he should ordain the best and perfectest manner of a Common wealth, that ever had or should be in the world. This answer did comfort him very much, & so he began to break his purpose to certain of the chief of the city, & secretly to pray & exhort them to helped him, going first to those he knew to be his friends, & after by little & little he wan others to him, who joined with him in his enterprise. So when he saw the time fit for the matter, he caused thirty of the chiefest men of the city in a morning to come into the market place well appointed & furnished, to suppress those that would attempt to hinder their purpose. Hermippus the historiographer rehearseth twenty of the chiefest: but he that above all others did most assist him in his doings, & was the greatest aid unto the stablishing of his laws, was called Arithmiadas. The king Charilaus hearing of this assembly, did fear there had been some conspiracy or insurrection against his person, & for his safety he fled into the temple of juno, called Chalceoecos, as much to say, as junos' brazen temple. Chalceoecoes, junos' brazen temple. Howbeit afterwards when he knew the troth, he waxed bold, & came out of the temple again, & he himself favoured the enterpriso being a prince of a noble mind, howbeit very soft by nature, as witnesseth Archelaus (that was then the other king of LACEDAEMON) by telling how Charilaus answered one that praised him to his face, in saying he was a good man. And how should I not (qd he) be good, when I cannot be evil to the evil? In this change of the state, many things were altered by Lycurgus, but his chiefest alteration was, his law of the erection of a Senate, which he made to have a regal power & equal authority with the Kings in matters of weight & importance, Lycurgus suiteth a Senate of the Lacedæmonians. Plato de leg. 3. & was (as Plato sayeth) to be the healthful counterpoise of the whole body of the Common weal. The other state before was ever wavering, sometime inclining to tyranny, when the Kings were to mighty, & sometime to confusion, when the people would usurp authority, Lycurgus therefore placed between the Kings & the people, a counsel of Senators, which was as a strong beam, that held both these extremes in an even balance, & gave sure footing & ground to either part, to make strong the state of the common weal. For the eight & twenty Senators (which made the whole body of the Senate) took sometime the King's part, when it by as nodefull so pull down the fury of the people: and contrarily, they held sometimes with the people against the Kings, to bridle their tyrannical government. Aristotle sayeth, he ordained the number of Senators to be but eight and twenty, 28. were the number of the Senators. because two of thirty that joined with him afore, did for fear forsake him at his enterprise. Howbeit Spharus writeth, that from the beginning, he never purposed to have more than eight and twenty to be the Senate. And perhaps he had great regard to make it a perfect number, considering it is compounded of the number of seven, multiplied by four: and is the first perfect number next to six, being equal to all parts gathered together. But as for me, my opinion is, he chose this number rather than any other, because he meant the whole body of the counsel should be but thing persons, adding to that number, the two Kings. Lycurgus took so great care to establish well this counsel, that he brought an oracle for it, from Apollo's temple in DELPHES. This oracle is called unto this day Retra, Retra of Lycurgus. as who would say, the statute oracle: whereof the answer was. When thou haft built a temple unto jupiter the Syllanian, and to Manerus the Syllanian, and divided the people into lineages, thou shalt stablish a Senate of thirty counsellors, with the two Kings: & shalt assemble the people at times convenient, in the place between the bridge and the river Cnation. Cnation st. There the Senators shall propound all matters, and break up after their assemblies: and it shall not be lawful for the people to speak one word. In those days the people were ever assembled between two rivers, for there was no hall to assemble a counsel at large; The open saith appointed for place of Counsel. nor any other place prepared for them. For Lycurgus thought no builded place meet for men to give good counsel in, or to determine causes, but rather a hindrance: because in such places men be drawn to muse on vain things, and their minds be carried away with beholding the images, tables, and pictures, commonly set up for ornament in such open places. And if it be in a Theatre, then beholding the place where the plays and sports be made, they think more of them, than any counsel. Again, if it be in a great hall, then of the fair embowed or vaulted roofs, or of the fretised feelings curiously wrought, and sumptuously set forth, and tend not still their business they come for. When the people were assembled in counsel, it was not lawful for any of them to put forth matters to the counsel to be determined, neither might any of them deliver his opinion what he thought of any thing: but the people had only authority to give their assent (if they thought good) to the things propounded by the Senators, or the two Kings. Howbeit afterwards, the two Kings Polydorus and Theopomous, because the people did many times cross and altar the determination of the Senate, by taking away or adding some thing to it, they did add those words to the oracle aforesaid. That if the people would not assent to any ordinance of the Senate, then should it be lawful for the Kings and Senate to break up the counsel, and to frustrate all things done in the same: the wise advise of the Senate being encountered thus, & their meaning to the best, so perverted to the worse. These two Kings persuaded the people, that at the very first, this addition came with the oracle of Apollo: as the poet Tyrtaeus maketh mention in the place, where he sayeth: From Delphos I'll, this oracle is brought of Pythia: into their country soil. The Kings (even they to whom of right there aught a loving care in princely breasts to boil, the Spartan wealth, to guard from every spoil: ● shallbe the chief grave causes to decide with Senators: whose sound advise is tried. And next to them, the people shall fulfil as much as seems, to please their prince's will. Lycurgus now having thus tempered the form of his common weal, it seemed notwithstanding to those that came after him, that this small number of thirty persons that made the Senate; was yet to mighty, & of to great authority. Wherefore to bride them no little, they gave them (as Plato sayeth) a bit in their mouths, & that was the authority of the ephors, The inflimation of the ephors. which signify as much as controllers: and were erected about a hundred and thirty years after the death of Lycurgus. The first which was chosen of these, was Elatus, and it was in the time of king Theopompus, whose wife on a day in her anger said: how through his negligence he would leave less to his successors, than he had received of his predecessors. To whom he answered again, not less but more, for that it shall continued longer, and with a more sweet. For, in losing thus their too absolute power, that wrought them great envy & hatred among their citizens, they did escape the danger & mischief that their neighbours the AXOTVES, and MUNSENIANS did feel: who would not give over the sovereign authority which they had gotten once. This example maketh Lycurgus great wisdom and foresight manifestly known: Lycurgus' wisdom. who so will deeply consider the seditions & ill governments of the ARGIVES, & MESSENEANS (their near neighbours and kinsmen) aswell from the people, as from the Kings. Who from the beginning had all things alike to the SPARTANS: & in dividing of their lands a far better order than theirs. This notwithstanding, they did not prospero long: but through the pride of their Kings, and the disobedience of their people, they entered into civil wars one against another, showing by their disorders & misfortunes the special grace the gods did bear to SPARTA, to give them such a reformer, as did so wisely temper the state of their common weal, as we will show hereafter. The second law that Lycurgus made, and the boldest and hardest he ever took in hand, was the making of a new division of their lands. Lycurgus maketh equal division of lands unto the citizens. For he saw so great a disorder & unequality among the inhabitants, as well of the country, as of the city LACEDEAMON, by reason some (and the greatest number of them) were so poor, that they had not a handful of ground, and other some being lest in number were very rich, that had all: he thought with himself to banish out of the city all insolency, envy, covetousness, & deliciousness, and also all riches and poverty, which he took the greatest, and the most continual plagues of a city, or common weal. For this purpose, he imagined there was none so ready and necessary a mean, as to persuade his citizens to suffer all the lands, possessions, and inheritance of their country, to run in common together: and that they should make a new division equally in partition amongst themselves, to live from thenceforth as it were like brothers together, so that no one were richer than another, & none should seek to go before each other, any other way then in virtue only: thinking there should be no difference or unequality among inhabitants of one city, but the reproaches of dishonesty, & the praises of virtue. Thus Lycurgus following his determination, did out of hand make a law of the division of their lands. For first he did divide all the country of LACONIA, into thirty thousand equal parts, the which he did set out for those that inhabited about SPARTA: and of those lands that joined next to the city of SPARTA, that was the chief metropolitan city of LACONIA, he made other nine thousand parts, which he divided to the natural citizens of SPARTA, All the lands through the country of Laconia, divided into 30000. parts. All the lands about Sparta into 9000 parts. who be those that are properly called Spartans. Howbeit some will say, he made but six thousand parts, & that king Polydorus afterwards did add to other three thousand parts. Other say also, that Lycurgus of these nine thousand parts made but the half only, & Polydorus the rest. Every one of these parts was such, as might yield unto the owner yearly, three score and ten bushels of barley for a man, What barley every part did yield. and twelve bushels for the woman, and of wine & other liquid fruits, much like in proportion: which quantity Lycurgus judged to be sufficient, to keep the body of a man in health, & to make him strong & lusty, without any further allowance. They say after this, as he returned home one day out of the fields, and came over the lands where wheat had been reaped not long before, and saw the number of sheaves lying in every shock together, & no one shock bigger than another: he fell a laughing, & told them that were with him, me thinks all LACONIA is as it were an inheritance of many brethren, who had newly made partition together. He gave an attempt to have divided also movables, & to have made a common partition between them, to th'end he would have utterly taken away all unequality. But finding the citizens took it very impatiently, that openly that which they had, should be taken away: he went about to do it more secretly, and in a conninger wise to take away that covetousness. For first of all, he did forbidden all coin of gold and silver to be currant: & then he did set out certain coins of iron which he commanded only to be currant, Lycurgus changeth all gold & silver into iron coin. whereof a great weight and quantity was but little worth. So as to say up thereof the value of ten Minas, it would have occupied a whole cellar in a house, besides it would have needed a yoke of oxen to carry it any where. Now gold & silver being thus banished out of the country, many lieu departs & faults must needs cease thereby. For who would rob, steal, pick, take away, hide, procure, or whored up any thing, that he had no great occasion to desire, nor any profit to possess, nor would be any pleasure to use or employ. For, the iron they occupied for their coin, they cast vinegar upon it while it was red hot out of the fire, to kill the strength & working of it to any other use: for thereby it was so eager & brickle, that it would bide no hammer, nor could be made, beaten, or forged to any other fashion. By this means he banished also, all superfluous & unprofitable sciences, Lycurgus' wash all sellers & croftes of an value. which he knew he should not need to do by any proclamation: because they would fall away (or the most part of them) even of themselves, when the baseries of the money they should take for their work, should undo them. For their iron moneys were not currant else where in the cities of GRECE, but every body made a jest of it there. By this occasion, the LACEDÆMONIANS could buy no foreign wares nor merchandises, neither came there any ship into their haven to traffic with them, neither any fine curious Rhetorician did repair into their country to teach them eloquence, & the cunning cast of lying: nor yet came there to them any wysard to tell them their fortune, nor any Pander to keep any brothel house, nor yet goldsmith or iveller, to make or cell any toys or trifles of gold or silver to set forth women: considering all these things are used to be made to get money, and to hoard up that they had not. After this sort, delicateness that wanted many things that entertained it, began by little and little to vanish away, & lastly, to fall of from themselves: when the most rich men had no more occasion than the poorest, and riches having no mean to show herself openly in the world, was fain to remain shut at home idly, as not able to do her master any service. Thereupon movables and household stuff (which a man cannot be without, and must be daily occupied) as bedsteades, tables, chairs, and such like necessaries for house, were excellently well made: and men did greatly praise the fashion of the LACONIAN cup which they called Cothon, and specially for a soldier in the wars, C●thon a strange kind of cup of the Lacedaemonian soldiers. as Critias was wont to say. For it was made after such a fashion, that the colour of it did let the eye to discern the fowl & unwholesome water, which men are driven oftentimes to drink in a camp, and goeth many times against one's stomach to see it: and if by chance there was any filth or mud in the bottom, it would cleave and stick fast upon the ribs of the belly, and nothing came through the neck, but clean water to his mouth that drank it. The reformer of their state was the cause of all this: because their artificers tending now no superfluous works, were occupied about the making of their most necessary things. Further, now to drive away all superfluity and deliciousness, and to root out utterly desire to get and gather: he made another third law for eating and drinking, and against feasts and banquets. First he willed and commanded the citizens, Lycurgus appointeth order for dies unto the Lacedæmonians. that they should eat together all of one meat, and chief of those he had permitted by his ordinance. Then he did expressly forbidden them to eat alone, or a part, or secretly by themselves, upon rich tables and sumptuous beds, abusing the labour of excellent work men, and the devices of likerous cooks to cram themselves in corners, as they do fat up beasts and poultry, which doth not only breed ill conditions in the mind, but doth mar the complexions of men, and the good states of their body, when they give themselves over to such sensuality and gluttony. Whereof it followeth in the end that men must needs sleep much, to help to digest the excess of meats they have taken, and then must they go to the hot houses to bathe themselves, and spend long time about the ordinary attendance of their sickly bodies. This was a marvelous thing for him to bring to pass, but much more, to make riches not to be stolen, and lest of all to be coveted, as Theophrastus said of him: which by this means of making them eat together with all sobriety at their ordinary diet, was brought to pass. For there was no more mean to the rich, then to the poor, to use to play, or show riches, sith both of them were forced to be together in one place, and to eat all of one meat: so as that which is commonly spoken, that Pluto the god of riches is blind, was truly verified only in the city of SPARTA, above all other places of the world. For there riches was laid on the ground like a corpse without a soul, that moveth no whit at all: considering it was not lawful for any man to eat at home secretly in his house, before he came to their open halls, nor might not come thither for a countenance only to his meals, being already fed and full freight. For every man's eye was upon those specially which did not eat & drink with a good stomach amongst them: & it was the use to reproach them as gluttons, and dainty mouthed men, which refused to eat as it were in common together. So as this was the ordinance they say, that grieved most the rich above all that Lycurgus made, and whereat they were most mad and angry with him: in so much, as on a day, they all setting upon him to altar it, he was compelled to run out of the market place, and getting ground of them, he recovered the liberties of a church, before any could overtake him: saving one young man called Alcander, Alcander struck out Lycurgus' eye. who otherwise had no ill nature in him, but that he was somewhat quick of his hand, and choleric with all. Who following Lycurgus' nearer than any other, did give him a blow overthwart the face with a staff, and struck out one of his eyes, as Lycurgus turned toward him. Yet for all this, Lycurgus never bashed or made word at the matter, but did lift up his head to those that followed him, and showed them his face all a gore blood, and his eye put out clean: whereof they were all so sore ashamed, that there was not a man that durst once open his mouth against him, but to the contrary, they seemed to pity him, and did deliver Alcander into his hands that had done the deed, to punish him as himself pleased. And so they all brought him to his house, and showed they were right heartily sorry for his hurt. Lycurgus' thancking them, returned them all back again, save that he made Alcander to go with him into his house, where he never hurt him, nor gave him fowl word: Lycurgus' patience and gentleness. but commanded him only to wait upon him, and made his other ordinary servants to withdraw their waiting. This young man who now began to spy his own fault, did most willingly attend upon him, and never spoke word to the contrary. When he had served him a certain time, being very near continually about him, he began to feel and taste of his natural liberality, and saw of what affection and intention Lycurgus was moved to do all he did: he perceived what was the severity of his ordinary life, and what his constancy was to endure labour without weariness. Alcander then began to love and honour Lycurgus from his heart, and told his parents and friends, how he was no such severe man as he seemed, but was of so kind and gentle a nature to all men as might be. See I pray you how Alcander was transformed by Lycurgus, and his punishment also, which he should have received: for of a fierce, rash, and a lewd conditioned youth he was before, he become now a very grave and wise man. But for memory of this his misfortune, Lycurgus built a temple to Minerva, which he surnamed Optiletide, Minerva optiletide. because the DORIANS which devil in those parts of PELOPONNESUS, do call the eyes, optiles. There are other writers (as Dioscorides for one) which say Lycurgus had a blow with a staff, but he had not his eye stricken out with it: and how contrariwise, he founded this temple to Minerva, to give her thanks for healing of his eye. Hereof it came, that ever since the SPARTANS have been restrained to carry staves in any assembly of counsel. But to return to their common repasts, which the CRETANS called Andria, and the LACEDÆMONIANS Phiditia, Andria and Phiditia meals why so called. either because they were places wherein they learned to live soberly and straightly (for in the GREEK tongue Phido, is to save and spare) or else because their amity and friendship grew there towards one another, as if they would have called them Philitia, feasts of love, by changing. d. into. L: It may be also they added the first letter as superfluous, and meant to call the places Edetia, because they did eat and drink there. They sat in their halls by fifteen in a company, little more or less, and at the beginning of every month every one brought a bushel of meal, eight gallons of wine, five pound of cheese, and two pound and a half of figs for a man, besides some little portion of their money to buy certain fresh acates. And over and above all this, every man when he did sacrifice in his house, was bound to sand the best and chiefest things of his sacrifice to the halls to be eaten. Likewise if any man went an hunting, and killed any venison: it was an order, he should sand a piece of the flesh thither. Having these two lawful causes, they might eat and drink by themselves at home, either when they sacrificed any beast to the gods, or when they came late home from hunting: otherwise they were bound of necessity to meet in their halls at meals, if they would eat any thing. This order they kept very straightly a great time: in so much as king Agis on a day, returning from the wars, where he had overthrown the ATHENIANS, and being desirous to sup at home privately with the Queen his wife, he sent to the halls for his portion. But the Polemarchi, that be certain officers assisting the Kings in the wars, did deny him. The next day Agis left of for spite, to do the accustomed sacrifice they were wont to celebrated in the end of every war: whereupon they set a fine on his head, and condemned him to pay it. The young children also went to these repasts, even as they should go to schools to learn gravity and temperance, Children were brought to these meals. where they heard wise and grave discourses touching the government of a common weal, but not of masters that were as hirelings. There they learned pretylie to play upon words, and pleasantly to sport one with another, without any broad speeches, or uncomely jests, and at others hands to bear the same again, without choler or anger. For this property have the LACEDÆMONIANS above all other, The property of a Lacedaemonian. to take and give a mock without any offence: nevertheless, if any man's nature could not bear it, he needed but pray the party to forbear his jesting, and so he left it strait. And it was ever an ordinary among them, that the eldest of the company told the rest that were come into the hall to meal, with showing them of the door: Sirs, remember, there goeth not a word here out of this door. Even so he that would be received to meal there in their company, The order of receiving any man into their company at meals. must first of necessity be allowed and received in this sort, by all the rest. Every one of them took a little ball of bran or dough to wash their hands with, and without ever a word speaking, they threw it into a basin, which the servant that waited on them at the table did carry upon his head: he that was contented the other should be received in company, did cast in his ball as he did receive it, but if he misliked him, than he pressed it flat between his fingers, and threw it in. This ball of bran thus pressed flat, was as much as a bean bored through, and was to them a sign of condemnation. If any one ball were found of this sort, the suitor was rejected: for they would not have any enter into their company, that was not liked of all the rest. He that thus was rejected, they say he was discadded: for the basin wherein the little balls were carried, was called Caddos. The best dish they served at these meals, was that they call their black broth: The black broth. so that when they had that, the old men did eat no flesh, but left it all to the young men, and they by themselves did eat the broth. There was a king of PONTUS, that being desirous to taste of this black broth, did buy of purpose a LACEDAEMONIAN cook: but after he had once a tasted thereof, he was very angry strait. The cook then said unto him: and it please your grace, ere one shall find this broth good, he must be washed first in the river of Eurotas. Cicero calleth the King. After they had eat and drunk thus soberly together, every one repaired home without any light: Dionysius the● tyrant. Tusc. 5. for it was not lawful for them to go thither, nor any where else with light, because they should accustom themselves boldly to go up and down the dark, and all about in the night. This was the order and manner of their meals. But here is specially to be noted, that Lycurgus would in no wise have any of his laws put in writing. Lycurgus would not have his laws written otherwise then in men's minds. For it is expressly set down in his laws they call Retra, that none of his laws should be written. For he thought that which should chief make a city happy, and virtuous, aught thoroughly by education to be printed in men's hearts and manners, as to have continuance for ever: which he took to be love and good will, as a far stronger knot to tie men with, than any other compulsary law. Which when men by use and custom through good education do take in their childhood, it maketh every man to be a law to himself. Furthermore, concerning buying and barganing one with another, which are but trifles, and sometime are changed in one sort, and sometime in another, as occasion serveth: he thought it best not to constrain them to do it by writing, nor to establish customs that might not be altered, but rather to leave them to the liberty and discretion of men which had been brought up in the same, both to take away, and to add therein, as the case and time should require. But to conclude, he thought the chiefest point of a good law maker or reformer of the common weal was, to 'cause men to be well brought up and instructed. One of his ordinances therefore was expressly, that not one of his laws should be written. Another of his devices was, against superfluous charges and expenses: which to avoid, he made a law that all roofs of houses should be made only with the axe, Retra, for excess of rye●. and all gates and doors with the saw, and that without any other tool of occupation. Wherein he had the like imagination as afterwards Epaminondas had, when he said, Epaminondas saying. speaking of his table: Such a board never receiveth any treason. Even so thought Lycurgus, that such a built house would never receive curiosity or daintiness. For no man is so maddely disposed or simple witted, as to bring into so poor and mean houses, bedsteades with silver seete, embroidered coverlets, or counterpoyntes of purple silk, neither yet plate of gold nor of silver, nor such other like costly furniture and fineness, as those things require to wait upon them: because the beds must be answerable to the meanness of the house, the furnitures of the beds must be surelike to the same, and all other household stuff, diet, meat, and drink agreeable to the rest. Hereof proceeded that, which Leontychidas the first King of that name, said once: King Leontychidas saying. who supping on a time in the city of CORINTHE, and seeing the roof of the hall where he sat, sumptuously embowed and carved, he asked strait if the trees did grow carved so in that country. The third law was, he did forbid them to make war often with one enemy, jest the enemy forced to take often arms in hand, Retra for wars. might in the end grow experter and vallianter than they. For this cause king Agesilaus was greatly blamed, who was a long time after. For by making often wars with the country of BO●OTIA, he made the THEBANS in the end as expert and valiant soldiers, as the LACEDÆMONIANS. Whereupon Antalcidar seeing him hurt one day, said unto him: Antalcidar saying. The THEBANS have nobly rewarded thee for their learning, sith thou hast made them expert soldiers unwilling to learn the discipline of war. These be the laws Lycurgus' self called Retra, and signify as much as Oracles, that the god Apollo had discovered to him. Now the education of children, he esteemed the chiefest and greatest matter, that a reformer of laws should establish. Therefore beginning a far of, he first considered the state of marriage, and the generation of children. For Aristotle sayeth, that Lycurgus did attempt to reform women, and did soon give it over again: because he could do no good therein, by reason of the great liberty they had taken by the absence of their husbands in the wars, compelled often so to be abroad, and that they did leave them mistresses of their house, and at their return did honour them so much, and make of them so beyond measure, with calling them ladies and mistresses. Howbeit this is true, that he had an eye to the rule and order of their life, aswell as he had of men's: and so reason did require. The discipline of women amongst the Lacedæmonians. Arist. polis. lib. 7. cap. 17. First of all, he willed that the maidens should harden their bodies with exercise of running, wrestling, throw the bar, and casting the dart, to the end that the fruit wherewith they might be afterwards conceived, taking nourishment of a strong and lusty body, should shoot out and spread the better: and that they by gathering strength thus by exercises, should more easily away with the pains of child bearing. And to take away from them their womanish dayntines, and fines, he brought up a custom, for young maids and boys to go as it were a precession, The exercises and discipline of maids. and to dance naked at solemn feasts and sacrifices, and to sing certain songs of their own making, in the presence and sight of young men. To whom by the way they gave many times pretty mocks of purpose, as pleasantly hitting them home, for things wherein before they had forgotten their duties: and sometimes also in their song for their virtues, wits, or manners, they praised them which had deserved it. By this means, they did set young men's hearts a fire, to strive to win most praise and honour. For who so was praised of them for a valiant man, or whose worthy acts were song by them, he thereby was encouraged to do the better another time: and the pretty girds and quips they gave to others, was of no less force, than the sharpest words and admonitions that otherwise could be given them. This took place the rather, because it was done in the presence of the Kings, the Senators, & all the rest of the citizens which came thither to see these sports. And though the maids did show themselves thus naked openly, yet was there no dishonesty seen nor offered, but all this sport was full of play and toys, without any youthful part or wantonness: and rather carried a show of demureness, and a desire to have their best made bodies seen and spied. Moreover, it somewhat lifted up their hearts, and made them noblier minded, by giving them to understand, that it was no less comely for them, in their kind and exercises to carry the bell, than it was for men in their games and exercises to carry the price. Hereof it came, that the women of LACEDAEMON were so bold to say, and think of themselves that, which Gorgona the wife of king Leonidas one day answered: being in talk with a strange woman that said to her. There be no women in the world that command their husbands, but you wives of LACEDAEMON. Whereto the Queen strait replied: The saying of a Latonian woman. so be there no women but we, which bring forth men. Furthermore, these plays, sports, and dances, the maids did naked before young men, were provocations to draw and allure the young men to mary: not as persuaded by geometrical reasons, as sayeth Plato, but brought to it by liking, and of very love. Those which would not mary, he made infamous by law. Men that would not mary, Lycurgus repused infamous by law. For it was not lawful for such to be present, where these open games and pastimes were showed naked. Furthermore, the officers of the city compelled such as would not mary, even in the hardest time of the winter, to enuironne the place of these sports, and to go up and down stark naked, and to sing a certain song made for the purpose against them, which was: that justly were they punished, because that law they disobeyed. Moreover, when such were old, they had not the honour and reverence done them, which old married men usually received. Therefore there was no man that misliked, or reproved that, which was spoken to Dercillidas: albeit otherwise he was a noble captain. For, coming into a presence, there was a young man which would not vowchesafe to rise & do him reverence, nor to give him place for to sit down: & worthtly, q he, because thou hast not gotten a son, who may do so much for me in time to come. Matrimonial ceremonies in Lacodaemon. Those which were desirous to marry any, were driven to take them away by force whom they would marry, not little young wenches I mean, which were not of age to be married: but lusty & strong maids of age to bear children. And when one of them was stolen away in this sort, she that was privy thereto, and mean to make the marriage, came and shaved the hears of her head that was married: then she put her into man's apparel, & gave her all things suit like to the same, and laid her upon a matteresse all alone, without light or candle. After this was done, the bridegroom, being neither drunk nor finelier appareled than he was wont to be, but having supped soberly at his ordinary, came home secretly to the house where the bride was: and there untied his wives girdle, took her in his arms, laid her upon a bed, and talked together a while, and afterwards fair & softly stole away to the place, where he was wont to sleep with other young men. And so from thenceforth, he continued always to do the like, being all the day time, and sleeping most of the night, with his companions, unless he sometime stolen to see his wife, being afraid, and ashamed ever to be seen, by any of the house where she was. And hereunto his young wife did help for her part, to spy means and occasions how they might meet together, and not be seen. This manner endured a great while, and until some of them had children, before they boldly met together, and saw each other on the day time. This secret meeting in this sort did serve to good purposes, not only because it was some mean of continency and shamefastness, but also it kept their bodies in strength and better state, to bring forth children. Wholesome rules for married couples. It continued also in both parties, a still burning love, and a new desire of the one to the other, not as it were lukewarm, nor weary, as theirs commonly be which have their bellies full of love, and as much as they lust: but they ever parted with an appetite one from another, keeping still a longing desire to devise how to meet again. Now when he had established such a continency, and so kind a framed honesty in marriage, he took no less care to drive away all foolish jealousy therein, Lycurgus' regard to avoid jealousy in the common wealth. thinking it very good reason to beware there should be no violence, nor confusion in marriage: and yet as reason would, they should suffer those which were worthy to get children as it were in common, laughing at the mad folly of them which revenge such things with war and bloodshed, as though in that case men in no wise should have no fellowship together. Therefore a man was not to be blamed, being stepped in years, and having a young wife, if seeing a fair young man that liked him, and known with all to be of a gentle nature, he brought him home to get his wife with child, and afterwards would avow it for his, as if himself had gotten it. It was lawful also for an honest man that loved another man's wife, for that he saw her wise, shamefast, and bringing forth goodly children, to entreat her husband to suffer him to lie with her, and that he might also plough in that lusty ground, and cast abroad the seed of well favoured children: which by this means came to be common in blood and parentage, with the most honourable and honestest persons. For first of all, Lycurgus did not like that children should be private to any men, but that they should be common to the common weal: by which reason he would also, that such as should become citizens, should not be begotten of every man, but of the most honestest men only. So Lycurgus thought also there were many foolish vain toys and fancies, in the laws and orders of other nations, touching marriage: seeing they caused their bitches and mares to be limed and covered with the fairest dogs and goodliest stalons that might be gotten, praying or paying the masters and owners of the same: and kept their wives notwithstanding shut up safe under lock and key, for fear lest other than themselves might get them with child, although they were sickly, feeble brained, and extreme old. As if it were not first of all, and chiefly a discommodity to the fathers and mothers, and likewise to those that bring them up, to have unperfect and feeble children borne, as it were begotten of dry and withered men: and then to the contrary, what pleasure and benefit is it to those that have fair and good children, borne, as gotten of like seed and men. These things were done then by natural and civil reason, nevertheless they say women were so far of then from entreaty, as ever they were before: so as in old time, in SPARTA, men knew not what adultery meant. No adultery shown in Sparta. For proof whereof, the answer made by Geradas (one of the first ancient SPARTANS) unto a stranger, may be alleged: that asked him, what punishment they had for adulterers. My friend, q he, there be none here. But if there were? replied the stranger again. Marry said he, than he must pay as great a bull, as standing upon the top of the mountain Taygetus, may drink in the river of Eurotas. Yea mary: but how is it possible (q the stranger) to find such a bull? Geradas laughing, answered him again. And how were it possible also to find an adulteretin SPARTA? And this is that which is found of Lycurgus' laws touching marriages. Furthermore, after the birth of every boy, the father was no more master of him, The education of children with the Lacedæmonians. to cocker and bring him up after his will: but he himself carried him to a certain place called Lesché, Lesche. where the eldest men of his kindred being set, did view the child. And if they found him fair, and well proportioned of all his limbs, and strong: they gave order he should be brought up, and appointed him one of the nine thousand parts of inheritance for his education. Contrariwise, if they found him deformed, misshapen, or lean, or pale, they sent him to be thrown in a deep pit of water, which they commonly called Apothetes, Apothetes. and as a man would say, the common house of office: holding opinion it was neither good for the child, nor yet for the common weal, that it should live, considering from his birth he was not well made, nor given to be strong, healthful, nor lusty of body all his life long. For this cause therefore, the nurse after their birth did not wash them with water simply (as they do every where at that time) but with water mingled with wine: Young babes washed with wine. and thereby did they prove, whether the complexion or temperature of their bodies were good or ill. For they suppose, that children which are given to have the falling sickness, or otherwise to be full of rheums & sicknesses, cannot abide washing with wine, but rather dry and pine away: as contrarily the other which are healthful, become thereby the stronger and the lustier. The nurses also of SPARTA use a certain manner to bring up their children, The Spartan nurses. without swaddling, or binding them up in clotheses with swaddling bands, or having on their heads any cross clotheses: so as they made them nimbler of their limbs, better shaped and goodlier of body. Besides that, they acquainted their children to all kind of meats, and brought them up without much tendaunce, so as they were neither fine nor liquorous, nor fearful to be left alone in the dark, neither were they criers, wrallers, or unhappy children, which be all tokens of base and cowardly natures. So that there were strangers, that of purpose bought nurses out of LACONIA, to bring up their children: as they say Amycla was one of them, which nourced Alcibiades. Pluto. of the first Alcibiades. But Pericles his tutor, gave him afterwards a bond man called Zopyrus, to be his master and governor: who had no better property in him, than other common slaves. This did not Lycurgus. For he did not put the education and government of the children of SPARTA, into the hands of hired masters or slaves bought with money: neither was it lawful for the father himself to bring up his own child after his own manner and liking. For so soon as they came to seven years of age, he took and divided them by companies, to make them to be brought up together, How the Lacedæmonians children were brought up. and to accustom them to play, to learn, and to study one with another. Then he chose out of every company one, whom he thought to have the best wit, and had most courage in him to fight: to whom he gave the charge and oversight of his own company. The rest had their eyes waiting always on him, they did obey his commandments willingly, they did abide patiently all corrections he gave them, they did such tasks and works as he appointed them: so that all their study was most to learn to obey. Furthermore, the old grey headed men were present many times to see them play, and for the most part they gave them occasions to fall out, and to fight one with another, that they might thereby the better know and discern the natural disposition of every one of them, and whether they gave any signs or tokens in time to come, to become cowards or valiant men. Touching learning, they had as much as served their turn: for the rest of their time they spent in learning how to obey, to away with pain, to endure labour, to overcome still in fight. According to their groweth and years, they did change the exercises of their bodies: they did shave their heads, they went barelegged, they were constrained to play naked together the most part of their time. After they were past twelve years of age, they ware no longer coats: and they gave them yearly but one silly gown. This was the cause they were always so nasty & sluttish, & they never used to bathe or noint themselves, saving only at certain days in the year, when they were suffered to razed of this refreshing. They lay and slept together upon beds of straw, which they themselves did make, of the tops of reeds or canes that grew in the river of Eurotas: which they were forced to go gather and break themselves with their hands, without any tool or iron at all. It is a kind of thistle in the Mosse●d tongue● reads Holythias. In the winter, they did mingle thistle down with these, which is called Lycophonas, because that stuff seemeth somewhat warm of itself. About this time, the favourers and likers of this pretty youth, which were commonly the lustiest and best disposed youths of the city, began to be ofter in their company: and then the old men took the better regard unto them, and frequented more commonly the places of their daily exercises, & where their use was to fight together, helping them when they played, how one should mock another. This did their old men, notby way of pastime only, but with such care and harcy love towards them, as if they had been altogether their fathers, masters, & governors, while they were boys: in so much as there was never time nor place, where they had not always some to admonish, reprove, or correct them, if they did a fault. Notwithstanding all this, there was ever one of the honestest men of the city, who had expressly the charge and governance of these boys. He did divide them in companies, and afterwards gave the oversight of them, to such a one of the boys as was discreetest, the manliest, the most hardy, and of the best courage amongst them. They called the children that were past infancy two years, Irenes: Irenes. Melirenes. and the greatest boys Melirenes: as who would say, ready to go out of boyerie. This boy who was made overseer of them, was commonly twenty years of age. He was their captain when they fought, and did command them as his servants when they were in the house: and willed them which were strongest, and the most grown, to carry wood when they should prepare dinner or supper, and those which were least and weakest, to go gather erbes, which they must steal or lack them. So they went out to steal some in gardens, some at the markets, other in the halls where the feasts were kept, and men did eat together, The thievery of the Lacedæmonians. into the which they conveyed themselves as closely and cunningly as they could devise: for if they were taken with the manner, they were scourged terribly, because they were so gross and negligent, and not fine and cunning in their faculty. They stole also all other kind of meat, whatsoever they could get or say hands on. They pried and sought all occasions how to take and steal meat handsomely, both when men were a sleep, or else that they were careless, or did not give good heed unto them. But he that was taken with the manner, had his payment roundly, and was punished with fasting beside: for they had but a slender pittance, because necessity should drive them to venture boldly, and wit should find out all the devices to steal finely. This was the chiefest cause, why they gave them so small a diet. The second cause was, Strait diet causeth groeth and height. that their bodies might grow up higher in height. For the vital spirits not being occupied to concoct and digest much meat, nor yet kept down, or spread abroad by the quantity or overburden thereof, do enlarge themselves into length, and shoot up for their lightness: and for this reason they thought the body did grow in height and length, having nothing to let, or hinder the rising of the same. It seemeth, that the same self cause made them fayerer also. For the bodies that are lean and slender, do better and more easily yield to nature, which bringeth a better proportion and form to every member: and contrariwise it seemeth these gross, corpulent, and oversedde bodies do encounter nature, and be not so nimble and pliant to her, by reason of their heavy substance. As we see it by experience, the children which women bring a little before their time, and be somewhat cast before they should have been borne, be smaller and fayerer also, and more pure commonly than other that go their time: because the matter whereof the body is formed, being more suppling and pliant, is the easilier wielded by nature, which giveth them their shape and form. Touching the natural cause of this effect, let us give place to other to dispute it that will, without our further deciding of the same. But to return to the matter of the LACEDÆMONIANS children. They did rob with so great care, and fear to be discovered: that they tell of one, which having stolen a little fox, did hide him under his cloak, and suffered him with his teeth and claws to tear out all his belly, and never cried, for fear he should have been betrayed, until he fell down dead in the place where he stood. This is not uncredible, by that we see young boys do abide at this day: for we have seen divers, which have bidden whipping even to death, upon the altar of Diana, surnamed Orthia. Now this under master, who had the charge of every company of these boys, used after supper (sitting yet at the table) to bid one of them sing a song: children's exercise afect their supper. to another he put forth a question, who was to be well advised of his answer, as for example: Who is the honestest man in the city? or how thinkest thou by that such a one did? By this exercise they were cnured from boy's state, to judge of things well or ill done, and to understand the life and government of their citizens. For which of them did not answer quickly and directly to these questions, who is a good man, who is an honest citizen, and who not: they thought it was a sign of a dull wit, and careless nature, not given to any virtue, for desire of honour and estimation. Furthermore this under master was ever to wait for his answer, and to see it should be brief and well knit up in words: otherwise his punishment that answered crossly, or to little purpose, was that his master bit him by the thumb. This he did many times in the presence of the old men and magistrates of the city, that they might see whether he punished them with reason or not, and according to their deserning. And though he did hurt him, they did not by and by reprove him, but when the children were gone away, then was he himself rebuked and punished, if he had corrected them to sore, or contrarylie had favoured them to much. Moreover they did ascribe the good or ill opinion conceived of the children, unto every of their favourers, and lovers, which did affect and entertain them: in as much as they say, a young boy upon a time fight with another, and a cry scaping out of his mouth, which his faint cowardly heart did yield, his favourer & lover was strait condemned by the officers of the city to a fine. Albeit this love was a thing even incorporated into them, that the most honest and vertuousest women loved the young maids thus also: The Lacedamonians manner of living. yet was there no jealousy nor suspicion that grew hereof, but rather to the contrary, there grew a marvelous mutual love and kindness between them, which loved in one self place. For either of them by all the means they could, did devise how to make the child they loved in common, the wisest, the gentlest, and the best conditioned above all other. They taught these children to speak in such sort, that their speech had ever in it a pleasant grace, and in few words comprehended much matter. For Lycurgus ordained, a great mass and weight of iron money, should be but little worth, and of a small value, as we have told you before: and contrarily, that speech in few words, without any affectation, Short speech taught among the Lacedæmonians. should hold much deep and grave matter, wherewith the children being acquainted, after long silence, should be brief and pitthie in their answers. For as the seed of incontinent men which are to busy with every rag and colman hedge, can take no root to bring forth fruit: even so immoderate speech, full of words and busy tattle, bringeth forth as little sense. Hereof it cometh, that the answers of the LACONIANS were so short & witty. As they say, king Agis answered on a day an ATHENIAN, who jesting at the swords the LACEDÆMONIANS did were, said they were so short, that these tumblers, and jugglers did swallow them down in the sight of all the world: and yet said Agis, we hurt our enemies with them for all that. For mine own opinion, I like well of the LACONIANS manner of speaking: which is not to speak much, but when they speak, to touch the matter effectually, and to make the hearers understand them. I think also, that Lycurgus' self, was short and quick in his talk. Lycurgus' wise answer. For so a man may conjecture by his answers which are written: as that which he made to one who earnestly prayed him to stablish a popular state in LACEDAEMON, that the basest might have as great authority as the highest. Begin (q he) to do it first in thine own house. And as that also which he answered another who asked him, why he had appointed so small things, and so little of value to be offered to the gods? Lycurgus' love to god. Because (q he) we should never cease to honour them. And as that which he spoke another time, To give a hand, is to confess himself overcome. touching fights and frays, which was: that he did never forbidden his citizens any of them, but those wherein they use to give their hand, as you would say to yield. Men find also such like answers, in some of his letters written to his citizens, as when they asked him. How can we defend ourselves against our enemies? He answered: If ye be poor, and one do covet no more than another. And in another letter that was sent, where he discourseth, whether it were requisite to enclose the city with walls: he sayeth, can that city be without walls, which is environed with men, thought it be uncompassed with stone? Nevertheless it is hard to resolve, whether those letters, and other such like that are showed, be to be believed, or discredited to be his. But that long speech was much disliked, and reproved among the LACEDÆMONIANS, it is manifestly to be seen by the words, Short sentences of certaint Laconians. Leonidus. Charilaus. Archidamidas. which some amongst them have heretofore answered. As king Leonidas said one day, to one that discoursed with him many good things, but out of season: friend, thou speakest many good words, but to little purpose. And Charilaus, nephew to Lycurgus, being asked why his uncle made so few laws: because said he, to men of few words, few laws will serve. And Archidamidas said thus to some, which reproved Hetataeus the Orator, for that being bidden to supper at one of their feasts he spoke not a word all supper time. He who can speak well, knoweth also when to speak. And where I have told before, that in their fear and quick answers, commonly there was some pretty grace, it may be well seen and known by these that follow. Demaratus answered a busy fellow who troubled him to much with vain importunate questions, ask him still: who was the honestest man of LACEDAEMON? even he that is lest like thyself. And Agis said to some which highly praised the ELIANS for their upright judgement, Sha●e sentences of the Laconians. Demaratus. Agis. Theopompus. & just dealing in the games olympical. What wonder make ye of it (q he) if in five years space the ELIANS one day do good justice? And Theopompus likewise to a stranger, who as desirous to show his affection he bore the LACADAEMONIANS, told him how every body called him Philolaecon (as to say) a lover of LACEDAEMON. It were more honesty for thee (said he) to be named Philopolites, a lover of her citizens. Plistonax, Pausanias' son. And Plistonax the son of Pausanias, when an Orator of ATHENS said the LACEDÆMONIANS were unlearned, and ignorant: thou sayest true q he, for we only of all the GRECIANS have learned none of your ill conditions. And Archidamidas, Archidamidas. to one that demanded of him, what number of fight men there might be of the SPARTANS: Enough said he, to drive away the wicked. We may conjecture also their manner of speaking, by their words in mirth, which they spoke sometimes playing wise: for they did never use to speak vain words at random, but it had always some secret meaning in it, which required another's good observation that would find it. As he which was desired to go hear the nightingale counterfeated naturally: I have (said he) heard the nightingale itself. In the life of Agesilous. And another which having red this inscription upon a tumble. When as they had, well quenched tyranny throughout their land, by worthy warlike power, Their hap was yet in wretched wise to die, by sealing Selynuntaes ' strongest tower. They well deserved death, said he, that did but quench tyranny: they should have quite consumed it with fire. And one younger boy to another, promising to give him such hardy cocks of the game, as should die in the place where they fought. O give me not those (said he) which will die, but those which with fight will kill others. Another seeing men sitting in coaches and litters as they went: god forbidden (said he) that I should ever sit in a chair, where I could not rise to my elders. Such were their answers & encounters. So that some had reason which said heretofore, to speak LACONIAN like, was to be philosopher like: as you would say, more to exercise the mind, than the body. Besides all this, they did study to sing well, The Lacedæmonians songs. and to make goodly ditties and songs. Then they spoke most properly and featly. There was in their songs also a certain motion, I wot not what, which stirred up the hearer's hearts, and did kindle desire in them to do notable feats. Their tongue was plain, without affectation: their matter grave and moral, containing for the most part the praise of those, which were slain in battle for the defence of their country, as being happy men: & a shame to those that live, which for faint hearts refused so to die, to lead a miserable and unfortunate life. Or else they sang how they were the patterns for time to come, or the right glory of the world, and the true representation of virtuous men: as the song would best become their ages which did sing. It shall not be impartinent for the better understanding hereof, to bring you here and example. For in their open feasts, there were always three dances, according to the difference of the three ages. Three dances among the Lacedæmonians. The dance of the old men, thus began first for to sing. We have been young and strong, yea valiant heretofore, till crooked age did hold us back, and bade us do no more. The young men followed after, singing: We yet are young, bold, strong, and ready to maintain that quarrel still, against all men that do on earth remain. The third was of children that came after the said: And we do hope aswell, to pass you all at last, and that the world shall witness be, ere many years be past. To conclude, who nearly will consider the worcks and makings of the LACON poets (whereof some are yet extant) and will mark also the notes and tunes of the pipe, after the sound and measure whereof they marched in array, going to charge the enemy: he shall find, that Terpander, and Pindarus, Terpander of the Lacedæmonians. had reason to join hardiness with music. For Terpander speaking of the LACEDÆMONIANS, sayeth in a place: This is that land where deeds of chivalry, did flourish most, in many a martial feat: Where music made, her choice of harmony, and justice kept her stately royal seat. And Pindarus speaking of them also sayeth: Pyndarus of the Lacedæmonians. There: grave advise, is found in aged brains: there: gallant youths, are lusty lads in deed. Which can both sing, and dance, in courtlike trains: yet daunt their foes, with many a doughty deed. By which testimonies it appeareth, the one and the other made, and describeth them to have loved music, and the wars together. For as another LACON poet sayeth, It sitteth well, and is a seemly thing, for such as spend their time in feats of war: To have the skill, sweet sonnets for to sing, and touch the harp withouten jangling jar. For this cause therefore in all their wars, when they should give battle, the King did first sacrifice to the Muses, to put his soldiers in mind (as it should seem) of the discipline & wisdom of the Muses that they had been brought up in, to the end that when his soldiers were in the most extreme danger, the Muses should present themselves before the soldiers eyes, to prick then forward to do some noble acts of worthy memory. In theirtime of war, they did tolerate their young men a little of their hard & old accustomed life, & suffered them then to crime their hears, The long bushes and bear of the Laconians. to have brave armour, to wear gay apparel, & took as great delight therein, to seethem gallant, & lusty, as to behold young neighing & snorting horse, desirous for to fight. And although from the beginning of their youth, they did use to wear long hears: yet were they never so careful to comb & brush their heads, as when they should to the battle. For when they did nointe themselves with sweet oils, & did shed their hear, remembering Lycurgus' saying: who was wont to tell them, that hears to them which were fair, did make them more fair, & to them that were fowl, they made them more ugly & dreadful. The exercises also of their bodies, were more easy & gentle, & not so hard & strait in their wars, as they were in a peace: & generally, their whole manner of life was not then so straightly viewed, How the Laconians began battle. The Laconians song when they marched. Eust. Ilia. 15. nor yet controlled. So as they only were the men of the world, to whom wars were made a rest from labour, which men ordinarylie do endure, to make them the fit for the wars. Afterwards when their army was set in battle ray, even in the face of the enemy, the King did strait sacrifice a goat unto the gods, & forthwith commanded all his soldiers to put their garlands of flowers on their heads, & willed that the pipes should sound the song of Castor: at the noise & tune whereof, he himself began first to march forward. So that it was a marvelous pleasure, & likewise a dreadful fight, to see the whole battle march together in order, at the sound of the pipes, and never to break their pace, nor confound their ranks, nor to be dismayed nor amazed themselves, but to go on quietly & joyfully at the sound of these pipes, to hazard themselves even to death. For it is likely, that such courages are not troubled with much fear, nor yet overcome with much fury: but rather they have an assured constancy & vallianmes in good hope, as those which are backed with the assisting favour of the gods. The King marching in this order, had always some about him, which had before time won the prizes in games and jousts. And they say there was one of these on a time, that was offered a great some of money at the games olympical, not to present himself at them: but he refused it, liking better with great pain to win the prize, then for much money to loose his honour. Whereupon one said unto him, LACONIAN: & what hast thou gotten now, to carry away the prize with so much sweat? The LACONIAN answered him laughing: I shall fight in the battle, sayeth he, before the King. When they had once broken into their enemies, they did still fiercely and fiercelier set upon them, and did never cease, until their enemies gave way and fled: and then they chased and followed them still, until such time as their overthrow and flight had assured them of the victory. How save the Lacedæmonians did pursue their enemies. Then they quickly and quietly returned to their camp, judging it to be no manhood, neither the part of a noble mind, or of so worthy a nation as the GRECIANS were, to kill and hew in pieces, men so scattered and out of order, having forsaken all the hope of victory. This fell out not only honourable, but also very profitable for them. For they which were in battle against them, knowing they killed none but such as resisted stoutly, and how they did let other go which fled before them: they found it was more their benefit to fly, then to tarry and abide the strokes. Lycurgus' a very good captain, Oulames. Hippias the sophister sayeth, that Lycurgus himself was a very good captain, & a great soldier, as he that had been in many foughten fields: & Philostephanus ascribeth to him the devise to put horsemenin troops & companies, which they called Oulames, whereof fifty men at arms was a troop, whose manner was to put themselves in squadrons. But Demetrius the Phalerian writeth otherwise, that Lycurgus was never at the wars, & that he made all his laws and government in a full peace. But in my opinion, the intermission of wars during the plays olympical, which they say he devised, doth show in appearance that he was a gentle natured man, & one that loved quietness and peace. Some notwithstanding (amongst whom Hermippus was one) say, he was not with Iphitus at the first beginning when he ordained the plays olympical, but that by chance he happened to come thither, passing by in his journey only, & that he stayed there to see the games: where he thought he heard the voice of a man behind him, saying, he marveled much why he did not persuade his citizens also to be partners of this new devise: and turning back to see who it was that spoke to him, he saw no body. Whereupon he took a conceit that it was a speech from the gods: & went therefore presently to seek out Iphitus, with whom he made all the statutes and orders of the feast, which afterwards were far more famous, better ordered, & more stately than before. But to return again to the LACEDÆMONIANS: their discipline & order of life continued still, after they were full grown men. For it was not lawful for any man to live as he listed, but they were within their city, as if they had been in a camp, where every man knoweth what allowance he hath to live withal, The Laconians opinion, to serve their country. & what business he hath else to do in his calling. To be short, they were all of this mind, that they were not borne to serve themselves, but to serve their country. Therefore if they were commanded nothing else, they went continually to see what the children did, and to teach them somewhat which might profit the common weal, or else they went to learn of those which were their elders. For one of the best and happiest things which Lycurgus ever brought into his city, was the great rest and leisure which he made his citizens to have, The rest and leisure of the Lacedæmonians. only forbidding them that they should not profess any vile or base occupation: and they needed not also to be careful to get great riches, in a place where goods were nothing profitable nor esteemed. For the Ilotes, which were made bond men by the wars, did till their grounds, and yielded them a certain revenue every year. And as touching this matter, they tell of a LACEDAEMONIAN, Idie livers punished at Athens. who being on a day at ATHENS where the law was pleaded, did understand that a citizen there was condemned for Idleness, and how he went home to his house very sorrowfully, accompanied with his friends which were sorry for him, & greatly lamented his ill hap. The LACEDAEMONIAN than prayed those which were about him, to show him the man condemned for living nobly, and like a gentleman. I have alleged this, to show how he thought it a vile & servile thing to exercise any handy craft, or to work any thing by hand to get money. For suits in law, a man may be well assured they were banished with the gold & silver from LACEDAEMON, Suits in law went aways with gold & silver that was banished. How they sp●o the time in Sparta. , considering now there was no more avarice not covetousness there, nor yet poverty nor lack, but equality with abundance, & quiet life with sobriety. All other times but when they had wars, they followed dancing, feasts, plays, banquets hunting, or other exercises of body, & meetings to pass the time away. For the young men until they came to thirty years of age, never went into the market to buy any provision or things for the house, but did their fathers or their friend's business: nay it was a shame for the oldest men, to hawnte the market to often. As to the contrary, it was honourable for them to be present at the show place the most part of the day, where they diversely exercised their bodies, & likewise to be at the places of assembly, there to spend time with talking together, & discoursing honestly one with another, without talking of any matter of gain, traffic, or money. For all their talk (for the most part) was about the praising of some honest thing, or sporting wise to reprove some dishonesty, which always carried with it some gentle lesson or monition by the way. For Lycurgus was not such a sour man, as they never saw him laugh: but as Sofibius writeth, it was he that first sacrificed to the little god of laughture, which is at LACEDAEMON, because he would mingle their feasts and assemblies with mirth, as a pleasant sauce to ease the trouble of their strict and hard life. To be brief, he did accustom his citizens so, The Lacedæmonians lived not privately to them selves in the commed weal. Paedaretus saying. that they neither would nor could live alone, but were in manner as men incorporated one with another, and were always in company together, as the bees be about their master be: still in a continual love to serve their country, to win honour, & to advance the common weal. Which affection to theirs is plain & easily seen to be imprinted in them by certain of their answers, as in that which Paedaretus said on a time, being left out of the election of the number of the three hundred. Who departing home to his house merry and jocund as might be, said: It did him good to see there were three hundred found better in the city than himself. Pisistratidas also being sent ambassador with certain other to the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA, the PERSIAN lords asked him, if they came of their own desire, or whether they were sent from the whole state: if we obtain, said he, it is from the state: if we be denied, than we come of ourselves. And Argileonida the mother of Brasidas, asked some that went to visit her after they were returned home to LACEDAEMON from their journey to AMPHIPOLIS, if her son died like a man, and a worthy SPARTAN. And they strait did commend him highly, saying: there was not left in all LACEDAEMON such a valiant man. She replied unto them. say not so, my friends, I pray you: for Brasidas was in deed a valiant man, but the country of LACONIA hath many more yet vallianter than he was. Now touching their Senate: Lycurgus was the first that erected it among them. The first that were thereof, The manner of choosing the Senate in Sparta. were Lycurgus chief aiders & assisters of that erection, as we have declared before: but afterwards he ordained, that when any of those first should happen to die, they should choose in his place the most honest reported man in the city, so he were three score year old and above. This was the noblest glory that could be among men, when a man bore the bell and prize, not that he was swiftest among the swift, nor strongest amongst the strong, but that he among the honest was honestest. He had the reward of his virtue, as for liberty to speak, sovereign authority to govern, and princely power over the common weal, the honour, the life, and the goods of the whole citizens: howbeit the election was made after this sort. The people first assembled in the marketplace, where there were some appointed and shut up thereabout in a house, from whence they could neither see, nor be seen of those that were assembled, but only they might hear the noise which they made there. For the people by their cry and shout, did declare whom they did choose, and whom they did refuse of the competitors, as they used to show their liking by the like cry in other things. The competitors were not brought in, and presented all together, but one after another in order, as by lot did fall out. He on whom the lot fell, passed through the midst of the assembly of the people, and said never a word. The people strait that liked, made a cry or shout aloud. The men appointed which were locked up, had books or tables in which they wrote and noted the greatness of the cry, and shout the people made, as every competitor passed by, not knowing nor seeing who he was. These hidden men did only set down in their books, the first, the second, the third, and so many more, as by shouts and cries they perceived did pass thus through the assembly. They noted also in their said books, which of these had the greatest cry and shout of people at their passing through: What was done the Senator being chosen. and him they came and declared to be Senator chosen. Then he wearing a garland of flowers on his head, went to all the temples of the gods in the city to give thanks, having a great train of young men following, and praising of his virtues. There went also with him a marvelous company of women singing songs of his praise, and how blessed he was, that he had lived so virtuously. Then every one of his kin prepared a banquet for him at home at their houses, and as he entered the house, they said unto him: The city honoureth thee with this banquet. That done, he repaired afterwards to the ordinary place of their eating, where he did in all things as he was accustomed, saving he was served now at his table with a double allowance, whereof he reserved the one. After supper, all his kinsewomen stood in the entry of the hall where they had eaten: so he called her whom he loved best, and gave her his allowance he had saved, and said to her: This was given me in token I was this day rewarded for my virtue: and even so I give it thee for a like token of reward for thy virtue. Then was she brought home by all the women there to her house, even in like sort as he was by the men. Touching burials, Lycurgus made a wise order: For first of all, to cut of all superstition of burying places, The manner of burial with the Lacedæmonians. he commanded they should bury their dead within the city, & that their graves should be round about their temples, that young persons might have them always in their eyes, & not be afraid to see a deadbodye, as if to touch a corpse, or to pass by their graves, it should defile a man. Then did he forbidden them to bury any thing with the corpse, and willed they should only lap it up in a red cloth, with olive leaves. It was not lawful to grave the name of any dead body upon his grave, but only of such a man as died in the wars, or of some holy woman professed into their temples. Furthermore, the time appointed to mourn in, The time of mourning. was very short. For it lasted not but a eleven days, and on the twelft day, they must do sacrifice to Proserpina, and so leave of their mourning. To conclude, he left nothing idle, or unworking in his citizens: for to all necessary things which men can not lack, Lycurgus joined ever a certain emulation of men. As to desire virtue, and to contemn vice: and furnished his city with many good precepts and examples, among which his citizens being still borne and bred up, and having the same in every place before their eyes where they went, they came to pass in time to be framed after the very pattern and mould of virtue itself. For this cause he did not suffer any to travel out of the country, None allowed to travel into other countries without licence. or to go abroad as he would, without special licence, for fear lest those which traveled abroad for their pleasure, should bring home strange fashions and manners, and a corrupt disordered life, which by little and little might get way, and bring an alteration and change of the whole state. Furthermore, Not strangers suffered to devil in Sparta. he kept out of SPARTA all strangers, except those which had necessary business there, or were come thither for some profit to the country: not that he was afraid they should learn some thing whereby to love virtue, or that they should desire to follow his fashion and manner of government as Thucydides was: but rather fearing they should teach his citizens some naughty manners, or some ill favoured vice. For it must needs be, that strangers bring everstraunge and new devices with them: which new devices bring with them also new opinions: and new opinions beget new affections and minds, that many times are repugnant to the law, and to the form of the common weal established before, as discords do many times in an harmony of music, that before agreed very well together. Therefore he judged it a thing most necessary, to keep his city free and safe from counterfeating of any strangers manners of fashions, that were commonly as persons infected with some contagious sickness. Now in all we have spoken before, even to this place, there is no manner of token or show of injustice, or lack of equity, wherewith some seem to burden Lycurgus in his laws: by saying they were well made, Cryptia with the Lacedæmonians. to make men warlike and valiant, but not to be just or righteous. But concerning the law they call Cryptia, as much to say, as their secret: if it were of Lycurgus' institution, as Aristotle sayeth, it might have carried Plato into the like opinion that Lycurgus had of his common weal. This was the law: The governors which had the charge and oversight of the young men, at certain appointed times, did choose out those they thought to have the best discretion, and sent them abroad into the country, some one way, some another way, who carried with them daggers, and some provision to feed them. Those young men being thus dispersed abroad in the country, did hide themselves all the day close in secret places, and there they lay and took their rest: afterwards when night was come, they went to seek out the high ways, and killed the first of the ILOTES that they met. The cruelty of the Lacedæmonians against the Ilotes. Sometimes even in the broad day, they went into the country to kill the strongest and slowesth of the men's Thucydides telleth in his history of the wars of PELOPONNESUS, where he sayeth. That a certain convenient number of the ILOTES were crowned, by a public proclamation of the SPARTANS: and being infranchesed, for their good services they had done the common weal, they were carried to all the temples of the gods for an honour. Within a while after, no man knew what was become of them, being about two thousand in number: so that never man heard tell neither then nor since, how they came to their deaths. Howbeit Aristotle above all others sayeth, that the ephors, so soon as they were placed in their offices; made wars with the ILOTES, because they might lawfully kill them. And it is true, that in other things they did handle them very hardly. For they forced them sometimes to drink wine without water out of measure, till they had made them stark drunk. Then they brought them all into their common halls where they did eat, to make their children to behold them, and to see what beastliness it was for a man to be drunk. Likewise they made them sing songs, and dance dances, unfit for honest men, and such as were full of derision and mockery, and did forbidden them expressly to sing any honest songs. So it is reported, that in the journey the THEBANS made to LACONIA, many of the ILOTES were taken prisoners thereat, and when they were commanded to sing the verses of Terpander, or of Aleman, Diodorus lib. 2. or of Spendon the Laconian, they would not do it: saying, they durst not finge them for their masters. Wherefore he that first said in the country of LACEDAEMONIA, he that is free in more free, and he that is bond, is more bond then in other places: knew very well the diversity between the liberty and bondage there, and the liberty and bondage of other countries. But in my opinion, the LACEDÆMONIANS began to use these great outrages and cruelties, long time after the death of Lycurgus, and specially since the great earthquake that happened at SPARTA, at which time the ILOTES rose against them with the MESSENIANS, and did great mischief through the country, and put the city to the greatest distress and danger that ever it had. For I cannot be persuaded, that ever Lycurgus invented, or instituted, so wicked and mischievous an act, as that kind of ordinance was: because I imagine his nature was gentle and merciful, by the clemency and justice we see he used in all his other doings and was witnessed beside by open oracle from the gods, for a just and wise man. Furthermore, they say of him, that when he saw the chiefest points of his government had taken deep root, and that the form of his common weal went on, and was strong enough to maintain and keep itself a foot, like as Plato sayeth, Plato in Timaeo. that God rejoiced greatly after he had made the world, and saw the same turn and move his first moving: even so Lycurgus taking singular pleasure and delight in his mind, to see his notable laws put in ure, and so well established and liked of by experience, sought yet to make them immortal, as near as he could possible by any forecast of man, that no after time whatsoever, might change or put them down. To bring this to pass, he caused all the people to assemble, and told them he thought his civil policy and state of common weal was already sufficiently established, for virtuous and happy life yet there was one matter behind of greater importance than all the rest, which he could not yet declare unto them, until he had first asked counsel of the oracle of Apollo: And therefore in the mean time they should keep and observe his laws and ordinances inviolublie, without changing removing, or staying any matter therein, Lycurgus' wonderful counsel in stablishing his laws. until he were returned from the city of DELPHES, and then they should do that other thing behind, if the God then so counseled him. They all promised him to do it, and prayed him to make haste to go on his journey. But before he departed, he made the Kings and Senators swear first, and consequently all the people after, that they would keep his laws and ordinances without changing or altering any thing, until he did return again. This done, he went to the city of DELPHES, where so soon as he arrived, he sacrificed in the temple to Apollo, and asked him: If the laws he had made were good to make a man an happy life. Apollo made him answer, his laws were very good, and that his city keeping them, should be the most renowned of the world. Lycurgus caused this oracle to be written, which he sent to SPARTA. After he sacrificed to Apollo again: and then taking leave of his friends, and of his son, he determined to die, because his citizens should never be released of the oath they had made between his hands. When he had this determination, he was come to the age, wherein a man hath strength enough to live longer: and yet was old enough also to die if he would. Lycurgus' death. Wherefore finding himself happy to have obtained his desire, he willingly pined himself to death, by abstinence, and lack of meat. For he thought it meet, that the very death of great personages should bring benefit ever to the common weal, and that the end of their life should be no more idle, or unprofitable, than the rest of their life before: nay rather, that it was one of their most meritotious acts, to have their death extolled for worthiness. So he imagined, that his death would be the perfection and crown of his felicity, after he had made and ordained so many good and notable laws, for the honour and benefit of his country: and should be as a seal of confirmation of his law, and the continual preseruitour of his city, considering all his citizens had sworn to keep them all inviolably, until he were returned. He was not deceived of his hope, for his city was the chiefest of the world, in glory and honour of government, by the space of five hundred years. Sparta flourished five hundred years. Lycurgus' laws were broke in king Agis time, by Lysander's means. Money corrupteth Lycurgus' Laws. For so long his city kept his laws without any change or alteration by any of the King's successors, until king Agis, the son of Archidamus began to reign. For the creation of the ephors, did not break, not discontinewe any of the laws of Lycurgus, but reduced them rather to a more strait and strict order: although it seemed at the first that the ephors were ordained, for the maintenance & defence of the liberty of the people, whereas in deed they did also strengthen the authority of the Kings and Senate. Now in the reign of king Agis, gold and silver began first to creep in again to the city of SPARTA, by means of Lysander. With money there came in strait covetousness, and greediness to get and gather. And although Lysander was not desirous to get it, nor would be corrupted for any money: yet he brought riches and covetousness into the country, See more in Lysaders life. Lysander brought in richer again into Sparta. and filled the same with all fineness, by bringing in great store of gold and silver from the wars, directly against the laws and ordinances of Lycurgus. The which so long as they were in force and use, it appeared that the government of SPARTA seemed not to be a policy or common weal, but rather a certain holy place & order of religion. And even as the Poets feign, the Hercules went through the world with his club, and lions skin, punishing cruel robbers and unnatural tyrants: so in like case with a little scrowe of parchment, and a poor cape, did the SPARTANS command and give laws, to all the rest of GRECE, even with their good liking and consent. And they chased the tyrants away, which usurped tyrannical power over any of their cities, and did decide all controversies, and oftentimes pacified their seditions, without sending out one soldier, but only a simple poor ambassador. At whose commandment, the people presently assembled like the bees, which gather together about their King, so soon as they spy him: they did then so greatly reverence the good government & justice of the SPARTANS. Therefore I can but wonder much at those which say, the city of LACEDAEMON could obey well, but not command: and for proof they allege words of king Theopompus, Theopompus words of obeying and commanding. who answered one which said, that SPARTA was maintained, because the Kings could command well. Nay the rather (said he) because the citizens can obey well. For men commonly disdain to obey those, which are not wise in commanding. So that the faithful obedience of the subjects, dependeth much upon the sufficient commandment of the wise prince. For he that directeth well, must needs be well obeyed. For like as the art of a good rider, is to make his horse gentle, Good government breedeth due obedience. and ready at commandment: even so the chiefest point belonging to a prince, is to teach his subjects to obey. Wherefore the LACEDÆMONIANS procured, that not only other people did willingly obey them, but also desired to be ruled, and commanded by them. For they asked them, neither ships nor money, nor yet did sand them any number of men of war to compel them, but only they sent one citizen of SPARTA to govern them, to whom all the other people submitted themselves, and were holpen by him in their necessity, as fearing and reverencing him. In this wise the SICILIANS were holpen by Gysippus, the CHALCIDIANS by Brasidas, and all the GRECIANS inhabiting ASIA, by Lysander, Callicratidas, and by Agesilaus, who were called the reformers and directors of princes, peoples, and Kings, unto whom they were sent here and there: but ever they had their eye upon the city of SPARTA, as upon the most perfect pattern to order man's life by, and to govern a common weal after. To this effect tended the merry word spoken in jest by Straton●●e●●: Who said he did order the ATHENIANS to tend their sacrifices, and the ELIANS to tend their games: and if they made any fault therein, the LACEDÆMONIANS should be well whipped. That was merely spoken, and in a jesting manner. But Antisthenes (the philosopher and one of Socrates scholars) seeing the THEBANS grown very haughty & glorious, Antisthenes', Socrates' scholars words. after that they had conquered the LACEDÆMONIANS in the journey of Leuctres: me thinketh said he, these THEBANS here do like the school boys, which brag and rejoice when they have a little beaten their master. But this was not Lycurgus' meaning, to have his city to command many. But he thought the felicity of a city, as of a private man, consisted chief in the exercise of virtue, and in the unity of the inhabitants thereof. He framed his common wealth to this end, that his citizens should be nobly minded, content with their own, and temperate in their doings, that thereby they might maintain and keep themselves long in safety. The self same intention had Plato, Diogenes, and Zenon, in setting forth their books, which they wrote of the government of common weals: The foundation of a common weal. and so had likewise many other great and learned men which have written of the same matter. Howbeit they only left behind them, words, and written books: but Lycurgus contrariwise, left no written books nor pamplets, but established and left behind him, a royal form of government, which no man ever before had invented, nor never after could be followed. He hath made them plainly see, a whole city live together, and govern itself philosophically, according to the true rules and precepts of perfect wisdom: which imagined, that true wisdom was a thing hanging in the air, and could not visible be seen in the world. Whereby he hath worthily excelled in glory all those, which ever took upon them to writ or stablish the government of a common weal. And therefore sayeth Aristotle, that after his death they did him less honour in LACEDAEMONIA, than he had deserved: albeit they did him all the honour they possibly could devise. And yet they built a temple for him, and made solemn sacrifice to him every year, as unto a god. Divine honours to Lycurgus after his death. Moore, they say, that when the ashes of his body were brought to SPARTA, there fell strait lightning upon his tomb where they were put: which they had not often seen to happen, to other men of name after their decease, saving only to the poet Eur●pides, who dying in MACEDONIA, was buried near the city of ARETHUSA. The which is some manifest argument, for such as love the Poet, to say against those which somewhat deprave him, seeing this sign came to him after his death, which had happened before to a most well beloved man of the gods. Some lay Lycurgus died in the city of CIRRHA. But Apollothemis sayeth, he died in ELIDA. Timaeus and Aristoxenus writ, he ended his days in CRETA. And Aristoxenus sayeth further, that those of the isle of CRETA do show his grave in the place which they call Pergami●, Antiorus Lycurgus ●●●●●. by the broad high ways side. He left one only begotten son named Antiorus, who died without issue, so that his house and name failed with him. But his near kinsmen and familiar friends, did set up a company or brotherhood in memory of him, which continued a long time: and the days wherein they assembled, were called the Lycurgides. There is another Aristocrates (the son of Hipparchus) who sayeth, that he being dead in CRETA, his friends burned his body, and afterwards threw his ashes into the sea, according as he had prayed and requested them. For he feared, that if any part of him should at any time have been brought to SPARTA, the inhabitans would have said he was returned again, and thereby would have thought themselves discharged of their oath, and might have lawfully altered the laws which he had appointed. And this is the discourse and end of Lycurgus' life. The end of Lycurgus' life. THE LIFE OF Numa Pompilius. In what time Numa ●●● Cicero de Or. 2. & Tusc●l. 4. Lius. H●lic. lib. 2. THE Historiographers differ marvelously of the time, in which Numa Pompilius reigned King, albeit some will derive from him many noble houses descended in ROME. For one Clodius, who wrote the book entitled the table of time, affirmeth that the ancient registers of the city of ROME were lost when it was taken and sacked by the GAULES: and that those which are extant at this day be not true, but were only made by men desirous to gratify some, which have thrust in ancient houses and families of the first romans, that concern nothing them whom they meant to represent. On the other side, although the common opinion be, that Numa was as familiar friend and scholar of Pythagoras the philosopher, yet some say he was never learned, nor had any knowledge at all in the Greek tongue. And yet maintaining that it is possible enough, Whether Pythagoras had any conversation with Numa. that he was so well borne, and had such perfection in all kind of virtue, that he never needed any master: & though he had needed, they had rather attribute the honour of the instructing of this King unto some other foreane person, that was more excellent than Pythagoras. Other say, that Phythagoras the philosopher was long time after the reign of Numa, & well nigh five ages after him. How beit other say, there was another Pythagoras borne in SPARTA (who having won the prise of running at the games olympical, Pythagoras the second, a Spartan borne, taught Numa, at Rome. in the sixteenth olympiad, & the third year of numa's reign) did come into ITALY, where he kept much about Numa, & did assist & help him in the governing & ordering of his Realm. By means whereof there be many customs yet of the LACONIANS, mingled with the romans, which this second Pythagoras was said to have taught him. Nevertheless his not confessed that Numa was borne of the SABINES, which they say are descended from the LACEDÆMONIANS. So it falleth out very hard to agreed certainly of the time when Numa was, and chief for such as will follow the roll or table of those, which from Olympiades' to Olympiades' have won the prizes of games olympical: considering the roll or table that they have at this present, was very lately published by one Hippias an Elian, who delivereth no reason or argument of necessity, why it should be taken for an undoubted troth, which he in that sort hath gathered. Yet we will not leave to put in writing those things worthy of memory, which we could gather by any means of king Numa, beginning at that place which we thought to be meetest. It was now since ROME was built, seven and thirty years (for so long time reigned Romulus) when Romulus the fift of the month of july (which they call the Nones of the goats) made a solemn sacrifice without the city, The death of Romulus. near to a certain place commonly called, the goat marsh. As all the whole Senate, with the most part of the people were present at this sacrifice, suddenly there rose in the air a very great tempest, and a marvelous dark thick cloud, which fell on the earth with such boisterous winds, storms, lightnings, and thunder: that the poor common people being afraid of so fore a tempest, dispersed themselves suddenly, running here and there for secure, and therewithal king Romulus vanished away in such sort, that he was never after seen alive not dead. This brought the Senators, and noble men whom they called Patricians, into great suspicion. And there ran a fowl tale among the common people, how they had a long time borne very impatiently to be subjects to a King, because themselves would have had and taken upon them some sovereign authority, and that for this cause they had killed king Romulus. Adding somewhat more unto it, how a little before he had used them more roughely, and commanded them more straightly than he was wont or accustomed. Nevertheless they found the means to quench all these bruits and murmurings, by doing divine honour and sacrifice unto him, as one not dead, but passed to a better life. To confirm this, one of the noblest men among them called Proclus came in, and by oath affirmed before all the people, that he saw Romulus ascending up into heaven, In the life of Romulus he is named Trocolus ●. armed at all pieces, and that he heard a voice say: from thenceforth call him Quirinus. This being thus appeased, there sprang up another trouble, to know whom they should choose in his place. For the strangers which were come then from other places to devil in ROME, Dissension as Rome about choosing of their King. were not yet thoroughly joined to the natural borne romans: in so much, as the common people did not only waver, and stagger up and down in opinion, but the Senators also (that were many & of divers nations) did enter into a suspicion one of another. These things notwithstanding they all agreed in this, that of necessity they must choose a King: howbeit in the rest they differed much, not only whom they should choose, but also of what nation he should be. For those which were the first founders and builders of the city of ROME with Romulus, could in no wise abide, norsuffer, that the SABINES (to whom they had divided part of their lands, and a moiety of their city) should attempt and presume to command them, whom they did receive and associate into their company and fellowship. The SABINES alleged on tother side for them, a good reason, and such as carried great probability. Which was, that never sense the death of their king Tatius, they neither had in any thing disobeyed nor disquieted king Romulus, but had suffered him to reign peaceably: and therefore Romulus being now deceased, reason would that the new King should be chosen of their nation. And that albeit the romans had received them into their city, they could not say therefore, that in time of this association, they were less to be reckoned of in any thing, than themselves. Further they added, that in joining with them, the romans had doubly increased their might and power, and had made a body of a people, which deserved the honour and title of a city. These were the causes of their contention. But to prevent that of this contention there might grow to confusion in the city, if it should remain without an head to command: the Senators which were a hundred and fiftieth number, Livy sayeth but a hundred. Dionysius 200. gave counsel that every one of them by turns, one after another, should carry the royal state of the King, and all the shows and ornaments of his majesty, and should do the ordinary sacrifices of the King, and dispatch all causes six hours in the day, and six hours in the night, as the King before had used. Thus they thought it best to divide the rule, Plutar. in the life of Romulus agreeth with Dionysius. that one might have as much power as the other, aswell in respect of themselves, as also for regard of the people. For they imagined, that the changing and removing thus of this regal dignity, and passing it from man to man, would clean take away envy among them, and make every of them to rule temperately, and uprightly see, that in one, and that self same day and night, every of them should be a King and private person also. The romans call this manner of regiment in vacation, Interregnum: Interregnum. as you would say, rule for the time. Now albeit their government was very modest and civil, yet they could not for all that keep themselves from falling into the suspicion, and slander of the people: who gave it out strait, that this was a fine devise of theirs, to change by this means the rule of the Realm into a few noble men's hands, to the end that the whole authority and government of all public causes, should remain still in themselves, because it grieved them to be subject to a King. And in the end, the two parts of the city came to this agreement: that the one part should choose one of the body of the other, to be the King. This course they liked very well, aswell for the pacification of present stir and dissension amongst them selves, as for procuring equality of affection, and stirring up a likeness of goodwill in the King that thus indifferently should be chosen: whereby he should love the one part for that they had chosen him, and likewise the other part for that he was of their nation. The SABINES were the first, which referred the election to the romans choice: and the romans thought it better to choose one of the nation of the SABINES, then to have a ROMAN chosen by the SABINES. After they had consulted, they determined amongst themselves: and did choose Numa Pompilius one of the body of the SABINES to be King, Numa chosen King. who was none of the number of them which came to devil at ROME, howbeit he was a man so famous for his virtue, that the SABINES so soon as they named him, did receive him more willingly, than they who had chosen him. After they had thus published their election, the first and chiefest persons of the one & the otherside, were chosen out to go unto him. Now Numa Pompilius was borne in one of the chiefest and best cities which the SABINES had, called Cures, whereupon the romans, and their fellows the SABINES, were called afterwards Quirites, Numa borne in the city of Cures. Quirites why so called. and he was the son of Pomponius a noble man, the youngest of four brethren: being by the secret working of the gods, borne on the very day, on the which ROME was first founded by Romulus, which was the one and twenty day of April. This man being naturally given and inclined unto all virtue, did yet increase the same, by study, and all kind of good discipline: and by the exercise thereof, and of true patience, and right philosophy, he did marvelously adorn himself and his manners. The life and manners of Numa before his reign. For he did not only clear his soul, and mind, of all passions and vices commonly used in the world: but he conquered in himself all heats, violence, & covetousness. And would neither seek nor usurp, that which was an other man's, a thing at that time honoured among the most barbarous people: but thought that to be the true, and right victory in man, first to conquer and command himself by judgement & reason, & then to subdue all covetousness & greediness. Having therefore this opinion, he would in no wise have in his house any superfluity or fineness. He become to every man that would employ him (aswell stranger as his own country man) a wise counsaillour, & an upright judge. He bestowed his leisure, not to follow his own delight, or to gather goods together: but to serve the gods, & to behold their celestial nature and power, as much as man's reason & understanding could comprehend. Thereby he got so great a name & reputation, that Tatius (which was king of ROME with Romulus) having but one only daughter called Tatia, Tatia the wife of Numa. made him his son in law. Howbeit this marriage put him in no such jollity, that he would dwell at ROME with his father in law, but rather kept at home at his own house in the country of the SABINES, there to serve & cherish his old father with his wife Tatia: who for her part also liked better, to live quietly with her husband being a private man, then to go to ROME where she might have lived in much honour and glory, by means of the King her father. She died as it is reported, 13. years after she was married. After her death, Numa leaving to devil in the city, was better contented to live in the country alone, & solitary, & gave himself to walk much in the fields & woods consecrated to the gods, as one desirous to lead alone life, far from the company of men. Whereupon was raised (in my opinion) that which is spoken of him, & of the goddess Egeria. Numa conversant with the goddess Egeria. That it was not for any strangeness, or melancholines of nature, that Numa withdrew himself from the conversation & company of men, but because he had found another more honourable & holy society of the Nymph, & goddess Egeria, who had done him, as they say, that honour, as to make him her husband: with whom as his beloved darling it is said he enjoyed happy days, & by daily frequenting of her company, he was inspired with the love & knowledge of all celestial things. Surely, these devices are much like unto certain old fables of the Phrygians, which they having learned from the father to the son, do love to tell of one Atis: of the Bithynians, of one Herodotus: of the ARCADIANS, of one Endymion: and of many other such like men, who in their lives were taken for saints, and beloved of the gods. Notwithstanding, it is likely, that the gods love neither birds, nor horse, but men, and have sometimes a liking to be familiar with perfect good men, God's familiar with men. and do not disdain sometime the conversation of such as be holy, religious, and devout. But to believe the gods have carnal knowledge, and do delight in the outward beauty of creatures, that seemeth to carry a very hard belief. Yet the wise EGYPTIANS think it probable enough and likely, that the spirit of the goddess hath given original of generation to women, and do beget fruit of their bodies: howbeit they hold that a man can have no corporal company with any divine nature. Wherein they do not consider, that every thing that joineth together, doth deliver again a like substance, to that wherewith it was joined. This notwithstanding, it is meet we should believe the gods bear good will to men, and that of it doth spring their love, whereby men say the gods love those whose manners they purify, and inspire with virtue. And they do not offend, which fain that Phorbas, Hyacinthus and Admetus, were sometimes the lovers of Apollo, and also Hippolytus the SICYONIAN: of whom they report, that ever when he passed over the arm of the sea which lieth between the cities of SICYONA, and of CIRRAHA, the god which knew he came, rejoiced, and caused Pythia the prophetess to pronounce these heroical verses, I know full well, my dear Hippolytus, returns by sea, my mind divineth thus. It is said also that Pan was in love with Pindarus and his verses, Who are beloved of the gods. and that the gods honoured the poets Hesiodus, & Archilocus, after their death by the Muses. They say moreover, that AEsculapius lay with Sophocles in his life time, and at this day they do yet show many tokens thereof: and after his death, another god (as it is reported) made him to be honourably buried. Now if they grant, that such things may be true: how can we refuse to believe, that some gods have been familiar with Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroastres, Lycurgus, Numa, and such other like personages, which have governed kingdoms, & established common weals? and it is not unlike that the gods in deed did company with them, to inspire and teach them many notable things, and that they did draw near unto these Poets, & players of the harp, that made and played many doleful and joyful ditties, at the lest for their sport and pleasure only, if ever they came near them. Nevertheless if any man be of other opinion, the way is open and large as Bacchylides said, to think and say as he lust. For myself I do find, that which is written of Lycurgus, Numa, and other such persons, not to be without likelihood and probability: who having to govern rude, churlish, & stiff necked people, and purposing to bring in strange novelties into the governments of their countries, did feign wisely to have conference with the gods, considering this feigning fell to be profitable & beneficial to those themselves, whom they made to believe the same. But to return to our history. Numa was forty years old, when the ambassadors of ROME were sent to present the Kingdom unto him, & to entreat him to accept thereof. Proclus, and Velesus, Proclus and Velesus ambassadors to offer Numa the kingdom. were the ambassadors that were sent. One of the which the people looked should have been chosen for King, because those of Romulus' side, did favour much Proclus: and those of Tatius part favoured Velesus. Now they used no long speech unto him, because they thought he would have been glad of such a great good fortune. But contrarily it was in deed a very hard thing, & required great persuasions, & much entreaty, to move a man which had always lived quietly, & at ease, to accept the regiment of a city, which as a man would say, had been raised up and grown by wars, and martial deeds. Wherefore he answered them in the presence of his father, and one other of his kinsmen called Martius in this sort. The orasion of Numa to the abassadours refusing to be King. Change & alteration of man's life is ever dangerous: but for him that lacketh nothing necessary, nor hath cause to complain of his present state, it is a great folly to leave his old acquainted trade of life, & to enter into another new and unknown, if there were no other but this only respect that he leaveth a certainty, to venture upon an uncertainty. Howbeit there is further matter in this, that the dangers & perils of this kingdom which they offer me, are not altogether uncertain, if we will look back what happened unto Romulus. Who was not unsuspected to have laid wait, to have had Tatius his fellow & companion murdered: & now after Romulus' death, the Senators selves are mistrusted to have killed him on the other side by treason. And yet they say it, and sing in every where that Romulus was the son of a god, that at his birth he was miraculously preserved, and afterwards he was as incredibly brought up. Whereas for my own part, I do confess, I was begotten by a mortallman, and was fostered, brought up, and taught by men as you known and these few qualities which they praise & commend in me, are conditions far unmoto for a man that is to reign. I ever loved a solitary life, quiet and study, and did exempt myself from worldly causes. All my life time I have sought and loved peace above all things, and never had for do with any wars. My conversation hath been to company with men, which meet only to serve & honour the gods, or to laugh and be merry one with another, or else to spend their time in their private affairs, or otherwise sometime to attend their pastures, and feeding of their cattle. Whereas Romulus (my ROMAN lords) hath left you many wars begun, which peradventure you could be contented to spare: yet now to maintain the same, your city had need of a martial King, active, & strong of body. Your people moreover, through long custom, and the great increase they are given unto by feats of arms, desire naught else perhaps but wars: and it is plainly seen, they seek still to grow, and command their neighbours. So that if there were no other consideration in it, yet were it a mere mockery for me, to go to teach a city at this present to serve the gods, to love justice, to hate wars, and to fly violence: when it rather hath need of a conquering captain, then of a peaceable King. These and such other like reasons and persuasions Numa alleged, to discharge himself of the Kingdom which they offered him. Howbeit the ambassadors of the romans most humbly besought and prayed him with all instance possible, that he would not be the cause of another new stir, and commotion among them, seeing both parts in the city have given their consent and liking to him alone, and none other to be their King. Moreover, when the ambassadors had left him upon this suit, his father, and Martius his kinsman, began also privately to persuade him, that he should not refuse so good and godly an offer. And albeit he was contented with his present state, and desired to be no richer than he was, nor coveted no princely honour nor glory, because he sought only most famous virtue: yet he must needs think, that to rule well, was to do the god's good service, whose will it was to employ the justice they knew in him, and not to suffer it to be idle. Refuse not therefore (q they) this royal dignity, which to a grave and wise man is a goodly field, to bring forth many commendable works and fruits. There you may do noble service to the gods, to humble the hearts of these martial people, and to bring them to be holy and religious: for they readily turn, and easily conform themselves unto the nature of their prince. They dearly loved Tatius, although he was a stranger: they have consecrated a memory to Romulus with divine honours, which they make unto him at this day. And it may be, that the people seeing themselves conquerors, will be full enough of wars: and the romans being now full of spoils & triumphs, will be glad to have a gentle prince, and one that loveth justice, that they may thenceforth live in peace, under good and holy laws. And yet if it be otherwise, that their hearts be still full of heat and fury to fight: is it not better to turn this their desire to make wars some other way, when a man hath the bridle in his own hands to do it, and to be a mean in the mean time to join the country, and all the nation of the SABINES, in perpetual love and amity, with so mighty and flourishing a city? beside all these persuasions and reasons, there were many signs also (as they say) which promised him good luck, together with the earnest affection and liking of his own country citizens. Who, so soon as they understood the coming, and commission of the ambassadors of ROME, they importunately desired him to go thither, and to accept the offer of the Kingdom: that he might more straightly unite and incorporate them together with the romans. Whereupon, Numa accepted the Kingdom. Numa beginneth his kingdom with service of the gods. Then after he had done sacrifice to the gods, he set forwards on his journey towards ROME: where the people and Senate went out to meet him, with a wonderful desire to see him. The women at his entry, went blessing of him, and singing of his praises. They did sacrifice for him, in all the temples of the gods. There was neither man nor woman but seemed to be as joyful and glad: as if a new Realm, and not a new King, had been come to the city of ROME. Thus was he brought with this open joy, and rejoicing, unto the market place, where one of the Senators, which at that time was regent, called Spurius Vettius, made them pronounce his open election: and so by one consent he was chosen King, with all the voices of the people. Then were brought unto him the tokens of honour and dignity of the King. But he himself commanded they should be stayed a while, saying: He must first be confirmed King by the gods. Then he took the wise men & priests, with whom he went up into the Capitol, which that time was yet called mount Tarpeian. And there, the chiefest of the soothsayers called Augurs, Numa was consecrated by the Augurs. turned him towards the south, having his face covered with a veil, and stood behind him, laying his right hand upon his head, and praying to the gods that it would please them to declare their wills by flying of birds, or some other token concerning this election: and so the soothesayer cast his eyes all about, as far as he could possibly discern. During all this time there was a marvelous silence in the market place, although then an infinite number of people were assembled there together, attending with great devotion what the issue of this divination would be: until there appeared unto them on the right hand, good and lucky birds, which did confirm the election. Then Numa putting on his regal robes, came down from mount Tarpeian, into the market place, where all the people received him with wonderful shouts of joy, as a man the most holy, and best beloved of the gods that they could have chosen. So having taken the royal seat of the Kingdom, his first act was this. That he discharged the guard of the three hundred soldiers, which Romulus had always about his person, called Celeres: The guard of Celeres discharged by Numa. Flamen Quirinalis instituted of Numa. saying, he would not mistrust them which trusted him, neither would he be King over people, which should mistrust him. His second act was, that he did add to the two priests of jupiter & Mars, a third, in the honour of Romulus, who was called Flamen Quirinalis. For the ancient romans also called their priests, instituted in the old time, Flamines, by reason of certain little narrow hats which they did wear on their heads, as if they had called them Pilamines: for Pilos in Greek signifieth a hat. And at that time (as they say) there were many more Greek words mingled with the Latin, than there are at this day. For they called the mantels the Kings did wear Loenas. And juba sayeth that it is the very same which the GRECIANS call Chloenas, and that the young boy which was a servant in the temple of jupiter, was called Camillus, as some of the GRECIANS do yet call the god Mercury, because he is servant of the gods. Now Numa having done these things at his first entry into his Kingdom, still to win further favour and goodwill of the people: Numa inducent civil & quiet life. Plato de Rep. lib. 2. began immediately to frame his citizens to a certain civility, being as iron wrought to softness, and brought them from their violent and warlike desires, to temperate and civil manners. For out of doubt, ROME was properly that, which Plato ascribeth to a city full of trouble and pride. For, first it was founded by the most courageous and warlike men of the world, which from all parts were gathered there together, in a most desperate boldness: and afterwards it increased, and grew strong, by arms and continual wars, like as piles driven into the ground, which the more they are rammed in, the further they enter, and stick the faster. Wherefore Numa judging it no small nor light enterprise, to pluck down the haughty stomachs of so fierce and violent a people, and to frame them unto a sober and quiet life: did seem to work it by means of the gods, with drawing them on thereto by little and little, and pacifying of their hot and fierce courages to fight, with sacrifices, feasts, dancings, and common processions, wherein he celebrated ever himself. In the which together with their duotion, there was mingled now and then, pastime and pleasure: and sometimes he laid the terror and fear of the gods before their eyes, making them believe that he had seen strange visions, or that he had heard voices, by which the gods did threaten them with some great troubles and plagues, always to pull down and humble their hearts, unto the fear of the gods. This was the cause why they thought afterwards that he had learned his wisdom of Pythagoras the philosopher: because the greatest part of the philosophy of the one, and of the government of the other, consisted in such ceremonies, and divine studies. They report also that Numa did put on the outward show and semblance of Pythagoras' holiness, Numa and Pythagoras institutions much a like. as following his intention and example. For Pythagoras as they say, made an eagle so tame and gentle, that she would stoop, and come down to him by certain voices, as she flew in the air over his head. And that passing through the assembly of the games olympical, he showed her thigh of gold, and many other pretty feats and deeds they tell of, which seemed to be wonderful, and for which Timon Phliasian hath written these verses of him: Pythagoras which loved to devil in dignity, and had an heart to glory bend, and past in policy, Much like a man which sought, by charming to enchant, did use this art, to win men's minds, which unto him did haunt. His grave and pleasant tongue, in sugared speech did flow, whereby he drew most minds of men, to bend of his own bow. Even so the sayned fable of Numa, which he so cunningly disguised, was about the love of a goddess, or some Nymph of the mountain: with whom he seemed to have certain secret meetings and talk, whereof we have spoken before. And it is said he much frequented the Muses in the woods. For he would say, he had the most part of his revelations of the Muses, and he taught the romans to reverence one of them above all the rest, who was called Tacita, as ye would say, lady silence. It seemeth he invented this, after the example of Pythagoras, who did so specially command, and recomend silence unto his scholars. Numa worshipped Tacita one of the Muses. Pythagoras taught his scholars to kept silence. Pythagoras' opinion of God. Numa forbade images of God. Again, if we consider what Numa ordained concerning images, and the representation of the gods, it is altogether agreeable unto the doctrine of Pythagoras: who thought that god was neither sensible, nor mortal, but invisible, incorruptible, and only intelligible. And Numa did forbidden the romans also to believe, that god had ever form, or likeness of beast or man. So that in those former times, there was in ROME no image of god, either painted or graven: and it was from the beginning a hundred three score & ten years, that they had built temples & chapels unto the gods in ROME, and yet there was neither picture nor image of god within them. For they took it at the first for a sacrilege, to present heavenly things by earthily forms: seeing we cannot possibly any way attain to the knowledge of god, but in mind and understanding. The very sacrifices which Numa ordained, were altogether agreeable, & like unto the manner of serving of the gods, which the Pythagorians used. For in their sacrifices they spilled not the blood, but they did theirs commonly, with a little meal, a little shedding of wine and milk, and with such other light things. Such as affirm that those two men did much company and were familiar together, do say further proofs & arguments for the same. The first is this: That the romans did make Pythagoras a free man of the city of ROME, as Epicharmus the Comical poet an ancient writer (and sometimes one of Pythagoras' scholars) sayeth in a book he wrote & dedicated unto Antenor. Proofs for the conversation of Numa and Pythagoras. The other proof is: That Numa having had four children, called one of them Mamercus, after Pythagoras' sons name, from whom they say is descended, the house of the AEmylians, which is the noblest of the Patricians: for the King gave him the surname of AEmylius, because of this sweet tongue and pleasant voice. Furthermore, I myself have heard say many times in ROME, that the romans having received an oracle, which commanded them to set up images in their city, to the wisest and valiantest man that ever was amongst the GRECIANS: caused two statues of brass to be set up in their market place, the one of Pythagoras, and the other of Alcibiades. Howbeit to strive about this matter any further, seeing there are so many doubts: me thinketh it were but vain. Moreover, they attribute to Numa, the first erection of the college pontifical: and say he himself was the first Pontifex that ever was. But touching the name of Pontifex, some will say they were so called, because they chief were ordained & appointed for the service of the almighty: Numa suiteth Bishops. Pontifices why so called. for this word Potens in the ROMAN tongue, betokeneth mighty. Other think this name was given to them by their founders, as to exempt persons out of the world: who enjoined them to do all the services and sacrifices to the gods they could possibly, & yet notwithstanding, if they had any other lawful let or impediment thereof, they were not strait condemned for omitting the same. Howbeit the most part do bring out another derivation of this name, wherein me thinks there is little reason. As that they should be called Pontifices, because they had the charge of maintenance of the bridge. For that which the GRECIANS call Gephyran, the LATINS call Pontem: that is, a bridge. And to say truly, the charges of repairing the bridge, belongeth to the bishops: aswell as the keeping of the most holy and unchangeable ceremonies. For the romans thought it not only a thing unlawful, but took it for a most damnable & wicked act, The wooden bridge as Rome. to destroy or break the bridge of wood, which was only joined together (as they say) with pings of wood, & without any iron at all, by the commandment of an old oracle. But the stone bridge was built long time after the reign of Numa, and in the time of the reign of his nephew Martius. Now the first and chiefest of these bishops, which they call the great Pontifex, hath the place, authority, and dignity of the high priest and master, The high bishop. of their pontifical law: who should be careful, not only about all public sacrifices and ceremonies, but also about such as were private, and to see that no man privately should break the ancient ceremonies, nor bring in any new thing into religion, but rather every man should be taught by him, how, and after what sort he should serve and honour the gods. He also hath the keeping of the holy virgins which they call Vestales. For they do give Numa the first foundation and consecrating of them, and the institution also of keeping the immortal fire with honour and reverence, The institution of the Vestal Nuns. The holy and immortal fire. which these virgins have the charge of. Either for that he thought it meet to commit the substance of fire (being pure and clean) unto the custody of clean and uncorrupt maids: or else because he thought the nature of fire (which is barren, and bringeth forth nothing) was fittest, and most proper unto virgins. For in GRECE, where they kept continual fire likewise (as in the temple of Apollo in DELPHES, and at ATHENS) the maidens do not keep the same, but old women which are past marriage. And if this fire chance to fail, as they say in ATHENS the holy lamp was put out in the time of the tyranny of Aristion: and in the city of DELPHES it was put out, when the temple of Apollo was burnt by the MEDES: and at ROME also, in the time of the wars that the romans had against king Mithridates: and in the time of the civil wars, when altar, fire, and all were burnt and consumed together: they say that it must not be lighted again with other common fire, but must be made a new, with drawing clean and pure flame from the beams of the sun, and that they do in this manner. How the holy fire is drawn from the pure flame of the sun. They have a hollow vessel made of a piece of a triangle, having a corner right, and two sides a like: so that from all parts of his compass and circumference, it falleth into one point. Then they set this vessel right against the beams of the sun, so that the bright sun beams come to assemble and gather together in the centre of this vessel, where they do pierce the air so strongly, that they set it a fire: & when they put to it any dry matter of substance, the fire taketh it strait, because the beam of the sun, by means of the reverberation, putteth that dry matter into fire, and forceth it to flame. Some think that these Vestal virgins keep no other thing, but this fire, which never goeth out. Other say, there are other holy things also, which no body may lawfully see but they: whereof we have written more largely in the life of Camillus, See the life of Camillus touching the Vestal Nuns. at the lest so much as may be learned and told. The first maidens which were vowed and put into this order of religion by Numa, were (as they say) Gegania, and Verenia: and after them, Canuleia and Tarpeia. Afterwards king Servius increased the number with two other, and that number of four continueth until this day. Their rule and order set down by king Numa was this: that they should vow chastity for the space of thirty years. In the first ten years they learn what they have to do: the next ten years following, they do that which they have learned & the last ten years, they teach young novices. After they have passed their thirty years, they may lawfully marry if they be disposed, and take them to another manner of life, and leave their religion. But as it is reported, there have been very few of them which have taken this liberty, and fewer also which have joyed after they were professed, but rather have repented themselves, and lived ever after a very grievous and sorrowful life. This did so fray the other Vestals, that they were better contented with their vowed chastity: and so remained virgins, until they were old, or else died. He gave them also great privileges, and prerogatives. The Vestals prerogatius. As: to make their will and testament, in their father's life time. To do all things without any guardian or overseer, as women which have three children at a birth. When they go abroad, they carry maces before them to honour them. And if by chance they meet any offender in their way, going to execution, they save his life: howbeit the professed Vestal must affirm by oath, that she met him unwares, & not of set purpose. If any man presume under their chair, whereupon they are carried through the city, he shall die for it. Also what they themselves do any fault, The punishment of the Vestal Nuns, they are corrected by the great bishop, who sometimes doth whip them naked (according to the nature and quality of their offence) in a dark place, & under a curtain. But she that hath deflowered her virginity, is buried quick by one of the gates of the city, which they call Collina gate: where within the city there is a mount of earth of a good length, & with the LATINS is said to be raised. Under this forced mount, they make a little hollow vault, and leave a hole open, whereby one may go down: and with in it there is set a little bed, a burning lamp, and some vitells to sustain life withal. As a little bread, a little water, a little milk, and a little oil, and that for honour's sake: to the end they would not be thought to famish a body to death, which had been consecrated by the most holy and devout ceremonies of the world. This done, they take the offender, and put her into a litter, which they cover strongly, and close it up with thick leather in such sort, that no body can so much as hear her voice, & so they carry her thus shut up through the market place. Every one draweth back, when they see this litter a far of, and do give it place to pass by: & then follow it mourningly, with heavy looks, & speak never a word. They do nothing in the city more fearful to behold, than this: neither is there any day wherein the people are more sorrowful, then on such a day. Then after she is come to the place of this vault, the sergeants strait unlose these fast bound coverings: and the chief bishop after he hath made certain secret prayers unto the gods, and lift his hands up to heaven, taketh out of the litter, the condemned Vestal muffled up close, and so putteth her upon the ladder, which conveyeth her down into the vault. That done, he withdraweth, and all the priests with him: and when the silly offender is gone down, they strait pluck up the ladder, & cast abundance of earth in at the open hole, so that they fill it up to the very top of the arch. And this is the punishment of the Vestals which defile their virginity. They think also it was Numa that built the round temple of the goddess Vesta, in which is kept the everlasting fire: meaning to represent not the form of the earth, which they say is Vesta, but the figure of the whole world, The temple of Vesta represenseth the figure of the world. Where the fire abideth. in the midst whereof (according to the Pythagorians opinion) remaineth the proper seat and abiding place of fire, which they call Vesta, and name it the unity. For they are of opinion, neither that the earth is unmovable, not yet that it is set in the midst of the world, neither that the heaven goeth about it: but say to the contrary, that the earth hanged in the air about the fire, as about the centre there of. Neither will they grant, that the earth is one of the first and chiefest parts of the world: as Plato held opinion in that age, that the earth was in another place then in the very midst, and that the centre of the world, as the most honourablest place, did appertain to some other of more worthy substance than the earth. Furthermore, the bishops office was to show those that needed to be taught, all the rites, The manner of burial. manners, and customs of burial: whom Numa taught not to believe that there was any corruption or dishonesty in burials, but rather it was to worship & honour the gods of the earth, with usual and honourable ceremonies, as those which after their death receive the chiefest service of us that they can. But above all other in burials, they did specially honour the goddess called Libitina, Libitina honoured at funerals. that is said, the chief governor and preserver of the rites of the dead: or be it Proserpina, or Venus, as the most learned men among the romans do judge, who not without cause do attribute the order of the beginning and end of man's life, to one self god, & power divine. Numa ordained also, how long time every body should mourn in blacks. The time of mourning. And for a child from three years to ten years of age, that died: he ordained they should mourn no more months than it had lived years, and not to add a day more. For he commanded, that the longest time of mourning should be but then months only, and so long time at the lest he willed women should remain widows, after the decease of their husbands: or else she that would marry within that time, was bound by his order to sacrifice a whole bullock. Numa also erected many other orders of priests: of two sorts whereof I will only make mention. Sal●i, Feciales. Pluto. Probl. 62. Gell. lib. 16. c.4. The one shallbe the order of the SALII, and the other of the FECIALES: for me thinks, both the one and the other doth manifestly show the great holiness, and singular devotion which he had in him. The FECIALES are properly those, Feciales called Irenophylaces. which the GRECIANS call IRENOPHYLACES, as who would say, peacekeepers. And in my judgement, they had their right name according to their office, because they did pacify quarrels with reason by way of order, and did not suffer (as much as in them lay) that any matter should be tried by violence, until they were past all hope of any peace. For the GRECIANS call it properly Irenen, Irenen: a quarrel pacified with reason, without the sword. when both parties agreed, and decide their controversy with reason, and not with sword. Even so those which the romans called the Feciales, went many times in person to those that did the romans injury, and sought to persuade them with good reason, to keep promise with the romans, and to offer them no wrong. But if they would not yield to reason, whom they sought to persuade: then they called the gods to the witness thereof, and prayed them, that if they did not most earnestly incense the romans, to pursue that most justly appertained unto their right, that all evils and mischiefs of the wars might fall upon themselves, and on their country. This done, they did threaten open wars against such enemies. And if the FECIALES would not consent to open wars, and did happen to speak against them: it was not lawful in that case, neither for private person, nor for the King himself to make any wars. But like a just prince, he must have leave by their sufferance to make the wars. Then did he consider, & consult, by what means he might best procure, & prosecute the same. Concerning this matter, they judge that the ill hap which came to the romans, when the city of ROME was taken and sacked by the GAULES, chanced justly for breaking of this holy institution. For at that time, the barbarous people besieged the city of the CLUSINIANS: and Fabius Ambustus was sent ambassador unto them, to see if he could make peace between them. The barbarous people gave him an ill answer: whereupon Fabius thinking his embassy had been ended, and being somewhat hot, and rash in defence of the CLUSINIANS, gave defiance to the valiantest GAUL there, to fight with him man to man. Fortune favoured him in this challenge: for he slew the GAUL, and stripped him in the field. The GAULES seeing their man slain, sent immediately an herald to ROME, to accuse Fabius, how against all right and reason, he began wars with them, without any open proclamation made before. The FECIALES being then consulted with thereabout, did declare, he aught to be delivered into the hands of the GAULES, as one that had broken the law of arms, & had deserved it: but he made friends to the people which favoured him very much, & by their means escaped his delivery, and punishment. Neverthles, Rome taken by the Gauls. See Camillus Life. the GAULES within short time after, came before ROME with all their power: which they took, sacked, and burned every whit, saving the Capitol, as we have written more amply in the life o● Camillus. Now concerning the Priests that were called Salii, they say he did institute them upon this occasion. The institution of the Salii. In the eight year of his reign, there came a pestilent disease through all ITALY, and at the length it crept also into ROME. Whereat every man being greatly afraid, and discouraged, they say there fell from heaven a target of copper, A target from heaven. which lighted between the hands of Numa. They tell hereof a wonderful tale, which the King himself affirmed he heard, of the Nymph Egeria, and the Muses. To wit, that this target was sent from heaven, for the health and preservation of the city: and therefore he should keep it carefully, and 'cause eleven other to be cast and made, all like unto the same in fashion and greatness, to the end, that if any would enterprise to steal it, he should not tell which of them to take for the right target. Moreover he said, he was commanded to consecrated the place to the Muses (in the which he did oftentimes company with them) and also the fields which were near thereabouts: and likewise to give the fountain that sprang in that place, unto the Vestals professed, that every day they might draw water at that well, to wash the sanctuary of their temple. The success hereof proved his words true, for the sickness ceased incontinently. So he assembled all the chief crafts men then in ROME, to prove which of them would take upon him to make one like unto that. Every man despaired to perform it. Howbeit one called Veturius Mamurius (the excellentest workman that was in those days) did make them all so suit like, that Numa himself did not know the first target, when they were all laid together. So he ordained these priests Salii, to have the custody of these targets, to see them safe kept. They were called Salii, Whereof they were called Salii. not after the name of a SALIAN borne in SAMOTHRACIA, or in MANTINAEA, as some have untruly alleged, who first invented the manner of dancing all armed: but they were so called, of their fashion and manner of dancing, and leaping. For in the month of March, they go skipping and leaping up and down the city, with those targetes on their arms, appareled in read cassocks without sleeves, and girded about with broad leather sword girdells, studded with copper, having helmets of copper on their heads, & striking upon their targets with short daggers, which they carry in their hands. Moreover, all their dancing consisteth in moving of their feet: for they handle them finely, making tornes above ground and beneath, with a sudden measure, & a marvelous force of agility. They call these targets Ancylia, Ancylia, whereof so called. because of their fashion, which is not altogether compass: for they are not all round as other common targets be, but they are cut with circles wreathed about, both the ends bowing in many folds, and one so near another, that altogether they come a to certain wreathed form, which the GRECIANS call Ancylon. Or else they are so called, because Ancon signifieth an elbow, upon which they carry them. All these derivations are written in the history of juba, who in any case will have this word Ancylia to be drawn out of the Greek tongue. And it may be also they were so called, because the first came from above, which the GRECIANS call Anecathen: or else for healing the sick, which is called Acesis. Or else for ceasing of the dryness, which in Greek is called, Anchmon Lysis. Or for the ending of all diseases and evils, for which cause the ATHENIANS call Castor and Pollux, Anacas: if they lust to give this word his derivation from the Greek tongue. Now the reward which Mamurius the goldsmith had for the making of these targets was, that the Sal● unto this day do make mention of him, in their song, which they sing going through the city, & dancing of their dance all armed. Howbeit some think they say not Veturius Mamurius, but veterem memoriam, ancient memory. But Numa after he had ordained and instituted these orders of priests, built his palace near unto the temple of Vesta, which holdeth his name Regia at this day, to say, the King's palace. Regia, the King's palace. In which he remained most part of his life, studying either to sacrifice to the gods, or to teach the Priests what they should do, or how with them he should best contemplate all heavenly things. The manner of the romans worshipping of the gods. It is true that he had another house on the hill, which they call at this day, quirinal, the place whereof is yet to be seen. But in all these sacrifices, ceremonies, and processions of the Priests, there were always husshers that went before, crying to the people, keep silence, and tend upon divine service. For they say the Pythagorians thought it good, The Pythagorians opinion touching prayer. that men should not worship the gods, nor make prayers to them in passing by, or doing any other thing: but they thought it meet, that men should of purpose go out of their houses, to serve & pray unto them. Even so king Numa thought it not meet, that his subjects should come to see, and hear divine service negligently, as it were for a fashion, and only to be rid of it, as heeding an other thing: but he would have them set a side all other business, and employ their thoughts & hearts only upon the principal service of religion, & devotion towards the gods. So that during service time, he would not have heard any noise, any knocking, bouncing, or any clapping, as they commonly hear in all artificers shops of occupation, whereof at this day yet they see some signs, and tokens, remaining in their sacrifices at ROME. For all the time the Augur beholdeth the flying of the birds, or that he is doing any sacrifice, the vergers cry aloud: Hoc age, Hoc age, a watcheword to tend divine service. which meaneth, tend this. And it is a warning to those that are present, to call their wits home, & to think on that which is in hand. Also there are many of his orders like the precepts of the Pythagorians. For as they did warn men, not to sit upon a little bushel, The similitude of Numa and Pythagoras precepts. not to cut fire with a sword, not to look behind them when they go abroad: to sacrifice to the celestial gods in an odd number, and to the gods of the earth in an even number, of which precepts, they would not have the common people to have any knowledge or understanding. Even so there are many institutions of Numa, the reasons whereof are hidden and kept secret: as not to offer wine to the gods of the vine never cut, & not to sacrifice unto them without meal: & to turn a turn about when they do reverence to the gods, & to sit down after they have worshipped them. And as touching the two first ordinances, it seemeth that by them he did recommend clemency, & humanity, as being a part of the devotion towards the gods. But as for the turning which he willeth them to make, that worship the gods: they say it representeth the turning which the element maketh by his moving. But me thinketh it should rather come of this: for that the temples being set to the east, he that worshippeth entering into the temple, showeth his back to the West, & for this cause turneth towards that part, & afterwards returneth again towards god: doing the whole turn, & ending the consummation of his prayer, by this double adoration which he maketh before & behind. Unless peradventure that he meant secretly to signify, & give them to understand by this turning & changing of their look, that which the EGYPTIANS figured by their wheels: in showing thereby, that these worldly things were never constant & in one state. And therefore, that we should take it thankfully, & patiently bear it, in what sort soever it pleased god to change or altar our life. And where he commanded that they should sit after they had worshipped god: they said it was a token of a good hope unto them that prayed, that their prayers should be exalted, and that their goods should remain safe, & stick by them. Other say, that this ease & sitting, is a separating them from doing: & therefore he would they should sit in the temples of the gods, to show they had done that which they had in hand before, to the end to take of the gods the beginning of another. And it may well be also, that it was referred to the thing we spoke of a little before. That Numa would accustom his people, not to serve the gods, nor to speak to them at all, as they passed by, or did any other thing, or were in haste: but would have them pray unto the gods when they had time & leisure, & all other business at that time set a part. By this good instruction & training them unto religion, the city of ROME by little & little came to be so tractable, & had the great power of king Numa in such admiration: By what means Numa made the romans quiet and gentle. that they took all to be as true as the gospel that he spoke, though it had no more likelihood of troth, than tales devised of pleasure. Furthermore, they thought nothing incredible, or unpossible to him, if he would have it. And for proof hereof, there goeth a tale of him, that he having bidden a great company of the citizens of ROME to come & sup with him, caused them to be served with plain gross meat, & in very poor & homely vessel. And when they were set, and began to fall to their meat, The wonders of Numa. he cast out words suddenly unto them, how the goddess with whom he accompanied, was come to see him even at that instant, & that suddenly the hall was richly furnished, & the tables covered with all sorts of excellent fine & delicate meats. Howbeit this far passed all the vanity of lying, which is found written of him, about his speaking with jupiter. numa's speaking with jupiter. The hill Aventine was not at that time inhabited, nor enclosed within the walls of ROME, but was full of springs & shadowed groves, whether commonly repaired to solace them selves, the two gods, Picus & Faunus, Picus. Fannus. which otherwise might be thought two satires, or of the race of the Titanians: saving it is said, that they went through all ITALY, doing the like miracles & wonders in physic, charms & art magic, which they report of those the GRECIANS call Idaees Dactyls. There they say that Numa took them both, having put into the spring both wine & honey, were they used to drink. When they saw that they were taken, they transformed themselves into divers forms, disguising & disfiguring their natural shape, into many terrible & fearful sights to behold. Nevertheless in the end, pceiving they were so fast, as to escape there was no reckoning: they revealed unto him many things to come, & taught him the purifying against lightning & thunder, The purifying of thunder. which they make yet at this day with onions, hear, & pilchers. Other say, he was not taught that by them, but that they fetched jupiter out of heaven, with their conjuring & magic: whereat jupiter being offended; answered in choler, that he should make it with heads. But Numa added strait, of onions: jupiter replied, of men. Then Numa asked him again; to take a little away the cruelty of the commandment: What hears? jupiter answered, quick hears. And Numa put to pilchers also. And it is reported that this was the goddess Egeria, that taught Numa this subtlety. This done, jupiter returned appeased: by reason whereof the place was called Ilicium. Ilicium, the name of the place. For Ileos' in the Greek tongue signifieth appeased, & favourable: & this purifying was afterwards made in that sort. These tales not only vain, but full of mockery also, do show us yet plainly the zeal & devotion men had in those times towards the gods: unto which Numa through custom had won them. And as for Numa himself, they say that he so firmly put all his hope & confidence in the help of the gods: that one day when he was told his enemies were in arms against him, he did but laugh at it, & answered. And I do sacrifice. It is he (as some say) that first built a temple to Faith & Term: & which made the romans understand, Numa builded temples to Faith and Term. that the most holy & greateth oath they could make, was to swear by their faith, which they keep yet at this day. But Term, which signifieth bounds, is the god of confines, or borders: unto whom they do sacrifice, both publicly & privately, upon the limits of inheritances, & now they sacrifice unto him lure beasts. Howbeit in old time they did sacrifice unto him without any blood, through the wise institution of Numa: who declared & preached unto them, that this god of bounds was sincere, & upright, without blood or murder, as he that is a witness of justice, & a keeper of peace. It was he, which in my opinion, did first limit out the bounds of the territory of ROME: Numa made the bounds of the territory of Rome. which Romulus would never do, for fear lest in bounding out his own, he should confess that which he occupied of other men's. For bounding & mearing, to him that will keep it justly: is a bond that bridleth power & desire. But to him that forceth not to keep it: it is a proof to show his injustice. To say truly, the territories of ROME had no great bounds at the first beginning, & Romulus had got by conquest the greatest part of it, & Numa did wholly divide it unto the needy inhabitans to relieve them, & to bring them out of poverty: (which carrieth men headlong into mischief, & discourageth them to labour) to the end that ploughing up the said land, Numa advanceth jillage. they should also plough up the weeds of their own barrenness, to become civil & gentle. For there is no exercise nor occupation in the world, which so suddenly bringeth a man, to love & desire quietness, as doth husbandry & tillage: & yet to defend a man's own, there is in it courage & hardiness to fight. But greedy desire, violently to take from others, & unjustly to occupy that is none of theirs, is never in right husbandmen. And therefore Numa having brought in husbandry amongst his subjects, as a medicine & mean to make them love quietness: was desirous to enure them to this trade of life, the rather to make them humble & gentle of condition, then to increase them in riches. He divided all the territory of ROME into certain parts which he called Pagos: as much to say, as villages. And in every one of them he ordained controllers & visitors, which should survey all about: & he himself sometimes went abroad in person, conjecturing by their labour the manners & nature of every man. Such as he found diligent, he advanced them unto honour, & gave them countenance & authority: other which he saw slothful & negligent, by rebuking & reproving of them, he made them amend. But amongst all his ordinances which he made, one above all the rest carried the praise: and that was, that he divided his people into sundry occupations. Numa divided his people into sundry occupations. For the city of ROME seemed yet to be made of two nations, as we have said before: and to speak more properly, it was made of two tribes. So that it could not, or would not for any thing be made one: being altogether impossible to take away all factions, & to make there should be no quarrels nor contentions between both parts. Wherefore he considered, that when one will mingle two bodies or simples together, which for their hardness & contrary natures cannot well suffer mixture: then he breaks & beats them together, as small as may be. For, so being brought into a smaller & lesser powder, they would incorporate and agreed the better. Even so he thought it was best to divide the people also into many small parts: by means whereof they should be put into many parties, which would more easily take away the first & the greatest part, when it should be divided & separated thus into sundry sorts. And this division he made by arts & occupations: as minstrels, goldsmiths, carpenters, dyer's, shoemakers, tawers, tamners, bell founders, & pot makers, & so forth through other crafts & occupations. So that he brought every one of these into one body, & company by itself: & ordained unto every particular mystery or craft, their feasts, assemblies, & services, which they should make unto the gods, according to the dignity & worthiness of every occupation. And by this means, he first took away all faction: that neither side said, nor thought any more, those are SABINES, these are romans, these are of Tatius, Numa took away the factions of Romulus and Tatius. these are of Romulus. Insomuch as this division was an incorporating, & an uniting of the whole together. Among other his ordinances, they did much commend his reforming of the law, that gave liberty unto fathers to cell their children. For he did except children already married, so they were married with their father's consent & goodwill: judging it to be to cruel & over hard a thing, that a woman who thought she had married a free man, should find herself to be the wife of a bond man. He began also to mend a little the calendar, The ordinance of the months of numa's institution. not so exactly as he should have done, nor yet altogether ignorantly. For during the reign of Romulus, they used the months confusedly, without any order or reason, making some of them twenty days & less, and others five & thirty days & more, without knowing the difference between the course of the sun & the moon: & only they observed this rule, that there was three hundred & three score days in the year. But Numa considering the inequality stood upon eleven days, Macrob. 1 Sar●r. 13. for that the 12. revolutions of the moon are run in 300. fifty & four days, & the revolution of the sun, in 365. days, he doubled the 11. days, whereof he made a month: which he placed from 2. years to 2. years, after the month of February, & the romans called this month put between, Mercidinum, which had 22. days. And this is the correction that Numa made, which since hath had a far better amendment. He did also change the order of the months. For March which before was the first, he made it now the third: & january the first, which under Romulus was the 11. & February the 12. & last. Yet many are of opinion, that Numa added these two, january & February. For the romans at the beginning had but ten months in the year: as some of the barbarous people make but three months for their year. And the ARCADIANS amongst the GRECIANS have but four months for their year. The ACARNANIANS have six to the year. And the EGYPTIANS had first but one month to their year: The year diversely counted. & afterwards they made four months for their year. And this is the cause why they seem (albeit they inhabit in a new country) to be nevertheless the ancientest people of the world: for that in their chronicles they reckon up such infinite number of years, as those which count the months for the years. And to prove this true, that the romans at the beginning had but ten months in the year, and not twelve: it is easily to be judged by the name of the last, which they call at this day December. And that the month of March was also the first, may be conjectured by this: for the fift month after that, is yet called Quintilis: the 6. Sextilis, & so the other in order following the numbers. For if january & February had then been the first, of necessity the month of july, which they call Quintilis, must have been named September: considering also that it is very likely, that the month which Romulus had dedicated unto Mars, was also by him ordained to be the first. The second was April: so called of the name Aphrodite, that is to say Venus, unto whom they make open sacrifice in this month. And on the first day of the same, women do wash themselves, having a garland of myrtle upon their heads. Howbeit some other say, that it was not called after the name of Aphrodite, but it was only called Aprilis, because then is the chiefest force & strength of the spring, at which season the earth doth open, and the seeds of plants and erbes begin to bud & show forth, which the word itself doth signify. The month following next after that, is called may: after the name of Maia, the mother of Mercury, unto whom the month is consecrated. * Peradventure ye must read in the Greek (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which is to say; of the name of juno. The month of june is so called also, because of the quality of that season, which is as the youth of the year. Although some will say, that the month of may was named of this word Maiores, which signifieth as much as the elders: and the month of june, of juniores, which signifies the younger men. All the other following, were named in old time by the numbers according to their order, Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, & December. But Quintilis, was afterward called julius, of the name of julius Caesar, who slew Pompeius. And Sextilis was named Augustus, Octavius Caesar's successor in the empire, who was also surnamed Augustus. It is true also that Domitian would they should call the two months following (which are September and October) the one Germanicus, and the other Domitianus. But that held not long: for so soon as Domitian was killed, the months recovered their ancient names again. The two last months only, have ever continued their names, without changing or altering. But of the two which Numa added, or at the lest translated: the month of February doth signify as much as purging, or at the lest the derivation of the word soundeth near it. In this month, they do sacrifice of plants, * Some old Graecian copies say in this place. & do celebrated the feast of the Lupercales, in which there are many things agreeable, and like to the sacrifices made for purification. And the first, which is january, was called after the name of janus. Wherefore me thinks that Numa took away the month of March from the first place, marg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as much to say, as for the dead. Why janus is painted with two faces. & gave it unto january because he would have peace preferred before war, & civil things before marshal. For this janus (were he King, or demigod) in the former age was counted very civil & politic. For he changed the life of me, which before his time was rude, cruel, & wild: & brought it to be honest, gentle, & civil. For this cause they do paint his image at this day with two faces, the one before, and the other behind, for thus changing the lives of men. And there is in ROME a temple dedicated unto him, which hath two doors, At what time the temple of janus is thus in Rome. Liu. lib. 1. that be called the doors of war●e: for the custom is to open them, when the romans: Have any wars in any place, and to shut them when they be at peace. To have them shut, it was ●●rate thing to see, and happened very seldom: by reason of the greathes of their empire, which of all sides was environed with barbarous nations, whom they were compelled to keep under with force of arms. Notwithstanding it was once shut up in the time of Augustus, after he had slain Antony: & once before also in the year when Marcus Attilius & Titus Manlius were Consuls. But that continued not long, The Romans had us wars in all Nunaes' time. for it was opened again incontinently, by reason of wars that came upon them soon after. Howbeit during the reign of Numa, it was never one day opened, but remained shut continually by the space of three & forty years together. For all occasions of wars, were then utterly dead & forgotten: because at ROME the people were not only through th'example of justice, clemency, & the goodness of the King brought to be quiet, & to love peace: but in the cities thereabouts, there began a marvelous change of manners & alteration of life, as if some gentle air had breathed on them, by some gracious & healthful wind, blown from ROME to refresh them. And thereby bred in men's minds such a hearty desire to live in peace, to till the ground, to bring up their children, & to serve the gods truly: that almost through all ITALY, there was nothing but feasts, plays, sacrifices, & banquets. The people did traffic & frequent together, without fear or danger, & visited one another, making great cheer: as if out of the springing fountain of numa's wisdom many pretty brooks & streams of good & honest life had run over all ITALY, & had watered it & that the mildness of his wisdom had from hand to hand been dispersed through the whole world. Insomuch, as the over excessive speeches the Poets accustomably do use, were not sufficient enough to express the peaceable reign of that time. There: spiders weave their cobwebs day and night in harnesses, which want to serve for war: there: cankered rust doth fret, the steel full bright of trenchant blades, well whet in many a jar. There: mighty spears, for lack of use are eaten, with rotten worms: and in that country there, the braying trump doth never seem to threaten, their quiet ears, with blasts of bloody fear. There: in that land, no drowsy sleep is broken, with hot alarms, which terrors do betoken. For during all king numa's reign, it was never heard that ever there were any wars, civil dissension, or innovation of government attempted against him, nor yet any secret comity or malice borne him, neither any conspiracy once thought on to reign in his place. And whether it was for fear of displeasing the gods (which visibly seemed to take him into their protection) or for the reverent regard they had unto his virtue, or for his prosperous & good success all the time he reigned, I cannot tell: howbeit he sought to keep men still pure, & honest, from all wickedness, & laid most open before the eyes of the whole world, a very example of that which Plato long time after did affirm, & say, concerning true government: which was. That the only mean of true quietness, & remedy from all evil (which ever troubleth men) was: when by some divine ordinance from above there meeteth in one person, Plato's saying concerning the felicity of a common weal. the right majesty of a King, & the mind of a wise philosopher, to make virtue governess & ruler overvice. For in deed happy is such a wise man, & more happy are they, which may hear the grave counsel, & good lessons of such a mouth. And there me thinks needeth no force, no compulsion, no threats, nor extremity to bridle the people. For men seeing the true image of virtue in their visible prince, & in the example of his life, do willingly grow to be wise, & of themselves do fall into love liking, and friendship together, and do use all temperance, just dealing, and good order one toward another, leading their life without offence, and with the commendation of other: which is the chief point of felicity, and the most happy good that can light unto men. And he by nature is best worthy to be a King, who through his wisdom and virtue, can graff in men's manners such a good disposition: and this, Numa above all other, seemed best to know and understand. Furthermore, touching his wives and children, there are great contrarieties among the historiographers. numa's tives and posterity. Pompilia, numa's daughter. For some of them say, he never married other wife then Tatia, and that he never had any children, but one only daughter, and she was called Pompilia. Other writ to the contrary, that he had four sons, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus, and Mamercus: of every one of the which (by succession from the father to the son) have descended the noblest races, and most ancient houses of the romans. As the house of the Pomponians, of Pompo: the house of the Pinarians, of Pinus: the house of the Calphurnians, of Calpus: & the house of the Mamercians, of Mamercus. All which families by reason of their first progenitor have kept the surname of Reges, Kings. There are three other writers, which do reprove the two first saying that they did writ to gratify the families, making them falsely to descend of the noble race of king Numa. Moreover it is said, he had his daughter Pompilia, not by Tatia; but by his other wife called Lucretia, whom he married after he was made King. Howbeit they all agreed, that his daughter Pompilia was married unto one Martius, Pompilia married to Caius Martius Corislanus. Martius the Sabyne, made Sunatovar at Rome. the son of the same Martius, Ancus Martius, the son of Caius Martius Coviolanus. which persuaded him to accept the kingdom of ROME. For he went with him to ROME, to remain there: where they did him the honour to receive him into the number of the Senators. After the death of Numa, Martius the father stood against Tullus Hostilius for the succession of the Realm, and being overcome, he killed himself for sorrow. But his son Martius, who married Pompilia, continued still at ROME, where he begot Ancus Martius, who was king of ROME after Tullus Hostilius, and was but five year old when Numa died. Whose death was not so deign. For he died consuming by little and little, aswell through age, as also through a lingering disease that waited on him to his end, as Piso hath written: and Numa at his death was little more, than four score year old. But the pomp and honour done unto him at his funerals, made his life yet more happy and glorious. The death of Numa. For all the people his neighbours, friends, kinsmen, and allies of the romans came thither, bringing crowns with them, and other public contributions to honour his obsequies. The noble men selves of the city (which were called Patricians) carried on their shoulders the very bed, on which the course lay, to be conveyed to his grave. The Priests attended also on his body, and so did all the rest of the people, women and children in like case, which followed him to his tomb, all bewaling and lamenting his death, with tears, sighs, and mournings. Not as a King dead for very age, but as they had mourned for the death of their dearest kinsman, and nearest friend that had died before he was old. They burned not his body, because (as some say) he commanded the contrary by his will and testament: but they made two coffins of stone, which they buried at the foot of the hill called janiculum. In the one they laid his body, & in the other the holy books which he had written himself, numa's books. much like unto those, which they that made the laws among the GRECIANS did writ in tables. But because in his life time he had taught the priests, the substance of the whole contained in the same: he willed the holy tables which he had written, should be buried with his body. For he thought it not reasonable that so holy matters should be kept by dead letters and writings, but by men's manners & exercises. And he followed herein they say, the Pythagorians, Why the Pythagori●agrave; left nothing in writing. who would not put their works in writing, but did print the knowledge of them in their memories, whom they knew to be worthy men, and that without any writing at all. And if they had taught any manner of person the hidden rules and secrets of Geometry, which had not been worthy of them: then they said the gods by manifest tokens would threaten, to revenge such sacrilege and impiety, with some great destruction and misery. Therefore, seeing so many things agreeable, and altogether like between Numa and Pythagoras, I easily pardon those which maintain their opinion, that Numa and Pythagoras were familiarly acquainted, and conversant together. Valerius Antias the historian writeth, there were twelve books written concerning the office of Priests, and twelve other containing the philosophy of the GRECIAHS. 12. books of priesthood. 12. books of philosophy. And the four hundred years after (in the same year when Publius Cornelius, and Marcus Bebius were consuls) there fell a great rage of waters and rain, which opened the earth, and discovered these coffins: and the lids and covers thereof being carried away, they found the one altogether void, having no manner of likelihood, or token of a body that had lain in it: and in the other they found these books, which were delivered unto one named Petilius (at that time Praetor) who had the charge to read them over, and to make the report of them. But he having perused them over, declared to the Senate, that he thought it not convenient the matters contained in them should be published unto the simple people: and for that cause they were carried into the market place, and there were openly burnt. Surely it is a common thing, that happeneth unto all good and just men, that they are far more praised and esteemed after their death, Good men praised after their death. The misfortunes of numa's successors. Hostilius. than before: because that envy doth not long continued after their death, and oftentimes it dieth before them. But notwithstanding, the misfortunes which chanced afterwards unto the five Kings which reigned at ROME after Numa, have made his honour shine, with much more noble glory then before. For the last of them was driven out of his Kingdom, and died in exile, after he was very old. And of the other four, none of them died their natural death, but three of them were killed by treason. And Tullus Hostilius which reigned after Numa, deriding, & contemning the most part of his good and holy institutions, and chief his devotion towards the gods, as a thing which made men lowly and faint hearted: did assoon as ever he came to be King, turn all his subjects hearts to the wars. But this mad humour of his, continued not long. For he was plagued with a strange, & most grievous disease that followed him, which brought him to change his mind, and did far otherwise turn his contempt of Religion, into an over-fearfull superstition, which did nothing yet resemble the true Religion & devotion of Numa: & beside, he infected others with his contagious error, through the inconvenience which happened unto him at his death. For he was stricken and burnt with lightning. THE COMPARISON OF Lycurgus with Numa. THUS having written the lives of Lycurgus and Numa, the matter requireth, though it be somewhat hard to do, that we comparing the one with the other, should set out the difference between them. For in those things wherein they were like of condition, their deeds do show it sufficiently. The virtues of Numa and Lycurgus were alike, but their deeds divers. As in their temperance, their devotion to the gods, their wisdom in governing, and their discreet handling of their people, by making them believe that the gods had revealed the laws unto them, which they established. And now to come unto their qualities, which are diversely, & severally commended in either of them. Their first quality is, that Numa accepted the Kingdom, and Lycurgus gave it up. The one received it, not seeking for it: and the other having it in his hands, did restore it again. The one being a stranger, and a private man: was by strangers elected & chosen, their lord & King. The other being in possession a King, made himself again a private person. Sure it is a goodly thing to obtain a Realm by justice: but it is a goodlier thing to esteem justice above a Realm. Virtue brought the one to be in such reputation, that he was judged worthy to be chosen a King: and virtue bred so noble a mind in the other, that he esteemed not to be a King. Their second quality is, that like as in an instrument of music, the one of them did tune and wrist up the slack strings which were in SPARTA: so the other slackened, and set them lower, which were to high mounted in ROME. What things were hard to Lycurgus. Wherein Lycurgus difficulty was the greater. For he did not persuade his citizens; to pluck of their armour & curates, nor to say by their sword: but only to leave their gold & silver, to forsake their soft beds, their fine wrought tables, and other curious rich furniture, and not to leave of the travel of wars, to give themselves only unto feasts, sacrifices, and plays. But to the contrary, to give up banqueting and feasting, & continually to take pains in the wars, yielding their bodies to all kind of pains. By which means, the one for the love and reverence they did bear him, easily persuaded all that he would: and the other, by putting himself in danger, and being hurt also, obtained not without great travel and adventure, the end of his intended purpose and desire. Numa his muse was so gentle, loving, and courteous, that the manners of his citizens, which before were furious and violent, were now so tractable and civil, that he taught them to love peace and justice. And to the contrary, if they will compel me to number amongst the laws and ordinances of Lycurgus, that which we have written touching the ILOTES, which was a barbarous cruel thing: I must of force confess that Numa was much wiser, more gentle, and civil in his laws, considering that even unto those which in deed were borne slaves, he gave some little taste of honour, & sweetness of liberty, having ordained, that in the feasts of Saturn, Slaves say with their master as Saturn's feasts. they should sit down at meat, at their masters own table. Some hold opinion, that this custom was brought in by king Numa: who willed that those, which through their labour in tillage brought in much fruit, should have some pleasure thereof to make good cheer with the first fruits of the same. Other imagine, Macrob. Satur. lib. 1. that it is yet a token and remembrance of the equality, which was amongst men in the world in Saturn's time, when there was neither master nor servant, but all men were a like equal, as brethren or hinsemen. To conclude, it seemeth either of them took a direct course, thought best to themselves, to frame their people unto temperance, and to be contented with their own. But for their other virtues, it appeareth that the one loved war best, and the other justice: unless it were that men would say, that for the diversity of the nature or custom of their people (which were almost contrary in manners) they were both compelled to use also contrary and divers means from other. divers causes of the diversity of institutions of Numa and Lycurgus. For it was not of a faint heart, that Numa took from his people the use of arms, and desire to be in wars: but it was to the end they should not do any wrong to others. Neither did Lycurgus also study to make his people soldiers and warlike, to hurt others: but for fear rather that others should hurt them. And so, to cut of the excess in the one, and to supply the defect of the other: they were both enforced to bring in a strange manner of government. Furthermore, touching their several kind of government, & dividing of their people into states and companies: that of Numa was marvelous mean and base, and framed to the liking of the meanest people, making a body of a city, and a people compounded together of all sorts, Description of their people. as goldsmiths, minstrels, founders, shoemakers, and of all sorts of crafts men & occupations together. But that of Lycurgus, was directly contrary: for his was more severe and tyrannical, in governing of the nobility, casting all crafts and base occupations upon bondmen & strangers, and putting into the hands of his citizens the shield and lance, suffering them to exercise no other art or science, but the art and discipline of wars, as the true ministers of Mars: which all their life time never knew other science, but only learned to obey their captains, and to command their enemies. For to have any occupation, to buy and cell, or to traffic, free men were expressly forbidden: because they should wholly & absolutely be free. And all sciences to get money was lawful for slaves, and the ILOTES: being counted for as vile an occupation, as to dress meat, and to be a scullion of a kitchen. Numa put not this difference amongst his people, but only took away covetous desire to be rich by wars: but otherwise, he did not forbidden them to get goods by any other lawful means, neither took any regard to bring all to equality, and to be a like wealth, but suffered every man to get what he could, taking no order to prevent poverty, which crept in, & spread far in his city. Which he should have looked unto at the beginning, at that time when there was not too great an unequality amongst them, and that his citizens for substance were in manner equal one with another: for than was the time when he should have made head against avarice, to have stopped the mischiefs & inconveniences, which fell out afterwards, & they were not little. For that only was the fountain and root, of the most part of the greatest evils & mischiefs, which happened afterwards in ROME. And as touching the division of goods: neither aught Lycurgus to be blamed for doing it, nor Numa for that he did it not. For this equality unto the one, was a ground & foundation of his common wealth, which he afterwards instituted: and unto other, it could not be. For this division being made not long before the time of his predecessor, there was no great need to change the first, the which (as it is likely) remained yet in full perfection. As touching marriages, Reason for marriages. & their children to be in common, both the one & the other wisely sought to take away all occasion of jealousy: but yet they took not both one course. For the ROMAN husband, having children enough to his contentation: if another that lacked children came unto him, to pray him to lend him his wife, he might grant her unto him, and it was in him to give her altogether, or to lend her for a time, & to take her afterwards again. But the LACONIAN, keeping his wife in his house, & the marriage remaining whole & unbroken, might let out his wife to any man that would require her to have children by her: nay furthermore, many (as we have told you before) did themselves entreat men, by whom they thought to have a trim brood of children, & laid them with their wives. What difference, I pray you was between these two customs? saving that the custom of the LACONIANS showed, that the husbands were nothing angry, nor grieved with their wives for those things, which for sorrow and jealousy doth rend the hearts of most married men in the world. And that of the romans was a simplicity somewhat more shamefast, which to cover it, was shadowed yet with the cloak of matrimony, and contract of marriage: confessing that to use wife & children by halves together, was a thing most intolerable for him. Furthermore, the keeping of maidens to be married by numa's order, numa's order for maidens the better. was much straighter & more honourable for womanhood: & Lycurgus' order having to much scope and liberty, gave Poets occasion to speak, and to give them surnames not very honest. As Ibycus called them Phanomeridas: to say, thigh showers: and Andromanes: to say manhood. And Euripides sayeth also of them. Good nutbrown girls which left, their father's house at large, and sought for young men's company, & took their ware in charge. And showed their thighs all bore, the tailor did them wrong, on each side open were their coats, the slytts were all to long. And in deed to say truly, the sides of their petticoats were not sowed beneath: so that as they went, they showed their thighs naked and bore. The which Sophocles doth easily declare by these verses: The song which you shall sing, shallbe the sonnet said, by Hermionè lusty lass, that strong and sturdy maid: Which trust her petticoat, about her middle short, and set to show her naked hips, in frank and friendly sort. And therefore it is said, the LACON wives were bold, manly, & stout against their husbands, namely the first. The Laconians were to manly. For they were wholly mistresses in the house, and abroad: yea they had law on their side also, to utter their minds frankly concerning the chiefest matters. But Numa ever reserved the honour and dignity unto the women, which was left them by Romulus in his time, when their husbands, after they had taken them away perforce, disposed themselves to use them as gently as possibly they could: nevertheless, he added otherwise thereto, great honesty, The Roman women very modest. and took away all curiosity from them, and taught them sobriety, & did enure them to speak little. For he did utterly forbidden them wine, and did prohibit them to speak, although it were for things necessary, unless it were in the presence of their husbands. In so much as it is reported, that a woman chancing one day to plead her cause in person, openly before the judges: the Senate hearing of it, did sand immediately unto the oracle of Apollo, to know what that did prognosticate to the city. And therefore Numa thought the memory of the naughty women, would much commend the great humility, gentleness, & obedience of the good. For like as our GRAECIAN historiographers do note those which were the first that killed any of their citizens, or have fought with their brethren, or have killed their fathers or mothers: even so the romans do note that Spurius Caruilius was the first which forsook his wife, The first divorce a● Rome. two hundred & thirty years after the first foundation of ROME, which was never done by any before. And that the wife of one Pinarius, called Thalea, was the first which ever brawled or quarreled with her mother in law called Gegania, in the time when Tarquin surnamed the provide reigned: so well and honestly were the orders of Numa devised concerning marriage. Moreover, the age and time marrying of maids, which both the one and the other ordained: doth agreed with the rest of their education. For Lycurgus would not that they should be married, till they were of good years, and women grown: to the end that they knowing the company of man at such time as nature requireth, it should be a beginning of their pleasure and love, and not of grief and hate, when she should be compelled unto it before time agreeable by nature, and because their bodies also should be more strong and able to bear children, and to endure the mother's painful throws and travel in child bearing, considering they are married to no other end, but to bear children. But the romans to the contrary, do mary them at twelve years of age, and under: saying, that by this means their bodies & manners be wholly theirs, which do mary them, being assured that no body else could touch them. By this reason it is manifest, that the one is more natural, to make them strong to bear children: & the other more moral, to give them the form & manner of conditions, which a man would have them to keep all their life time. Moreover touching orders for education of children, that they should be brought up, instructed, & taught, under the self same masters & governors, which should have an eye to make them drink, eat, play, and exercise themselves honestly, How much education and discipline is worth. and orderly together: Numa made no more provision for the same, than the lest maker of laws that ever was, and nothing in comparison of Lycurgus. For Numa left the parents at liberty, to use their discretion (according unto their covetousness or necessity) to 'cause their children to be brought up as they thought good: Arist. polit. 8. whether they would put them to be labourers, carpenters, founders, or minstrels. As if they should not frame the manners of children, and fashion them from their cradle all to one end: but should be as it were like passengers in one ship, which being there, some for one business, other for another purpose, but all to divers ends, do never meddle one with another, but in a rough storm or tempest, when every man is afraid of his own life. For otherwise, no man careth but for himself. And other makers of laws also, are to be borne withal, if any thing hath scaped them through ignorance, or some time through lack of sufficient power and authority. But a wise philosopher, having received a realm of people newly gathered together, which did contrary him in nothing: whereto should he most ply his study and endeavour, but to 'cause children to be well brought up, and to make young men exercise themselves, to the end they should not differ in manners, nor that they should be troublesome, by their divers manner of bringing up, but that they should all agreed together, for that they had been trained from their childhood unto one self trade, and fashioned under one self pattern of virtue? That good education, besides other commodities, did also serve to preserve Lycurgus' laws. How Lycurgus laws were established. For the fear of their oath which they had made, had been of small effect, if he had not through institution, and education (as it were) died in wool the manners of children, and had not made them from their nurses breasts in manner, suck the juice and love of his laws, and civil ordinances. And this was of such force, that for the space of five hundred years & more, Lycurgus' chieflawes and ordinances remained in full perfection, as a deep woded dye, which went to the bottom, and pierced into the tender wool. Contrariwise, that which was numa's chief end and purpose, to continue ROME in peace and amity, died by and by with him. Why numa's orders died. For he was no sooner dead, but they opened both the gates of the temple of janus, which he so carefully had kept shut all his reign, as if in deed he had kept in wars there, under lock and key, and they filled all ITALY with murder and blood: & this his godly, holy, and just government which his Realm enjoyed all his time, did not last long after, because it had not the bond of education, and the discipline of children which should maintain it. Why, may a man say to me here: hath not ROME excelled still, and prevailed more & more in chivalry? This question requireth a long answer, and specially unto such men, as place felicity in riches, in possessions, & in the greatness of empire, rather than in the quiet safety, peace, & concord of a common weal: and in clemency and justice, joined with contentation. Nevertheless, howsoever it was, that maketh for Lycurgus also, that the romans, after they had changed the state which they had of Numa, did so marvelously increase & grow mighty: and that the LACEDÆMONIANS to the contrary, so soon as they began to break Lycurgus' laws, being of great authority and sway, fell afterwards to be of small account. So that having lost the sovereignty & commandment over GRECE, they stood in great hazard also to be overthrown for ever. But in troth it was some divine thing in Numa, Why Numa is to be preferred before Lycurgus. that he being a mere stranger, the romans did seek him, to make him King, and that he could so change all, and rule a whole city as he lifted (not yet joined together) without need of any force or violence: as it was in Lycurgus, to be assisted with the best of the city, in resisting the commons of LACEDAEMON, but he could never otherwise have kept them in peace, & made them love together, but by his only wisdom & justice. The end of Numa Pompilius life. THE LIFE OF Solon. DIDYMUS the Grammarian, in a little book that he wrote & dedicated unto Asclepiades, touching the tables of the laws of Solon, allegeth the words of one Philocles, in which he speaketh against the common opinion of those that have written, that Solon's father was called Euphorion. Solon's lineage. For all other writers agreed, that he was the son of Execestides, a man but reasonably to live, although otherwise he was of the noblest and most ancient house of the city of ATHENS. For of his father's side, he was descended of king Codrus: and for his mother, Heraclides Ponticus writeth, she was cousin germane unto Pisistratus mother. For this cause even from the beginning there was great friendship between them, Great friendship betwixt Solon & Pisistratus. partly for their kindred, and partly also for the courtesy, and beauty of Pisistratus, with whom it is reported Solon on a time was in love. Afterwards they fortuned to fall at jar one with the other, about matter of state and government: yet this square bred no violent inconvenience between them, but they reserved in their hearts still their ancient amity, which continued the memory of their love, as a great fire doth a burning flame. That Solon was no stayed man to withstand beauty, nor any great doer to prevail in love, it is manifest to all, aswell by other poetical writings that he hath made, as by a law of his own: wherein he did forbidden bondmen to perfume themselves, A statute for bondmen. or to be lovers of children. Who placed this law among honest matters, and commendable: as allowing it to the better sort, and forbidding it to the basest. They say also that Pisistratus self was in love with Charmus, and that he did set up the little image of love, which is in Academia, where they were wont to light the holy candle. But Solon's father (as Hermippus writeth) having spent his goods in liberality, and deeds of courtesy, though he might easily have been relieved at divers men's hands with money, he was yet ashamed to take any, because he came of a house which was wont rather to give and relieve others, then to take themselves: so being yet a young man, he devised to trade merchandise. Solon gave himself in youth to trade merchandise. Howbeit other say, that Solon traveled countries, rather to see the world, and to learn: then to traffic, or gain. For sure he was very desirous of knowledge, as appeareth manifestly: for that being now old, he commonly used to say this verse: I grow old, learning still. Also he was not covetously bend, nor loved riches to much: for he said in one place: Who so hath goods, and gold enough at call, great herds of beasts, and flocks in many a fold, both horse and mule, yea store of corn and all, that may content each man above the mowlde: not richer is, for all those heaps and hoards, than he which hath, sufficiently to feed, and cloth his corpses, with such as god afoordes. Solon's judgement of riches. But if is joy, and chief delight do breed, for to behold the fair and heavenly face, of some sweet wife, which is adorned with grace: or else some child, of beauty fair and bright, then hath he cause (in deed) of deep delight. And in another place also he sayeth: In deed I do desire, some wealth to have at will: but not unless the same be got, by faithful dealing still. For sure who so desires by wickedness to thrive: shall find that justice from such goods, will justly him deprive. There is no law forbiddeth an honest man, or gentleman, greedily to scrape goods together, & more than may suffice: & likewise to get sufficient to maintain one withal, & to defray all needful charges. In those days no state was discommended, as sayeth Hesiodus, nor any art or science made any difference between men: but merchandise they thought an honourable state, The commodities of merchandise. as that which delivered means, to traffic into strange & far countries, to get acquaintance with states, to procure the love of princes, & chief to gather the experience of the world. So that there have been merchants, which heretofore have been founders of great cities: as he which first built MASSILIA, A marchauns builded Massilia. after he had obtained the friendship of the GAULES, dwelling by the river of Rhosne. And they say also, that Thales Milesius the wife, did traffic merchandise, & that Hypocrates the mathematic did even so: & likewise that Plato traveling into Egypt, Thales. Hypocrates. Plato. all merchants. did bear the whole charges of his journey, with the gains he made of the sale of oil he carried thither. They remember also, that Solon learned to be lavish in expense, to far delicately, & to speak wanton of pleasures in his Poems, somewhat more licentiously than become the gravity of a Philosopher only because he was brought up in the trade of merchandise, wherein for that men are marvelous subject to great losses & dangers, they seek otherwiles good cheer to drive these cares away, and liberty to make much of themselves. Yet it appeareth by these verses, that Solon accounted himself rather in the number of the poor, than of the rich. Rich men (oft-times) in lewdest lives do range, and often seen, that virtuous men be poor: Yet would the good, their goodness never change with lewd estate, although their wealth be more. Poverty with virtue better than riches. For virtue stands always, both firm and stable: When riches rove, and seldom are durable. This Poetry at the beginning he used but for pleasure, and when he had leisure, writing no matter of importance in his verses. Afterwards he did set out many grave matters of philosophy, How Solon used his poetry. and the most part of such things as he had devised before, in the government of a common weal, which he did not for history or memories sake, but only of a pleasure to discourse: for he showeth the reasons of that he did, and in some places he exhorteth, chideth, and reproveth the ATHENIANS. And some affirm also he went about to writ his laws and ordinances in verse, and do recite his perface, which was this: vouch save o mighty jove, of heaven and earth high King: to grant good fortune to my laws, and beasts in every thing. And that their glory grow, in such triumphant wise, as may remain in fame for ay, which lives and never dies. Solon delighted in moral, but not in natural philosophy. He chief delighted in moral philosophy, which treated of government & common weals: as the most part of the wise men did of those times. But for natural philosophy, he was very gross and simple, as appeareth by these verses. The clattering hail, and softly falling snow do breed in air, and fall from clouds on high. The dreadful claps, which thunderbolts do throw, do come from heaven, and lightnings bright in sky: The sea itself by boisterous blasts doth roar which (were it not provoked so full sore) Would be both calm and quiet for to pass, as any element that ever was. So in effect there was none but Thales alone of all the seven wise men of GRECE, who searched further the contemplation of things in common use among men, than he. For setting him a part, all the others got the name of wisdom, only for their understanding in matters of state and government. It is reported that they met on a day all seven together in the city of DELPHES, and another time in the city of CORINTHE, where Periander got them together at a feast that he made to the other six. But that which most increased their glory, and made their fame most spoken of, was the sending back again of the three footed stool when they all had refused it, and turned it over one to another with great humanity. For the tale is, how certain fishermen of the isle of Co, cast their nets into the sea, and certain strangers passing by, that came from the city of MILETUM, did buy their draft of fish at adventure, before the net was drawn. And when they drew it up, there came up in the net a three footed stool of massy gold, Helen's three footed stool of gold drawn up in a drag net. which men say, Helen (as she did return from TROY) had thrown in in that place, in memory of an ancient oracle she called then unto her mind. Thereupon the strangers & fisher men first fell at strife about this three footed stool, who should have it: but afterwards the two cities took part of both sides, on their citizens behalf. In so much as wars had like to have followed between them, had not the prophetess Pythia given a like oracle unto them both. That they should give this three footed stool unto the wisest man. Whereupon the men of Co, sent it first to Thales in the city of MILETUM, as being willing to grant that unto a private person, for which they had made wars with all the MILESIANS before. Thales said, he thought Bias a wiser man than himself: The rare modesty of the wise men. and so it was sent unto him. He likewise sent it again unto another, as to a wiser man. And that other, sent it also unto another. So that being thus posted from man to man, and through divers hands, in the end it was brought back again unto the city of MILETUM, and delivered into the hands of Thales the second time: and last of all was carried unto THEBES, and offered up unto the temple of Apollo Ismenian. Howbeit Theophrastus' writeth, that first it was sent to the city of PRIENA, unto Bias: and then unto Thales, in the city of MILETUM, by Bias consent. And after that it had passed through all their hands, it was brought again unto Bias: and lastly it was sent to the city of DELPHES. And thus much have the best and most ancient writers written: saving that some say in stead of a three footed stool, it was a cup that king Croesus sent unto the city of DELPHES. Other say, it was a piece of plate which Bathycles left there. They make mention also of another private meeting betwixt Anacharsis and Solon, and of another between him and Thales, where they recite, that they had this talk. Anacharsis and Solon's meeting. Anacharsis being arrived at ATHENS, went to knock at Solon's gate, saying that he was a stranger which came of purpose to see him, and to desire his acquaintance and friendship. Solon answered him, that it was better to seek friendship in his own country. Anacharsis replied again: thou than that art at home, and in thine own country, begin to show me friendship. Then Solon wondering at his bold ready wit, entertained him very courteously: and kept him a certain time in his house, and made him very good cheer, at the self same time wherein he was most busy in governing the common weal, & making laws for the state thereof. Which when Anacharsis understood, he laughed at it, to see that Solon imagined with written laws, Anacharsis saying of Solons written laws. to bridle men's covetousness and injustice. For such laws, said he, do rightly resemble the spiders cobwebs: because they take hold of little flies and gnats which fall into them, but the rich and mighty will break and run through them at their william. Solon answered him, that men do justly keep all covenants and bargains which one make with another, because it is to the hindrance of either party to break them: & even so, he did so temper his laws, that he made his citizens know, it was more for their profit to obey law & justice, then to break it. Nevertheless afterwards, matters proved rather according to Anacharsis comparison, then agreeable to the hope that Solon had conceived. Anacharsis being by hap one day in a common assembly of the people at ATHENS, said that he marveled much, why in the consultations & meetings of the GRECIANS, wise men propounded matters, and fools did decide them. It is said moreover, that Solon was sometime in the city of MILETUM at Thales house, where he said that he could not but marvel at Thales, that he would never marry to have children. Thales gave him never a word at that present: Solon's talk with Thales at Miletum, about marriage, for having of children. but within few days after he suborned a stranger, which said that he came but newly home from ATHENS, departing from thence but ten days before. Solon asked him immediately, What news there? This stranger whom Thales had schooled before, answered: none other there, saving that they carried a young man to burial, whom all the city followed, for that he was one of the greatest men's sons of the city, and the honestest man withal, who at that present was out of the country, and had been a long time (as they said) abroad. O poor unfortunate father, then said Solon: and what was his name? I have heard him named, said the stranger, but I have forgotten him now: saving that they all said, he was a worthy wise man. So Solon still trembling more and more for fear, at every answer of this stranger: in the end he could hold no longer, being full of trouble, but told his name himself unto the stranger, and asked him again, if he were not the son of Solon which was buried. The very same, said the stranger. Solon with that, like a mad man strait began to beaten his head, and to say, and do, like men impatient in affliction, and overcome with sorrow. But Thales laughing to see this pageant, stayed him, and said. Lo, Solon, this is it that keepeth me from marrying, and getting of children: which is of such a violence, that thou seest it hath now overcome thee, although otherwise thou art strong, and able to wrestle with any. Howbeit for any thing he hath said unto thee, be of good cheer man, for it is but a tale, and nothing so. Hermippus writeth, that Patacus (he which said he had Esop's soul) reciteth this story thus. Nevertheless it lacketh judgement, and the courage of a man also, to be afraid to get things necessary, fearing the loss of them: We should not let to get things necessary, fearing to loose them. for by this reckoning, he should neither esteem honour, goods, nor knowledge when he hath them, for fear to loose them. For we see that virtue itself, which is the greatest and sweetest riches a man can have, decayeth oft-times through sickness, or else by physic, and potions. Furthermore Thales self, although he was not married, was not therefore free from this fear, unless he would confess that he neither loved friends, kinsmen, nor country: howbeit Thales had an adopted son, called Cybistus, Cybistus Thales adopted son. which was his sister's son. For our soul having in it a natural inclination to love, The instinct of natural love. and being borne aswell to love, as to feel, to reason, or understand, and to remember: having nothing of her own whereupon she might bestow that natural love, borroweth of other. As where there is a house or inheritance without lawful heirs, many times strangers, and base borne children, do creep into the kind affection of the owner, and when they have once won & possessed his love, they make him ever after to be kind and tender over them. So that ye shall see many times men of such a hard and rough nature, that they like not of them that move them to marry, and get lawful children: and yet afterwards are ready to die for fear & sorrow, when they see their bastards (that they have gotten of their slaves or concubines) fall sick or die, and do utter words far unmeet for men of noble courage. And some such there be, that for the death of a dog, or their horse, are so out of heart, and take such thought, that they are ready to go into the ground, they look so pittiefully. Other some are clean contrary, who though they have lost their children, foregone their friends, or some gentleman dear unto them, yet no sorrowful word hath comen from them, neither have they done any unseemly thing: but have passed the rest of their life like wise, constant, and virtuous men. For it is not love but weakness, which breedeth these extreme sorrows, and exceeding fear, in men that are not exercised, nor acquainted to fight against fortune with reason. And this is the cause that plucketh from them the pleasure of that they love and desire, by reason of the continual trouble, fear and grief they feel, by thinking how in time they may be deprived of it. Now we must not arm ourselves with poverty, against the grief of loss of goods: neither with lack of affection, against the loss of our friends: neither with want of marriage, against the death of children: but we must be armed with reason against misfortunes. Thus have we sufficiently enlarged this matter. The ATHENIANS having now sustained a long and troublesome war against the MEGARIANS, for the possession of the isle of SALAMINA: were in the end weary of it, and made proclamation straightly commanding upon pain of death, Proclamation upon pa●ne of death no man so mo●e the counsel for the title of Salamina. Solon feigned madness to recover Salamina. that no man should presume to prefer any more to the counsel of the city, the title or question of the possession of the isle of SALAMINA. Solon could not bear this open shame, and seeing the most part of the lustiest youths desirous still of war though their tongues were tied for fear of the proclamation: he feigned himself to be out of his wits, and caused it to be given out that Solon was become a fool, and secretly he had made certain lamentable verses, which he had cunned without book, to sing abroad the city. So one day he ran suddenly out of his house with a garland on his head, and got him to the market place, where the people strait swarmed like bees about him: and getting him up upon the stone where all proclamations are usually made, out he singeth these Elegies he had made, which began after this sort. I here present myself (an Herald) in this case, which come from Salamina land, that noble worthy place. Solon's Elegies of the Salaminians. My mind in pelting prose, shall never be expressed, But song in verse Heroical, for so I think it best. This Elegy is entitled SALAMINA, and containeth a hundred verses, which are excellently well written. And these being song openly by Solon at that time, his friends incontinently praised them beyond measure, and specially Pisistratus: and they went about persuading the people that were present, to credit that he spoke. Hereupon the matter was so handled amongst them, that by and by the proclamation was revoked, and they began to follow the wars with greater fury than before, appointing Solon to be general in the same. But the common tale and report is, that he went by sea with Pisistratus unto the temple of Venus, Of the temple of Venus Coliade, S●ab lib 4. & ●●rsan of the Athenians. surnamed Coliade: where he found all the women at a solemn feast and sacrifice, which they made of custom to the goddess. He taking occasion thereby, sent from thence a trusty man of his own unto the MEGARIANS, which then had SALAMINA: whom he instructed to fayne himself a revolted traitor, & that he came of purpose to tell them, that if they would but go with him, they might take all the chief ladies and gentle women of ATHENS on a sudden. Solon's stratagems. The MEGARIANS easily believed him, and shipped forthwith certain soldiers to go with him. But when Solon perceived the ship under sail coming from SALAMINA, he commanded the women to depart, and in stead of them he put lusty beardless springalles into their apparel, and gave them little short daggers to convey under their clotheses, commanding them to play & dance together upon the sea side, until their enemies were landed, and their ship at anchor: and so it came to pass. For the MEGARIANS being deceived by that they saw a far of, as son as ever they came to the shore side, did land in heaps, one in another's neck, even for greediness to take these women: but not a man of them escaped, for they were slain every mother's son. This stratagem being finely handled, & to good effect, the ATHENIANS took sea strait, and costed over to the isle of SALAMINA: which they took upon the sudden, and wan it without much resistance. Solon wan Salamina. Other say that it was not taken after this sort: but that Apollo Delphicus gave Solon first such an oracle. Thou shalt first win by vows and sacrifice, the help of lords an demi gods full bright: of whose dead bones, the dust engraved lies, in western soil, Asopia that height. By order of this oracle, he one night passed over to SALAMINA, & did sacrifice to Periphemus, & to Cichris, demi gods of the country. Which done, the ATHENIANS delivered him five hundred men, who willingly offered themselves: & the city made an accord with them, that if they took the isle of SALAMINA, they should bear greatest authority in the common weal. Solon embarked his soldiers into divers fisher boats, and appointed a galliot of thirty owers to come after him, & he ankred hard by the city of SALAMINA, under the point which looketh towards the isle of NEGREPONT. The MEGARIANS which were within SALAMINA, having by chance heard some inkling of it, but yet knew nothing of certainty: ran presently in hurly burley to arm them, and manned out a ship to descry what it was. But they fond coming within danger, were taken by Solon, who clapped the MEGARIANS under hatches fast bound, and in their rooms put aboard in their ship the choicest soldiers he had of the ATHENIANS, commanding them to set their course direct upon the city, and to keep themselves as close out of sight as could be. And he himself with all the rest of his soldiers landed presently, and marched to encounter with the MEGARIANS, which were come out into the field. Now whilst they were fight together, Solon's men whom he had sent in the MEGARIANS ship, entered the haven, & wan the town. This is certainly true, & testified by that which is showed yet at this day. For to keep a memorial hereof a ship of ATHENS arriveth quietly at the first, & by & by those that are in the ship make a great shout, and a man armed leaping out of the ship, runneth shouting towards the rock called Sciradion, which is as they come from the firm land: and hard by the same is the temple of Mars, which Solon built there after he had overcome the MEGARIANS in battle, from whence he sent back again those prisoners that he had taken (which were saved from the slaughter of the battle) without any ransom paying. Nevertheless, the MEGARIANS were sharply bend still, to recover SALAMINA again. Much hurt being done & suffered on both sides: both parts in the end made the LACEDÆMONIANS judges of the quarrel. Great strife betwixt the Megarians & Athenians for Salamina Iliad. lib. 2. But upon judgement given, common report is, that Homer's authority did Solon good service, because he did add these verses to the number of ships, which are in the Iliads of Homer, which he rehearsed before the judges, as if they had been in deed written by Homer. Ajax that champion stout, did lead with him in charge, twelve ships from Salamina soil, which he had left at large, and even those self same ships, in battle did he cast and place in order for to fight, with enemies force at last. In that same very place, whereas it seemed then the captains which from Athens came, imbattelled had their men. Howbeit the ATHENIANS selves think, it was but a tale of pleasure: and say that Solon made it appear to the judges, that Philaeus, and Eurysaces (both Ajax sons) were made free denizens of ATHENS. Whereupon they gave the isle of SALAMINA unto the ATHENIANS, & one of them came to devil in a place called Brauron, in the country of ATTICA: and the other in a town called MELITUM. And for due proof thereof, they say there is yet a certain canton or quarter of the country of ATTICA, which is called the canton of the Philaeides, after the name of this Philaeus, where Pisistratus was borne. And it is said moreover, that Solon (because he would thoroughly convince the MEGARIANS) did allege that the SALAMINIANS buried not the dead after the MEGARIANS manner, but after the ATHENIANS manner. For in MEGARA they bury the dead with their faces to the East: and in ATHENS their faces are towards the West. Yet Hereas the Megarian denieth it, saying that the MEGARIANS did bury them also with their faces towards the West: The manner of burial with the Megarian: & the Athenians. alleging moreover, that at ATHENS every corpse had his own beer or coffin by itself, & that at MEGARA they did put three or four corpses together. They say also there were certain oracles of Apollo Pythias, which did greatly help Solon, by which the god called SALAMINA, JONIA. Their strife was judged by five Arbitrators, all SPARTANS borne: that is to say, Critolaidas, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas, & Cleomenes. Solon undoubtedly won great glory & honour by this exploit, yet was he much more honoured & esteemed, for the oration he made in defence of the temple of Apollo, in the city of DELPHES: Solon defendeth the cause of the temple of Delphes. declaring that it was not meet to be suffered, that the CYRRHAEIANS should at their pleasure abuse the sanctuary of the oracle, & that they should aid the DELPHIANS in honour and reverence of Apollo. Whereupon the counsel of the Amphictyons, being moved with his words and persuasions, proclaimed wars against the CYRRHAEIANS: as divers other do witness, and specially Aristotle, in the story he wrote of those that wan the Pythian games, where he ascribeth unto Solon the honour of that determination. Nevertheless Hermippus sayeth, Solon was not made general of their army, as Euanthes Samian hath written. For AEschines the Orator wrote no such thing of him: & in the chronicles of the DELPHIANS they find, that one Alcmaeon, & not Solon, was the general of the ATHENIANS. Now the city of ATHENS had a long time benevexed and troubled through Cylons' heinous offence, ever sense the year that Megacles (governor of the city of ATHENS) did with fair words handle so the confederates of the rebellion of Cylon, which had taken sanctuary within the liberties of the temple of Minerva: that he persuaded them to be wise, and to present themselves before the judges, holding by a thread, which they should tie about the base of the image of the goddess where she stood, because they should not loose their liberty. But when they were come to the place of the honourable goddesses so called (which be the images of the furies) coming down to present themselves before the judges, the thread broke of itself. Then Megacles, and other officers his companions, laid hold on them presently, saying that it was a manifest sign that the goddess Minerva refused to save them. So those they took, & all they could say hands of, were immediately stoned to death without the cittie-the rest which took the altars for refuge, were slain there also. And none were saved, but such as had made means to the governors wives of the city, to entreat for them: which from that time forth were ever hated of the people, and commonly called the abjects and excommunicates. Who being the issues of the rebels that rose with Cylon, chanced to rise again in credit, & growing to great authority, they never left quarreling & fight continually with th'offspring of Megacles. These factions were greatest & highest in Solon's time: who being of authority, & seeing the people thus divided in two par 〈…〉 he stepped in between them, with the chiefest men of ATHENS, & did so persuade & entreat those whom they called the abjects & excommunicates, that they were contented to be judged. So three hundred of the chiefest citizens were chosen judges to hear this matter. The accuser was Myron Phlyeian. This matter was heard and pleaded, & by sentence of the judges, the excommunicates were condemned. Those that were alive, to perpetual exile: & the bones of them that were dead, to be digged up, & thrown out of the confines of the territory of ATHENS. But whilst the city of ATHENS was occupied with these uproars, the MEGARIANS wisely caught hold of the occasion delivered, and set upon the ATHENIANS, took from them the haven of NYSAEA, & recovered again out of their hands, the isle of SALAMINA. Furthermore, all the city was possessed with a certain superstitious fear: for some said, that spirits were come again, and strange sights were seen. The prognosticatours also said, they perceived by their sacrifices, the city was defiled with some abominable & wicked things, which were of necessity to be purged and thrown out. Hereupon they sent into CRETA for Epimenides Phaestian, Epimenides Phaestus taken for one of the 7. sages, excluding Periander. whom they reckoned the seventh of the wise men, at the lest such as will not allow Periander for one of the number. He was a holy and devout man, and very wise in celestial things, by inspiration from above: by reason whereof, men of his time called him the new Curetes, that is to say, Prophet: and he was thought the son of a Nymph called Baltè. When he was come to ATHENS, and grown in friendship with Solon: he did help him much, and made his way for establishing of his laws. For he acquainted the ATHENIANS to make their sacrifices much lighter, and of less cost: & brought the citizens to be more moderate in their mourning, with cutting of certain severe and barbarous ceremonies, which the most part of the women observed in their mourning, & he ordained certain sacrifices which he would have done immediately after the obsequies of the dead. But that which exceeded all the rest was, that by using the citizens unto holiness & devotion, daily sacrifices, prayers unto the gods, purging of themselves, & humble offerings: he wan men's hearts by little & little, to yield them more confirmable to justice, & to be more inclined to concord & unity. It is reported also that Epimenides, when he saw the haven of Munychia, & had long considered of it: told those about him, that men were very blind in foreseeing things to come. For if the ATHENIANS (said he) knew, what hurt this haven would bring them: they would eat it (as they say) with their teeth. It is said also that Thales did prognosticate such a like thing, who after his death commanded they should bury his body, in some vile place of no reckoning, with in the territory of the MILESIANS, saying that one day there should be the place of a city. Epimenides therefore being marvelously esteemed of every man for these causes, was greatly honoured of the ATHENIANS, and they offered him great presents of money and other things, but he would take nothing, and only prayed them to give him a bough of the holy olive: which they granted him, and so he returned shortly home into CRETA. Now that this sedition of Cylon was utterly appeased in ATHENS, for that the excommunicates were banished the country: Solon pacified the sedition at Athens. the city fell again into their old troubles and dissensions about the government of the common weal: & they were divided into so divers parts and factions, as there were people of sundry places & territories within the country of ATTICA. For there were the people of the mountains, the people of the valleys, and the people of the sea coast. Those of the mountains, took the common people's part for their lives. Those of the valley, would a few of the best citizens should carry the sway. The coast men would, that neither of them should prevail, because they would have had a mean government, & mingled of them both. Furthermore, the faction between the poor & rich, proceeding of their unequality, was at that time very great. By reason whereof the city was in great danger, and it seemed there was no way to pacify or take up these controversies, unless some tyrant happened to rise, that would take upon him to rule the whole. For all the common people were so sore indebted to the rich, that either they ploughed their lands, & yielded them the sixth part of their crop: The misery of debt, and usury. (for which cause they were called Hectemorij and servants) or else they borrowed money of them at usury, upon gage of their bodies to serve it out. And if they were not able to pay them, than were they by the law delivered to their creditors, who kept them as bond men & slaves in their houses, or else they sent them into strange countries to be sold: & many even for very poverty were forced to cell their own children (for there was no law: to forbidden the contrary) or else to forsake their city & country, for the extreme cruelty & hard, dealing of these abominable usurers their creditors. Insomuch as many of the lustiest & stoutest of them, banded together in companies, & encouraged one another, not to suffer & bear any, longer such extremity, but to choose them a stout & trusty captain, that might set them at, liberty, and redeem those out of captivity, which were judged to be bondmen & servants, for lack of paying of their detts at their days appointed: & so to make again a new division of all lands and tenements, and wholly to change and turn up the whole state & government. Then the wisest men of the city, who saw Solon only neither partner with the rich in their oppression, neither partaker with the poor in their necessity: Solon's equity and uprightness. made suit to him, that it would please him to take the matter in hand, & to appease and pacify all these broils and sedition. Yet Phanias Lesbian writeth, that he used a subtlety, whereby he deceived both the one and the other side, concerning the common weal. For he secretly promised the poor to divide the lands again: Solon by subtlety set order betwixt the poor & rich. & the rich also, to confirm their covenants & bargains. Howsoever it fell out, it is very certain that Solon from the beginning made it a great matter, & was very scrupulous to deal between them: fearing the covetousness of the one, & arrogancy of the other. Howbeit in the end he was chosen governor after Philombrotus, & was made reformer of the rigour of the laws, & the temperer of the state & common weal, by consent & agreement of both parties. Solon chosen reformer of the law, and chief governor. The rich accepted him, because he was no beggar: the poor did also like him, because he was an honest man. They say moreover, that one word & sentence which he spoke (which at that present was rife in every man's mouth) that equality did breed no strife: did aswell please the rich and wealthy, as the poor and needy. For the one sort conceived of this word equality, that he would measure all things according to the quality of the man: & the other took it for their purpose, that he would measure things by the number, & by the poll only. Thus the captains of both factions persuaded & prayed him, boldly to take upon him that sovereign authority, sithence he had the whole city now at his commandment. The neawters also of every part, when they saw it very hard to pacify these things with law and reason, were well content that the wisest, and honestest man, should alone have the royal power in his hands. Some say also that there was such an oracle of Apollo. Sit thou at helm, as governor to steer to guide our course, and rule the rolling ship, for thou shalt see, full many Athenians there, will take thy part, and after thee will trip. But his familiar friends above all rebuked him, saying he was to be accounted no better than a beast, if for fear of the name of tyrant, Salt refuseth to be a tyrant. Tynnondas, and Pittacus tyrants. he would refuse to take upon him a Kingdom: which is the most just and honourable state, if one take it upon him that is an honest man. As in old time, Tynnondas made himself King of those of Negrepont, with their consent: and as Pittacus was then presently of those of METELIN. Notwithstanding, all these goodly reasons could not make him once altar his opinion. And they say he answered his friends, that principality and tyranny, was in deed a goodly place: Solens answer for tyranny. howbeit there was no way for a man to get out, when he was once entered into it. And in certain verses that he wrote to Phocus, thus he said: I neither blush, nor yet repent myself, that have preserved, my native soil always, and that therein (to hourde up trash and pelf) no tyrants thought, could once eclipse my praise. No might could move, my mind to any wrong, which might beblot, the glory of my name: for so I thought, to live in honour long; and far excel all other men for fame. Hereby appeareth plainly, that even before he was chosen reformer of the state, to establish new laws: he was then of great countenance and authority. But he himself writeth, that many said of him thus, after he had refused the occasion of usurping of this tyranny: Sure, Solon was a fool, and of a bashful mind, that would refuse the great good hap, which gods to him assigned. The pray was in his hands, yet durst he never draw, the net therefore: but stood abashed, and like a dastard daw. For had not that so been, he would (for one days reign, to be a King in Athens town) himself (all quick) have flayen. And eke subverted quite, his family withal, So sweet it is to rule the roast, clad in princely pall. Thus brought he common rumour to taber on his head. Now, notwithstanding he had refused the kingdom, yet he waxed nothing the more remiss nor soft therefore in governing, neither would he bow for fear of the great, nor yet would frame his laws to their liking, that had chosen him their reformer. For where the mischief was tolerable, he did not strait pluck it up by the roots: neither did he so change the state, as he might have done, lest if he should have attempted to turn upside-down the whole government, he might afterwards have been never able to settle & stablish the same again. Therefore he only altered that, which he thought by reason he would persuade his citizens unto, Excellent temperature. or else by force he aught to compel them to accept, mingling as he said, sour with sweet, & force with justice. And herewith agreeth his answer that he made afterwards, unto one that asked him, if he had made the best laws he could for the ATHENIANS? yea sure, sayeth he, such as they were to receive. And this that followeth also, they have ever since observed in the Athenian tongue: to make certain things pleasant, that be hateful, finely conveying them under colour of pleasing names. Things hateful made pleasant with sweet words. As calling whores, lemons: taxes, contributions: garrisons, guards: prisons, houses. And all this came up first by Solon's invention, who called cleared of detts, cleared of detts, Solon's first law, Usury forbidden upon gage of the body. Seisachtheian in English, discharge. For the first change & reformation he made in government was this: he ordained that all manner of detts past should be clear, and no body should ask his debtor any thing for the time past. That no man should thenceforth lend money out to usury, upon covenants for the body to be bound, if it were not repaid. Howbeit some write (as Androtion among other) that the poor were contented that the interest only for usury should be moderated, without taking away the whole debt: & that Solon called this easy & gentle discharge, Seisachtheian, with crying up the value of money. The value of money cried up by Solon. For he raised the pound of silver, being before but three score and thirteen Drachmas, full up to an hundred: so they which were to pay great sums of money, paid by tale as much as they aught, but with less number of pieces than the debt could have been paid when it was borrowed. And so the debtors gained much, & the creditors lost nothing. Nevertheless the more part of them which have written the same, say, that this crying up of money, was a general discharge of all detts, conditions, & covenants upon the same: whereto the very Poems themselves, which Solon wrote, do seem to agreed. For he glorieth, & breaketh forth in his verses, that he had taken away all bawkes & marcks, that separated men's lands through the country of ATTICA: & that now he had set at liberty, that which before was in bondage. And that of the citizens of ATHENS, which for lack of payment of their debts had been condemned for slaves to their creditors, he had brought many home again out of strange countries, where they had been so long, that they had forgotten to speak their natural tongue: & other which remained at home in captivity, he had now set them all at good liberty. But while he was a doing this, men say a thing thwarted him, that troubled him marvelously. For having framed an Edict for clearing of all detts, and lacking only a little to grace it with words, and to give it some pretty preface, laws would be kept secret till they be published. that otherwise was ready to be proclaimed: he opened himself somewhat to certain of his familiars whom he trusted (as Conon, Clinias, and Hipponicus) & told them how he would not meddle with lands and possessions, but would only clear and cut of all manner of detts. Ill consciences by craft prevent Lawen. These men before the proclamation came out, went presently to the money men, & borrowed great sums of money of them, & laid it out strait upon land. So when the proclamation came out, they kept the lands they had purchased, but restored not the money they had borrowed. This fowl part of theirs made Solon very ill spoken of, & wrongfully blamed: as if he had not only suffered it, but had been partaker of this wrong, & injustice. Notwithstanding he cleared himself of this slanderous report, losing five talents by his own law. For it was well known that so much was due unto his, & he was the first that following his own proclamation, did clearly release his debtors of the same. A good lawmaker, beginneth to do justice in himself. Other say he was owing fifteen talents: and among the same, Polyzelus the Rhodian is one that affirmeth it. Notwithstanding they ever after called Solon's friends, Greocopides, cutters of detts. This law neither liked the one nor the other sort. For it greatly offended the rich, for canceling their bonds: and it much more misliked the poor, because all lands and possessions they gaped for, were not made again common, & every body a like rich and wealthy, as Lycurgus had made the LACEDÆMONIANS. But Lycurgus was the eleventh descended of the right line from Hercules, & had many years been king of LACEDAEMON, where he had gotten great authority, & made himself many friends: all which things together, did greatly help him to execute that, which he wisely had imagined for the order of his common weal. Yet also, he used more persuasion than force, a good witness thereof, the loss of his eye: preferring a law before his private injury, which hath power to preserve a city long in union and concord, and to make citizens to be neither poor nor rich. Solon could not attain to this, for he was born in a popular state, & a man but of mean wealth: Howbeit he did what he could possible, with the power he had, as one seeking to win no credit with his citizens, but only by his counsel. Now, that he got the ill will of the more part of the city, by his proclamation which he made: he himself doth witness it, saying: Even those which erst, did bear me friendly face, and spoke full fair, where ever I them met: 'gan now begin, to look full grim of grace, and were (like foes) in force against me set. As if I had done them, some spite or scorn, or open wrong, which were not to be borne. Nevertheless he sayeth immediately after, that with the same authority and power he had, a man possibly Can not control, the people's minds: nor still their brains, which wrought like winds. But shortly after, having a feeling of the benefit of his ordinance, and every one forgetting his private quarrel: they altogether made a common sacrifice, which they called the sacrifice of Seisachthia, Solon's absolute authority in the common weal. or discharge, and chose Solon general reformer of the law, and of the whole state of the common weal, without limiting his power, but referred all matters indifferently to his william. As the offices of state, common assemblies, voices in election, judgements in justice, and the body of the Senate. And they gave him also full power and authority, to sesse and tax any of them, to appoint the number, what time the sesse should continue, and to keep, confirm, and disannul at his pleasure, any of the ancient laws and customs then in being. Solon took away all Dracons laws. To begin withal, he first took away all Dracons bloody laws, saving for murder, and manslaughter, which were to severe & cruel. For almost he did ordain but one kind of punishment, for all kind of faults and offences, which was death. So that they which were condemned for idleness, were judged to die. And petty larceny, as robbing men's horteyards, & gardens of fruit, or erbes, was as severely punished: as those who had committed sacrilege or murder. Demades therefore encountered it pleasantly, when he said: that Dracons' laws were not written with ink, but with blood. And Draco himself being asked one day, why his punishments were so unequal, as death for all kind of faults: he answered. Because he thought the lest offence worthy so much punishment: and for the greatest, he found none more grievous. Then Solon being desirous to have the chief offices of the city to remain in rich men's hands, as already they did, and yet to mingle the authority of government in such sort, as the meaner people might bear a little sway, which they never could before: he made an estimate of the goods of every private citizen. Solon eateth every citizen at a certain surname. Pentacosiomedimnes. Zeugite. Thete's. And those which he found yearly worth five hundred busshells of corn, & other liquid fruits and upwards, he called Pentacosiomedimnes: as to say, five hundred bushel men of revenue. And those that had three hundred busshells a year, and were able to keep a horse of service, he put in the second degree, and called them knights. They that might dispend but two hundred busshells a year, were put in the third place, & called Zeugites. All other under those, were called Thete's, as ye would say, hirelings, or crafts men living of their labour: whom he did not admit to bear any office in the city, neither were they taken as free citizens, saving they had voices in elections, and assemblies of the city, and in judgements, where the people wholly judged. This at the first seemed nothing, but afterwards they felt it was to great purpose: for hereby the most part of private quarrels and strifes that grew among them, were in the end laid open before the people. For the suffered those to appeal unto the people, The darkness of the law increased, the authority of the judge. which thought they had wrong judgement in their causes. Furthermore, because his laws were written somewhat obscurely, and might be diversely taken and interpreted: this did give a great deal more authority and power to the judges. For, considering all their controversies could not be ended, and judged by express law: they were driven of necessity always to run to the judges, and debated their matters before them. In so much as the judges by this means came to be somewhat above the law: for they did even expound it as they would themselves. Solon self doth note this equal division of the public authority, in a place of his poesies, where he sayeth. Such power have I given, to common people's hand, as might become their mean estate, with equity to stand: and as I have not plucked, from them their dignity, so have I not to much increased, their small authority. Unto the rich likewise, I have allowed no more, than well might seem (in just conceit) sufficient for their store. And so I have for both provided in such wise, that neither shall each other wrong, nor seem for to despise. Yet considering it was meet to provide for the poverty of the common sort of people: he suffered any man that would, to take upon him the defence, of any poor man's case that had the wrong. For if a man were hurt, beaten, forced, or otherwise wronged: any other man that would, might lawfully sue the offender, and prosecute law against him. And this was a wise law ordained of him, to accustom his citizens to be sorry one for another's hurt, & so to feel it, as if any part of his own body had been injured. And they say he made an answer on a time, agreeable to this law. For, being asked what city he thought best governed: he answered. That city where such as receive no wrong, do as earnestly defend wrong offered to other, as the very wrong & injury had been done unto themselves. He erected also the counsel of the Areopagites, of those magistrates of the city, out of which they did yearly choose their governor: & he himself had been of that number, The counsel of the Areopagites. for that he had been governor for a year. Wherefore perceiving now the people were grown to a stomach, & hawtines of mind, because they were clear discharged of their detts: he set one up for matters of state, another counsel of an hundred chosen out of every tribe, 3 Counsels erected in Athens. whereof four hundred of them were to consult & debate of all matters, before they were propounded to the people: that when the great counsel of the people at large should be assembled, no matters should be put forth, unless it had been before well considered of, & digested, by the counsel of the four hundred. Moreover, he ordained the higher court should have the chief authority & power over all things, and chief to see the law executed and maintained: supposing that the common weal being settled, and stayed with these two courts (as with two strong anchor holds) it should be the less turmoiled and troubled, and the people also better pacified and quieted. The most part of writers hold this opinion, that it was Solon which erected the counsel of the Areopagites, as we have said, and it is very likely to be true, for that Dracon in all his laws and ordinances made no manner of mention of the Areopagites, but always speaketh to the Ephetes (which were judges of life and death) when he spoke of murder, or of any man's death. Notwithstanding, the eight law of the thirteenth table of Solon sayeth thus, in these very words. All such as have been banished or detected of naughty life, before Solon made his laws, Other laws of Solon. shallbe restored again to their goods and good name, except those which were condemned by order of the counsel of the Areopagites, or by the Ephetes, or by the Kings in open court, for murder, and death of any man, or for aspiring to usurp tyranny. These words to the contrary, seem to prove and testify, that the counsel of the Areopagites was, before Solon was chosen reformer of the laws. For how could offenders and wicked men be condemned, by order of the counsel of the Areopagites before Solon, if Solon was the first that gave it authority to judge? unless a man will say peradventure, that he would a little help the matter of his laws which were obscure and dark, and would supply that they lacked, with expounding of the same by them. Those which shallbe found attained and convicted of any matter, that hath been heard before the counsel of the Areopagites, the Ephetes, or the governors of the city when this law shall come forth: shall stand condemned still, and all other shallbe pardoned, restored, and set at liberty. Howsoever it is, sure that was his intent and meaning. Furthermore amongst the rest of his laws, one of them in deed was of his own devise: for the like was never established else where. And it is that law, that pronounceth him defamed, and unhonest, who in a civil uproar among the citizens, A law against neawters. sitteth still a looker on, and a neawter, and taketh part with neither side. Whereby his mind was as it should appear, that private men should not be only careful to put themselves & their causes in safety, nor yet should be careless for other's men's matters, or think it a virtue not to meddle with the miseries and misfortunes of their country, but from the beginning of every sedition that they should join with those that take the justest cause in hand, and rather to hazard themselves with such, then to tarry looking (without putting themselves in danger) which of the two should have the victory. There is another law also, An act for matching with inheritors. which at the first sight me thinketh is very unhonest and fond. That if any man according to the law hath matched with a rich heir & inheritor, and of himself is impotent, and unable to do the office of a husband, she may lawfully lie with any whom she liketh, of her husband's nearest kinsmen. Howbeit some affirm, that it is a wise made law for those, which knowing themselves unmeet to entertain wedlock, will for covetousness of lands, mary with rich heirs and possessioners, and mind to abuse poor gentlewomen under the colour of law: and will think to force and restrain nature. For, seeing the law suffereth an inheritor or possessioner thus ill bestowed, at her pleasure to be bold with any of her husband's kin: men will either leave to purchase such marriages, or if they be so careless that they will needs mary, it shallbe to their extreme shame and ignominy, and so shall they deservedly pay for their greedy covetousness. And the law is well made also, because the wise hath not scope to all her husband's kinsmen, but unto one choice man whom she liketh best of his house: to the end that the children that shallbe borne, shallbe at the lest of her husband's blood and kindred. This also confirmeth the same, that such a new married wife should be shut up with her husband, and eat a quince with him: and that he also which marrieth such an inheritor, should of duty see her thrice a month at the lest. For although he get no children of her, yet it is an honour the husband doth to his wife, arguing that he taketh her for an honest woman, that he loveth her, and that he esteemeth of her. Besides, it taketh away many mislikings and displeasures which oftentimes happen in such cases, and keepeth love and good will waking, that it dyenot utterly between them. Solon forbiddeth jointers and dowries. Furthermore, he took away all jointers and dowries in other marriages, and willed that the wives should bring their husbands but three gowns only, with some other little movables of small value, and without any other thing as it were: utterly forbidding that they should buy their husbands, or that they should make merchandise of marriages, as of other trades to gain, but would that man and woman should mary together for issue, for pleasure, and for love, but in no case for money. And for proof hereof, Dionysius the tyrant of SICILY, Dionysius saying of marriages. one day answered his mother (which would needs be married to a young man of SYRACUSE) in this sort. I have power (saith he) to break the laws of SYRACUSE, by having the Kingdom: but to force the law of nature, or to make marriage without the reasonable compass of age, that passeth my reach and power. So is it not tolerable, and much less allowable also, that such disorder should be in well ordered cities, that such uncomely and unfit marriages should be made, between coples of so unequal years: considering there is no meet nor necessary end of such matches. A wise governor of a city, or a judge and reformer of laws and manners, might well say to an old man that should mary with a young maid, as the Poet sayeth of Philoctetes: Ah silly wretch, how trim a man art thou, at these young years, for to be married now? And finding a young man in an old rich woman's house, getting his living by riding of her errants, and waxing fat as they say the partridge doth by treading of the hens: he may take him from thence, to bestow him on some young maid that shall have need of a husband. And thus much for this matter. But they greatly commend another law of Solons, which forbiddeth to speak ill of the dead. A law forbidding to speak evil of the dead. For it is a good and godly thing to think, that they aught not to touch the dead, no more than to touch holy things: and men should take great heed to offend those that are departed out of this world, besides it is a token of wisdom and civility, to beware of immortal enemies. He commanded also in the self same law, that no man should speak ill of the living, specially in Churches, during divine service, or in counsel chamber of the city, nor in the theatres whilst games were a playing: upon pain of three silver * Drachmas. Drachmas to be paid to him that was injured, & two to the common treasury. For he thought it to much shameless boldness, in no place to keep in ones choler, and moreover, that such lacked civility and good manners: and yet altogether to suppress and smother it, he knew it was not only a hard matter, but to some nature's unpossible. And he that maketh laws, must have regard to the common possibility of men, if he will punish little, with profitable example, and not much without some profit. So was he marvelously well thought of, A law for wills and testaments. for the law that he made touching wills and testaments. For before, men might not lawfully make their heirs whom they would, but the goods came to the children or kindred of the testator. But he leaving it at liberty, to dispose their goods where they thought good, so they had no children of their own: did therein prefer friendship before kindred, and good will and favour before necessity and constraint, and so made every one lord and master of his own goods. Yet he did not simply and a like allow all sorts of gifts, howsoever they were made: but those only which were made by men of sound memory or by those whose wits failed them not by extreme sickness, or through drink, medicines, poisonings, charms, or other such violence and extraordinary means, neither yet through the enticements and persuasions of women. As thinking very wisely, there was no difference at all between those that were evidently forced by constraint, and those that were compassed and wrought by subornation at length to do a thing against their will, taking fraud in this case equal with violence, and pleasure with sorrow, as passions with madness, which commonly have as much force the one as the other, to draw and drive men from reason. He made another law also, in which he appointed women their times to go abroad into the fields, their mourning, their feasts and sacrifices, marg A law for women's going abroad. plucking from them all disorder and wilful liberty, which they used before. For he did forbidden that they should carry out of the city with them above three gowns, and to take victuals with them above the value of an half penny, neither basket nor pannier above a cubit high: and specially he did forbidden them to go in the night, other then in their coach, and that a torch should be carried before them. He did forbidden them also at the burial of the dead, to tear and spoil themselves with blows, to make lamentations in verses, to weep at the funerals of a stranger not being their kinsman, to sacrifice an ox on the grave of the dead, to bury above three gowns with the corpse, to go to other men's graves, but at the very time of burying the corpse: all which or the most part of them, are forbidden by our laws at this day. Moreover, those laws appoint a penalty upon such women as offend in the same, to be distrained for, by certain officers expressly named, to control and reform the abuses of women, as womanish persons and faint hearted, which suffer themselves to be overcome with such passions and fondness in their mourning. And perceiving that the city of ATHENS began to replenish daily more and more, by men's repairing thither from all parts, and by reason of the great assured safety, and liberty that they found there: and also considering how the greatest part of the Realm become in manner heathy, and was very barren, and that men traffeking the seas, are not wont to bring any merchandise to those, which can give them nothing again in exchange: he began to practise that his citizens should give themselves unto crafts and occupations, and made a law, Crafts and occupations advanced. that the son should not be bound to relieve his father being old, unless he had set him in his youth to some occupation. It was a wise part of Lycurgus (who dwelled in a city where was no resort of strangers, and had so great a territory as could have furnished twice as many people, as Euripides sayeth, and moreover on all sides was environed with a great number of slaves of the ILOTES, whom it was needful to keep still in labour and work continually) to have his citizens always occupied in exercises of feats of arms, without making them to learn any other science, but discharged them of all other miserable occupations and handy crafts. But Solon framing his laws unto things, & not things unto laws, when he saw the country of ATTICA so lean and barren, that it could hardly bring forth to sustain those that tilled the ground only, and therefore much more impossible to keep so great a multitude of idle people as were in ATHENS: thought it very requisite to set up occupations, and to give them countenance and estimation. Therefore he ordained, that the counsel of the Areopagites, should have full power, The authority of the court and counsel of the Areopagites. and authority to inquire how every man lived in the city, & also to punish such as they found idle people, and did not labour. But this was thought to severe and strait a law which he ordained (as Heraclides Ponticus writeth) that the children borne of common harlotts and strumpets should not be bound to relieve their fathers. For he that maketh no account of matrimony, plainly showeth that he took not a wise to have children, but only to satisfy his lust and pleasure: and so such an one hath his just reward, and is disappointed of the reverence that a father aught to have of his children, since through his own fault the birth of his child falleth out to his reproach. Yet to say truly, in Solon's laws touching women, there are many absurdities, as they fall out ill favouredly. For he maketh it lawful for any man to kill an adulterer taking him with the fact. But he that ravisheth or forcibly taketh away a free woman, is only condemned to pay a hundred silver * Drachmae. drachmas. And he that was the Pander to procure her, should only pay twenty drachmas. Unless she had been a common strumpet or courtesan: for such do justify open access, to all that will hire them. Furthermore, he doth forbidden any person to cell his daughters or sisters, unless the father or brother had taken them, abusing themselves before marriage. Me thinketh it is far from purpose and reason, with severity to punish a thing in one place, and over lightly to pass it over in another: or to set some light fine on ones head for a great fault, and after to discharge him, as it were but a matter of sport. Unless they will excuse it thus, that money being very hard & scant at that time in ATHENS, those fines were then very great & grievous to pay. For in setting out the charges of offerings which should be made in sacrifices, he appointed a weather to be a convenient offering, and he setteth a bushel of corn at a silver drachm. Moore he ordained, that they which won any of the games at ATHENS, should pay to the common treasury an hundred drachmas. And those won any of the games olympical, five hundred drachmas. Also he appointed that he which brought a he wolf, should have five drachmas, & him one drachm for reward of a she wolf. Whereof as Demetrius Phalerian writeth: the one was the price of an ox, and the other of a mutton. For, touching the rates he ordained in the sixteenth table of his laws meet for burnt sacrifices, it is likely he did rate them at a much higher price, then ordinarily they were worth: and yet notwithstanding, the price which he setteth, is very little in comparison of that which they are worth at this day. Now it was a custom ever amongst the ATHENIANS to kill their wolves, because all their country lay for pasture, & not for tillage. The tribes of the Athenians how they were called. Some there be that say, the tribes of the people of ATHENS have not been called after the names of the children of jon, as the common opinion hath been: but that they were called after their divers trades & manners of living, which they took themselves unto from the beginning. For, such as gave themselves unto the wars, were called Oplites: as who would say, men of arms. Those that wrought in their occupations, were called Ergades: as much to say, as men of occupation. The other two which were husbandmen, & followed the plough, were called Teleontes: as you would say, labouring men. And those that kept beasts & cattle, were called AEgicores: as much to say, as heard men. Now, forasmuch as the whole province of ATTICA was very dry, and had great lack of water, being not full of rivers, ronning streams, nor lakes, nor yet stored with any great number of springs, insomuch as they are driven there to use (through the most part of the country) water drawn out of wells made with men's hands: An act for wells. he made such an order, that where there was any well within the space of an Hippicon, that every body within that circuit, might come and draw water only at that well, for his use and necessity. Hippicon is the distance of four furlongs, which is half a mile: & those that dwelled further of, should go seek their water in other places where they would. But if they had digged ten yards deep in their ground, and could find no water in the bottom, in this case, they might lawfully go to their next neighbours well, and take a pot full of water containing six gallons, twice a day: judging it great reason that necessity should be holpen, but not that idleness should be cherished. He appointed also the spaces that should be kept & observed by those, that would set or plant trees in their ground, An act for planting and setting of trees. as being a man very skilful in these matters. For he ordained, that whosoever would plant any kind of trees in his ground, he should set them five foot a sunder one from another: but for the fig tree and olive tree specially, that they should in any case be nine foot a sunder, because these two trees do spread our their branches far of, & they cannot stand near other trees, but they must needs hurt them very much. For besides that they draw away the same that doth nourish the other trees, they cast also a certain moisture & steam upon them, that is very hurtful & incommodious. Moore he ordained, that whosoever would dig a pit or hole in his ground, he should dig it as far of from his neighbour's pit, as the pit he digged was in depth to the bottom. And he that would set up a hive of bees in his ground, he should set them at the lest three hundred foot from other hives set about him before. And of the fruits of the earth, he was contented they should transport and cell only oil out of the Realm to strangers, but no other fruit or grain. He ordained that the governor of the city should yearly proclaim open curses against those that should do to the contrary, or else he himself making default therein, should he fined at a hundred drachmas. Drachmae. This ordinance is in the first table of Solon laws, and therefore we may not altogether discredit those which say, they did forbidden in the old time that men should carry figs out of the country of ATTICA, and that from thence it came that these pick thanks, which bewray & accuse them that transported figs, were called sycophants. He made another law also against the hurt that beasts might do unto men. Wherein he ordained, that if a dog did bite any man, he that aught him should deliver to him that was bitten, his dog tied to a log of timber of four cubits long: & this was a very good devise, to make men safe from dogs. But he was very strait in one law he made, that no stranger might be made denizen and free man of the city of ATHENS, unless he were a banished man for ever out of his country, or else that he should come & devil there with all his family, to exercise some craft or science. Notwithstanding, they say he made not this law so much to put strangers from there freedom there, as to draw them thither, assuring them by this ordinance, they might come and be free of the city and he thought moreover, that both the one & the other would be more faithful to the common weal of ATHENS. The one of them, for that against their wills they were driven to forsake their country: & the other sort, for that advisedly and willingly they were contented to forsake it. This also was another of Solon's laws, which he ordained for those that should feast certain days at the town house of the city, at other men's cost. For he would not allow, that one man should come often to feasts there. Feasts for towns men in the town hall of Athens. And if any man were invited thither to the feast, and did refuse to come: he did set a fine on his head, as reproving the miserable niggardliness of the one, and the presumptuous arrogancy of the other, to contemn & despise common order. After he had made his laws, he did stablish them to continue for the space of one hundred years, Axones. and they were written in tables of wood called Axones, which were made more long than broad, in the which they were graven: whereof there remain some monuments yet in our time, which are to be seen in the town hall of the city of ATHENS. Aristotle sayeth, that these tables were called Cyrbes. Cyrbes. And Cratinus also the Comical poet sayeth in one place, of Solon & Dracon: that Cyrbes was a vessel or pan wherein they did fry millet or hirse. Howbeit others say, that Cyrbes properly were the tables, which contained the ordinances of the sacrifices: and Axones were the other tables, that concerned the common weal. So, all the counsels & magistrates together did swear, that they would keep Solon's laws themselves, & also 'cause them to be observed of others thoroughly & particularly. Then every one of the Thesmothetes Thesmothetes. (which were certain officers attendant on the counsel, & had special charge to see the laws observed) did solemnly swear in the open market place, near the stone where the proclamations are proclaimed: and every of them, both promised, & vowed openly to keep the same laws, & that if any of them did in any one point break the said ordinances, than they were content that such offender should pay to the temple of Apollo, at the city of DELPHES, an image of fine gold, that should way as much as himself. Moreover Solon seeing the disorder of the months, & the moving of the moon, which followed not the course of the sun, & used not to rise & fall when the sun doth, but oftentimes in one day, it doth both touch & pass the sun: he was the first that called the change of the moon, Even caì néa, as much to say, as old and new moon. Allowing that which appeared before the conjunction, to be of the month past: & that which showed it, self after the conjunction, to be of the month following. And he was the first also (in my opinion) that understood Homer rightly, when he said then beginneth the month when it endeth. The day following the change, he called Neomenia, as much to say, as the new month, or the new moon. After the twenty day of the month which they called Icada, he reckoned not the rest of the month, as increasing, but as in the wane: & gathered it by seeing the light of the moon decreasing until the thirty day. Now after his laws were come abroad, & proclaimed, there came some daily unto him, which either praised them, or misliked them: & prayed him either to take away, or to add some thing unto them. Many again came & asked him, how he understood some sentence of his laws: & requested him to declare his meaning, & how it should be taken. Wherefore considering how it were to no purpose to refuse to do it, and again how it would get him much envy & ill will to yield there unto he determined (happen what would) to wind himself out of these briars, and to fly the groanings, complaints, and quarrels of his citizens. For he sayeth himself: Full hard it is, all minds content to have, and specially in matters hard and grave. So, to convey himself a while out of the way, he took upon him to be master of a ship in a certain voyage, and asked licence for ten years of the ATHENIANS to go beyond sea, hoping by that time the ATHENIANS would be very well acquainted with his laws. Solons travel. So went he to the seas, & the first place of his arrival was in EGYPT, where he remained a while, as he himself sayeth. Even there where Nilus, with his crooked cranckes by Canobe, falls into the sea banks. He went to his book there, and did confer a certain time with Psenophis Heliopolitan, and Sonchis Saitan, two of the wisest priests at that time that were in EGYPT: whom when he heard rehearse the story of the Isles ATLANTIDES as Plato writeth, he proved to put the same in verse, & did sand it abroad through GRECE. At his departure out of EGYPT he went into CYPRUS, where he had great courtesy & friendship of one of the princes of that country, called Philocyprus, who was lord of a pretty little city which Demophon (Theseus' son) caused to be built upon the river of clary, Clarius fl.. & was of a goodly strong situation, but in a very lean and barren country. Whereupon Solon told him, it would do better a great deal to remove it out of that place, into a very fair & pleasant valley that lay underneath it, and there to make it larger & state her then it was: which was done according to his persuasion. And Solon self being present at it, was made overseer of the buildings, which he did help to devise and order in good sort, aswell in respect of pleasure, as for force and defence: insomuch as many people came from other places to devil there. And herein many other lords of the country did follow th' example of this Philocyprus, who to honour Solon, called his city SOLES, which before was called AEPIA. AEpia called Soles. Solon in his Elegies maketh mention of this foundation, directing his words unto Philocyprus, as followeth. So grant the gods, that thou, and thine offspring may climb to great, and passing princely state: long time to live, in Soles flourishing. And that they grant, my ship and me good gate when I from hence, by seas shall take my way: that with her harp, dame Venus do vouchsafe to waft me still, until she may convey myself again, into my country safe. Since I have been, the only mean and man, which here to build, this city first began. And as for the meeting & talk betwixt him & king Croesus, I know there are that by distance of time will prove it but a fable, & devised of pleasure: but for my part I will not reject, nor conndemne so famous an history, received & approved by so many grave testimonies. Moreover it is very agreeable to Solon's manners & nature, & also not unlike to his wisdom & magnanimity: although in all points it agreeth not with certain tables (which they call Chronicles) where they have busily noted the order and course of times which even to this day, many have curiously sought to correct, & could yet never discuss it, not accord all contrarieties & manifest repugnaunces in the same. Solon at the desire & request of oh, Solon sa●e king Croesus in the city of Sardis. went to see him in the city of SARDIS. When Solon was come thither, he seemed to be in the self same taking that a man was once reported to be: who being borne & bred up on the main land, & had never seen the sea neither far not near, did imagine every river that he saw had been the sea. So Solon passing alongst Croesus palace, & meeting by the way many of the lords of his court richly appareled, & carrying great trains of serving men, & soldiers about them: thought ever that one of them had been the King, until he was brought unto Croesus' self. Who was passing richly arrayed, what for precious stones & jewels, & for rich cullered silks, laid on with curious goldsmiths work, & all to show himself to Solon in most stately, sumptuous, & magnificent manner. Who perceiving by Solon's repair to his presence, that he showed no manner of sign, nor countenance of wounding, to see so great a state before him, neither had given out any word near or likely to that which Croesus looked for in his own imagination, but rather had delivered speeches for men of judgement and understanding to know, how inwardly he much did mislike Croesus' foolish vanity & base mind: then Croesus commanded all his treasuries to be opened where his gold & silver lay, next that they should show him his rich & sumptuous wardroppes, although that needed not for to see Croesus' self, it was enough to discern his nature & condition. After he had seen all over & over, being brought again unto the presence of the King: Croesus asked him, Croesus' question to Solon touching happiness. if ever he had seen any man more happy than himself was? Solon annswered him, Solon esteemed Tellus a happy man. I have: & that was one Tellus a citizen of ATHENS, who was a marvelous honest man, & had left his children behind him in good estimation, & well to live, & lastly, was most happy at his death, by dying honourably in the field, in defence of his country. Croesus' hearing this answer, began to judge him a man of little wit, or of gross understanding, because he did not think that to have store of gold & silver, was the only joy & felicity of the world, & that he would prefer the life & death of a mean & private man as more happy, than all the riches & power of so mighty a King. Notwithstanding all this, Croesus yet asked him again: What other man beside Tellus he had seen happier than himself? Solon answered him, that he had seen Cleobis & Biton, Cleobis & Biton, happy men. which were both brethren, & loved one another singularly well, & their mother in such sort: that upon a solemn festival day, when she should go to the temple of juno in her coach drawn with oxen: because they tarried to long ere they could be brought, they both willingly yoked themselves by the necks, & drew their mother's coach in stead of the oxen, which marvelously rejoiced her, and she was thought most happy of all other, to have borne two such sons. Afterwards when they had done sacrifice to the goddess, & made good cheer at the feast of this sacrifice, they went to bed: but they rose not again the next morning, for they were found dead without suffering hurt or sorrow, after they had received so much glory & honour. Croesus then could no longer bridle in his patience, but breaking out in choler, said unto him: why, dost then reckon me than in no degree of happy men? Solon would neither flatter him, Solon commendeth the mean. nor further increase his heat, but answered him thus: O King of LYDIANS, the gods have given us GRECIANS all things in a mean; & amongst other things chief, a base & popular wisdom, not princely nor noble: which, considering how man's life is subject to infinite changes, doth forbidden us to trust or glory in these worldly riches. For time bringeth daily misfortunes unto man, which he never thought of, nor looked for. But when the gods have continued a man's good fortune to his end, than we think that man happy and blessed, No man happy before his end●. and never before. Otherwise, if we should judge a man happy that liveth, considering he is ever in danger of change during life: we should be much like to him, who judgeth him the victory before hand, that is still a fighting, & may be overcomen, having no surety yet to carry it away. After Solon had spoken these words, he departed from the King's presence, and returned back again, leaving king Croesus offended, but nothing the wiser, nor amended. Now AEsope that wrote the fables, AEsope saying to Solon. being at that time in the city of SARDIS, & sent for thither by the King, who entertained him very honourably: was very sorry to see that the King had given Solon no better entertainment: so by way of advise he said unto him. O Solon, Solon's answer to AEsope. either we must not come to princes at all, or else we must seek to please & content them. But Solon turning it to the contrary, answered him: either we must not come to princes, or we must needs tell them truly, & counsel them for the best. So Croesus made light account of Solon at that time. But after he had lost the battle against Cyrus, and that his city was taken, himself become prisoner, & was bound fast to a gibbet, over a great stack of wood, to be burnt in the sight of all the PERSIANS, & of Cyrus his enemy: he than cried out as loud as he could, thrice together. O Solon. Cyrus' being abashed, sent to ask him, whether this Solon he only cried upon in his extreme misery, was a god or man. Croesus kept it not secret from him, King Croesus words of Solon hanging upon a gibbe● to be b●ant. but said: he was one of the wise men of GRECE, whom I sent for to come unto me on a certain time, not to learn any thing of him which I stood in need of, but only that he might witness my felicity, which then I did enjoy: the loss whereof is now more hurtful, than the enjoying of the same was good or profitable. But now (alas) to late I know it, that the riches I possessed then, Richeses are but words & opinion. were but words & opinion, all which are turned now to my bitter sorrow, and to present and remediless calamity. Which the wise GRAECIAN considering then, and foreseeing a far of by my doings at that time, the instant misery I suffer now: gave me warning I should mark the end of my life, and that I should not to far presume of myself, as puffed up then with vain glory of opinion of happiness, the ground thereof being so slippery, and of so little surety. These words being reported unto Cyrus, who was wiser than Croesus, & seeing Solon's saying confirmed by so notable an example: he did not only deliver Croesus from present peril of death, but ever after honoured him so long as he lived. Thus had Solon glory, for saving the honour of one of these Kings: & the life of the other, by his grave & wise counsel. But during the time of his absence, great seditions rose at ATHENS amongst the inhabitants, Sedition as Athens in Solon's absence. who had gotten them several heads amongst them: as those of the valley had made Lycurgus their head. The coast men, Megacles, the son of Alamaeon. And those of the mountains, Pisistratus: with whom all artificers & craftsmen living of their handy labour were joined, which were the stoutest against the rich. So that notwithstanding the city kept Solon's laws and ordinances, yet was there not that man but gaped for a change, and desired to see things in another state: either parties hoping their condition would mend by change, and that every of them should be better than their adversaries. The whole common weal broiling thus with troubles, Solon arrived at ATHENS, Solon returneth to Athens. where every man did honour and reverence him, howbeit he was no more able to speak aloud in open assembly to the people, not to deal in matters as he had done before, because his age would not suffer him: & therefore he spoke with every one of the heads of the several factions a part, trying if he could agreed and reconcile them together again. Whereunto Pisistratus seemed to be more willing than any of the rest, Pisistratus wicked crazy & subtlety. for he was courteous, and marvelous fair spoken, and showed himself besides, very good and pittiefull to the poor, and temperate also to his enemies: further, if any good quality were lacking in him, he did so finely counterfeit it, that men imagined it was more in him, than in those that naturally had it in them in deed. As to be a quiet man, no meddler, contented with his own, aspiring no higher, and hating those which would attempt to change the present state of the common weal, and would practise any innovation. By this art and fine manner of his, he deceived the poor common people. Howbeit Solon found him strait, and saw the mark he shot at: but yet hated him not at that time, and sought still to win him, and bring him to reason, saying oftentimes, both to himself, and to others. That who so could pluck out of his head the worm of ambition, by which he aspired to be the chiefest, and could heal him of his greedy desire to rule: there could not be a man of more virtue, or a better citizen than he would prove. About this time began Thespis to set out his tragedies, Thespis a maker of tragedies. which was a thing that much delighted the people for the rareness thereof, being not many poets yet in number, to strive one against another for victory, as afterwards there were. Solon being naturally desirous to hear and learn, and by reason of his age seeking to pass his time away in sports, Solon reproved Thespis for lying. in music, & making good cheer more than ever he did: went one day to see Thespis, who played a part himself, as the old fashion of the Poets was, and after the play was ended, he called him to him, and asked him: if he were not ashamed to lie so openly in the face of the world. Thespis answered him, that it was not material to do or say any such things, considering all was but in sport. Then Solon beating the ground with his staff he had in his hand: but if we commend lying in sport (● he) we shall find it afterwards in good earnest, in all our bargains & dealings. Shortly after Pisistratus having wounded himself, and bloodied all his body over, caused his men to carry him in his coach into the market place, where he put the people in an uprote, & told them that they were his enemies that thus traitorously had handled & arrayed him, for that he stood with them about the governing of the common weal: insomuch as many of them were marvelously offended, & mutined by & by, crying out it was shamefully done. Then Solon drawing near said unto him, O thou son of Hypocrates, thou dost ill favouredly counterfeate the person of Homer's Ulysseses: for thou hast whipped thyself to deceive thy citizens, as he did tear & scratch himself, to deceive his enemies. Notwithstanding this, the common people were still in uproar, being ready to take arms for Pisistratus: and there was a general counsel assembled, in the which one Ariston spoke, that they should grant fifty men, to carry halberds and mazes before Pisistratus for guard of his person. But Solon going up into the pulpit for orations, stoutly inveighed against it: and persuaded the people with many reasons, like unto these he wrote afterwards in verse. Each one of you (o men) in private acts, can play the fox, for sly and subtle craft: But when you come, ufore (in all your facts) then are you blind, dull witted and bedaft. For pleasant speech, and painted flattery, beguile you still, the which you never spy. But in the end, seeing the poor people did tumult still, taking Pisistratus part, and that the rich fled here and there, he went his way also, saying: he had showed himself wiser than some, and hardy than other. Meaning, wiser than those which saw not Pisistratus reach and fetch: and hardy than they which knew very well he did aspire to be King, and yet nevertheless durst not resist him. The people went on with the motion of Ariston, and authorised the same, touching the grant of halbetders: limiting no number, but suffered him to have about him and to assemble, as many as he would, until such time as he had gotten possession of the castle. Then the city was marvelously afraid and amazed: and presently Megacles, and all those which were of the house of the Alemeonides did fly. Solon, who for years was now at his last cast, and had no man to stick unto him: went notwithstanding into the market place, and spoke to the citizens whom he found there, and rebuked their beastliness, and faint cowardly hearts, and encouraged them not to loose their liberty. He spoke at that time notably, and worthy memory, which ever after was remembered. Before said he, you might more easily have stayed this present tyranny: but now that it is already fashioned, you shall win more glory, utterly to suppress it. But for all his goodly reasons, he found no man that would harken to him, they were all so amazed. Wherefore he hied him home again, and took his weapons out of his house, and laid them before his gate in the midst of the street, saying. For my part, I have done what I can possible, to help and defend the laws and liberties of my country. So from that time he betook himself unto his ease, and never after dealt any more in matters of state, or common weal. His friends did counsel him to fly: but all they could not persuade him to it. For he kept his house, Solon's liberty & constancy. and gave himself to make verses: in which he sore reproved the ATHENIANS faults, saying: If presently, your burden heavy be: yet murmur not against the gods therefore. The fault is yours, as you yourselves may see, which granted have of mighty mars the lore, to such as now, by your direction do hold your necks, in this subjection. His friends hereupon did warn him, to beware of such speeches, and to take heed what he said: lest if it came unto the tyrants ears, he might put him to death for it. And further, they asked him wherein he trusted, that he spoke so boldly. He answered them, in my age. Howbeit Pisistratus after he had obtained his purpose, sending for him upon his word and faith, did honour and entertain him so well, that Solon in the end become one of his counsel, and approved many things which he did. For Pisistratus himself did straightly keep, and caused his friends to keep Solon's laws. Insomuch as when he was called by process into the court of the Areopagites for a murder, even at that time when he was a tyrant: he presented himself very modestly to answer his accusation, and to purge himself thereof. But his accuser let fall the matter, and followed it no further. Pisistratus himself also did make new laws: as this. That he that had been maimed, and made lame of any member in the wars, should be maintained all his life long, at the common charges of the city. The self same was before decreed by Thersippus (as Heraclides writeth) by Solon's persuasion: who did prefer it to the counsel. Pisistratus afterwards took hold of the motion, and from thence forth made it a general law. A good law for reward of service. Theophrasntus sayeth also, it was Pisisntratus, and not Solon, that made the law for idleness: which was the only cause that the country of ATTICA become more fruitful, being better manured: and the city of ATHENS waxed more quiet. But Solon having begun to writ the story of the Isles ATLANTIDES in verse (which he had learned of the wise men of the city of SA●S in EGYPT, and was very necessary for the ATHENIANS) grew weary, and gave it over in mid way: not for any matters or business that troubled him, as Plato said, but only for his age, and because he feared the tediousness of the work. For otherwise he had leisure enough, as appeareth by his verses where he sayeth: I grow old, and yet I learn still. And in another place where he sayeth, Now Venus yields me sweet delights, and Bacchus lends me comfort still: the muses eke, refresh my sprights, and much relieve my weary will. These be the points of perfect ease, which all men's minds oftentimes do please. Plato afterwards for beawtifying of the story and fables of the Isles ATLANTIDES, was desirous to dilate them out at length, as if he would by way of speech have broken up a field or say land of his own, or that this gift had descended to him of right from Solon. He began to raise up a stately front unto the same, and enclosed it with high walls, and large squared courts at the entry thereof: such was it, as never any other work, fable, or poetical invention had ever so notable, or the like. But because he began a little to late, he ended his life before his work, leaving the readers more sorrowful for that was left unwritten, than they took pleasure in that they found written. For even as in the city of ATHENS, the temple of jupiter Olympian only remained unperfect: so the wisdom of Plato (amongst many goodly matters of his that have come abroad) left none of them unperfect, but the only tale of the Isles ATLANTIDES. Solon lived long time after Pisistratus had usurped the tyranny, as Heraclides Ponticus writeth. Howbeit Phanias Ephesian writeth, that he lived not above two years after. For Pisistratus usurped tyrannical power in the year that Comias was chief governor in ATHENS. And Phanias writeth, that Solon died in the year that Hegestratus was governor, which was the next year after that. And where some say, the ashes of his body were after his death strawed abroad through the isle of SALAMINA: that seemeth to be but a fable, and altogether untrue. Nevertheless it hath been written by many notable authors, and amongst others, by Aristotle the philosopher. The end of Solon's life. THE LIFE OF PUBLIUS Valerius Publicola. NOW we have declared what Solon was, we have thought good to compare him with Publicola, to whom the ROMAN people for an honour gave that surname: for he was called before Publius Valerius, The house of P. Valerius. descended from that ancient Valerius, who was one of the chiefest workers and means, to bring the romans and the SABINES that were mortal enemies, to join together as one people. For it was he that most moved the two Kings to agreed, and join together. Publicola being descended of him, whilst the Kings did rule yet at ROME, was in very great estimation, aswell for his eloquence, as for his riches: using the one rightly and freely, for the maintenance of justice, and the other liberally and courteously, for the relief of the poor. So that it was manifest, if the Realm came to be converted into a public state, he should be one of the chiefest men of the same. It chanced that king Tarquin surnamed the proud, Tarquinine Superbus. being come to the crown by no good lawful mean, but contrary lie by indirect and wicked ways, and behaving himself not like a King, but like a cruel tyrant: the people much hated and detested him, by reason of the death of Lucretia (which killed herself for that she was forcibly ravished by him) & so the whole city rose and rebelled against him. Lucius Brutus taking upon him to be the head and captain of this insurrection and rebellion, did join first with this Valerius: Valerius, Brutus companion, in expulsing the Kings. who did greatly favour and assist his enterprise, and did help him to drive out king Tarquin with all his house & family. Now whilst they were thinking that the people would choose some one alone to be chief ruler over them, in stead of a King: Valerius kept himself quiet, as yielding willingly unto Brutus the first place, who was meetest for it, having been the chief author and worker of their recovered liberty. But when they saw the name of Monarchy (as much to say, as sovereignty alone) was displeasant to the people, and that they would like better to have the rule divided unto two, and how for this cause they would rather choose two Consuls: Valerius then began to hope, he should be the second person with Brutus. Howbeit this hope failed him. For against Brutus' will, Lucius Brutus. Tarqvinius Collatinus Consuls. Tarqvinius Collatinus (the husband of Lucretia was chosen Consul with him: not because he was a man of greater virtue, or of better estimation than Valerius. But the noble men of the city fearing the practices of the Kings abroad, which sought by all the fair & flattering means they could to return again into the city: did determine to make such an one Consul, whom occasion forced to be their hard and heavy enemy, persuading themselves that Tarqvinius Collatinus would for no respect yield unto them. Valerius took this matter grievously, but they had a mistrust in him, as if he would not do any thing he could, for the benefit of his country: notwithstanding he had never any private injury offered him by the tyrants. Wherefore, he repaired no more unto the Senate to plead for private men, and wholly gave up to meddle in matters of state: insomuch as he gave many occasion to think of his absence, and it troubled some men much, who feared lest upon this his misliking and withdrawing, he would fall to the King's side, and so bring all the city in an uproar, considering it stood then but in very tickle terms. But when Brutus, who stood in jealousy of some, would by oath be assured of the Senate, & had appointed them a day solemnly to take their oaths upon the sacrifices: Valerius then with a good cheerful countenance came into the market place, and was the first that took his oath he would leave nothing undone, that might prejudice the Tarquin's, but with all his able power he would fight against them, and defend the liberty of the city. This oath of his marvelously rejoiced the Senate, & gave great assurance also to the Consuls, but specially, because his deeds did shortly after perform his words. For there came ambassadors to ROME which brought letters from king Tarquin, The first embas●i●e of king Tarquin for recovering his Realm. full of sweet & lowly speeches to win the favour of the people, with commission to use all the mildest means they could, to dulce and soften the hardened hearts of the multitude: who declared how the King had left all pride and cruelty, & meant to ask naught but reasonable things. The Consuls thought best to give them open audience, and to suffer them to speak to the people. But Valerius was against it, declaring it might peril the state much, and deliver occasion of new stir unto a multitude of poor people, which were more afraid of wars, then of tyranny. After that, there came other ambassadors also, which said that Tarquin would from thenceforth for ever give over and renounce his title to the Kingdom, Another embasstate from Tarquin demanding his goods. and to make any more wars, but besought them only, that they would at the lest deliver him and his friends their money and goods, that they might have wherewithal to keep them in their banishment. Many came on a pace, and were very ready to yield to this request, and specially Collatinus, one of the Consuls who did favour their motion. But Brutus that was a fast and resolute man, and very fierce in his heart, ran immediately into the market place, crying out that his fellow Consul was a traitor, and contented to grant the tyrants matter, and means to make war upon the city, where in deed they deserved not so much, as to be relieved in their exile. Hereupon the people assembled together, and the first that spoke in this assembly, was a private man called Gaius Minutius, Good counsel of Minutius. who speaking unto Brutus, & to the whole assembly, said unto them. O noble Consul & Senate, handle so the matter, that the tyrants goods be rather in your custody to make war with them, than in theirs, to bring war upon yourselves. Notwithstanding, the romans were of opinion, that having gotten the liberty, for which they fought with the tyrants: they should not disappoint the offered peace, with keeping back their goods, but rather they should throw their goods out after them. Howbeit this was the lest part of Tarquin's intent, to seek his goods again: but under pretence of that demand, he secretly corrupted the people, and practised treason, Tarquin's ambassadors practise treason. which his ambassadors followed, pretending only to get the King's goods and his favourers together, saying, that they had already sold some part, and some part they kept, and sent them daily. So as by delaying the time in this sort with such pretences, they had corrupted two of the best and ancientest houses of the city: to wit, the family of the Aquilians, The Aquilij and Vitellij with Brutus sons, traitors to their country. whereof there were three Senators: and the family of the Vitellians, whereof there were two Senators: all which by their mothers, were Consul Collatinus nephews. The Vitellians also were allied unto Brutus, for he had married their own sister, & had many children by her. Of the which the Vitellians had drawn to their string, two of the eldest of them, because they familiarly frequented together, being cousin germans: whom they had enticed to be of their conspiracy, allying them with the house of the Tarquin's, which was of great power, and through the which they might persuade themselves to rise to great honour & preferment by means of the Kings, rather than to trust to their father's wilful hardness. For they called his severity to the wicked, hardness: for that he would never pardon any. Furthermore Brutus had feigned himself mad, and a fool of long time for safety of his life, because the tyrants should not put him to death: so that the name of Brutus only remained. After these two young men had given their consent to be of the confederacy, and had spoken with the Aquilians: they all thought good to be bound one to another, with a great and horrible oath, drinking the blood of a man, and shaking hands in his bowels, whom they would sacrifice. This matter agreed upon between them, they met together to put their sacrifice in execution, in the house of the Aquilians. The confederacy confirmed with drinking of man's blood. They had fitly picked out a dark place in the house to do this sacrifice in, & where almost no body came: yet it happened by chance, that one of the servants of the house called Vindicius, Vindicius heareth all their treason. had hidden himself there, unknowing to the traitors, and of no set purpose, to spy and see what they did, or that he had any manner of inkling thereof before: but falling by chance upon the matter, even as the traitors came into that place with a countenance to do some secret thing of importance, fearing to be seen, he kept himself close, and lay behind a coffer that was there, so that he saw all that was done, and what they said and determined. The conclusion of their counsel in the end was this, that they would kill both the Consuls: and they wrote letters to Tarqvinius advertising the same, which they gave unto his ambassadors, being lodged in the house of the Aquilians, & were present at this conclusion. The conclusion of their treason. With this determination they departed from thence, and Vindicius came out also as secretly as he could, being marvelously troubled in mind, & at a maze how to deal in this matter. For he thought it dangerous (as it was in deed) to go and accuse the two sons unto the father (which was Brutus) of so wicked and detestable a treason, and the nephews unto their uncle, which was Collatinus. On the other side also, he thought this was a secret, not to be imparted to any private person, and not possible for him to conceal it, that was bound in duty to reveal it. So he resolved at the last to go to Valerius to bewray this treason, of a special affection to this man, by reason of his gentle and courteous using of men, giving easy access and audience unto any that came to speak with him, and specially for that he disdained not to hear poor men's causes. Vindicius being gone to speak with him, Vindicius bewrayeth the treason unto Valerius. and having told him the whole conspiracy before his brother Marcus Valerius, and his wife, he was abashed and fearful withal: whereupon he stayed him lest he should slip away, and locked him in a chamber, charging his wife to watch the door, that no body went in nor out unto him. And willed his brother also, that he should go and beset the King's palace round about, to intercept these letters if it were possible, and to see that none of their servants fled. Valerius self being followed (according to his manner) with a great train of his friends and people that waited on him, went strait unto the house of the Aquilians, who by chance were from home at that time: and entering in at the gate, without let or trouble of any man, he found the letters in the chamber, where king Tarquin's ambassadors lay. Whilst he was thus occupied, the Aquilians having intelligence thereof, ran home immediately, and found Valerius coming out at their gate. So they vould have taken those letters from him by force, and strong hand. But Valerius and his company did resist them, and moreover hudded them with their gowns over their heads, and by force brought them (do what they could) into the market place. The like was done also in the King's palace, where Marcus Valerius found other letters also wrapped up in certain fardels for their more safe carriage, and brought away with him by force into the market place, all the King's servants he found there. There the Consuls having caused silence to be made, Valerius sent home to his house for this bondman Vindicius, to be brought before the Consuls: then the traitors were openly accused, and their letters red, and they had not the face to answer one word. All that were present, being amazed, hung down their heads, and behold the ground, and not a man durst once open his mouth to speak, excepting a few, who to gratify Brutus, began to say that they should banish them: and Collatinus also gave them some hope, because he fell to weeping, and Valerius in like manner for that he held his peace. But Brutus calling his sons by their names: come on (said he) Titus, Titus & Valerius, Brutus sons. and thou Valerius, why do you not answer to that you are accused of? and having spoken thrice unto them to answer, when he saw they stood mute, and said nothing: he turned him to the sergeants, and said unto them. They are now in your hands, do justice. So soon as he had spoken these words, the sergeants laid hold immediately upon the two young men, and tearing their clotheses of their backs, bound their hands behind them, and then whipped them with rods: which was such a pittiefull sight to all the people, that they could not find in their hearts to behold it, but turned themselves another way, because they would not see it. But contrariwise, they say that their own father had never his eye of them, neither did change his austere and fierce countenance, with any pity or natural affection towards them, but steadfastly did behold the punishment of his own children, until they were laid flat on the ground, and both their heads stricken of with an axe before him. When they were executed, Brutus rose from the bench, Brutus seeth his ●ame sons punished & executed. and left the execution of the rest unto his fellow Consul. This was such an act, as men cannot sufficiently praise, nor reprove enough. For either it was his excellent virtue, Brutus, praised & reproved for the death of his sons. that made his mind so quiet, or else the greatness of his misery that took away the feeling of his sorrow: whereof neither the one nor the other was any small matter, but passing the common nature of man, that hath in it both divinenes, and sometime beastly brutishness. But it is better the judgement of men should commend his fame, then that the affection of men by their judgements should diminish his virtue. For the romans hold opinion, it was not so great an act done of Romulus first to build ROME: as it was for Brutus to recover ROME, and the best liberty thereof, and to renew the ancient government of the same. When Brutus was gone, all the people in the market place remained as they had been in a maze, full of fear and wonder, and a great while without speaking to see what was done. The Aquilians strait grew bold, for that they saw the other Consul Collatinus proceed gently, Collatinus softness perileus. and mildly against them: and so made petition they might have time given them to answer to the articles they were accused of, and that they might have their slave and bondman Vindicius delivered into their hands, because there was no reason he should remain with their accusers. The Consul seemed willing to yield thereto, and was ready to break up the assembly thereupon. But Valerius said, he would not deliver Vindicius (who was among the assembly that attended upon his person) and stayed the people beside for departing away, lest they should negligently let those escape that had so wickedly sought to betray their country. Until he himself had laid hands upon them, calling upon Brutus to assist him, Valerius boldly appeacheth Collatinus of injustice. with open exclamation against Collatinus, that he did not behave himself like a just and true man, seeing his fellow Brutus was forced for justice sake to see his own sons put to death: and he in contrary manner, to please a few women, fought to let go manifest traitors, and open enemies to their country. The Consul being offended herewith, commanded they should bring away the bondman Vindicius. So the sergeants making way through the press, laid hands upon him to bring him away with them, and began to strike at them which offered to resist them. But Valerius friends stepped out before them, and put them by. The people shouted strait, & cried out for Brutus: who with this noise returned again into the market place, and after silence made him, he spoke in this wise. For mine own children, I alone have been their sufficient judge, to see them have the law according to their deservings: the rest I have left freely to the judgement of the people. Wherefore (said he) if any man be disposed to speak, let him stand up, and persuade the people as he thinketh best. Then there needed no more words, but only to harken what the people cried: who with one voice & consent condemned them, & cried execution, & accordingly they had their heads stricken of. Now was Consul Collatinus long before had in some suspicion, as allied to the Kings, and disliked for his surname, because he was called Tarqvinius: Collatinus resigneth his consulship, 〈…〉 departeth 〈…〉 S. who perceiving himself in this case much hated and mistrusted of the people, vountarily yielded up his consulship, and departed the city. The people assembling then themselves, to place a successor in his room: they chose Valerius in his room, without the contradiction of any, for his faithful travail and diligence bestowed in this great matter. Then Valerius judging that Vindicius the bondman had well deserved also some recompense, caused him not only to be manumised by the whole grant of the people, but made him a free man of the city beside: and he was the first bondman manumised, that was made citizen of ROME, with permission also to give his voice in all elections of officers, in any company or tribe he would be enroled in. Long time after that, and very lately, Appius to curry favour with the common people, made it lawful for bondmen manumised, to give their voice also in elections, as other citizens did: and unto this day the perfect manumising and freeing of bondmen, is called Vindicta, Vindicta so called, by reason of Vindicius. after the name of this Vindicius, that was then made a free man. These things thus passed over, the goods of the Kings were given to the spoil of the people, and their palaces were razed and overthrown. Now amongst other lands, the goodliest part of the field of Mars was belonging unto king Tarquin: the same they consecrated forthwith unto the god Mars, Tarquin's flied consecrated to Mars. & not long before they had cut down the wheat thereof. The sheaves being yet in shocks in the field, they thought they might not grind the wheat, nor make any commodity of the profit thereof: wherefore they threw both corn & sheaves into the river, & trees also which they had hewn down & rooted up, to the end that the field being dedicated to the god Mars, should be left bore, without bearing any fruit at all. These sheaves thus thrown into the river, were carried down by the stream not far from thence, unto a ford and shallow place of the water, where they first did stay, and did let the other which came after, that it could go no further: there these heaps gathered together, and lay so close one to another, that they began to sink and settle fast in the water. Afterwards the stream of the river brought down continually such mud & gravel, that it ever increased the heap of corn more and more in such sort, that the force of the water could no more remove it from thence, but rather softly pressing and driving it together, did firm and harden it, and made it grow so to land. Thus 〈…〉 heap rising still in greatness and firmness, by reason that all that came down the riu 〈…〉 there, it grew in the end, and by time to spread so far, that at this day it is called 〈…〉 oly Island in ROME: in which are many goodly temples of divers gods, and sundry walks about it, and they call it in Latin, Inter duos pontes: in our tongue, between the two bridges. Vhereof the holy Island came in Rome, that lieth between both bridges. Yet some writ, that this thing fell not out at that time when the field of the Tarquin's was consecrated unto Mars: but that it happened afterwards, when one of the Vestal Nuns, called Tarquinia, gave a field of hers unto the people, which was hard adjoining unto Tarquin's field. For which liberality and bounty of hers, they did grant her in recompense many privileges, and did her great honour beside. As amongst others, it was ordained, that her word & witness should stand good, & be allowed, in matters judicial: which privilege, never woman besides herself did enjoy. By special grace of the people also, it was granted her, that she might marry if she thought it good: but yet she would not accept the benefit of that offer. Thus you hear the report how this thing happened. Tarqvinius then being past hope of ever entering into his Kingdom again, Tarquin cometh with a great power of the Tuscans to wage battle with the romans. Arsia silva. went yet unto the Tuscans for succour, which were very glad of him: and so they levied a great army together, hoping to have put him in his Kingdom again. The Consuls also hearing thereof, went out with their army against him. Both the armies presented themselves in battle ray, one against another, in the holy places consecrated to the gods: whereof the one was called the wood Arsia, and the other the meadow Aeswia. And as both armies began to give charge upon each other, Aruns the eldest son of king Tarquin, Aruns & Brutus encountered, and slew each other. and the Consul Brutus encountered together, not by chance, but sought for of set purpose to execute the deadly food and malice they did bear each other. The one, as against a tyrant and enemy of the liberty of his country: the other, as against him that had been chief author & worker of their exile and expulsion. So they set spurs to their horses, so soon as they had spied each other, with more fury than reason, and fought so desperately together, that they both fell stark dead to the ground. The first onset of the battle being so cruel, the end thereof was no less bloody: until both the armies having received and done like damage to each other, were parted by a marvelous great tempest that fell upon them. Now was Valerius marvelously perplexed, for that he knew not which of them wan the field that day: seeing his soldiers as sorrowful for the great loss of their men lying dead before them, as they were glad of the slaughter and victory of their enemies. For, to view the multitude of the slain bodies of either side, the number was so equal in sight, that it was very hard to judge, of which side fell out the greatest slaughter: so that both the one and the other viewing by the eye the remain of their camp, were persuaded in their opinion, that they had rather lost then won. conjecturing a far of the fall of their enemies. The night being come, such things fell out, as may be looked for after so terrible a battle. For when both camps were all laid to rest, they say the wood wherein they lay encamped, quaked and trembled: and they heard a voice say, that only one man more was slain on the Tuscans side, than on the romans part. The victory of the romans against the Tuscans. Out of doubt this was some voice from heaven: for the romans thereupon gave a shrill shout, as those whose hearts received a new quickening spirit or courage. The Tuscans on the contrary part were so afraid, that the most part of them stole out of the camp, & scattered here and there: & there remained behind about the number of five thousand men, whom the romans took prisoners every one, and had the spoil of their camp. The carcases were viewed afterwards, & they found that there were slain in that battle, eleven thousand and three hundred of the Tuscans: and of the romans, so many saving one. This battle was sought (as they say) the last day of February, and the Consul Valerius triumphed, Valerius the first Consul that ever triumphed upon a cherres. being the first of the Consuls that ever entered into ROME triumphing upon a chater drawn with four horses, which sight the people found honourable & goodly to behold, & were not offended withal (as some seem to report) nor yet did envy him for that he began it. For if it had been so, that custom had not been followed with so good acceptation, nor had continued so many years as it did afterwards. They much commended also the honour he did to his fellow Consul Brutus, in setting out his funerals & obsequies, at the which he made a funeral oration in his praise. The first beginning of funeral oration among the romans. They did so like & please the romans, that they have ever since continued that custom at the burial of any noble man, or great parsonage, that he is openly praised at his burial, by the worthiest man that liveth among them. They report this funeral oration is far more ancient than the first, that was made in GRECE in the like case: unless they will confirm that which the orator Anaximenes hath written, that the manner of praising the dead at their funerals, was first of all instituted by Solon. Anaximenes sayeth, Solon was the first that instituted praises for the dead. But they did most envy Valerius, and bear him grudge, because Brutus (whom the people did acknowledge for father of their liberty) would never be alone in office, but had procured twice, that they should appoint Valerius fellow Consul with him. This man in contrariwise (said the people) taking upon him alone the rule & sovereignty, showeth plainly he will not be Brutus' successor in his consulship, but Tarqvinius self in the Kingdom. For to great purpose was it to praise Brutus in words, & to follow Tarqvinius in deeds: having borne before himself only all the mazes, the axes and the rods, when he cometh abroad out of his own house, which is far greater, and more stately, than the King's palace which he himself overthrew. And to say truly, Valerius dwelled in a house a little to sumptuously built & seated, upon the hanging of the hill called mount Velia: Valerius stately house standing on mount Velia. & because it stood high, it overlooked all the market place, so that any man might easily see from thence what was done there. Furthermore, it was very ill to come to it: but when he came out of his house, it was a marvelous pomp and state to see him come down from so high a place, & with a train after him, that carried the majesty of a King's court. But herein Valerius left a noble example, showing how much it importeth a noble man & magistrate, Valerius a good example for magistrates. ruling weighty causes, to have his ears open to hear, and willingly to receive free speech in stead of flatteries, & plain troth in place of lies. For, being informed by some of his friends how the people misliked & complained of it, he stood not in his own conceit, neither was angry with them: but forthwith set a world of workmen upon it, early in the morning before break of day, & commanded them to pluck down his house, & to raze it to the ground. Valerius overthrew his stately house. Insomuch as the next day following, when the romans were gathered together in the market place, & saw this great sudden ruin, they much commended the noble act & mind of Valerius, in doing that he did: but so were they angry, and sorry both, to see so fair and stately a built house (which was an ornament to the city) overthrown upon a sudden. Much like in comparison to a man, whom through spite and envy they had unjustly put to death: and to see their chief magistrate also like a stranger and a vagabond, compelled to seek his lodging in another man's house. For his friends received him into their houses, until such time as the people had given him a place, where they did build him a new house, far more orderly, and nothing so stately and curious as the first was, and it was in the same place, where the temple called Vicus Publicus standeth at this day. The temple called Vicus Publicus. Now because he would not only reform his person, but the office of his consulship, & also would frame himself to the good acceptation and liking of the people: where before he seemed unto them to be fearful, he put away the carrying of the axes from the rods, which the sergeants used to bear before the Consul. Moreover when he came into the market place, where the people were assembled, he caused the rods to be borne downwards, as in token of reverence of the sovereign majesty of the people: which all the magistrates observe yet at this day. Now in all this humble show and lowliness of his, he did not so much embase his dignity and greatness, which the common people thought him to have at the first: as he did thereby cut of envy from him, winning again as much true authority, as in semblance he would seem to have lost. For this made the people willinger to obey, and readier to submit them selves unto him: insomuch as upon this occasion he was surnamed Publicola, Why Valerius was surnamed Publicola. as much to say, as the people pleaser. Which surname he kept ever after, and we from henceforth also writing the rest of his life, will use no other name: for he was contended to suffer any man that would, to offer himself to ask the consulship in Brutus' place. But he yet not knowing what kind of man they would join fellow Consul with him, and fearing lest through envy or ignorance, the party might thwart his purpose and meaning: employed his sole power and authority whilst he ruled alone, upon high and noble attempts. Publicolath acts and laws. For first of all he supplied up the number of Senators that were greatly decayed, because king Tarquin had put some of them to death not long before, and other also had been lately slain in the wars: in whose places he had chosen new Senators, to the number of a hundred three score and four. After that, he made new decrees and laws, which greatly did advance the authority of the people. The first law gave liberty to all offenders, condemned by judgement of the Consuls, to appeal unto the people. The second, that no man upon pain of death should take upon him the exercise of any office, unless he had come unto it by the gift of the people. The third was, and all in favour of the poor, that the poor citizens of ROME should pay no more custom, nor any impost whatsoever. This made every man the more willing to give himself to some craft or occupation, when he saw his travail should not be taxed, nor taken from him. As for the law that he made against those that disobeyed the Consuls, it was found to be so favourable to the commonalty, as they thought it was rather made for the poor, than for the rich & great men. For the offenders & breakers of that law, were condemned to pay for a penalty, the value of five oxen, and two muttons. The price of a mutton was then, ten obols, and of an ox, a hundred obols. For in those days, the romans had no store of coined money, otherwise, they lacked no sheep, nor other rother beasts. Hereof it came, that to this day they call their riches or substance, Peculium, Whereof Peculium was called. because Pecus signifieth sheep and muttons. And in the old time the stamp upon their money was an ox, a mutton, or a hog: & some of them called their children Bubulci, which signifieth cowherd's: others Caprarij, to say goatherds: and others Porcijs, as you would say, swineheardes. Now though in all his other laws, he was very favourable & temperate toward the people: yet in that moderation, sometimes he did set grievous pains & punishments. For he made it lawful to kill any man without any accusation, that did aspire to the Kingdom, & be did set the murderer free of all punishment: so he brought forth manifest proof, that the party slain, had practised to make himself King. As being impossible a man should pretend so great a matter, and no man should find it: and contrariwise being possible, albeit he were spied, that otherwise he might attempt it, by making himself so strong, that he needed not pass for the law. In this case he gave every man liberty by such act or mean, to prevent him if he could of discretion: who by strength otherwise fought to aspire to reign. They greatly commended him also for the law that he made touching the treasure. For being very necessary that every private citizen should according to his ability, be contributer to the charges and maintenance of the wars: he himself would neither take such collection into his charge, nor suffer any man of his to meddle with the same, nor yet that it should be laid in any private man's house, but he did ordain that Saturn's temple should be the treasury thereof. This order they keep to this present day. Furthermore, he granted the people to choose two young men Questores of the same, The first Quastores. as you would say the treasurers, to take the charge of this money: and the two first which were chosen, were Publius Veturius, and Marcus Minutius, Publius Veturius, Marc. Minutius. who gathered great sums of money together. For numbering the people by the poll, there were found a hundred and thirty thousand persons which had paid subsidy, not reckoning in this account, orphans, nor windows, which were excepted from all payments. After he had established all these things, he caused Lucretius (the father of Lucretia) to be chosen fellow Consul with him, Lucretius & Publicola Consuls. unto whom, for that he was his ancient, he gave the upper hand, and commanded they should carry before him the rods, which were the signs of the chief magistrate: and ever since they have given this honour unto age. But Lucretius dying not long after his election, they chose again in his place Marcus Horatius, Publicola & Marcus Horatius Consuls. who held out the consulship with Publicola the rest of the year. Now about that time king Tarquin remained in the country of Tuscan, where he prepared a second army against the romans, & there fell out a marvelous strange thing thereupon. For when he reigned king of ROME, he had almost made an end of the building of the temple of jupiter Capitolin, and was determined (whether by any oracle received, or upon any fantasy it is not known) to set up a coach of earth baked by a potter, in the highest place of the temple, and he put it out to be done by certain TUSCAN workmen of the city of VEIES: but whilst they were in hand with the work, he was driven out of his Realm. When the workmen had formed this coach, and that they had put it into the fournes to bake it, it fell out contrary to the nature of the earth, and the common order of their work put into the fournes. For the earth did not shut and close together in the fire, nor dried up all the moisture thereof: but rather to the contrary it did swell to such a bigness, and grew so hard and strong withal, that they were driven to break up the head and walls of the fournes to get it out. The soothsayers did expound this, that it was a celestial token from above, and promised great prosperity and increase of power unto those, that should enjoy this coach. Where upon the VEIANE resolved not to deliver it unto the romans that demanded it, but answered that it did belong unto king Tarquin, and not unto those that had banished him. Not many days after, there was a solemn feast of games for running of horses in the city of VEIES, where they did also many other notable acts, worthy sight according to their custom. But after the game was played, he that had won the bell, being crowned in token of victory as they did use at that time, brought his coach and horses fair and softly out of the show place: and suddenly the horse being afraid upon no present cause or occasion seen, whether it was by chance, or by some secret working from above, ran as they had been mad with their coach to the city of ROME. The coach driver did what he could possible at the first to stay them, by holding in the reins, by clapping them on the backs, and speaking gently to them: but in the end, perceiving he could do no good, and that they would have their swing, he gave place to their fury, & they never linne running, till they brought him near to the Capitol, where they overthrew him and his coach, not far from the gate called at this present, Ratumena. The VEIANS woundering much at this matter, and being afraid withal: were contented the workmen should deliver their coach made of earth unto the romans. Now concerning jupiter Capitolins' temple, king Tarquin the first (which was the son of Demaratus) vowed in the wars that he made against the SABINES, that he would build it. And Tarquin the proud, being the son of him that made this vow did build it: howbeit he did not consecrated it, because he was driven out of his Kingdom before he had finished it. When this temple was built and thoroughly finished, & setforth with all his ornaments: Publicola was marvelously desirous to have the honour of the dedication thereof. But the noble men and Senators envying his glory, being very angry that he could not content himself with all those honours that he had received in peace, for the good laws he had made, and in wars for the victories he had obtained & well deserved, but further that he would seek the honour of this dedication, which nothing did pertain unto him: they than did egg Horatius, & persuaded him to make suit for the same. Occasion cell out at that time, that Publicola must have the leading of the romans army into the field: in the mean time, while Publicola was absent, it was procured that the people gave their voices to Horatius, to consecrated the temple, knowing they could not so well have brought it to pass he being present. Other say, the Consuls drew lots between them, and that it lighted upon Publicola to lead the army against his will, and upon Horatius to consecrated this temple, which may be conjectured by the thing that fortuned in the dedication thereof. For all the people being assembled together in the Capitol with great silence, on the fifteenth day of the month of September, which is about the new moon of the month which the GRECIANS call Metagitnion: Horatius having done all the ceremonies needful in such a case, and holding then the doors of the temple, as the use was even to utter the solemn words of dedication: Marcus Valerius, the brother of Publicola, having stood a long time there at the temple door, to take an opportunity to speak, began to say aloud in this wise. My lord Consul, your son is dead of a sickness in the camp. This made all the assembly sorry to hear it, but it nothing amazed Horatius, who spoke only this much. Cast his body then where you will for me, the thought is taken. So he continued on to end his consecration. This was but a devise and nothing true, of Marcus Valerius, only to make Horatius leave of his consecration. Horatius in this showed himself a marvelous resolute man, were it that he straight found his devise, or that he believed it to be true: for the sodainenes of the matter nothing altered him. The very like matter fell out in consecrating of the second temple. For this first which Tarquin had built and Horatius consecrated, was consumed by fire in the civil wars: How often a jupiter Capitolins' temple was burnt and built again. and the second was built up again by Sylla, who made no dedication of it. For Catulus set up the superscription of the dedication, because Sylla died before he could dedicated it. The second temple was burnt again not long after the troubles and tumults which were at ROME, under Vitellius the Emperor. The third in like manner was re-edified and built again by Vespasian, from the ground to the top. But this good hap he had above other: to see his work perfected and finished before his death, and not overthrown as it was immediately after his death. Wherein he did far pass the happiness of Sylla, who died before he could dedicated that he had built: and tother deceased before he saw his work overthrown. For all the Capitol was burnt to the ground incontinently after his death. It is reported the only foundations of the first temple, cost Tarqvinius forty thousand Pondoes of silver. And to gyld only the temple which we see now in our time, they say all the goods and substance that the richest citizen of ROME then had, will come nothing near unto it: How much was spent in building the Capitol. for it cost above twelve thousand talents. The pillars of this temple are cut out of a quarry of marble, called pentlike marble, and they were squared parpine, as thick as long: these I saw at ATHENS. But afterwards they were cut again, and polished in ROME, by which doing they got not so much grace, as they lost proportion: for they were made to slender, and left naked of their first beauty. Now he that would wonder at the stately building of the Capitol, if he came afterwards unto the palace Domitian, and did but see some gallery, potche, hall, or hot house, or his concubines chambers: he would say (in my opinion) as the poet Epicharmus said of a prodigal man. It is a fault, and folly both in thee to lash out gifts, and prodigal rewards: For fond delights, without all rule that be, regarding not what happens afterwards. So might they justly say of Domitian. Thou art not liberal, nor devout unto the gods: but it is a vice thou hast to love to build, and desirest (as they say of old Midas) that all about thee were turned to gold, and precious stones. And thus much for this matter. Domitian's mad building humour. Tarquin after that great foughten battle wherein he lost his son (that was slain by Brutus in fight together hand to hand) went to the city of CLUSIUM, unto king Claras Porsena: the mightiest prince that reigned at that time in all ITALY, and was both noble and a courteous prince. Porsena promised him aid: Personae proclaimeth wars with Rome. & first of all sent to ROME to summon the citizens to receive their King again. But the romans refusing the summones, he sent forthwith an Herald to proclaim open wars against them, and to tell them where, and when he would meet them: and then marched thitherwards immediately with a great army. Publicola now being absent, Publicola & Thus Lucretius Consuls. was chosen Consul the second time, and Titus Lucretius with him. When he was returned home again to ROME, because he would exceed king Porsena in greatness of mind, he began to build a city called SIGLIURIA, even when the King with all his army was not far from ROME: & having walled it about to his marvelous charge, he sent thither seven hundred citizens to devil there, to show that he made little account of this war. Howbeit Porsena at his coming did give such a lusty assault to the mount janiculum, that they drove out the soldiers which kept the same: who flying towards ROME, were pursued so hard with the enemies, that with them they had entered the town, had not Publicola made a sally out to resist them. Who began a hot skirmish hard by the river of Tiber, & there sought to have stayed the enemies to follow any further: which being the greater number, did overlay the romans, & did hurt Publicola very sore in this skirmish, so as he was carried away into the city in his soldiers arms. And even so was the other Consul Lucretius hurt in like case: which so discouraged & frayed the romans, that they all took them to their legs, & fled towards the city. The enemies pursued them at their heels as far as the wooden bridge: so that the city was in marvelous hazard of taking upon the sudden. But Horatius Cocles, Horatius Cocles why so called. & Herminius, and Lucretius, two other of the chiefest noble young men of the city, stood with them to the defence of the bridge, & made head against the enemy. This Horatius was surnamed Cocles (as much to say, as one eye) because he had lost one of them in the wars. Howbeit other writers say, it was because of his flat nose which was so sunk into his head, that they saw nothing to part his eyes, but that the eye brows did meet together: by reason whereof the people thinking to surname him Cyclops, by corruption of the tongue they called him (as they say) Cocles. But howsoever it was, this Horatius Cocles had the courage to show his face against the enemy, & to keep the bridge, until such time as they had cut & broken it up behind him. When he saw they had done that, armed as he was, & hurt in the hip with a pike of the Tuscans, he leapt into the river of Tiber, and saved himself by swimming unto the other side. Publicola wounding at this manly act of his, persuaded the romans strait, every one according to his ability, to give him so much as he spent in a day: Good service rewarded. & afterwards also he caused the common treasury to give him as much land as he could compass about with his plough in a day. Furthermore he made his image of brass to be set up in the temple of Vulcan, comforting by this honour his wounded hip, whereof he was lame ever after. Now whilst king Porsena was hotly bend, very straightly to besiege ROME, there began a famine among the romans: & to increase the danger, there came a new army out of Tuscan, which overran, burnt, and made waste, all the territory of ROME. Whereupon Publicola being chosen Consul, Publicola Consul. than the third time, thought he should need to do no more to resist Porsena bravely, but to be quiet only, & to look well to the safe keeping of the city. Howbeit spying his opportunity, he secretly stole out of ROME with a power, & did set upon the Tuscans that destroyed the country about: & overthrew & slew of them, five thousand men. As for the history of Mutius, The noble act of Mutius Secuola. many do diversely report it: but I will writ it in such sort, as I think shall best agreed with the troth. This Mutius was a worthy man in all respects, but specially for the wars. He devising how he might come to kill king Porsena, disguised himself in THUSCANS apparel, and speaking Tuscan very perfectly, went into his camp, and came to the King's chair, in the which he gave audience: and not knowing him perfectly, he durst not ask which was he, lest he should be discovered, but drew his sword at adventure, & slew him whom he took to be King. Upon that they laid hold on him, & examined him. And a pan full of fire being brought for the King that intended to do sacrifice unto the gods, Mutius held out his right hand over the fire, and boldly looking the King full in his face, whilst the flesh of his hand did fry of, he never changed hew nor countenance: the King woundering to see so strange a sight, called to them to withdraw the fire, and he himself did deliver him his sword again. Mutius took it of him with his lost hand, How Mutius come, by the name of Secuola. whereupon they say afterwards, he had given him the surname of Scaevola, as much to say, as left handed, and told him in taking of it. Thou couldst not Porsena for fear have overcomed me, but now through courtesy thou hast won me. Therefore for goodwill I will reveal that unto thee, which no force, nor extremity could have make me utter. There are three hundred romans dispersed through thy camp, all which are prepared with like minds to follow that I have begun, only gaping for opportunity to put it in practice. The lot cell on me to be the first to break the Ice of this enterprise: & yet I am not sorry my hand sailed, to kill so worthy a man, that deserveth rather to be a friend, than an enemy unto the romans. Porsena hearing this, did believe it, & ever after he gave the more willing ear to those that treated with him of peace: not so much (in my opinion) for that he feared the three hundred lying in wait to kill him, as for the admiration of the romans noble mind and great courage. All other writers call this man, Matius Scaevola: howbeit Athenodorus, surnamed Sandon, in a book he wrote unto Octavia; Augustus sister, sayeth that he was also called Opsig onus. But Publicola taking king Porsena not to be so dangerous and enemy to ROME; as he should be a profitable friend & ally to the same: let him understand, that he was contented to make him judge of the controversy between them & Tarquin. Whom he did many times provoke to come & have his cause heard before king Porsena, Publicolae maketh Porsena judge, betwixt them and the Tarquin's. where he would justify to his face, that he was the naughtiest & most wicked man of the world, & that he was justly driven out of his country. Tarquin sharply answered, that he would make no man his judge, and Porsena lest of all other, for that having promised him to put him again in his Kingdom, he was now gone from his word, and had changed his mind. Porsena was very angry with this answer, judging this a manifest token that his cause was ill. Wherefore Porsena being solicited again by his own son Aruns, Peace granted the romans by Porsena. who loved the romans, did easily grant them peace upon condition: that they should redeliver back again to him the lands they had gotten before within the country of Tuscan, with the prisoners also which they had taken in this war, & in lieu thereof he offered to deliver to them again the romans, that had fled from them unto him. To confirm this peace, the romans delivered him hostages, ten of the noblest men's sons of the city, & so many of their daughters: among which, was Valeria, Publicolaes' own daughter. Peace being thus concluded, Porsena broke his army, & withdrew his strength, trusting to the peace concluded. The romans daughters delivered for hostages, came down to the rivers side to wash them, in a quiet place where the stream ran but gently, without any force or swiftness at all. When they were there, and saw they had no guard about them, nor any came that way, nor yet any boats going up nor down the stream: they had a desire to swim over the river, which ran with a swift stream, & was marvelous deep. Some say, that one Claelia swam the river upon her horse back, The boldness of Claelia and other Roman virgins. & that she did embolden & encourage the other to swim hard by her horse side: & recovering the other bank, and being past all danger, they went & presented themselves before Publicola the Consul. Who neither commended them, nor liked the part they had played, but was marvelous sorry, fearing lest men would judge him less careful to keep his faith, then was king Porsena: & that he might suspect the boldness of these maidens, was but a crafty slight devised of the romans. Therefore he took them all again, & sent them immediately unto king Porsena. Whereof Tarquin having intelligence, he laid an ambush for them, that had the conduction of them. Who so soon as they were passed the river, did show themselves, & broke upon the romans: they being far fewer in number that the other, did yet very stoutly defend themselves. Now whilst they were in earnest fight together, Valeria Publicolaes' daughter, and three of her father's servants, escaped through the midst of them, and saved themselves. The residue of the virgins remained in the midst among their sword, in great danger of their lives. Aruns king Porsenas son advertised hereof, ran thither incontinently to the rescue: but when he came, the enemies fled, and the romans held on their journey to redeliver their hostages. Porsena seeing them again, asked which of them it was that began first to pass the river, and had encouraged the other to follow her. One pointed him unto her, and told him her name was Claelia. He looked upon her very earnestly, and with a pleasant countenance, and commanded they should bring him one of his best horse in the stable, and the richest furniture he had for the same, and so he gave it unto her. Those which hold opinion that none but Claelia passed the river a horse back, do allege this to prove their opinion true. Other do deny it saying that this TUSCAN king, did only honour her noble courage. Howsoever it was, they see her image a horse back in the holy street, as they go to the palace: & some say it is the statue of Valeria, other of Claelia. After Porsena had made peace with the romans, The liberality of king Persona to the romans. in breaking up his camp, he showed his noble mind unto them in many other things, and specially in that he commanded his soldiers they should carry nothing but their armour and weapon only, leaving his camp full of corn, victuals, and other kind of goods. From whence this custom came, that at this day when they make open sale of any thing belonging to the common weal, the sergeant or common crier crieth, that they are king Porsenas goods, and taken of thankfulness and perpetual memory of his bounty and liberality towards them. Further, Porsenas image standeth adjoining to the palace where the Senate is used to be kept, which is made of great antic work. Afterwards the SABINES invading the romans territory with a great force, Marcus Valerius Publicolaes' brother, Marcus Valerius, Posthumius Tubertus Consuls. was then chosen Consul, with one Posthumius Tubertus. Howbeit all matters of weight and importance passed by Publicolaes' counsel and authority, who was present at any thing that was done: and by whose means Marcus his brother, wan two great battles, in the last whereof he slew thirteen thousand of his enemies, not losing one of his own men. Marcus Valerius, the brother of Publicola, triumpheth of the Sabines. For which his victories, besides the honour of triumph he had, the people also at their own charges, built him a house, in the street of mount Palatine, and granted him moreover that his door should open outwards into the street, where all others men's doors did open innards into their house: signifying by grant of this honour and privilege, that he should always have benefit by the common weal. It is reported that the GRECIANS doors of their houses in old time, did all open outwards after that fashion, & they do conjecture it by the comedies that are played. Where those that would go out of their houses, did first knock at their doors, and make a noise within the house, lest in opening their door upon a sudden, they might overthrow or hurt him that tarried at the street door, or passed by the way: who hearing the noise, had warning strait to avoid the danger. The next year after that, Publicola was chosen Consul the fourth time, because they stood in great doubt that the SABINES and LATINS would join together to make wars upon them: besides all this, there was a certain superstitious fear ran through the city, of some ill hap toward it, because most part of the women with child were delivered of unperfect children, lacking some one limb or other, & all of them came before their time. Wherefore Publicola looking in some of Sybillaes' books, made private sacrifice unto Pluto, & did set up again some feasts & solemn games that were left of, & had been commanded before time to be kept by the oracle of Apollo. These means having a little rejoiced the city with good hope, because they thought that the anger of the gods had been appeased: Publicola then began to provide for the dangers that they were threatened withal by men, for that news was brought him that their enemies were up in all places, & made great preparation to invade them. Now there was at that time amongst the SABINES, a great rich man called Appius Clausus, very strong and active of body, & otherwise a man of great reputation & eloquence, above all the rest of his country men: but notwithstanding, he was much envied, and could not avoid it, being a thing common to great men. He went about to stay those intended wars against the romans. Whereupon, many which before took occasion to murmur against him, did now much more increase the same: with saying he sought to maintain the power of the romans, that afterwards by their aid he might make himself tyrant & King of the country. The common people gave easy ear unto such speeches, & Appius perceiving well enough how the soldiers hated him deadly, he feared they would complain, & accuse him. Wherefore being well backed & stood to by his kinsmen, friends, and followers, he practised to make a stir among the SABINES, which was the cause of staying the wars against the romans. Publicola, also for his part was very diligent, not only to understand the original cause of his sedition, but to feed on further & increase the same, having gotten men meet for the purpose, which carried Appius such a message from him. That Publicola knew very well he was a just man, and one that would not be revenged of his citizens, to the general hurt of his country, although the injuries he received at their hands, delivered him just occasion to do it: nevertheless if he had any desire to provide for his safety and to repair to ROME, learning them which causeless wished him so much evil, they would both openly and privately receive him with that due honour which his virtue deserved and the worthiness of the ROMAN people required. Clausus having long and many times considered this matter with himself, resolved that it was the best way he could take, making virtue of necessity: & therefore being determined to do it, he did procure his friends to do as he did, & they got other also unto them, so that he brought away with him out of the country of the SABINES, five thousand families with their wives and children (of the quietest and most peaceable people among the SABINES) to dwell at ROME. Appius Clausus goeth to dwell at Rome. Publicola being advertised thereof before they came, did receive them at their coming to ROME with great joy, and all manner of good courteous entertainment. For at their first coming, he made them all and their families free citizens, & assigned unto every person of them two ingera of land, (which contained one acre, one rood, eleven pole, & 69. parts of a pole) by the river of Tiber: & unto Appius self he gave him 25. iugera (to wit, 16. acres & 4. pole, 16. acres & a half, 4. pole & 76. parts of apole) & received him into the number of the Senators. And thus came he first unto the government of the common weal in ROME, where he did so wisely behave himself, that in the end he came to be the chiefest man of dignity & authority in ROME, so long as he lived. After his death, he left behind him the family of the Claudians, The family of the Claudians. descending from him: which for honour, and worthiness, gave no place to the noblest family in ROME. But now the sedition amongst the SABINES being pacified, by the departure of those that were gone to ROME: the seditious governors would not suffer those that remained to live in peace, but still cried out, it were to much shame for them, that Clausus being a fugitive, and become an enemy, should honour their enemies abroad, that being present durst not show so much at home, and that the romans should scape unrevenged, who had done them such apparent wrongs. So they raised great force and power, and went and encamped with their army near the city of FIDENES, and laid an ambush hard by ROME, in certain hidden and hollow places, where they put a two thousand choice footmen, very well armed, and did appoint the next morning to sand certain light horse men to run and pray to ROME gates: commanding them; that when the romans came out of the city to charge them, they should seem leisurely to retire, until they had drawn them within danger of their ambush. Publicola receiving full intelligence of all their intention, by a traitor that fled from them unto him, made due preparation to encounter with their privy ambush, and so divided his army in two parts: for he gave his son in law Posthumius Balbus, three thousand footmen, whom he sent away by night, commanding them the same night to take the hills, in the bottom whereof the SABINES were laid in ambush. Lucretius, fellow Consul with Publicola, having the lightest and lustiest men of the city, was appointed to make head against the vauntcurriers of the SABINES, that minded to approach the gates. And Publicola with the rest of the army, marched a great compass about to enclose his enemies behind. The next morning betimes, by chance it was a thick mist, & at that present time Posthumius coming down from the hills, with great shouts, charged them that lay in ambush. Lucretius on the other side, set upon the light horsemen of the SABINES: & Publicola fell upon their camp. So that of all sides the SABINES enterprise had very ill success, for they had the worst in every place; & the romans killed them flying, without any turning again to make resistance. Thus the place which gave them hope of best safety, turned most to their deadly overthrow. For every one of their companies supposing the other had been whole & unbroken, when a charge was given upon them, did strait break, & never a company of them turned head toward their enemy. For they that were in the camp, ran toward them which lay in ambush: & those which were in ambush on the contrary side, ran towards them that were in camp. So that in flying, the one met with the other, and found those, towards whom they were flying to have been safe, to stand in as much need of help as themselves. That which saved some that were not slain, was the city of FIDENES, which was near the camp, and specially saved those which fled thither. But such as came short of the city, and could not in time recover it, were all slain in the field, or taken prisoners. The Sabines slain. As for the glory of this honourable victory, albeit the romans were wont to ascribe all such great notable matters to the special providence and grace of the gods, yet at that time notwithstanding they did judge, that this happy success fell out by the wise foresight and valiantness of the captain. For every man that had served in this journey, had no other talk in his mouth, but that Publicola had delivered their enemies into their hands, lame, and blind, and as a man might save, bound hand and feet to kill them at their pleasure. The people were marvelously enriched by this victory, aswell for the spoil, as for the ransom of the prisoners that they had gotten. Now Publicola after he had triumphed, The death of Publicola. and left the government of the city to those, which were chosen Consuls for the year following: died incontinently, having lived as honourably and virtuously all the days of his life, as any man living might do. The people than took order for his funerals, His funerals. that the charges thereof should be defrayed by the city, as if they had never done him any honour in his life, and that they had been still debtor unto him for the noble service he had done unto the state and common weal whilst he lived. Therefore towards his funeralle charges, every citizen gave a piece of money called a Quatrine. The women also for their part, to honour his funerals, agreed among themselves to mourn a whole year in blacks for him, which was a great and honourable memorial. He was buried also by express order of the people, within the city, in the street called Velia: and they granted privilege also unto all his posterity, to be buried in the self same place. Howbeit they do no more bury any of his there. But when any die, they bring the corpse unto this place, and one holding a torch burning in his hand, doth put it under the place, and take it strait away again, to show that they have liberty to bury him there, but that they willingly refuse this honour: and this done, they carry the corpse away again. THE COMPARISON OF Solon with Publicola. NOW presently to compare these two personages together, it seemeth they both had one virtue in them: which is not found in any other of their lives which we have written of before. And the same is, that the one hath been a witness, and the other a follower of him, to whom he was like. So as the sentence that Solon spoke to king Croesus, touching Tellus' felicity & happiness, might have better been applied unto Publicola, Publicola happy. than to Tellus: whom he judged to be very happy, because he died honourably, he had lived virtuously, and had left behind him goodly children. And yet Solon speaketh nothing of his excellency, or virtue, in any of his poems: neither did he ever bear any honourable office in all his time, nor yet left any children that carried any great fame or renown after his death. Whereas Publicola so long as he lived, was always the chief man amongst the romans, of credit and authority: and afterwards since his death, certain of the noblest families, and most ancient houses of ROME, in these our days, as the Publicoles', the Messales, & the VALERIANS, for six hundred years continuance, do refer the glory of the nobility & ancienty of their house unto him Furthermore, Tellus was slain by his enemies, fight valiantly like a worthy honest man But Publicola died after he had slain his enemies which is far more great good hap, then to be slain. For after he as general had honourably served his country in the wars, & had left them conquerors, having in his life time received all honours & triumphs due unto his service: he attained to that happy end of life, which Solon accounted & esteemed, most happy & blessed. Also in wishing manner, he would his end should be lamented to his praise, in a place where he confuteth Mimnermus, about the continuance of man's life, by saying: Let not my death without lamenting pass, But rather let my friends bewail the same: Whose grievous tears, and cries of out alas, may oft resound the Echo of my name. If that be good hap, then most happy maketh he Publicola: for at his death, not only his friends and kinsfolks, but the whole city also, and many a thousand person beside, did bitterly bewail the loss of him. For all the women of ROME did mourn for him in blacks, and did most pittiefully lament his death, as every one of them had lost either father, brother, or husband. True it is, that I covet goods to have: but yet so got, as may me not deprave. Solon sayeth this, because vengeance followed ill gotten good. And Publicola took great heed, not only to get his goods most justly, but had regard that those which he had, he spent most honestly in helping the needy. So that if Solon was justly reputed the wisest man, we must needs confess also that Publicola was the happiest. For what the one desired for the greatest and most perfect good, a man can have in this world; the other hath won it, kept it, and used it all his life time, until the hour of his death. And thus hath Solon honoured Publicola, and Publicola hath done like unto Solon, showing himself a perfect example and looking glass, where men may see how to govern a popular state: when he made his Confulshippe void of all pride & stately show, and become himself affable, courteous, and beloved of every body. So took he profit by many of his laws. As when he ordained, that the people only should have authority to choose and created, all common officers and magistrates, and that they might appeal from any judge to the people: as Solon when he suffered them to appeal unto the judges of the people. In deed Publicola did not created any new Senate, as Solon did: but he did augment the first number, with as many persons almost as there were before. He did also first erect the office of Quastores, Publicola erected the office of Quaestores. for keeping of all fines, taxes, and other collections of money. Because the chiefest magistrate, if he were an honest man, should not for so light an occasion be taken, from the care of better and more weighty affairs: and if he were wickedly given and ill disposed, that he should have no such mean or occasion to work his wicked will, by having the treasure of the city in his hands, and to command what he list. Moreover in hating the tyrants, Publicola therein was far more sharp & terrible. For Solon in his laws punished him that went about to make himself tyrant, yet after he was convicted thereof by law: but Publicola ordained that they should kill him, before the law did pass on him, that sought to be King. And where Solon justly, and truly vaunteth himself, that being offered to be King & Lord of ATHENS, and that with the whole consent of the citizens: yet be did notwithstanding refuse it. This vaunt and glory is as due unto Publicola: who finding the dignity of a Consul tyrannical, he brought it to be more lowly and favour 〈…〉 people, not taking upon him all the authority he might lawfully have done. And it seemeth that Solon knew before him, what was the true and direct way to govern a common weal uprightly. For he sayeth in one place: Both great and small of power, the better will obey: if we to little or to much, upon them do not say. The discharging of debts was proper to Solon, which was a full confirmation of liberty, For little prevaileth law to make equality among citizens, when debts do hinder the poor people to enjoy the benefit thereof. And where it seemeth that they have most liberty, as in that they may be chosen judges and officers to speak their opinion in the counsel, and give their voices also: there in deed are they most bound and subject, because they do but obey the rich, in all they do command. But yet in this act there is a thing more wonderful, and worthy to be noted. That commonly discharging of debts, was wont to breed great tumults, and seditions in common weals. And Solon having used it is a very good time (as the physician venturing a dangerous medicine) did appease the sedition already begun, and did utterly quench through his glory, and the common opinion they had of his wisdom and virtue, all the infamy and accusation that might have grown of that act. As for their first entry into the government, Solon's beginning was far more noble. For he went before, and followed not another: and himself alone without any other's help, did put in execution the best, and more part of all his notable and goodly laws. Yet was Publicolaes' end and death much more glorious and happy. For Solon before he died, saw all his common wealth overthrown: but Publicolaes' common weal continued whole as he left it, until the broil of civil wars began again among them. Solon, after he had made his laws, and written them in wooden tables, leaving them without defence of any man, went his way immediately out of the city of ATHENS. Publicola abiding continually in ROME governing the state, did thoroughly stablish & confirm the laws he made. Furthermore Solon having wisely foreseen Pisistratus practices, aspiring to make himself King: he could never let him for all that, but was himself overcome and oppressed with they tyranny he saw established in his own sight, and in despite of him. Where Publicola overthrew and did put down a mighty Kingdom, that had continued of long time, and was thoroughly established: his virtue and desire being equal with Solons, & having had besides fortune favourable, and sufficient power to execute, his virtuous and well disposed mind. But as for wars and marshall deeds, there is no comparison to be made between them. For Daimachus Plataian, doth not attribute the wars of the MEGARIANS unto Solon, as we have written it: where Publicola being general of an army, and fight himself in person, hath won many great battles. And as for matters of peace and civil government, Solon never durst present himself openly to persuade the enterprise of SALAMINA, but under a counterfeit madness, and as a fool to make sport. Where Publicola taking his adventure from the beginning, showed himself without dissimulation, an open enemy to Tarquin, and afterwards he revealed all the whole conspiracy. And when he had been the only cause and author of punishing the traitors, he did not only drive out of ROME the tyrants selves in person, but took from them also all hope of return again. Who having always thus nobly & valiantly behaved himself, without shrinking back, or flying from aught that required force, a manly courage, or open resistance: did yet show himself discreet, where wisdom was requisite, or reason and persuasion needful. As when he cunningly wan king Porsena, who was a dreadful enemy unto him, and invincible by force: whom he handled in such good sort, that he made him his friend. Peradventure some might stand in this and say: that Solon recovered the isle of SALAMINA unto the ATHENIANS, which they would have lost. Publicola to the contrary, restored the lands unto Porsena again, which the romans had conquered before, within the country of Tuscan. But the times in which these things were done, are always to be considered of. For a wise governor of a Realm, and politic man, A politic precept. doth govern diversely according to the occasions offered, taking every thing in his time wherein he will deal. And many times, in letting go one thing, he saveth the whole: and in losing a little, he gaineth much. As Publicola did: who losing a little piece of another man's country which they had usurped, saved by that means all that was assuredly his own. And whereas the romans thought he should do very much for them, to save their city only: he got them moreover, all the goods that were in their enemy's camp, which did besiege them. And in making his enemy judge of his quarrel, he wan the victory: winning that moreover, which he would gladly have given to have overcome, and have sentence pass of his side. For the King their enemy did not only make peace with them, but did also leave them all his furniture, provision, and munition for the wars: even for the virtue, manhood, and justice, which the great wisdom of this Consul persuaded Porsena to believe to be, in all the other romans. The end of Publicolaes' life. THE LIFE OF Themistocles. THEMISTOCLES parentage did little advance his glory: for his father Neocles was of small reputation in ATHENS, being of the hundred of Phrear, & tribe of Leontis: of his mother an allien or stranger: as these verses do witness, Abrotonon I am, yborn in Thracia, and yet this high good hap I have, that into Grecia: I have brought forth a son, Themistocles by name, the glory of the greekish bloods, and man of greatest fame. Howbeit Phanias writeth, that his mother was not a THRACIAN, but borne in the country of CARIA: and they do not call her Abrotonon, but Euterpé. And Neanthes sayeth furthermore, that she was of HALICARNASSUS, the chiefest city of all the Realm of CARIA. For which cause when the strangers did assemble at Cynosargos Cynosargos, a place of exercise dedicated to Hercules. (a place of exercise without the gate dedicated to Hercules, which was not a right god, but noted an alien, in that his mother was a mortal woman:) Themistocles persuaded divers youths of the most honourable houses, to go down with him, & to anoint themselves at Cynosargos, cunningly thereby taking away the difference between the right & alien sort. But setting a part all these circumstances, he was no doubt allied unto the house of the Lycomedians: for Themistocles caused the chapel of this family, which is in the village of PHLYES, being once burnt by the barbarous people, to be built up again at his own charges: and as Simonides sayeth, he did set in forth and enrich it with pictures. Moreover every man doth confess it, that even from his childhood they did perceive he was given to be very hot headed, stirring, wise, and of good spirit, and enterprising of himself to do great things, Thermistocles towardness. and borne to rule weighty causes. For at such days and hours as he was taken from his book, and had leave to play, he never played, nor would never be idle, as other children were: but they always found him cunning some oration without book, or making it alone by himself, and the ground of his matter was ever commonly, either to defend, or accuse some of his companions, Whereupon his schoolmaster observing him, oft said unto him: sure some great matter hangeth over thy head my boy, for it cannot be chosen but that one day thou shalt do some notable good thing, or some extreme mischief. Therefore when they went about to teach him any thing, only to check his nature, or to fashion him with good manner and civility, or to study any matter for pleasure or honest pastime: he would slowly and carelessly learn of them. But if they delivered him any matter of wit, and things of weight concerning state: they saw he would beat at it marvelously, and would understand more than any could of his age and carriage, trusting altogether to his natural mother with. This was the cause, that being mocked afterwards by some that had studied humanity, and other liberal sciences, he was driven for revenge and his own defence, to answer with great and stout words, saying, that in deed he could no skill to tune a harp, nor a viol, nor to play of a psalterion: but if they did put a city into his hands that was of small name, weak, and little, he knew ways enough how to make it noble, strong, and great. Nevertheless, Stesimbrotus writeth, how he went to Anaxagoras school, and that under Melissus he studied natural philosophy. Themistocles was Anaxagoras & Melissus scholar. But herein he was greatly deceived, for that he took no great heed unto the time. For Melissus was captain of the SAMIANS against Pericles, at what time he did say siege unto the city of SAMOS. Now this is true, Pericles was much younger than Themistocles, and Anaxagoras dwelled with Pericles in his own house. Therefore we have better reason and occasion to believe those that writ, Themistocles did determine to follow Mnesiphilus Phreari●. Mnesiphilus Phrearian. For he was no professed Orator, nor natural philosopher, as they termed it in that time: but made profession of that which then they called wisdom. What wisdom at in old time. Which was no other thing, but a certain knowledge to handle great causes, and an endeavour to have a good wit and judgement in matters of state and government: which profession beginning in Solon, did continued, and was taken up from man to man, as a sect of philosophy. But those that came sithence, have mingled it with art of speech, and by little and little have translated the exercise of deeds, unto bore and curious words: whereupon they were called Sophisters, Now the name of Sophisters came ●●. Themistocles youth. as who would say, counterfeate wise men. Notwithstanding, when Themistocles began to meddle with the government of the common weal, he followed much Mnesiphilus. In the first part of his youth, his hehaviour and doings were very light and unconstant, as one carried away with a rash head, and without any order or discretion: by reason whereof his manners & conditions seemed marvelously to change, and oft-times fell into very ill favoured events, as himself did afterwards confess by saying: that a ragged colt oft-times proves a good horse, specially if he be well ridden, and broken as he should be. Other tales which some will seem to add to this, are in my opinion but fables. As that his father did disinherit him, and that his mother for very care and sorrow she took to see the lewd life of her son, did kill herself. For there are that writ to the contrary, that his father being desirous to take him from dealing in government, did go and show him all alongst the sea shore, the shippewracks and ribs of old galleys cast here and there, whereof no reckoning was made, and said to him: thus the people use their governors, when they can serve no longer. Howsoever it was, it is most true that Themistocles earnestly gave himself to state, and was suddenly taken with desire of glory. For even at his first entry, because he would set foot before the proudest, he stood at pike against the greatest and mightiest persons, The privy grudge betwixt Themistocles and Aristides. that bore the sway and government, and specially against Aristides, Lysimachus son, who ever encountered him, and was still his adversary opposite. Yet it seemeth the evil will he conceived toward him, came of a very light cause. For they both loved Stesilaus, that was borne in the city of TEOS, as Ariston the philosopher writeth. And after this jealousy was kindled between them, they always took contrary part once against another, not only in their private likings, but also in the government of the common weal. Yet I am persuaded, that the difference of their manners & conditions, did much increase the grudge and discord betwixt them. For Aristides Aristides a just man. being by nature a very good man, a just dealer, & honest of life, and one that in all his doings would never flatter the people, nor serve his own glory, but rather to the contrary would do, would say, & counsel always for the most benefit & commodity of the common weal: was oftentimes enforced to resist Themistocles, Themistocles ambition. & disappoint his ambition, being ever busily moving the people, to take some new matter in hand. For they report of him, that he was so inflamed with desire of glory, & to enterprise great matters, that being but a very young man at the battle of Marathon, where there was no talk but of the worthiness of captain Miltiades that had won the battle: he was found many times solitarily there alone devising with himself: beside, they say he could then take no rest in the night, neither would go to plays in the day time, nor would keep company with those whom he was accustomed to be familiar withal before. Furthermore, he would tell them that wondered to see him so in his muses, and changed, and asked him what he ailed: that Miltiades victory would not let him sleep, because other thought this overthrow at MARATHON, would have made an end of all wars. Howbeit Themistocles was of a contrary opinion, Themistocles persuaded his countrymen to make galleys. and that it was but a beginning of greater troubles. Therefore he daily studied how to prevent them, and how to see to the safety of GREECE, & before occasion offered, he did exercise his city in seats of war, foreseeing what should follow after. Wherefore, where the citizens of ATHENS before did use to divide among themselves the revenue of their mines of silver, which were in a part of ATTICA called LAURION: he alone was the first that durst speak to the people, & persuade them, that from thenceforth they should cease that distribution among themselves, & employ the money of the same in making of galleys, to make wars against the AEGINETES. For their wars of all GREECE were most cruel, because they were lords of the sea & had so great a number of ships. This persuasion drew the citizens more easily to Themistocles mind, than the threatening them with king Darius, or the Persians would have done: who were far from them, & not feared that they would come near unto them. So this opportunity taken of the hatred & jealousy between the ATHENIANS & the AEGINETES, The Athenians bend their force to sea, by Themistocles persuasion. made the people to agreed, of the said money to make an hundred galleys, with which they fought against king Xerxes, & did overcome him by sea. Now after this good beginning & success, he wan the citizens by degrees to bend their force to sea, declaring unto them, how by land they were scant able to make head against their equals, whereas by their power at sea, they should not only defend themselves from the barbarous people, but moreover be able to command all GRECE. Hereupon he made them good mariners, & passing sea men, as Plato sayeth, where before they were stout & valiant soldiers by land. This gave his enemy's occasion to cast it in his teeth afterwards, that he had taken away from the ATHENIANS the pike & the target, & had brought them to the bank & the ower: & so he got the upper hand of Miltiades. Who inveighed against him in that, as Stesimbrotus writeth. Now after he had thus his will, by bringing this sea service to pass, whether thereby he did overthrow the justice of the common weal or not, I leave that to the philosophers to dispute. But that the preservation of all GRECE stood at that time upon the sea, & that the galleys only were the cause of setting up ATHENS again: Xerxes himself is a sufficient witness, besides other proofs that might be brought thereof. For his army by land being yet whole, & unset on, when he saw his army by sea broken, dispersed, & souncke, he fled strait upon it, confessing as it were that he was now to weak to deal any more with the grecians, & left Mardonius his lieutenant in GREECE, of purpose in my opinion, rather to let that the grecians should not follow him, then for any hope he had to overcome them. Some writ of Themistocles, Themistocles a good husband to look for his profit. that he was a very good husband for his own profit, & careful to look to his things: for he did spend liberally, & loved oft to make sacrifices, & honourably to receive & entertain: strangers: wherefore he had good reason to be careful to get, to defray his charges. Other to the contrary, blame him much, that he was to near, & miserable: for some say, he would cell presents of meat that were given him. He did ask one Philides on a time, which had a breed of mares, a colt of gift: who denying him flatly, he was so angry, that he threatened him ere it were long he would make his house the horse of wood, with the which TROIA was taken. Meaning covertly to let him understand, that he would shortly set strife & quarrel betwixt him, & his nearest kinsmen & familiar friends. It is true that he was the most ambitious man of the world. For when he was but a young man, & scantly known, Themistocles extremely ambitious. he earnestly entreated one Epicles, borne at HERMIONNA, an excellent player of the cithern, & counted at that time the cunningest man in all ATHENS at the instrument, that he would come & reach his art at his house: and all was no more, but that many people being desirous to hear him play, should ask for his house, & come thitherto him. And one year when he went unto the feast & assembly of the plays olympical, he would needs keep open house for all comers, have his tents richly furnished, & a great train of servants & all other furniture, only to contend with Cimon. This marvelously spited the grecians, who thought Themistocles expenses fit for Cimons' countenance, & ability, because he was a young gentleman, and of a noble house: but for him that was but a new come man, & would bear a greater port, than either become his calling or ability, they thought it not only unallowable in him, but mere presumption & vain glory. Another time he defrayed the whole charges of a tragedy which was played openly: & being set out therein to have won the prize, & the ATHENIANS being marvelous desirous of the honour in such plays, he caused this victory of his to be painted in a table, which he did dedicated & set up in a temple, with this inscription. Themistocles Phrearian defrayed the charges: Phrynitus made it: Adimantus was chief ruler. Yet notwithstanding he was well taken of the common people, partly because he would speak to every citizen by his name, no man telling him their names: and partly also because he showed himself an upright judge in private men's causes. As one day he answered the poet Simonides, borne in CHIO, who did request an unreasonable matter at his hands, at that time when he was governor of the city. Thou couldst be no good poet, Simonides, A wise saying of Themistocles. if thou didst sing against the rules of music: neither myself a good governor of a city, if I should do any thing against the law. And mocking the same Simonides another time, he told him he was but a fool to speak ill of the CORINTHIANS, considering they were lords of so great & strong a city. Likewise he was not wise to make himself to be drawn, being so deformed & ill favoured. But being grown in credit, & having won the favour of the people, he was such an enemy to Aristides, Themistocles made Aristides to be banished. that in the end he made him to be expulsed & banished ATHENS, for 5. years. When news were brought that the king of PERSIA was onwards on his journey & coming down to make wars upon the grecians: the ATHENIANS consulted whom they should make their general. And it is reported, that all their common counsellors which were wont to speak in matters, fearing the danger, did draw back, save an orator called Epicydes, Epicydes an orator sued to be general. Euphemides son, very eloquent in speech, but somewhat womanishe, faint hearted, & greedy of money, offered himself to sue for this charge, & had some hope to obtain it. Wherefore Themistocles fearing all would not be well, if it fell to this man to be general of the army, he bought out Epicydes ambition with ready money, & so made him let fall his suit. It fell out Themistocles was greatly commended, about that was done to the interpreter, that came with the king of persia's ambassadors, & demanded the empire of the grecians both by sea & land, that they should acknowledge obedience to the King. For he caused him to be taken, & put to death by a common consent, for using the Greek tongue in the service & commandment of the barbarous people. It was a notable thing also, that at his motion, Arthmius born at ZELEA, Arthmius defamed for bribing. was noted of infamy, both he, his children, & all his posterity after him, because he brought gold from the king of PERSIA, to corrupt & win the grecians. But the greatest & worthiest act he did in those parts, was this: that he pacified all civil wars among the grecians, persuading the cities to leave of their quarrels until the wars were done, in the which they say Chileus Arcadian did help him more than any other man. He being now chosen general of the ATHENIANS, Themistocles general of the Athenians against Xerxes. went about presently to embark his citizens into galleys, declaring to them they should leave their city, & go meet with the barbarous King by sea, so far from the coast of GREECE as they could: but the people did not think that good. Wherefore he led great numbers of soldiers by land, into the country of TEMPE'S with the LACEDÆMONIANS, to keep the passage & entry into THESSALY, against the barbarous people, which country stood yet sound to GREECE, & not revolted to the MEDES. Afterwards the GRECIANS coming from thence without any act done, and the THESSALIANS also being won somewhat on the King's side, for that all the whole country unto BOEOTIA was at the devotion & goodwill of the barbarous people: then the ATHENIANS began to find, how Themistocles opinion to fight by sea was very good. Whereupon they sent him with their navy to the city of ARTEMISIUN, to keep the strait. There the other GRECIANS would have had the LACEDÆMONIANS & their admiral Eurybiades to have had the authority & commandment of the rest. But the ATHENIANS would not set sail under any other admiral than their own, because theirs were the greatest number of ships in the army, & above all the other GRECIANS. Themistocles foreseeing the danger that was likely to fall out amongst themselves, did willingly yield the whole authority unto Eurybiades, & got the ATHENIANS to agreed unto it: assuring them, that if they behaved themselves valiantly in these wars, the other grecians of their own accord would afterwards submit themselves unto their obedience. Hereby it appeareth, that he only of all other was at that time, the original cause of the saving of GREECE, & did most advance the honour and glory of the ATHENIANS, by making them to overcome their enemies by force, & their friends & allies with liberality. In the mean time, Eurybiades, seeing the barbarous fleet riding atanker; all alongst the isle of APHETES, with such a great number of ships in the vaward, he began to be afraid. And understanding moreover, there were other 200. sail that went to cast about the isle of SCIATHE, & so to come in: he presently would have retired further into GREECE, & would have drawn nearer unto PELOPONNESUS, to the end their army by sea might be near their army by land, as thinking it unpossible to fight with king Xerxes' power by sea. Whereupon the inhabitants of the isle of EUBOEA, fearing lest the GRECIANS would to the spoil of the enemy, they caused Themistocles secretly to be spoken with all, & sent him a good some of money by one called Pelagon. Themistocles took the money, as Herodotus writeth, & gave it to Eurybiades. But there was one Architeles amongst the ATHENIANS, captain of the galley called the holy galley, that was much against Themistocles intended purpose: who having no money to pay his mariners, did what he could that they might depart with speed from thence. Themistocles stirred up then his soldiers more against him then before, insomuch as they went aboard his galley, & took his supper from him. Architeles being marvelous angry & offended withal, Themistocles sent him both bread & meat in a pamnier, & in the bottom thereof he had put a talon of silver, bidding him for that night to sup with that, and the next morning he should provide for his mariners, or else he would complain, & accuse him to the citizens that he had taken money of the enemies. Thus it is written by Phanias Lesbian. Moreover these first fights in the strait of EUBOEA, between the grecians, & the barbarous people, were nothing to purpose to end the wars between them. For it was but a taste given unto them, which served the grecians turn very much, by making them to see by experience, & the manner of the fight, that it was not the great multitude of ships, nor the pomp & sumptuous setting out of the same, nor the proud barbarous shouts & songs of victory that could stand them to purpose, against noble hearts & valiant minded soldiers, that durst grapple with them, & come to hands strokes with their enemies: & that they should make no reckoning of all that bravery & brags, but should stick to it like men, & lay it on the jacks of them. The which (as it seemeth) the poet Pindarus understood very well, when he said touching the battle of ARTEMISIUM. The stout Athenians, have now foundation laid, unto the liberty of Greece, by these assaults assayed. For out of doubt the beginning of victory, is to be hardy. This place ARTEMISIUM is a part of the isle of EUBOEA, The coast of Aretemisium. looking towards the North, above the city of ESTIAEA, lying directly over against the country which sometimes was under the obedience of the PHILOCTETES, and specially of the city of OLIZON. There is a little temple of Diana, surnamed Orienta 〈…〉 ound about the which there are trees, and a compass of pillars of white stone, which when a man rubs with his hand, they show of the colour and savour of safferne. And in one of those pillars there is an inscription of lamentable verses to this effect. When boldest bloods of Athens by their might had overcome, the numbers infinite of Asia: they then in memory, of all their deeds, and valiant victory began to build, this noble monument: and to Diane the same they did present, for that they had the Medes likewise subdued, & with their blood, their hardy hands imbrued. There is a place seen also upon that coast at this day, a good way into the land, in the midst whereof are great sands full of black dust as ashes: and they think that they burned in that place all dead bodies and old shippwracks. News being brought what had been done in the country of THERMOPYLES, how that king Leonidas was dead, and how that Xerxes had won that entry into GREECE by land: the grecians then brought their whole army by sea more into GREECE, the ATHENIANS being in the rearward in this retire, as men whose hearts were lift up with the glory of their former valiant deeds. Now Themistocles passing by those places where he knew the enemies must of necessity fall upon the lee shore for harborough: Themistocles stra●ageame. he did engrave certain words spoken unto the Jonians, in great letters in stone, which he found there by chance, or purposely brought thither for that purpose, where there was very good harbour for ships, and fit places also to lie in. These were the words, that the Jonians should take the grecians parts being their founders and ancestors, & such as fought for their liberty: or at the lest they should trouble the army of the barbarous people, & do them all the mischief they could, when the grecians should come to fight with them. By these words he hoped either to bring the Jonians to take their part, or at the lest he should make the barbarous people jealous & mistrustful of them. Xerxes' being already entered in the uppermost part of the province of DORICA, into the country of PHOCIDA, burning & destroying the towns & cities of the PHOCIANS: the other grecians lay still & suffered the invasion, notwithstanding the ATHENIANS did request them to meet with the barbarous army in BOEOTIA, to save the country of ATTICA, as before they had done, when they went by sea to ARTEMISIUM. But they would not harken to it in no wise, & all was because they were desirous they should draw to the strait of PELOPONNESUS, and there they should assemble the whole strength and power of GREECE within the bar of the same, & make a strong substantial wall from the one sea to the other. The ATHENIANS were very angry at this devise, & were half discouraged & out of heart, to see themselves thus forsaken and cast of, by the rest of the grecians. For it was out of all speech that they alone should fight against so many thousands of enemies: & therefore their only remedy was, to leave their city: & to get them to the sea. The people were very unwilling to listen hereunto, making their reckoning it was needles to be careful to overcome, or to save themselves, having once forsaken the temples of their gods, & the graves of their parents. Wherefore Themistocles seeing that neither reason, nor man's persuasion could bring the people to like his opinion: he began to frame a devise (as men do use sometimes in tragedies) & to threaten the ATHENIANS with signs from heaven, with oracles & answers from the gods. And the occasion of Minerva's dragon served his turn for a celestial sign & token, which by good fortune did not appear in those days in the temple as it was wont to do: & the priests found the sacrifices which were daily offered to him, whole & untouched by any. Wherefore being informed by Themistocles what they should do, they spread a brute abroad amongst the people, that the goddess Minerva, the protector & defender of the city, had forsaken it, pointing them the way unto the sea. And again he wan them by a prophecy, which commanded them to save themselves in walls of wood: saying, that the walls of wood did signify nothing else but ships. Wooden walls signify ships. And for this cause he said, Apollo in his oracle called SALAMINA divine, not miserable nor unfortunate, because it should give the name of a most happy victory which the grecians should get there. And so at the last they following his counsel, he made this decree, that they should leave the city of ATHENS to the custody of the goddess Pallas, that was lady & governor of the country, The Athenians forsake Athens by Themistocles persuasion, & do go to the sea. & that all those which were of age to carry any weapon should get them to the galleys: & for the rest, that every man should see his wife, children, & bondmen placed in some sure place as well as he could. After this decree was past & authorized by the people, the most part of them did convey their aged fathers & mothers, their wives & little children, into the city of TROEZEN, where the TROEZENIANS received them very lovingly & gently. For they gave order that they should be entertained of the common charge, allowing them a piece, two obulos of their money a day, & suffered the young children to gather fruit wheresoever they found it: & furthermore did hire schoolmasters at the charge of the common wealth, to bring them up at school. He that was the penner of this decree, was one called Nicagoras. The ATHENIANS at that time, had no common money, but the Senate of the Areopagites (as Aristotle sayeth) furnished every soldier with eight drachmas, which was the only mean that the galleys were armed. Yet Clidemus writeth, that this was a craft devised of Themistocles. The ATHENIANS being come down unto the haven of PIRAEA, he made as though Pallas tergat (on the which Medusus head was graven) had been lost, & was not found with the image of the goddess: and feigning to seek for it, he ransacked every corner of the galleys, and found a great deal of silver which private persons had hidden amongst their fardels. This money was brought out unto the people, and by this means the soldiers that were shipped had wherewithal, to provide them of necessary things. When time came that they were to depart the haven, & that all the city of ATHENS had taken sea: one way it was a pity to behold them. Another way it made all sorts to wonder, that considered the boldness and courage of those men, which before sent away their fathers, and mothers from them, and were nothing moved at the tears, cries, sherikes, & embracings of their wines, their children, & departures, but stoutly and resolutely held on their course to SALAMINA. Notwithstanding, there were many old citizens left still of necessity in ATHENS, because they could not be removed for very extreme age, which stirred many with compassion toward them. There was beside, a certain pity that made men's hearts to yearn, when they saw the poor dogs, beasts, & cattle run up & down bleating, mowing, and howling out aloud after their masters, in token of sorrow, when they did embark. Amongst these, there goeth a strange tale of Xanthippus dog, Xanthippus dog. who was Pericles father: which for sorrow his master had left him behind him, did cast himself after into the sea, & swimming still by the galleys side wherein his master was, he held on to the isle of SALAMINA, where so soon as the poor cur landed, his breath failed him, & died presently. They say, at this day the place called the dogs grave, The dog go grave. is the very place where he was buried. These were strange acts of Themistocles, that beholding the ATHENIANS sorry for the absence of Aristides, and fearing lest of spite he taking part with the barbarous nation, might have been the ruin & destruction of the state of GREECE, being banished five years also before the wars, by Themistocles procurement: Aristides renorneth from banishment by Themistocles decree. that he did set forth a decree; that all those which had been banished for a time, might return home again, to do, to say, & to give counsel to the citizens in those things, which they thought best for the preservation of GREECE. And also where Eurybiades, being general of the grecians whole army by sea, for the worthiness of the city of SPARTA, but otherwise a rank coward at time of need, would in any case depart from thence, & retire into the gulf of PELOPONNESUS, where all the army of the PELOPONNESIANS was by land assembled: that Themistocles withstood him; and did hinder it all he could. At that time also it was, that Themistocles made so notable answers, which specially are noted, & gathered together. For when Eurybiades said one day unto him. Themistocles, Notable answers of Themistocles. those that at plays & games do rise before the company, are whistled at. It is true, said Themistocles: but those that tarry last so, do never win any game. Another time Eurybiades having a staff in his handle lift it up, as though he would have stricken him. Strike & thou wilt, said he, so thou wilt hear me. Eurybiades wounding to see him so patient, suffered him then to say what he would. Then Themistocles began to bring him to reason: but one that stood by said unto him. Themistocles for a man that hath neither city nor house, it is an ill part to will others that have, to forsake all. Themistocles turning to him, replied. We have willingly forsaken our houses and walls, said he, cowardly beast that thou art, because we would not become slaves for fear to loose things, that have neither soul nor life. And yet our city I tell thee is the greatest of all GREECE: for it is a fleet of two hundred galleys ready to fight, which are come hither to save you if you list. But if you will needs go your ways, & forsake us the second time: you shall hear tell ere it be long, that the ATHENIANS have another free city, & have possessed again as much good land, as that they have already lost. These words made Eurybiades presently think, and fear, that the ATHENIANS would not go, and that they would forsake them. And as another Eretrian was about to utter his reason against Themistocles opinion: he could not but answer him. Alas, and must you my master's talk of wars to, that are like to a sleeve? The Sleve is a fish fashioned like a sword. In deed you have a sword, but you lack a heart. Some writ, that whilst Themistocles was talking thus from his galley, they spied an owl flying on the right hand of the ships, which came to light on one of the masts of the galleys: and that hereupon all the other grecians did agreed to his opinion, and prepared to fight by sea. But when the fleet of their enemy's ships showed on the coasts of ATTICA, hard by the haven Phalericus, and covered all the rivers thereabouts, as far as any body could see, and that king Xerxes himself was come in person with all his army by land, to camp by the sea side: so that his whole power both by land and sea might be seen in sight: then the grecians had forgotten all Themistocles goodly persuasions, and began to incline again to the PELOPONNESIANS, considering how they might recover the gulf of PELOPONNESUS, and they did grow very angry, when any man went about to talk of any other matter. To be short, it was concluded that they should sail away the next night following, & the masters of the ships had order given them to make all things ready for them to depart. Themistocles perceiving their determination, he was marvelous angry in his mind, that the grecians would thus disperse themselves a sunder, repairing every man to his own city, and leaving the advantage which the nature of the place, & the strait of the arm of the sea, where they lay in harbour together, did offer them: and so he bethought himself how this was to be holpen. Suddenly the practice of one Sicinus came into his mind, who being a PERSIAN borne, and taken prisoner before in the wars, Themistocles stratagem, by the which he wan the ba'tell at Salamina. loved Themistocles very well, and was schoolmaster to his children. This Sicinus he secretly sent unto the king of PERSIA, to advertise him that Themistocles (general of the ATHENIANS) was very desirous to become his majesties servant, and that he did let him understand betimes, that the grecians were determined to fly: and therefore that he wished him not to let them scape, but to set upon them, whilst they were troubled and afraid, and far from their army by land, to the end that upon a sudden he might overthrow their whole power by sea. Xerxes' supposing this intelligence came from a man that wished him well, received the messenger with great joy, and thereupon gave present order to his captains by sea, that they should embark their men into the other ships at better leisure, and that presently they should put out with all possible speed, two hundred sail to follow the grecians in the tail, to shut up the foreland of the strait, and to compass the Isles all about, that not one of his enemy's ships should scape: and so it fell out. Then Aristides (Lysimachus son) being the first that perceived it, went to Themistocles tent, though he was his enemy, and through his only means had been banished before, as ye have heard: and calling him out, told him how they were environed. Themistocles, who knew well enough the goodness of this man, being very glad he came at that time to seek him out, declared unto him the policy he had used by the message of Sicinus, praying him to put to his help to stay the grecians, and to procure with him, Themistocles & Aristides consent together to give battle. considering his word had more authority among them, that they would fight within the strait of SALAMINA. Aristides commending his great wisdom, went to deal with the captains of the other galleys, and to procure them to fight. For all this, they would not credit that he said, until such time as there arrived a galley of TENEDIENA, whereof one Panetius was captain, who being stolen out of the host of the barbarous army, brought certain news, that the strait out of doubt was shut up. So that besides the necessity which did urge them, the spite which the grecians conceived thereof, did provoke them to hazard the battle. The next morning by break of day, king Xerxes placed himself on a marvelous steep high hill, from whence he might discern his whole fleet, and the ordering of his army by sea, above the temple of Hercules, as Phanodemus writeth. Which is the narrow way or channel betwixt the isle of SALAMINA, and the coast of ATTICA: or as Acestodorus sayeth, upon the confines of the territories of MEGARA, above the point which they commonly call the horns. There Xerxes set up a throne of gold, and had about him many secretaries, to writ all that was done in the battle. But as Themistocles was sacrificing unto the gods in his galley that was admiral, they brought to him three young prisoners, fair of complexion, richly arrayed with gold and jewels, whom they said were the children of Sandaucé the king's sister, and of prince Autarctus. So soon as Euphrantides the soothesayer had seen them, and at their arrival observed there rose a great bright flame out of the sacrifice, and at the very self same instant that one on his right hand had sneezed: he took Themistocles by the hand, and willed him to sacrifice all those three prisoners unto the god Bacchus, surnamed Omestes, as much to say, as the cruel Bacchus: for in doing it, the grecians should not only be saved, but they should have the victory over their enemies. Themistocles wondered much, to hear so strange and terrible a commandment of the soothsayer. Nevertheless, the common sort following his custom, which is, to promise' safety sooner in the greatest dangers, & most desperate cases, by strange & unreasonable, rather than by reasonable and ordinary means: they began to call upon the god with one voice, and bringing the three prisoners near unto the altar, they compelled him to perform the sacrifice in that sort as the soothesayer had appointed. Phanias Lesbian, an excellent philosopher, and well seen in stories and antiquities, reporteth this matter thus. As for the number of the ships of the barbarous navy: AEschylus the poet, in a tragedy which he entitled the PERSIANS, knowing certainly the troth, sayeth thus: King Xerxes had, Xerxes' king of Persia had a thousand ships. a thousand ships I know, amongst the which, two hundred were (I trow) and seven: which all the rest did oversayle with swifter course. This is withouten fail. The ATHENIANS had nine score, in every one of the which there were eighteen soldiers, whereof four of them were archers, and all the rest armed men. Themistocles also did with no less skill & wisdom choose his time & place to fight, forbearing to charge his enemies, until the hour was come, that of ordinary custom the sea wind arose, and brought in a rough tide within the channel, which did not hurt the GRECIAN galleys, being made low and snug, but greatly offended the PERSIAN galleys, being high cargged, heavy, & not yare of steredge, and made them lie sidelong to the grecians, who fiercely set upon them having always an eye to Themistocles direction, that best foresaw their advantage. At the same time, Ariamenes, Ariamenes Xerxes' admiral. Xerxes' admiral, a man of great valour and worthiest of the King's brethren, be stowed arrows and darts as it were from the walls of a castle, charging the gallye of Aminias Decelian, and Sosicles Pedian, which were joined and grappled with him, and fiercely entering the same, was by them valiantly received upon their pikes, and thrust over board into the sea. Whose body floating amongst other shippewracks ARTEMISIA knowing, caused to be carried to king Xerxes. Now whilst this battle stood in these terms, they say that there appeared a great flame in the element, toward the city of Eleusin, and that a loud voice was heard through all the plain of THRIASIA unto the sea, as if there had been a number of men together, that had song out aloud, the holy song of jacchus. And it seemed by little and little, that there rose a cloud in the air from those which sang: that left the land, & came & lighted on the galleys in the sea. Other affirmed, that they saw armed men, which did reach out their hands from the isle of AEGINA, towards the GRECIAN galleys: & they thought they were the AEACIDESES, for whose help they all prayed before the battle was begun. The first man of the ATHENIANS that took any of the enemy's ships, was Lycomedes, a captain of a gallye: who having taken very rich furniture & flags, did afterwards consecrated them to Apollo laurel: as ye would say, victorious. The other grecians in the front being equal in number with the barbarous ships, by reason of the straightness of the arm of the sea wherein they sought, & so straightened as they could not fight but by one & one, where by the BARBARIANS disorderly laid one another abourde, that they did hinder themselves with their over multitude: & in the end were so sore pressed upon by the grecians, that they were constrained to fly by night, after they had fought & maintained battle, until it was very dark. So the GRECIANS wan that glorious & famous victory: The Grecians victory of the Persians ●a●y by sea. of the which may truly be affirmed that, as Simonides sayeth: Was never yet, nor greek nor Barbarous crew that could by sea, so many men subdue: Nor that obtained, so famous victory in any fight, against their enemy. Thus was the victory won through the valiantness and courage of those that fought that battle, but especially through Themistocles great policy and wisdom. After this battle Xerxes being mad for his loss, thought to fill up the arm of the sea, and to pass his army by land, upon a bridge, into the isle of SALAMINA. Themistocles, because he would feel Aristides opinion, told him as they were talking together, that he thought best to go and occupy the strait of HELLESPONT with the army by sea, to break the bridge of ships which Xerxes had caused to be made: to the end, said he, that we may take ASIA into EUROPE. Aristides liked not this opinion. for we have (said he) fought all this while against this barbarous King, who thought but to play with us: But if we shut him within GREECE, and bring him to fight of necessity to save his life: such an enemy that commandeth so great an army, will no more stand still as a looker on, and set at his ease under his golden pavilion, to see the pastime of the battle, but will prove every way, and be himself in every place at all assays to ta●e himself from such a strait & danger. Thus with politic care & foresight, he may easily amend his former fault committed by negligence, and do well enough, when he shall see his life and Kingdom both depend upon it. Therefore Themistocles, Aristides counsel unto Themistocles, for the breaking of Xerxes' bridge. I would think not best to break his bridge at all, which he hath caused to be made: but rather if we could, to build another to it, to drive him out of EUROPE as soon as we could. Themistocles then replied: Seeing you think this were good to be done, we must all say our heads together, to devise, how he may be forced to come out assoon as we could. They breaking of with this resolution, Themistocles sent immediately one of the King's enuches, Themistocles stratagem. called Arsaces, that was one of the grooms of his chamber, whom he found out amongst the prisoners, & by him he sent this message unto the King. That the grecians having won the battle of him by sea, had decreed in their counsel, how they would go to the strait of HELLESPONT, to break the bridge of ships he had caused to be made there. Whereof he thought good to advertise him, for the goodwill he did bear him, and to the end he might bethink him betimes, to get him away to the sea within his own dominion, and so pass back again into ASIA as soon as he could, whilst he gave order to his allies and confederates, to stay following him at the poop. The barbarous King understading these news, was so afraid, that he hoist away with all possible speed. The further foresight and great wisdom of Themistocles, and Aristides, in marine causes, did manifestly appear afterwards in the battle the grecians fought before the city of PLATEA, against Mardonius, king Xerxes' lieutenant: who having but a small power of the King his soveraines' there, did yet put the grecians to great distress, and in hazard to have lost all. Of all the towns and cities that fought in this battle, Herodotus writeth, that the city of AEGINA wan the same for valiantness above the rest: & of private men, among the GRECIANS, Themistocles was judged the worthiest man: although it was sore against their wills, because they envied much his glory. For after the battle done, all the captains being gotten into the strait of PELOPONNESUS, and having sworn upon the altar of their sacrifices, that they would give their voices after their consciences, to those they thought had best deserved it: every one gave himself the first place for worthiness, and the second unto Themistocles. Themistocles honoured above all the Grecians. The LACEDÆMONIANS carried him into SPARTA, where they judged the honour and dignity to their admiral Eurybiades: but the wisdom and policy they attributed to Themistocles. In token thereof they gave him an olive branch, and the goodliest coach that was in their city: and moreover they sent three hundred of their lusty youths to accompany him, and conduct him out of their country. They say, at the next feasts and assembly of the plays olympical that were made after this victory: when Themistocles was once come into the show place where these games were played, the people looked no more on them that fought, but all cast their eyes on him, showing him to the strangers which knew him not, with their fingers, and by clapping of their hands did witness how much they esteemed him. Whereat he himself took so great delight, that he confessed to his familiar friends, he then did reap the fruit and benefit of his sundry and painful services he had taken in hand, Themistocles ambition noted. for the preservation of GREECE: so ambitious was he of nature, & covetous of honour, as we may easily perceive by certain of his deeds and notable sayings they have noted of him. For being chosen admiral of ATHENS he never dispatched any causes private or public, howsoever they fell out, until the very day of his departure, and taking ship: and all because that men seeing him rid much business at once, and to speak with so many persons together, they should esteem him to be the notabler man, & of the greater authority. Another time he walked upon the sands by the sea side, beholding the dead bodies of the barbarous people, which the sea had cast up upon the shore: and seeing some of them that had on still their chains of gold, and bracelets, he passed by on his way, but showed them yet to his familiar friend that followed him, and said unto him: take thou those, for thou art not Themistocles. And unto one Antiphates, who in his youth had been a goodly young boy, and at the time did scornfully behave himself unto him, making no reckoning of him: and now that he saw him in authority came to see him, he said. O my young son, and friend: we are both even at one time (but to late) grown wise. He said the ATHENIANS did not esteem of him in time of peace: but when any storm of wars were towards, and they stood in any danger, they ran to him then, as they run to the shadow of a plane tree, upon any sudden rain: and after fair weather come again, they cut away then the branches, and boughs thereof. There was a man borne in the isle of SERIPHAS, who being fallen out with him, did cast him in the teeth, that it was not for his worthiness, but for the noble city wherein he was borne, that he had won such glory. Thou sayest true said he: but neither should I ever have won any great honour, if I had been a SERIPHIAN, nor thou also if thou hadst been an ATHENIAN. another time one of the captains of the city, having done good service unto the common weal, made boast before Themistocles, and compared his service equal with his. Themistocles to answer him, told him a pretty tale. A pretty tale of Themistocles. That the working day brawled on a time with the holy day, repining against her, that he laboured for his living continually, and how she did nothing but fill her belly, and spend that they had gotten. Thou hast reason said the holy day. But if I had not been before thee, thou hadst not been here now. And so, if I had not been then: where had you my masters been now? His own son was a little to saucy with his mother, and with him also, bearing himself over boldly of her good will, by means of her cockering of him. Whereupon being merely disposed, he would say that his son could do more than any man in all GRECE. For, sayeth he, the ATHENIANS command the GRECIANS, Themistocles saying of his son. I command the ATHENIANS, my wife commandeth me, and my son commandeth her. Moreover because he would be singular by himself above all other men: having a piece of land he would cell, he willed the crier to proclaim open sale of it in the market place, and with all he should add unto the sale, that his land lay by a good neighbour. another time, two men being suitors to his daughter, he preferred the honester before the richer, saying: he had rather have to his son in law a man that lacked goods, than goods to lack a man. These were Themistocles pleasant conceits and answers. But after he had done all these things we have spoken of before, he took in hand to build again the city and walls of ATHENS, Themistocles built again the walls of the city of Athens. and did corrupt the officers of LACEDAEMONIA with money, to the end they should not hinder his purpose, as Theopompus writeth. Or as all other say when he had deceived them by this subtlety, he went unto SPARTA as ambassador, sent thither of purpose upon the complaints of the LACEDÆMONIANS, for that the ATHENIANS did enclose their city again with walls, who were accused unto the counsel of SPARTA, by an orator called Poliarchus, who was sent thither from the AEGINETES, of purpose to prosecute this matter against the ATHENIANS. Themistocles stoutly denied it to them, A subtle fetch of Themistocles. and prayed them for better understanding of the troth, they would send some of their men thither to see it. This was but a fetch only to win by this delay, the ATHENIANS so much more time to raise up their walls, and that the ATHENIANS should keep as hostages for surety of his person, those they should sand to ATHENS, to bring back the report thereof: and so it fell out. For the LACEDÆMONIANS being informed of the troth as it was, did him no hurt, but dissembling the misliking they had to be thus abused by him, sent him away safe and sound. Afterwards he made them also mend and fortify the haven of PIRAEA, The haven of Piraea fortified. having considered the situation of the place, and all to incline the city to the sea. Wherein he did directly contrary to all the counsel of the ancient kings of ATHENS: who seeking (as they say) to withdraw their people from the sea, and to accustom them to live upon the land, by planting, sowing, and ploughing their grounds, did devise and give out abroad, the fable they tell of the goddess Pallas. And that is this, how she contending with Neptune about the patronage of the country of ATHENS, brought forth and showed to the judges the olive tree, by means whereof she prevailed, and obtained the pre-eminence. Even so Themistocles did not join the haven of PIRAEA, unto the city of ATHENS, as the comical poet Aristophanes sayeth: but rather joined the city unto the haven PIRAEA, and the land unto the sea. By this means he made the people strong against the nobility, and brought the commonalty to wax bolder than they were before, by reason the rule and authority fell into the hands of sailors, mariners, pilottes, shippemasters, and such kind of seafaring men: so as the pulpit where all the oracles were made, stood in the market place of PNYX, and did look towards the sea. But the thirty tyrants that came in afterwards, did remove it, and turn it towards the land: holding opinion to be strong by sea, was it that did maintain the authority of the popular state. And that contrariwise they which live by the labour and toil of the earth, do more willingly like the government of Nobility. Themistocles called to mind another matter also of greater importance, to make the city of ATHENS of a greater power by sea. For after the retire of Xerxes, and that all the fleet and navy of the GRECIANS wintered in the haven of PAGASES: he said one day in an open assembly of the people, that he had thought of a thing which would be very profitable and beneficial for them, but it was not to be told openly. The people willed him then to impart it to Aristides: and if he thought it good, they would execute it speedily. Themistocles then told Aristides: the thing he had considered of, was to burn the arsenal where the GRECIANS navy lay, and to set on fire all their ships. Aristides hearing his purpose, returned to the people, and told them: how nothing could be more profitable, but with all more unjust, then that which Themistocles had devised. The ATHENIANS than willed Aristides it should be let alone altogether. The equity of the Athenians. Furthermore when the LACEDÆMONIANS had exhibited their petition to the counsel of the Amphictyons (that is the general counsel of all the states of GRAECE assembled) how the towns and cities of GRAECE which had not been parties with the GRECIANS to the league, against the barbarous people, should be put of wholly from this counsel. Themistocles doubting of the ARGIVES, the THESSALIANS, and the THEBANS also should by this means be exempted, that the LACEDÆMONIANS would be then the greater number in voices, and by this means might do what they would in this counsel: he spoke so considerately for the cities which they would have thus discharged, that he made the petitioners in the assembly utterly to change their opinion. Declaring, how there were but one and thirty cities comprised only the league, and yet that some of them were very weak and small: and how it were no reason, that rejecting all the rest of GRECE, the greatest authority of this counsel should fall into the hands of two or three of the chiefest cities alone. For this cause chief the LACEDÆMONIANS did ever bear him extreme hatred, and did set up Cimon all they could, to be always adversary opposite unto him, and as it were to beard him in all matters of state, and the government of ATHENS. They procured him beside, the ill will and displeasure of all the friends and confederates of the ATHENIANS, for that he went sailing still to and fro alongst the Isles, exacting money of the inhabitants of the same. And this is to be known by the matter propounded by him to the ANDRIANS (of whom he would have had money) and by the answer they made him, as Herodotus writeth. Which was, how he had brought them two mighty gods: Love, and Force. Themistocles gods. Love and Force. And they answered him again, that they also had two great goddesses, which kept them from giving of him any money: Poverty, and Impossibility. The Andrians goddesses. poverty. Impossibility. And to make this good also: Timocreon the Rhodian poet galled him to the quick, when he sharply taunted him, for calling many home again for money that were banished: and how for covetousness of money he had betrayed, and forsaken, his host and friend. The verses wherein this matter is mentioned, are to this effect. Who list commend worthy Pausanias, Xanthippus or good Leotychides, yet shall I seem but light thereof to pass, compared with valiant Aristides. For yet was nay, the like in Athens town, nor never shall come none of like renown. Themistocles by right and due desert, is hated of Latons for his lies, and for he bore a traitorous wicked heart. who like a wretch, & niggard did devise. for small rewards, his host Timocreon to hold, out of his country jalison. He took for bribe (unjustly yet therewhile) of ready coin three talents fair and bright, revoking such as pleased him, from exile and banishing full many a worthy wight. Or putting them to death, without cause told, he gate thereby, great heaps of coin and gold. But in the end (ôright reward for such) this bribing wretch, was forced for to hold, a tippling bowthe, most like a clown or f●●●he, at holy feasts and pastimes manifold, which were amongst the people in those days Istmiciane folk, did use the like always. And there he served, his gests with cold meat still, whilst they that tasted of his cookery, 'gan wish that they (to ease their weary will) had never lived to see the treccherie, of false Themistocles, and that he might no longer live, which wrought them such despite. After this, he did more openly blaze him to the world, when he was banished and condemned: in a song that had beginning thus. O Muse, let these my verses be dispersed, throughout all Grace, since they deserve no less: and since the truth which is in them rehearsed, deserveth fame, whom no man should suppress. They say the cause was, why this Timocreon was banished: the friendship which he had with the Barbarous people, and for giving them intelligence. Whereof Themistocles was one that judicially condemned him. Wherefore when Themistocles himself was accused afterwards of the same fault, Timocreon then made these verses following against him. Timocreon was not without his fere, which did confer with Medes privily, Since others more, the self same blame might bear, more foxes lurk in dens as well as I Besides these verses, Themistocles own citizens for the ill will they bore him, were contented to hear him ill spoken of. Therefore while he fought ways, to redress all this: he was driven to use such mean, which more increased their hatred toward him. For in his orations to the people, he did oft remember them of the good service he had done them: and perceiving how they were offended withal, he was driven to say. Why, are ye weary so oft to receive good by one man? Many of them were very angry with him also, when he surnamed Diana (in the dedication of her temple he made unto her) Aristobule, as much to say, as the good counsellor: meaning thereby, how he had given grave and wise counsel, both unto his city, and to all the rest of the GRECIANS. He built this temple also near his house, in a place called Melita, where the hangmen do cast the dead bodies of those that were executed, and throw the rags and halters ends of those that were hanged, or otherwise put to death by law. There was also in our days in the temple of Diana Aristobule, a little image of Themistocles, which showed plainly, that he was not only wise, and of a noble mind, but also of a great majesty and countenance in face. In the end, the ATHENIANS banished him ATHENS for five year. Themistocles banished for five years. because they would pluck down his overgreat courage and authority, as they did use to serve those, whose greatness they thought to be more, then common equality that aught to be among citizen would bear. For this manner of banishment for a time, called Ostracismon, was no punishment for any fault committed, but a mitigation and taking away of the envy of the people, which delighted to pluck down their stomaches that to much seemed to exceed in greatness: and by this means they took away the poison of his malice, with diminishing his glory and honour. So Themistocles being banished ATHENS, went to devil in ARGOS. In this mean season, Pausanias' trecchery fell out, which gave his enemy's occasion to lie heavy on his back. But he which become his accuser, & was partner of the treason, was one called Leobotes (Alemeons' son) borne in a village called AGRAULA. Besides this, the SPARTANS also did sit on his skirts, & charged him forely. For Pausanias never before revealed to Themistocles the treason he had purposed, although he was his very familiar friend. But after he saw Themistocles was banished, and did take his exile very unpatiently: then Pausanias was bold to open his treason to him, Pausanias revealeth his reason unto Themistacles. to procure him to take his part, and showed him the letters the king of PERSIA had written to him, and all to stir him up against the GRECIANS, as against ungrateful and unnatural people. Howbeit Themistocles shook him of, and told him plainly he would be no partner of his treason. Notwithstanding, he never revealed it to any living creature, nor disconered the practice he intended: hoping either he would have given it over, or that shortly it would appear by some other mean, considering he so fond aspired to things of great danger, and without purpose or possibility. After Pausanias was condemned, and had suffered pains of death for the same: they found amongst his papers, certain writings and letters, which made Themistocles to be very sore suspected. Themistocles suspected of treason. Whereupon the LACEDÆMONIANS on the one side cried out of him: and his enemies and ill willers at ATHENS accused him on th'other side. To the which he made answer by letters from the beginning, and wrote unto the people, it was not likely that he (who sought all the ways to rule, and was not borne to serve, neither had any mind thereto) would ever have thought in his head, to cell his own liberty, and the GRECIANS also unto the Barbarous people their enemies. Notwithstanding this purgation of his, the people by the procurement of his enemies, sent to apprehend him, and to bring him before the states of all GRAECE, to be judged by that counsel. Whereof Themistocles having intelligence in time, Themistocles fled into the isle of Corphv. he did convey himself into the isle of CORPHV, because the city there was greatly beholding to him, for a certain pleasure in time paste he had done them. For they being at suit and strife with the CORINTHIANS, he took up the matter between them, and gave judgement on their side, & condemned the CORINTHIANS to pay them twenty talents damages: and did set down an order, that they should occupy the isle of LEUCADE in common together, as ground that had been inhabited with the people, aswell of the one city, of the other. From thence he fled to Epirus, whether being followed by the ATHENIANS, & the LACEDÆMONIANS, he was compelled to venture himself upon a doubtful and very dangerous hope. For he went to yield himself into the hands of Admetus, king of the MOLOSSIANS. Who having heretofore made certain requests unto the ATHENIANS, and being shamefully denied them by means of Themistocles (who then was at his chiefest height and authority) the King was marvelously offended with him: and it was a clear case in deed, that if he could then have laid hands on him, he would have been revenged of him thoroughly. Howbeit feeling the present misery of his exile, he thought he might less fear the King's old quarrel and displeasure, than the fresh hate & envy of his countrymen. Whereupon he went unto king Admetus, trusting to his mercy, and become an humble suitor to him in a strange extraordinary sort. For he took the King's little young son in his arms, and went and kneeled down before the altar in his chapel: which humble manner of suing the MOLOSSIANS take to be most effectual, The manner of supplication among the Molossians. and such as they dare not deny, nor refuse. Some say that Queen Phthia herself, the King's wife, did inform him of this their country custom and manner, & brought her little son also near unto the altar. Other writ also, that it was Admetus himself that taught & showed him this enforcing manner of petition, only for a cloak to excuse himself to those that should come to demand Themistocles of him: that by duty of religion he was so straightly bound & restrained, that he might not deliver him out of his protection. In this mean time, Epicrates Acharnian found the means secretly to convey Themistocles wife and children out of ATHENS, & did sand them privily unto him: whereupon he was afterwards accused, & put to death, upon Cimons' accusation & motion, as Stesimbrotus writeth. Who not remembering those matters I know not how, or making as though Themistocles had not remembered himself, doth say, that Themistocles sailed into SICILY, where he sought to marry Hierons' daughter, the tyrant of SYRACUSE: promising him if he would let him have her, he would assure him to conquer all GRECE for him, and to bring them under his obedience. But Hieron refusing this offer, Themistocles went from thence into ASIA: but that is not likely. For Theophrastus writeth in his book entitled of Kingdoms, that Hieron having sent certain running horses to the feast of games olympical, & having set up a marvelous rich and sumptuous tent there: Themistocles made an oration to the GRECIANS, declaring unto them how they should tear the tyrants tent in pieces, and not to suffer his horses to run with other swift and light horses, and to carry away the price in those holy games. Thucydides again declareth, how he went unto the other sea, and embarked in the city of PYDNE, being known of never a man in the ship, until such time as the wind began to carry them into the isle of NAXOS, which the ATHENIANS by chance did besiege at that time, where being afeard to be set on land, he was forced to bewray himself to the master of the ship, & the master's mate, and wrought them, what with fair words and what with threats (by saying he would accuse them to the ATHENIANS, that they did not ignorantly receive him in, but hired for money) so as he compelled them to sail on further, and to carry him into ASIA. As for his goods, his friends saved the most part of them, and sent them into ASIA to him. But for those that came to light, and were confiscate unto the state: Theopompus writeth, they did amount to the value of one hundred talents. And Theophrastus sayeth, but to four score talents only. So that all his goods was not worth three talents, when he began to govern the state of the common weal. when he came unto the city of CUMA, he perceived that all the coasts by sea were laid for him to apprehend him, and that he had many spyalls upon him: among the which, these were two special noted men, Ergoteles, and one Pythodorus, the reward being very great, for men that sought their gain any way they could. For the king of PERSIA had proclaimed by sound of trumpet, two hundred talents to him that brought him Themistocles. Whereupon he fled unto a little town of AEOLIA, called AEGES, where no living body knew him, but his host only, called Nicogenes': who was the richest man of all the AEOLIANS, and knew all the noble men of authority that were about the king of PERSIA. Themistocles continued hidden certain days in his house: in which time, on a night after the feast of a sacrifice, one Olbius, schoolmaster to Nicogenes' children, by some secret working of the gods, suddenly fell besides himself, and began to sing these verses out aloud. Do thou believe, what so the night tells and give thy voice, thy counsel and conceits Unto the night, in darcksomnes that dwells, thereon also thy victory awaits. The next night following, Themistocles being fast asleep in his bed, Themistocles dream. dreamt that a snake wound itself round about his belly, and glided upwards to his neck, until it touched his face, and suddenly than it become an eagle, and embraced him with his wings: and so at length did lift him up into the air, and carried him a marvelous way of, until he thought he saw a golden rod (such as Heralds use to carry in their hands) whereupon the eagle did set him, and so was delivered of all this fear and trouble he thought himself in. The troth was, Nicogenes' had this devise in his head, how he might bring him safe to the king of persia's court. The Barbarous nations for the most part (and specially the PERSIANS) are of a very strange nature, The Persian jealous of their wives. and marvelous jealous over their women, and that not only of their wives, but also of their bond women, and concubines: which they keep so straightly locked up, that no man ever seeth them abroad at any time, but are always like housedoves kept within doors. And when they have any occasion to go into the country, they are carried in close coaches covered all about, that no man can look into them. Themistocles was conveyed into one of these coaches dressed after this manner, How Themistocles was conveyed to the king of Persias court. and had warned his men to answer those they met by the way, that asked whom they carried: how it was a young GRAECIAN gentlewoman of the country of JONIA, which they carried to the court for a noble man there. Thucydides, and Charon Lampsacenian say, he went thither after the death of Xerxes, and spoke with his son there. But Ephorus, Dino, Clitarchus, Heraclides, and many other writ, that he spoke with himself. Yet notwithstanding it appeareth that Thucydides words do best agreed with the chronicles & tables, recording the succession of times, although they be of no great certainty. Themistocles being come now to the sword point: (as it were) and to the extremity of his danger: did first present himself unto one Artabanus, Colonel of a thousand footmen, and said unto him. Sir, I am a GRAECIAN borne, and desire to speak with the King: I have matters of importance to open to his majesty, and such as I know he will thanckefully receive. Artabanus answered him in this manner. My friend sir stranger, the laws and customs of men are divers, and some take one thing for honest, others some another thing: but it is most honestly for all men, to keep and observe the laws and manners of their own country. For you GRECIANS have the name to love liberty, and equality above all things: & for us, amongst all the goodly laws and customs we have, we esteem this above the rest: The Persians honour their King as the image of the god of nature. to reverence and honour our King, as the image of the god of nature, who keepeth all things in their perfect life and state. Wherefore, if thou wilt fashion thyself after our manner to honour the King, thou mayest both see him, and speak with him: but if thou have another mind with thee, then must thou of necessity use some third person for thy mean. For this is the manner of our country: the King never giveth audience to any man, that hath not first honoured him. Themistocles hearing what he said, answered him again. My lord Artabanus, the great good will I bear unto the King, and the desire I have to advance his glory and power, is the only cause of my present repair unto his court: therefore I mean not only to obey your laws (since it hath so pleased the gods to raise up the noble empire of PERSIA unto this greatness) but will 'cause many other people also to honour the King, more than there do at this present. Therefore let there be no stay, but that myself in person may deliver to the King that I have to say unto him. Well, said Artabanus: whom then shall we say thou art? For by thy speech it seemeth, thou art a man of no mean state and condition. Themistocles answered him: as for that Artabanus, none shall know before the King himself. Thus doth Phanias report it. But Eratosthenes, in his book he wrote of riches, addeth further: how Themistocles had access unto this Artabanus, being recommended to the King by a woman of ERETRIA whom the King kept. Themistocles being brought to his presence, Themistocles talk with the ●ing of Persia. after he had presented his humble duty and reverence to him, stood on his feet, and said never a word, until the King commanded the interpreter to ask him what he was? and he answered. May it please your majesty, o noble King: I am Themistocles the Athenian, a banished man out of my country by the GRECIANS, who humbly repaireth to your highness, knowing I have done great hurt to the PERSIANS, but I persuade myself I have done them far more good than harm. For I it was that kept the GRECIANS back they did not follow you, when the state of GRECE was delivered from thraldom, and my native country from danger, and that I knew I stood then in good state to pleasure you. Now for me, I find all men's good wills agreeable, to my present misery and calamity: for I come determined, most humbly to thank your highness, for any grace and favour you shall show me, & also to crave humble pardon, if your majesty be yet offended with me. And therefore licence me (most noble King) to beseech you, that taking mine enemies the GRECIANS for witnesses of the pleasures I have done the PERSIAN nation, you will of your princely grace use my hard fortune, as a good occasion to show your honourable virtue, rather than to satisfy the passion of your heat and choler. For in saving my life, your majesty saveth an humble suitor that put himself to your mercy: and in putting me to death, you shall rid away an enemy of the GRECIANS. Having spoken thus these words, he said further. That the gods, by divers signs and tokens had procured him, to come to submit himself unto him, and told the King what vision he had seen in his dream in Nicogenes' house: and declared also the oracle of jupiter Dodonian, who had commanded him that he should go unto him that was called as a god, and how he thought it was the person of his majesty, because that god and he in troth were called both great Kings. The King having thus heard him speak, gave him then no present answer again, notwithstanding he marvelously wondered at his great wisdom and boldness. But afterwards amongst his familiars the King said, he thought himself very happy to meet with the good fortune of Themistocles coming to him: and so besought his great god Arimanius, that he would always sand his enemies such minds, as to banish the greatest, & wisest men amongst them. It is reported also he did sacrifice unto the gods, to give them thanks therefore and disposed himself presently to be merry, Insomuch as dreaming in the night, in the midst of his dream he cried out three times together for joy I have Themistocles the Athenian. The next morning the King having sent for the chiefest lords of his court, he made Themistocles also, to be brought before him: who looked for no goodness at all, specially when he saw the soldiers warding at the gates, give him ill countenance and language both, when they, beheld him, and understood his name. Moreover, Roxanes, one of the captains, as Themistocles passed by him going to the King (who was set in his chair of state, and every man keeping silence) softly sighing, said unto him. O thou greekish serpent; subtle and malicious: the, King's good fortune hath brought thee hither. Nevertheless when he came to the King & had once again made him a very humble and low reverence: the King saluted him, & spoke very; courteously to him, saying. I am now your debtor of two hundred talents, for presenting yourself. It is good reason I should deliver you the money promised him that should have brought you: but I give you a further warrant, be bold I charge you, & speak your mind freely, say what you think of the state of GRECE. Themistocles then answered him. An excellent comparison of Themistocles. That men's words did properly resemble the stories and imagery in a piece of arras: for both in the one & in the other, the goodly images of either of them are seen, when they are unfolded and laid open. Contrariwise they appear not, but are lost, when they are shut up, & close folded whereupon he said to the King, he must needs require some further time of answer. The King liked his comparison passingly well, & willed him to appoint his own time. Themistocles asked a year: in which time having prettily learned the Persian tongue, he afterwards spoke to the King himself without any interpreter. So, such as were no courtiers, thought he only talked with thee, King of matters of GRECE. But because the change & alteration of the court cell out great, at that time, the noble men imagined he had been so bold to common with the King of them, also. Thereupon they greatly envied him: & afterwards murmured much against him. For in deed the king did honour Themistocles above all other strangers whatsoever they were. Themistocles honoured of the king of Persia. On a time the king had him out a hunting with him, he made him see his mother, with whom he grew familiar: and by the kings own commandment he was to hear the disputations of the wise men of PERSIA touching secret philosophy, which they call magic. Demaratus the LACEDAEMONIAN being at that time in the court of PERSIA, the king willing him to ask what gift he would. He besought the king to grant him this favour: to licence him to go up & down the city of SARDIS, with his royal hat on his head, as the kings of PERSIA do. Mithropaustes, the king's cousin, taking him by the hand, said unto him. Demaratus, Demaratus fond demando of the King. the king's hat thou demandest, and if it were on thy head, it would cover but little wit: Nay though jupiter did give thee his lightning in thy hand, yet that would not make thee jupiter. But the king gave him so sharp a repulse for his unreasonable request, & was so angry with him for it, that it was thought he would never have forgiven him: howbeit Themistocles was so earnest a suitor for him, that he brought him into favour again. And the report goeth, that the king's successors which have been since that time, under whom the PERSIANS have had more dealings with the GRECIANS, then in former days: when they would retain any great state or parsonage of GRECE into their service, they wrote unto him, and promised him they would make him greater about them, than ever was Themistocles about Xerxes. That which is written of him, doth also confirm it. For he being stepped up to great countenance and authority, & followed with great trains of suitors after him by reason of his greatness: seeing himself one day very honourably served at his table, & with all sorts of dainty meats, he turned him to his children, & said unto them. My sons, we should have been undone, if we had not been undone. The most writers do agreed, that he had given him the revenue of 3. cities for his allowance of bread, wine & victuals: to wit, MAGNESIA, LAMPSACUS, & MYUNTA. But Neanthes Cyzicenian, & Phanias, do add two other cities more, PERCOTA, & PALESCEPSIA: the one to defray his charges of apparel, & the other for his lodging. Afterwards Themistocles going into the low countries towards the sea, Themistocles had the revenue of three cities allowed him for his diet. to take order against the practices of the GRECIANS: there was a PERSIAN lord called Epixies (governor of high PHRYGIA) that had laid a train to kill him (having of long time hired certain murderers of PISIDIA to do it) so soon as he should come into a town of his government, called the lions head. But as he slept on a day in his house in the after none, the mother of the gods appeared unto him, and said, Themistocles, Themistocles escaped murder by a warning he had in his sleep. go not to the lions head, for feat thou meet with the Lion: and for this warning, I do ask thy daughter Mnesiptolema for my servant. Themistocles waking suddenly out of his dream, made his prayer unto the goddess, and turning out of the high way, fetched another compass about. Afterwards having passed that town, he took his lodging being benighted: but one of the beasts which carried his tent, fell by the way, unfortunately in a river, and all his arras and tapestry hangings being thoroughly wet, his servants were driven to say them out a drying by moon light. The Pisidians that lay in wait, and could not discern by moon light that they were hangings laid out to dry, thought it had been the very tent Themistocles self did lie in: whereupon they went unto it with their sword drawn in their hands, hoping to have taken him sleeping. But when they were come thither, and began to lift up a piece of the hangings: some of the people of Themistocles (which kept watch) perceiving them, ran upon them, and took them. So Themistocles having escaped this danger, wondered greatly at the favour of the goddess which had appeared unto him. In recompense whereof, when he was in the city of MAGNESIA, he built a temple unto Dindymena, and made his daughter Mnesiptolema prioress of the same. As he passed by the city of SARDIS for his recreation, he went to visit the temples, and offerings that had been given there. So he saw an image of a maiden in copper, in the temple of the mother of the gods, being two yards high, which they called the Hydrophora: as much to say, as the water carrier. And it was a statue, which himself had heretofore dedicated, and caused to be made, with the fines of those that had paid forfeitures, for stealing or turning away the water course at ATHENS, at such time as he was master surveyor of the water works and conduits there. Wherefore, whether Themistocles was sorry to see this goodly image a prisoner in the hands of the Barbarous people, or that he would show unto the ATHENIANS the greatness of his credit and authority through all the King's dominions: he spoke to the governor of LYDIA, & prayed him for his sake that he would sand this image again to ATHENS. But this Barbarous governor was very angry with his request, and told him he would advertise the King thereof. Then Themistocles began to be afeard, & was driven to seek to the governors women and concubines, whom he got for money to entreat him, and so made fair weather again with the governor. But from thenceforth, he took better guard of himself in all his doings, greatly fearing the envy of the Barbarous people. For he progressed not up and down ASIA, as Theopompus writeth, but lay a long time in the city of MAGNESIA, quietly enjoying the King's gracious gifts bestowed on him: where he was honoured & reverenced for one of the greatest persons of PERSIA, whilst the King was else where occupied in the affairs of the high provinces of ASIA, and had no leisure to think upon those of GRECE. But when news was brought him, that EGYPT was rebelled, by means of the favour & assistance of the ATHENIANS, & that the GRECIANS galleys did scour the seas even unto the isle of CYPRUS, & unto the coasts of CILICIA, & that Cimon had all the sea in subjection: that made him then to bend all his thoughts how to resist the GRECIANS, that their greatness might not turn to his hurt. Then commissions went out to levy men, to assemble captains, & to dispatch posts unto Themistocles at MAGNESIA, Themistocles love to his country. with the King's letters, straightly charging him to have an eye to the GRECIANS doings, and moreover that he should faithfully keep his promise he had made to him. But he, to show that he neither maliced his citizens, nor was moved with the desire of greatness and authority he might have grown unto in those wars, or else for that he thought the King's expectation would prove to a greater matter, than he could end or wade through, considering GRECE was full at that time of famous captains, and that Cimon amongst the rest had marvelous good fortune, and that it should be a reproach to him to stain the glory of so many noble acts, so many triumphs, and so great victories as Cimon had done and won: he took a wise resolution with himself, to make such an end of his life, as the same thereof deserved. The manner of Themistocles death. For he made a solemn sacrifice unto the gods, and feasted at the same all his friends. And, after he had taken his leave of them all, he drank bulls blood, as most men think (or as other say) poison, which dispatcheth a man in four and twenty hours, and so ended his days in the city of MAGNESIA, after he had lived threescore and five years, and the most part of them always in office, and great charge. It is written, that the king of PERSIA understanding the cause and manner of his death, did more esteem him afterwards, than he did before, and that ever after he continued to use his friends and familiars in very good sort. For he left children behind him, which he had of Archippa (Lysander's daughter) of the town of ALOPECIA: Themistocles children. Archeptolis, Polyeuctus, and Cleophantus, of whom Plato the philosopher maketh mention, saying that he was a good man at arms, but otherwise that there was no goodness in him. His other sons that were elder, as Neocles, died being bitten with a horse: and as for Diocles another son, his grandfather Lysander did adopt him for his son. He had many daughters, of the which Mnesiptolema (which he had by a second wife) was married unto her half brother Archeptolis, for they were not both of one venture. An other called Italia, was married unto one Panthides of CHIO. Sybaris, unto Nicomedes an ATHENIAN. And Nicomacha, unto Pharsicles, Themistocles nephew: Themistocles tomb and relics. unto whom her brethren did marry her within the city of MAGNESIA, after the death of their father. This Pharsicles did bring up ASIA, which was the youngest of all his daughters. Furthermore, his sumptuous tomb standeth yet in the market place of MAGNESIA. But that Andocides writeth of his bones, in a book he made to his friends, is not to be credited, which was: that the ATHENIANS having found the ashes of his bones, did cast them up into the air, as a devise to stir up the noble men against the people. And Phylarchus in his history (much like unto the feigned subtleties of a tragedy) bringeth in I can not tell what Neocles, and Demopolis, for Themistocles sons, to move the readers with compassion. Howbeit no man is so simple, but will judge it strait a very feigning and devise. Diodorus the cosmographer also, in a book he hath written of tombs and monuments sayeth by conjecture, rather than of any certain knowledge: that alongst the haven of PIROEA, coming towards the head of Alcimus, there is a foreland in form of an elbow, within the which when they have doubled the point, the sea is always calm, and there they find a great and long foundation or base, upon the which there is as it were the form of an altar, and that is (sayeth he) Themistocles tomb. And he supposeth that Plato the comical poet doth witness it in these verses. Thy grave is set and placed, commodiously, where passengers and merchants that come by may visit thee, and where it may regard, all such as seek that port to be their ward. Sometimes also, it may rejoice to see, the bloody fights, upon the sea that be. And furthermore, those of MAGNESIA did institute certain honours unto the issue of Themistocles, Honour done to Themistocles after his death. which continue yet unto this day. And in my time, another Themistocles also of ATHENS did enjoy the same honours, with whom I was familiarly conversant in the house of Ammonius the philosopher. The end of Themistocles life. THE LIFE OF Furius Camillus. AMONGST many great matters which are spoken of this Furius Camillus, this seemeth most strange and wonderful above the rest. That he having borne the chiefest offices of charge in his country, and having done many notable and worthy deeds in the same: as one that was chosen five times Dictator, and had triumphed four times, and had won himself the name & title of the second founder of ROME, and yet never came to be Consul. But the only cause thereof was, that the common weal of ROME stood then in such state and sort. The people were then at dissension with the Senate. They would choose no more Consuls, Why Camillus never came to be Consul. but other kind of governors whom they called Tribuni militares: these did all things with like power & authority as the Consuls, The authority of a few, odious to the common people. yet were they nothing so odious unto the people, by reason of the number that was of them. For it was some hope to them that could ill bear the rule of the small number of nobility, that the government of the state being put into six, and not into two officer's hands, their rule would be the easier, and tollerabler. Now Camillus being at that time in his best credit and authority, and in the prime and glory of his doings, did not desire to be made Consul without the goodwill of the people, although whilst he was in authority, there were many times Consuls created. But to all other offices and dignities, he was called, and chosen. He behaved himself in such sort, that when he was alone, he made his authority common to other: and when he had companions & associates, the glory of all redounded to himself alone. The cause whereof, was his modesty on the one side, for he commanded ever without envy: Camillus' wisdom and modesty. and his great wisdom and sufficiency on the other side, for the which all others willingly gave him place, and yielded to him. The house of the Furians being at that time of no great fame, he was the first that began to set himself forwards. For in a great battle which was fought against the AEques and Volsces, he being but a private man at arms under the Dictator Posthumius Tubertus, was the first that riding out of the army, advanced himself, and gave the charge. And being run into the thigh at that time with a staff broken upon his thigh, Camillus' heart. he plucked the trunchen out, and retired not for all that: but giving charged again upon the stowest of the enemies, he fought it out so valiantly to the encoraging of other, that he was the chief cause they turned their backs. Whereupon, to requited his service done at that time (besides other honours they did him) they made him Censor: an office at that time of great pre-eminence & dignity. In his office of Censorshippe, Camillus' acts in his Censorshippe. he did two notable acts. The one very honest: when he brought men that were not married, to marry the women whom the wars had left widows, which were in number many. To this he got them partly be persuasion, & partly by threatenings, to set round fines upon their heads that refused. The other very necessary: in that he brought the orphans to be contributories, unto taxes, & subsidies, which before paid nothing. The cause thereof was, the continual wars, about the which the common weal sustained great charges: but specially about the siege of the city of the VEIANS (which some call VENETANIANS) The city of Veies besieged. that was a very sore burden to them at that time. For it was the capital city of all TUSCAN, the which for store of armour, & number of soldiers, was nothing inferior unto the city of ROME. For the VEIANS being grown to stomach & courage in time, by reason of their wealth & prosperity, & for the sundry great battles they had fought against the romans, that contended with them for glory and empire: now it fell so out, that they finding themselves weakened by many great overthrows, which they had received of the romans, they did let fall their former peacocks bravery, & ambition, to bid them battle any more in the field. Howbeit the inhabitants of the city of VEIES having raised the walls, & made very great high rampers, began to fortify themselves, & made good provision for armour & munition, besides store of corn, shot, & other necessary things: they valiantly, & without fear of any thing, defended the siege of the romans, that continued long time, & was no less hard & painful unto than that did besiege, than it was unto those that were besieged. For where the romans were want before time to keep their houses in the winter season, and the field any in the summer time: that was the first time they were compelled by the captains and Tribuni militares, to build forts, and to intrenche their camp with a wall, even in their enemy's country, and to winter abroad as they were wont to lie in the camp in summer. Now this siege had continued seven whole years together. The siege continued seven years together. The captains were burdened that they did not their duties; nor stood manfully to their charge: whereupon in the end they were discharged, and other captains placed in their rooms to follow the siege. Among those, Camillus was one, whom then the second time they created Tribunus militaris. Camillus twice chosen Tribune of the soldiers. Who notwithstanding did nothing then in that siege, because it was his hap by lot, to make wars upon the PHALERIANS, and the CAPENATES. These people whilst the romans were occupied other where, had invaded their country, and done them great harm, during the time of their war with the Tuscans. But Camillus having overthrown a great number of them in the field, had the rest in chase, and drove them to take their city, and did shut them up within their own walls. The chance that happened at the lake of ALBANUS, The wonderful overflowing of the lake Albanus. about the time the TUSCAN wars were greatest, did marvelously amate the romans, being no less wonderful, than the most strange and uncrediblest thing that could be told by man. For they could not find out the cause of it by common reason, nor any natural ground: considering it was in the later end of Autumn, and summer was ended, and that there had not been much rain, nor notable sowthewinds. And although there are many lakes, many brooks & rivers, many springs, and other waters in ITALY: yet some of them dried up altogether, other ran but faintly by reason of the drought, and all the rivers than were (as they are wont to be commonly in summer) very low, and there was scant any water. But the lake ALBANUS contrariwise, that cometh from no other place, neither runneth any whether out of himself, being environed all about with hills and mountains, and where the earth is good: began to swell, and rise to every man's sight, wihtout any cause at all (but secret and hidden unto the gods alone) and went always increasing alongst those hills sides, until such time as it came to be even with the height of the highest mountain, gathering upwards still without any waves or tempest of weather at all. This at the first, made poor shepherds and herdsmen, keeping their cattles thereabouts, marvelously afraid. But at the length when the earth and weight of one of the hills (which kept in the lake as a wall, from running over into the field) began to break by reason of the weight, and great quantity of water, that ran strait with a marvelous extreme force and violence over all the arable lands and grounds planted with the trees, and so took his course into the sea: the romans then not alone, but the whole inhabitants of ITALY were wonderfully afraid, and judged that it was some sign and prognostication of some wonderful thing to come. And there was no other news currante in the camp, which lay at siege of the city of VEIES: insomuch as the very brute of it flew over the walls of the city, unto them that were besieged. And as it happeneth very oft in long sieges, that those which lie in camp do oftentimes talk with them that are besieged: there was a ROMAN who fell acquainted, and commonly used to talk familiarly with one of the city, who could tell of many old & strange things done and happened, and was very skilful above any other in the city, in the art of divination, or sooth saying. The ROMAN than told him one day the violent breaking out of the lake ALBANUS, and perceiving that the other after he had heard him, was as merry as a pie at the matter, and that he gibed at their siege: he told him further, that his wonderful chance was not only happened unto the romans at that time, The craft of a Roman. but that they had been acquainted with many other far more strange than this, which he would very willingly open unto him, to see if there were any remedy, that though the affairs of the common weal had but hard success, yet he would procure that his own private matters might prospero well with him. The VEIAN answered him, he would hear them with a goodwill, & gave good ear unto him, hoping to have heard some great secret. So the ROMAN training him on still from one matter to another, holding on his way, until he saw he was a good distance of from the gates of the city, he suddenly caught hold on him, and by strong hand carried him away with him, and with help of other soldiers which came ronning out of the camp unto him, he brought him to the captains. The VEIAN seeing himself thus forcibly used, and knowing also that fatal destiny cannot be avoided, began to declare unto the romans, the ancient oracles and prophecies touching the fortune of their city: by which it was reported unto them, that the city of VEIES should never be taken, until the enemy had caused the water of the lake ALBANUS (which should break out) to be brought back again, and to turn it some other way from thence, that it should not fall into the sea. This was carried unto the Senate at ROME, to be consulted of in counsel: and there it was determined they should sand to the oracle of Apollo, at the city of DELPHES, and ask him what they should do therein. So thither were sent great and notable men, Cossus Licinius, Valerius, Politus, and Fabius Ambustus: who having ended their journey by sea, and received answer of that they demanded, returned home again, and amongst other oracles they brought one that said thus. An oracle brought from Delphes. That through negligence they had omitted some ancient ceremonies in the holy days of the Latins. And another willed them, that they should by all possible means they could, keep the water of the lake ALBANUS that it fell not into the sea, and should (if it were possible) bring it back again into his old place: if not, that yet they should cut as many trenches and ditches as might be, that it might be drunk up in the midst of the fields. When these oracles were understanded, the priests prepared all things for divine service, and the people went about the water of the lake to turn it again. After these things were done, the Senate in the tenth year of the wars against the VEIANS, put of all those which did bear office, and created Camillus' Dictator, Camillus' chosen Dictator. who named for general of the horse men, Cornelius Scipio. And before he went in hand with any thing, he made a vow unto the gods, that if it pleased them to grant a happy end of these wars, in honour of them he would celebrated great plays, and build a temple unto the goddess which the romans call Matuta: Matuta. which seemeth to be her whom we call Leucothea, Leucothea. considering the ceremonies done in these sacrifices. For they 'cause a chamber maid to enter into her temple, & there they box her about the ears. Then they put her out of the temple, and do embrace their brother's children rather than their own. They make many other ceremonies, and they are much like unto those that are done unto Bacchus' nurses, and to the misfortunes that chanced unto Ino, by reason of her husband's concubine. After all these vows and prayers made, he entered with his army into the FALISSIANS territories, whom he overthrew in a great battle, together with the CAPENATES also, which came to aid them. From thence he went to the siege of the city of VEIES, where perceiving to take it by assault, was not to be won without great danger: he began to undermine it (finding the earth all about very minable) and with all so deep, that the enemies could perceive nothing. Now when his mining fell our according to his good hope, he gave and assault to the walls in all places alike about the city at one instant, to bring out all the inhabitants of the city to man the walls. Whilst they were all thus upon the walls to make defence: Camillus soldiers entered secretly through the mines within the castle, hard by the temple of juno: which was the chief Church of all the city, The city of Veies taken by mining. and whereunto the citizens had most devotion. They say that even at that present time the general of the Tuscans did sacrifice unto the gods, & that his soothesayer having considered the intrells of the beasts offered up in sacrifice, cried out aloud, that the gods gave the victory unto him, which should happen to come upon them in this sacrifice. The romans which were within the mine hearing this, broke the earth incontinently, and leapt out, crying, and making noise with their weapons: wherewith the enemies were so astonished, that they fled upon it, and so the romans took the intrells, and carried them unto Camillus. And these be even much like the Poet's tales and fables. Howbeit Camillus having by this means taken the city, and seeing from the top of the castle the infinite goods & riches within the city, which the soldiers spoiled & made havoc of, he wept for very pity. And when those that were about him told him he was a happy man: he lift up his hands unto heaven, and made this prayer. Camillus' prayer when Veies was taken. O mighty go jupiter, and you o gods, which see and judge men's good and ill works: you know right well, that we have not willingly (without wrong and cause offered us) begun this war, but justly, and by compulsion, to be revenged of a city our enemy, which hath done us great injuries. But if to conteruayle this our great good prosperity, and victory, some bitter adversity and overthrow be predestined unto us: I beseech you then (most merciful gods) in sparing our city of ROME, and this her army, you will (with as little hurt as maybe be) let it all fall and light upon my person alone. And as he had spoken these words, and was turning on his right hand (according to the manner of the romans after they have prayed unto the gods) he fell down flat before them all. The standers by taking this fall for an ill token, were somewhat troubled with the matter: but after he got up on his feet again, he told them that the thing he requested of the gods was happened unto him. And that was, a little hurt, in exchange of a great good fortune. So the whole city being spoiled and rifled, he was also desirous to carry junos' image to ROME, to accomplish the vow he had made. And having sent for workmen for this purpose, he did sacrifice first unto the goddess, beseeching her to accept well of the romans good will, & that she would willingly vowchesafe to come and devil with the other gods, who had the protection of the city of ROME. Some say, that the image answered, she was contented. But Livius writeth that Camillus made this prayer, as he touched the image, and that the assistants answered she was contented, and would go with a goodwill. Yet they which do affirm, it was the image self that spoke, do favour this miracle, grounding their proof upon the opinion of the fortune of ROME: the which, from so base and mean beginning had impossibly attained unto so high glory and power as it had, without the singular favour of the gods, and that hath manifestly appeared unto the world, by sundry great proofs and examples. They bring forth also such other like wonders. As, Feigned wonders of images. that images have heretofore let fall drops of sweat from them: that they have been heard to sigh: that they have turned: and that they have made certain signs with their eyes, as we find written in many ancient stories. And we could ourselves also tell such like wonders, which we have heard men of our time affirm, which are not uncredible, nor lightly to be condemned. But for such matters, Plutarches judgement of miracles. it is as dangerous to give to much credit to them, as also to discredit them to much, by reason of the weakness of man's nature, which hath no certain bounds, nor can rule itself, but runneth sometimes after vanity and superstition, and otherwhile also despiseth and contemneth holy and divine matters: and therefore the mean is the virtue, & not to go to far in this, as in all other things beside, it is the best. Now Camillus, whether his late enterprise performed, in winning a city that stood out with ROME, & held siege with them ten years together, had put him into an overweening or conceit of himself: or that the words of the people, which did bless and praise him, had made him look high, and presume upon himself, more than become the modesty of a civil magistrate, and governor of the common weal, & one that was subject to the law: he showed a stately triumph, set forth with all rich furniture, Camillus' stately triumph of the Veians. & specially for that himself was carried through ROME upon his triumphant charet drawn with four fair white coursers. This, never captain nor general before him durst undertake to do, neither any ever after him attempted it: for they think it is a sacred carriage, and only meet for the King, and father of the gods. This bred him much envy amongst the citizens, which had not been acquainted with so great statelynes. There was another occasion also that made them mislike him much: which was, because he stood against the law put forth that they should divide the city of ROME. For the Tribunes of the people did set out an Edict, that the Senate & people of ROME should be divided into two parts: and that those on whom the lot should fall, should abide still in ROME, and the other should go devil in the new won city of VEIES. A law for the people of Rome to devil as Veies. These were the reasons to persuade this: that both the one and the other sort should be richer than they were before, & should more easily keep their lands and goods from the invasion of their enemies, by means of these two great cities. The people which were multiplied now into great numbers, & had served dutifully & dangerously, thought it the best way in the world: Therefore they still cried out, and thronged with great tumult, about their pulpit for orations, praying that this law might be put unto the voices of the people. But the whole Senate, and wisest citizens among them, judging this motion of the Tribunes would be the destruction, and not the division of the city of ROME: could in no wise abide it should go any further. Whereupon they went & prayed Camillus help: who fearing to bring it to the point, whether the law should pass or not, did always seek new occasions and lets, still to delay & put of the matter, & stay the confirmation of this law. For these causes, he was hated of the common people But the original & apparent cause of the people's ill will towards him, was for taking from them the tenth part of their spoils: and it was not altogether without some reason, and to say truly the people did him much wrong to bear him such malice for that. The chiefest cause of the people's malice against Camillus. For before he went to the city of VEIES, he made a solemn vow to offer the tenth part unto the gods, of the spoils of the city, if he wan the same. But when it was taken and sacked, whether it was that he was lotheto trouble the citizens, or having a world of business in his head, that he easily forgot his vow: he suffered the soldiers to divide the spoil amongst them, & to take the benefit to themselves. Shortly after he was discharged of his charge, he did inform the Senate of his vow. Furthermore, the soothsayers made report at that very time, how they know by certain signs and tokens of their sacrifices, that the gods were offended for somewhat, and how they must of necessity be pacified again. Whereupon the Senate presently made an order, where it was unpossible every man should bring in again the self same things he had gotten, to make a new division of every man's share: that every one therefore upon his oath should present the tenth part of his gains he had gotten by that booty. There was great trouble about it. They were driven to use great extremity to the poor soldiers (which had traveled sore, and taken great pains in the wars) to make them to restore back such a coloppe out of their gain, and the rather because many of them had already spent it every penny: and for this trouble, they all cried out with open mouth against Camillus. But he being set up, and not knowing otherwise how to excuse himself, was forced to bring forth as cold and as unreasonable an excuse as he could make, which was: forsooth he had forgotten his vow he had made. The people notwithstanding were eager still against him, saying: how he had vowed then to offer the tenth part of the enemy's goods to the gods, and that now he would perform it with the tenths of the citizens goods. Nevertheless, every man having brought that he should for his part: it was thought good they should 'cause a massy cup of gold to be made, to sand to the temple of Apollo at DELPHES. A cup of gold sent to Delphes. And small store of gold being in the city of ROME, The ladies of Rome give their jewels towards the making of it. as the officers of the city were searching up and down to get it: the women of ROME of their own voluntary wills without motion, agreed among themselves, that they would depart with all the jewels they had, towards the making up of this offering, which came to the weight of eight talents. In recompense whereof, to honour them withal: the Senate ordained that they should be praised openly with funeral orations at their burial, What time women's praises began at funeralle in Rome. as they did use at honourable and noble men's obsequies. For before that law, it was not the manner to praise women openly at their funerals. Now there were appointed three of the noblest men of the city to go to carry this offering, & they sent them out in a galley well manned, stored also with good mariners, & trimly set forth in all triumphing manner: howbeit both in storm, & calm weather, they were in danger of their lives. For after that they had scaped drowning very narrowly by tempest, when the wind was down again, they fell into another danger, which they escaped also beyond all hope. For hard by the Isles of AEOLUS, the galleys of the LIPARIANS fell upon them, as if they had been rovers. But when the LIPARIANS saw they made no resistance, & entreated them, holding up their hands: they gave no further charge upon them, but only fastened their gallye unto theirs. So when they had haled them to the shore, they declared they were pirates, & offered to make port sale of the men & goods, as if they had been a lawful prize: & had sold them in deed, had not the wisdom & authority of Timesitheus letted them, who was governor at that time of the city, and had great a do to persuade them to let them go. And he did not so leave them, but sent out certain of his own ships to accompany them in their journey, who did help them to go and perform their offering. For which courtesy of his, the romans afterwards did him great honour at ROME, according to his well deserving. The Tribunes of the people began now to set a foot again the law for the dividing of the inhabitans of ROME unto the city of VEIES. But the wars of the FALISCES fell out happily at that time, whereby the noble men did choose such officers as they would. So they chose Camillus, Tribunus militaris of the soldiers, Camillus' chosen Tribune of the soldiers. and five other to assist him, the service in that case requiring a general, that carried both authority & reputation among them, as an old experienced soldier in the wars. When the people had confirmed the election, Camillus immediately entered the territories of the FALISCES with the romans army, where he laid siege unto the city of the FALERIANS; being very well fortified, vitteled and stored, with all other munition of war. Camillus besiegeth the Falerians. Knowing therefore that it was no small attempt to win this city, and that it would not be done in a short time: he politicly sought (whatsoever came of it) to keep his countrymen occupied about some thing, & to stay them for going home, lest by repairing to ROME, they should have many occasions to rebel, & raise some civil dissension. For the romans did wisely use this remedy: to disperse abroad like good physicians, the humours which troubled the quiet state of their common weal at home. But the FALERIANS trusting in the situation of their city, which was very strong in all parts, made so little account of the siege: that those which kept not watch upon the walls, walked up and down in their gowns in the city, without any weapon about them, and their children went to school, the schoolmaster also would commonly lead them abroad out of the city a walking, to play and pass the time by the town walls. For the whole city had one common schoolmaster, as the GRECIANS also have, which do bring up their children from little ones in company together, because one may be familiarly acquainted with an other. This schoolmaster spying his time to do the FALERIANS a shrewd turn, did accustomably take all his scholars out of the city with him, to play, not far from the walls at the beginning, & afterwards brought them into the city again, after they had played their fill. Now after he had led them abroad thus once or twice, he trained them out every day a little further, to make them to be bold, persuading them there was no danger. Camillus' worthy act to the schoolmaster, betraying the Falerians children. But at the length, one day having gotten all the citizens children with him, he led them within the watch of the romans camp, & there delivered all his scholars into their hands, & prayed them they would bring him unto their general. So they did. And when he came before Camillus, he began to tell him that he was schoolmaster unto all these children, nevertheless that he did more esteem to have his grace and favour, then regard his office he had by this name & title. Camillus hearing what he said, A noble saying of Camillus, and wise precept for wars. & beholding his threacherous part, he said to those that were about him. War of itself surely is an evil thing, for in wars many injuries & mischiefs are done: nevertheless among good men there is a law & discipline, which doth forbidden them to seek victory by wicked & traitorous means, & that a noble & worthy general should make war, & procure victory, by trusting to his own valiantness, & not by another's vileness & villainy. Valiantness to be preferred before villainy. Therefore he commanded his sergeants to tear the clotheses of the back of this vile schoolmaster, & to bind his hands behind him: & that they should give the children rods & whips in their hands, to whip the traitor back again into the city, that had thus betrayed them, & grieved their parents. Now when the FALERIANS heard news that the schoolmaster had thus betrayed them, all the city fell a weeping (as every man may think for so great a loss) and men & women ran together one in another's neck, to the town walls, & gates of the city, like people out of their wits, they were so troubled. When they came thither, they saw their children bringing their school, master back again, stark naked and bound, whipping of him, & calling Camillus their father, their god, and their saviour: so that not only the fathers and mothers of the children, but all other the citizens also in general, did conceive in themselves a wonderful admiration and great love, of the wisdom, goodness, and justice of Camillus. So that even presently they called a counsel, The Falisciäs by their ambassadors do yield themselves and goods unto Camillus. and there it was concluded they should sand ambassadors forthwith unto him, to put their lives and goods to his mercy and favour. Camillus sent their ambassadors unto ROME, where audience being given unto them by the Senate, the ambassadors said. Because the romans preferred justice above victory, they taught them to be better contented to submit themselves unto them, then to be their own men at liberty: confessing their virtue did more overcome them, than any force or power could do. The Senate dispatched letters unto Camillus, The message of the ambassadors of the Faliscians' unto the romans. giving him commission to do and determine as he thought good. So he having taken a certain sum of money of the FALERIANS, did furthermore make peace and league with all the rest of the FALISCES: and thereupon returned back again to ROME. But the soldiers grudged marvelously at it. Camillus took a sum of money of the Falerians, and made peace with all the rest of the Falisces. For they stood in hope to have had the sacking of the city. When there was no remedy, but they must needs return home empty handed, they began to accuse Camillus to the rest of the citizens, as soon as they came to ROME, saying: he loved not the common people, and how for spite he disappointed their army of the spoil. On the other side, the Tribunes of the people began to revive the law, for the dividing of the inhabitants of ROME, and were ready to pass it by the voices of the people. Camillus not fearing the ill will of the commons, did boldly speak, and do in open presence, all he could against it. So that plainly he was the chiefest cause, that the people against their wills (entreat what they could) were driven to let it alone. But withal they were so spiteful against him, that notwithstanding his sorrow and misfortune for the death of his son (dying of a sickness) was great: they would not of malice once take pity or compassion of him. The loss whereof (albeit he was of a very good & courteous nature) was so grievous, and made him so unquiet: that being accused before the people, he stirred not once out of his house, but was locked up with the women, which lamented for his son departed. He that did accuse him, was one Lucius Apuleius, Lucius Apuleius accused Camillus. burdening him that he had stolen and taken away, part of the spoil of the Tuscans: and said, they had seen certain brazen gates at his house, which had been brought out of Tuscan. Now the people were so maliciously bend against him, that every man might see, if they could once take him in a trip, upon any advantage whatsoever, they would doubtless have condemned him. Wherefore calling together his friends and soldiers that had served under him in the wars, or that had taken charge with him, which were many in number: he earnestly besought them, that they would not suffer him thus vilely to be condemned, through false and unjust accusations laid against him, The equity of the romans who would not perverse the Law though they dearly loved Camillus: but willingly offered to pay his fine. nor to be so scorned and defamed by his enemies. His friends having laid their heads together, and consulted thereupon, made him answer: how for his judgement they could not remedy it, but if he were condemned, they would all join together with a very goodwill, to help to pay his fine. But he being of mind not to bear such an open shame and ignominy, determined in choler to leave the city, and to exile himself from it. And after he had taken his leave of his wife & children, bidding them farewell: he went out of his house to the gates of the city, & said never a word. When he came thither, he stayed suddenly, & returning back again, he lift up his hands towards the Capitol, Camillus' prayer before his departure one of Rome. Camillus exileth himself from Rome. and made his prayers unto the gods: that if it were of very spite and malice, and not of just deserving, that the common people compelled him thus shamefully to forsake the city, that the romans might quickly repent them, and in the face of the world might wish for him, and have need of him. After he had made these prayers against the citizens (as Achilles did against the GRECIANS) he went his way, & was condemned for his contempt, in the sum of fifteen thousand Asses of the ROMAN coin, which make of greekish money, a thousand five hundred Drachmas of silver: for an As was a little piece of money, whereof ten of them made a ROMAN penny. Howbeit there was not a ROMAN of any understanding, but believed certainly that some great punishment would follow them incontinently, and that the wrong & injury they had done him would be quickly requited, with some most sharp and terrible revenge, not only unpleasant to think upon, but further most notable to be spoken of through the world. There fell out so suddenly upon it, such mischief toward the city of ROME, and the present time also brought forth such occasion of danger and destruction thereof, to their shame & infamy: that it was uncertain whether it happened by chance, or else it was the handy work of some god; that would not suffer virtue recompensed with ingratitude, Tokens of the wars of the Gauls. to pass unrevenged. Their first token that threatened some great mischief to light upon them, was the death of julius, one of the Censors for the romans do greatly reverence the office of a Censor, and esteem it as a sacred place. The second token that happened a little before Camillus' exile, was: that one Marcus Caeditius, a man but of mean quality, and none of the Senators (but otherwise a fair conditioned honest man, and of good conscience) told the Tribuni militares of a thing that was to be well considered of. For he said that the night before, as he was going on his way in the new street, he heard one call him aloud: and returning back to see what it was, he saw no living creature, but only heard a voice bigger than a man's, which said unto him. Marcus Caeditius, go thy way to morrow morning to the Tribuni militares, and bid them look quickly for the GAULES. The Tribunes were merry at the matter, and made but a jest at his warning, and strait after followed the condemnation of Camillus. Now as touching the GAULES. The original beginning of the Gauls. They came (as they say) of the CELTAE, whose country not being able to maintain the multitudes of them, they were driven to go seek other countries to inhabit in; and there were amongst them many thousands of young men of service and good soldiers, but yet more women and little children by a great number. Of these people, some of them went towards the north sea, passing the mountains RIPHEI, and did devil in the extreme parts of EUROPE. Other of them remained between the mountains PIRENEI, and the greatest mountains of the ALPS, near unto the SENONES, and the CELTOR●●. There they continued a long time, until they fortuned in the end to taste of the wine, which was first brought out of ITALY unto them. Which drink they found so good, and were so delighted with it, that suddenly they armed themselves: and taking their wives and children with them, they went directly towards the ALPS, to go seek out the country that brought forth such fruit, judging all other countries in respect of that, to be but wild and barren. It is said, that the first man which brought wine unto them, and that did procure them to pass into ITALY, was a noble man of Tuscan called Arron, Arron a Tuscan the procurer of the Gauls coming into Italy. and otherwise of no ill disposed nature: howbeit he was subject to this misfortune following. He was tutor unto an orphan child, the richest that was at that time in all the country of Tuscan, and of complexion was wonderful fair: he was called Lucumo. This orphan was brought up in Arrons house of a child, and though he was grown to man's state, yet he would not go from him, feigning he was so well, and to his liking. But in deed the cause was, that he loved his masters (Arrons wife) whom secretly he had enjoyed a long time, and she him, that made him like his continuance there. Howbeit in the end, love having so possessed them both, that neither part could withdraw from other, much less colour that they had long enjoyed: the young man stole her away from him, and kept her still by force. Arron put him in suit, but he prevailed not: for Lucumo overweyed him with friends, money, gifts, and charges. But he took it so grievously, that he left his country: and having heard talk of the GAULES, Lack of justice, the cause of the destruction & conquest of Tuscan by the Gauls. he went unto them, and was their guide to bring them into ITALY. The power of the Tuscans in old time. So they conquered at their first coming all that country which the Tuscans held in old time, beginning at the foot of the mountains, and stretched out in length from one sea unto the other which enuironneth ITALY, as the names them selves do witness. For they call yet that sea which looketh unto the north, the Adriatic sea: by reason of a city built sometime by the Tuscans, which was called Adria. The other, which lieth directly over against the South, is called the TUSCAN sea. All that country is well planted with trees, & hath goodly pleasant pastures for beasts and cattle to feed in, & is notably watered with goodly running rivers. There was also at that time eighteen fair great cities in that country, all of them very strong and well seated, aswell for to enrich the inhabitants thereof by traffic, as to make them to live delicately for pleasure. All these cities the GAULES had won, and had expulsed the Tuscans, but this was done long time before. Now the GAULES being further entered into Tuscan, did besiege the city of CLUSIUM. Clusium a city of Tuscan besieged by the Gauls. Thereupon the CLUSIANS seeking aid of the romans, besought them they would sand letters and ambassadors unto these barbarous people in their favour. They sent unto them three of the best and most honourable persons of the city, all three of the house of the Fabians. The GAULES received them very courteously, because of the name of ROME: and leaving to assault the city, they gave them audience. The ROMAN ambassadors did ask them, what injury the CLUSIANS had done unto them, that they came to make wars with them. Brennus' king of the GAULES, Brennus' king of the Gauls. hearing this question, smiled, and answered them thus. The CLUSIANS do us wrong in this: they being but few people together, & not able to occupy much land, do notwithstanding possess much, and will let us have no part with them, that are strangers, and out of our country, and stand in need of seat and habitation. The like wrong was offered unto you romans in old time, by those of ALBA, by the FIDENATES, and the ARDEATES: and not long sithence, by the VEIANS, & the CAPENATES': and partly by the FALISCES and the VOLSCES: against whom ye have taken, & do take arms, at all times. And as oft as they will let ye have no part of their goods, ye imprison their persons, rob and spoil their goods, and destroy their cities. And in doing this, ye do them no wrong at all, but follow the oldest law that is in the world, which ever leaveth unto the stronger, that which the weaker can not keep and enjoy. Beginning with the gods, & ending with beasts: the which have this property in nature, that the bigger and stronger have ever the vantage of the weaker and lesser. Therefore, leave your pity to see the CLUSIANS besieged, lest you teach us GAULES to take compassion also of those you have oppressed. By this answer the romans knew very well, there was no way to make peace with king Brennus. Wherefore they entered into the city of CLUSIUM, and encouraged the inhabitants to salye out with them upon these barbarous people: either because they had a desire to prove the valiantness of the GAULES, or else to show their own courage and manhood. So the citizens went out, and skirmished with them hard by the walls: in the which one of the Fabians, called Quintus Fabius Ambustus, Fabius Ambustus a Roman, breaketh the common laze of all nations. being excellently well horsed, and putting spurs to him, did set upon a goodly big parsonage of the GAULES, that had advanced himself far before all the troop of his companions. He was not known at the first encounter, as well for the sudden meeting and skirmishing together, as for that his glistering armour dimmed the eyes of the enemies. But after he had slain the GAUL, and came to strip him: Brennus then knew him, and protested against him, calling the gods to witness, how he had broken the law of arms, that coming as an ambassador, he had taken upon him the form of an enemy. Hereupon Brennus forthwith left skirmishing, Brennus reproveth Fabius for breaking the law of arms. and raising the siege from CLUSIUM, marched with his army unto ROME gates. And to the end the romans might know, that the GAULES were not well pleased for the injury they had received: to have an honest colour to begin wars with the romans, he sent an Herald before to ROME, to demand livery of the man that had offended him, that he might punish him accordingly. In the mean time, he himself came marching after, by small journeys to receive their answer. The Senate hereupon assembled, & many of the Senators blamed the rashness of the Fabians: but most of all, the priests called Faciales. For they followed it very earnestly, as a matter that concerned religion, & the honour of the gods: declaring how the Senate, in discharge of all the residue of the city of the offence committed, should say the whole weight and burden of it upon him alone, that only had done the fact. Numa Pompilius, Numa Pompilius erected the college of the Faciales. the justest and most peaceable of all the kings of ROME that had been, was he that first erected the college of these Faciales, and did ordain that they should be the keepers of peace, and the judges to hear and allow all the causes, for the which they should justly begin any wars. Nevertheless, the Senate in the end turned over the ordering of the matter, unto the whole will and judgement of the people, before whom these priests Faciales did also accuse Fabius Ambustus. The people made so little account of their propounded religion, & honour of the gods in that case: that in stead of delivering of this Fabius unto the enemy, they did choose him for one of the Tribunes of the soldiers with his brothers. The GAULES understanding this, The Gauls march towards Rome. were so furious & angry thereat, that they would no longer linger their journeys, but marched with all speed unto ROME. The people that dwelled by the high ways where they should pass by, were marvelously afraid to see the multitude of them, & their brave & universal furniture: & beginning to doubt the fury of their rage, they imagined first of all that they would destroy all the champion country before them, & afterwards would take all the strong cities. They contrariwise did take nothing at all out of the fields, neither did any hurt or displeasure unto any body: but passing by their cities, cried out they went to ROME, and would have no wars but with the romans, and how otherwise they desired to be friends with all the world. These barbarous people marching on in this wise towards ROME, the Tribunes of the soldiers brought their army to the field to encounter them. They were no less in number then the GAULES, for they were forty thousand footmen. The romans army were 40000 footmen. Howbeit most part of them were raw soldiers, that had never served in the wars before. They were very careless of the gods, & dissolute in matters of religion: for they passed neither for good signs in their sacrifices, neither to ask counsel of their soothsayers, which the romans were religiously wont to do, before they gave any battle. To many rulers of an army, do confounded all order, and putteth the army in peril. To make the matter worse: the number of the captains having power and authority alike, did asmuch (or more than the rest) disorder and confound their doings. For oft times before, in far lesser matters and dangers than these, they did use to choose special officers that had sole & sovereign authority, which they called Dictator's: knowing very well of how great importance it is, in dangerous times to have but one head & general, to command all, & to have supreme authority of justice in his hands, & not to be bound to deliver account of his doings to any. The injury also which they had to ungratefully done to Camillus, brought great mischief & inconvenience then upon them. For the captains after him, durst no more command the people roughly, but ever after did flatter them much. When their army was now brought into the field, they encamped themselves by a little river called Allia, Allia fl.. about the eleventh stone from ROME, and not far from the place where the same river falleth into Tiber. Thither came the barbarous army to them, who overthrew them in battle, by their disorder & lack of government. For the left point or wing of their battle was broken of at the first by the GAULES, The battle at the river of Allia where the Gauls wan the field of the romans. who charged them so furiously, that they drove them headlong into the river. The right wing then retiring out of the plain, before they had any charge given, & having gotten certain hills hard by them: they had little hurt, & most of them saving themselves, did recover ROME again. The rest that escaped after the enemies were weary of kill, fled by night unto the city of VEIES, thinking ROME had been lost, & all the city put to the sword. This overthrow was on the longest day in summer, the moon being at the full: & the day before fortuned the great slaughter of the Fabians, of the which were slain by the Tuscans in one day 300. 300. of a name slain in one day. all of a name. The very day itself was afterwards called Alliade, of the name of the little river, by the which the 2. overthrow was given. But for the difference of days, that some of them are naturally unfortunate, or that Heraclitus the philosopher had reason to reprove the poet Hesiodus, for making some days good, & some days ill, as though he understood they were not all of one nature: we have written & declared our opinion thereof in other places. Yet, because the matter delivereth present occasion to speak of the same, peradventure it will not be amiss to allege a few examples of it only. It fortuned the BOEOTIANS on a time to winne two honourable victories, on the first day of the month they call Hippodromus (and which the ATHENIANS call Hecatombaeon) that is now the month of june, by either of the which they did still restore the GRECIANS to their liberty. The first was the battle of Leuctres. The second was the battle of GERASTE, which was two hundred years before, when they overcame LATTAMIAS, & the THESSALIANS in battle. The PERSIANS contrarily were overcome in battle by the GRECIANS, the sixth day of August, at the journey of MARATHON. The third day, at the battle of PLATEES. And on the self same day, near unto MYCALA. On the five and twenty day, at the fight of ARBELES', the ATHENIANS wan the battle by sea, near unto I'll of NAXOS, under the charge and government of Chabrias, about the full of the moon, in the month of August. And on the twenty of the same month, they wan the battle of SALAMINA: as we have written more amply in our history of difference of days. The month of April also brought to the barbarous people many notable losses. For Alexander the great, overcame the general of the king of PERSIA, at the field of GRANICA, in the said month. The CARTHAGINIANS also were vanquished in SICILY by Timoleon, on the seven & twenty day thereof. On which day also it is thought the city of TROY was taken: as Ephorus, calisthenes, Damastes, and Phylarchus, have written in their histories. Now contrariwise. The month of july, which the BOEOTIANS call Panemus, hath not been gracious to the GRECIANS. For on the seven day of the same, they were overthrown by Antipater at the battle of CRANON, which was their utter destruction. They had before also lost a battle the same month, near unto the city of CHAERONEA, by king Phillippe. On the same day also, and in the very self month and year, those which came into ITALY with king Archidamus, were slain every one of them, by the barbarous people of the country. The CARTHAGINIANS also fear the seven & twenty day of the same month, as the day which had before time brought them into many great and sorrowful calamities. contrarily also, I know very well, how about the feast of mysteries, the city of THEBES was destroyed by Alexander, & that the ATHENIANS were compelled to receive a garrison of soldiers into their city, about the twenty day of August, at which time they made the holy procession of the mysteries of jacchus. And on the self day the romans lost their army, & their general Capeio, who was slain by the CIMBRES. And how afterwards under the leading of Lucullus, they overcame king Tigranes, & the ARMENIANS. And that Attalus, & Pompey also, died both on the self same day they were borne. To conclude, infinite examples of men might be brought, unto whom after like revolutions of time, there happened notable chances of good or ill. But to return again unto our history. The day of this overthrow, is one of those which the romans take for one of the unfortunatest days that ever came unto them. And by reason of that day, they reckon two other days of every month very unfortunate, engendered through fear & superstition, The romans superstition in observing of days. which spreadeth far (as commonly it doth) upon such sinister misfortunes. But for this matter, we have written it more largely & exquisitely in the book we made, of the ceremonies & customs of the romans. Now after this battle lost, if the GAULES had hotly pursued the chase of their flying enemies, nothing could have saved ROME from being taken, & the inhabitants thereof from being put unto the sword. For the romans that fled from the battle, brought such a fear upon those that received them, and filled the whole city of ROME with such grief & trembling: that they witted not what to do. The barbarous people again, believing little their victory was so great as it was, fell to make good cheer for so great a joy received, & divided among them the spoil of their enemy's goods they found in the camp. So gave they time & leisure by this means, to the multitude of people that fled out of ROME, to seek them some place of safety: & to such as remained still, they left good hope to save themselves, & to make someprovision for defence. Thereupon they all fortified themselves within mount Capitol, & storing it with all kind of victual, armour, & munition, they wholly did forsake the rest of the city. But the first work they took in hand was this. They did bring into their said fort, part of their sacred relics: & the professed Vestals brought thither also their holy fire & all other their holy monuments. The holy fire. Some writers say, that they had nothing else in keeping, but the sempiternal fire, & were so consecrated by king Numa, who did first institute, that the fire should be worshipped, as the beginning of all things. For that it is the most motive & quickest substance that is of all natural things: The force of fire. notwithstanding, that generation also is a moving, or at the lest not done without motion. For we see, that all other substance which lacketh heat, remaineth idle, & without action, & stirreth not, no more than doth a dead thing, which craveth the force and heat of fire: as the soul itself recovering heat, beginneth somewhat to move, and disposeth itself to do, and suffer some thing. Wherefore Numa being (as they say) a man of great learning and understanding, who for his wisdom was reported to talk many times with the Muses, did consecrated the same as a most sacred thing, and commanded that they never should suffer that fire to go out, and but keep it, as they would preserve the lively image of the eternal God, the only King & maker of the world. Other say, that the fire burned continually there before the holy & sacred things, signifying a kind and manner of purification, which opinion the GRECIANS hold also: howbeit behind the same fire, there were certain hidden things, which in no case any might see, but those holy Vestal nuns. Many also hold an opinion, that the Palladium of TROY (as much to say, as Pallas image) is hidden also there, which was brought by AEneas into ITALY. Other do report also, that Dardanus, at that time when he first began to build the city of TROY, brought thither the holy images of the gods of SAMOTHRACIA, and he did offer them up there: and how AEneas after the city was taken, did steal them away, and kept them until he came to devil in ITALY. Some other also, that take upon them to know more therein then the common sort, do hold opinion, that there are two pipes not very great, whereof the one is empty and standeth open, the other is full & fast locked up, howbeit they are not to be seen but by these holy Nuns. Other think also, that these imaginers invented that they spoke of their own heads, because the Vestal Nuns did cast all that they could put in at that time, into two pipes, which they buried after in the ground, within the temple of Quirinus: and herefore that very place carrieth the surname at this day of pipes. Howbeit they carried about them the most precious things they had, & fled alongst the river. Where one Lucius Albinus (one of the common people) flying also, & having brought away his wife & little children, and other household stuff he had in a cart, by chance he lighted upon the Vestal Nuns in the way. But so soon as he perceived these holy Nuns (carrying the blessed relics and jewels in their arms, dedicated unto the service of the gods) all alone, & that they were weary with going a foot: he caused his wife and his children to come out of the cart, & took down all his goods also, & willed them to get them up, and fly into some city or town of GRECE. Thus, me thought I could not well pass over with silence, Albinus reverence & devotion he showed unto the gods, in so dangerous a time & pinch of extremity. Furthermore the priests of other gods, & the most honourablest old men of the city of ROME (that had been Consuls before time, or had past the honour of triumph) had not the heart to forsake ROME: but putting on all their most holy robes & vestments did vow, and as it were willingly sacrificed themselves unto the fortune that should befall them, for the safety of their country. And using certain words & prayers which their high bishop Fabius had taught them, Fabius' chief bishop of Rome. they went even thus appareled into the great market place, & did sit them down there, in chairs of ivory, expecting the good will & pleasure of the gods what should become of them. But with in three days after, Brennus came to ROME Rome taken of the Gauls. with his army: who finding the gates of the city all open, & the walls without watch, he doubted some devise in it, & feared some privy ambush had been laid, as one hardly believing to have found the romans of so base a mind, as to forsake their city. After being informed of the troth, he entered into ROME by the gate Collina, & took the same, little more than three hundred & three score years after it was first builded: if it be true at the lest there hath remained any certain chronicles of those times unto this present day, considering the trouble & confusion of that time hath made many things more uncertain than that, doubtful unto us. But so it was, that the rumour ran to GRECE incontinently how ROME was taken, but yet withal somewhat doubtfully & uncertainly. For Heraclides Ponticus (who was about that time) sayeth in a certain book he wrote of the soul, that there was news come from the West part, that an army which came from the HYPERBORIANS, had taken a city of GRECE called ROME, situated in that country near the great sea. But I wonder not that Heraclides (who hath written so many other fables & lies) did amplify the true news of the taking of ROME, with adding to of his own devise, of the HYPERBORIANS, & by the great sea. It is a most true tale, that Aristotle Aristotle's testimony of the taking of Rome. the philosopher had certain knowledge it was taken by the GAULES: The majesty of the old Senators set in the market place of Rome. howbeit he sayeth also it was recovered again afterwards by one called Lucius: where in deed it was, by Marcus Camillus, & not by Lucius. But all this in manner is spoken by conjecture. Moreover, Brennus being entered ROME, did appoint part of his soldiers to besiege those which were gotten into mount Capitol. And he with the residue of his army, marched on towards the market place: where when he saw the ancient Senators set so gravely in their chairs, & spoke never a word, nor offered once to rise, though they saw their enemies come armed towards them, neither changed countenance, nor colour at all, but leaned softly on their staves they had in their hands, seeming to be nothing afraid nor abashed, but looked one upon another, he marvelously wondered at it. This their so strange manner at the first did so damp the GAULES, that for a space they stood still, and were in doubt to come near to touch them, fearing lest they had been some gods: until such time, as one of them went boldly unto Marcus Papyrius, & laid his hand fair & softly upon his long beard. But Papyrius gave him such a rap on his pate with his staff, that he made the blood run about his ears. This barbarous beast was in such a rage with the blow, that he drew out his sword, and slew him. The other soldiers also killed all the rest afterwards: and so the GAULES continued many days spoiling and sacking all things they found in the houses, and in the end did set them all a fire, and destroyed them every one, for despite of those that kept the fort of the Capitol, that would not yield upon their summons, but valiantly repulsed them when they scaled the walls. For this cause they razed the whole city, and put all to the sword that came in their hands, young and old, man, woman, and child. Now this siege continuing long, and the romans holding them out very stoutly, victuals began to grow scant in the camp of the GAULES, The city of Rome razed by the Gauls. in so much as they were driven of force to seek it abroad without the city. Hereupon they divided themselves; whereof some remained still with the King at the siege of the Capitol: and the rest went a foraging, and spoiling all the champion country and villages thereabouts, scattered as it were by bands & companies, some here, some there, fearing nothing, nor passing upon watch or ward, they lived in such security of their victory. Howbeit the greatest company amongst them, went by fortune towards the city of ARDEA, The city of Ardea. where Camillus dwelled, living like a private man, meddling with no matters of state from the time of his exile, until that present time. But then he began not to bethink himself as a man that was in safety, and might have escaped the hands of his enemies, but rather sought to devise and find out all the means he could to subdue them if occasion were so offered. Whereupon, considering that the inhabitants of ARDEA where enough in number to set upon them, although saint hearted, and cowardly, by reason of the sloth and negligence of their governors and captains, who had no manner of experience in the wars: he began to cast out these words among the young men. That they should not think the romans misfortune fell upon them, Camillus' words unto the Ardeans in excuse of the romans. through the valiantness of the GAULES, nor that their calamity (who had refused good counsel) had happened unto them by any work or act of the GAULES, having done nothing for their part to make them carry away the victory: but that they should think, it was no other thing, but fortune alone, that would needs show her power. Therefore, that it were now a notable and honourable enterprise (although somewhat dangerous) to drive these strangers and barbarous people out of their country: considering that the only end of their victory was, but to destroy and consume as fire, all that fell into their hands. Wherefore if they would but only take a good lusty heart and courage unto them, he would with opportunity, and place, assure them the victory, without any danger. The young men were pleased with these words of life & comfort. Whereupon Camillus went to break the matter also unto the magistrates & counsellors: and having drawn them by persuasion unto this enterprise, Camillus persuadeth the Ardeans to take arms against the Gauls. he armed all that were of age to carry armour, & would not suffer a man to go out of the city, for fear lest the enemies (which were not far of) should have intelligence of the same. Now after the GAULES had run over all the champion country, & were laden with all sorts of spoils, they did encamp themselves negligently in open fields, & never charged watch nor ward: but having their full carriage of wine laid them down to sleep, & made no noise at all in their camp. Camillus being advertised thereof by his several scouts, caused the ARDEANS with as little noise as might be, forthwith to go out into the fields: & having marched somewhat roundly the distance between the city, & the camp of the GAULES, they came thither much about midnight. Then he made his soldiers make great shouts & cries, & the trumpets to besounded on every side, to put a fear in their enemies, who yet with all the loud noise they made, could hardly be made to wake, they were so deadly drunk. Yet there were some notwithstanding, that for fear to be taken tardy, did bustle up at this sudden noise: & coming to themselves, fell to their weapons to resist Camillus, which were slain by and by. The rest, & the greatest number of them, lay here & there scattered in the midst of the field, without any weapon, dead a sleep, stark drunk with wine, & were put to the sword, & never struck stroke. Those that fled out of the camp that night (which were but few in number) were overthrown also the next day, by the horse men which followed & killed them, as they took them straggling here & there in the fields. The brute of this victory was blown abroad incontinently through all the towns and villages thereabouts, which caused many young men to come & join themselves to Camillus: Camillus slew the Gauls ha●d by Ardea. but specially the romans desired the same, that had saved themselves in the city of VEIES, after the battle lost at ALLIA, who made their moans amongst themselves there, saying. O gods, what a captain hath fortune taken from the city of ROME? What honour hath the city of ARDEA by the valiantness and worthy deeds of Camillus: and in the mean season, his natural city that brought him forth, is now lost, & utterly destroyed? We, for lack of a captain to lead us, are shut up here within others walls, & do nothing but suffer ITALY in the mean space to go to ruin, & utter destruction before our eyes. Why then do we not sand to the ARDEANS for our captain? or why do we not arm ourselves, to go unto him? For he is now no more a banished man, nor we poor citizens: since our city is possessed with the foreign power, of our hateful enemies. So they all agreed to this counsel, & sent unto Camillus to beseech him to be their captain, and lead them. But he made answer, he would in no case consent unto it, unless they that were besieged in the Capitol had lawfully first confirmed it by their voices. For those (said he) so long as they remain within the city, do represent the state & body thereof. Therefore if they commanded him to take this charge upon him, he would most willingly obey them: if otherwise they misliked of it, that then he would not meddle against their good wills & commandment. They having received this answer, there was not a ROMAN amongst them, but greatly honoured & extolled the wisdom & justice of Camillus. But now they knew not how to make them privy to it, that were besieged in the Capitol: for they saw no possibility to convey a messenger to them: considering the enemies were lords of the city, & laid siege to it. Howbeit there was one Pontius Cominius amongst the young men (a man of a mean house, Pontius Cominius got ●p into the Capitol at Rome. but yet desirous of honour & glory) that offered himself very willingly to venture to get in if he could. So he took no letters to carry to them which were besieged, for fear lest they might be intercepted, & so they should discover Camillus' intention: but putting on an ill favoured gown upon him, he conveyed certain pieces of corcke under it, & traveling at none days kept on his way without fear, until he came to ROME, bringing dark night with him. And because he could not pass over the bridge, for that the Barbarous people kept watch upon it: he wrapped such clotheses as he had, about his neck (which where not many, nor heavy) & took the river, & swimming with these corcks he had brought, at the length he got over to the other side where the city stood. Then taking up those lanes always where he thought the enemies were not, seeing fire, & hearing noise in other places, he went to the gate Carmentale, where he found more silence than in other places: on the which side also, the hill of the Capitol was more steep and upright, by reason of the great rocks that were hard to climb up upon. But he digged & crept up so long amongst them, that he got up with great pain unto the wall of the fortress, on the which side also the enemy kept no watch: & saluting the watch of the Capitol, he told them what he was. So they plucked him up unto them, & brought him to the magistrates that ruled then. Who caused the Senate to assemble presently, unto whom he told the news of Camillus victory, which they had not heard of before: & therewith also he did declare unto them, the determination of the ROMAN soldiers that were abroad, which was, to make Camillus their captain & general, & did persuade them also to grant him the charge, for that he was the only man abroad whom the citizens gave their consents to obey. When they heard this, all that were within the Capitol, consulted thereupon amongst themselves, & so did choose Camillus' Dictator, Camillus' chosen Dictator the second time. & returned the messenger Pontius Cominius back again, the self same way he came unto them. His fortune in returning back, was like unto his coming thither: for the enemies never saw him. And so he brought report unto them that were abroad, of the Senate's decree & consent, whereof they all were marvelous glad. Thus came Camillus to take this charge of general upon him, & found there were twenty thousand good fight men abroad, and well armed. Then got he further aid also of their allies and confederates, and prepared daily to go and set upon the enemies. So was Camillus chosen now Dictator the second time, and went unto the city of VEIES, where he spoke with the ROMAN soldiers that were there, and levied a great number of the allies beside, to go fight with the enemies as soon as he could. But whilst Camillus was thus a preparing, certain of the Barbarous people in ROME, walking out by chance on that side of the Capitol where Pontius Cominius had gotten up the night before: spied in divers places the prints of his feet and hands, as he had gripped & gotten hold, still digging to get up, & saw the weeds and erbes also growing upon the rocks, & the earth in like manner, flat trodden down. Whereupon they went presently unto the King, to let him understand the same: who forth with came to view the place. And having considered it well, he did nothing at that time: but when dark night was come, he called a company of the lightest GAULES together, and that used most to dig in mountains, & said unto them. Our enemies themselves do show us the way how to take them, which we could not have found out but by themselves. For they having gone up before us, do give us easily to understand, it is no impossible thing for us to climb up also. Wherefore, we were utterly shamed, having already begun well, if we should fail also to end well: & to leave this place as unvincible. For if it were easy for one man alone, by digging to climb up to the height thereof: much less is it hard for many to get up one after another, so that one do help another. Therefore Sirs, I assure you, those that do take pains to get up, shallbe honourably rewarded, according to their just desert. When the King had spoken these words unto the GAULES, The Gauls climb up to the Capitol in the night. they fell to it lustily every man to get up: & about midnight, they began many of them to dig, & make steps up to the rock one after another, as softly as could possibly, with catching hold the best they could, by hanging of the rock, which they found very steep, but nevertheless easier to climb, than they took it at the beginning. So that the formest of them being come to the top of the rock, were now ready to take the wall, & to set upon the watch that slept: for there was neither man nor dog that heard them. It chanced then there were holy gese kept in the temple of juno, which at other times were wont to be fed till their crops were full: but victuals being very strait, & scant at that time even to find the men, the poor gese were so hard handled, & so little regarded, that they were in manner starved for lack of meat. This fowl in deed naturally is very quick of hearing, & so is she also very fearful by nature: & being in manner famished with their hard allowance, they were so much the more waking, & easier to be afraid. Upon this occasion therefore, they heard the coming of the GAULES, & also began to run up & down & cry for fear: with which noise they did wake those that were within the castle. The holy gese saved the Capitol. The GAULES being bewrayed by these foolish gese, left their stealing upon them, & came in with all the open noise & terror they could. The romans hearing this alarm, every man took such weapon as came first to his hand, & they ran suddenly to rescue that place from whence they understood the noise: among those, the formest man of all was Marcus Manlius, Marcus Manlius rebulsed the Gauls from the Capitol. a man that had been Consul, who had a lusty body, & as stout a heart. His hap being to meet with two of the GAULES together, as one of them was lifting up his axe to knock him on the head, he prevented him, & struck of his hand with his sword, and clapped his target on the other's face so fiercely, that he threw him backward down the rock: & coming afterwards unto the wall with others that ran thither with him, he repulsed the rest of the GAULES that were gotten up, who were not many in number, neither did any great act. Thus the romans having escaped this danger, the next morning they threw the captain headlong down the rocks from the castle, who had charge of the watch the night before: & gave Manlius in recompense of the good service he had done, a more honourable than profitable reward, which was this. Every man of them gave him half a pound of the country wheat, which they call Far, and the fourth part of the measure of wine, which the GRECIANS call Cotile: and this might be about a quart, being the ordinary allowance of every man by the day. After this repulse, the GAULES began to be discouraged, The Gauls vexed with the plague as Rome. partly for that their victuals failed them, and durst no more forage abroad in the fields for fear of Camillus: and partly also for that the plague came amongst them, being lodged amongst heaps of dead bodies, lying in every place above ground without burial, and amongst burnt houses destroyed, where the ashes being blown very high by the wind & vehemency of heat, did give a dry piercing air, that did marvelously poison their bodies when they came to draw in the breath of it. But the greatest cause of all their mischief was, the change of their wonted diet. Who coming out of a fresh country, where there were excellent pleasant places to retire unto, to avoid the discommodity of the parching heat of the summer, were now in a naughty plain country for them to remain in, in the latter season of the year. All these things together did heap diseases upon them, besides the long continuance of the siege about the Capitol (for it was then about the seventh month) by reason whereof there grew a marvelous death in their camp, through the great numbers of them that died daily, and lay unburied. But notwithstanding all the death and trouble of the GAULES, the poor besieged romans were nothing holpen the more, the famine still did grow so fast upon them. And because they could hear nothing of Camillus, they were grown almost unto a despair: and sand unto him they could not, the GAULES kept so strait watch upon them in the city. Whereupon both parties finding themselves in hard state, first the watch of either side began to cast out words of peace amongst themselves: and afterwards by consent of the heads, Sulpitius, Tribune of the soldiers, came to parley with Brennus. In which parley it was articled: that the romans should pay a thousand pound weight of gold, The romans went about to redeem their liberty of the Gauls with gold. and that the GAULES should incontinently after the receipt of the same, depart out of their city, and all their territories. This decree being passed by oath from both, the gold was brought. And when it came to be weighed, the GAULES at the first privily began to deal falsely with them: but afterwards they openly stayed the balance, and would not let them way no more, whereat the romans began to be angry with them. Then Brennus, in scorn & mockery, to despite them more, plucked of his sword, girdle and all, and put it into the balance where the gold was weighed. Sulpitius seeing that: asked him what he meant by it? Brennus answered him: what can it signify else, but sorrow to the vanquished. This word ever after ran as a common proverb in the people's mouths. Some of the romans took this vile part of theirs in such scorn, that they would needs take the gold from them again by force, and so return into their hold, to abide the siege still, as they had done before. Other were of opinion to the contrary, and thought it best with patience to put up this scorn of theirs, and not to think it was a shame to pay more than they had promised: but only to pay it by compulsion as they did, by misfortune of time, was to think it rather necessary, then honourable. And as they were debating the matter thus, aswell amongst themselves, as with the GAULES: Camillus came to ROME gates with his army, Camillus came to Rome with his army. and understanding all what had passed between them, he commanded the rest of the army to march fair and softly after him in good order, and he in the mean season with the best choice men he had, went before with all speed. Assoon as the other romans within in the city had spied him, they shouted out for joy, and received him every one with great reverence, without any more words, as their sovereign captain and prince, who had power over them all. And Camillus taking the gold out of the scales, gave it unto his men, and commanded the GAULES presently to take up their scales, and to get them going: for, sayeth he, it is not the romans manner to keep their country with gold, but with the sword. Then Brennus began to be hot, and told him it was not honourably done of him, to break the accord that had passed between them before by oath. Whereunto Camillus stoutly answered him again, Camillus speaketh stoutly to Brennus' king of the Gauls. that accord was of no validity. For he being created Dictator before, all other officers and magistrates whatsoever, & their acts, by his election were made of no authority: and seeing therefore they had dealt with men, that had no power of themselves to accord to any matter, they were to speak to him, if they required aught. For he alone had absolute authority to pardon them if they repented, and would ask it: or else to punish them, and make their bodies answer the damages and loss his country had by them sustained. These words made Brennus mad as a march hare, that out went his blade. Then they drew their sword of all sides, and laid lustily one at an other as they could, within the houses, and in open streets, where they could set no battle in order. But Brennus suddenly remembering himself that it was no even match for him, retired with his men about him into his camp, before he had lost many of his people. The next night following, he departed out of ROME with all his army, and went to encamp himself about a three score furlong from thence, in the high way that goeth towards the city of the GABIANS. Camillus with his whole army well appointed, went after him immediately, & showed at his camp by the break of day. The romans having taken heart again unto them, did lustily give them battle: the same continued long, very cruel and doubtful, until the GAULES at the length were overthrown, Camillus overthroweth the army of the Gauls. and their camp taken with great slaughter. As for those that did escape the fury of the battle, they were killed, some by the ROMANS' selves, who hotly followed the chase after the battle broken: the residue of them, and the greatest part, were slain by those of the cities and villages near abouts, that did set upon them as they fled scatteringly here and there in the fields. And thus was the city of ROME strangely again recovered, Rome was 7. months in the hards of the Gauls. that was before strangely won and lost, after it had continued seven months in the hands of the barbarous people. For they entered ROME about the fifteenth day of july: and they were driven out again, about the thirteenth day of Februarye following. So Camillus triumphed as beseemed him, Camillus' triumphed of the Gauls. and as one that had saved and delivered his country out of the hands of their enemies, and set ROME again at liberty. Those that had been abroad all the time of this siege, came into ROME again, following his triumphing charter: and those that had been besieged within the Capitol (looking for no other but to have died by famine) went and presented themselves before him, and each one embraced other, in weeping wise for joy. The priests and ministers of the temples also, presented their holy jewels, whole and undefaced, which some of them had buried in the ground within the city self: and others some had carried away with them, when they fled out of ROME. All these the people did as gladly see, as if the gods themselves had returned home again into their city. After they had sacrificed unto the gods, and rendered them most humble thanks, and had purged their city, as they had been taught by men experienced in those matters for satisfaction of the goddess Camillus began again to build up the temples that were there before, hard by the which he built another new one also to the god Aius Locutius, in that very place where Marcus Ceditius heard the voice warn him of the coming of the GAULES. So by Camillus good diligence, and the priests great pains and travail, the situations of these temples were with much a do found out again. But when they were to build again all the rest of the city, that was wholly burnt, and destroyed to the ground: the people had no mind to it, but ever shrinked back, to put any hand to the work, for that they lacked all things necessary to begin the same. Furthermore, weighing their late and long sustained trouble and miseries, they were fit to take their ease and rest, then to begin new labour and toil, to kill their hearts and bodies altogether. For, neither were their bodies able to perform it, nor yet their goods to reach to the charge of it. Wherefore disposing their minds to devil in the city of VEIES, Which remained whole, untouched, and furnished of all things to receive them: they delivered to the prattling Orators (whose tongues did never cease to speak placentia to the people) trim occasion to set this matter abroache. So they gave good ear, and were willing to hear certain seditious words spoken against Camillus, The busy headed Orators stir the people is tumult against Camillus. which were these. That for his private ambition he would deprive them of a city well furnished already, and would against their wills compel them to lodge in their own houses, wholly burnt and pulled down. And moreover, how he would make them to raise up again the great ruin the fire had made, to the end the people might call him, not only captain and general of the romans, but the founder of ROME also, & so drown Romulus honourable title thereof. The Senate considering of this matter, & fearing some tumult among the people: they would not suffer Camillus to leave his Dictator ship before the end of the year, Camillus' Dictacorshippe proreged. notwithstanding no man ever enjoyed that office above six months. Then Camillus for his part did much endeavour himself, Camillus' persuaded the people that he could ●● dwel● in Rome. 〈…〉 leous Vi●●●● to comfort & appease the people, praying them all he could to rarie: and further pointed with his finger unto the graves of their ancestors, and put them in mind also of the holy places dedicated to the gods, and sanctified by king Numa, or by Romulus, or by other Kings. But amongst many other tokens drawn out of holy and divine things, he forgot not to bring for example, the head of a man female new and fresh, in making the foundations of the Capitol, as if that place by fatal destiny had been once chosen to be the head and chief of all ITALY. And moreover, that the holy fire of the goddess Vesta (which sense the wars had been kindled again by the holy Vestal Nuns) would again come to be put out by them, if they did forsake their natural city, besides the great shame and dishonour it would be unto them, to see it inhabited in time to come by vnknowe strangers, or else to be left a common field and pasture, for beasts and cattle to graze in. Such sorrowful examples and griefs, the honest natural borne citizens, did ever blow into the people's ears, aswell privately, as openly. The people again to the contrary, did make their hearts to yearn for pity, when they laid before their eyes their penury, and poverty they sustained: and besought them also not to enforce them to gather and join together again the broken pieces of a spoiled city (as of a shipwreck that had cast them naked into the sea, having only saved bore life and persons) sense that they had another city near at hand and ready to receive them. So Camillus counsel was, that the Senate should consult upon this matter, and deliver their absolute opinion herein: which was done. And in this counsel, he himself brought forth many probable reasons, why they should not leave in any case, the place of their natural birth and country: and so did many other Senators in like case, favouring that opinion. Last of all, after these persuasions, he commanded Lucius Lucretius (whose manner was to speak first in such assemblies) that he should stand up and deliver his opinion, & that the rest also in order as they sat, should say their minds. So every man keeping silence, as Lucretius was ready to speak, at that present time there passed by their counsel house, a captain with his band that warded that day, who spoke aloud to his ensign bearer that went formest, to stay, and set down his ensign there: for, said he, here is a very good place for us to ward in. These words being heard up into the Senate house, even as they stood all in a doubt & maze what would be the resolution of this matter: Lucretius began to say, that he most humbly thanked the gods, and allowed of the captains judgement, and so every one of the rest in their order, said as much. Moreover there was a wonderful change and alteration of mind suddenly among the common people: for every man did persuade & encourage his fellow lively to put his hand to this work. Insomuch as tarrying for no division or appointing out of streets, nor setting out every man his place he should build in: Rome is builds again. they fell to work of all hands, every one choosing that place he liked best, & was most commodious for their building, without any other order or division amongst them. Whereupon, they ronning to this building on a head, the streets were confused on heaps together, & their houses all built out of order & uniformity. For the report goeth, that the whole city (as well common as private buildings) was built up new again in a year. Rome was now built again in a year. But the surveyors, to whom Camillus had given charge to find out all the holy places where the temples had been overthrown: as they went about mount Palatine, they came by chance to the place, where the chapel of Mars had stood, which the GAULES had wholly burnt and destroyed, as they had done all the rest. They making clean the place, and surveying every corner, did find by chance Romulus augurs crooked staff hidden under a great mount of ashes. Romulus' augurs staff found hole after Rome was burnt. This staff is crooked at one of the ends, and they call it Lituus, which soothsayers do use to quarter out the regions of the element, when they will behold the flying of birds to tell of things to come. Romulus that was very skilful in this art, did use this staff: and after he was taken away from all men's sights, the priests took it, and kept it as a holy relic, suffering no creature to say hands on it. Now they found this staff whole and unbroken, where all things else were consumed and perished by fire, they were in a marvelous joy thereat. For they intrepreted this to be a sign, of the everlasting continuance of the city of ROME. But before they could make an end of all their building, there grew a new war again upon them. For at one very instant, all the AEQVES, the VOLSCES, and the LATINS, entered with all their might and main into the territories of the romans. The Tuscans also went then and besieged SUTRIUM, that was in league & amity with the romans. The Tribuni militares got them strait to the field with their army, and encamped about mount Martian. The LATINS besieged them so straightly, Camillus' chosen Dictator the third time. that their army stood in great danger to be overthrown, & they were driven to send to ROME for a new supply. Thereupon the romans did choose Camillus' Dictator again the third time. The occasion of this war is reported two manner of ways: whereof I will declare the first, which I do conceive to be but a tale. They say the Latins sent unto the romans, to demand some of their free maids in marriage: which they did either to make a quarrel of war, or else as desirous in deed, to join both the peoples again by new marriages. The romans were amazed very much at this, and sore troubled, as not knowing how to answer them, they were so afraid of wars. For they were yet scant new settled at home, and dreaded much left this demand of their daughters, was but a summons made to give them hostages, which they finely cloaked under the name of alliance in marriage. Some say that there was at that time a bond maid called Tutola, or as some say, Philotis, Tutola, or Philotis craf: & subtlety. that went unto the Senate, and counseled them they should send her away with some other fair maids slaves, dressed up like gentlewomen, & then let her alone. The Senate liked very well of this devise, and chose such a number of bond maids as she desired to have, & trimming them up in fine apparel, begawded with chains of gold and jewels, they sent them forth to the LATINS, who were encamped not far from the city. When night was come, the other maids hid their enemy's swords. But this Tutola, or Philotis (call her as you will) did climb up to the top of a wild fig tree, from which she showed a burning torch unto the romans, having made thifte to hang somewhat behind her, to keep the light from sight of the enemies. For this signal the Senate of ROME had secretly appointed her to set up, which was the cause that the issuing out of the soldiers being commanded to go out in the night, was full of trouble and tumult. For being pressed by their captains, they called one another, and there was great a do to put them into order of battle. Rome delivered fronwarres by Tutola the bondmaid. Thus they went to take their enemies sleeping, who nothing mistrusting the same, were slain the most part of them within their camp. This was done on the fift day of the month called then Quintilis, & now is named july: at which time they do yet celebrated a certain feast in remembrance of that act. For first of all, going out of the city, they call aloud many of their fellows names which are most common: as Caius, Marcus, and Lucius, showing thereby how one of them called another after that sort, as they went in great haste out of the city. Afterwards all the maid servants of the city being trimmely appareled, The maidens sea●●e, called Nonae Capratinae. go playing up and down the town, pleasantly jesting with those they meet: and in the end they make as though they fought together, in token that they did help the romans at that time to destroy the LATINS. Then they are feasted, sitting under bowers made with wild fig tree boughs: and this feast day is called, Nonae Capratinae, by reason of the wild fig tree (as some think) from the top whereof, the bond maid showed to the romans the burning torch. For the romans call the wild fig tree, Caprificus. Other say, that all these things are done and spoken, in remembrance of the mischance that happened unto Romulus, when he was taken out of their sight, the same day without the gates of the city, at which time there rose a sudden mist & dark cloud. Or as some other say, that then was the eclipse of the sun: and they hold opinion that the day was named Nonae Capratinae, because Capra in the ROMAN tongue, signifieth a goat. Romulus' vanished out of men's sights, as he was making an oration unto his people, near unto the place which is called goat marsh, as we have mentioned more at large in his life. The 2. occasion & beginning of this war (according to the opinion of most writers) was, that Camillus being chosen Dictator the third time, & knowing that the Trib militares with their army were straightly besieged by the LATINS, and VOLSCES: he was enforced to arm all the old men, who for very age were privileged from further service in wars. And having fetched a great compass about mount Martian, because he would not be seen of his enemies, he came to lodge his camp behind them, where he raised fires, to make the romans know that were besieged, how he was come: which as soon as they pceived, they took to them courage again, & determined to fight. But the LATINS & VOLSCES kept within their camp, & did entrench & fortify themselves with a wall of wood, which they laid a cross, because they saw they were beset both before & behind & determined to tarry the relief of a new supply, as well of their own, as of some further aid beside from the Tuscans, which thing Camillus pceaving, & fearing lest they should serve him, as he had already handled them by compassing of him again behind: he thought it necessary to prevent this. So considering the enclosure & fortification of their camp was all of wood, and that every morning commonly, Camillus' stratagem against the Latins and Volsces. there came a great wind from the side of the mountains, he made provision of a number of fire brands. And leading out his army into the fields by break of day, he appointed one part of them to give charge upon the enemies on the one side, with great noise and shouting: and he with the other part determined to raise fire on the contrary side, from whence the wind should come, looking for opportunity to do the same. When he saw the sun up, and the wind beginning to whistle, blowing a good gale from the side of the hills, & that the skirmish was begun on the other side: then he gave a signal unto the company he led with him, to set upon the enemies, and made them throw into the enclosure of their camp, divers pots & darts with fire, so that the flame finding matter to catch hold of, in this enclosure of wood, & trees laid overthwart, did raise strait an exceeding great flame in the air, & still got way inwards into the LATINS camp. Whereupon the LATINS being unprovided of present remedy to quench the flame, and seeing their camp a fire all about their cares: they gathered themselves together at the first in a very small room. Nevertheless, they were enforced in the end to get them into the field, & there they found their enemies ready armed, & in battle ray. Camillus slew the Latins. So as few of those escaped that came into the field, & their fellows that remained within their camp, were burnt to death with fire, until the romans themselves came to quench it for greediness of their spoil & goods. When all this was done, Camillus left his son in the camp, to keep the prisoners & spoils: & he himself, with the rest of the army, went to invade his enemy's country, where he took the city of AEQVES. Camillus took the city of Aeques. Then after he had overcome the VOLSCES, he led his army presently from thence unto the city of SUTRIUM. For he had not yet hard of their misfortune. Therefore he hasted himself to aid them, because he thought they were yet besieged by the Tuscans. But such was their hard fortune, that they had already yielded up their city by composition, & saved no part of their goods, but the very clotheses they had on their backs. So being turned out of all they had, they met Camillus by the way as they were wandering abroad, lamenting their misery, with their wives & little young children: whose misery went to the very heart of Camillus, when he beheld their lamentable state. Furthermore, when he saw the romans weep for pity also, to see the moan that these unfortunate people made unto him, and that it grieved them heartily to behold their great mischance: he determined with himself not to defer revenge, but presently to go the self same day before the city of SUTRIUM, imagining that he should find the Tuscans out of order, without keeping watch, & attending nothing but making good cheer, because they had newly taken a wealth rich city, where they had left never an enemy in the same to hurt them, neither feared any abroad to come near to assault them. And in deed it fell out rightly as he guessed. For he had not only passed through the territories of the city, without any intelligence given to the enemies within the same: but he was come to the very gates, and had taken the walls, before they heard any thing of his coming, by reason they neither kept watch nor ward, but were dispersed abroad in the city, in every house, eating and drinking drunk together. Insomuch as when they knew their enemies were already within the city, they were so full freight with meat & wine, that the most of their wits served them not so much as to fly, buttaried until they were slain or taken, like beasts in the houses. Thus was the city of SUTRIUM twice taken in one day. Camillus' won the city of Sutrium. And it chanced that those which had won it, lost it: & those which had lost it, recovered it again by Camillus' means. Who deserved both the honour and entry of triumph into ROME: the which wan him no less good will and glory, than the two first before had done praise, and gotten fame. For even his greatest enemies that most spited and envied his former noble acts, ascribing them rather to fortune that favoured him, then to his valliautnes or worthiness: were forced now by this deed of his to confess, that his wisdom and valiantness deserved praise and commendation to the skies. Camillus of all his enemies had one most bitter to him, which was Marcus Manlius, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus maneth sedition. that was the first man that gave the GAULES the repulse that night they had entered the walls of the Capitol, and had thought to have taken it: whereupon they gave him the surname of Capitolinus. He aspiring to be the chief of the city, & finding no direct way to exceed the glory of Camillus, took the broad high way of them that practise tyranny. For he began to flatter the common people, and specially those that were indebted: Flattery and hypocrisy sinneth the multitude & common people. he took upon him to defend their causes, and pleaded their case at the bar against their creditors. Sometimes he took the debtor out of the creditors hands and carried them away by force, that for lack of ability to pay, were by rigour of the law condemned to be bond slaves. But by this practice, in short time he got him a marvelous number of such needy followers, and poor men, that the noble men and honest citizens were afraid of the insolent parts they played, and of the continual troubles and tumults they daily stirred up in the market place. Therefore suspecting the worst in this case, they did choose Quintus Capitolinus Dictator: who caused the said Manlius immediately to be apprehended, Manlius clapped in prison by Q. Capitolinus Dictator. and committed him to prison. Whereupon the people began to change their apparel: which they were never wont to do, but in great and common calamities. But the Senate fearing lest some commotion would rise hereupon, they did set him at liberty again. He being thus out of prison, was no whit the better, nor wiser thereby, but did still stir up the commons, more boldly and seditiously, then before. Then was Camillus chosen again Tribunus militaris, Camillus' cozen again Tribunus militaris. and Manlius was accused in his time of office. But when this matter came to pleading, the sight of the Capitol troubled his accusers much. For the very place itself where Manlius had repulsed the GAULES by night, and defended the Capitol, was easily seen from the market place, where the matter was a hearing: and he himself pointing with his hand, showed the place unto the gods, and weeping tenderly he laid before them the remembrance of the hazard of his life, in fight for their safety. This did move the judges hearts to pity, so as they knew not what to do, but many times they did put over the hearing of his case unto another day, and neither would they give judgement, knowing he was convicted by manifest proofs: neither could they use the severity of the law upon him, because the place of his so notable good service was ever still before their eyes. Wherefore Camillus finding the cause of delay of justice, did make the place of judgement to be removed without the city, into a place called the wood Petelian, from whence they could not see the Capitol. And there the accusers gave apparent evidence against him: and the judges considering all his wicked practices, conceived a just cause to punish him, as he had deserved. So they gave sentence of death against him: that he should be carried to the mount Capitol, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus put to death. and there to be thrown down headlong the rocks thereof. Thus, one, and the self place was a memory of his notable good service, and also a memorial of his miserable and unfortunate end. Besides all this, they razed his house, and built in the same place a temple to the goddess they call Moneta● and made a law also, that no Patrician from thenceforth should devil any more in the mount Capitol. Camillus after this, being called again to take the office of Tribunus militaris the sixth time: he sought to excuse himself as well for that he saw he was well stepped in years, as also for that he feared fortunes spite, or some mishap, after he had obtained such glory for his noble acts and service. Howbeit the most apparent cause of his excuse, was his sickness, which troubled him much at that time. But the people would allow no excuse by any means, but cried out, they did not desire he should fight a foot nor a horse back, but that he should only give counsel, and command: and therefore they compelled him to take the charge, and to lead the army with one of his companions named Lucius Furius, against their enemies the PRAENESTINES, and the VOLSCES, who joining together, did invade the confines of the romans friends. So he led his army out immediately to the field, and camped as near the enemy as he could: being minded for his part to draw the wars out in length, that he might fight afterwards (if need required) when he had recovered strength. But Furius contrarily coveting glory, was whottely bend to hazard the battle, whatsoever peril came of it: and to this end he stirred up, and encouraged the captains of every private band. Wherefore Camillus fearing lest they should think, for ill will he bore the young men, that he went about to hinder and take away the means to win their honour, and to do some noble act: suffered Furius against his will to put his men in order of battle, Lucius Furius gave battle to the Praenestines men and Volsces, and was overthrown. and he in the mean season by reason of his sickness, remained with a few about him in the camp. So went Lucius upon a head to present battle to the enemy, & so was he as headily also overthrown. But Camillus hearing the romans were overthrown: sick as he was upon his bed, got up, and taking his household servants with him, he went in haste to the gates of the camp, and passed through those that fled, until he came to meet with the enemies that had them in chase. The romans seeing this that were already entered into the camp, they followed him at the heels forthwith: and those that fled also without, when they saw him, they gathered together, and put themselves again in array before him, and persuaded one another not to forsake their captain. So their enemies hereupon stayed their chasing, and would pursue no further that day. But the next morning, Camillus leading his army into the field, gave them battle, and wan the field of them by plain force: and following the victory hard, he entered amongst them that fled into their camp pellmell, or hand overheade, and slew the most part of them even there. After this victory, he was advertised how the Tuscans had taken the city of SUTRIUM, Camillus wan the field of the Praenestines and Volsces. and had to the sword all the inhabitants of the same, which were the romans citizens. Whereupon he sent to ROME the greatest part of his army, and keeping with him the lightest and lustiestmen, went and gave assault unto the Tuscans, that now were harboured in the city of SUTRIUM. Camillus slew the Tuscans as Sutrium. Which when he had won again, he slew part of them, and the other saved themselves by flight. After this, he returned to ROME with an exceeding spoil, confirming by experience, the wisdom of the romans, who did not fear the age nor sickness of a good captain that was expert and valiant: but had chosen him against his will, though he was both old and sick, and preferred him far before the younger and lustier that made suit to have the charge. News being brought unto the Senate, that the THUSCULANIANS were revolted, Camillus s 〈…〉 again against the Thusculanians. they sent Camillus thither again, willing him of five other companions to take out one he liked best, every of the which desired to be chosen, and made their suit unto him for the same. But he refusing all other, did chose again Lucius Furius beyounde all expectation of men, seeing not long before he needs would against his will hazard battle, in which he was overthrown. Howbeit Camillus, having a desire (as I think) to hide his fault and shame he had received: did of courtesy prefer him before all other. Now the THUSCULANIANS hearing of Camillus coming against them, The craft of the Thusculanians. subtly sought to colour the fault they had already committed. Wherefore they put out a great number of people into the fields, some to plough, other to keep the beasts, as if they had been in best peace: and did set the gates of the city wide open, sent their children openly to school, their artificers wrought their occupation in their shops, the men of haviour & honest citizens walked in the market place in their long gowns, & the officers and governors of the city went up and down to every house, commanding them to prepare lodgings for the romans, as if they had stood in no fear at all, and as though they had committed no fault. Howbeit all these fine fetches could not make Camillus believe, but that they had an intent to rebel against the romans: yet they made Camillus pity them, seeing they repented them of that they had determined to do. So he commanded them to go to ROME to the Senate, to crave pardon of their fault: and he himself did help them, not only to purge their city of any intent of rebellion, but also to get them the privilege and freedom of ROME. And these be the chiefest acts Camillus did in the sixth time of his tribuneshippe. After this, one Licinius Stolo moved great sedition in the city, Great sedition moved in Rome by Licinius Stolo. between the common people, and the Senate. For he would in any case that of the two Consuls, which were chosen yearly, the one of them should be a commoner, and not that both of them should be of the ancient noble families, called Patricians. The Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election of the Consuls, the people stayed: so that the common wealth went to decay, and declined to greater troubles, than ever it did before, for lack of government. But to suppress this, the Senate created Camillus the fourth time Dictator: Camillus' created Dictator the fourth time. but this was sore against his will, because it misliked the people much. furthermore, he would not complain of the people; for that they having served under him in many wars and battles, might boldly, and truly say unto him that he had done more notable acts by them in the wars, than he had done by the Patricians in peace. Yet was he created Dictator in despite, to rule the people, and of envy in the noble men towards them. Thus necessity did urge him, either by force to suppress the people, if he were the stronger in this dissension: or else that he himself should be suppressed, if he become the weaker. Camillus notwithstanding, preparing to prevent this mischief, and knowing the day the Tribunes had determined, to prefer the passing of their law by voices of the people: he gave warning by proclamations set upon posts, that the same very day he would muster the people, and all was but to draw them from the market place into the field of Mars, and did set great penalties upon those that should be lacking at the musters, and would presume to disobey. The Tribunes of the people on the contrary part, did withstand his threats, and swore they would condemn Camillus' self in fifty thousand Drachmas of silver, if he did not let the people alone, but would go about to disturb them for giving their voices to such law, as they liked of. Camillus perceiving this, and fearing to be condemned, and banished once again, which would fall out very ill for him, being now an old man, and one that had done so many great and notable acts, or else for that he thought himself not strong enough to withstand the force of the people: he kept his house that day, feigning himself to be sick, and certain other days following, and in the end he gave up his office. Thereupon the Senate chose in his place another Dictator, who named the same Licinius Stolo general of the horse men, that was the author and furtherer of all this sedition: and beside did suffer him to prefer another law, and to pass it by voices of the people, that above all other laws, did most trouble the Patricians. Which law did forbidden any citizen of ROME, Licinius Stolo made a la●e for enjoying of lands. to have, or occupy above five hundred iugera, which amount to 330. acres and a half, 12. pole, and 121. parts of a pole. Then was this Stolo aloft, and of great estimation at that time: for that he had in despite of the Senate established this law. Howbeit shortly after it was found out, that himself had more number of acres than his own law permitted. By reason whereof, he received the just punishment of his own devised forfeiture. Stolo the first offender of the same law. Yet the most weighty matter of all dissension that began first, and most of all troubled the Senate, touching the election of the Consuls, remained still undetermined. But while these matters were thus in talk, the romans had certain intelligence, how the GAULES were departed once again from the Adriatic sea, and were coming with a great power strait unto ROME: The Gauls come again to Rome. upon report of which news, the wars followed immediately. For the GAULES destroyed the champion country as they went: and the poor countrymen that could not recover ROME, were scattered here and there amongst the mountains. The fear of this did somewhat appease the dissension. The people then assembling with the Senate, and the base sort with the noble, did all with one voice and assent choose Camillus' Dictator the fift time. Camillus' chosen Dictator the 5 time. He was now a very old man, lacking little of four score years; but nevertheless, considering the necessity and present danger, without framing any excuse, or starting as he had before, he undertook the charge. Now that he had taken it upon him, he presently levied men, and prepared his army. And knowing very well how the fierceness of these barbarous GAULES consisted, in down right blows with their sword, with which they would strike of heads and shoulders of men at a blow, He●● Camillus appointed his soldiers with armour & weapon to fight with advantage against the Gauls. mangling them like bouchers, without any cast or skill of fight: he caused iron salletts, and morions to be made for the most of his men, as smoothly wrought on the out side as could be, that their sword lighting on them, should either slide of, or break. Moreover, he caused their shields to have bars made about them of copper, because the wood self was not able to abide their blows. Furthermore, he did teach his soldiers to carry long javelins or punchion slaves, wherewith they might wound their enemies lifting up their sword to strike them. Now when the GAULES were come near ROME, Anias st. having pitched their camp upon the river of Anian, and being full laden and stuffed with all kinds of spoil and booties: then Camillus brought his army also into the field, and went to lodge on a little hill which was easy to get upon, where there were many litles caves, so that the most of his army was all hidden and covered, and those that were seen, seemed to be retired thither into those high places for an advantage, and of fear. Camillus to increase this opinion more in his enemies, and to make them the bolder: did suffer them to come and spoil even to the foot of the hill where he was lodged, and stirred not once out to trouble them, but kept himself quiet in his camp and well fortified. Until such time as he spied occasion of advantage, that the best part of their army were scattered here and there, a foraging all about the fields: and those which remained in their camp, fell to eating and drinking, as they used carelessly at all hours. Then Camillus sent very early before day, his lightest armed men, to vex and trouble the barbarous people in coming out in their camp, and to let them in any case from putting their men in order of battle: and he at the break of day, came down into the plain, and did set his other men being well armed, in good array, which were a great number, and lusty fellows, and were not as the barbarous people thought, few, and fearful. This at the very first discouraged the hearts of the GAULES marvelously, because they thought themselves dishonoured, that the romans should charge upon them first. Afterwards also Camillus' vanguard did set upon the GAULES, and that on a sudden, before they had leisure to put themselves in battle, or to order their troops: compelling them to fight without order, as they met out of order by chance. In the end also, Camillus came upon the necks of them, with all his whole force, and arm together: against whom they ran notwithstanding, holding up their naked sword aloft in their hands. But the romans thrusting with their armed javelins, received their enemy's blows upon them, and thereby so rebated the edges of their sword (their blades being very sharp and thin ground, and of so soft a temper) that they bowed again, and stood crooked unreasonably: and furthermore, having pierced their shields through with their punchingstaves, the GAULES arms were so clogged and wearied with them, the romans plucking them back to them again, that they threw away their sword and shields, and flying in, closed with the romans, and caught hold of their javelins, thinking by plain force to have wrested them out of their hands. Howbeit they perceiving then the GAULES were naked, fell strait to their sword: Camillus slew the Gauls again. and so was the slaughter of their first ranks very great. The other fled scatteringly here and there, all about the plain: because Camillus had caused all the hills and mountains about them to be occupied and possessed. Neither did they retire towards their camp, for that it was unfortified, and also knew well enough it would be easily taken. This battle (as they say) was thirteen years after their taking of ROME before. But after that field, the romans courages were good enough against these barbarous GAULES, whom they stood in fear of before: thinking the first time they came, that they had not overcomed them by force, but by reason of the plague that fell amongst them, or through some other strange chance. For they did so fear them at that time, that they made a law, The romans have they exempted priests from the wars. how their priests should be exempted from wars, so it were not against the GAULES. This overthrow was the last marshall act Camillus did in the wars. For, the taking of the city of VELITRES, was an accident depending upon this journey: because they yielded strait unto him, without striking any stroke. But the seditiousnes of the people of ROME about government, and the choosing of the year Consuls, was the hardest matter he ever had in hand. For they returning home to ROME strong, and of great power, by their late obtained victory: would in any case have one of the Consuls to be chosen of a commoner, which was directly against their ancient custom. But the Senate stoutly withstood it, and would not suffer Camillus to be put out of office: hoping the better by means of his authority, which was great then, that they should maintain and continued their ancient dignity, and prerogative of their nobility. But as Camillus was set in his chair in the market place, where he heard and dispatched causes: there came a sergeant to him, sent from the Tribunes of the people, who commanded him to follow him, and there withal laid violent hands upon him, as he would have carried him away by force. Sedision as Rome about choosing of Consuls. This made such a terrible tumult and uproar, that the like was never seen before in the market place. For Camillus' friends drove the sergeant back behind the chair. The common people cried out again to the sergeant from beneath, pull him out of his chair. This so amazed Camillus, that he knew not well what to say to the matter. Notwithstanding, he would not resign up his office, but taking those Senators he had about him, he went unto the place where the Senate was wont to be kept. And there, before he would go into it, he returned back again unto the Capitol, & made his prayer unto the gods, that it would please them to bring his troubles again to a quiet, and so made a solemn vow and promise (if these tumults and troubles might be pacified) that he would build a temple of Concord. When this matter came to debating before the Senate, there fell great contention and diversity of opinions among them: yet in the end, the easiest way did carry it, and that was to grant the common people's desire, that a commoner should be chosen Consul with a noble man. Policy to yield so necessity. A commoner chosen Consul with a noble man. The Dictator having openly published to the people the Senate's decree, confirming their desire: the common people were so joyful, that at that presence they let fall all their malice against the Nobility and Senate, and brought Camillus home to his house, with great shouts of joy, and clapping of hands. The next morning all the people being assembled together in the market place, it was there decreed: that the temple of concord should be built at the common wealths charge (according to the vow Camillus had made) in such a place, as it might be seen from the market place self, where all the assemblies for matters of counsel were made. And further, it was ordered that one day more should be added to the feasts of the LATINS: & that from thenceforth they should solemnize four festival days, & should presently make general sacrifices unto the gods, in every temple of the city, to give them thanks: and in token of joy, they should all wear garlands upon their heads for this reconciliation. So Camillus proceeding to election, there were chosen two Consuls, Marcus AEmilius of the noble Patricians, and Lucius Sextus of the Plebeians or commoners. Marcus AEmilius, Lucius Sextus consuls. And this was the last act that ever Camillus did. For, the next year after, the plague was in ROME, and took away an infinite number of people that died, besides many magistrates and officers of the city that departed: among whom, Camillus also left his life. Camillus' died of the plague. Who notwithstanding he had lived a long time, and had ended a reasonable course of life: yet he was as ready to die, and as patiently took his death, as any man living could have done. Moreover, the romans made more moan and lamentation for his death alone, then for all the rest the plague had already consumed. The end of Furius Camillus life. THE LIFE OF Pericles. CAESAR seeing in ROME one day certain rich & wealth strangers, having little dogs and monkeys in their arms, and that they made marvelous much of them, he asked them if the women in their country had no children: wisely reproving them by his question, for that they bestowed their natural love & affection upon brute beasts, which they should with all kindness and love bestow upon creatures. Nature in like case also, having planted in our minds a natural desire to learn and understand, we are in reason to reprove those that vainly abuse this good desire, fond disposing it to learn things vain and unprofitable: and to cast behind them in the mean season things honest and necessary to be learned: For as touching our outward sense, which with passion receiveth impression of the thing it seeth, peradventure it willbe necessary to consider indifferently the thing seen, whether it will fall out beneficial or hurtful unto him: but so fareth it not with our understanding, for every man may at his pleasure turn and dispose that to the thing he taketh delight in, the reason whereof we must always employ to the best part, Wit always to be employed to good things. and that not only to consider and look upon the thing, but also to reap the benefit and commodity of the thing we see. For like as the eye is most delighted with the lightest and freshest colours: even so we must give our minds unto those sights, which by looking upon them do draw profit and pleasure unto us. For such effects doth virtue bring: that either to hear or read them, they do print in our hearts an earnest love and desire to follow them. But this followeth not in all other things we esteem, neither are we always disposed to desire to do the things we see well done: but contrary oftentimes, when we like the work, we mislike the work man, as commonly in making these perfumes and purple colours. For both the one, & the other do please us well: but yet we take perfumers & dyer's to be men of a mean occupation. Therefore Antisthenes answered one very wisely, that told him Ismenias was an excellent player of the flute. Antisthenes' saying of a flute player. But yet he is a naughty man, said he: otherwise he could not be so cunning at the flute as he is. Even so did Philippe king of MACEDON say to his son Alexander the great on a time: that at a certain feast had sung passing sweetly, and like a master of music: Art thou not ashamed, son, to sing so well? It is enough for a King to bestow his leisure sometime to hear musicans sing, and he doth much honour to the muses to hear the masters of the science otherwhile, when one of them singeth to excel another. But he that personally shall bestow his time, exercising any mean science: bringeth his pains he hath taken in matters unprofitable, a witness against himself, to prove that he hath been negligent to learn things honest and profitable. And there was never any young gentleman nobly borne, that seeing the image of jupiter (which is in the city of PISA) desired to become Phidias: nor Polycletus, for seeing of june in the city of ARGOS: nor that desired to be Anacreon, or Philemon, or Archilochus, for that they took pleasure sometime to read their works. For it followeth not of necessity, that though the work delight, the workman must needs be praised. And so in like case, such things do not profit those which behold them, because they do not move affection in the hearts of the beholders to follow them, neither do stir up affection to resemble them, The power of virtue. and much less to conform ourselves unto them. But virtue hath this singular property in all her actions: that she maketh the man that knoweth her to affect her so, that strait he liketh all her doings, and desireth to follow those that are virtuous. For, as for riches, we only desire to have them in possession: but of virtue, we chief love the deeds. Wherefore, we are contented to have goods from other men: but good deeds we would other should have from us. For virtue is of this power, that she allureth a man's mind presently to use her, that wisely considereth of her, and maketh him very desirous in his heart to follow her: and doth not frame his manners that beholdeth her by any imitation, but by the only understanding and knowledge of virtuous deeds, which suddenly bringeth unto him a resolute desire to do the like. And this is the reason, why me thought I should continue still to writ on the lives of noble men, and why I made also this tenth book: in the which are contained the lives of Pericles, and Fabius Maximus, who maintained wars against Hannibal. For they were both men very like together in many sundry virtues, and specially in courtesy and justice: & for that they could patiently bear the follies of their people, and companions that were in charge of government with them, they were marvelous profitable members for their country. But if we have sorted them well together, comparing the one with the other: you shall easily judge that read our writings of their lives. Pericles was of the tribe of the Acamantides, Pericles stack. of the town of CHOLARGUS, and of one of the best & most ancient families of the city of ATHENS, both by his father and mother. For Xanthippus his father (who overcame in battle the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA in the journey of Mysala) married Agariste that came of Clisthenes, he who drove out of ATHENS Pisistratus offspring, and valiantly overthrew their tyranny. Afterwards he established laws, and ordained a very grave form of government, to maintain his citizens in peace and concord together. This Agariste dreamt one night, that she was brought a bed of a lion: and very shortly after she was delivered of Pericles, Pericles mothers dream. who was so well proportioned in all the parts of his body, Pericles had a long head. that nothing could be mended, saving that his head was somewhat to long and out of proportion to the rest of his body. And this is the only cause why all the statues & images of him almost, are made with a helmet of his head: because the workmen as it should seem (and so it is most likely) were willing to hide the blemish of his deformity. But the ATTICAN poets did call him Schinocephalos, as much to say, as headed like an onion. For those of ATTICA do sometime name that which is called in the vulgar tongue Scylla, that is to say, an onion of barbarie: Schinos. And Cratinus the Comical poet in his comedy be entitled Chirones, said: Old Saturn he, and dreadful dire debate begotten have, between them Carnally, this tyrant here, this heavy iollting pate, in court of gods so termed worthily. And again also in that which he nameth Nemesis, speaking of him, he sayeth: Come jupiter, come jupiter, Come iollthead, and come innkeeper. And Teleclides mocking him also, sayeth in a place: Sometimes he stands, amazed when he perceives, that hard it were, sufficiently to know, in what estate, his government he leaves. And then will he, be seldom seen by low, such heavy heaps, with in his brains do grow. But yet sometimes, out of that monstrous pate he thundereth fast, and threateneth every state. And Eupolis in a comedy which he entitled Démi: being very inquisitive, and ask particularly of every one of the Orators (whom he feigned were returned out of hell) when they named Pericles the last man unto him, he said: Truly thou hast now brought, unto us here that devil, the chief of all the captains, that come from darksome hell. And as for music, the most authors writ, that Damon did teach him music, Pericles studies and teachers. of whose name (as men say) they should pronounce the first syllable short. Howbeit Aristotle sayeth, that he was taught music by Pythoclides. Howsoever it was, it is certain that this Damon was a man of deep understanding, and subtle in matters of government: for, to hide from the people his sufficiency therein, he gave it out he was a physician, and did resort unto Pericles, as a master wrestler, or fenser: but he taught him how he should deal in matters of state. Notwithstanding, in the end he could not so cunningly convey this matter, but the people saw his harping and music, was only a viser to his other practice: wherefore they did banish him ATHENS for five years, as a man that busily took upon him to change the state of things, and that favoured tyranny. And this gave the Comical poet's matter to play upon him finely: among which Plato in a comedy of his, bringeth in a man that asketh him: O Chiron, tell me first: art thou in deed the man, which did instruct Pericles thus? make answer if thou can. He was sometime also scholar to the philosopher Zenon, who was borne in the city of ELEA, Zenon Eleatean. & taught natural philosophy, as Parmenides did: but his profession was to thwart and contrary all men, and to allege a world of objections in his disputation, which were so intricate, that his adversary replying against him, knew not how to answer him, nor to conclude his argument. The which Timon Phliasius witnesseth in these words, Zenon was subtle sure, and very eloquent, and craftily could wind a man, by way of argument, if so he were disposed, his cunning to descry, or show the sharpness of his wit, to practise policy. But Anaxagoras Clazomenian was he that was most familiar and conversant with him, and did put in him the majesty and gravity he showed in all his sayings, and doings, who did far excel the common course of ordinary Orators that pleaded before the people: and to be short, he it was that did fashion his manners, altogether to carry that grave countenance which he did. For they called Anaxagoras in his time, Nùśs, as much to say, as understanding. Either because they had his singular wit and capacity in such great admiration, being grown to search out the cause of natural things: or that he was the first man, who did ascribe the disposition and government of this world, not unto fortune or faitall necessity, but unto a pure, simple, and understanding mind, which doth separate at the first moving cause, the substance of such like parts as are meddled and compounded of divers substances, in all other bodies through the world. Pericles made marvelous touch of Anaxagoras, who had fully instructed him in the knowledge of natural things, and of those specially that work above in the air and firmament. For he grew not only to have a great mind and an eloquent tongue, without any affectation, Pericles ●●●ners and behaviour. or gross country terms: but to a but to a certain modest countenance that scantly smiled, very sober in his gate, having a kind of sound in his voice that he never lost nor altered, and was of very honest behaviour, never troubled in his talk for any thing that crossed him, and many other such like things, as all that saw them in him, and considered them, could but wonder at him. But for proof hereof, the report goeth, there was a naughty busy fellow on a time, that a whole day together did nothing but rail upon Pericles in the market place, and revile him to his face, with all the villainous words he could use. But Pericles put all up quietly, Pericles patience. and gave him not a word again, dispatching in the mean time matters of importance he had in hand, until night came, that he went softly home to his house, showing no alteration nor semblance of trouble at all, though this lewd varlet followed him at the heels, with words of open defamation. And as he was ready to enter in at his own doors, being dark night, he commanded one of his men to take a torch, and to bring this man home to his house. Yet the poet jon sayeth, that Pericles was a very proud man, and a stately, and that with his gravity and noble mind, there was mingled a certain scorn and contempt of other: and contrarily, he greatly praiseth the civility, humanity, and courtesy of Cimon, because he could fashion himself to all companies. But letting pass that which the poet jon said: who would that virtue should be full of tragical discipline, bringing in with it, a certain saryticall discourse to move laughture. Now Zennon contrariwise did counsel all those, that said Pericles gravity was a presumption, and arrogancy: that they should also follow him in his presumption. For, to counterfeit in that sort things honest and virtuous, doth secretly with time breed an affection and desire to love them, and afterwards with custom even effectually to use and follow them. The benefits of natural philosophy. So Pericles by keeping Anaxagoras company, did not only profit himself in these things, but he learned beside to put away all superstitious fear, of celestial signs and impressions seen in the air. For to those that are ignorant of the causes thereof, such sights are terrible, and to the godly also fearful, as if they were utterly undone: and all is, because they have no certain knowledge of the reason that natural philosophy yieldeth, which in stead of a fearful superstition, would bring a true religion accompanied with assured hope of goodness. Some say a man brought Pericles one day from is farm out of the country, a rams head that had but one horn, What was signified by the rams head that had but one horn, & was found in Pericles ground. and that the prognosticator Lampon considering this head, that had but one strong horn in the midst of his forehead, interpreted, that this was the signification thereof. That being two tribes and several factions in the city of ATHENS touching government, the one of Pericles, and the other of Thucydides: the power of both should be brought into one, and specially into his part, in whose house this sign did happen. Further, it is said that Anaxagoras being present, did 'cause the rams head to be cloven in two pieces, and showed unto them that stood by, that the brain of this ram did not fill the pan of his natural place, but enclosed itself in all parts, being narrow like the point of an egg, in that part where the horn took his first root of budding out. So Anaxagoras was marvelously esteemed at that present by all those that stood by: but so was Lampon, soon after that Thucydides was driven away, and that the government of the whole common weal fell into the hands of Pericles alone. And it is not to be wondered at (in my opinion) that the natural philosopher and the prognosticator did rightly mere together in troth: the one directly telling the cause, and the other the end of the event as it fell out. For the profession of the one, is to know how it cometh: and of the other, wherefore it cometh, and to foretell what it betokeneth. For where some say, that to show the cause, is to take away the signification of the sign: they do not consider that in seeking to abolish by this reason the wonderful tokens and signs in the air, they do take away those also which are done by art. As the noise of basins, the lights of fire by the sea side, and the shadows of needles or points of dyalles in the sun: all which things are done by some cause and handiwork, to be a sign and token of something. But this argument peradventure may serve better in another book. And now again to Pericles. Whilst he was yet but a young man, the people stood in awe of him, because he somewhat resembled Pisistratus in his countenance: Pericles likened as Pisistratus. and the ancientest men of the city also were much afeard of his soft voice, his eloquent tongue, and ready utterance because in those he was Pisistratus up and down. Moreover he was very rich and wealth, and of one of the noblest families of the city, and those were his friends also that carried the only sway and authority in the state: whereupon, fearing lest they would banish him with the banishment of Ostracismon, he would not meddle with government in any case, although otherwise he showed himself in wars very valiant and forward, and feared not to venture his person. But after that Aristides was dead, that Themistocles was driven away, and that Cimon being ever in service in the wars as general in foreign countries, was a long time out of GRECE: then he came to lean to the tribe of the poor people, preferring the multitude of the poor commonalty, above the small number of Nobility and rich men, Pericles first beginning to deal in the common wealth. the which was directly against his nature. For of himself he was not popular, nor meanly given: but he did it (as it should seem) to avoid suspicion, that he should pretend to make himself King. And because he saw Cimon was inclined also to take part with the Nobility, and that he was singularly beloved and liked of all the honester sort: he to the contrary inclined to the common people, purchasing by this means safety to himself, and authority against Cimon. So he presently began a new course of life, since he had taken upon him to deal in matters of state: for they never saw him afterwards at any time go into the city, but to the market place, or to the Senate house. To much familiarity breedeth contempt. He gave up going to all feasts where he was bidden, and left the entertainment of his friends, their company and familiarity. So that in all his time wherein he governed the common weal, which was a long time, he never went out to supper to any of his friends, unless it were that he was once at a feast at his nephew Euryptolemus marriage: and then he tarried there no longer, but while the ceremony was a doing, when they offer wine to the gods, and so he rose from the table. For these friendly meetings at such feasts, do much abase any counterfeit majesty or set countenance: and he shall have much a do to keep gravity and reputation, showing familiarity to every known friend in such open places. For in perfect virtue, those things truly are ever most excellent, which be most common: and in good and virtuous men there is nothing more admirable unto strangers, than their daily conversation is to their friends. Pericles now to prevent that the people should not be glutted with seeing him to oft, nor that they should come much to him: they did see him but at some times, and then he would not talk in every matter, neither came much abroad among them, but reserved himself (as Critolaus said they kept the SALAMINIAN galley at ATHENS) for matters of great importance. And in the mean season, in other matters of small moment, Ephialtes an orator. he dealt by means of certain orators his familiar friends, amongst whom Ephialtes (as they say) was one: he who took away the authority and power from the court of Areopagus, and did give to much liberty to the people, as Plato said. Upon which occasion, as the Comical poets say, he become so stout and head strong, that they could no more hold him back, than a young unbridled colt: and took such a courage upon him, that he would obey no more, but invaded the isle of EUBOEA, and set upon the other Islands. Pericles also because he would fashion a phrase of speech, with a kind of style altogether agreeable to the manner of life and gravity he had taken upon him: he gave himself to all matters which he had learned of Anaxagoras, shadowing his reasons of natural philosophy, with artificial rhetoric. For having obtained a deep understanding by studying of philosophy, and a ready way effectually to end any matter, he undertook to prove (besides that nature had endued him with an excellent wit and capacity, as the divine Plato doth writ, to bring any thing to serve his purpose) he did so artificially compass it with eloquence, that he far passed all the orators in his time. And for this cause was he (as they say) surnamed Olympius, Why Pericles was surnamed Olympius. as much to say, as heavenly or divine. But some are of opinion he had that surname, by reason of the common buildings and stately works he raised up in the city of ATHENS, that did much set forth the same. Other think it was given him for his great authority and power he had in government, aswell in wars, as in peace. But it is no marvel that this glory was given him, considering the many other qualities and virtues that were in him. Howbeit the comedies the poets caused to be played in those times (in which there were many words spoken of him, some in earnest, some in sport and jest) do witness that he had that surname given him, chief for his eloquence. For it is reported, that he thundered and lightened in his oration to the people, & that his tongue was a torrible lightning. And touching this matter, they tell of an answer Thucydides, Milesius son, should pleasantly make concerning the force of Pericles eloquence, Thucydides was a noble man, and had long time contented against Pericles in matters of the common weal. Thucydides, Pericles adversary. Archidamus, king of LACEDAEMON, asked Thucydides on a time: whether he or Pericles wrestled best. Thucydides made him answer. When I have given him an open fall before the face of the world, he can so excellently deny it, that he maketh the people believe he had no fall at all, and persuadeth them the contrary of that they saw. Notwithstanding he was ever very grave and wise in speaking. For ever when he went up into the pulpit for orations to speak to the people, he made his prayers unto the gods, that nothing might escape his mouth, but that he might consider before whether it would serve the purpose of his matter he treated on: yet are there none of his works extant in writing, unless it be some few laws he made, and but very few of his notable sayings are brought to light, save only these. He said on a time that they must take away the city of AEGINA, Pericles sayings. because it was a straw lying in the eye of the haven PIRAEA. And another time, he said that he saw the wars a far of, coming from PELOPONNESUS. Another time, as he took ship with Sophocles (his companion in commission with him as general of the army) who commended a fair young boy they met as they came to the haven: Sophocles, said he, a governor must not only have his hands, but also his eyes clean. And Stesimbrotus writeth, that in a funeral oration he made in the praise of those that were slain in the war of SAMOS: he said they were immortal as the gods. For we do not see the gods (said he) as they be, but for the honour that is done to them, and the great happiness they enjoy, we do conjecture they are immortal: and the same things are in those that die in service, and defence of their country. Now where Thucydides doth writ the government of the common weal under Pericles to be as a government of Nobility, and yet had appearance of a popular state: it is true that in effect it was a Kingdom, because one alone did rule and govern the whole state. And many other say also, Pericles common wealth. he was the first that brought in the custom to divide the enemy's lands won by conquest among the people, and of the common money to make the people see plays and pastimes, and that appointed them reward for all things. But this custom was ill brought up. For the common people that before were contented with little, and got their living painfully with sweat of their brows: become now to be very vain, sumptuous, and riotous, by reason of these things brought up then. The cause of the alteration doth easily appear by those things. For Pericles at his first coming, sought to win the favour of the people, as we have said before, only to get like reputation that Cimon had won. But coming far short of his wealth and ability, to carry out the port and charge that Cimon did, The good deeds of Cimon. entertaining the poor, keeping open house to all comers, clothing poor old people, breaking open besides all enclosures and pales through all his lands, that every one might with more liberty come in, and take the fruits thereof at their pleasure: and seeing himself by these great means out gone far in good will with the common people, by Demonides counsel and procurement (who was borne in the isle of JOS) he brought in this distribution of the common money, as Aristotle writeth. And having won in a short time the favour and good will of the common people, by distribution of the common treasure, which he caused to be divided among them, aswell to have place to see these plays, as for that they had reward to be present at the judgements, and by other such like corruptions: he with the people's help, did inveigh against the court of the Areopagites, Pericles large distribution diminished, the Areopagit authority. whereof he never was any member. For it never came to be his hap to be yearly governor, nor keeper of the laws, nor King of the sacrifices, nor master of the wars: all which were offices chosen in ancient time by lot. And further, those on whom the lot fell, if they had behaved themselves well in their office, they were called forwards, & raised to be of the body of this court of the Areopagites. Pericles now by these means having obtained great credit and authority amongst the common people, he troubled the Senate of the Areopagites in such sort, that he plucked many matters from their hearing, by Ephialtes help: and in time made Cimon to be banished ATHENS, Pericles causeth Cimon to be banished Athens. as one that favoured the LACEDÆMONIANS, and contraried the common wealth and authority of the people. Notwithstanding he was the noblest and richest person of all the city, and one that had won so many glorious victories, and had so replenished ATHENS with the conquered spoils of their enemies, as we have declared in his life: so great was the authority of Pericles amongst the people. Now the banishment wherewith he was punished (which they called Ostracismon) was limited by the law for ten years. The Ostracismon. In which space the LACEDÆMONIANS being come down with a great army into the country of TANAGRA, the ATHENIANS sent out their power presently against them. There Cimon willing to show the ATHENIANS by his deeds, that they had falsely accused him for favouring the LACEDÆMONIANS: did arm himself, and went on his country men's side, to fight in the company of his tribe. But Pericles friends gathered together, and forced Cimon to depart thence as a banished man. And this was the cause that Pericles fought that day more valiantly than ever he did, and he wan the honour and name to have done more in the person of himself that day, than any other of all the army. At that battle also, all Cimons' friends, whom Pericles had burdened likewise to favour the LACEDÆMONIANS doings, died every man of them that day. Then the ATHENIANS repented them much that they had driven Cimon away, and wished he were restored, after they had lost this battle upon the confines of the country of ATTICA: because they feared sharp wars would come upon them again at the next spring. Which thing when Pericles perceived, he sought also to further that the common people desired: wherefore he strait caused a decree to be made, that Cimon should be called home again, Pericles calleth Cimon from exile. which was done accordingly. Now when Cimon was returned, he adulsed that peace should be made between both cities: for the LACEDÆMONIANS did love Cimon very well, and contrarily they hated Pericles, and all other governors. Some notwithstanding do writ, that Pericles did never pass his consent to call him home again, before such time as they had made a secret agreement amongst themselves (by means of Elpinice Cimons' sister) that Cimon should be sent out with an army of two hundred galleys, to make wars in the king of Persia his dominions, & that Pericles should remain at home with the authority of government within the city. This Elpinice (Cimons' sister) had once before entreated Pericles for her brother, at such time as he was accused before the judge of treason. For Pericles was one of the committees, to whom this accusation was referred by the people. Elpinice went unto him, & besought him not to do his worst unto her brother. Pericles answered her merrily. Thou art to old Elpinice, thou art to old, to go through with these matters. Yet when his matter came to judgement, & that his cause was pleaded: he rose but once to speak against him (for his own discharge as it were) & went his way when he had said, doing less hurt to Cimon, Pericles moderation unto Cimon. than any other of his accusers. How is Idomeneus to be credited now, who accuseth Pericles that he had caused the orator Ephialtes to be slain by treason (that was his friend, and did always counsel him, and take his part in all kind of government of the common weal) only for the jealousy and envy he did bear to his glory? I can but muse why Idomeneus should speak so slanderously against Pericles, unless it were that his melancholy humour procured such violent speech: who though peradventure he was not altogether blameless, yet he was ever nobly-minded, and had a natural desire of honour, in which kind of men such furious cruel passions are seldom seen to breed. But this orator Ephialtes being cruel to those that took part with the Nobility, because he would spare nor pardon no man for any offence whatsoever committed against the people's authority, but did follow and persecute them with all rigour to the uttermost: his enemies laid wait for him by means of one Aristodicus TANAGRIAN, and they killed him by treason, as Aristotle writeth. The murder of Ephialtes. In the mean time Cimon died in the isle of CYPRUS, being general of the army of the ATHENIANS by sea. Wherefore those that took part with the Nobility, seeing Pericles was now grown very great, and that he went before all other citizens of ATHENS, thinking it good to have some one to stick on their side against him, and to lessen thereby somewhat his authority, Thucydides Pericles adversary in the common wealth. that he might not come to rule all as he would: they raised up against him, one Thucydides, of the town of ALODECIA, a grave wise man, and father in law to Cimon. This Thucydides had less skill of wars than Cimon, but understood more in civil government than he, for that he remained most part of his time within the city: where continually inveighing against Pericles in his pulpit for orations to the people, in short time he had stirred up a like company against the faction of Pericles. For he kept the gentlemen and richer sort (which they call Nobility) from mingling with the common people, as they were before, when through the multitude of the commnons their estate and dignity was abscured, and trodden underfoot. Moreover he did separate them from the people, and did assemble them all as it were into one body, who came to be of equal power with the other faction, and did put (as a man will say) a counterpoise into the balance. For at the beginning there was but a little secret grudge only between these two factions, as an artificial flower set in the blade of a sword, which made those show a little, that did lean unto the people: and the other also somewhat that favoured the Nobility. But the contention between these two persons, was as a deep cut, which divided the city wholly in two factions: of the which the one was called the Nobility, and the other the commonalty. Therefore Pericles giving yet more liberty unto the people, did all things that might be to please them, ordaining continual plays and games in the city, many feasts, banquets, and open pastimes to entertain the commons with such honest pleasures and devices: and besides all this, he sent yearly an army of three score galleys unto the wars, into the which he put a great number of poor citizens that took pay of the state for nine months of the year, and thereby they did learn together, and practise to be good sea men. Furthermore he sent into the country of CHERRONESUS, a thousand free men of the city to devil there, and to divide the lands amongst them: five hundred also into the isle of NAXOS: into the isle of ANDROS, two hundred & fifty: into THRACIA, a thousand to devil with the BISALTES: & other also into ITALY, when the city of SYBARIS was built again, which afterwards was surnamed the city of the THURIANS. All this he did to rid the city of a number of idle people, A politic care for idle persons. who through idleness began to be curious, and to desire change of things, as also to provide for the necessity of the poor towns men that had nothing. For, placing the natural citizens of ATHENS near unto their subjects and friends, they served as a garrison to keep them under, and did suppress them also from attempting any alteration or change. But that which delighteth most, and is the greatest ornament unto the city of ATHENS, which maketh strangers most to wonder, and which alone doth bring sufficient testimony, to confirm that which is reported of the ancient power, riches, and great wealth of GRECE, to be true and not false: are the stately and sumptuous buildings, which Pericles made to be built in the city of ATHENS. For it is the only act of all other Pericles did, Sumptuous buildings erected by Pericles. and which made his enemies most to spite him, and which they most accused him for, crying out upon him in all counsels & assemblies: that the people of ATHENS were openly defamed, for carrying away the ready money of all GRECE, which was left in the isle of DELOS to be safely kept there. And although they could with good honesty have excused this fact, saying that Pericles had taken it from them, for fear of the barbarous people, to the end to say it up in a more stronger place, where it should be in better safety: yet was this to overgreat an injury offered unto all the rest of GRECE, and to manifest a token of tyranny also, to behold before their eyes, how we do employ the money, which they were enforced to gather for the maintenance of the wars against the barbarous people, in gilding, building, and setting forth our city, like a glorious woman, all to be gawded with gold and precious stones, and how we do make images, and build up temples of wonderful & infinite charge. Pericles replied to the contrary, and declared unto the ATHENIANS that they were not bound to make any account of this money unto their friends and allies, considering that they fought for their safety, & that they kept the barbarous people far from GRECE, without troubling them to set out any one man, horse, or ship of theirs, the money only excepted, which is no more theirs that paid it, then theirs that received it, so they bestow it to that use they received it for. And their city being already very well furnished, and provided of all things necessary for the wars, it was good reason they should employ and bestow the surplus of the treasure in things: which in time to come (and being thoroughly finished) would make their fame eternal. Moreover he said that whilst they continued building, they should be presently rich, by reason of the diversity of works of all sorts, and other things which they should have need of: and to compass these things the better, and to set them in hand, all manner of artificers and work men (that would labour) should be set a work. So should all the towns men, and inhabitants of the city, receive pay and wages of the common treasure: and the city by this means should be greatly beawtified, and much more able to maintain itself. For such as were strong, and able men of body, and of years to carry weapon, had pay and entertainment of the common wealth, which were sent abroad unto the wars: and other that were not meet for wars, as crafts men, and labourers: he would also they should have part of the common treasure, but not without they earned it, and by doing somewhat. And this was his reason, and the cause that made him occupy the common people with great buildings, and devices of works of divers occupations, which could not be finished of long time: to the end that the citizens remaining at home, might have a mean and way to take part of the common treasure, and enrich themselves, aswell as those that went to the wars, and served on the sea, or else that lay in garrison to keep any place or fort. For some gained by bringing stuff: as stones, brass, ivory, gold, ebbany, & cypress. Other got, to work and fashion it: as carpenters, gravers, founders, casters of images, divers artificers at Athens. masons, hewers of stone, dyers, goldsmiths, joiners working in ivory, painters, men that set in sundry colours of pieces of stone or wood, and turners. Other gained to bring stuff, & to furnish them: as merchants, mariners, and shippemasters, for things they brought them by sea. And by land other got also: as cart makers, carriers, carters, cord makers, saddlers, collermakers, & pioneers to make ways plain, & miners, & such like. Furthermore, every science and craft, as a captain having soldiers, had also their army of the work men that served them, labouring truly for their living, who served as prentices & journey men under the workemasters: so the work by this means did disperse abroad a common gain to all sorts of people and ages, what occupation or trade soever they had. And thus came the buildings to rise in greatness & sumptuousness, being of excellent workmanship, & for grace & beauty not comparable: because every workman in his science did strive what he could to excel others, to make his work appear greatest in sight, and to be most workmanly done in show. But the greatest thing to be wondered at, was their speed and diligence. For where every man thought those works were not likely to be finished in many men's lives and ages, & from man to man: they were all done and finished, whilst one only governor continued still in credit and authority. And yet they say, that in the same time, as one Agatarchus boasted himself, that he had quickly painted certain beasts: Zeuxis another painter hearing him, answered. And I contrarily do rejoice, that I am a long time in drawing of them. For commonly slight and sudden drawing of any thing, cannot take deep colours, nor give perfect beauty to the work: but length of time, adding to the painter's diligence and labour in making of the work, maketh the colours to continued for ever. For this cause therefore the works Pericles made, are more wonderful: because they were perfectly made in so short a time, and have continued so long a season. For every one of those which were finished up at that time, seemed then to be very ancient touching the beauty thereof: and yet for the grace & continuance of the same, it looketh at this day as if it were but newly done and finished, there is such a certain kind of flourishing freshness in it, which letteth that the injury of time cannot impair the sight thereof: As if every one of those foresaid works, had some living spirit in it, to make it seem young and fresh: and a soul that lived ever, which kept them in their good continuing state. Now the chief surveyor general of all these works, was Phidias, albeit that there were many other excellent work masters in every science & occupation. For the temple of Pallas, which is called Parthénon (as a man would say, the temple of the virgin, and is surnamed Hecatompedon, for that it is a hundred foot every way) was built by Ictinus, and Callicrates: and the chapel of Eleusin (where the secret ceremonies of the mysteries were made) was first founded by Corabus, who raised up the first pillars in order, standing beneath on the ground, and did set them up unto the master chaptrells. But after he was dead, Metagenes, borne in the town of XYPETA, turned the arches over, and then did set the pillars in order also which are above: and Xenocles of the town of CHOLARGEA, was he that made the lantern or top of the steeple which covereth the sanctuary: but the long wall which Socrates heard Pericles himself give order for the building of it, was done by Calli●rates, who undertook the work. Cratinus the Poet, in a comedy he made, laugheth at this work, to see how slowly it went forward, and how long it was a doing, saying: Pericles long a go, did end this work begun: and build it high, with glorious words, if so it had been done. But as for deeds (in deed) he built nothing at all, but let it stand: as yet it stands, much liker for to fall. And as for the Theatre or place appointed for music, where they hear all musicians play, and is called Odeon: The Odeon. it is very well made within with divers seats & degrees, and many ranges of pillars, but the top of the roof is altogether round, which is somewhat hanging downward round about of itself, coming together into one point. And it is said that this was made after the pattern and fashion of king Xerxes royal pavilion, and that Pericles was the first deviser and maker of it. Wherefore Cratinus in another place of his comedy he maketh of the THRACIANS, doth play very prettily upon him, saying: Pericles here doth come, Dan jupiter surnamed, (and onions head) which hath in his great noddell finely framed, The plot of Odeon, when he delivered was from banishment, and dangers deep, wherein he long did pass. Pericles was the first that made marvelous earnest labour to the people that they would make an order, that on the day of the feast called Panathena●, they would set up games for music. Pericles erected games for music. And he himself being chosen ruler of these games, as judge to reward the best deserver: ordained the manner the musicians should ever after keep in their singing, playing on their flutes, or upon the cithern, or other instruments of music. So the first games that ever were for music, were kept within the Odeon: and so were the other after them also, even celebrated there. The gate and entering into the castle was made and finished within the space of five years, under the charge of Mnesicles, that was master of the works. And whilst these gates were a building, there happened a wonderful chance, which declared very well that the goddess Minerva did not mislike the building, but that it pleased her marvelously. For one of the most painefullest workmen that wrought there, fell by mischance from the height of the castle to the ground, which fall did so sore bruise him, and he was so sick with all, that the physicians and surgeons had no hope of his life. Pericles being very sorry for his mischance, the goddess appeared to him in his sleep in the night, and taught him a medicine, with the which he did easily heal the poor bruised man, & that in short time. And this was the occasion why he caused the image of the goddess Minerva (otherwise called of health) to be cast in brass, and set up within the temple of the castle, near unto the altar which was there before, as they say. But the golden image of Minerva was made by Phidias, and graven round about the base: Who had the charge in manner of all other works, and by reason of the good will Pericles bore him, he commanded all the other workmen. And this made the one to be greatly envied, and the other to be very ill spoken of. For their enemies gave it out abroad, that Phidias received the gentlewomen of the city into his house, under colour to go see his works, and did convey them to Pericles. Upon this brute, the Comical poets taking occasion, did cast out many slanderous speeches against Pericles, The Poets raise up slanders against Pericles. accusing him that he kept one Menippus wife, who was his friend and lieutenant in the wars: and burdened him further, that Pyrilampes, one of his familiar friends also, brought up fowl, and specially peacocks, which he secretly sent unto the women that Pericles kept. But we must not wonder at these satires, that make profession to speak slanderously against all the world, as it were to sacrifice the injuries and wrongs they cast upon honourable and good men, to the spite and envy of the people, as unto wicked spirits: considering that Stes●●brotus THASIAN dared falsely accuse Pericles of detestable incest, and of abusing his own sons wife. And this is the reason, in my opinion, why it is so hard a matter to come to the perfect knowledge of the troth of ancient things, by the monuments of historiographers: considering long process of time, doth utterly obscure the troth of matters, done in former times. For every written history speaking of men that are alive, and of the time of things, whereof it maketh mention: sometime for hate and envy, sometime for favour or flattery, doth disguise and corrupt the troth. But Pericles perceiving that the orators of Thucydides faction, in their common orations did still cry out upon him, that he did vainly waste and consume the common treasure, and that he bestowed upon the works, all the whole revenue of the city: one day when the people were assembled together, before them all he asked them, if they thought that the cost bestowed were to much. The people answered him: a great deal to much. Well, said he then, The noble saying of Pericles. the charges shallbe mine (if you think good) and none of yours: provided that no man's name be written upon the works, but mine only. When Pericles had said so, the people cried out aloud, they would none of that (either because that they wondered at the greatness of his mind, or else for that they would not give him the only honour and praise to have done so sumptuous and stately works) but willed him that he should see them ended at the common charges, without sparing for any costs. But in the end, falling out openly with Thucydides, & putting it to an adventure which of them should banish other, with the banishment of Osntracismon: Pericles got the upper hand, and banished Thucydides out of the city, Thucydides banished by Pericles. & therewithal also overthrew the contrary faction against him. Now when he had rooted out all factions, and brought the city again to unity & concord, he found then the whole power of ATHENS in his hands, Pericles power. and all the ATHENIANS matters at his disposing. And having all the treasure, armo ur, galleys, the Isles, and the sea, and a marvelous signiory and Kingdom (that did enlarge itself partly over the GRECIANS, and partly over the barbarous people) so well fortified and strengthened with the obedience of nations subject unto them, with the friendship of Kings, & with the alliance of divers other Princes & mighty Lords: then from that time forward he began to change his manners, and from that he was wont to be toward the people, and not so easily to grant to all the people's wills and desires, no more then as it were to contrary winds. Furthermore he altered his over gentle and popular manner of government which he used until that time, Pericles somewhat altereth the common weal. as to delicate & to effeminate an harmony of music, and did convert it unto an imperious government, or rather to a kingly authority: but yet held still a direct course, and kept himself ever upright without fault, as one that did, said, and counseled that, which was most expedient for the common weal. He many times brought on the people by persuasions and reasons, to be willing to grant that he preferred unto them: but many times also, he drove them to it by force, & made them against their wills do that, which was best for them. Following therein the devise of a wise physician: who in a long and changeable disease, doth grant his patient sometime to take his pleasure of a thing he liketh, but yet after a moderate sort: and another time also he doth give him a sharp or bitter medicine that doth vex him, though it heal him. For as it falleth out commonly unto people that enjoy so great an empire: many times misfortunes do chance, that fill them full of sundry passions, the which Pericles alone could finely steer and govern with two principal rudders, fear, and hope: bridling with the one, the fierce & insolent rashness of the common people in prosperity, and with the other comforting their grief and discouragement in adversity. Wherein he manifestly proved, that rhetoric and eloquence (as Plato sayeth) is an art which quickeneth men's spirits at her pleasure, The force of eloquence. and her chiefest skill is, to know how to move passions and affections thoroughly, which are as stops and sounds of the soul, that would be played upon with a fine fingered hand of a cunning master. All which, not the force of his eloquence only brought to pass, as Thucydides witnesseth: but the reputation of his life, and the opinion and confidence they had of his great worthiness, Pericles commended for his good life & worthiness. because he would not any way be corrupted with gifts, neither had he any covetousness in him. For, when he had brought his city not only to be great, but exceeding great and wealth, and had in power and authority exceeded many Kings and tyrants, yea even those which by their wills and testaments might have left great possessions to their children: he never for all that increased his father's goods and patrimony left him, the value of a groat in silver. And yet the historiographer Thucydides doth set forth plainly enough, the greatness of his power. And the Comical poets also of that time do report it maliciously under covert words, calling his familiar friends, the new Pisistratides: saying, how they must make him swear and protest he would never be King, giving us thereby to understand, that his authority was to exceeding great for a popular government. And Teleclides (amongst other) sayeth that the ATHENIANS had put into his hands the revenue of the towns & cities under their obedience, and the towns themselves, to bind the one, and to loose the other, & to pull down their walls, or to build them again at his pleasure. They gave him power, to make peace and alliance: they gave all their force, treasure, & authority, and all their goods, wholly into his hands. But this was not for a little while, nor in a gear of favour, that should continued for a time: but this held out forty years together, he being always the chief of his city amongst the Ephialtes, the Leocrates, the Mironides, the Cimons, the Tolmides, & the Thocydides. For after he had prevailed against Thucydides, & had banished him: he yet remained chief above all other, the space of fifteen years. Thus having attained a regal dignity to command all, which continued as aforesaid, where no other captains authority endured but one year: He ever kept himself upright from bribes and money, Pericles free from gifts taking. though otherwise he was no ill husband, and could warily look to his own. As for his lands and goods left him by his parents, that they miscarried not by negligence, nor that they should trouble him much, in busying himself to reduce them to a value: he did so husband them, Pericles good husbandry. as he thought was his best and easiest way. For he sold in gross ever the whole years profit and commodity of his lands, and afterwards sent to the market daily to buy the cates, and other ordinary provision of household. This did not like his sons that were men grown, neither were his women contented with it, who would have had him more liberal in his house, for they complained of his overhard and strait ordinary, because in so noble and great a house as his, there was never any great remain left of meat, but all things received into the house, ran under account, & were delivered out by proportion. All this good husbandry of his, was kept upright in this good order, by one Euangelus, Steward of his house, a man very honest and skilful in ordering his household provision: and whether Pericles had brought him up to it, or that he had it by nature, it was not known. But these things were far contrary to Anaxagoras wisdom. Anaxagoras a mathematician. For he despising the world, and casting his affection on heavenly things: did willingly forsake his house, and suffered all his land to run to lays and to pasture. But (in my opinion) great is the diversity between a contemplative life, and a civil life. Great diversity betwixt contemplative and civil life. For the one employeth all his time upon the speculation of good and honest things: and to attain to that, he thinketh he hath no need of any exterior help or instrument. The other applying all his time upon virtue, to the common profit & benefit of men: he thinketh that he needeth riches, as an instrument not only necessary, but also honest. As, look upon the example of Pericles: who did relieve many poor people. And Anaxagoras specially among other: of whom it is reported, that Pericles being occupied about matters of state at that time, having no leisure to think upon Anaxagoras, he seeing himself old & forsaken of the world, laid him down, and covered his head close, determining to starve himself to death with hunger. Anaxagoras determined to furnish himself to death. Pericles understanding this, ran presently to him as a man half cast away, and prayed him as earnestly as he could, that he would dispose himself to live, being not only sorry for him, but for himself also, that he should loose so faithful and wise a counsellor, in matters of state and government. Then Anaxagoras showed his face, and told him: O Pericles, Anaxagoras saying to Pericles. those that will see by the light of a lamp, must put oil to it, to make the light burne. Now began the LACEDÆMONIANS to grow jealous, of the greatness of the ATHENIANS, wherefore Pericles to make the ATHENIANS hearts greater, and to draw their minds to great enterprises: set down an order they should sand ambassadors, to persuade all the GRECIANS (in what part soever they dwelled in EUROPE, or ASIA, aswell the little as the great cities) to sand their deputies unto ATHENS, to the general assembly that should be holden there, Pericles appointeth a general council to be holden as Athens. to take order for the temples of the gods which the barbarous people had burnt, and touching the sacrifices they had vowed for the preservation of GRECE, when they gave battle upon them: and touching sea matters also, that every man might sail in safety where he would, & that all might live together in good peace & love, one with another. To perform this commission, twenty persons were sent of this embasiate, every one of them being fifty years of age and upward. Whereof five of them went to the DORIANS, dwelling in ASIA, and to the inhabitants of the Isles, even unto the Isles of LESBOS, & of the RHODES. Five other went through all the country of HELLESPONT, and of THRACIA, unto the city of BIZANTIUM. Other five were commanded to go into BOEOTIA, into PHOCIDES, and through all PELOPONNESUS, & from thence by the country of the LOCRIANS, into the upland country adjoining to it, until they came into the country of ACARNANIA, & of AMBRACIA. And the other five went first into the isle of EUBOEA; and from thence unto the OETAEIANS, and through all the gulf of MALEA, unto the PHTIOTES, unto the ACHAIANS, and the THESSALIANS: declaring to all the people where they came, the ATHENIANS commission, persuading them to sand unto ATHENS, and to be present at the council which should be holden there, for the pacification & union of all GRECE. But when all came to all, nothing was done, & the said cities of GRECE did not assemble, by practice of the LACEDÆMONIANS (as it is reported) who were altogether the let: for the first refusal that was made of their summons, was at PELOPONNESUS. This have I written to make Pericles noble courage to be known, and how profound a wise man he showed himself unto the world. Furthermore, when he was chosen general in the wars, he was much esteemed; because he ever took great regard to the safety of his soldiers. Pericles loved the safry of his men in wars. For by his good will he would never hazard battle, which he saw might fall out doubtful, or in any thing dangerous: and moreover, he never praised them for good generals, neither would he follow them that had obtained great victories by hazard, howsoever other did esteem or commend them. For he was wont to say, that if none but himself did lead them to the shambles, as much as say in him, they should be immortal. And when he saw Tolmides, the son of Tolmaeus (trusting to his former victories, and the praise & commendation of his good service) did prepare upon no occasion, and to no purpose, to enter into the country of BOEOTIA, & had procured also a thousand of the lustiest & most valiant men of the city, to be contented to go with him in that journey, over and above the rest of the army he had levied: he went about to turn him from his purpose, and to keep him at home, by many persuasions he used to him before the people's face, and spoke certain words at that time, that were remembered long after, and these they were. That if he would not believe Pericles counsel, yet that he would tarry time at the lest, which is the wisest counsellor of men. Time, the best counsellor. These words were prettily liked at that present time. But with in few days after, when news was brought that Tolmides self was slain in a battle he had lost, Tolmides slain in the field. near unto the city of CORONEA, wherein perished also, many other honest & valiant men of ATHENS: his words spoken before, did then greatly increase Pericles reputation & good will with the common people, because he was taken for a wise man, and one that loved his citizens. Pericles journeys. But of all his journeys he made, being general over the army of the ATHENIANS: the journey of CHERRONESUS was best thought of and esteemed, because it fell out to the great benefit and preservation of all the GRECIANS inhabiting in that country. For besides that he brought thither a thousand citizens of ATHENS to devil there (in which doing he strengthened the cities with so many good men) he did fortify the bar also, which did let it from being of an isle, with a fortification he drew from one sea to another: so that he defended the country against all the invasions and piracies of the THRACIANS inhabiting thereabouts, & delivered it of extreme war, with the which it was plagued before, by the barbarous people their neighbours, or dwelling amongst them, who only lived upon piracy, and robbing on the seas. So was he likewise much honoured & esteemed of strangers, when he did enuironne all PELOPONNESUS, departing out of the haven of PEGES, on the coast of MEGAERA, with a fleet of a hundred galleys. For he did not only spoil the towns all alongst the sea side, as Tolmides had done before him: but going up further into the main land, far from the sea, with his soldiers he had in the galleys, he drove some of them to retire within their walls, he made them so afraid of him: and in the country of NEMEA, he overcame the SICYONIANS in battle, that tarried him in the field, and did erect a pillar for a notable mark of his victory. And embarking in his ships a new supply of soldiers which he took up in ACHAIA, being friends with the ATHENIANS at that time: he passed over to the firm land that lay directly against it. And pointing beyond the mouth of the river of Achelous, Achelous' ●●. he invaded the country of ACARNANIA, where he shut up the OENEADES within their walls. And after he had laid waste and destroyed all the champion country, he returned home again to ATHENS having showed himself in this journey, a dreadful captain to his enemies, and very careful for the safety of his soldiers. For there fell out no manner of misfortune all this journey (by chance or otherwise) unto the soldiers under his charge. And afterwards, going with a great navy marvelous well appointed unto the realm of PONTUS, he did there gentily use and entreat the cities of GRECE, and granted them all that they required of him: making the barbarous people inhabiting thereabouts, and the Kings and Princes of the same also, to know the great force & power of the ATHENIANS, who sailed without fear all about where they thought good, keeping all the coasts of the sea under their obedience. Furthermore, he left with the SINOPIANS thirteen galleys, with certain number of soldiers under captain Lamachus, to defend them against the tyrant Timesileus: who being expulsed, and driven away, with those of his faction, Pericles caused proclamation to be made at ATHENS, that six hundred free men of the city, that had any desire to go, without compulsion, might go devil at SINOPA, where they should have divided among them, the goods & lands of the tyrant & his followers. But he did not follow the foolish vain humours of his citizens, nor would not yield to their unsatiable covetousness, Pericles would not follow the covetousness of the people. who being set on a jollity to see themselves so strong, and of such a power, and beside, to have good luck, would needs once again attempt to conquer EGYPT, and to revolt all the countries upon the sea coasts, from the empire of the king of PERSIA: for there were many of them whose minds were marvelously bend to attempt the unfortunate enterprise of entering SICILIA, The enterprise of Siciliae. which Alcibiades afterwards did much prick forward. And some of them dreamt beside, of the conquest of Tuscan, & the empire of CARTHAGE. But this was not altogether without some likelihood, nor without occasion of hope, considering the large bounds of their Kingdom, & the fortunate estate of their affairs, which fell out according to their own desire. But Pericles did hinder this going out, and cut of altogether their curious desire, employing the most part of their power and force, to keep that they had already gotten: judging it no small matter to keep down the LACEDÆMONIANS from growing greater. For he was always an enemy to the LACEDÆMONIANS, Pericles an enemy to the Lacedæmonians. as he showed himself in many things, but specially in the war he made, called the holy war. For the LACEDÆMONIANS having put the PHOCIANS from the charge of the temple of Apollo, in the city of DELPHES, which they had usurped, & having restored the DELPHIANS again unto the same: so soon as they were gone thence, Pericles went also with another army, & restored the PHOCIANS in again. And where as the LACEDÆMONIANS had caused to be graven in the forehead of a wolf of brass, the privilege the DELPHIANS had granted them, to be the first that should make their demands of the oracle: he having attained the like privilege of the PHOCIANS, made his image also to be graven on the right side of the same image, of the brazen wolf. Now how wisely Pericles did govern GRECE by the power of the ATHENIANS, his deeds do plainly show. For first of all, the country of EUBOEA did rebel, against whom he brought the army of the ATHENIANS. And suddenly in the neck of that, came news from another coast, that the MEGARIANS also were in arms against them: and how that they were already entered into the country of ATTICA with a great army, led by Plistonax, king of LACEDAEMON. Plistonax king of Lacedaemon. This occasion drew him homeward again, and so he marched back with speed into his country, to make preparation to encounter his enemies, that were already entered into the territories of ATTICA. He durst not offer them battle, being so great a number of valiant soldiers: but hearing that king Plistonax was yet but a young man, and was ruled altogether by Cleandrides counsel and direction (whom the ephors had placed about him to counsel & direct him) he sought privily to corrupt Cleandrides. Cleandrides corrupted by Pericles. When he had won him son with his money, he persuaded him to draw back the PELOPONNESIANS out of their country of ATTICA: and so he did. But when the LACEDÆMONIANS saw their army cassed, & that the people were gone their way, every man to his own city or town: they were so mad at it, that the King was condemned in a great some. The King being unable to answer his fine, which was so extreme great: he was driven to absent himself from LACEDAEMON. Cleandrides on the other side, if he had not fled in time, even for spite had been condemned to death. This Cleandrides was Gylippus father, that afterwards overcame the ATHENIANS in SICILIA, Gylippus overcame the Athenians at Syracuse in Sicily. in whom it seemed nature bred covetousness, as a disease inheritable by succession from father to the son. For he being shamefully convicted also, for certain vile parts he had played, was likewise banished from SPARTA: as we have more amply declared in the life of Lysander. Gylippus rob part of the treasure Lysander sent him withal to Sparta. And Pericles delivering up the account of his charge, and setting down an article of the expense of run talents he had employed, or should employ in needful causes: the people allowed them him, never ask question how, nor which way, nor whether it was true that they were bestowed. Now there are certain writers (among whom the philosopher Theophrastus is one) who writ that Pericles sent yearly unto SPARTA ten talents, with the which he entertained those that were in authority there, because they should make no wars with them: Pericles wise policy in foreign entertainment. not to buy peace of them, but time, that he might in the mean season, with better commodity, and that leisure, provide to maintain the wars. After that, as the army of the PELOPONNESIANS were out of the country of ATTICA, he returned again against the rebels, & passed into the isle of EUBOEA with fifty sail, Pericles asta in Euboea. etc. five thousand footmen well armed: & there he overcame all the cities that had taken arms against him, and drove away the Hyppobates, who were the most famous men of all the CHALCIDIANS, aswell for their riches, as for their valiantness. He drove away also all the HESTIAEIANS, whom he chased clean out of all the country, and placed in their city, only the citizens of ATHENS. And the cause why he dealt so rigorously with them was, because they having taken a galley of the ATHENIANS prisoner, had put all the men to death that were in her. And peace being concluded afterwards between the ATHENIANS and LACEDÆMONIANS for thirty years: he proclaimed open wars against those of the isle of SAMOS, Pericles maketh war with the Samians. burdening them, that they being commanded by the ATHENIANS, to pacify the quarrels which they had against the MILLESIANS, they would not obey. But because some hold opinion, that he took upon him this war against SAMOS, for the love of Aspasia: it shall be no great digression of our story, to tell you by the way, what manner of woman she was, Aspasia a passing wise woman. & what a marvelous gift and power she had, that she could entangle with her love the chiefest rulers and governors at that time of the common weal, and that the philosophers themselves did so largely speak & writ of her. First of all, it is certain that she was borne in the city of MILETUM, The description of Aspasia. and was the daughter of one Axiochus: she following the steps and example of an old courtesan of JONIA, called Thargelia, gave herself only to entertain the greatest persons & chiefest rulers in her time. For this Thargelia being passing fair, Thargelia. and carrying a comely grace with her, having a sharp wit and pleasant tongue: she had the acquaintance and friendship of the greatest persons of all GRECE, and wan all those that did haunt her company to be at the king of persia's commandment. So that she sowed through all the cities of GRECE, great beginnings of the faction of the MEDES: for they were the greatest men of power & authority of every city that were acquainted with her. But as for Aspasia, some say that Pericles resorted unto her, because she was a wise woman, and had great understanding in matters of state and government. For Socrates himself went to see her sometimes with his friends: and those that used her company also, brought their wives many times with them to hear her talk: though her train about her were to entertain such as would warm them by their fire. AEschines writeth, that Lysicles a grazier, being before but a mean man, and of a clubbish nature, came to be the chief man of ATHENS, by frequenting the company of Aspasia, after the death of Pericles. And in Plato's book entitled Menexenus, although the beginning of it be but pleasantly written, yet in that, this story is written truly: that this Aspasia was repaired unto by divers of the ATHENIANS, to learn the art of rhetoric of her. Yet notwithstanding it seemeth most likely that the affection. Pericles did bear her, grew rather of love, then of any other cause. For he was married unto a kinswoman of his own, and that before was Hipponicus wife, by whom she had Callias, surnamed the rich: Callias the rich. & had afterwards by Pericles, Xantippus and Paralus. But not liking her company, he gave her with her own good will and consent unto another, and married Aspasia whom he dearly loved. Pericles married Aspasia the famous ●●●tisan. For ever when he went abroad, & came home again, he saluted her with a kiss. Whereupon in the ancient comedies, she is called in many places, the new Omphale, and sometimes Deianira, and sometimes juno. But Cratinus plainly calleth her whore in these verses: His juno she him brought, Aspasia by name, which was in deed an open whore, and past all 〈…〉 of shame. And it seemeth that he had a bastard: for Eupotu in a comedy of his called Demos●, bringeth him in, ask Pyronides thus: I pray thee: is my bastard son yet alive? And then Pyramids answered him: A perfect man long sense, he surely had been found, if that this lewd, and a naughty whore his virtue had not drown●e. To conclude, this Aspasia was so famous, that Cyrus (he that sought against king Artaxerxes his brother, for the empire of PERSIA) called Aspasia his best beloved of all his concubines, which before was called Milto, and was borne in PROCIDES, being Hermotineus daughter. And Cyrus being slain in the field, Aspasia was carried to the King his brother, with whom afterwards she was in great favour. As I was writing this life, this story came in my mind and me thought I should have dealt hardly, if I should have left it unwritten. But to our matter again. Pericles was charged that he made wars against the SAMIANS, on the behalf of the MILESIANS, at the request of Aspasia: for these two cities were at wars together, for the city of P●I●NA, but the SAMIANS were the stronger. Now the ATHENIANS commanded them to say a side their arms, and to come and plead their matter before them, that the right might be decided: but they refused it utterly. Wherefore Pericles went thither & took away the government of the small number of Nobility, taking for hostages, fifty of the chiefest men of the city, and so many children beside, which he left to be kept in the isle of LEMNOS. Some say every one of these hostages offered to give him a talon: and besides those, many other offered him the like, such as would not have the sovereign authority put into the hands of the people. Moreover Pissuthnes the PERSIAN, Pissuthnes the Persian. lieutenant to the king of PERSIA, for the good will he bore those of SAMOS, did sand Pericles ten thousand crowns to release the hostages. But Pericles never took penny: and having done that he determined at SAMOS, A good proof that Pericles was not covetous. and established a popular government, he returned again to ATHENS. Notwithstanding, the SAMIANS rebelled immediately after, having recovered their hostages again by means of this Pissuthnes that stolen them away, and did furnish them also with all their munition of war. Whereupon Pericles returning against them once more, he found them not idle, nor amazed at his coming, but resolutely determined to receive him, and to fight for the signiory by sea. So there was a great battle fought between them, near the isle of TRACIA. And Pericles wan the battle: having with four and forty sail only nobly overcome his enemies, Pericles victory again of the Samians. which were three score & ten in number, whereof twenty of them were ships of war. And so following his victory forthwith, he wan also the port of SAMOS, and kept the SAMIANS besieged within their own city: where they were yet so bold, as they would make falies out many times, and fight before the walls of the city. But when there arrived a new supply of ships bringing a greater aid unto Pericles: then were they shut up of all sides. Pericles then taking three score galleys with him, launched out into the sea, with intent (as some say) to go meet certain ships of the PHOENICIANS (that came to aid the SAMIANS) as far from SAMOS as he could: or as Stesimbrotus sayeth, to go into CYPRUS, which me thinketh is not true. But whatsoever was his intent, he committed a foul fault. For Melissus (the son of Ithagenes, a great philosopher) being at that time general of the SAMIANS: Melissus a philosopher, general of the Samians. perceiving that sew ships were left behind at the siege of the city, and that the captains also that had the charge of them were no very expert men of war, persuaded his citizens to make a salye upon them. Whereupon they fought a battle, and the SAMIANS overcame: the ATHENIANS were taken prisoners, and they sunk many of their ships. Now they being lords again of the sea, did furnish their city with all manner of munition for wars, whereof before they had great want. Yet Aristotle writeth that Pericles self was once overcome in a battle by sea by Melissus. Furthermore the SAMIANS, to be even with the ATHENIANS for the injury they had received of them before: did brand them in the forehead with the stamp of an owl, the owl being then the stamp of their coin at ATHENS, The owl, the stamp of the coin at Athens. even as the ATHENIANS had branded the SAMIAN prisoners before with the stamp of Samaena. This Samaena is a kind of a ship amongst the SAMIANS, Samana a kind of a ship. low afore, and well laid out in the mid ship, so that it is excellent good to rise with the waves of the sea, and is very swift under sail: and it was so called, because the first ship that was made of this fashion, was made in the isle of SAMOS, by the tyrant Polycrates. It is said that the poet Aristophanes, covertly conveying the stamp of the SAMIANS, speaking merylie in a place of his comedies sayeth: The Samians are great learned men. The witty saying of Aristophanes of the Samians. Pericles being advertised of the overthrow of his army, returned presently to the rescue. Melissus went to meet him, and gave him battle: but he was overthrown, and driven back into his city, where Pericles walled them in round about the city, desiring victory rather by time and charge, then by danger, and loss of his soldiers. But when he saw that they were weary with tract of time, and that they would bring it to hazard of battle, and that he could by no means withhold them: he than divided his army into eight companies, whom he made to draw lots, and that company that lighted on the white bean, they should be quiet & make good cheer, while the other seven fought. And they say that from thence it came, that when any have made good cheer, & taken pleasure abroad, they do yet call it a white day, because of the white bean. Ephorus the historiographer writeth, that it was there, where first of all they began to use engines of war to pluck down great walls; and that Pericles used first this wonderful invention: & that Artemon an engineer was the first deviser of them. He was carried up and down in a chair, to set forward these works, because he had a lam● leg: and for this cause he was called Periphoretos. But Heraclides Ponticus confuteth Ephorus therein, by the verses of Anacreon, in the which Artemon is called Periphoretos, Artemon Periphoretos a timorous ●●●●. many years before this war of SAMOS began: & sayeth that this Periphoretos was a marvelous tender man, and so foolishly afeard of his own shadow, that the most part of his time he stirred not out of his house, & did sit always having two of his men by him, that held a copper target over his head, for fear lest any thing should fall upon him. And if upon any occasion he were driven, to go abroad out of his house: he would be carried in a little bed hanging near the ground, & for this cause he was surnamed Periphoretos. At the last, at nine months end the SAMIANS were compelled to yield. The Samians do yield to Pericles. So Pericles took the city, & razed their walls to the ground: he brought their ships away, and made them pay a marvelous great tribute, whereof part he received in hand, & the rest payable at a certain time, taking hostages with him for assurance of payment. But Duris the SAMIAN dilateth these matters marvelous pittiefully, burdening the ATHENIANS, and Pericles self with unnatural cruelty: whereof neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor Aristotle himself maketh mention. And sure I cannot believe it is true that is written. That he brought the captains of the galleys, & the soldiers themselves of SAMIA, into the market place of the city of MILETUM: where he made them to be bound fast unto boards for the space of ten days, & at the end of the same, the poor men half dead, were beaten down with clubs, and their heads pashed in pieces: and afterwards they threw out their bodies to the crows, & would not bury them. So Duris being accustomed to overreach, & to lie many times in things nothing touching him: seemeth in this place out of all reason to aggravate the calamities of his country, only to accuse the ATHENIANS, and to make them odious to the world. Pericles having won the city of SAMOS, he returned again to ATHENS, where he did honourably bury the bones of his slain citizens in this war: and himself (according to their manner & custom) made the funeral orations for the which he was marvelously esteemed. In such sort, that after he came down from the pulpit where he made his oration: the ladies & gentlewomen of the city came to salute him, & brought him garlands to put upon his head, as they do to noble conquerors when they return from games, where they have won the price. But Elpinieé coming to him, said. Elpinie●●. Surely Pericles, thy good service done, deserveth garlands of triumph: for thou hast lost us many a good and valiant citizen, not fight with the MEDES, the PHOENICIANS, and with the barbarous people as my brother Cimon did, but for destroying a city of our own nation and ●yn●ed Pericles to these words, softly answered Elpinice, with Archilocus verse, smile: Pericles ●aunte to an old woman. When thou art old, paint not thyself. But jon writeth, that he greatly gloried, and stood much in his own conceit, after he had subdued the SAMIANS, saying: Agamemnon was ten years taking of a city of the barbarous people: and he in nine months only had won the strongest city of the whole nation of JONIA. In deed he had good cause to glory in his victory: for truly (if Thucydides report be true) his conquest was no less doubtful, than he found it dangerous. For the SAMIANS had almost been lords of the sea, and taken the signiory thereof from the ATHENIANS. After this, the wars of PELOPONNESUS being hot again, the CORINTHIANS invading thislanders of CORPHV: Pericles did persuade the ATHENIANS to sand aid unto the CORPHIANS, and to join in league with that Island, which was of great power by sea, saying: that the PELOPONNESIANS (before it were long) would have war with them. The ATHENIANS consented to his motion, to aid those of CORPHV. Whereupon they sent thither Lacedaemonius (Cimons' son) with ten galleys only for a mockery: for all Cimons' family and friends, were wholly at the LACEDÆMONIANS devotion. Therefore did Pericles cause Lacedaemonius to have so few ships delivered him, and further, sent him thither against his will, to the end that if he did no notable exploit in this service, that they might then the more justly suspect his goodwill to the LACEDÆMONIANS. Moreover whilst he lived, he did ever what he could, to keep Cimons' children back from rising: because that by their names they were no natural borne ATHENIANS, but strangers. For the one was called Lacedaemonius, the other Thessalus, and the third Elius: and the mother to all them three, was an ARCADIAN woman borne. Cimons' sons. But Pericles being blamed for that he sent but run galleys only, which was but a slender aid for those that had requested them, and a great matter to them that spoke ill of him: he sent thither afterwards a great number of other galleys, which came when the battle was fought. But the CORINTHIANS were marvelous angry, and went & complained to the counsel of the LACEDÆMONIANS, where they laid open many grievous complaints and accusations against the ATHENIANS, and so did the MEGARIANS also: The Athenians accused as Lacedaemon. alleging that the ATHENIANS had forbidden them their havens, their staples, and all traffic of merchandise in the territories under their obedience, which was directly against the common laws, and articles of peace, agreed upon by oath among all the GRECIANS. Moreover the AEGINETES finding themselves very ill and cruelly handled, did sand secretly to make their move & complaints to the LACEDÆMONIANS, being afeard openly to complain of the ATHENIANS. While these things were a doing, the city of POTIDAEA, subject at that time unto the ATHENIANS (and was built in old time by the CORINTHIANS) did rebel, and was besieged by the ATHENIANS, which did hasten on the wars. Notwithstanding this, ambassadors were first sent unto ATHENS upon these complaints, & Archidamus, king of the LACEDÆMONIANS, did all that he could to pacify the most part of these quarrels and complaints, entreating their friends and allies. So as the ATHENIANS had had no wars at all, for any other matters wherewith they were burdened, if they would have granted to have revoked the decree they had made against the MEGARIANS. Whereupon, Pericles, that above all other stood most against the revocation of that decree, & that did stir up the people, & made them to stand to that they had once decreed, & ordered, against the MEGARIANS was thought the only original cause & author of the PELOPONNESIAN wars. For it is said that the LACEDÆMONIANS sent ambassadors unto ATHENS for that matter only. And when Pericles alleged a law, Pericles, author of the wars against Peloponnesus. that did forbidden them to take away the table, whereupon before time had been written any common law or edict: Polyarces, one of the LACEDAEMON Ambassadors, said unto him. Well, said he, take it not away then, but turn the table only: your law I am sure forbiddeth not that. This was pleasantly spoken of the ambassador, but Pericles could never be brought to it for all that. And therefore it seemeth he had some secret occasion of grudge against the MEGARIANS: yet as one that would finely convey it under the common cause & cloak, he took from them the holy lands they were breaking up. Pericles malice against the Megarians. For to bring this to pass; he made an order, that they should sand an herald to summon the MEGARIANS to let the land alone, & that the same herald should go also unto the LACEDÆMONIANS to accuse the MEGARIANS unto them. It is true that this ordinance was made by Pericles means, as also it was most just & reasonable: but it fortuned so, that the messenger they sent thither died and not without suspicion that the MEGARIANS made him away. Wherefore Charinus made a law presently against the MEGARIANS: that they should be proclaimed mortal enemies to the ATHENIANS for ever, without any hope of after reconciliation. And also if any MEGARIAN should once put his foot within the territories of ATTICA, that he should suffer the pains of death. And moreover, that their captains taking yearly their ordinary oath, should swear among other articles, that twice in the year they should go with their power, and destroy some part of the MEGARIANS land. And lastly, that the herald Anthemocritus should be buried by the place called then the gates Thriasienes, and now called, Dipylon. But the MEGARIANS stoutly denying, that they were any cause of the death of this Anthemocritus: did altogether burden Aspasia and Pericles with the same, alleging for proof thereof, Aristophanes' verses the Poet, in his comedy he entitled the Acharnes, which are so common, as every boy hath them at his tongues end. The young men of our land (to drunken bybbing bent) ran out one day unrulily, and towards Megara went. From whence in their outrage, by force they took away, Simatha noble courtesan, as she did sport and play. Wherewith enraged all (with pepper in the nose) the proud Megarians came to us, as to their mortal foes, And took by stealth away, of harlots eke a payer, attending on Aspasia, which were both young and fair. But in very deed, to tell the original cause of this war, and to deliver the troth thereof, it is very hard. But all the historiographers together agreed, that Pericles was the chiefest author of the war: because the decree made against the MEGARIANS, was not revoked back again. Yet some hold opinion, that Pericles did it of a noble mind and judgement, to be constant in that he thought most expedient. For he judged that this commandment of the LACEDÆMONIANS was but a trial, to prove if the ATHENIANS would grant them: and if they yielded to them in that, than they manifestly showed that they were the weaker. Other contrarily say, that it was done of a self will and arrogancy, to show his authority and power, and how he did despise the LACEDÆMONIANS. But the shrowdest proof of all, that bringeth best authority with it, is reported after this sort. Phidias the image maker (as we have told you before) had undertaken to make the image of Pallas: Phidias the image maker. and being Pericles friend, was in great estimation about him. But that procured him many ill willers. Then they being desirous to hear by him what the people would judge of Pericles: they enticed Menon, one of the work men that wrought under Phidias, and made him come into the market place to pray assurance of the people that he might openly accuse Phidias, for a fault he had committed about Pallas image. The people received his obedience, and his accusation was heard openly in the market place, but no mention was made of any theft at all: because that Phidias (through Pericles counsel & devise) had from the beginning so laid on the gold upon the image, that it might be taken of, & weighed every whit. Whereupon Pericles openly said unto his accusers, take of the gold & way it. The glory of his works did purchase him this envy. For he having graven upon the scutcheon of the goddess, the battle of the AMAZONS, had cut out the portraiture of himself marvelous lively, under the person of an old bald man, lifting up a great stone with both his hands. Further he had cut out Pericles image, excellently wrought & artificially, seeming in manner to be Pericles self, fight with an AMAZON in this sort. The AMAZONS hand being lift up high, holdeth a dart before Pericles face, so passing cunningly wrought, as it seemed to shadow the likeness & resemblance of Pericles: and yet notwithstanding appeareth plainly to be Pericles self on either side of the portraiture. So Phidias was clapped up in prison, & there died of a sickness, or else of poison (as some say) which his enemies had prepared for him: & all to bring Pericles into further suspicion, & to give them the more cause to accuse him. But howsoever it was, the people gave Menon his freedom, & set him free for payment of all subsidies, following the order Glycon made, and gave the captains charge they should see him safely kept, and that he took no hurt. And about the same time also Aspasia was accused, Aspasia accused. that she did not believe in the goddess: and her accuser was Hermippus, maker of the comedies. He burdened her further, that she was a bawd to Pericles, and received citizens wives into her house, which Pericles kept. And Diopithes at the same time made a decree, that they should make search and inquiry for heretics that did not believe in the gods, and that taught certain new doctrine and opinion touching the operations of things above in the element, turning the suspicion upon Pericles, because of Anaxagoras. The people did receive and confirm this inquisition: and it was moved also then by Dracontides, that Pericles should deliver an account of the money he had spent, unto the hands of the Prytanes, who were treasurers of the common fines and revenues, Prytani, treasurers of the common fines. and that the judges deputed to give judgement, should give sentence within the city upon the altar. But Agnon put that word out of the decree, and placed in stead thereof, that the cause should be judged by the fifteen hundred judges, as they thought good, if any man brought this action for theft, for battery, or for injustice. As for Aspasia, he saved her, even for the very pity and compassion the judges took of him, for the tears he shed in making his humble suit for her, all the time he pleaded her case: as AEschines writeth. But for Anaxagoras, fearing that he could not do so much for him: he sent him out of the city, and himself did accompany him. And furthermore, seeing he had incurred the ill will of the people for Phidias fact, and for this cause fearing the issue of the judgement: he set the wars a fire again, that always went backward, and did but smoke a little, hoping by this means to wear out the accusations against him, and to root out the malice some did bear him. For the people having weighty matters in hand, and very dangerous also: he knew they would put all into his hands alone, he having won already such great authority and reputation among them. And these be the causes why he would not (as it is said) suffer the ATHENIANS to yield unto the LACEDÆMONIANS in any thing: howbeit the troth cannot certainly be known. But the LACEDÆMONIANS knowing well, that if they could weed out Pericles, and overthrow him, they might then deal as they would with the ATHENIANS: they commanded them they should purge their city of Cylons' rebellion, because they knew well enough that Pericles kin by the mother's side were to be touched withal, as Thucydides declareth. But this practice fell out contrary to their hope, and expectation, that were sent to ATHENS for this purpose. For, weening to have brought Pericles into further suspicion and displeasure, the citizens honoured him the more, and had a better affiance in him then before, because they saw his enemies did so much fear and hate him. Wherefore, before king Archid●mus entered with the army of the PELOPONNESIANS into the country of ATTICA, he told the ATHENIANS, that if king Archidamus fortuned to waste and destroy all the country about, and should spare his lands and goods for the old love and familiarity that was between them, or rather to give his enemy's occasion falsely to accuse him: that from thenceforth, he gave all the lands and tenements he had in the country, unto the common wealth. So it fortuned, that the LACEDÆMONIANS with all their friends and confederates, brought a marvelous army into the country of ATTICA, The Lacedæmonians invade Attica. under the leading of king Archidamus: who burning & spoiling all the countries he came alongst, they came unto the town of ACHARNES, were they encamped, supposing the ATHENIANS would never suffer them to approach so near, but that they would give them battle for the honour and defence of their country, and to show that they were no cowards. But Pericles wisely considered how the danger was to great to hazard battle, where the loss of the city of ATHENS stood in peril, seeing they were three score thousand footmen of the PELOPONNESIANS, & of the BOEOTIANS together: for so many was their number in the first voyage they made against the ATHENIANS. And as for those that were very desirous to fight, and to put themselves to any hazard, being mad to see their country thus wasted and destroyed before their eyes, Pericles did comfort and pacify them with these words. That trees being cut and hewn down, did spring again in short time: but men being once dead, by no possibility could be brought again. An excellent comparison to stay the soldiers desire to fight. Therefore he never durst assemble the people in counsel, fearing lest he should be enforced by the multitude, to do some thing against his william. But as a wise man of a ship, when he seeth a storm coming on the sea, doth strait give order to make all things safe in the ship, preparing every thing ready to defend the storm, according to his art and skill, not hearkening to the passengers fearful cries and pittiefull tears, who think themselves cast away: even so did Pericles rule all things according to his wisdom, having walled the city substantially about, and set good watch in every corner: and passed not for those that were angry & offended with him, neither would be persuaded by his friends earnest requests & entreaties, neither cared for his enemy's threats nor accusations against him, nor yet reckoned of all their foolish scoffing songs they song of him in the city, to his shame and reproach of government, saying that he was a cowardly captain, and that for dastardliness he let the enemies take all, and spoil what they would. Of which number Cleon was one that most defamed him, Cleon accuseth Pericles. and began to enter into some pretty credit and favour with the common people, for that they were angry, and misliked with Pericles: as appeareth by these slanderous verses of Hermippus, which were then abroad: O King of satires thou, who with such manly speech of bloody wars and doughty deeds, dost daily to us preach: Why art thou now afraid, to take thy lance in hand, or with thy pike against thy foes, courageously to stand? Since Cleon stout and fierce; doth daily thee provoke, With biting words, with triumphant blades, & deadly daunting stroke. All these notwithstanding, Pericles was never moved any thing, but with silence did patiently bear all injuries and scoffings of his enemies, and did sand for all that a navy of a hundred sail unto PELOPONNESUS, whether he would not go in person, but kept himself at home, to keep the people in quiet: until such time as the enemies had raised their camp, and were gone away. And to entertain the common people that were offended and angry at this war: Note Pericles policy to pacify the people's anger. he comforted the poor people again, with causing a certain distribution to be made amongst them of the common treasure, and division also of the lands that were got by conquest. For after he had driven all the AEGINETES out of their country, he caused the whole isle of AEGINA to be divided by lot amongst the citizens of ATHENS. And then it was a great comfort to them in this adversity, to hear of their enemies hurt and loss in such manner as it did fall out. AEgina won by the Athenians. For their army that was sent by sea unto PELOPONNESUS, had wasted and destroyed a great part of the champion country there, and had sacked beside, many small cities and towns. Pericles self also entering into the MEGARIANS country by land, did waste the whole country all afore him. So the PELOPONNESIANS receiving by sea asmuch hurt and loss at the ATHENIANS hands, as they before had done by land unto the ATHENIANS: they had not holden out wars so long with the ATHENIANS, but would soon have given over (as Pericles had told them before) had not the gods above secretly hindered man's reason and policy. For first of all there came such a sore plague among the ATHENIANS, Plague at Athens. that it took away the flower of ATHENS youth, and weakened the force of the whole city beside. Furthermore the bodies of them that were left alive being infected with this disease, their hearts also were so sharply bend against Pericles, that the sickness having troubled their brains, they fell to flat rebellion against him, as the patient against his physician, or children against their father, even to the hurting of him, at the provocation of his enemies. Who bruited abroad, that the plague came of no cause else, but of the great multitude of the country men that came into the city on heaps, one upon another's neck in the heart of the summer, where they were compelled to lie many together, smothered up in little tents and cabins, remaining there all day long, cowering downwards, and doing nothing where before they lived in the country in a fresh open air, and at liberty. Accusations against Pericles. And of all this, say they, Pericles is the only cause, who procuring this war, hath penned and shrouded the country men together within the walls of a city, employing them to no manner of use nor service, but keeping them like sheep in a pinnefolde, maketh one to poison another with the infection of their plague sores ronning upon them, and giving them no leave to change air, that they might so much as take breath abroad. Pericles to remedy this, and to do their enemies a little mischief: armed a hundred and fifty ships, and shipped into them a great number of armed footmen and horsemen also. Hereby he put the citizens in good hope, and the enemies in great fear, seeing so great a power. But when he had shipped all his men, and was himself also in the admiral ready to hoist sail: suddenly there was a great eclipse of the sun, An eclipse of the sun. and the day was very dark, that all the army was stricken with a marvelous fear, as of some dangerous and very ill token towards them. Pericles seeing the master of his gallye in a maze withal, not knowing what to do: cast his cloak over the master's face, and hid his eyes, ask him whether he thought that any hurt or no. The master answered him, he thought it none. Then said Pericles again to him. There is no difference between this and that, saving that the body which maketh the darkness is greater, than my cloak which hideth thy eyes. These things are thus disputed of in the schools of the philosophers. But Pericles hoisting sail notwithstanding, did no notable nor special service, answerable to so great an army and preparation. For he laying siege unto the holy city of EPIDAURUM, when every man looked they should have taken it, Pericles hard fortune. was compelled to raise his siege for the plague that was so vehement: that it did not only kill the ATHENIANS themselves, but all other also (were they never so few) that came to them, or near their camp. Wherefore perceiving the ATHENIANS were marvelously offended with him, he did what he could to comfort them, and put them in heart again: but all was in vain, he could not pacify them. For by the most part of voices, they deprived him of his charge of general, Pericles deprived of his charge. and condemned him in a marvelous great fine & sum of money, the which those that tell the lest do writ, that it was the sum of fifteen talentes: and those that say more, speak of fifty talentes. The accuser subscribed in this condemnation, was Cleon, as Idomeneus, or Simmias say, or as Theophrastus writeth: yet Heraclides Ponticus sayeth, one Lacratidas. Now his common grieves were soon blown over: for the people did easily let fall their displeasures towards him, as the wasp leaveth her sting behind her with them she hath stung. But his own private affairs and household causes were in very ill case: Pericles home troubles. both for that the plague had taken away many of his friends and kinsmen from him, as also for that he and his house had continued a long time in disgrace. For Xanthippus (Pericles son & heir) being a man of a very ill disposition and nature, and having married a young woman very prodigal and lavish of expense, the daughter of Isander, son of Epilycus: he grudged much at his father's hardness, who scantly gave him money, and but little at a time. Whereupon he sent on a time to one of his father's friends in Pericles name, to pray him to lend him some money, who sent it unto him. But afterwards when he came to demand it again, Pericles did not only refuse to pay it him, but further, he put him in suit. But this made the young man Xanthippus so angry with his father, that he spoke very ill of him in every place where he came: and in mockery reported how his father spent his time when he was at home, and the talk he had with the Sophisters, and the master rhetoricians. For a mischance fortuning on a time, at the game of throwing the dart, who should throw best, that he that threw, did unfortunately kill one Epitimius a THESSALIAN: Xanthippus went prattling up and down the town, that his father Pericles was a whole day disputing with Protagoras the Rhetorician, to know which of the three by law and reason should be condemned for this murder. The dart: he that threw the dart: or the deviser of that game. Moreover Stesimbrotus writeth, that the brute that ran abroad through the city, how Pericles did keep his wife, was sown abroad by Xanthippus himself. But so it is, this quarrel & hate betwixt the father and the son continued without reconciliation unto the death. For Xanthippus died in the great plague, and Pericles own sister also: moreover he lost at that time by the plague, the more part of all his friends and kinsfolks, and those specially that did him greatest pleasure in governing of the state. Pericles constancy. But all this did never pull down his countenance, nor any thing abate the greatness of his mind, what misfortunes soever he had sustained. Neither saw they him weep at any time, nor mourn at the funerals of any of his kinsmen or friends, but at the death of Paralus, his younger and lawful begotten son: for, the loss of him alone did only melt his heart. Yet he did strive to show his natural constancy, and to keep his accustomed modesty. But as he would have put a garland of flowers upon his head, sorrow did so pierce his heart when he saw his face, that then he burst out in tears, and cried a main: which they never saw him do before, all the days of his life. Furthermore the people having proved other captains and governors, and finding by experience that there was no one of them of judgement and authority sufficient, for so great a charge: In the end, of themselves they called him again to the pulpit for orations to heat their counsels, and to the state of a captain also to take charge of the state. But at that time he kept himself close in his house, as one bewailing his late grievous loss and sorrow. Howbeit Alcibiades, and other his familiar friends, persuaded him to show himself unto the people: who did excuse themselves unto him, for their ingratitude towards him. Pericles then taking the government again upon him, the first matter he entered into was: that he prayed them to revoke the statute he had made for base borne children, fearing lest his lawful heirs would fail, and so his house and name should fall to the ground. But as for that law, thus it stood. A law as Athens for base borne children. Pericles when he was in his best authority, caused a law to be made, that they only should be counted citizens of ATHENS, which were natural ATHENIANS borne by father and mother. Not long time after, it fortuned that the king of EGYPT having sent a gift unto the people of ATHENS, of forty thousand bushels of corn, to be distributed among the citizens there: many by occasion of this law were accused to be base borne, and specially men of the base sort of people, which were not known before, or at the lest had no reckoning made of them, and so some of them were falsely and wrongfully condemned. Whereupon so it cell out, that there were no less than five thousand of them convicted and sold for slaves: and they that remained as free men, and were judged to be natural citizens, amownted to the number of fourteen thousand and forty persons. Now this was much misliked of the people, that a law enacted, and that had been of such force, should by the self maker and deviser of the same be again revoked and called in. Howbeit Pericles late calamity that fortuned to his house, did break the people's hardened hearts against him. Who thinking these sorrows smart, to be punishment enough unto him for his former pride, and judging that by gods divine justice and permission, this plague and loss fell upon him, and that his request also was tolerable: they suffered him to enrol his base born son in the register of the lawful citizens of his family, giving him his own name, Pericles. It is the self same Pericles, who after he had overcome the PELOPONNESIANS in a great battle by sea, near unto the Isle's ARGINUSES, was put to death by sentence of the people, with the other captains his companions. Pericles the base borne put to death. Now was Pericles at that time infected with the plague, Pericles sickness. but not so vehemently as other were, rather more temperately: & by long space of time, with many alterations and changes, that did by little and little decay, and consume the strength of his body, and overcame his senses and noble mind. Therefore Theophrastus in his morals declareth, in a place where he disputeth, whether men's manners do change with their misfortunes, and whether corporal troubles and afflictions do so altar men, that they forget virtue, and abandon reason: A philosophical question touching change of men's manners by misfortunes. that Pericles in this sickness showed a friend of his that came to see him, I cannot tell what a preserving charm the women had tied (as a carcanet) about his neck, to let him understand he was very ill, since he suffered them to apply such a foolish babble to him. In the end, Pericles drawing fast unto his death, Pericles death. the Nobility of the city, and such his friends as were left alive, standing about his bed, began to speak of his virtue, and of the great authority he had borne, considering the greatness of his noble acts, and counting the number of his victories he had won (for he had won nine foughten battles being general of the ATHENIANS, and had set up so many tokens and triumphs in honour of his country) they reckoned up among themselves all these matters, as if he had not understood them, imagining his senses had been gone. But he contrarily being yet of perfect memory, heard all what they had said, and thus he began to speak unto them. That he marveled why they had so highly praised that in him, which was common to many other captains, and wherein fortune dealt with them in equality a like, and all this while they had forgotten to speak of the best & most notable thing that was in him, A notable saying of Pericles on his death. which was: that no ATHENIAN had ever worn black gown through his occasion. And sure so was he a noble and worthy person. For he did not only show himself merciful and courteous, even in most weighty matters of government, among so envious people and hateful enemies: but he had this judgement also to think, that the most noble acts he did were these, that he never gave himself unto hatred, envy, nor choler, to be revenged of his most mortal enemy, without mercy showed towards him, though he had committed unto him such absolute power and sole government among them. And this made his surname to be Olympius (as to say, divine or celestial) which otherwise for him had been to proud and arrogant a name, Pericles deservedly called Olympius. because he was of so good and gentle a nature, and for that in so great liberty he had kept clean hands & undefiled: even as we esteem the god's authors of all good, and causers of no ill, and so worthy to govern and rule the whole monarchy of the world. And not as Poets say, which do confound our wits by their follies, and fond feignings, and are also contrary to them selves, considering that they call heaven (which containeth the gods) the everlasting seat, which trembleth not, and is not driven nor moved with winds, neither is darkened with clouds, but is always bright and clear, and at all times shining equally with a pure bright light, as being the only habitation and mansion place of the eternal God, only happy and immortal. And afterwards they describe it themselves, full of dissensions, of enmities, of anger and passions, which do nothing become wise and learned men. But this discourse peradventure would be better spoken of in some other book. Now, the troubles the ATHENIANS felt immediately after Pericles death, made them then lament the loss of so noble a member. The Athenians Lamented the loss of Pericles being dead. For those who unpatiently did brook his great authority while he lived, because it drowned their own: when they came after his death to prove other speakers and governors, they were compelled then to confess, that no man's nature living could be more moderate nor grave, with lenity and mercy, than his was. And that most hated power, which in his life time they called monarchy, did then most plainly appear unto them, to have been the manifest rampart and bulwark of the safety of their whole state and common weal: such corruption and vice in government of the state, did then spring up immediately after his death, which when he was alive, he did ever suppress and keep under in such sort, that either it did not appear at all, or at the lest it came not to that head and liberty, that such faults were committed, as were unpossible to be remedied. The end of Pericles life. THE LIFE OF Fabius Maximus. HAVING already declared unto you such things worthy memory as we could collect, and gather of the life of Pericles: it is now good time we should proceed to writ also of the life of Fabius Maximus. It is said the first Fabius, from whom the house and family of the Fabians did descend (being the greatest & noblest house of all other in ROME) was begotten by Herculos, whom he got of a Nymph (or as other say, a woman of the country) by the river of Tiber. And some say, that the first of this house, were called at the beginning Fodians, because they did hunt wild beasts, with pittefalles and ditches. For unto this present the romans call ditches, Fosse: and to dig Fodere. Since that time, the two second letters have been changed, and they have called them Fabians. But howsoever it was, this is certain, that many noble men have come out of that house: and among other, there was one of that house called Fabius Rullus, whom the romans for his noble acts did surname Maximus, very great. After him Fabius Maximus, Fabius Rullus Maximus. Fabius Maximus called Verrucosus & Ouicula. whose life we have now in hand, was the fourth lineally descended of the same line, and he was surnamed Verrucosus, because of a certain birth mark he had upon one of his lips, like a little wart. And he was also surnamed Ouicula, a little lamb, for his softness, slowness, and gravity of his doings whilst he was a child. But because of nature he was dull, still, and very silent, and that he was seldom seen to play at any pastime among the boys, and for that they saw he was but of slow capacity, and hard to learn and conceive, and withal that the boys might do to him what they would, he was so lowly to his fellows: this made men judge that looked not into him, that he would prove a very fool and nigeot. Yet other were of contrary opinion of him: who considering more deeply the man, perceived in his nature a certain secret constancy & the majesty of a lion. But Fabius self when he was called to serve the common weal, did quickly show to the world, that which they took for dullness in him, was his gravity, which never altered for no cause or respect: and that which other judged faithfulness in him, was very wisdom. And where he showed himself not hasty; nor sudden in any thing: it was found in him an assured and settled constancy. Wherefore when he came to consider the great sovereignty of their common weal, and the continual wars it was in: he did use his body to all hardness, and brought up himself therewithal, that he might be the better able to serve in the field: and he gave himself much to eloquence also as a necessary instrument to persuade soldiers unto reason. His tongue likewise did agreed with his conditions, and manner of life. For he had no manner of affectation, nor counterfeit fineness in his speech, but his words were ever very grave and profound, and his sentences even graft in him by nature, and (as some say) were much like Thucydides sayings. As appeareth in a funeral oration he made before the people in the praise of his son, who died when he came out of his consulship, which is yet extant to be seen. Now as for him, having been five times chosen Consul, Fabius' five times Consul. in his first year of his consulship, he triumphed over the LIOURIANS (which be people of the mountains, and upon the coast of GENVA) who being overthrown by him in a great battle, where they had lost many men, they were compelled to go their way, & to take the ALP●S for their succour, & durst no more appear upon the borders of ITALY, whereupon they did confine. Hannibal entering ITALY afterwards with a great army, and having won the first battle near unto the river of TREBIA: he passed further, and went through Tuscan, wasting and destroying all the country as he passed by. Han●nibal destroyeth the country of Tuscan. This made ROME quake for fear. Besides they saw many signs and tokens, some common unto them, as thundering, lightning, & such other like: but other also more strange, never seen nor heard of before. For it was reported that certain targets were waxen all bloody of themselves, & that about the city of ANTIUM they found wheat ears, Wonders. which were all bloody when they were reaped: that there fell from heaven, burning stones all in a flame of fire: and in the country of the PHALERIANS how the element seemed to open, and many little written scrolls fell down upon the ground, in one of the which were written these words, word for word: Mars doth now handle his weapons. But all these signs and wonders did nothing appawle nor daunt the boldness of Caius Flaminius, Flaminius' rashness. Consul then: who besides the natural great courage, & aspiring mind he had to honour, yet was it beyond all reason increased in him, by the wonderful good success he had before. For, notwithstanding the Senate called him home again, and that his fellow Consul stood against his intent: he for all that did give battle to the GAULES, in despite of them all, and wan the victory. Likewise, though all these signs & wonders in the air, did greatly trouble, and amaze multitudes of people: yet did they nothing trouble Fabius, for he saw no apparent cause to be troubled withal. But he understanding the small number of his enemies, and the lack of money that was among them: Fabius' wise counsel. gave counsel, and was of opinion they should patiently forbear a little, and not to hazard battle against a man, whose army had been long trained in wars, and by many foughten fields was grown valiant and expert. Moreover, he thought good they should sand aid to their subjects, and other their allies and confederates, as need required, to keep their cities still under their obedience: and in the mean season by tract of time, to wear out Hannibal's force and power, which was like straw set a fire, that strait giveth forth a blaze, and yet hath no substance to hold fire long. When Fabius had thus said enough to persuade Flaminius, yet it would not sink into Flaminius' head: for, sayeth he, I will not tarry until the wars come to ROME gates, neither will I be brought to fight upon the walls of the city, to defend it, and as Camillus did, that fought within the city self in old time. Whereup on he commanded his captains to set out their bands to the field, and he himself took his horse back: which upon the sudden, without any cause was so afeard, and took so on with himself, that he cast the Consul to the ground with his head forward. For all this fall he would not change his mind, but held on his journey toward Hannibal, and presented him battle in Tuscan, by the lake called Thrasimena, The romans slain by the Lake of Thrasimena. which is the lake of PERUSIA. This battle was so fiercely fought on both sides, that notwithstanding there was such a terrible earthquake therewhile, that some cities were overthrown and turned topsi turvey, some rivers had their streams turned against their course, and the foot of the mountains were torn in sunder, and broken open: yet not one of them that were fight, heard any such thing at all. Flaminius the Consul self was slain at that battle, Flaminius the Consul slain. after he had in his own person done many a valiant act, and many of the worthiest gentlemen and valiantest soldiers of his army lay dead about him: the residue being fled, the slaughter was great, for the bodies slain were fifteen thousand, and so many prisoners left alive. After this overthrow, Hannibal made all the search he could possible to find the body of Flaminius, to bury him honourably, because of his valiantness: but he could never be found amongst the dead bodies, neither was it ever heard what become of it. Now as touching the first overthrow at TRERIA, neither the general that wrote it, nor the post that brought the first news to ROME, told the troth of it as it was, but feigned that the end was doubtful, and that they could not tell who had the best. But of this battle, so soon as the Praetor Pomponius had received the news, he called all the people to counsel, where without disguising or dissembling at all, he plainly said thus unto them. My Lords, we have lost the battle, our army is overthrown, and the Consul himself is slain in the field: wherefore consider what you have to do, & provide for your safety. These words spoken to the people, as it had been a boisterous storm of weather that had fallen on them from the sea, to put them in danger, did so terrify the multitude, and trouble the whole city for fear: that they were all in a maze, and knew not what to determine. Yet in the end they all agreed, that it stood them upon to have a chief magistrate, called in Latin Dictatura, that should be a man of courage, and could stoutly use it without sparing or fearing any person. And for this, Fabius Maximus was thought the only man meet to be chosen, as he, whose noble courage and grave behaviour was answerable, to the dignity and sovereignty of the office: and moreover, that to his gravity and wisdom there was joined (by reasonable age) strength of body, and valiantness with experience. This counsel being confirmed by them all, Fabius was chosen Dictator, Fabius' Dictator. who named Lucius Minutius general of the horsemen. Then he first required the Senate, that they would grant him he might have his horse in the wars: the which was not lawful for the Dictator, The Dictator might not ride in the wars. but expressly forbidden by an ancient order. Either because they thought the chiefest force of their army did consist in their footmen, which caused the making of this law: whereby the general should be amongst them in the day of the battle, and in no wise should forsake them. Or else because the authority of this magistrate in all other things was so great, that it was in manner after the state of a King: yet all this notwithstanding, they were willing thereunto, and that the Dictator should have absolute power over the people. Fabius at his first coming, because he would show the majesty and dignity of his office, and that every man should be the more obedient and ready at his commandment: when he went abroad, The majesty of Fabius the Dictator. he had four and twenty sergeants before him, carrying the bundles of rods, and axes. And when one of the Consuls came to him, he sent a sergeant to command his bundle of rods that were carried before him, to be put down, and all other tokens of dignity to be laid a side: and that he should come and speak with him, as a private man. And first to make a good foundation, and to begin with the service of the gods: Fabius' religion. he delcared unto the people, that the loss they had received, came through the rashness and wilful negligence of their captain, who made no reckoning of the gods nor religion: and not through any default and cowardliness of the soldiers. And for this cause he did persuade them not to be afraid of their enemies, but to appease the wrath of the gods, and to serve and honour them. Not that he made them hereby superstitious, but did confirm their valiancy with true religion and godliness: and beside did utterly take away and assuage their fear of their enemies, by giving them certain hope and assurance of the aid of the gods. Then were the holy books of the Sibylles prophesies perused, which are kept very secret: The Sibylles books of prophecies. and therein they found certain ancient prophecies and oracles, which spoke of the present misfortunes of the time. But what were contained therein, it is not lawful to be uttered to any person. Afterwards the Dictator, before the open assembly of the people, made a solemn vow unto the gods, Fabius' vow. that he would sacrifice all the profits and fruits that should fall the next year; of sheep, of sows, of milche kine, and of goats in all the mountains, champion country, rivers, or meadows of ITALY. And he would celebrated plays of music, & show other fights in the honour of the gods, and would bestow upon the same the sum of three hundred three & thirty Sestercians, & three hundred three & thirty Roman pence, & a third part over. All which sum reduced into Grecian money, amownteth to four score three thousand, five hundred, and four score, and three silver drachmas, & two obolos. Now it were a hard thing to tell the reason why he doth mention this sum so precisely, and why he did divide it by three, unless it were to extol the power of the number of three: because it is a perfect number by the nature, and is the first of the odd numbers, which is the beginning of divers numbers, and containeth in itself the first differences, and the first elements and principles of all the numbers united and joined together. So Fabius having brought the people to hope, and trust to have the aid and favour of the gods: made them in the end the better disposed to live well afterwards. Then Fabius hoping after victory, and that the gods would sand good luck and prosperity unto men, through their valiantness and wisdom: did strait set forwards unto Hannibal, not as minded to fight with him, but fully resolved to wear out his strength and power, by delays and tract of time: and to increase his poverty by the long spending of his own money, and to consume the small number of his people, with the great number of his soldiers. Fabius' camped always in the strong and high places of the mountains, Fabius doings against Hannibal. out of all danger of his enemy's horsemen, and coasted still after the enemy: so that when Hannibal stayed in any place, Fabius also stayed: if Hannibal removed, he followed him strait, and would be always near him, but never forsook the hills, neither would he come so near him, as that he should be enforced to fight against his william. Yet always he followed the enemy at his tail, and made him ever afeard of him, thinking still that he sought to get the vantage, to give the charge upon him. Thus by delaying, and prolonging the time in this sort: he become disliked of every body. For every man both in his own camp, and abroad, spoke very ill of him openly: and as for his enemies, they took him for no better, than a rank coward, Hannibal only excepted. But he perceiving his great reach and policy, and foreseeing the manner of fight, saw there was no remedy, but by plain force or slight to bring him to the fight: for otherwise his delay would overthrow the CARTHAGINIANS, when they should not come to handy strokes with him, wherein only consisted all their hope and strength, and in the mean time his soldiers should fall away, and die, and his money was scant, and himself should grow the weaker. Thereupon Hannibal began to bethink him, and devise all the stratagems and policies of war he could imagine: and like a cunning wrestler, to seek out all the tricks he could to give his adversary the fall. For suddenly, he would go and give alarum to his camp: by and by again he would retire. Another time he would remove his camp, from one place to another, and give him some advantage, to see if he could pluck his lingering devise out of his head, and yet to hazard nothing. But as for Fabius, he continued still resolute in his first determination: that delay of fight was the best way so to overthrow him. Howbeit Minutius, Minutius general of the horsemen, despised Fabius counsel. general of his horsemen, did trouble him much. For he being earnestly bend to fight without discretion, and braving of a lusty courage, crept into opinion with the soldiers, by his hot fury and desire to fight. Which wrought much in them, and so stirred up their courages, that they mocked Fabius altogether: and called him Hannibal's schoolmaster: and contrariwise they commended Minutius, for a valiant captain, and worthy ROMAN. This made Minutius look high, and have a proud opinion of himself, mocking Fabius because he ever lodged on the hills, with saying, the Dictator would make them goodly sports, to see their enemies waste and burn ITALY before their face. Moreover, he asked Fabius' friends, whether he would in the end lodge his camp in the sky, that he did climb up so high upon mountains, mistrusting the earth; or else that he was so afraid, his enemies would find him out, that he went to hide himself in the clouds. Fabius' friends made report of these jests, and advised him rather to hazard battle, then to bear such reproachefull words as were spoken of him. But Fabius answered them. If I should yield to that you counsel me, I should show myself a greater coward than I am taken for now: by leaving my determination, for fear of their mocks and spiteful words. For it is no shame for a man to stand fearful, and jealous, of the welfare and safety of his country: but otherwise to be afeard of the wagging of every straw, or to regard every common prating, it is not the part of a worthy man of charge, but rather of a base minded person, to seek to please those whom he aught to command and govern, because they are but fools. After this, Hannibal chanced to fall into a great error. For intending to leave Fabius to bring his army into the plains, Hannibal fell into great error. where there was plenty of victuals, and store of pasture to feed his horse and cattle: he commanded his guides to bring him strait after supper, into the plain of CASINUM. They mistaking his words, and not understanding well what he said, because his ITALIAN tongue was but mean: took one thing for another, and so brought him and his army to the end of a field near the city of CASILINUM, Casilinum a city. through the midst of the which runneth a river, the romans call Vulturnus. Vulturnus fl.. Now the country lying by it, was a valley compassed in with mountains round about, saving that the river went to the sea: where leaving his own banks, it spreadeth abroad into the marisses, and banks of sand very deep, and in the end fell into that part of the sea which is most dangerous, and there was neither succour nor covert. Hannibal being now fallen as it were into the bottom of a sack, Fabius that knew the country, and was very perfect in all the ways thereabouts, followed him step by step, and stopped his passage, where he should have come out of the valley, with four thousand footmen, which he planted there to keep the strait, and disposed the rest of his army upon the hangings of the hills, in the most apt and fit places all about. Then with his light horse men he gave a charge, Hannibal set upon by Fabius. upon the rearward of his enemy's battle: which put all Hannibals army by and by out of order, and so there were slain eight hundred of his men. Whereupon Hannibal would have removed his camp thence immediately, and knowing then the fault his guides had made, taking one place for another, and the danger wherein they had brought him: he roundly trussed them up, and hung them by the necks. Now to force his enemies to come down from the tops of the hills, and to win them from their strength, he saw it was unpossible, and out of all hope. Wherefore, perceiving his soldiers both afraid and discouraged, for that they saw themselves hemmed in on all sides, without any order to escape: Hannibal determined to deceive Fabius by a devise. Hannibal's stratagem. He caused strait two thousand oxen to be chosen out of the heard, which they had taken before in their spoils, and tied to their horns light bundles of reeds, and sallow faggots, or bunches of the dead cutting of vines: and commanded the drovers that had the charge of them, that when they saw any signal or token lift up in the air in the night, they should then strait set fire on those bundles and bunches, and drive up the beasts to the hills, toward the ways where the enemies lay. Whilst these things were a preparing, he on the other side ranged his army in order of battle: and when night came, caused them to march fair and softly. Now these beasts, whilst the fire was but little that burnt upon their horns, went but fair and softly up the hill from the foot of the mountains from whence they were driven. In so much as the heard men that were on the top of the mountains, wondered marvelously to see such flames and fires about the horns of so many beasts, as if it had been an army marching in order of battle with lights and torches. But when their horns came to be burnt to the stumps, and that the force of the fire did fry their very flesh: then began the oxen to fight together, and to shake their heads, whereby they did set one another a fire. Then left they their soft pace, & went no more in order as they did before, but for the extreme pain they felt, began to run here and there in the mountains, carrying fire still about their horns, and in their tails, and set fire of all the boughs and coppesies they passed by. This was a strange sight to look upon, and did much amaze the romans that kept the passages of the mountains, for they thought they had been men that ran here and there with torches in their hands. Whereupon they were in a marvelous fear and trouble, supposing they had been their enemies that ran thus towards them, to enuironne them of all sides: so as they durst no more keep the passages which they were commanded, but forsaking the straights, began to fly towards their main and great camp. Thereupon Hannibal's light horse men immediately possessed the straits that were kept: by reason whereof, all the rest of his army matched out at their ease and leisure, without fear or danger, notwithstanding that they were laden and troubled with marvelous great spoils, and of all kind of sorts. Fabius then perceived very well the same night, that it was but a slight of Hannibal: for some of the oxen that fled here and there fell upon his army. Whereupon fearing to fall upon some ambush by reason of the dark night, he kept his men in battle ray, without stirring, or making any noise. The next morning by break of day, he began to follow his enemy by the track, and fell upon the tail of the rearward, with whom he skirmished within the straits of the mountains: and so did distress somewhat Hannibal's army. Hannibal thereupon sent out of his vanguard a certain number of Spaniards (very lusty and nimble fellows, that were used to the mountains, and acquainted with climbing up upon them) who coming down, and setting upon the romans that were heavy armed, slew a great number of them, and made Fabius to retire. Thereupon they despised Fabius the more, and thought worse of him then they did before: because his pretence and determination was not to be brought to fight with Hannibal, but by wisdom and policy to overthrow him, where as he himself by Hannibal was first finely handled and deceived. Hannibal then to bring Fabius further in disliking and suspicion with the romans, commanded his soldiers when they came near any of Fabius lands, Hannibal's craftiness against Fabius. that they should burn and destroy all round about them, but gave them in charge in no wise to meddle with Fabius lands, nor any thing of his, and did purposely appoint a garrison to see that nothing of Fabius should miscarry, nor yet take hurt. This was strait carried to ROME, which did thereby the more incense the people against him. And to help it forward, the Tribunes never ceased crying out upon him in their orations to the people, and all by Metellus special procurement and persuasion: who of himself had no cause to mislike with Fabius, but only because he was Minutius kinsman (general of the horsemen) and thought that the ill opinion they bore to Fabius, would turn to the praise and advancement of Minutius. The Senate also were much offended with Fabius, for the composition he made with Hannibal, touching the prisoners taken of either side. For it was articled between them, that they should change prisoners, delivering man for man, Fabius' changes prisoners with Hamnibal. or else two hundred and fifty silver drachmas for a man, if the one chanced to have more prisoners than the other. When exchange was made between them, it appeared that Hannibal had left in his hands of ROMAN prisoners, two hundred and forty more, than Fabius had to exchange of his. The Senate commanded there should be no money sent to redeem them, and greatly found fault with Fabius for making this accord: because it was neither honourable, nor profitable for the common weal to redeem men that cowardly suffered themselves to be taken prisoners of their enemies. Fabius' understanding it, did patiently bear this displeasure conceived against him by the Senate. Howbeit having no money, and meaning to keep his word, and not to leave the poor citizens prisoners behind him: he sent his son to ROME, with commission to cell his lands, and to bring him money immediately. The young man went his way to ROME, and sold his father's farms, and brought him money forthwith to the camp: Fabius therewith redeemed the prisoners, Fabius redeemeth the prisoners with his money. and sent their ransom unto Hannibal. Many of the prisoners whom he had redeemed, offered to repay him their ransom: but he would never take any thing again, and gave them all their ransom freely. Afterwards being called to ROME by the priests to do certain solemn sacrifices, he left the army in charge with Minutius, Fabius leaveth Minutius his l●●f tenant in the field. to govern the same in his absence, with condition not to set upon the enemy, nor to fight with him at all: the which not only by his authority he did expressly forbidden him, but also as his very friend, he did warn and entreat him in no wise to attempt. Howbeit Minutius little regarding his commandments or requests, so sort as Fabius back was turned, began to be somewhat lusty, and doing with his enemies. So one day amongst the rest, Minutius perceiving Hannibal had sent a great part of his army abroad to forage and get victuals: came and set upon them that remained behind, and drove them into their camp, with great slaughter, and did put them in a marvelous fear that were saved, as men that looked for no less, but to have been besieged in their camp. Afterwards also, when their whole army came together again: he retired back in spite of them all, and lost not a man. This exploit set Minutius in a pride, and brought the soldiers to be more rash than they were before. The news of this overthrow went with speed to ROME, and there they made it a great deal more than it was. Fabius hearing of it, said: he was more afeard of Minutius prosperity, Minutius rashness. then of his own adversity. But the common people rejoiced maruelosly, and made great show of joy up and down the market place. Whereupon Metellus one of the Tribunes going up into the pulpit, Fabius' accused of treason by Mosellus the Tribune. made an oration unto the people, in the which he highly magnified Minutius, and commended his courage: and contrarily charged Fabius no more of cowardliness, but with flat treason. Furthermore, he did accuse the Nobility and greatest men of ROME, saying: that from the first beginning they had laid a plat to draw these wars out at length, only to destroy the people's power and authority, having brought the whole common weal, to the state of a monarchy, and into the hands of a private person. Who by his remissness and delays, would give Hannibal leisure to plant himself in ITALY, and by time give open passage to the CARTHAGINIANS, at their pleasure to sand Hannibal a second aid and army, to make a full conquest of all ITALY. Fabius hearing these words, rose up strait, and spoke to the people, and tarried not about the answering of the accusations the Tribune had burdened him withal, but prayed them they would dispatch these sacrifices and ceremonies of the gods, that he might speedily return again to the camp, to punish Minutius, for breaking his commandment, in fight with the enemy. He had no sooner spoken these words, but there rose a marvelous tumult and hurly burley presently among the people, for the danger: Minutius stood in then: because the Dictator had absolute power and authority to imprison and put to death, whom he thought good, without ordinary course of law or araynement. Moreover, they did judge, since Fabius had o'late left his accustomed mildness and affability, that he would grow to such severity in his anger, that it would be a hard thing to appease him. Wherefore every man held their peace for fear, saving only Metellus the Tribune. He having authority by virtue of his office, to say what he thought good, and who only of all other kept still his place and authority, when any Dictator was chosen: then all the officers that were put down, instantly besought the people not to forsake Minutius, nor to suffer the like to be done to him, as Manlius Torquatus did o'late to his son, The cruelty of Manlius Torquatus to his son after his victory. who struck of his head, after he had valiantly fought with his enemies and overcomed them, for breaking his commandment. And began to persuade them further, to take this tyrannical power of the Dictatorshippe from Fabius: and to put their affairs into the hands of him, that would and could tell how to bring them safely to pass. The people were tickled marvelously with these seditious words, but yet they durst not force Fabius to resign his Dictatorshippe, though they hare him great grudge, and were angry with him in their hearts. Howbeit they ordained that Minutius thenceforth should have equal power and authority with the Dictator in the wars, The Dictator and general of the horsemen made equal in authority. a thing that was never seen nor heard of before, and yet the very same done in that sort again, after the battle of Cannes. For Marcus junius being at that time Dictator in the camp, they did choose another Dictator at ROME, which was Fabius Buteo, to name and created new Senators in the place of those that were slain in the battle. But after he had named them, and restored the full number again of the counsel of the Senate: he discharged the self same day the sergeants that carried the axes before him, and sent away the train that waited upon him, and did so put himself in press of the people in the market place, and followed his own peculiar business as a private person. Now the romans imagined, that when Fabius should see how they had made Minutius equal in authority with him, it would grieve him to heart for very anger: but they came short to judge of his nature, for he did not think that their folly should hurt or dishonour him at all. But as wise Diogenes answered one that said unto him, Diogenes' words. look, they mock thee: tush (said he) they mock not me. Meaning thereby, that he took them to be mocked, that were offended with their mocks. Thus Fabius took every thing quietly, that the people offered him, and did comfort himself with the philosopher's rules and examples: who do maintain, that an honest and wise man, can no way be injured nor dishonoured. For all the displeasure he received by the people's folly, was in respect of the common wealth: because they had put a sword into a mad man's hand, in giving Minutius authority to follow his rash humour, and fond ambition in the wars. Wherefore, fearing lest he being blinded with vain glory, and presumptuous opinion of himself, should rashly (and upon a head) hasten to do some great hurt before he came to the camp: he departed suddenly out of ROME without any man's knowledge, to return again to the camp, where he found Minutius so proud & stout, that he was not to be dealt with. For he would needs have the authority to command the whole army when it came to his turn. But Fabius would not consent to that, but divided the one half of the army between them: thinking it better he should alone command the one half, than the whole army by turns. So he chose for himself, the first and third legion: and gave unto him, the second and fourth, & divided also between them the aid of their friends. And when Minutius made his boast, Minutius pride. that the majesty of the highest magistrate was brought lower for his sake: Fabius told him that he might think, if he were wise, he had not to fight with him, but with Hannibal: and if he would needs contend against his companion, yet he should have a special regard and consideration, that having won now the citizens good wills, by whom he was so much honoured, he should have no less care of their health and safety, than he had, who was now trodden under foot, and ill entreated by them. Minutius took his lesson, for a counterfeit mock, after old men's manners & fashion: & so taking the one half of the army unto him, went and lodged alone by himself. Hannibal hearing of their ●arre and squaring together, sought strait opportunity to make their discord finely to serve his turn. Now there was a hill between both their camps not very hard to be won, and it was an excellent place to lodge a camp safely in, and was very fit and commodious for all things. The fields that were about it, did seem a far of to be very plain & even ground, because they had no covert of wood to shadow them, yet were there many ditches and little valleys in them: wherefore Hannibal though he might easily have taken it at his pleasure if he had listed, did let it alone in the midst between them, for a bait to draw out his enemies to the battle. Now when Hannibal saw Fabius and Minutius lodged a sunder, he placed certain bands in the night, among those ditches and valleys. Afterwards the next morning by break of day, he sent a small number of men openly to win this hill: hoping by this policy to train Minutius out to the field, Hannibal laid ambush for Minutius. as it fell out in deed. For first Minutius sent thither his light horsemen, and afterwards all his men at arms: and lastly perceiving that Hannibal himself came to relieve his men that were upon the hill, he himself marched forward also with all the rest of his army in order of battle, & gave a hot charge upon them that defended the hill, to drive them thence. The fight continued equal a good space between them both, until such time as Hannibal saw his enemy come directly within his danger, and showed the rearward of his battle naked unto his men, whom before he had laid in ambush: he strait raised the signal he had given them. They upon that discovered all together, and with great cries did set upon the rearward of the romans, & slew a great number of them at the first charge: and did put the rest in such a fear and disorder, as it is unpossible to express it. Then was Minutius rash bravery and fond boasts much cooled, when he looked first upon one captain, then upon another, and saw in none of them any courage to tarry by it, but rather that they were all ready to run away. Which if they had done, they had been cast away every man: for the NUMIDIANS finding they were the stronger, did disperse themselves all about the plain, kill all stragglers that fled. Minutius soldiers being brought to this danger and distress, which Fabius foresaw they would fall into, Fabius' foresight in the worre. and having upon this occasion his army ready ranged in order of battle, to see what would be come of Minutius, not by report of messengers, but with his own eyes: he got him to a little hill before his camp, where when he saw Minutius and all his men compassed about on every side, & even staggering & ready to fly, & heard besides their cries not like men that had hearts to fight, but as men scared, and ready to fly for fear to save themselves: he clapped his hand on his thigh, and fetched a great sigh, saying to those that were about him. O gods, how Minutius is gone to cast himself away, sooner than I looked for, and later than he desired? But in speaking these words, he made his ensigns march on in haste, crying out aloud. O my friends, we must dispatch with speed to succour Minutius: for he is a valiant man of person, & one that loveth the honour of his country. And though with overmuch hardiness he hath ventured to far, & made a fault, thinking to have put the enemies to flight: time serveth not now to accuse him, we will tell him of it hereafter. So he presently broke the NUMIDES, and dispersed them, that lay waiting in the fields for the romans, which Fabius rescueth Minutius general of the horsemen. they thought would have fled. Afterwards he went further, and did set upon them that had given charge upon the rearward of Minutius battle, where he slew them that made head against him. The residue, fearing lest they should fall into the danger they had brought the romans unto: before they were environed in of all sides, did turn tail strait to Fabius. Now Hannibal seeing this change, and considering how Fabius in person, with more courage than his age required, did make a lane in the midst of those that fought against the side of the hill, to come to the place where Minutius was: he made the battle to cease, and commanded to sound the retreat, and so drew back his men again into his camp, the romans being very glad also they might retire with safety. They say Hannibal in his retiring, said merylie to his friends: have not I told you (Sirs) many a time and oft, of the hanging cloud we saw on the top of the mountains, how it would break out in the end with a tempest that would fall upon us? After this battle, Fabius having stripped those that were left dead in the field, retired again to his own camp, & spoke not an ill word of Minutius his companion. Minutius then being come to his camp, The great modesty of Fabius. assembled his soldiers, & spoke thus to them. My friends, not to err at all, enterprising great matters, it is a thing passing man's nature: Minutius orations to his soldiers. but to take warning hereafter, by faults that are past and done, it is the part of a wise and valiant man. For myself, I acknowledge I have no less occasion to praise fortune, than I have also cause to complain of her. For that which long time could never teach me, I have learned by experience in one little piece of a day: and that is this. That I am not able to command, The wisdom of Minutius acknowledging his fault. but am myself fitter to be governed and commanded by another and that I am but a fool to stand in mine own conceit, thinking to overcome those, of whom it is more honour for me to confess myself to be overcome. Therefore I tell you, that the Dictator Fabius henceforth shallbe he, who alone shall command you in all things. And to let him know that we do all acknowledge the favour which we have presently received at his hands: I will lead you to give him thanks, & will may self be the first man to offer to obey him in all that he shall command me. These words being spoken, he commanded his ensign bearers to follow him, & he himself marched formest towards Fabius' camp. When he came thither, he went directly to the Dictator's tent: whereat every man wondered, not knowing his intent. Fabius came out to meet him. Minutius after he had set down his ensigns at his feet, said with a loud voice, O father: and his soldiers unto Fabius soldiers, O masters, which name the bondmen that are infranchesed, do use to them that have manumised them. Afterwards every man being silent, Minutius began aloud to say unto him. Minutius words to Fabius. My lord Dictator, this day you have won two victories. The one of Hannibal, whom valiantly you have overcome: the second, of myself your companion, whom also your wisdom and goodness hath vanquished. By the one, you have saved our lives: and by the other, you have wisely taught us. So have we also been overcome in two sorts: the one by Hannibal to our shame, and the other by yourself, to our honour and preservation. And therefore do I now call you my father, finding no other name more honourable to call you by, wherewith I might honour you: acknowledging myself more bound unto you for the present grace and favour I have received of you, then unto my natural father that begat me. For by him only I was begotten: but by you, mine, and all these honest citizens lives have been saved? And having spoken these words, he embraced Fabius: and so did the soldiers also, heartily embrace together, and kiss one another. Thus the joy was great through the whole camp, and one were so glad of another, that the tears trickled down their cheeks for great joy. Now when Fabius was afterwards put out of his office of Dictatorshippe, there were new Consuls chosen again: the two first followed directly Fabius' former order he had begun. For they kept themselves from giving Hannibal any battle, and did always sand aid to their subjects and friends, to keep them from rebellion: until that Terentius Varro (a man of mean birth, The rashness of Terentius Varro. and known to be very bold and rash) by flattering of the people, wan credit among them to be made Consul. Terentius Varro, Paulus AEmilius Consuls. Then they thought that he by his rashness and lack of experience, would incontinently hazard battle: because he had cried out in all the assemblies before, that this war would be everlasting, so long as the people did choose any of the Fabians to be their generals, and vawnted himself openly, that the first day he came to see his enemies, he would overthrow them. In giving out these brave words, he assembled such a power, that the romans never saw so great a number together, against any enemy that ever they had: for he put into one camp, four score and eight thousand fight men. This made Fabius and the other romans, The romans camp under Terentius Varro, 88000 men. men of great wisdom and judgement, greatly afraid: because they saw no hope for ROME to rise again, if it fortuned that they should loose so great a number of goodly youth. Therefore Fabius talked with the other Consul, called Paulus AEmilius, Fabius' counsel to Paulus AEmilius. a man very skilful and expert in wars, but ill beloved of the common people, whose fury he yet feared, for that they had condemned him a little before to pay a greatfine to the treasury: and after he had somewhat comforted him, he began to persuade and encourage him to resist the fond rashness of his companion, telling him, that he should have as much to do with Terentius Varro for the preservation and safety of his country, as to fight with Hannibal for defence of the same. For they were both Marshall men, and had a like desire to fight: the one because he knew not wherein the vantage of his strength consisted, and the other because he knew very well his weakness. You shall have reason to believe me better, for matters touching Hannibal, than Terentius Varro. For I dare warrant you, if you keep Hannibal from battle but this year: he shall of necessity, if he tarry, consume himself, or else for shame be driven to fly with his army. And the rather, because hitherto (though he seem to be lord of the field) never one yet of his enemies came to take his part: and moreover because there remains at this day in his camp not the third part of his army, he brought with him out of his country. Unto these persuasions, the Consul (as it is reported) answered thus. When I look into my self, my lord Fabius, me thinks my best way were rather to fall upon the enemy's pikes, than once again to light into the hands & voices of our citizens. Therefore, sith the estate of the common wealth so requireth it, that it behoveth a man to do as you have said: I will do my best endeavour to show myself a wise captain, for your sake only, rather than for all other that should advise me to the contrary. And so Paulus departed from ROME with this mind. But Terentius his companion would in any case, they should command the whole army by turnies, each his day by himself: and went to encamp hard by Hannibal, by the river of Aufide, near unto the village called CANNES. Now when it came to his day to command by turns, Ausidius st. early in the mourning be caused the signal of battle to be set out, which was a coat armour of scarlet in grain, that they did say out upon the pavilion of the general: so that the enemies at the first sight, began to be afeard, to see the lustiness of this new come general, and the great number of soldiers he had also in his host, in comparison of them that were not half so many. Yet Hannibal of a good courage, commanded every man to arm, and to put themselves in order of battle: and himself in the mean time taking his horse back, followed with a few, galloped up to the top of a little hill not very steep, from whence he might plainly discern all the romans camp, and saw how they did range their men in order of battle. Now one Giscon (a man of like state and nobility as himself) being with him at that time, told him, that the enemies seemed a far of to be a marvelous number. But Hannibal rubbing his forehead, answered him. Yea, said he, but there is another thing more to be wondered at then you think of Giscon. Giscon strait asked him. What? marry sayeth he this: that of all the great number of soldiers you see yonder, there is not a man of them called Giscon as you are. This merry answer delivered contrary to their expectation that were with him, looking for some great weighty matter, made them all laugh a good. So down the hill they came laughing aloud, and told this pretty least to all they met as they road, which strait from one to another ran over all the camp, in so much as Hannibal himself could not hold from laughing. The CARTHAGINIAN soldiers perceiving this, began to be of a good courage, imagining that their general would not be so merylie disposed as to fall a laughing, being so near danger, if he had not perceived himself a great deal to be the stronger, and that he had good cause also to make no reckoning of his enemies. Furthermore, he showed two policies of a skilful captain in the battle. Hannibal's strategemes as the battle of Cannes. The first was, the situation of the place, where he put his men in order of battle, so as they had the wind on their backs: which raging like a burning lightning, raised a sharp dust out of the open sandy valley, and passing over the CARTHAGINIANS squadron, blue full in the romans faces, with such a violence, that they were compelled to turn their faces, & to trouble their own ranks. The second policy was, the form and order of his battle. For he placed on either side of his wings, the best and valiantest soldiers he had in all his army: Hannibal's order of battle as Cans. and did fill up the midst of his battle with the worst of his men, which he made like a point, and was farther out by a great deal, than the two wings of the front of his battle. So he commanded those of the wings, that when the romans had broken his first front, and followed those that gave back, whereby the midst of his battle should leave an hollow place, and the enemies should come in still increasing within the compass of the two wings: that then they should set upon them on both sides, and charge their flanks immediately, and so enclose them in behind. And this was cause of a greater slaughter. For when the middle battle began to give back, and to receive the romans within it, who pursued the other very hotly, Hannibal's battle changed her form: & where at the beginning it was like a point, it become now in the midst like a crescent or half moon. Then the captains of the chosen bands that lay out in both the wings, made their men to turn, some on the left hand, and some on the right, and charged the romans on the flanks, The slaughter of the romans as the battle of Cannes. and behind, where they were all naked: so they killed all those that could not save themselves by flying, before they were environed. They say also, that there fell out another mischief by misfortune, unto the horsemen of the romans, and by this occasion. The horse of Paulus AEmilius the Consul being hurt, did throw his master on the ground: whereupon those that were next him, did light from their horse backs to help him. The residue of the horsemen that were a great way behind him, seeing them light, thought they had been all commanded to light: hereupon every man forsook their horse, and fought it out a foot. Hannibal when he saw that, said: yea marry, I had rather have them so, then delivered me bound hand and foot. But for those matters, the historiographers do dilate more at large. Furthermore, of the two Consuls, Varro saved himself by his horse, with a few following him, within the city of VENUSA. Paulus being in the midst of the throng of all the army, Paulus AEmillius slain at the battle of Cannes. his body full of arrows that stuck fast in his wounds, and his heart sore laden with grievous sorrow and anguish to see the overthrow of his men: was set down by a rock, looking for some of his enemies, to come and rid him out of his pain. But few could know him, his head and face was of such a gore blood: insomuch as his friends and servants also passed by him, and knew him not. And there was but one young gentleman of a noble house of the Patricians, called Cornelius Lentulus, that knew him, who did his best endeavour to save him. For he lighted a foot presently, & brought him his horse, praying him to get up upon him, to prove if he could save himself for the necessity of his country, which now more than ever had need of a good and wise captain. But he refused the gentleman's offer and his entreaty, and compelled him to take his horse back again, though the tears ran down his cheeks for pity: and raising himself up to take him by the hand, he said unto him. I pray you tell Fabius Maximus from me, and witness with me, that Paulus AEmilius even to his last hour hath followed his counsel, and did never serve from the promise he made him: but that first he was forced to it by Varro, and afterwards by Hannibal. When he had delivered these words, he bade Lentulus' farewell: and ronning again into the fury of the slaughter, there he died among his slain companions. It is thought there were slain at this battle, fifty thousand romans, 50000. romans slain at the battle of Cannes. & four thousand taken prisoners: and other ten thousand that were taken prisoners in two camps after the battle. When this noble victory was gotten, Hannibal's friends gave him counsel to follow his good fortune: and to enter ROME after the scattered number that fled thither: so as within few days following he might sup in their capitol. A man cannot easily guess what was the cause that stayed him, that he went not, unless it was (as I think) some good fortune, or favourable God toward the romans that withstood him, and made him afeard and glad to retire. Whereupon they say, that one Barca a CARTHAGINIAN, in his anger said to Hannibal: All Italy rovolted and submitted themselves to Hamnibal. Sir, you have the way to overcome, but you cannot use victory. Notwithstanding, this victory made a marvelous change for him. For hereupon, all ITALY in manner came in to submit themselves to him: where before he had no town at commandment, nor any storehouse or port through all ITALY, yea he did marvelous hardly, & with much a do victual his army with that he could daily rob & spoil, having no certain place to retire unto, nor grounded hope to entertain these wars, but kept the field with his army, removing from place to place, as they had been a great number of murderers & thieves together. For the most part of the country, did yield immediately unto him: as the city of CAPVA, being the chiefest and greatest city of all ITALY but ROME, and did receive Hannibal, and were at his devotion. Thus we may plainly see, that as the poet Euripides sayeth: it is a great mischief not only to be driven to make trial of friends, but proof also of captains wisdom. For that which before they accounted cowardliness and faint heart in Fabius, immediately after the battle, they thought it more than man's reason, and rather a heavenly wisdom and influence, that so long foresaw the things to come, which the parties selves that afterwards felt them, gave little credit unto before. Upon this occasion, ROME reposed incontinently all their hope and trust in Fabius, and they repaired to him for counsel, as they would have run unto some temple or altar for sanctuary. So as the first & chiefest cause of staying the people together from dispersing themselves abroad, as they did when ROME was taken by the GAULES: was the only opinion & confidence they had in Fabius' wisdom. For where before he seemed to be a coward, and timorous, when there was no danger nor misfortune happened: then when every man wept and cried out for sorrow, which could not help, and that all the world was so troubled that there was no order taken for anything, he contrarily went alone up and down the city very modestly, with a bold constant countenance, Fabius' constancy after the overthrow at Cannes. speaking courteously to every one, and did appease their womanish cries and lamentations, and did forbidden the common assemblies & fond ceremonies, of lamenting the dead corpse at their burials. Then he persuaded the Senate to assemble in counsel, and did comfort up those that were magistrates, and he alone was the only force and power of the city: for there was not a man that bore any office, but did cast his eye upon Fabius, to know what he should do. He it was that caused the gates of the city strait to be warded, and to keep those in for going their way, that would have forsaken the city. He moreover did appoint the time and place of mourning, & did command whosoever was disposed to mourn, Fabius' order for mourning. that he should do it privately in his own house, and to continued only but thirty days. Then he willed all mourning to be left of, and that the city might be clean from such unclean things. So the feast of Ceres falling about that time, he thought it better to leave of the sacrifices & procession they were wont to keep on Ceres' day: then by their small number that were jest, and sorrow of those that remained, to let their enemies understand their exceeding great loss. For the god's delight to be served with glad and rejoicing hearts, and with those that are in prosperity. But all this notwithstanding, whatsoever the priests would have done, either to pacify the wrath of the gods, or to turn away the threatenings of these sinister signs, it was forthwith done. For they did send to the oracle of Apollo, in the city of DELPHES, one of Fabius' kinsmen surnamed Pictor. And two of the Vestal Nuns being deflowered: the one was buried alive according to the law and custom, and the other made herself away. But herein the great courage and noble clemency of the romans, The magnanimity of the romans after the overthrow at Cannes. is marvelously to be noted and regarded. For the Consul Terentius Varro returning back to ROME, with the shame of his extreme misfortune & overthrow, that he durst not look upon any man: the Senate notwithstanding, and all the people following them, went to the gates of the city to meet him, and did honourably receive him. Nay furthermore, those that were the chief magistrates and Senators, among whom Fabius was one, when silence was made, they commended Varro much: because he did not despair of the preservation of the common weal after so great a calamity, but did return again to the city, to help to reduce things to order, in using the authority of the law, and the service of the citizens, as not being altogether under foot, but standing yet in reasonable terms of good recovery. But when they understood that Hannibal after the battle was gone into other parts of ITALY: Fabius Maximus, and Claudius Marcellus generals. then they began to be of good cheer again, and sent a new army and generals to the field, among which, the two chief generals were, Fabius Maximus, and Claudius Marcellus, both which by contrary means in manner, wan a like glory and reputation. For Marcellus (as we have declared in his life) was a man of speedy execution, of a quick hand, of a valiant nature, and a right martial man, as Homer calleth them that valiantly put themselves in any danger: by reason whereof, having to deal with another captain a like venturous and valiant as himself, in all service and execution, he showed the self boldness and courage that Hannibal did. Bu● Fabius persisting still upon his first determination, did hope that though he did not fight with Hannibal, nor stir him at all, yet continual wars would consume him and his army in the end, and bring them both to naught: as a common wrestler that forceth his body above his natural strength, doth in the end become a lame and bruised man. Hereupon Possidonius writeth, Possidonius words of Fabius & Marcellus. that the one was called the romans sword, and the other their target. And that Fabius constancy and resolutnes in wars to fight with security, and to commit nothing to hazard & danger, being mingled with Marcellus heat and fury: was that only, which preserved the romans empire. For Hannibal meeting always in his way the one that was furious, as a strong running stream, found that his army was continually turmoiled and overharried: & the other that was slow as a little pretty river, he found that his army ran softly under him without any noise, but yet continually by little and little it did still consume & diminish him, until he saw himself at the last brought to that pass, that he was weary with fight with Marcellus, and afraid of Fabius because he fought not. For during all the time of these wars, he had ever these two captains almost against him, which were made either Praetors, Consuls, or Proconsul's: for either of them both had been five times before chosen Consul. Yet as for Marcellus: Marcellus slain by an ambush of Hannibals. Hannibal had laid an ambush for him in the fift and last year of his consulship, where he set upon him on a sudden; and slew him. But as for Fabius, he laid many baits for him, and did what he could by all the skill and reach he had, by ambushes, and other warlike policies to entrap him: but he could never draw him within his danger. Howbeit at one time he put him to a little trouble, and was in good hope then to have made him fall upon his ambush he had laid for him: and by this policy. He had counterfeited letters written and sent unto him from the city of METAPONT, Hannibal's ambush laid for Fabius. to pray him to come to them, and they would deliver their city into his hands: and withal, that such as were privy to the contents of the same, desired no other thing but his repair thither. These letters prettily quickened Fabius, insomuch as he was determined one night to have taken part of his army, & to have gone to them. But because the signs of the birds did promise' him no good success, he left of his purpose. Sun after he understood they were counterfeit letters, made by Hannibal's fine devise to have drawn him out, & to have entrapped him, for whom himself lay in person in ambush near the city, looking and waiting for his coming: but the gods who would have him saved, were only to be thanked for his happy escape. Furthermore, concerning the revolt of the cities that were subject unto them, and the rising of their allies & friends against them: Fabius thought it far better to entreat them courteously, Fabius' lenity in correcting of faults. making them ashamed without occasion to rebel against them, rather than openly to suspect them, and to deal straightly with those that were so to be suspected. Now for this matter, it is reported that Fabius had a soldier in his camp that was a MARSIAN borne by nation, a valiant man of his person, & also of as noble a house, as any that were of all the allies of the romans: who had practised with other his fellows of the band he served in, to go serve the enemy. Fabius hearing of this practice he went about, gave him no ill countenance for it, but calling him to him, he said I must confess there is no reckoning made of you, Note how Fabius reclaimed and evil soldier. as your good service doth deserve: wherefore for this time (sayeth he) I blame the petty captains only, which in such sort do bestow their good will and favour at adventure, and not by desert. But henceforth it shallbe your own fault if you do not declare your mind unto me, and between you and me make me privy of your lack & necessity. When he had spoken these words to him, he gave him a very good horse for service, and did reward him with other honourable gifts, as men of good service & desert have commonly bestowed on them: and this did so encourage the soldier thenceforth, that he become a very faithful and serviceable soldier to the romans. For Fabius thought it more fit, that hunters, riders of horses, & such like as take upon them to tame brute beasts, should sooner make them leave their savage & churlish nature, by gentle usage and manning of them: then by beating, and shackling of them. And so a governor of men, should rather correct his soldier by patience, Necessary rules for a captain. gentleness, and clemency: then by rigour, violence, or severity. Otherwise he should handle them more rudely, and sharply, than husbandmen do fig trees, olive trees, & wild pomegarnets: who by diligent pruning and good handling of them, do altar their hard and wild nature, & 'cause them in the end to bring forth good figs, olives & pomegarnets. Another time certain captains of his brought him word, that there was one of their soldiers which would ever go out of the camp, & leave his ensign. He asked them, what manner of man he was. They answered him all together, that he was a very good soldier, and that they could hardly find out such another, in all their bands as he: and therewithal they told him, of some notable service they had seen him do in person. Whereupon Fabius made a diligent enquierie to know what the cause was, that made him go so often out of the camp: in the end, he found he was in love with a young woman, and that to go see her, was the cause he did so oft leave his ensign, and did put his life in so great danger, for that she was so far of. When Fabius understood this, he sent certain soldiers (unknowing to the soldier) to bring the woman away he loved, and willed them to hide her in his tent: and then called he the soldier to him, that was a LUCANIAN borne, and taking him a side, said unto him thus. My friend, it hath been told me, how thou hast lain many nights out of the camp, against the law of arms, and order of the romans, but therewithal I understand also that otherwise thou art an honest man, and therefore I pardon thy faults passed, in consideration of thy good service: but from henceforth I will give thee in custody to such a one, as shall make me account of thee. The soldier was blank, when he heard these words. Fabius with that, caused the woman he was in love with, to be brought forth, and delivered her into his hands, saying unto him. This woman hereafter shall answer me thy body to be forth coming in the camp amongst us: and from henceforth thy deeds shall witness for the rest, that thy love unto this woman, may be no cloak of thy departing out of the camp for any wicked practice or intent. Thus much we find written concerning this matter. Moreover, Fabius after such a sort, recovered again the city of TARENTUM, How Fabius wan Tarentum again. and brought it to the obedience of the romans, which they had lost by treason. It fortuned there was a young man in his camp, a TARENTINE borne, that had a sister within TARENTUM, which was very faithful to him, and loved him marvelous dearly: now there was a captain, a BRUTIAN borne, that fell in love with her, and was one of those to whom Hannibal had committed the charge of the city of TARENTUM. This gave the young soldier the TARENTINE, very good hope, and way, to bring his enterprise to good effect: whereupon he revealed his intent to Fabius, and with his privity fled from his camp, and got into the city of TARENTUM, giving it out in the city, that he would altogether devil with his sister. Now for a few days at his first coming, the BRUTIAN captain lay alone by himself, at the request of the maid his sister, who thought her brother had not known of her love: and shortly after the young fellow took his sister aside, and said unto her. My good sister, there was a great speech in the romans camp, that thou wert kept by one of the chiefest captains of the garrison: I pray thee if it be so, let me know what he is. For so he be a good fellow, and an honest man (as they say he is) I care not: for wars that turneth all things topsi turvey, regardeth not of what place or calling he is of, and still maketh virtue of necessity, without respect of shame. And it is a special good fortune, at such time as neither right nor reason rules, to happen yet into the hands of a good and gracious lord. His sister hearing him speak these words, sent for the BRUTIAN captain to bring him acquainted with her brother, who liked well of both their loves, and endeavoured himself to frame his sister's love in better sort towards him, than it was before: by reason whereof, the captain also began to trust him very much. So this young TARENTINE saw it was very easy, to win and turn the mind of this amorous and mercenary man, with hope of great gifts that were promised him, and Fabius should perform. Thus do the most part of writers set down this story. Howbeit some writers say, that this woman who wan the BRUTIAN captain, was not a TARENTINE, but a BRUTIAN borne, whom Fabius it is said, kept afterwards for his concubine: and that she understanding the captain of the brutians (who lay in garrison within the city of TARENTUM) was also a BRUTIAN borne, and of her own native country: made Fabius privy to her intent, and with his consent, she coming to the walls of the city, spoke with this BRUTIAN captain, Tarentum won by a woman's mea●. whom she handled in such sort, that she wan him. But whilst this geate was a brewing, Fabius, because he would train Hannibal out of those quarters, wrote unto the soldiers of RHEGIO: which belonged to the romans, that they should enter the borders of the brutians, and lay siege to the city of CAULONIA, and raze it to the ground. These RHEGIAN soldiers were about the number of eight thousand, and the most of them traitors, and ronneagates, from one camp to another: and the worst sort of them, and most defamed of life, were those that Marcellus brought thither out of SICILY, so that in losing them all, the loss were nothing to the common weal, and the sorrow much less. So Fabius thought, that putting these fellows out for a pray to Hannibal (as a stolen to draw him from those quarters) he should pluck him by this means from TARENTUM: and so it came to pass. For Hannibal incontinently went thence with his army to entrap them: and in the mean time Fabius went to say siege to TARENTUM, where he had not lain six days before it, but the young man (who together with his sister had drawn the BRUTIAN captain to this treason) stolen out one night to Fabius, to inform him of all, having taken very good marks of that side of the wall the BRUTIAN captain had taken charge of, who had promised him to keep it secret, & to suffer them to enter, that came to assault that side. Yet Fabius would not ground his hope altogether upon the brutians executing this treason, but went himself in person to view the place appointed, howbeit without attempting any thing for that time and in the mean season, he gave a general assault to all parts of the city (aswell by sea as by land) with great shouts & cries. Then the BRUTIAN captain seeing all the citizens and garrison run to that part, where they perceived the noise to be greatest: made a signal unto Fabius, that now was the time. Who then caused scaling ladders to be brought a pace, Fabius took the city of Tarentum. Fabius' ambition cause of fowl murder. whereupon himself with his company scaled the walls, and so wan the city. But it appeareth here, that ambition overcame him. For first he commanded they should kill all the brutians, because it should not be known he had won the city by treason. But this bloody policy failed him: for he miss not only of the glory he looked for, but most deservedly he had the reproach of cruelty and falsehood. At the taking of this city, a marvelous number of the TARENTINES were slain, beside there were sold thirty thousand of the chiefest of them, & all the city was sacked: and of the spoil thereof was carried to the common store treasure at ROME, three thousand talents. It is reported also, that when they did spoil and carry away all other spoils left behind, the recorder of the city asked Fabius, what his pleasure was to do with the gods, meaning the tables, and their images: and to that Fabius answered him. Let us leave the TARENTINES their gods that be angry with them. This notwithstanding, he carried from thence Hercules statue, that was of a monstrous bigness, and caused it to be set up in the Capitol, and withal did set up his own image in brass a horse back by him. But in that act he showed himself far harder hearted, than Marcellus had done, or to say more truly, thereby he made the world know how much Marcellus courtesy, clemency, and bounty was to be wondered at: as we have written in his life. News being brought to Hannibal, that TARENTUM was besieged, he marched presently with all speed possible to raise the siege: and they say he had almost come in time, for he was with in 40. furlongs of the city when he understood the troth of the taking of it. Then said he out aloud, sure the romans have their Hannibal to: for as we wan TARENTUM, so have we lost it. But after that, to his friends he said privately (and that was the first time they ever heard him speak it) that he saw long before, and now appeared plainly, that they could not possibly with this small power keep ITALY. Fabius made his triumph and entry into ROME the second time, by reason of taking of this city: Fabius' second triumph. and his second triumph was much more honourable than the first, as of a valiant captain that held out still with Hannibal, and easily met with all his fine policies. much like the slight tricks of a cunning wrestler, which carried not now the former roughenes and strength any more, because that his army was given to take their ease, and grown to delicacy, partly through the great riches they had gotten, and partly also for that it was sore wasted and diminished, through the sundry foughten battles and blows they had been at. Now there was one Martus Livius a ROMAN, that was governor of TARENTUM at that time, when Hannibal took it, and nevertheless kept the castle still out of Hannibal's hands, and so held it until the city came again into the hands of the romans. This Livius spited to see such honour done to Fabius, so that one day in open Senate, being drowned with envy and ambition, he burst out and said: that it was himself, not Fabius, that was cause of taking of the city of TARENTUM again. Fabius smiling to hear him, answered him openly: indeed thou sayest true, for if thou hadst not lost it, I had never won it again. Fabius' witty answer. But the romans in all other respects did greatly honour Fabius, and specially for that they chose his son Consul. He having already taken possession of his office, as he was dispatching certain causes touching the wars, his father (whether it was for debility of his age, or to prove his son) took his horse to come to him, and road through the press of people that thronged about him, having business with him. But his son seeing him coming a far of, would not suffer it, but sent an officer of his unto him, to command him to light of his horse, and to come a foot if he had any thing to do with the Consul. A strange commandment of the son to the father. This commandment misliked the people that heard it, and they all looked upon Fabius, but said not a word: thinking with themselves, that the Consul did great wrong to his father's greatness. So he lighted strait, and went a good round pace to embrace his son, and said unto him. The father obeyeth his sons authority & commendeth him. You have reason son, and do well to show over whom you command, understanding the authority of a Consul, which place you have received. For it is the direct course, by the which we and our ancestors have increased the ROMAN empire: preferring ever the honour and state of our country, above father, mother, or children. And truly they say, that Fabius great grandfather being the greatest and most noble person of ROME in his time, having five times been Consul, and had obtained many triumphs, for divers honourable and sundry victories he had won: was contented after all these, to be his sons lieutenant, and to go to the wars with him, he being chosen Consul. And last of all, the Consul his son returning home to ROME a conqueror, in his triumphing charet drawn with four horses, he followed him a horse back also, in troop with the rest: thinking it honour to him, that having authority over his son in the right of a father, and being also the noblest man of all the citizens, so taken and reputed, nevertheless he willingly submitted himself to the law and magistrate, who had authority of him. Yet besides all this, he had far more excellent virtues to be had in admiration, than those already spoken of. But it fortuned that this son of Fabius died before him, whose death he took patiently, like a wise man, and a good father. Now the custom being at that time, that at the death of a noble man, their nearest kinsman should make a funeral oration in their praise at their obsequies: he himself made the same oration in honour of his son, and did openly speak it in the marketplace, and moreover wrote it, and delivered it out abroad. About this time, Cornelius Scipio was sent into SPAIN, who drove out the CARTHAGINIANS from thence, after he had overthrown them in many battles, and had conquered many great cities, and greatly advanced the honour and estimation of the state of ROME: for the which at his return, he was asmuch, or rather more honoured, beloved and esteemed, than any other that was in the city of ROME. Hereupon Scipio being made Consul, Scipio Consul. considered that the people of ROME looked for some great matter at his hands, above all other. Therefore he thought, to take upon him to fight against Hannibal in ITALY, he should but follow the old manner, and tread to much in the steps of the old man: whereupon he resolved immediately to make wars in AFRICA, and to burn and destroy the country even unto CARTHAGE gates, and so to transfer the wars out of ITALY into LIBYA, procuring by all possible devise he could, to put it into the people's heads, and to make them like of it. But Fabius contrarily, persuading himself that the enterprise this young rash youth took in hand, Fabius was against the counsel and devise of Scipio African. was utterly to overthrow the common weal, or to put the state of ROME in great danger: devised to put ROME in the greatest fear he could possible, without sparing speech or deed he thought might serve for his purpose, to make the people change from that mind. Now he could so cunningly work his purpose, what with speaking and doing, that he had drawn all the Senate to his opinion. But the people judged, it was the secret envy he bore to Scipio's glory, that drew him to encounter this devise, only to bleamish Scipio's noble fortune, fearing, lest if he should happen to do some honourable service (as to make an end altogether of this war, or otherwise to draw Hannibal out of ITALY) that then it would appear to the world, he had been to soft, or to negligent, to draw this war out to such a length. For my part, me thinks the only matter that moved Fabius from the beginning to be against Scipio, was the great care he had of the safety of the common weal, by reason of the great danger depending upon such a resolution. And yet I do think also, that afterwards he went further than he should, contending to sore against him (whether it was through ambition or obstinacy) seeking to hinder and suppress the greatness of Scipio: considering also he did his best to persuade Crassus, Scipio's companion in the consulship, that he should not grant unto him the leading of the army, but if he thought good to go into AFRICA, to make wars upon the CARTHAGINIANS, that he should rather go himself. And moreover, he was the let that they gave him no money for maintenance of these wars. Scipio hereupon being turned over to his own credit, to furnish himself as he could: he levied great sums of money in the cities of Tuscan, who for the great love they bore him, made contribution towards his journey. And Crassus remained at home, both because he was a soft, and no ambitious, nor contentious man of nature: as also, because he was the chiefest Prelate and high bishop, Crassus, high bishop of Rome. who by the law of their religion, was constrained to keep ROME. Fabius seeing his labour lost that way, took again another course to cross Scipio, devising to stay the young men at home, that had great desire to go this journey with him. For he cried out with open mouth, in all assemblies of the Senate & people, that Scipio was not contented only to fly Hannibal, but that he would carry with him besides the whole force of ITALY that remained: alluring the youth with sweet baits of vain hope, and persuading them to leave their wives, their fathers, mothers, and their country, even now when their enemy knocked at ROME gates, who did ever conquer, and was yet never conquered. These words of Fabius did so damp the romans, that they appointed Scipio should furnish his journey only with the army that was in SICILIA, saving that he might supply to them if he would, three hundred of the best soldiers that had served him faithfully in SPAIN. And so it doth appear even to this present, that Fabius both did and said all things, according to his wonted manner, and natural disposition. Now Scipio was no sooner arrived in AFRICA, but news were brought to ROME incontinently, of wonderful exploits, and noble service done beyond measure: and of great spoils taken by him, which argued the troth of the news. As, the king of the NUNIDIANS taken prisoner, The famous acts done in Africa by Scipio Africanus. two camps of the enemies burnt & destroyed at a time, with loss of a great number of people, armour, and horses, that were consumed in the same: letters and posts for life ronning in the neck one of another from CARTHAGE to call Hannibal home, and to pray him to hunt no longer after vain hope that would never have end, hasting himself with all speed possible to come to the rescue of his country. These wonderful great fortunes of Scipio, made him of such renown and fame within ROME, that there was no talk but of Scipio. Fabius notwithstanding desisted not to make a new request, being of opinion they should sand him a successor, alleging no other cause nor reason, but a common speech of every body: that it was a dangerous thing to commit to the fortune of one man alone, so great exceeding prosperity and good success, because it is a rare matter to see one man happy in all things. These words did so much mislike the people, that they thought him an envious troublesome man, or else they thought his age had made him fearful: and that his courage failed with his strength, fearing Hannibal more doubtfully than he needed. For now though Hannibal was forced to leave ITALY, and to return into AFRICA, yet Fabius would not grant, that the people's joy and security they thought they were in, was altogether clear, and without fear and mistrust: but gave it out that then they were in greatest danger, and that the common weal was breeding more mischief now, then before. For when Hannibal (said he) shall return home into AFRICA, and come before CARTHAGE walls, the romans shall be less able to abide him there, than they have been before: and Scipio moreover, shall meet with an army yet warm, and imbrued with the blood of so many Praetors, Dictator's, and Consuls of ROME, which they have overcome, and put to the sword in ITALY. With these uncomfortable speeches, he still troubled & disquieted the whole city, persuading them that notwithstanding the war was transferred out of ITALY into AFRICA, yet that the occasion of fear was no less near unto ROME, than it was ever before. But within short space after, Scipio having overcome Hannibal in plain battle in the field, and trodden under foot the glory and pride of CARTHAGE, he brought a greater joy to ROME, than they ever looked for: and by this noble victory of his, he shored up again the declining state of the empire of ROME, which a little before was falling down right. Howbeit Fabius lived not to the end of this war, nor ever heard while he lived the joyful news of Hannibal's happy overthrow, neither were his years prolonged to see the happy assured prosperity of his country: for about that time that Hannibal departed out of ITALY, The death of Fabius Max. a sickness took him, whereof he died. The stories declare, that the THEBANS buried Epaminondas, The funerals of Epaminond●●. at the common charges of the people: because he died in so great poverty, that when he was dead, they found nothing in the house but a little iron spit. Now the romans buried not Fabius so, at the common charge of the city, but every man of benevolence gave towards his funeral charges, a piece of coin that carried the lest value of their currant money: not for that he lacked ability to bring him to the ground, but only to honour his memory: in making his obsequies at their charges, as of one that had been their common father. So had his virtuous life, an honourable end and burial. THE COMPARISON OF Pericles with Fabius. HERE have you heard what is written, of thesetwo great persons. And forasmuch as they have both left behind them, many noble examples of virtue, aswell in martial matters, as in civil government, let us begin to compare them together. First of all, Pericles began to govern the common weal at what time the people of ATHENS were in their chiefest prosperity, and of greater power and wealth, than ever they had been of before or since. The which might seem to be a cause of the continual maintenance of the same in security without danger of falling, not so much for their worthiness, as for their common power and felicity: where contrariwise Fabius acts fell out in the most dishonourable & unfortunate time, that ever happened to his country, in the which he did not only keep the city in good state from declining, but raised it up, and delivered it from calamity, and brought it to be better than he found it. Furthermore, Cimons' great good fortune and success, the victories and triumphs of Myronides, and of Leocrates, and many notable valiant deeds of arms of Tolmides, gave good cause to Peritles, to entertain his city in feasts, and plays, whilst he did govern the same: and he did not find it in such ill case and distress, that he was driven to defend it by force of arms, or to conquer that again which he had lost. But Fabius in contrary manner, when he saw before him many overthrows, great flying away, much murder, great slaughters of the generals of the ROMAN armies, the lakes, the plains, the woods filled with scattered men, the people overcome, the floods and rivers ronning all a gore blood (by reason of the great slaughter) and the stream carrying down the dead bodies to the main sea: did take in hand the government of his country, and a course far contrary to all other: so as he did underprop and shore up the same, that he kept it from flat falling to the ground, amongst those ruins and overthrows other had brought it to, before him. Yet a man may say also, that it is no great matter of difficulty to rule a city already brought low by adversity, and which compelled by necessity, is contented to be governed by a wise man: as it is to bridle and keep under the insolency of a people, puffed up with pride, and presumption of long prosperity, as Pericles found it amongst the ATHENIANS. The great multitude also of so many grievous calamities, as lighted on the ROMANS' necks at that time, did plainly show Fabius to be a grave and a constant man, which would never give way unto the importunate cries of the common people, nor could ever be removed from that he had at the first determined. The winning & recovering again of TARENTUM, may well be compared to the taking of SAMOS, which Pericles wan by force: and the cities of CAMPANIA, unto the isle of EUBOEA: excepting the city of CAPVA, which the Consuls Faluius and Appius recovered again. But it seemeth that Fabius never wan battle, save that only for which he triumphed the first time: where Pericles set up nine triumphs, of battles and victories he had won, aswell by sea as by land. And so also, they cannot allege such an act done by Pericles, as Fabius did, when he rescued Minutius out of the hands of Hannibal, and saved a whole army of the romans: which doubtless was a famous act, and proceeded of a noble mind, great wisdom, and an honourable heart. But Pericles, again did never commit so gross an error as Fabius did when he, was outreached, & deceived by Hannibal's fine stratagem of his oxen: who having found his enemy by chance to have shut himself up in the strait of a valley, did suffer him to escape in the night by a subtlety, & in the day by plain force. For he was prevented by overmuch delay, and fought withal by him he kept enclosed. Now if it be requisite, a good captain do not only use well that he hath in his hands, but that he wisely judge also what will follow after, The gift of a good general. than the wars of the ATHENIANS fell out in such sort, as Pericles said they would come to pass: for with ambition to embrace to much, they overthrew their estate. But the romans contrariwise, having sent Scipio into AFRICA to make wars with the CARTHAGINIANS, wan all that they took in hand: where their general did not overcome the enemy by fortune, but by valiantness. So that the wisdom of the one is witnessed, by the ruin of his country: and the error of the other testified, by the happy event of that he would have let. Now the fault is a like in a general, to fall into danger, for lack of forecast: as for cowardliness to let slip a fit opportunity offered, to do any notable piece of service. The faults of generals. For like default and lack of experience, maketh the one to hardy, and the other to fearful. And thus much touching the wars. Now for civil government: The comparison between Pericles and Fabius for civil government. it was a fowl blot to Pericles, to be the author of wars. For it is thought, that he alone was the cause of the same, for that he would not have them yield to the LACEDÆMONIANS in any respect. And yet me thinks Fabius Maximus also would no more give place unto the CARTHAGINIANS, but stood firm & bold in all danger, to maintain th'empire of his country against them. But the goodness & clemency Fabius showed unto Minutius, doth much condemn Pericles accusations & practices, against Cimon and Thucydides: both of them being noble & good men, & taking part with the Nobility, whom he expulsed out of ATHENS, & banished for a time. So was Pericles power & authority in the common weal greater: by reason whereof he did ever foresee, that no general in all his time did rashly attempt any thing hurtful unto the common weal, except Tolmides only: who fled from him, & in despite of him went to fight with the BOEOTIANS where he was slain. As for all other generals, they wholly put themselves into his hands, & did obey him for the greatness of his authority. But Fabius, although for his part he never committed any fault, and that he went orderly to work in all government: yet because he was not of power to keep other from doing ill, it seemeth in this respect he was defective. For if Fabius had carried like authority in ROME, as Pericles did in ATHENS: the romans had not fallen into so great misery as they did. And for liberality: the one showed it, in refusing the money offered him: and the other, in giving unto those that needed, and redeeming his poor captive country men. And yet Fabius might dispend no great revenue: Fabius' revenue. for his whole receipts came only to six talents. But for Pericles, it is hard to say how rich he was, who had coming in to him, great presents by his authority, aswell of the subjects, as of the friends and allies of the ATHENIANS, as also of Kings and strange Princes: yet he never took bribe for all that, The buildings of Rome nothing comparable to Pericles works. of any person living. And to conclude, as for the sumptuous building of temples, the stately works and common buildings: put all the ornaments together that ever were in ROME, before the times of the Caesars, they are not to be compared with those wherewith Pericles did beautify & adorn the city of ATHENS. For neither in quality nor quantity was there any proportion or like comparison, between the exceeding sumptuousness of the one, and of the other. The end of Fabius Maximus life. THE LIFE OF Alcibiades. Alcibiades stock. ALCIBIADES by his father's side, was anciently descended of Eurysaces, that was the son of Ajax, and by his mother's side, of Alemaeon: for his mother Dinomacha, was the daughter of Megacles. His father Clinias having armed, and set forth a gallye, at his own proper costs and charges, did win great honour in the battle by sea, that was fought alongst the coast of ARTEMISIUM, and he was slain afterwards in another battle fought at CORONEA, against the BOEOTIANS. His son Alcibiades tutors, Alcibiades tutors. were Pericles, and Ariphroa Xanthippus sons: who were also his near kinsmen. They say, and truly: that Socrates good will and friendship did greatly further Alcibiades honour. For it appeareth not, neither was it ever written, what were the names of the mothers of Nicias, The mothers of famous men never known what they were. of Demosthenes, of Lamachus, of Phormion, of Thrasibulus, & of Theramenes: all which were notable famous men in their time. And to the contrary, we find the nurse of Alcibiades, that she was a LACEDAEMCNIAN borne, and was called Amicla, and that his schoolmaster was called Zopyrus: of the which, Antisthenes mentioneth the one, and Plato the other. Now for Alcibiades beauty, it made no matter if we speak not of it, yet I will a little touch it by the way: for he was wonderful fair, being a child, a boy, and a man, and that at all times, Alcibiades beauty. which made him marvelous amiable, and beloved of every man. For where Euripides sayeth, that of all the fair times of the year, the Autumn or latter season is the fairest: that commonly falleth not out true. And yet it proved true in Alcibiades, though in few other: for he was passing fair even to his latter time, & of good temperature of body. They writ of him also, Alcibiades lisped by nature. that his tongue was somewhat fat, and it did not become him ill, but gave him a certain natural pleasant grace in his talk: which Aristophanes mentioneth, mocking one Theorus that did counterfeit a lisping grace with his tongue. This Alcibiades, with his fat lisping tongue, into mine ears, this trusty tale, and song full often song. Look upon Theolus (qd he) lo there he bows, behold his comely crowebright face with fat and * The equinocation of these two Greek words Kop● and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is hard to be expressed in English, in stead whereof I have se● flatling blows, for flattering brows, observing the grace of lisping, as near as I could, like to the Latin and French translations, likewise Theolus for Theorus. Alcibiades ambitious. flatling blows. The son of Clinias, would lisp it thus somewhiles, and sure he lisped never a lie, but rightly it his wiles. And Archippus another poet also, mocking the son of Alcibiades, sayeth thus, Because he would be like his father every way in his long trailing gown he would go jetting day by day. And counterfeate his speech, his countenance and face: as though dame nature had him given, therein a perfect grace. To lisp and look aside, and hold his head awry, even as his father looked and lispt, so would he prate and pry. For his manners they altered and changed very often with time, which is not to be wondered at, seeing his marvelous great prosperity, as also adversity that followed him afterwards. But of all the great desires he had, and that by nature he was most inclined to, was ambition, seeking to have the upper hand in all things, and to be taken for the best person: as appeareth by certain of his deeds, and notable sayings in his youth, extant in writing. One day wrestling with a companion of his, that handled him hardly, and thereby was likely to have given him the fall: he got his fellows arm in his mouth, and bitten so hard, as he would have eaten it of. The other feeling him bite so hard, let go his hold strait, and said unto him: what Alcibiades, bitest thou like a woman? Not marry do I not (qd he) but like a lion. Another time being but a little boy, he played at skayles in the midst of the street with other of his companions, and when his turn came about to throw, there came a cart laden by chance that way: Alcibiades prayed the carter to stay a while, until he had played out his game, because the skailes were set right in the high way where the cart should pass over. The carter was a stubborn knave, and would not stay for any request the boy could make, but drove his horse on still, in so much as other boys gave back to let him go on: but Alcibiades fell flat to the ground before the cart, and bad the carter drive over and he durst. The carter being afeard, plucked back his horse to stay them: the neighbours flighted to see the danger, ran to the boy in all haste crying out. Afterwards when he was put to school to learn, Alcibiades studies. he was very obedient to all his masters that taught him any thing, saving that he disdained to learn to play of the flute or recorder: saying, that it was no gentlemanly quality. For, A vila thing to play of a flute. said he, to play on the viol with a stick, doth not altar man's favour, nor disgraceth any gentleman: but otherwise, to play on the flute, his countenance altereth and changeth so oft, that his familiar friends can scant know him. Moreover, the harp or viol doth not let him that playeth on them, from speaking, or singing as he playeth: where he that playeth on the flute, holdeth his mouth so hard to it, that it taketh not only his words from him, but his voice. Therefore, said he, let the children of the THEBANS play on the flute, that cannot tell how to speak: as for us ATHENIANS, we have (as our forefathers tell us) for protect ours and patrons of our country, and goddess Pallas, and the god Apollo: of the which the one in old time (as it is said) broke the flute, and the other pulled his skin over his ears, that played upon the flute. Thus Alcibiades alleging these reasons, partly in sport, and partly in good earnest: did not only himself leave to learn to play on the flute, but he turned his companions minds also quite from it. For these words of Alcibiades, ran from boy to boy incontinently: that Alcibiades had reason to despise playing of the flute, and that he mocked all those that learned to play of it. So afterwards, it fell out at ATHENS, that teaching to play of the flute, was put out of the number of honest and liberal exercises, and the flute itself was thought a vile instrument, and of no reputation. Furthermore, in the accusations Antiphon wrote against Alcibiades, it is declared: that when he was a boy, he fled out of his tutors house, into the house of Democrates one of his lovers, and how Ariphron one of his tutors thought to have made a beadle cry him through the city. But Pericles would not suffer him, saying: that if he were dead, they should know it but one day sooner by crying of him: and if he were alive, that it would be such a shame to him while he lived, that he had been better he had never been heard of again. The same Antiphon accuseth him further, that he had killed a servant of his that attended on him, in the wrestling place of Sibyrtius, with a blow of a staff. But there is no reason to credit his writing, who confesseth he speaketh all the ill he can of him, for the ill will he did bear him. Now strait there were many great & rich men that made much of Alcibiades, and were glad to get his good william. But Socrates love unto him had another end and cause, Socrates' love to Alcibiades. which witnessed that Alcibiades had a natural inclination to virtue. Who perceiving that virtue did appear in him, and was joined with the other beauty of his face and body, and fearing the corruption of riches, dignity and authority, and the great number of his companions, aswell of the chiefest of the city, as of strangers, seeking to entice him by flattery, and by many other pleasures: he took upon him to protect him from them all, and not to suffer so goodly an imp to loose the hope of the good fruit of his youth. For fortune doth never so entangle nor snare a man without, with that which they commonly call riches, as to let & hinder him so, that philosophy should not take hold on him with her free, severe, and quick reasons. So Alcibiades was at the beginning, assayed with all delights, and shut up as it were in their company that feasted him with all pleasures, only to turn him that he should not harken to Socrates' words, who sought to bring him up at his charge, and to teach him. But Alcibiades notwithstanding, having a good natural wit, knew that Socrates was, and went to him, refusing the company of all his rich friends and their flatteries, and fell in a kind of familiar friendship with Socrates. Whom when he had heard speak, he noted his words very well, that they were no persuasions of a man seeking his dishonesty, but one that gave him good counsel, & went about to reform his faults and imperfections, and to pluck down the pride and presumption that was in him: then, as the common proverb sayeth, Like to the craven cock, he drowped down his wings, which cowardly doth run away, or from the pit out flings. And did think with self, that all Socrates love and following of young men, was in deed a thing sent from the gods, and ordained above for them, whom they would have preserved, & put into the path way of honour. Therefore be began to despise himself, and greatly to reverence Socrates, taking pleasure of his good using of him, & much embraced his virtue: so as he had (he witted not how) an image of love graven in his heart, or rather (as Plato sayeth) a mutual love, to wit, an holy & honest affection towards Socrates. Insomuch as all the world wondered at Alcibiades, to see him commonly at Socrates' board, to play, to wrestle, & to lodge in the wars with Socrates: and contrarily to chide his other well willers, who could not so much as have a good look at his hands, and beside become dangerous to some, as it is said he was unto Anytus, the son of Anthemion, being one of those that loved him well. Anytus making good cheer to certain strangers his friends that were come to see him, went and prayed Alcibiades to come and make merry with them: Alcibiades inso●ecie unto Anytus. but he refused to go. For he went to make merry with certain of his companions at his own house, and after he had well taken in his cups, he went to Anytus house to counterfeit the fool amongst them, and staying at the hall door, and seeing Anytus table and cubberd full of plate of silver & gold, he commanded his servants to take away half of it, and carry it home to his house. But when he had thus taken his pleasure, he would come to nearer into the house, but went his way home. Anytus friends and guests misliking this strange part of Alcibiades, said it was shamefully and boldly done so to abuse Anytus. Nay, gently done of him, said Anytus: for he hath left us some, where he might have taken all. All other also that made much of him, he served after that sort. Saving a stranger that came to devil in ATHENS; who being but a poor man as the voice went, sold all that he had, whereof he made about a hundred stateres which he brought unto Alcibiades, & prayed him to take it at his hands. Alcibiades began to be merry, Alcibiades liberal fact. and being very glad to understand his good will towards him, took his honest offer, and prayed him to come to supper to him: so he welcomed him very heartily, and made him good cheer. When supper was done, he gave him his money again, and commanded him not to fail the next morning to meet him where the farms and lands of the city are wont to be let out to those that bid most, and charged him he should out bid all. The poor man would fain have excused himself, saying, the farms were to great for him to hire: but Alcibiades threatened to whip him, if he would not do it. For besides the desire he had to pleasure him, he bore a private grudge against the ordinary farmers of the city. The next morning the stranger was ready in the market place, where they did cry out the letting of their farms, and he raised one to a talon more, than all other did offer. The other farmers were as mad with him as they could be, that they all did set upon him, crying out: let him put in surety strait, supposing he could have found none. The stranger was marvelous blank thereat, and began to shrink back. Then cried Alcibiades out aloud to the officers that sat there to take the best offers: I will be his surety, sayeth he, put me in the book, for he is a friend of mine. The farmers hearing him say so, were at their wits end, and wist not what to do. For they being always accustomed to pay their yearly rent as it went before, by the help of the rest of the years that followed after: perceiving now that they should not be able to pay the arrearages of the rents due to the common weal, and seeing no other remedy, they prayed him to take a piece of money, and to leave the bargain. Then Alcibiades would in no wise he should take less than a talon, which they gave him willingly. So Alcibiades suffered the stranger than to depart, and made him gain by his devise. Now Socrates love which he bore him, though it had many mighty and great adversaries, yet it did stay much Alcibiades, sometime by his gentle nature, sometime by his grave counsel and advise: so as the reason thereof took so deep root in him, and did so pierce his heart, that many times the tears ran down his cheeks. Another time also being carried away with the enticement of flatterers, that held up his humour with all pleasure and delights, he stolen away from Socrates, and made him run after him to fetch him again, as if he had been a slave that had run away from his master's house: for Alcibiades stood in awe of no man but of Socrates only, Alcibiades ran from Socrates. and in deed he did reverence him, and did despise all other. And therefore Cleanthes was wont to say, that Alcibiades was held of Socrates by the ears: but that he gave his other lovers hold, which Socrates never sought for: for to say truly, Alcibiades was much given over to lust and pleasure. Alcibiades given to pleasure. And peradventure it was that Thucydides meant of him, when he wrote that he was incontinent of body, and dissolute of life. Those that marred Alcibiades quite, did still prick forward his ambition and desire of honour, and did put him in the head to thrust himself into great matters betimes, making him believe that if he did but once begin to show himself to deal in matters of state, he would not only blemish and deface all other governors, but far excel Pericles, in authority and power among the GRECIANS. For like as iron by fire is made soft, to be wrought in to any form, and by cold also doth shut and harden in again: even so Alcibiades being puffed up with vanity & opinion of himself, as oft as Socrates took him in hand, was made fast & firm again by his good persuasions, insomuch that when he saw his own fault and folly, and how far wide he had strayed from virtue, he become suddenly very humble and lowly again. Now on a time when he was grown to man's state, he went into a grammar school; and asked the schoolmaster for one of Homer's books. The schoolmaster answered him, Alcibiades struck a schoolmaster, because he had not Homer in his choole. he had none of them: Alcibiades up with his fist, & gave him a good box on the ear, & went his way. Another grammarian told him on a time he had Homer which he had corrected. Alcibiades replied, why what meanest thou, to stand teaching little children their abc, when thou art able to correct Homer, and to teach young men, not boys? Another time he came and knocked at Pericles gate, desirous to speak with him: answer was made him, he was not at leisure now, for that he was busily occupied by himself, thinking on his reckonings he had to make with the ATHENIANS. Why, said he, going his way: it were better he were occupied, thinking how to make no account at all. Moreover, being but a young boy, he was at the journey of POTIDAEA, where he lay still with Socrates, Alcibiades first soldier far with Socrates. who would never let him be from him in all battles and skirmishes he was in: among which there was one, very hot & bloody, where they both fought valiantly, and Alcibiades was hurt. But Socrates stepped before him, and did defend him so valiantly before them all, Alcibiades saved by Socrates. that he saved him and his weapon out of the enemy's hands. So the honour of this fight out of doubt, in equity and reason, was due unto Socrates: but yet the captains would feign have judged it on Alcibiades side, because he was of a noble house. But Socrates, because he would increase his desire of honour, & would prick him forward to honest and commendable things, was the very first that witnessed Alcibiades had deserved it: and therefore prayed the captains to judge him the crown and complete armour. Afterwards, in the battle of DELION, the ATHENIANS having received the overthrow, Socrates retired with a few other a foot. Alcibiades being a horse back, and overtaking him, would not go from him, but kept him company, Alcibiades saved Socrates life after the overthrow at the battle of Delion. and defended him against a troop of his enemies that followed him, and slew many of his company. But that was a pretty while after, and before he gave a box of the ear unto Hipponicus, Callias father: who was one of the greatest men of power in the city, being a noble man borne, and of great possessions, which was done upon a bravery and certain lustiness, as having laid a wager with his companions he would do it, and for no malice or quarrel that he bore the man. This light part was strait over all the city, and every one that heard it, said it was lewdly done. But Alcibiades the next morning went to his house, and knocking at his gate was let in: so he stripping himself before him, delivered him his body to be whipped, and punished at his pleasure. Hipponicus pardoned him, and was friends with him, and gave him his daughter Hipparete afterwards in marriage. Howbeit some say, it was not Hipponicus that gave her to him: but Callias son, with ten talents of gold with her. Alcibiades married. Afterwards at the birth of his first child he had by her, he asked ten talents more, saying: they were promised him upon the contract, if his wife had children. But Callias fearing lest this was an occasion sought of him to lie in wait to kill him for his goods: declared openly to the people, that he made him his heir general, if he died without heirs special of his body. This gentlewoman Hipparete, being an honest true wife to Alcibiades, misliking her husband did so much misuse her, as to entertain common light strumpers, aswell citizens as strangers: she went abroad one day to her brother's house, and told him of it. Alcibiades passed not for it, and made no further reckoning of the matter: but only bade his wife, if she would, present her cause of divorce before the judge. So she went thither herself, to sue the divorce between them, according to the law: Hipparete sueth to be divorced from Alcibiades. but Alcibiades being there also, took her by the hand, & carried her through the market place home to his house, and no man durst meddle between them, to take her from him. And so she continued with him all the days of her life, which was not long after: for she died, when Alcibiades was in his journey he made to EPHESUS. This force Alcibiades used, was not thought altogether unlawful, nor uncivil, because it seemeth that the law was grounded upon this cause: that the wife which would be divorced from her husband, should go herself openly before the judge to put up her complaint, to the end, that by this means, the husband might come to speak with his wife, and seek to stay her if he could. Alcibiades had a marvelous fair great dog, Alcibiades great dog. that cost him three score and ten minas, and he cut of his tail that was his chief beauty. When his friends reproved him, and told him how every man blamed him for it: he fell a laughing, and told them he had that he sought. For, sayeth he, I would have the ATHENIANS rather prate upon that, than they should say worse of me. Moreover, it is said, the first time that Alcibiades spoke openly in the common weal, and began to deal in matters, Alcibiades largesse. was upon a gift of money he gave to the people, and not of any pretence, or former purpose he had to do it. One day as he came through the market place, hearing the people very loud, he asked what the matter was: they told him it was about money certain men had given to the people. Then Alcibiades went to them, and gave them money out of his own purse. The people were so glad at that, as they fell to shouting and clapping of their hands, in token of thankfulness: and himself was so glad for company, that he forgot a quail he had under his gown, which was so afeard of the noise, that she took her flight away. The people seeing the quail, made a greater noise than before and many rose out of their places to run after her: so that in the end, it was taken up by a master of a ship called Antiochus, who brought him the quail again, and for that cause Alcibiades did love him ever after. Now albeit the nobility of his house, his goods, his worthiness, & the great number of his kinsmen & friends made his way open to take upon him government in the common weal. Alcibiades, coming into the commonwealth. Yet the only way he desired to win the favour of the common people by, was the grace of his eloquence. To prove he was eloquent, all the Comical poets do testify it: and besides them, Demosthenes the prince of orators also doth say, in an oration he made against Midias, that Alcibiades above all other qualities he had, Alcibiades marvelous eloquent. was most eloquent. And if we may believe Theophrastus, the greatest searcher of antiquities, & best historiographer above any other philosopher: he hath written, that Alcibiades had as good a wit to devise and consider what he would say, Alcibiades wit and imperfection. as any man that was in his time. Howbeit sometimes studying what he should say, as also to deliver good words, not having them very readily at his tongues end: he many times took breath by the way, and paused in the midst of his tale, not speaking a word, until he had called it to mind, that he would say. His charge was great, and much spoken of also, for keeping of running horses at games: not only because they were the best & swiftest, but for the number of coaches he had beside. For never private person, not nor any prince, that ever sent seven so well appointed coaches, in all furniture, unto the games olympical, as he did: nor that at one course hath borne away the first, the second, and the fourth prize, as Thucydides sayeth: or as Euripides reporteth, the third. For in that game, he excelled all men in honour and name that ever strived for victory therein. For Euripides pronounced his praise, Alcibiades victory at the games olympical. in a song he made of him, as followeth: O son of Clinias, I will resound thy praise: for thou art bold in martial deeds, and overcomest always. Thy victories therewith, do far exceed the rest, that ever were in Greece ygot, therefore I count them best. For at thOlympike games, thou hast with chariots won, the first price, second, third and all, which there in race were run. With praise and little pain, thy head hath twice been crowned, with olive boughs for victory, and twice by trumpets sound. The heralds have proclaimed thee victor by thy name: above all those, which ran with thee, in hope to get the game. Howbeit the good affection divers cities did bear him, contending which should gratify him best, did much increase his fame and honour. For the EPHESIANS did set up a tent for him, very sumptuously and richly furnished. Those of the city of CHIO, furnished him with provender for his horse, and gave him muttons beside, and other beasts to sacrifice withal. They of LESBOS also sent him in wine and other provision for victuals, to help him to defray the great charges he was at in keeping open house, & feeding such a number of mouths daily. Yet the spite they did bear him, or rather his breach of promise which he often made, Alcibiades a breaker of promise. with this magnificence and state he showed, gave the people more cause to speak of him then before. For they say there was one Diomedes at ATHENS, a friend of Alcibiades, & no ill man, who desired once in his life to win a game at the plays olympical. This man being informed that the ARGIVES had a coach excellently furnished, belonging to their common weal, and knowing that Alcibiades could do very much in the city of ARGOS, because he had many friends in the same: he came to entreat Alcibiades to buy this coach for him. Alcibiades thereupon bought it, but kept it to himself, not regarding Diomedes request he had made. Diomedes seeing that fell stark mad for anger, and called the gods & men to witnesses, that Alcibiades did him open wrong: and it seemeth, that there fell out suit in law upon the same; For Isocrates wrote an oration, and drew a plea in defence of Alcibiades, being yet but a child, touching a couple of horses: yet in this plea, his adversary was called Tisias, and not Diomedes. Furthermore, Alcibiades being yet but a young man, when he came to practise and plead publicly, he put all other Orators to silence, but only two that were ever against him: the one was Phaeax the son of Erasistratus, and the other Nicias, the son of Niceratus. Alcibiades adversaries in the commonwealth when he came to plead. Of these two, Nicias was a man grown, and had won the name & reputation of a good captain. And Phaeax began also to come forward as he did, Phaeax lacked eloquence. being of a good and honourable house: but he lacked many things, and among other, eloquence specially. For, he could more properly talk and discourse among his friends privately, than he had any good grace to open a matter openly before the people. For he had, as Enpolis sayeth: Words enough, but no eloquence. There is a certain oration extant in writing, against Alcibiades and Phaeax: where among other accusations is brought in, how Alcibiades was ordinarily served in his house, with gold & silver plate that belonged to the common weal, and which were used to be borne for state & magnificence, in solemn processions before them; and how he used them as boldly, as if they had been his own. Now there was one Hyperbolus in ATHENS at that time borne in the village of Perithoide: of whom Thucydides maketh mention, Hyperbolus banished for 10. years. as of a naughty wicked man, whose tongue was a fit instrument to deliver matter to all the Comical poets of that time, to poor out all their tawnts and mocks against men. Howbeit he was so impudent a person, and cared so little what men said of him, that he passed not though he were defamed, neither did any thing grieve him, whatsoever they reported of him: which some do call boldness, and courage, being no better in deed then plain impudency, extreme madness, and desperate folly. He would never please any man: & if the common people had any grudge to any noble man or magistrate, whom they would any way accuse, Hyperbolus wicked tongue was their instrument to utter their spite. Now the people (by Hyperbolus procurement) being assembled, were ready to proceed to the banishment of Ostracismon by most voices. The manner & custom of this kind of banishment was for a time to banish out of their city such a one, The manner of the punishment of the Ostracismon. as seemed to have to great authority and credit in the city: and that was, rather to satisfy their envy, then for to remedy their fear. And because it was manifest it would fall out to one of them three to be banished (to wit, Alcibiades, Nicias, or Phaeax) Alcibiades sound means to join all their three factions in one, becoming friends one to another: and having conferred with Nicias about it, he made Hyperbolus self to be banished, who was the chief instrument to prepare the way of their banishment. Howbeit other say, he spoke not with Nicias about it, but with Phaeax, and joining his part with Phaeax, he caused Hyperbolus to be banished, who feared nothing less: for it was never seen before, that a man of mean countenance, and of small authority, fell into the hap of this banishment. As Plato the Comical poet testifieth, speaking of Hyperbolus. Although for his deserts, this pain to him is due, or greater punishment prepared, the which might make him rue: Yet since he was by birth, a person mean and base, such punishment therefore did seem (for him) to great of grace. Since Ostracismon was, not made at first to be, nor yet devised as punishment, for such mean folk as he. But of this matter, we have spoken more at large before: and now to return again to Alcibiades. Nicias had great reputation among strangers, and his enemies grieved at it no less, then at the honour the citizens selves did unto him. For his house was the common inn for all LACEDÆMONIANS when they came to ATHENS, and they ever lay with him: moreover he had very well entertained the LACADAEMON prisoners that were taken at the sort of PYLE. And afterwards when peace was concluded between LACEDAEMON and ATHENS, and their prisoners redelivered home again by Nicias means only & procurement: they loved him more than ever they did before. This was blown abroad through GREECE, that Pericles had kindled the wars amongst them, and Nicias had quenched it: so some called this peace Nicium, as one would say, Nicias work. Nicias peach Alcibiades by breaketh the peace of the Grecians. But Alcibiades stomaching this, and envying Nicias glory, determined to break the peace whatsoever came of it. Wherefore to compass this matter, knowing first of all that the ARGIVES had no liking of the LACEDÆMONIANS, but were their mortal enemies, and that they did but seek matter to fall out with them: he secretly put them in hope of peace and league with the ATHENIANS. Moreover he did persuade them to it, both by letters and word of mouth, speaking with the magistrates, and such as had greatest authority and credit amongst the people: declaring unto them, that they should not fear the LACEDÆMONIANS, nor yield to them at all, but to stick to the ATHENIANS, who would soon repent them of the peace they had made, and break it with them. Afterwards when the LACEDÆMONIANS had made league with the BOEOTIANS, and had redelivered the city of PANACTUM to the ATHENIANS, all defaced and spoiled, contrary to the league: Alcibiades perceiving how the people were much offended thereat, made them more earnest against them, and therewith all brought Nicias in disgrace with the people, and charged him with many matters of great likelihood. As at that time, when he was general: that he would never take any of the LACEDÆMONIANS, when they were shut up within the isle of SPHACTERIA, and much less distress them when he might: and moreover that when other had taken them prisoners by force, that he had found the means to deliver them, and sand them home again, to gratify the LACEDÆMONIANS. Furthermore, that being their friend, he did not his duty to dissuade the people from making of league offensive, and defensive with the BOEOTIANS and the CORINTHIANS: and again also, if there were any people of GREECE that had a desire to become friends and allies with the ATHENIANS, that he did the best he could to let them, if the LACEDÆMONIANS had no liking of the matter. Now as Nicias was thus in disgrace with the people, for the causes above said: in the midst of this stir, ambassadors came by chance from LACEDAEMON to ATHENS, who at their coming gave very good words, saying they had full power and commission to compound all controversies, under reasonable and equal conditions. The Senate heard them, and received them very courteously, and the people the next day should assemble in counsel to give them audience: which Alcibiades fearing much, he went to labour the ambassadors, and spoke with them apart in this sort. What mean you, Alcibiades beguileth the Lacedæmonians. my Lords of SPARTA: do ye not know that the Senate hath always accustomed to be gracious and favourable unto those that sue unto them for any matter, and that the people contrarily are of a proud nature, and desirous to embrace all great matters? If therefore at the first sight, ye do give them to understand that you are come hither with full power, to treat freely with them in all manner of causes: do● you not think that they make you stretch your authority far, to grant them all that they will demand. Therefore, my lords ambassadors, if you look for indifferency at the ATHENIANS hands, and that they shall not press you to far against your wills, to grant them any thing of advantage: I would wish you a little to cover your full commission, and in open manner to propound certain articles, and reasonable capitulations of peace, not acquainting them otherwise with your full power to agreed in all things: and for my part, I will assure you of my good will in favour of the LACEDÆMONIANS. When he had told them this tale, he gave them his faithful promise, and vowed as it were to perform his word. Hereupon Alcibiades turned the Ambassadors from the trust they reposed in Nicias, and wan them on his side: in so much as they gave credit to no man but to him, wondering much at his great wisdom and ready wit, and they thought him a rare and notable man. The next morning the people were assembled to give the ambassadors audience. They were sent for, and brought into the market place. There Alcibiades gently asked them, what was the cause of their coming. They answered, that they were come to treat of peace, but they had no power to determine any thing. Then began Alcibiades to be angry with them, as if they had done him wrong, and not be any to them: calling them unfaithful, unconstant, and fickle men, that were come neither to do, nor say any thing worth the hearing. The Senate also were offended with them, and the people rated them very roughely: whereat Nicias was so ashamed and amazed withal, that he could not tell what to say, to see so sudden a change, knowing nothing of Alcibiades malice and subtle practice with the ambassadors. So the ambassadors of LACEDAEMON were dispatched, without any thing done, and Alcibiades chosen general: Alcibiades chosen general. who presently brought the ARGIVES, the ELIANS, and the MANTINIANS in league with the ATHENIANS. Though no man did commend this practice of his, in working it after this sort: yet was it a marvelous thing of him to devise to put all PELOPONNESUS in arms, and to procure such a number of soldiers against the LACEDÆMONIANS, as he did before the city of MANTINAEA, and to shift of the miseries of war and hazard of battle, so far from ATHENS. Which if the LACEDÆMONIANS did win, could not profit them much: and if they lost it, they could hardly save their city of SPARTA. After this battle of MANTINAEA, the thousand men whom the city by an ancient order did keep continually in pay, aswell in peace as in war, within the city of ARGOS, thinking now oportunietie served them very trimly: attempted to take the sovereign authority from the common people, and to make themselves Lords of the city. And to bring this to pass, the LACEDÆMONIANS coming in the mean time, did aid them in their purpose, and so did put down the government of the people: notwithstanding, immediately after the people took arms again, and become the stronger. Alcibiades coming thither even at that time, did warrant them the victory, and to set up again the authority of the people. Then he persuaded them to make their walls longer to join their city to the sea, The walls brought to the sea by the Argives. to the end they might more easily be aided by sea, by the ATHENIANS. He brought them also from ATHENS, many carpenters, masons, stone hewers, and other workmen: and to conclude, he showed them by all the means and ways he could, that he did bear good will unto them, and thereby wan himself no less favour particularly among them, then generally he did good unto his country. He did persuade also the citizens of PATRAS to join their town to the sea, by making long walls, which they built out even to the cliffs of the sea. And when one said unto them, alas, poor people of PATRAS, what do ye mean, the ATHENIANS will eat you out. Alcibiades answered him, it may well be, but it shal●● by little and little, beginning first at the feet: but the LACEDÆMONIANS will devour you all at once, and begin at the head. Now although Alcibiades did make the city of ATHENS strong by sea, yet he did not leave to persuade the ATHENIANS also, to make themselves strong by land. For he did put the young men oftentimes in mind of the oath they were made to swear in AGRAULOS, and did advise them to accomplish it in deed. Which was, that they should take all corn fields, vines, and olive trees, to be the borders and confines of ATTICA, whereby they were taught to reckon all land theirs, that was man●red, and did bring forth fruit. Yet with all these goodly deeds and fair words of Alcibiades, and with this great courage and quickness of understanding, he had many great faults and imperfections. For he was to dainty in his fare, wanton given unto light women, riotous in banquets, vain and womanish in apparel: Alcibiades vy●●. he ware ever a long purple gown than swopt the market place as he walked up and down, it had such a train, and was to ri●●●● and costly for him to wear. And following these vain pleasures and delights, when he was in his galley, he caused the planks of the poop thereof to be cut and broken up that he might lie the softer: for his bed was not laid upon the overloppe, but lay upon gi●he● strained over the hole, cut out and fastened to the sides, and he carried to the wars with him a gilded scurchion, wherein he had no cognizance nor ordinary devise of the ATHENIANS, but only had the image of Cupids in i● holding lightning in his hand. The noble men, and best citizens of ATHENS perdeyving this, they hated his fashions and conditions, and were much offended at him, and were afeard withal of his rashness and insolency: he did so contemn the laws and customs of their country, being manifest tokens of a man that aspired to be King, and would subvert and turn all over hand. And as for the good will of the common people towards him, the poet Aristophanes doth plainly express it in these words: The people most desire, what most they hate to have: and what their mind abhors, even that they seem to crave. And in another place he said also, aggravating the suspicion they had of him. For state or common weal, much better should it be, to keep within the country none such lions looks as he. But if they needs will keep, a lion to their cost, then must they needs obey his will, for he will rule the roast. For to say truly: his courtesies, his liberallities, and noble expenses to show the people so great pleasure and pastime as nothing could be more: the glorious memory of his ancestors, the grace of his eloquence, the beauty of his person, the strength and valiantness of his body, joined together with his wisdom and experience in marshall affairs: were the very causes that made them to bear with him in all things, and that the ATHENIANS did patiently endure all his light parts, and did cover his faults, with the best words and terms they could, calling them youthful, and gentlemen's sports. As when he kept Agartharchus the painter prisoner in his house by force, Alcibiades dishonesty & wantonness. until he had painted all his walls within: and when he had done, did let him go and rewarded him very honestly for his pains. Again when he gave a box of the ear to Taureas, who did pay the whole charges of a company of common players, in spite of him, to carry away the honour of the games. Also when he took away a young woman of MELIA by his authority, that was taken among certain prisoners in the wars, and kept her for his concubine: by whom he had a child, which he caused to be brought up. Which they called a work of charity, albeit afterwards they burdened him, that he was the only cause of murdering of the poor MELIANS, saving the little children, because he had favoured and persuaded that unnatural and wicked decree, which another had propounded, Likewise where one Aristophon a painter, had painted a courtesan named Nemea, holding Alcibiades in her arms, and sitting in her lap, which all the people ran to see, and took great pleasure to behold it: the grave and ancient men, were angry at these foolish parts, accounting them impudent things, and done against all civil modesty and temperancy. Wherefore it seemed Archestratus words were spoken to good purpose, Archestratus saying. when he said, that GREECE could not abide two Alcibiades at once. And on a day as he came from the counsel and assembly of the city, where he had made an excellent oration, to the great good liking and acceptation of all the hearers, and by means thereof had obtained the thing he desired, and was accompanied with a great train that followed him to his honour: Timon, surnamed Misanthropus (as who would say, Loup-garou, or the manhater) meeting Alcibiades thus accompanied, did not pass by him, nor gave him way (as he was wont to do to all other men) but went strait to him, and took him by the hand, and said. O, thou dost well my son, I can thee thank, that thou goest on, and climbest up still: for if ever thou be in authority, woe be unto those that follow thee, for they are utterly undone. When they heard these words, those that stood by fell a laughing: other reviled Timon, other again marked well his words, and thought of them many a time after, such sundry opinions they had of him for the unconstantie of his life, and way wardness of his nature and conditions. Now for the taking of SICILIA; the ATHENIANS did maruelosly cover it in Pericles life, but yet they did not meddle withal, until after his death: and then they did it at the first under collar of friendship, as aiding those cities which were oppressed, and spoiled by the SYRACUSANS. This was in manner a plain bridge made, to pass afterwards a greater power and army thither. Alcibiades the author of the wars in Sicilia. Howbeit the only procurer of the ATHENIANS and persuader of them, to sand small companies thither no more, but to enter with a great army at once to conquer all the country together, was Alcibiades: who had so alured the people with his pleasant tongue, that upon his persuasion, they built castles in the air, and thought to do greater wonders, by winning only of SICILIA. For where other did set their minds upon the conquest of SICILIA, being that they only hoped after: it was to Alcibiades, but a beginning of further enterprises. And where Nicias commonly in all his persuasions, did turn the ATHENIANS from their purpose to make wars against the SYRACUSANS, as being to great a matter for them to take the city of SYRACUSE: Alcibiades again had a further reach in his head, to go conquer LIBYA, and CARTHAGE, and that being conquered, to pass from thence into ITALY, and so to PELOPONNESY's: so that SICILIA should serve but to furnish them with victuals, and to pay the soldiers for their conquests which he had imagined. Thus the young men were incontinently carried away with a marvelous hope and opinion of this journey, and gave good care to old men's tales that told them wonders of the countries: insomuch as there was no other pastime nor exercise among the youth in their meetings, but companies of men to set round together, draw plats of SICILY, and describe the situation of LIBYA and CARTHAGE. And yet they say, that neither Socrates the philosopher, nor Meton the astronomer did ever hope to see any good success of this journey. The divination of Socrates & Meton. For the one by the revealing of his familiar spirit, who told him all things to come, as was thought, had no great opinion of it: & Meton, whether it was for the fear of the success of the journey he had by reason, or that he knew by divination of his art what would follow, he counterfeated the mad man, & holding a burning torch in his hand, made as though he would have set his house a fire. Other say, that he did not counterfeate, but like a mad man in deed did set his house a fire one night, and that the next morning betimes he went into the market place to pray the people, that in consideration of his great loss and his grievous calamity so late happened him, it would please them to discharge his son for going this voyage. So by this mad devise, he obtained his request of the people for his son, whom he abused much. But Nicias against his will was chosen captain, to take charge of men in these wars: who misliked this journey, aswell for his companion and associate in the charge of these wars, as for other misfortunes he foresaw therein. Howbeit the ATHENIANS thought the war would fall out well, if they did not commit it wholly to Alcibiades rashness and hardiness, but did join with him the wisdom of Nicias: and appointed Lamachus also for their third captain, whom they sent thither, though he were waxen now somewhat old, as one that had showed himself no less venturous and hardy in some battles, than Alcibiades himself. Now when they came to resolve of the number of soldiers, the furniture and order of these wars, Nicias sought crookedly to thwart this journey, and to break it of altogether: but Alcibiades withstood him, and gate the better hand of him. There was an orator called Demostratus, who moved the people also that the captains whom they had chosen for these wars, might have full power and authority to levy men at their discretion, and to make such preparation as they thought good: whereunto the people condescended, and did authorize them. But when they were even ready to go their way, many signs of ill success lighted in the neck one of another: and amongst the rest this was one. That they were commanded to take ship, on the day of the celebration of the feast of Adonia, on the which the custom is, that women do set up in divers place● of the city, in the midst of the streets, images, like to dead corpses which they carry to burial, and they represent the mourning and lamentations made at the funerals of the dead, with blubbering, and beating themselves, in token of the sorrow the goddess Ven●● made, for the death of her friend Adonis. Moreover, the Hermes (which are the images of Mercury, and were wont to be set up in every lane and street) were found in a night all hacked and hewed, Images hewn and mangled at Athens. and mangled specially in their faces: but this put divers in great fear and trouble, yea even those that made no account of such toys. Whereupon it was alleged that it might be the CORINTHIANS that did it, or procured that lewd act to be done, favouring the SYRACUSANS, who were their near kinsmen, and had been the first founders of them, imagining upon this ill token, it might be a cause to break of the enterprise, and to make the people repent them, that they had taken this war in hand. Nevertheless, the people would not allow this excuse, neither harken to their words that said, they should not reckon of any such signs or tokens, and that they were but some light brained youths, that being ●ippled, had played this shameful part in their bravery, or for sport. But for all these reasons, they took these signs very grievously, and were in deed not a little afeard, as thinking undoubtedly that no man durst have been so bold to have done such an abominable fact, but that there was some conspiracy in the matter. Hereupon, they looked upon every suspicion and conjecture that might be (how little or unlikely soever it were) and that very severely: and both Senate and people also met in counsel upon it, very oft, and in a few days. Now whilst they were busily searching out the matter, Androcles a common counsellor, and orator in the common wealth, brought before the counsel certain slaves and strangers that dwelled in ATHENS: who deposed that Alcibiades, and other of his friends and companions, had hacked and mangled other images after that sort, and in a mockery had counterfeited also in a banquet that he made, the ceremonies of the holy mysteries, Alcibiades accused for prophening the holy mysteries. declaring these matters particularly. How one Theodorus counterfeated the herald, that is wont to make the proclamations: Polytion the torch bearer, and Alcibiades the priest, who showeth the holy signs and mysteries: and that his other companions were the assistants, as those that make suit to be received into their religion and order, and into the brotherhood of their holy mysteries, whom for this cause they call ● Mists. These very words are written in the accusation Thessalus (Cimons' son) made against Alcibiades, charging him that he had wickedly mocked the two goddesses, Ceres, & Proserpina. Whereat the people being marvelously moved and offended, and the orator Androcles his mortal enemy aggravating & stirring them up the more against him: Alcibiades a little at the first began to be amazed at it. But afterwards, hearing that the mariners which were prepared for the voyage of SICILIA, and the soldiers also that were gathered, did bear him great good will, and specially how the aid, and that band that came, from ARGOS, and Mantinaea (being a thousand footmen, well armed and appointed) did say openly, how it was for Alcibiades sake they did take upon them so long a voyage beyond sea, & that if they went about to do him any hurt or wrong, they would presently return home again from whence they came: he began to be of a good courage again, and determined with this good favourable opportunity of time, to come before the counsel, to answer to all such articles and accusations as should be laid against him. Thereupon his enemies were a little cooled, The craft of Alcibiades enemies. fearing lest the people in this judgement would have showed him more favour, because they stood in need of him. Wherefore to prevent this danger, they had fed other Orators who set a good face on the matter, as they had been Alcibiades friends, and yet bore him no less good will, than the rankest enemies he had. These fine fellows rose up in open assembly, and said: it was no reason, that he that was now chosen one of the generals of so mighty and puissant an army (being ready to hoist sail and the aid also of their allies and friends) should be driven to stay now, and to loose time and occasion of well doing, whilst they should go about to choose judges, and appoint him his hours and time of answer. Therefore, they said, it was fit he should take his journey betimes, and when wars were done, that he should present himself to require justice, and to purge himself of such matters as should be objected against him. But Alcibiades smelling straight their fetch, and perceiving the practice of his stay, stepped up, and declared how they did him great wrong, to make him depart with the charge of a general of so great an army, his mind being troubled with continual fear of so grievous curses, as he should leave upon him: and that he deserved death, if he could not purge and justify himself, of all the unjust and surmised accusations against him. And if he had once cleared himself of all things, and had published his innocency: he should then have nothing in his head to trouble him, nor to think upon, but to go on lustily to fight with his enemies, and to cast behind him the danger of all his slanderous detractors. But all this could not persuade them. And so he was presently commanded in the behalf of the people, to embark, & ship away his men. Alcibiades journey into Sicily. Thus he was compelled to take the seas with his other companions, having in their navy about a hundred and forty galleys, all having three owers to a bank: & five thousand one hundred footmen very well armed and appointed, & throwers with slingers, archers, & other light armed men to the number of thirteen hundred, sufficiently furnished of all warlike and necessary munition. Now after they were arrived on the coast of ITALY, they landed in the city of RHEGIO: where, holding counsel in what sort they should direct these wars, it was resolved in the end that they should go strait unto SICILIA. This opinion was followed, although Nicias did contrary it, when Lamachus gave his consent thereunto: and at his first coming, he was the occasion of winning the city of CATANA. But he never after did any exploit, for he was called home immediately by the ATHENIANS, to come and answer certain accusations laid to his charge. For as we told you before, there was at the beginning, certain light suspicions and accusations put up against him, by some slaves and strangers. But afterwards when he was gone, his enemies enforced them, and burdened him more cruelly, adding to his former fault, that he had broken the images of Mercury: and had committed sacrilege in counterfeiting in jest and mockery the holy ceremonies of the mysteries: and blue into the ●ares of the people, that both the one and the other proceeded of one set conspiracy, to change and altar the government of the state of the city. Upon these informations, the people took it in so ill part, that they committed all to prison, that were in any sort accused or suspected thereof, and would never let them come to their answer: and moreover did much repent them that they had not condemned Alcibiades, upon so great complaints and informations as were exhibited against him, while his offence was in question before them. And the fury and hatred of the people was such towards him, that if any of Alcibiades friends and acquaintance came within their danger, they were the worse handled for his sake. Thucydides did not name his accusers, but some other do name Dioclides and Teucer: amongst whom, Phrynicus the Comical poet is one, Phrynicus the Comical poet. who discovereth it in his verses, by bringing in one that speaketh thus to the image of Mercury. My good friend Mercury, I pray thee take good heed, that thou fall not, and break thy neck: for so thou mightst me breed, both danger and distrust, and though I guiltless be, some Dioclides falsely might accuse and trouble me. Mercury answereth. Take thou no thought for me, myself I shall well save: and will foresee full well therewith that Teucer (that false knave) shall not the money get, which he by law hath won, for his promowters bribing part, and accusation. And yet for all this, these tokens do show no certainty of any thing. For one of them being asked, how he could know them by their faces in the night, that had broken and defaced these images? he answered, that he knew them well enough by the brightness of the moon. And hereby it appeareth plainly that he was perjured, because that the same night, on the which this fact was committed, there was a conjunction of the moon. This did a little trouble and stay men of judgement: howbeit the common sort of people this notwithstanding, did not leave to be as sharp set, to receive all accusations and informations, that were brought in against him, as ever they were before. Now there was among the prisoners whose cause was hanging before them, the orator Andocides (whom Hellanicus the historiographer describeth to descend of the race of Ulysses) whom they took to be a man that hated the government of the common people, Andocides the orator cast into prison. and bend altogether to favour the small number of the nobility. But one of the chiefest occasions why he was suspected to be one of them that had broken the images, was: for that hard by his house there was a fair great image set up in old time, by the family or tribe of the AEgeides, and that alone amongst all the rest of so many famous images, was left whole and unbroken: whereupon it is called at this day, the Mercury of Andocides, and is so called generally of every body, albeit the inscription showeth the contrary. Andocides being in prison, chanced to fall in acquaintance with one Timaeus, with whom he was more familiar then with all the rest, who was also prisoner with him for the self cause. This Timaeus was a man not so well known as he, but beside, a wise man, and very hardy. He persuaded him, and put into his head, that he should accuse himself, and certain other with him: for taking the matter upon him, and confessing it, he should receive grace & pardon, according to the course and promise' of the law. Where contrarily, if he should stand upon the courtesy of the judges sentence, he might easily endanger himself: because judgements in such cases are uncertain to all people, and most to be doubted and feared toward the rich. And therefore he told him it were his best way, if he looked into the matter wisely, by lying to save his life, rather than to suffer death with shame, and to be condemned upon this false accusation. Also he said if he would have regard to the common wealth, that it should in like case be wisely done of him, to put in danger a few of those (which stood doubtful whether in troth they were any of them or not) to save from the fury of the people, and terror of death, many honest men, who in deed were innocent of this lewd fact. Timaeus words and persuasions wrought such effect with Andocides, that they made him yield unto them, & brought him to accuse himself, & certain other with him: by means whereof Alcibiades according to the law had his pardon. But all such as he named and accused, were every man put to death, saving such as saved themselves by ronning away. Furthermore, to shadow his accusation with some appearance of troth, Andocides among those that were accused, did accuse also certain of his own servants. Now though the people had no more occasion to occupy their busy heads about the breakers of these images, yet was not their malice thus appeased against Alcibiades, Alcibiades sent for to answer to his accusation. until they sent the galley called Salaminiana, commanding those they sent by a special commission to seek him out, in no case to attempt to take him by force, nor to say hold on him by violence: but to use him with all the good words and courteous manner that they possibly could, & to will him only to appear in person before the people, to answer to certain accusations put up against him. If otherwise they should have used force, they feared much lest the army would have mutined on his behalf within the country of their enemies, and that there would have grown some sedition amongst their soldiers. This might, Alcibiades have easily done, if he had been disposed. For the soldiers were very sorry to see him depart, perceiving that the wars should be drawn out now in length, and be much prolonged under Nicias, seeing Alcibiades was taken from them, who was the only spur that pricked Nicias forward to do any service: and that Lamachus also, though he were a valiant man of his hands, yet he lacked honour and authority in the army, because he was but a mean man borne, and poor beside. Now Alcibiades for a farewell, disappointed the ATHENIANS of winning the city of MESSINA: for they having intelligence by certain private persons within the city, that it would yield up into their hands, Alcibiades knowing them very well by their names, bewrayed them unto those that were the SYRACUSANS friends: whereupon all this practice was broken utterly. Afterwards when he came to the city of THURIES', so soon as he had landed, he went and hid himself incontinently in such sort, that such as sought for him, could not find him. Yet there was one that knew him where he was, and said: Why, how now Alcibiades, darest thou not trust the justice of thy country? Yes very well (q he) and it were in another matter: but my life standing upon it, I would not trust mine own mother, fearing lest negligently she should put in the black bean, where she should cast in the white. For by the first, condemnation of death was signified: and by the other, pardon of life. But afterwards, hearing that the ATHENIANS for malice had condemned him to death: well, q he, they shall know I am yet alive. Now the manner of his accusation and indictment framed against him, Alcibiades accusation. was found written in this sort. Thessalus the son of Cimon, of the village of LACIADES, hath accused, and doth accuse Alcibiades, the son of Clinias, of the village of SCAMBONIDES, to have offended against the goddesses, Ceres & Proserpina, counterfeiting in mockery their holy mysteries, & showing them to his familiar friends in his house, himself appareled and arrayed in a long vestement or cope, like unto the vestement the priest weareth when he showeth these holy sacred mysteries: & naming himself the priest, Polytion the torch bearer, and Theodorus of the village of PHYGEA the verger, & the other lookers on, brethren, and fellow scorners with them, & all done in manifest contempt & derision, of holy ceremonies and mysteries of the Eumolpides, the religious priests & ministers of the sacred temple of the city of EL●VSIN. So Alcibiades for his contempt & not appearing, was condemned, Alcibiades condemned being absent. and his goods confiscate. Besides this condemnation, they decreed also, that all the religious priests & women should ban & accurse him. But hereunto answered, one of the Nuns called Theano, the daughter of Menon, of the village of AGRAULA, saying: that she was professed religious, to pray and to bless, not to curse and ban. After this most grievous sentence and condemnation passed against him, Alcibiades, departed out of the city of THURIES', & went into the country of PELOPONNESUS; where he continued a good season in the city of ARGOS. But in the end fearing his enemies, and having no hope to return again to his own country with any safety: he sent unto SPARTA to have safe conduct and licence of the LACEDÆMONIANS, that he might come and devil in their country, promising them he would do them more good being now their friend, than he ever did them hurt, while he was their enemy. The LACEDÆMONIANS granted his request, Alcibiades flieth to Sparta. & received him very willingly into their city: where even upon his first coming, he did three things. The first was: That the LACEDÆMONIANS by his persuasion & procurement, did determine speedily to sand aid to the SYRACUSANS, whom they had long before delayed: & so they sent Gylippus their captain, to overthrow the ATHENIANS army, which they had sent thither. The second thing he did for them, was: That he made them of GREECE to begin war upon the ATHENIANS. The third, & greatest matter of importance, was: That he did counsel them to fortify the city of DECELEA, which was within the territories of ATTICA self: which consumed, and brought the power of the ATHENIANS lower, than any other thing whatsoever he could have done. And if he were welcome, & well esteemed in SPARTA, for the service he did to the common wealth: much more he wan the love & good wills of private men, for that he lived after the LACONIAN manner. So as they that saw his skin scraped to the flesh, & saw him wash himself in cold water, & how he did eat brown bread, & sup of their black broth: would have doubted (or to say better, never have believed) that such a man had ever kept cook in his house, nor that he ever had seen so much as a perfuming pan, or had touched cloth of tissue made at MILETUM. For among other qualities & properties he had (whereof he was full) this as they say was one, whereby he most robbed men's hearts: that he could frame altogether with their manners and factions of life, transforming himself more easily to all manner of shapes, than the chameleon. Alcibiades more changeable than the Chameleon. For it is reported, that the Chameleon cannot take white colour: but Alcibiades could put upon him any manners, customs or fashions, of what nation soever, & could follow, exercise, & counterfeit them when he would, as well the good as the bad. For in SPARTA, he was very painful, & in continual exercise: he lived sparingly with little, & led a strait life. In JONIA, to the contrary: there he lived daintily & superfluously, & gave himself to all mirth & pleasure. In THRACIA, he drank ever, or was always a horse back. If he came to Tissaphernes, lieutenant of the mighty king of PERSIA: he far exceeded the magnificence of PERSIA in pomp & sumptuousness. And these things notwithstanding, never altered his natural condition from one fashion to another, neither did his manners (to say truly) receive all sorts of changes. But because peradventure, if he had showed his natural disposition, he might in divers places where he came, have offended those whose company he kept, he did with such a viser & cloak disguise himself, to fit their manners, whom he companied with, by transforming himself into their natural countenance. As he that had seen him when he was at SPARTA, to have looked upon the outward man, would have said as the common proverb sayeth: It is not the son of Achilles, but Achilles' self: Even so it is even he, whom Lycurgus brought up. But he that had inwardly seen his natural doings, and good will in deed lie naked before him: would have said contrarily, as they say commonly in another language. This woman is no changeling. For he entertained Queen Timaea, King Agis wife of SPARTA, so well in his absence, he being abroad in the wars: that he got her with child, & she herself denied it not. For she being brought a bed of a son, Alcibiades get Timaea, king Agis wife with child. who was named Leotychides, openly to the world called him by that name: but when she was amongst her familiars & very friends, she called him sofetly Alcibiades, she was so far in love with him. And Alcibiades jesting out the matter, said he had done it for no hurt, nor for any lust of flesh to satisfy his desire: but only to leave of his race, to reign amongst the LACEDÆMONIANS. This matter was brought by divers unto king Agis ears, who at the length believed it: but specially when he began to make a reckoning of the time, how long it was sense he lay with his wife. For lying with his wife one night when there was a terrible earthquake, he ran out of his chamber for fear the house would fall on his head: so that it was ten months after ere he lay again with her. Whereupon, her son Leotychides being borne at the end of ten months, he said he was none of his: and this was the cause that Leotychides did not succeed afterwards in the Kingdom, Leotychides Alcibiades bastard. because he was not of the blood royal. After the utter overthrow of the ATHENIANS in SICILIA, those of the Isles of CHIO and LESBOS, with the CYZICENIANS, did sand all about a ten ambassadors of SPARTA: to let the LACEDÆMONIANS understand, they had good will to leave the ATHENIANS, so they would sand them aid to defend them. The BO●OTIANS favoured those of LESBOS: Pharnabazus, the king of PERSIANS lieutenant, favoured the CYZICENIANS. This notwithstanding, the LACEDÆMONIANS were better affected to help those of CHIO first, by the persuasion of Alcibiades, who took their matters in hand. And he took sea himself and went into ASIA, where he almost turned the country of JONIA against the ATHENIANS: and keeping always with the generals of the LACEDÆMONIANS, he did much hurt the ATHENIANS. Yet notwithstanding, king Agis did bear him ill will, partly for the injury he did him in dishonouring and defiling his wife, and partly also, for that he envied his glory: because the rumour ran all about, that the most part of the goodly exploits of these wars did happen well, by Alcibiades means. Other also of the greatest authority among the SPARTANS, that were most ambitious among them, began in their minds to be angry with Alcibiades, The Lacedæmonians practise to kill Alcibiades. for the envy they bore him who were of so great power, that they procured their governors to writ their letters to their captains in the field, to kill him. Alcibiades hearing of this, did no whit desist to do all he could for the benefit of the LACEDÆMONIANS: yet he had an eye behind him, flying all occasions to fall into their hands. So in the end, for more surety of his person, he went unto Tisaphernes, Alcibiades flying the Lacedæmonians goeth to Tisaphernes. one of the king of PERSIANS lieutenants, with whom he wan incontinently such credit, that he was the first & chiefest person he had about him. For this barbarous man being no simple person, but rather malicious, & subtle of nature, and that loved fine & crafty men: did wonder how he could do easily turn from one manner of living to another, and also at his quick wit and understanding. Moreover, his company and manner to pass the time away, was commonly marvelous full of mirth and pleasure, and he had such pleasant comely devices with him, that no man was of so sullen a nature, but he would make him merry, nor so churlish, but he would make him gentle. So that both those that feared him, and also envied him: they were yet glad to see him, & it did them good to be in his company, & use talk with him. In so much as this Tisaphernes (that otherwise was a churlish man, and naturally hated the GRECIANS) did give himself so much unto Alcibiades flatteries, and they pleased him so well: that he himself did study to flatter Alcibiades again, and make much of him. For he called Alcibiades his fair house of pleasure, & goodly prospect: Alcibiades called a pleasant place and goodly prospect. notwithstanding he had many goodly gardens, sweet springs, green arbours and pleasant meadows, and those in all royal and magnificent manner. Alcibiades despairing utterly to find any safety or friendship among the SPARTANS, and fearing on tother side king Agis also: he began to speak ill of them, and to disgrace all that they did, to Tisaphernes. By this practice he stayed Tisaphernes from aiding them so friendly as he might: moreover, he did not utterly destroy the ATHENIANS. For he persuaded him that he should furnish the LACEDÆMONIANS but with little money, to let them diminish and consume by little and little: to the end that after one had troubled and weakened the other, they both at the length should be the easier for the King to overcome. This barbarous man did easily consent to this device. All the world than saw he loved Alcibiades, and esteemed of him very much: in so much as he was sought to, and regarded of all hands of the GRECIANS. Then were the ATHENIANS sorry and repented them when they had received so great loss & hurt, for that they had decreed for severely against Alcibiades, who in like manner was very sorrowful, The inconstancy of them common people. to see them brought to so hard terms, fearing, if the city of ATHENS came to destruction, that he himself should fall in the end into the hands of the LACEDÆMONIANS, who maliced him to the death. Now about that time, all the power of the ATHENIANS were almost in the isle of SAMOS, from whence with their army by sea, they sought to suppress the rebels that were up against them, and to keep all that which yet remained. For they were yet prettily strong to resist their enemies, at the lest by sea: but they stood in great fear of the power of Tisaphernes, and of the hundred & fifty galleys which were reported to be coming out of the country of PH●●●●CIA, to the aid of their enemies, which if they had come, the city of ATHENS had been utterly spoiled, and for ever without hope of recovery. The which Alcibiades understanding, sent secretly unto the chiefest men that were in the army of the ATHENIANS at SAMOS, to give them hope he would make Tisaphernes their friend: howbeit not of any desire he had to gratify the people, nor that he trusted to the commonalty of ATHENS, but only to the honourable, and honest citizens, and that conditionally so as they had the heart and courage, to bridle a little the over licentiousness and insolency of the common people, & that they would take upon them the authority to govern, and to redress their stare, and to preserve the city of ATHENS, from final and utter destruction. Upon this advertisement, all the heads & chief men did give very good ear unto it: saving only Phrynichus, one of the captains, and of the town of DIRADES. Who mistrusting (that was true in deed) that Alcibiades cared nor which end went forward, nor who had the chief government of ATHENS, the nobility, or the commonalty, and did but seek all the devices and ways he could, to return again if it might be possible, in any manner of sort, and that he did but curry favour with the Nobility, blaming and accusing the people: he stood altogether against the motion, whereupon Alcibiades devise was not followed. And having now showed himself open enemy to Alcibiades, he did secretly advertise Astiochus then admiral to the LACEDÆMONIANS, of Alcibiades practice, and warned him to take heed of him, and to say him up safe, as a double dealer, and one that had intelligence with both sides: but he understood not how it was but one traitor to speak to another. For this Astiochus was a follower of Tisaphernes for his private commodity: and perceiving Alcibiades in such credit with him, he did discover to Alcibiades all that Phrynichus had advertised him. Alcibiades strait sent men of purpose to SAMOS, unto the captains there, to accuse Phrynichus of the treason he had revealed against them. Those of the counsel there, receiving this intelligence: were highly offended with Phrynichus. So, he seeing no better way to save himself for making of this fault, went about to make amendss with committing a worse fault. Thereupon he sent again to Astiochus, complaining much he had disclosed him: and yet nevertheless he promised him, if he would keep his counsel, that he would deliver the whole fleet and army of the ATHENIANS into his hands. Howbeit this treason of Phrynichus did the ATHENIANS no hurt at all, by reason of Astiochus counter treason: for ●● did let Alcibiades again understand what offer Phrynichus had made him. Phrynichus looking to be charged with this again, the second time before the counsel, by means of Alcibiades did first advertise the chief of the army of the ATHENIANS. That their enemies would come and set upon them, and where, and how: and gave them therefore warning to keep near their ships, to make a strong watch, and to fortify themselves with all speed, the which forthwith they did. And as they were about it, there came other letters from Alcibiades, by the which he did warn them again to take heed of Phrynichus, because he had practised again with their enemies, to deliver the whole army of ATHENS into their handes● But they gave no credit to his second letters: for they thought that he knowing the preparations and minds of the enemies, would serve his own turn with the false accusing of Phrynichus. Notwithstanding this, there was some falsehood in fellowship: for one Hermon, openly in the mark● place, stabbed Phrynichus in with a dagger, & killed him. The murder of Phrynichus and his condemnation. The fact being pleaded in law, and thoroughly considered of: the dead body by the sentence of the people was condemned for● traitor: and Hermon the murderer, and his fellows, were crowned in recompense of their fact they had done to kill a traitor to the common wealth. Wherefore those that were Alcibiades friends, being at that time the stronger, and greatest men of the counsel in the army at SAMOS: they sent one Pisander to ATHENS, to attempt to altar the government, and to encourage the noble men to take upon them the authority, & to pluck it from the people: assuming them that Tisaphernes, would give them aid to do it, by means of Alcibiades, who would make him their friend. This was the colour and cloak wherewith they served their turns, that did change the government of ATHENS, and that brought it into the hands of a small number of nobility: for they were in all but four hundred, and yet they called themselves five thousand. But so soon as they felt themselves strong, and that they had the whole authority of government, without contradiction in their hands: they made then no more reckoning of Alcibiades, and so they made wars more coldly and slackly then before. Partly because they mistrusted their citizens, who found the change of government very strange: and partly also because they were of opinion that the LACEDÆMONIANS (who at all times did most favour the government of Nobility) would be better inclined to make peace with them. Now the common people that remained still in the city, stirred not, but were quiet against their wills, for fear of danger, because there were many of them slain, that boldly took upon them in open presence to resist these four hundred. But those that were in the camp, in the isle of SAMOS, hearing these news, were so grievously offended: that they resolved to return incontinently again, unto the hauch of PIRAEA. First of all, they sent for Alcibiades, Alcibiades called home from exile. whom they chose their captain: then they commanded him straightly to lead them against these tyrants, who had usurped the liberty of the people of ATHENS. But nevertheless he did not therein, as another would have done in this case, seeing himself so suddenly crept again in favour with the common people: for he did not think he should incontinently please and gratify them in all things, though they had made him now their general over all their ships and so great an army, being before but a banished man, a vagabond, and a fugitive. But to the contrary, as it become a general worthy of such a charge, he considered with himself, that it was his part wisely to stay those, who would in a rage and fury carelessly cast themselves away, and not suffer them to do it. And truly Alcibiades was the cause of the preserving of the city of ATHENS at that time, from utter destruction. For if they had suddenly (according to their determination) departed from SAMOS to go to ATHENS: the enemies finding no man to let them, might easily have won all the country of JONIA, of HALLESPONT, and of all the other Isles without stroke striking, whilst the ATHENIANS were busy fight one against another in civil wars, and within the compass of their own walls. This Alcibiades alone, & no other, did prevent, not only by persuading the whole army, and declaring the inconvenience thereof, which would fall out upon their sudden departure: but also by entreating some particularly apart, and keeping a number back by very force. To bring this about, one Thrasibulus of the town of STIRA, did help him much: Thrasibulus is man of the biggest voice of all the Athenians. who went through the army, and cried out upon them that were bend to enterprise this journey. For he had the biggest and loudest voice as they say, of any man that was in all the city of ATHENS. This was a notable act, and a great piece of service done by Alcibiades: that he promised five hundred sail of the Phoenicians (which the LACEDÆMONIANS assuredly looked for, in their aid from the king of PERSIA) should not come at all, or else if they came, it should be in the favour of the ATHENIANS. For he departed immediately, and went with great speed to Tisaephernes: whom he handled in such sort, that he brought not the ships that lay at road before the city of ASPENDA, and so he broke promise with the LACEDÆMONIANS. Therefore Alcibiades was marvelously blamed and accused, both of the one & the other side, to have altered Tisaphernes mind, but chief of the LACEDÆMONIANS: who said that he had persuaded this barbarous captain, he should neither aid the one nor the other, but rather to suffer them one to devour and destroy each other. For it had been out of doubt, if this great fleet and navy of the Kings had come, to join their force with either party: that they had taken from the one of them, the signiory and domination of the sea. Shortly after, the four hundred noblemen that had usurped the authority and government of ATHENS, were utterly driven away and overthrown, by means of the friendly aid, & assistance that Alcibiades friends gave those that took the people's part. So the citizens were very well pleased with Alcibiades, in so much as they sent for him to return when he thought good. The citizens of Athens sent for Alcibiades to return. But he judging with himself it would be no honour nor grace unto him to return without some well deserving, & before he had done some greater exploit, as only upon the people's favour and good will, whereas otherwise his return might be both glorious and triumphant: departed first from SAMOS with a small number of galleys, and went sailing up and down the Isles of COS and of GNEDOS. There he was advertised, that Mindarus, the admiral of the LACEDÆMONIANS, was gone with all his fleet unto the strait of HALLESPONT, and that the captains of the ATHENIANS gave chase unto him. Thereupon he went also and sailed thither with speed, to aid the ATHENIANS: and by very good fortune came with eighteen galleys even at the very instant, when they were both in the midst of their fight, with all their ships before the city of ABYDOS. Battle by sea before the city of Abydos between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians. The battle was cruelly foughten between them from morning till night, both the one and the other having the better in one part of the battle, and the worst in another place. Now at the first discovery of Alcibiades coming, both parts had in deed contrary imaginations of him. For the enemies took heart unto them: and the ATHENIANS began to be afeard. But Alcibiades set up strait his flag in the top of the galley of his admiral, to show what he was. Wherewithal, he set upon the PELOPONNESIANS that had the better, & had certain galleys of the ATHENIANS in chase: whereupon the PELOPONNESIANS gave over their chase, & fled. But Alcibiades followed them so lustily, Alcibiades victory of the Lacedæmonians by sea. that he ran divers of them a ground, & broke their ships, & slew a great number of men that leapt into the sea, in hope to save themselves by swimming a land. So notwithstanding that Pharnabazus was come thither to aid the LACEDÆMONIANS, and did his best endeavour to save their galleys by the sea shore: yet the ATHENIANS in the end wan thirty galleys of their enemies, and saved all their own, and so did set up certain flags of triumph and victory. Alcibiades having now happily gotten this glorious victory, would needs go show himself in triumph unto Tisaphernes. So having prepared to present him with goodly rich presents, and appointed also a convenient train & number of sail meet for a general, he took his course directly to him. But he found not that entertainment he hoped for. For Tisaphernes standing in great hazard of displeasure, and fear of punishment at the King's hands, having long time before been defamed by the LACEDÆMONIANS, who had complained of him, that he did not fulfil the King's commandment, thought that Alcibiades was arrived in very happy hour: whereupon he kept him prisoner in the city of SARDIS, supposing the wrong he had done, would by this means easily discharge, and purge him to the King. Yet at the end of thirty days, Alcibiades by fortune got a horse, Alcibiades taken prisoner at Sardis, flieth from Tisaphernes. and stealing from his keepers, fled unto the city of CLAZOMENES: and this did more increase the suspicion they had of Tisaphernes, because they thought that under hand he had wrought his liberty. Alcibiades took then sea again, and went to seek out the army of the ATHENIANS. Which when he had found, & heard news that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together in the city of CIZICUM: he made an oration to his soldiers, & declared unto them how it was very requisite they should fight with their enemies, both by sea and by land, and moreover that they should assault them within their forts and castles, because otherwise they could have no money to defray their charges: His oration ended, he made them immediately hoist sail, and so to go lie at anchor in the isle of PROCONESUS: where he took order that they should keep in all the pinnaces and brigantines among the ships of war, that the enemy might have no manner of intelligence of his coming. The great showers of rain also, with thunder and dark weather that fell out suddenly upon it, did greatly further him in his attempt & enterprise: in so much as not only his enemies, but the ATHENIANS that were there before, knew nothing of his coming. So some made their reckoning, that they could do little or nothing all that day: yet he made them suddenly embark, and hoist sail. They were no sooner in the main sea, but they descried a far of the galleys of their enemies, which lay at road before the haven of CYZICUM. And fearing lest the great number of his fleet would make them fly, and take land before he could come to them: he commanded certain captains to stay behind, & to row softly after him, and himself with forty galleys with him, went towards the enemies to provoke them to fight. The enemies supposing there had been no more ships, than those that were in fight: did set out presently to fight with them. They were no sooner joined together, but Alcibiades ships that came behind, were also descried: the enemies were so afeard thereat: that they cast about, and fled strait. Alcibiades leaving his fleet, followed the chase with twenty of the best galleys he had, and drove them a land. Thereupon he landed also, and pursued them so courageously at their heels, that he slew a great number of them on the main land, Alcibiades victory at Cyzicum. who thought by flying to have saved themselves. Moreover, Mindarus, & Pharnabazus, being come out of the city to rescue their people, were overthrown both. He slew Mindarus in the field, fight valiantly: as for Pharnabazus, he cowardly fled away. So the ATHENIANS spoiled the dead bodies (which were a great number) of a great deal of armour and riches, and took beside all their enemies ships. After they took the city of CIZYCUM, Pharnabazus having left it. Then the PELOPONNESIANS being slain, they had not only the possession of the whole country of HELLESPONT, which they kept: but they drove their enemies by force, out of all parts of the sea. There were at that time certain letters intercepted, whereby a secretary gave advertisement unto the Ephori at SPARTA, of the overthrow in this sort. All is lost, Mindarus is slain, our people die for hunger, and we know not what to do. Now the soldiers of ATHENS that had been at this journey and overthrow, grew to such a pride and reputation of themselves, that they would not, and disdained also to serve with the others soldiers that had been beaten many times, & went away with the worse. Where they to the contrary had never been overcome, as a little before it happened, that the captain Thrasyllus had been overthrown by the city of EPHESUS. And for this overthrow, the EPHESIANS had set up a triumph, and token of brass, to the utter shame and ignominy of the ATHENIANS. For the which Alcibiades soldiers did very much rebuke Thrasyllus men, and did exceedingly extol their captain and themselves, and would neither encamp with them, neither have to do with them, nor yet keep them company. Until such time as Pharnabazus came with a great army against them, aswell of footmen as horsemen, when they ran a foraging upon the ABYDENIANS: and then Alcibiades went to the rescue of them, and gave Pharnabazus battle, and overthrew him once again, and did together with Thrasyllus chase him even until dark night. Then both Alcibiades and Thrasyllus soldiers did company together, one rejoicing with another: and so returned all with great joy into one camp. The next morning Alcibiades set up a triumph for the victory he had the day before, and then went to spoil and destroy Pharnabazus country, where he was governor, & no man durst once come out to meet him. In this road there were taken prisoners, certain priests and Nuns of the country: but Alcibiades freely delivered them afterwards without ransom. And preparing to make wars against the CHALCEDONIANS, who were revolted from the ATHENIANS, & had received a garrison & governor of the LACEDÆMONIANS into their city: he was advertissed that they had brought in all their goods & cattles out of the fields, & had delivered them to the safe custody of the BITHYNIANS, who were their neighbours & friends. Hereupon he led his army into their borders, & sent a herald before to summon the BITHYNIANS, to make amendss for the wrong they had done the ATHENIANS. The BITHYNIANS fearing lest Alcibiades would set upon them, did strait deliver him the goods they had as afore in their custody, & moreover, made a league with the ATHENIANS beside. That done, he went & laid siege to the city of CHALCEDON, Alcibiades victory at Chalcedonia. the which he environed all about from the one side of the sea to the other. Pharnabazus came thither, thinking to have raised the siege. And Hypocrates, a captain of the LACEDÆMONIANS, that was governor of the city, assembled all the force he was able to make within the same, & made a salye out also upon the ATHENIANS at the very same time. Whereupon Alcibiades putting his men in order of battle, so as they might give a charge upon them both at one instant: he fought so valiantly, that he forced Pharnabazus to run his way with shame enough, & slew Hypocrates in the field, with a great number of his men. Then took he the seas again, to go towards the country of HELLESPONT, to get some money, where upon the sudden he did take the city of SELYBREA: Alcibiades took the city of Selybrea. because he valiantly put himself in hazard before the time appointed him. For certain of his friends within, with whom he had secret practice, had given him a token, that when time served, they would show a burning torch in the air at midnight: but they were compelled to show this fire in the air before they were ready, for fear lest one of their confederacy would bewray the matter, who suddenly repented him. Now this torch burning in the air, was set up before Alcibiades was ready with his company. But he perceiving the sign set, took about thirty men with him in his company, & ráne with them to the walls of the city, having commanded the rest of his army to follow him with all speed possible. The game was opened to him, and to his thirty men: besides them there followed twenty other light armed men. Howbeit they were no sooner entered the city, but they heard the citizens armed come against them: so that there was no hope to scape, if he did tarry their coming. Nevertheless, considering that until that present time he was never overcome in battle, The present wit of Alcibiades. where he had taken charge, it grieved him very much to fly: wherefore it strait came in his head to make silence by sound of trumpet, and after silence made, he caused one of them that were about him to make proclamation with a loud voice, that the SELYBRIANIANS should not take arms against the ATHENIANS. This cooled them a little that would fain have been doing, because they supposed that all the army of the ATHENIANS had been already in the city: the other on the contrary side, were very glad to talk of peace, without any further danger. And as they began to parley upon composition, the rest of Alcibiades army was come on. Now he thinking in deed (which was true) that the SELYBRIANIANS sought nothing but peace, and fearing lest the THRACIANS which were many in number (& came with good will to serve him in that journey) would sack and spoil the city, he made them all to go out again: and so concluding peace with the chief of the SELYBRIANIANS, he did them no more hurt, upon their humble submission, but made them pay him a sum of money, and so leaving a garrison of the ATHENIANS within the city, he departed thence. Whilst Alcibiades was in treaty with the SELYBRIANIANS, the other ATHENIAN captains that lay at the siege of CHALCEDON, The Chalcedonians rescyve the Athenians. made an agreement with Pharnabazus, that he should give them a sum of money, & give up the town into the ATHENIANS hands, to enjoy it as they had before. And with express condition also, that the ATHENIANS should make no roads into Pharnabazus dominions, to hurt or spoil any of his: and likewise should be bound to give good safe conduit unto the ambassadors of the ATHENIANS, to go and come safe from time to time, to the king of PERSIA. The other captains being sworn to this peace, Pharnabazus conditioned also, that Alcibiades at his return should likewise be sworn to the peace and conditions thereof. But Alcibiades said, he would not be sworn at all, unless Pharnabazus were first sworn for his part. Thus when oaths were taken of either side, Alcibiades went also against those of BYZANTIUM, who in like case had rebelled against the ATHENIANS. At his first coming thither, he environed the city round about with a wall. Afterwards he practised with two secret friends of his, Anaxilaus, & Lycurgus, & certain other within the city, who promised him to deliver it into his hands, so they might be assured he would do them no hurt. To colour this practice, he gave it out, that he must needs leave the siege, & depart with speed, Alcibiades stratagem at Byzantium. for certain news that were come out of JONIA: & thereupon be embarked presently, & went out of the haven at none days with all his ships, howbeit he returned again the same night. And going a land with the choicest & best armed men he had, he approached the walls of the city, without any manner of noise, having left order with them that remained in the ships, that in the mean season they should row with all force into the haven, with as great cries and shouts as might be, to fear and trouble the enemies partly to fear the BIZANTINES the more with their sudden coming among them, & partly that his confederates within the city, might with better opportunity receive him & his company, into the town with the more assured safety, whilst every man ran to the haven, to resist them that were upon the galleys. Nevertheless they went not away unfought with. For those that lay in garrison within the city, some of them PELOPONNESIANS, other BOEOTIANS, & other MEGARIANS, did so valiantly repulse them that came out of their galleys, that they drove them to retire aboard again. Afterwards hearing how the ATHENIANS were entered: the city on tother side, they put themselves in battle ray, & went to meet them. The battle was terrible of both parts: but Alcibiades in the end obtained victory, Alcibiades winneth Byzantium. leading the right wing of his battle, & Theramenes the left. The victory being gotten, he took 300. of his enemy's prisoners, who had escaped the fury of the battle. But after the battle, there was not a BYZANTINE put to death, neither banished, nor his good confiscated: because it was capitulated by Alcibiades with his confederates, that neither he, nor his, should hurt any of the BIZANTINES' either in person or goods, nor any way should rifle them. And Anaxilaus being afterwards accused of treason in LACEDAEMON, for this practice: he answered, and justified himself in such sort, that they could not find he had committed the fault laid unto his charge. For he said, that he was no LACEDAEMONIAN, but a BYZANTINE: & that he saw not LACEDAEMON in danger, but BYZANTIUM, which the enemies had compassed about with a wall they had built, that it was unpossible to bring any thing into the city. Moreover he alleged, that they having very small store of corn within the city (as was true in deed) the PELOPONNESIANS, and BOEOTIANS, that lay there in garrison did eat it up, while the poor BYZANTINES themselves, their wives and children, died for very hunger. Therefore it could not be said of him, that he had betrayed his country, but rather that he had delivered it from the miseries and calamities the wars brought upon it: wherein he had followed the example of the honestest men of LACEDAEMON, who did acknowledge nothing honest and just, but that which was necessary and profitable for their country. The LACEDÆMONIANS hearing his reasons he alleged for his purgation, were ashamed to condemn him, and therefore they let him go. Now Alcibiades desirous in the end to see his native country again (or to speak more truly, that his countrymen should see him) after he had so many times overthrown their enemies in battle: he hoist sail, and directed his course towards ATHENS, bringing with him all the galleys of the ATHENIANS richly furnished, and decked all about, with skutchines and targets, Alcibiades honourable return into his country. and other armour and weapon gotten amongst the spoils of his enemies. Moreover, he brought with him many other ships, which he had won & broken in the wars, besides many ensigns and other ornaments: all which being counted together one with the other, made up the number of two hundred ships. Furthermore, where Duris SAMIAN writeth (who challengeth that he came of his house) that at his return one Chrysogonus, an excellent player of the flute (that had won certain of the Pythian games) did play such a note, that at the sound thereof the galley slaves would keep stroke with their owers, and that Callipides another excellent player of tragedies, playing the part of a comedy, did stir them to row, being in such player's garments as every master of such science useth commonly to wear, presenting himself in Theatre or stage before the people to show his art: and that the admiral galley wherein himself was, entered the haven with a purple sail, as if some mask had come into a man's house after some great banquet made: neither Ephorus, nor Theopompus, nor Xenophon, make any mention of this at all. Furthermore, me thinks it should not be true, that he returning from exile after so long a banishment, & having passed over such sorrows & calamities as he had sustained, would so proudly & presumptuously show himself unto the ATHENIANS. But merely contrary, it is most certain, that he returned in great fear & doubt. For when he was arrived in the haven of PIRAEA, he would not set foot a land, before he first saw his nephew Euryptolemus, & divers other of his friends from the hatches of his ship, standing upon the sands in the haven mouth. Who were come thither to receive and welcome him, & told him that he might be bold to land, without fear of any thing. He was no sooner landed, but all the people ran out of every corner to see him, with so great love and affection, that they took no heed of the other captains that came with him, but clustered all to him only, & cried out for joy to see him. Those that could come near him, did welcome & embrace him: but all the people wholly followed him. And some that came to him, put garlands of flowers upon his head: & those that could not come near him, saw him a far of, & the old folks did point him out to the younger sort. But this common joy was mingled notwithstanding, with tears & sorrow, when they came to think upon their former misfortunes and calamities, & to compare them with their present prosperity: weighing with themselves also how they had not lost SICILIA, nor their hope in all things else had failed them, if they had delivered themselves & the charge of their army into Alcibiades hands, when they sent for him to appear in person before them. Considering also how he found the city of ATHENS in manner put from their signiory & commandment on the sea, & on the other side how their force by land was brought unto such extremity, that ATHENS scantly could defend her suburbs, the city self being so divided & turmoiled with civil dissension: yet he gathered together those few, & small force that remained, & had now not only restored ATHENS to her former power & sovereignty on the sea, but had made her also a conqueror by land. Now the decree for his repair home again, was passed before by the people, at the instant request of Callias, the son of Callaeschrus, who did prefer it: as he himself did testify in his elegies, putting Alcibiades in remembrance of the good turn he had done him, saying: I was the first that moved in open conference, the people's voice to call thee home, when thou wert banished hence. So was I eke the first, which thereto gave consent, and therefore may I boldly say, by truth of such intent: I was the only mean, to call thee home again, by such request so rightly made, to move the people's vain. And this may serve for pledge, what friendship I thee bear: fast sealed with a faithful tongue, as plainly shall appear. But notwithstanding, the people being assembled all in counsel, Alcibiades came before them, and made an oration: wherein he first lamented all his mishaps, and found himself grieved a little with the wrongs they had offered him, yet he imputed all in the end to his cursed fortune, and some spiteful god that envied his glory and prosperity. Alcibiades oration to the people. Then he dilated at large the great hope their enemies had to have advantage of them: and therewithal persuaded the people to be of good courage, and afeard of nothing that was to come. And to conclude, the people crowned him with crowns of gold, and chose him general again of ATHENS, with sovereign power and authority both by land as by sea. Alcibiades chosen general with sovereign authority. And at that very instant it was decreed by the people, that he should be restored again to all his goods, and that the priests Eumolpides should absolve him of all their curses, and that the heralds should with open proclamation revoke the execrations and cursings they had thundered out against him before, by commandment of the people. Whereto they all agreed, and were very willing, saving Theodorus the bishop, who said: I did neither excommunicate him, nor curse him, if he hath done no hurt to the common wealth. Now Alcibiades flourished in his chiefest prosperity, yet were there some notwithstanding that misliked very much the time of his landing: saying it was very unlucky and unfortunate. For the very day of his return and arrival, fell out by chance on the feast which they call Plynteria, Plynteria. as you would say, the washing day, which they celebrated in honour of Minerva: on the which day, the priests that they call Praxiergides, do make certain secret and hidden sacrifices and ceremonies, being the five and twenty day of the month of September, and do take from the image of this goddess, all her raiment and jewels, and keep the image close covered over. Hereupon the ATHENIANS do ascribe that day, for a most unfortunate day, & are very circumspect to do any matter of importance on it. Moreover, it was commonly scanned abroad of every body, that it seemed the goddess was not content, nor glad of Alcibiades return: and that she did hide herself, because she would not see him, nor have him come near her. Notwithstanding all these toys and ceremonies, when Alcibiades found every thing fall out well at his return, and as he would have wished it: he armed a hundred galleys presently, to return again to the wars. Howbeit he wisely regarded the time and solemnity of celebration of these mysteries, and considerately stayed until they had finished all. And it fell out, that after the LACEDÆMONIANS had taken and fortified the city of DECELEA, within the territory of ATTICA, and that the enemies being the stronger in the field, did keep the way going from ATHENS to Eleusin, so as by no possible means they could make their solemn procession by land, with such honour and devotion as they were before accustomes to do: and thereby all the sacrifices, dawnces, and many other holy devout ceremonies they were wont to do by the way, in singing the holy song of jacchus, came of very necessity to be left of, and clean laid a side. Then Alcibiades thought he should do a meritorious deed to the gods, and an acceptable to men, to bring the old ceremonies up again upon the said feast: Alcibiades restored the old ceremonies. and thereupon purposed to accompany the procession, & defend it by power, against all invasion & disturbance by the enemies. As one that foresaw one of those two things would come to pass. Either that Agis king of the LACEDÆMONIANS would not stir at all against the sacred ceremonies, and by this means should much embase and diminish his reputation and glory: or if he did come out to the field, that he would make the battle very grateful to the gods, considering it should be in defence of their most holy feast and worship, and in the sight of his country, where the people should see and witness both, his valiantness, and also his courage. Alcibiades being fully resolved upon this procession, went and made the priests Eumolpides, their vergers, and other their ministers and officers of these mysteries, privy to his determination. Then he sent out skowtes to watch on the side of the hills thereabouts, and to view way of their perambulation. The next morning very early he sent out light horsemen also to scour the country. Then he made the priests, the professed, and all the ministers of religion, go in procession, together with those that followed the same: and he himself compassed them about with his army on every side, marching in battle ray, and very good order, and with great silence. This was an honourable and devout leading of an army, and such as if his greatest enemies would confess a troth, they could not but say, Alcibiades had as much showed the office of a high bishop, as of a noble soldier and good captain. So he ended this procession, returning to ATHENS in all safe order again, and not an enemy that durst once look out into the field to set upon him. Now this did more increase the greatness of his mind, and therewith the people's good opinion of his sufficiency, and wise conduction of an army: in so much as they thought him unvincible, having the sovereign power and authority of a general. Furthermore, he spoke so fair to the poor people, and meaner sort, that the chief wished and desired he would take upon him like a King: yea, and many went to him to persuade him in it, as though he should thereby withstand all envy, and drive away the laws and customs of trying of matters by the voices of the people, and all such fond devices, as did destroy the state of the common weal. And furthermore, they said it was very needful that he alone should take upon him the whole rule and government of the city, that he might dispose all things according to his will, and not stand in fear of slanderous and wicked tongues. Now, whether Alcibiades ever had any mind to usurp the Kingdom, the matter is somewhat doubtful. But this is certain, the greatest men of the city, fearing lest in deed he meant some such thing, did hasten his departure as soon as they could possible, doing all other things according to his mind: and did assign him such associates in his charge of general, as he himself best liked. Alcibiades second journey. So in the end, he departed with a fleet of a hundred galleys, and first of all he fell with the isle of ANDROS, where he overcame by fight, the inhabitants of the said I'll, and certain LACEDÆMONIANS that were amongst them: but he took not the city, which was one of the first matters his enemies did accuse him for. For if ever man was overthrown and envied, for the estimation they had of his vallure and sufficiency, truly Alcibiades was the man. For the notable and sundry services he had done, wan him such estimation of wisdom and valiantness, that where he slacked in any service whatsoever, he was presently suspected, judging the ill success not in that he could not, but for that he would not: and that where he undertook any enterprise, nothing could withstand or lie in his way. Hereupon the people persuading themselves, that immediately after his departure, they should hear that the isle of CHIO was taken, with all the country of JONIA: they were angry they could have no news so suddenly from him as they looked for. Moreover, they did not consider the lack of money he had, and specially making war with such enemies, as were ever relieved with the great king of persia's aid, and that for necessity's sake he was sundry times driven to leave his camp, to seek money where he could get it, to pay his soldiers, Lack of money, the occasion of the overshowe of the Athenians army by sea. and to maintain his army. Now for testimony hereof, the last accusation that was against him, was only for this matter. Lysander being sent by the LACEDÆMONIANS for admiral and general of their army by sea, used such policy with Cyrus, the king of persia's brother, that he got into his hands a great some of money: by means whereof he gave unto his mariners four obols a day for their wages, where before they were wont to have but three, and yet Alcibiades had much a do to furnish his with three only a day. For this cause, to get money, Alcibiades sailed into CARIA. But in the mean time Antiochus, whom Alcibiades had left his lieutenant behind him, and had given him charge of all the ships in his absence, being a very skilful sea man, but otherwise a hasty harebrained fool, and of small capacity: he being expressly commanded by Alcibiades not to sight in any case, though the enemies offered him battle, was so foolish rash, Antiochus' rashness, procured his own death, and the overthrow of the Athenians army. and made so little reckoning of his strait commandment, that he armed his own gallye, whereof himself was captain, and another beside, and went to the city of EPHESUS, passing all along his enemies galleys, reviling & offering villainy to those that stood upon the hatches of their galleys. Lysander being marvelously provoked by those words, went and encountered him at the first with a few ships. The other captains of the galleys of the ATHENIANS, seeing Antiochus in danger, went to aid him, one after another. Then Lysander of his part also set out all his whole fleet against him, and in the end overcame them, Antiochus self was killed in the conflict, and many galleys and men were taken prisoners: wherefore Lysander set up shows of triumph in token of victory. Lysander being general of the Lacedaemonious, overcame the Athenians. Alcibiades hearing these ill favoured news, returned presently with all possible speed to SAMOS: and when he came thither, he went with all the rest of his fleet to offer Lysander battle. But Lysander quietly contenting himself with his first victory: went not out against him. Now this victory was no sooner won, but one Thrasybulus the son of Thrason, Alcibiades enemy, went incontinently from the camp, and got him to ATHENS, to accuse Alcibiades to the people: Alcibiades accused again by Thrasybulus. whom he informed how all went to wrack, and that he had lost many ships, for that he regarded not his charge, carelessly putting men in trust, whom he gave to great credit to, because they were good fellows, and would drink drunk with him, & were full of mariners mocks and knavish jests, such as they use commonly amongst themselves. And that he in the mean time took his pleasure abroad, here, and there, scraping money together where he could come by it, keeping good cheer, and feasting of the ABYDENIAN and IONIAN courtesans, when the enemy's army was so near theirs as it was. Moreover, they laid to his charge, that he did fortify a castle in the country of THRACIA, near unto the city of BISANTHE, for a place to retire himself unto, either because he could not, or rather that he would not, live any longer in his own country. Upon those accusations, the ATHENIANS giving over credit to the report: did immediately choose new captains, and thereby declared their misliking. Alcibiades hearing of this, and fearing lest they would do him some worse harm, Alcibiades put from his authority of general. did leave strait the ATHENIANS camp, and gathering a certain number of strangers together, went of himself to make war upon certain free people of the THRACIANS, who were subject to no prince nor state: where he got a marvelous mass of money together, by means whereof he did assure the GRECIANS inhabiting those marches, from all invasion of foreign enemies. Now Tydeaus, Menander, and Adimanthus the ATHENIANS captains, being afterwards in a place commonly called the goats river, with all the galleys the city of ATHENS had at that time upon that coast: used every morning commonly to go to the sea, to offer battle to Lysander, who road at an anchor before the city of Lampsacus, Lysander road at anchor before Lampsacus. with all the LACEDÆMONIANS army by sea, and commonly returned again to the place from whence they came, in very ill order, without either watch or ward, as men that were careless of their enemies. Alcibiades being on the land nor far of, and finding their great fault and negligence: took his horse, & went to them, and told them that they lay on an ill shore, where there was no good road, nor town, The Athenians regarded not Alcibiades good counsel. and where they were driven to seek their victuals, as far as to the city of SESTOS, & that they suffered their mariners to leave their ships, & go a land when they lay at anchor, straggling up and down the country as they would themselves, without regard that there lay a great army of their enemies before them, ready to be set out at their generals commandment: and therefore he advised them to remove thence, and to go cast anchor before the city of SESTOS. Howbeit the captains would not be advised by him: and that which was worst of all, Tydeus, one of the captains, stoutly commanded him to get him away, as one that had nothing to do with the matter, & that other had charge of the army. Whereupon Alcibiades fearing they would purpose some treason against him, did depart presently from them. And as he went his way, he said to some of his friends which accompanied him out of the camp at his return: that if the captains of the ATHENIANS had not been so round with him, he would have forced the LACEDÆMONIANS to have come to the battle in despite of their beards, or else he would have driven them to forsake their ships. Some took this for a glorious brag: other thought he was like enough to have done it, because he could have brought from land a great number of THRACIANS, both archers and horsemen, with whom he might have given a charge upon the LACEDÆMONIANS, and done great mischief unto their camp. But now, how wisely Alcibiades did foresee the faults he told the ATHENIANS captains of: their great misfortune & loss that followed incontinently, did to plainly witness it to the world. For Lysander came so fiercely upon them on a sudden, that of all the ships they had in their whole fleet, only eight galleys were saved, with whom Conon fled: and the other being not much less than two hundred in number, were every one of them taken and carried away, with three thousand prisoners whom Lysander put to death. The Athenians overcome by Lysander. Shortly after, he took the city self of ATHENS, and razed their long walls even to the ground. After this great and notable victory, Alcibiades fearing sore the LACEDÆMONIANS, Athens taken by Lysander. who then without let or interruption of any, were only Lords and Princes by sea and by land: he went into the country of BYTHINIA, Alcibiades flieth into the country of Bythinia. and caused great good to be brought after him, and took a marvelous sum of money with him, besides great riches he left also in the castles of THRACIA, where he did remain before. Howbeit he lost much of his goods in BYTHINIA, which certain THRACIANS dwelling in that country had rob him of, & taken from him. So he determined to repair forthwith unto king Artaxerxes, hoping that when the King had once proved him, he should find him a man of no less service, than he had found Themistocles before him: besides that the occasion of his going thither, should be much juster than his was. For he did not go thither, to make war against the city of ATHENS and his country, as Themistocles did: but of a contrary intent, to make intercession to the King, that it would please him to aid them. Now Alcibiades thinking he could use no better mean, than Pharnabazus help only, to see him safely conducted to the King's court: he proposed his journey to him, into the country of PHRYGIA, where he abode a certain time to attend upon him, & was very honourably entertained and received of Pharnabazus. All this while the ATHENIANS found themselves desolate, & in miserable state to see their empire lost: but then much more, when Lysander had taken all their liberties, Lysander appointed 30. tyrants over the citizens of Athens. To loose repentance of the Athenians. and did set thirty governors over their city. Now to late, after all was lost (where they might have recovered again, if they had been wise) they began together to bewail and lament their miseries and wretched state, looking back upon all their wilful faults and follies committed: among which, they did reckon their second time of falling out with Alcibiades, was their greatest fault. So they banished him only of malice and displeasure, not for any offence himself in person had committed against them, saving that his lieutenant in his absence had shamefully lost a few of their ships: and they themselves more shamefully had driven out of their city, the noblest soldier, and most skilful captain that they had. And yet they had some little poor hope left, that they were not altogether cast away, so long as Alcibiades lived, and had his health. For before, when he was a forsaken man, and led a banished life: yet he could not live idly, and do nothing. Wherefore now much more, said they to themselves: if there be any help at all, he will not suffer, out of doubt the insolency & pride of the LACEDÆMONIANS, nor yet abide the cruelties and outrages of these thirty tyrants. And surely the common people had some reason to have these thoughts in their heads, considering that the thirty governors them selves did what they could possibly to spy out Alcibiades doings, and what he went about. In so much as Critias at the last, declared to Lysander, that so long the LACEDÆMONIANS might reckon themselves Lords over all GREECE, as they kept from the common people the rule and authority of the city of ATHENS. And further he added, that notwithstanding the people of ATHENS could well away to live like subjects under the government of a few: yet Alcibiades whilst he lived, would never suffer them so to be reigned over, but would attempt by all devise he could to bring a change and innovation among them. Yet Lysander would not credit these persuasions, before special commandment was sent to him from the Senate of LACEDAEMON, upon his allegiance, that he should devise to kill Alcibiades by all means he could procure: The Lacedæmonians will Lysander to kill Alcibiades. either because in troth they feared the subtlety of his wit, and the greatness of his courage, to enterprise matters of great weight and danger, or else that they sought to gratify king Agis by it. Lysander being thus straightly commanded, did sand and practise incontinently with Pharnabazus to execute the fact: who gave his brother Magaeus, and his uncle Sosamithres, commission to attempt the matter. Now was Alcibiades in a certain village of PHRYGIA, with a concubine of his called Timandra. So he thought he dreamt one night that he had put on his concubines apparel, Alcibiades dream in Phrygia before his death. and how she dandling him in her arms, had dressed his head, friseling his hear, and painted his face, as he had been a woman. Other say, that he thought Magaeus struck of his head, and made his body to be burnt: and the voice goeth, this vision was but a little before his death. Those that were sent to kill him, durst not enter the house where he was, but set it a fire round about. Alcibiades spying the fire, got such apparel and hangings as he had, and threw it on the fire, thinking to have put it out: and so casting his cloak about his left arm, took his naked sword in his other hand, and ran out of the house, himself not once touched with fire, saving his clotheses were a little singed. These murderers so soon as they spied him, drew back, and stood a sunder, and durst not one of them come near him, to stand and fight with him: Alcibiades death. but a far of, they bestowed so many arrows and darts of him, that they killed him there. Now when they had left him, Timandra went and took his body which she wrapped up in the best linen she had, Timandra the courtesan buried Alcibiades. and buried him as honourably as she could possible, with such things as she had, and could get together. Some hold opinion that Lais, the only famous courtesan, which they say was of CORINTHE (though in deed she was borne in a little town of SICILIA, Lais a courtesan of Corinthe. called HYCCARA, where she was taken) was his daughter. Notwithstanding, touching the death of Alcibiades, there are some that agreed to all the rest I have written, saving that they say, it was neither Pharnabazus, nor Lysander, nor the LACEDÆMONIANS, which caused him to be slain: but that he keeping with him a young gentlewoman of a noble house, whom he had stolen away, and instised to folly: her brethren to revenge this injury, went to set fire upon the house where he was, and that they killed him as we have told you, thinking to leap out of the fire. The end of Alcibiades life. THE LIFE OF CAIUS Martius Coriolanus. THE house of the Martians at ROME was of the number of the Patricians, The family of the Martians. out of the which hath sprung many noble personages: whereof Ancus Martius was one, king numa's daughter's son, who was king of ROME after Tullus Hostilius. Of the same house were Publius, and Quintus, who brought to ROME their best water they had by conducts. Publius and Quintus Martius, brought the water by conducts to Rome. Censorinus also came of that family, that was so surnamed, because the people had chosen him Censor twice. Through whose persuasion they made a law, that no man from thenceforth might require, or enjoy the Censorshippe twice. Caius Martius, whose life we intent now to writ, being left an orphan by his father, was brought up under his mother a widow, who taught us by experience, that orphanage bringeth many discommodities to a child, but doth not hinder him to become an honest man, and to excel in virtue above the common sort: as they that are meanly borne, wrongfully do complain, that it is the occasion of their casting away, for that no man in their youth taketh any care of them to see them well brought up, and taught that were meet. This man also is a good proof to confirm some men's opinions. That a rare and excellent wit untaught, Curseland wit. doth bring forth many good and evil things together: like as a fat soil bringeth forth herbs & weeds that lieth unmanured. For this Martius natural wit and great heart did marvelously stir up his courage, to do and attempt notable acts. But on the other side for lack of education, he was so choleric and impatient, that he would yield to no living creature: which made him churlish, uncivil, and altogether unfit for any man's conversation. Yet men marveling much at his constancy, that he was never overcome with pleasure, nor money, and how he would endure easily all manner of pains and travails: thereupon they well liked and commended his stownes and temperancy. But for all that, they could not be acquainted with him, as one citizen useth to be with another in the city. His behaviour was so unpleasant to them, by reason of a certain insolent and stern manner he had, which because it was to lordly, was disliked. And to say truly, the greatest benefit that learning bringeth men unto, is this: The benefit of the learning. that it teacheth men that be rude and rough of nature, by compass and rule of reason, to be civil and courteous, & to like better the mean state, than the higher. Now in those days, valiantness was honoured in ROME above all other virtues: which they called Virtus, What this word Virtue signifieth. by the name of virtue self, as including in that general name, all other special virtues beside. So that Virtus in the Latin, was asmuch as valiantness. But Martius being more inclined to the wars, than any other gentleman of his time: began from his Childhood to give himself to handle weapons, and daily did exercise himself therein. And outward he esteemed armour to no purpose, unless one were naturally armed within. Moreover he did so exercise his body to hardness, and all kind of activity, that he was very swift in ronning, strong in wrestling, & mighty in gripping, so that no man could ever cast him. In so much as those that would try masteries with him for strength and nimbleness, would say when they were overcome: that all was by reason of his natural strength, and hardness of ward, that never yielded to any pain of toil he took upon him. The first time he went to the wars, Coriolanus first going to the wars. being but a stripling, was when Tuquine surnamed the proud (that had been king of ROME, and was driven out for his pride, after many attempts made by sundry battles to come in again, wherein he was ever overcome) did come to ROME with all the aid of the LATINS, and many other people of ITALY: even as it were to set up his whole rest upon a battle by them, who with a great & mighty army had undertaken to put him into his Kingdom again, not so much to pleasure him, as to overthrow the power of the romans, whose greatness they both feared and envied. In this battle, wherein were many hot and sharp encounters of either party, Martius valiantly fought in the sight of the Dictator: & a ROMAN soldier being thrown to the ground even hard by him, Martius strait bestrid him, and slew the enemy with his own hands that had before overthrown the ROMAN. Hereupon, after the battle was won, the Dictator did not forget so noble an act, & therefore first of all he crowned Martius with a garland of oaken boughs. Coriolanus crowned with a garland of oaken boughs. For whosoever saveth the life of a ROMAN, it is manner among them, to honour him with such a garland. This was, either because the law did this honour to the oak, in favour of the ARCADIANS, who by the oracle of Apollo were in very old time called eaters of acorns: or else because the soldiers might easily in every place come by oaken boughs: or lastly, because they thought it very necessary to give him that had saved a citizens life, a crown of this tree to honour him, being properly dedicated unto jupiter, the patron and protector of their cities, and thought amongst other wild trees to bring forth a profitable fruit, and of plants to be the strongest. Moreover, men at the first beginning did use acorns for their bread, and honey for their drink: and further, the oak did feed their beasts, The goodness of the oak. and give them birds, by taking glue from the oaks, with the which they made bird-lime to catch silly birds. They say that Castor, and Pollux, appeared in this battle, and how incontinently after the battle, men saw them in the market place at ROME, all their horses being on a white foam: and they were the first that brought news of the victory, even in the same place, where remaineth at this present a temple built in the honour of them near unto the fountain. And this is the cause, why the day of this victory (which was the fifteenth of july) is consecrated yet to this day unto Castor and Pollux. Moreover it is daily seen, that honour and reputation lighting on young men before their time, and before they have no great courage by nature: the desire to win more, dieth strait in them, which easily happeneth, To sudden honour in youth killeth further desire of fame. the same having no deep root in them before. Where contrariwise, the first honour that valiant minds do come unto, doth quicken up their appetite, hasting them forward as with force of wind, to enterprise things of high deserving praise. For they esteem, not to receive reward for service done, but rather take it for a remembrance and encouragement, to make them do better in time to come: and be ashamed also to cast their honour at their heels, not seeking to increase it still by like desert of worthy valiant deeds. Coriolanus noble endeavour to continued well deserving. This desire being bred in Martius, he strained still to pass himself in manliness: and being desirous to show a daily increase of his valiantness, his noble service did still advance his fame, bringing in spoils upon spoils from the enemy. Whereupon, the captains that came afterwards (for envy of them that went before) did contend who should most honour him, and who should bear most honourable testimony of his valiantness. In so much the romans having many wars and battles in those days, Coriolanus was at them all: and there was not a battle fought, from whence he returned not without some reward of honour. And as for other, the only respect that made them valiant, was they hoped to have honour: but touching Martius, the only thing that made him to love honour, was the joy he saw his mother did take of him. For he thought nothing made him so happy and honourable, as that his mother might hear every body praise and commend him, that she might always see him return with a crown upon his head, and that she might still embrace him with tears ronning down her cheeks for joy. Which desire they say Epaminondas did avow, Cariolanus & Epaminondas did both place their desire of honour alike. and confess to have been in him: as to think himself a most happy and blessed man, that his father and mother in their life time had seen the victory he wan in the plain of Leuctres. Now as for Epaminondas, he had this good hap, to have his father and mother living, to be partakers of his joy and prosperity. But Martius thinking all due to his mother, The obedience of Coriolanus to his mother. that had been also due to his father if he had lived: did not only content himself to rejoice and honour her, but at her desire took a wife also, by whom he had two children, and yet never left his mother's house therefore. Now he being grown to great credit & authority in ROME for his valiantness, it fortuned there grew sedition in the city, because the Senate did favour the rich against the people, who did complain of the sore oppression of usurers, Extremity of usurers complained of at Rome by the people. of whom they borrowed money. For those that had little, were yet spoiled of that little they had by their creditors, for lack of ability to pay the usury: who offered their goods to be sold, to them that would give most. And such as had nothing left, their bodies were laid hold of, and they were made their bond men, notwithstanding all the wounds and cuts they showed, which they had received in many battles, fight for defence of their country and common wealth: of the which, the last war they made, was against the SABINES, wherein they fought upon the promise the rich men had made them, that from thenceforth they would entreat them more gently, and also upon the word of Marcus Valerius chief of the Senate, who by authority of the counsel, Counsellors promises make men valiant, in hope of just performance. Ingraeiende, and good service unrewarded provoketh rebellion. and in the behalf of the rich, said they should perform that they had promised. But after that they had faithfully served in this last battle of all, where they overcame their enemies, seeing they were nevera whit the better, not more gently entreated, and that the Senate would give no ear to them, but make as though they had forgotten their former promise, and suffered them to be made slaves and bond men to their creditiours, and beside, to be turned out of all that ever they had: they fell then even to flat rebellion and mutiny, and to stir up dangerous tumults within the city. The romans enemies hearing of this rebellion, did strait enter the territories of ROME with a marvelous great power, spoiling and burning all as they came. Whereupon the Senate immediately made open proclamation by sound of trumpet, that all those which were of lawful age to carry weapon, should come and enter their names into the muster master's book, to go to the wars: but no man obeyed their commandment. Whereupon their chief magistrates, and many of the Senate, began to be of divers opinions among themselves. For some thought it was reason, they should somewhat yield to the poor people's request, and that they should a little qualify the severity of the law. Other held hard against that opinion, and that was Martius for one. Martius Coriolanus against the people. For he alleged, that the creditors losing their money they had lent, was not the worst thing that was thereby: but that the lenity that was favoured, was a beginning of disobedience, and that the proud attempt of the commonalty, was to abolish law, and to bring all to confusion. Therefore he said, if the Senate were wise, they should betimes prevent, & quench this ill favoured & worse meant beginning. The Senate met many days in consultation about it but in the end they concluded nothing. The poor common people seeing no redress, gathered themselves one day together, & one encoraging another, they all forsook the city, & encamped themselves upon a hill, The people leave the city and do go to the holy hill. called at this day the holy hill, alongst the river of Tiber, offering no creature any hurt or violence, or making any show of actual rebellion: saving that they cried as they went up and down, that the rich men had driven them out of the city, and that all ITALY through they should find air, water, & ground to bury them in. Moreover, they said, to devil at ROME was nothing else but to be slain, or hurt with continual wars, and fight for defence of the rich men's goods. The Senate being afeard of their departure, did self unto them certain of the pleasantest old men, and the most acceptable to the people among them. Of those, Menentius Agrippa was he, An excellens case told by Menenius Agrippa to pacify the people. who was sent for chief man of the message from the Senate. He, after many good persuasions and gentle requests made to the people, on the behalf of the Senate: knit up his oration in the end, with a notable tale, in this manner. That on a time all the members of man's body, did rebel against the belly, complaining of it, that it only remained in the midst of the body, without doing any thing, neither did bear any labour to the maintenance of the rest: whereas all other parts and members did labour painfully, & was very careful to satisfy the appetites and desires of the body. And so the belly, all this notwithstanding, laughed at their folly, and said. It is true, I first receive all meats that nourish man's body: but afterwards I sand it again to the nourishment of other parts of the same. Even so (q he) o you, my masters, and citizens of ROME: the reason is a like between the Senate, & you. For matters being well digested, & their counsels thoroughly examined, touching the benefit of the common wealth: the Senators are cause of the common commodity that cometh unto every one of you. These persuasions pacified the people, conditionally, that the Senate would grant there should be yearly chosen five magistrates, which they now call Tribuni Plebis, The first beginning of Tribuni plebis. whose office should be to defend the poor people from violence and oppression. So junius Brutus, and Sicinius Vellutus, junius Brutus, Sicinius Vellutus, the 2. first Tribunes. were the first Tribunes of the people that were chosen, who had only been the causers & procurers of this sedition. Hereupon the city being grown again to good quiet and unity, the people immediately went to the wars, showing that they had a good will to do better than ever they did, and to be very willing to obey the magistrates in that they would command, concerning the wars. Martius also, though it liked him nothing to see the greatness of the people thus increased, considering it was to the prejudice, and embasing of the nobility, and also saw that other noble Patricians were troubled as well as himself: he did persuade the Patricians, to show themselves no less forward and willing to fight for their country, than the common people were: and to let them know by their deeds and acts, that they did not so much pass the people in power and riches, as they did exceed them in true nobility and valiantness. In the country of the VOLSCES, against whom the romans made war at that time, there was a principal city & of most fame, that was called CORIOLES, The city of Corioles besieged by the Consul Cominius. before the which the Consul Cominius did say siege. Wherefore all the other VOLSCES fearing lest that city should be taken by assault, they came from all parts of the country to save it, intending to give the romans battle before the city, and to give an onset on them in two several places. The Consul Cominius understanding this, divided his army also in two parts, and taking the one part with himself, he marched towards them that were drawing to the city, out of the country: and the other part of his army he left in the camp with Titus Lartius (one of the valiantest men the romans had at that time) to resist those that would make any salye out of the city upon them. Titus Lartius, a valiant romans. So the CORIOLANS making small account of them that lay in camp before the city, made a salye out upon them, in the which at the first the CORIOLANS had the better, and drove the romans back again into the trenches of their camp. But Martius being there at that time, ronning out of the camp with a few men with him, he slew the first enemies he met withal, and made the rest of them stay upon a sudden, crying out to the romans that had turned their backs, and calling them again to fight with a loud voice. For he was even such another, as Cato would have a soldier and a captain to be: not only terrible, The property of a soldier. and fierce to say about him, but to make the enemy afeard with the sound of his voice, and grimnes of his countenance. Then there flocked about him immediately, a great number of romans whereat the enemies were so afeard, that they gave back presently. But Martius not staying so, did chase and follow them to their own gates, that fled for life. And there, perceiving that the romans retired back, for the great number of darts and arrows which flew about their cares from the walls of the city, & that there was not one man amongst them that durst enter himself to follow the flying enemies into the city, for that it was full of men of war very well armed, and appointed: he did encourage his fellows with words and deeds, crying out to them, that fortune had opened the gates of the city, more for the followers, than the flyers. But all this notwithstanding, few had the hearts to follow him. Howbeit Martius being in the throng among the enemies, thrust himself into the gates of the city, and entered the same among them that fled, without that any one of them durst at the first turn their face upon him, or else offer to stay him. But he looking about him, & seeing he was entered the city with very few men to help him, & perceiving he was environed by his enemies that gathered round about to set upon him: did things then as it is written, wonderful & incredible, aswell for the force of his hand, as also for the agility of his body, and with a wonderful courage & valiantness, he made a lane through the midst of them, and overthrew also those he laid at: that some he made run to the furthest part of the city, & other for fear he made yield themselves, and to let fall their weapons before him. By this means, Lartius that was gotten out, had some leisure to bring the romans with more safety into the city. The city being taken in this sort, The city of Corioles taken. the most part of the soldiers began incontinently to spoil, to carry away, & to look up the booty they had won. But Martius was marvelous angry with them, and cried out on them, that it was no time now to look after spoil, & to run straggling here and there to enrich themselves, whilst the other Consul and their fellow citizens peradventure were fight with their enemies: and how that leaving the spoil they should seek to wind themselves out of danger and peril. Howbeit, cry, and say to them what he could, very few of them would harken to him. Wherefore taking those that willingly offered themselves to follow him, he went out of the city, and took his way towards that part, where he understood the rest of the army was: exhorting and entreating them by the way that followed him, not to be faint hearted, and oft holding up his hands to heaven, he besought the gods to be so gracious and favourable unto him, that he might come in time to the battle, and in good hour to hazard his life in defence of his country men. Now the romans when they were put in battle ray, and ready to take their targets on their arms, and to guirde them upon their arming coats, had a custom to make their wills at that very instant, soldiers testaments. without any manner of writing, naming him only whom they would make their heir, in the presence of three or four witnesses. Martius came just to that reckoning, whilst the soldiers were a doing after that sort, and that the enemies were approached so near, as one stood in view of the other. When they saw him at his first coming, all bloody, and in a sweat, and but with a few men following him: some thereupon began to be afeard. But soon after, when they saw him run with a lively cheer to the Consul, and to take him by the hand, declaring how he had taken the city of CORIOLES, and that they saw the Consul Cominius also kiss and embrace him: then there was not a man but took heart again to him, and began to be of a good courage, some hearing him report from point to point, the happy success of this exploit, and other also conjecturing it by seeing their gestures a far of. Then they all began to call upon the Consul to march forward, and to delay no longer, but to give charge upon the enemy. Martius asked him how the order of their enemy's battle was, By Coriolanus means, the Volsci were overcome in battle. and on which side they had placed their best fight men. The Consul made him answer, that he thought the bands which were in the vanguard of their battle, were those of the ANTIATES, whom they esteemed to be the warlikest men, and which for valiant courage would give no place, to any of the host of their enemies. Then played Martius, to be set directly against them. The Consul granted him, greatly praising his courage. Then Martius, when both armies came almost to join, advanced himself a good space before his company, and went so fiercely to give charge on the vanguard that came right against him, that they could stand no longer in his hands: he made such a lane through them, and opened a passage into the battle of the enemies. But the two wings of either side turned one to the other, to compass him in between them: which the Consul Cominius perceiving, he sent thither strait of the best soldiers he had about him. So the battle was marvelous bloody about Martius, and in a very short space many were slain in the place. But in the end the romans were so strong, that they distressed the enemies, and broke their array: and scattering them, made them fly. Then they prayed Martius that he would retire to the camp, because they saw he was able to do no more, he was already so wearied with the great pain he had taken, and so faint with the great wounds he had upon him. But Martius answered them, that it was not for conquerors to yield, nor to be faint hearted: and thereupon began a fresh to chase those that fled, until such time as the army of the enemies was utterly overthrown, and numbers of them slain, and taken prisoners. The next morning betimes, Martius went to the Consul, and the other romans with him. There the Consul Cominius going up to his chair of state, in the presence of the whole army, gave thanks to the gods for so great, glorious, and prosperous a victory than he spoke to Martius, whose valiantness he commended beyond the moon, both for that he himself saw him do with his eyes, as also for that Martius had reported unto him. So in the end he willed Martius, he should choose out of all the horses they had taken of their enemies, and of all the goods they had won (whereof there was great store) ten of every sort which he liked best, The tenth part of the enemy's goods offered Martius for reward of his service, by Cominius the Consul. before any distribution should be made to other. Besides this great honourable offer he had made him, he gave him in testimony that he had won that day the price of prows above all other, a goodly horse with a capparison, and all furniture to him: which the whole army beholding, did marvelously praise and commend. But Martius stepping forth, told the Consul, he most thanckefully accepted the gift of his horse, and was a glad man beside, that his service had deserved his generals commendation: and as for his other offer, which was rather a mercenary reward, than an honourable recompense, Valiance rewarded with honour in the field. he would none of it, but was contented to have his equal part with other soldiers. Only, this grace (said he) I crave, and beseech you to grant me. Among the VOLSCES there is an old friend and host of mine, an honest wealthy man, and now a prisoner, Martius noble answer & refusal. who living before in great wealth in his own country, liveth now a poor prisoner in the hands of his enemies: and yet notwithstanding all this his misery and misfortune, it would do me great pleasure if I could save him from this one danger: to keep him from being sold as a slave. The soldiers hearing Martius words, made a marvelous great shout among them: and they were more that wondered at his great contentation and abstinence, when they saw so little covetousness in him, than they were that highly praised and extolled his villiantnes. For even they themselves, that did somewhat malice and envy his glory, to see him thus honoured, and passingly praised, did think him so much the more worthy of an honourable recompense for his valiant service, as the more carelessly he refused the great offer made him for his profit: and they esteemed more the virtue that was in him, that made him refuse such rewards, then that which made them to be offered him, as unto a worthy person. For it is far more commendable, to use riches well, then to be valiant: and yet it is better not to desire them, then to use them well. After this shout and noise of the assembly was somewhat appeased, the Consul Cominius began to speak in this sort. We cannot compel Martius to take these gifts we offer him, if he will not receive them: but we will give him such a reward for the noble service he hath done, as he cannot refuse. Therefore we do order and decree, that henceforth he be called Coriolanus, Martius surnamed Coriolanus by the Consul. unless his valiant acts have won him that name before our nomination. And so ever since, he still bore the third name of Coriolanus. And thereby it appeareth, that the first name the romans have, as Caius: was our Christian name now. The second, as Martius: How the romans come to three names. was the name of the house and family they came of. The third, was some addition given, either for some act or notable service, or for some mark on their face, or of some shape of their body, or else for some special virtue they had. Even so did the GRECIANS in old time give additions to Princes, Why the Grecians gave Kings surnames. by reason of some notable act worthy memory. As when they have called some, Soter, and Callinicos: as much to say, saviour and conqueror. Or else for some notable apparent mark on ones face, or on his body, they have called him Phiscon, and Grypos: as ye would say, gorebelley, and hook nosed: or else for some virtue, as Euergetes, and Phyladelphos: to wit, a Benefactor, and lover of his brethren. Or otherwise for one's great felicity, as Endemon: as much to say, as fortunate. For so was the second of the * These were the princes that buils the city of Cyrene. Bats surnamed. And some Kings have had surnames of jest and mockery. As one of the Antigones that was called Doson, to say, the giver: who was ever promising, and never giving. And one of the Ptolomees was called Lamyros: to say, conceitive. The romans use more than any other nation, to give names of mockery in this sort. As there was one Metell●● surnamed Diadematus, the banded: because he carried a band about his head of long time, by reason of a sore he had in his forehead. Names of mockery among the romans. One other of his own family was called Celer: the quick fly. Because a few days after the death of his father, he showed the people the cruel fight of fencers at unrebated sword, which they found wonderful for the shortness of time. Other had their surnames derived of some accident of their birth. As to this day they call him Proculeius, that is borne, his father being in some far voyage: and him Posthumius, that is borne after the death of his father. And when of two brethren twins, the one doth die, and tother surviveth: they call the survivor, Vopiscus. Sometimes also they give surnames derived of some mark or misfortune of the body. As Sylla, to say, crooked nosed: Niger, black: Rufus, read: Caecus, blind: Claudus, lame. They did wisely in this thing to accustom men to think, that neither the loss of their sight, nor other such misfortunes as may chance to men, are any shame or disgrace unto them, but the manner was to answer boldly to such names, as if they were called by their proper names. Howbeit these matters would be better amplified in other stories than this. Now when this war was ended, the flatterers of the people began to stir up sedition again, without any new occasion, or just matter offered of complaint. For they did ground this second insurrection against the Nobility and Patricians, upon the people's misery & misfortune, that could not but fall out, by reason of the former discord and sedition between them and the Nobility. Because the most part of the errable land within the territory of ROME, was become heathie and barren for lack of ploughing, for that they had no time nor mean to 'cause corn, to be brought them out of other countries to sow, Sedition as Rome, by vanson of fami●●. by reason of their wars which made the extreme dearth they had among them. Now those busy prattlers that sought the people's good will, by such flattering words, perceiving great scarcity of corn to be within the city, and though there had been plenty enough, yet the common people had no money to buy it: they spread abroad false tales and rumours against the Nobility, that they in revenge of the people, had practised and procured the extreme dearth among them. Furthermore, in the midst of this stir, there came ambassadors to ROME from the city of VELITRES, that offered up their city to the romans, and prayed them they would sand new inhabitants to replenish the same: because the plague had been so extreme among them, & had killed such a number of them, as there was not left alive the tenth person of the people that had been there before. So the wise men of ROME began to think, that the necessity of the VELITRIANS cell out in a most happy hour, and how by this occasion it was very meet in so great a scarcity of victuals, to disburden ROME of a great number of citizens: and by this means as well to take away this new sedition, and utterly to rid it out of the city, as also to clear the same of many mutinous and seditious persons, being the superfluous ill humours that grievously fed this disease. Hereupon the Consuls pricked out all those by a bill, whom they intended to send to VELITRES, to go devil there as in form of a colony: and they levied out of all the rest that remained in the city of ROME, Velitres made a colony to Rome. a great number to go against the VOLSCES, hoping by the means of foreign war, Two practised to remove the sedition in Rome. to pacify their sedition at home. Moreover they imagined, when the poor with the rich, and the mean sort with the nobility, should by this devise be abroad in the wars, & in one camp, and in one service, and in one like danger: that then they would be more quiet and loving together. But Sicinius and Brutus, two seditious Tribunes, spoke against either of these devices, Sicinius and Brutus Tribunes of the people, against both those devices. and cried out upon the noble men, that under the gentle name of a colony, they would cloak and colour the most cruel and unnatural fact as might be: because they sent their poor citizens into a sore infected city and pestilent air, full of dead bodies unburied, and there also to devil under the tuytion of a strange god, that had so cruelly persecuted his people. This were (said they) even as much, as if the Senate should headlong cast down the people into a most bottomless pit. And are not yet contented to have famished some of the poor citizens heretofore to death, & to put other of them even to the mercy of the plague: but a fresh, they have procured a voluntary war, to the end they would leave behind no kind of misery and ill, wherewith the poor silly people should not be plagued, and only because they are weary to serve the rich. The common people being set on a broil and bravery with these words, would not appear when the Consuls called their names by a bill, to priest them for the wars, neither would they be sent out to this new colony: in so much as the Senate knew not well what to say, or do in the matter. Martius then, who was now grown to great credit, and a stout man beside, and of great reputation with the noblest men of ROME, rose up, and openly spoke against these flattering Tribunes. And for the replenishing of the city of VELITRES, he did compel those that were chosen, to go thither, and to depart the city, upon great penalties to him that should disobey: but to the wars, the people by no means would be brought or constrained. Coriolanus offendeth the people. So Martius taking his friends and followers with him, and such as he could by sayer words entreat to go with him, did run certain forreyes into the dominion of the ANTIATES, Coriolanus invadeth the Antiates, and bringeth rich spoils home. where he met with great plenty of corn, and had a marvelous great spoil, aswell of cattle, as of men he had taken prisoners, whom he brought away with him, and reserved nothing for himself. Afterwards having brought back again all his men that went out with him, safe and sound to ROME, and every man rich and laden with spoil: then the hometarriers and housedoves that kept ROME still, began to repent them that it was not their hap to go with him, and so envied both them that had sped so well in this journey, and also of malice to Martius, they spited to see his credit and estimation increase still more and more, because they accounted him to be a great hinderer of the people. Shortly after this, Martius stood for the consulship: and the common people savoured his suit, thinking it would be a shame to them to deny, and refuse, the chiefest noble man of blood, and most worthy person of ROME, and specially him that had done so great service and good to the common wealth. For the custom of ROME was at that time, The manner of fuing for office as Rome. that such as did sue for any office, should for certain days before be in the market place, only with a poor gown on their backs, and without any coat underneath, to pray the citizens to remember them at the day of election: which was thus devised, either to move the people the more, Whereupon this manner of suing was so devised. by requesting them in such mean apparel, or else because they might show them their wounds they had gotten in the wars in the service of the common wealth, as manifest marks & testimony of their valiantness. Now it is not to be thought that the suitors went thus loose in a simple gown in the market place, without any coat under it, for fear, and suspicion of the common people: for offices of dignity in the city were not then given by favour or corruption. Offices given then by deser●, without favour or corruption. It was but of late time, and long after this, that buying and selling fell out in election of officers, and that the voices of the electors were bought for money. But after corruption had once gotten way into the election of offices, it hath run from man to man, even to the very sentence of judges, and also among captains in the wars: so as in the end, that only turned common wealths into Kingdoms, by making arms subject to money. Therefore me thinks he had reason that said: he that first made banquets, and gave money to the common people, Banquets and money given: only destroyers of common wealth. was the first that took away authority, and destroyed common wealth. But this pestilence crept in by little and little, and did secretly win ground still, continuing a long time in ROME, before it was openly known and discovered. For no man can tell who was the first man that bought the people's voices for money, nor that corrupted the sentence of the judges. Howbeit at ATHENS some hold opinion, that Anytus, Anytus the Athenian, the first that with money corrupted the sentence of the judge, and voices of the people. the son of Anthemion, was the first man that fed the judges with money, about the end of the wars of PELOPONNESUS, being accused of treason for yielding up the fort of PYLE, at that time, when the golden and unfoiled age remained yet whole in judgement at ROME. Now Martius following this custom, showed many wounds and cuts upon his body, which he had received in seventeen years service at the wars, and in many sundry battles, being ever the formest man that did set out feet to fight. So that there was not a man among the people, but was ashamed of himself, to refuse so valiant a man: and one of them said to another, we must needs choose him Consul, there is no remedy. But when the day of election was come, and that Martius came to the market place with great pomp, accompanied with all the Senate, and the whole Nobility of the city about him, who sought to make him Consul, with the greatest instance and entreaty they could, or ever attempted for any man or matter: then the love and good will of the common people, turned strait to an hate and envy toward him, See the sickie minds of common people. fearing to put this office of sovereign authority into his hands, being a man somewhat partial toward the nobility, and of great credit and authority amongst the Patricians, and as one they might doubt would take away altogether the liberty from the people. Whereupon for these considerations, they refused Martius in the end, and made two other that were suitors, Consuls. The Senate being marvelously offended with the people, did account the shame of this refusal, rather to redound to themselves, then to Martius: but Martius took it in far worse part than the Senate, and was out of all patience. For he was a man to full of passion and choler, and to much given to over self will and opinion, as one of a high mind and great courage, that lacked the gravity, and affability that is gotten with judgement of learning and reason, which only is to be looked for in a governor of state: and that remembered not how wilfulness is the thing of the world, which a governor of a common wealth for pleasing should shun, being that which Plato called solitariness. As in the end, The fruits of self will and obstinacy. all men that are wilfully given to a self opinion & obstinate mind, and who will never yield to other's reason, but to their own: remain without company, & forsaken of all men. For a man that will live in the world, must needs have patience, which lusty bloods make but a mock at. So Martius being a stout man of nature, that never yielded in any respect, as one thinking that to overcome always, and to have the upper hand in all matters, was a token of magnanimity, and of no base and faint courage, which spiteth out anger from the most weak and passioned part of the heart, much like the matter of an impostume: went home to his house, full freighted with spite and malice against the people, being accompanied with all the lustiest young gentlemen, whose minds were nobly bend, as those that came of noble race, and commonly used for to follow and honour him. But then specially they floct about him, and kept him company, to his much harm: for they did but kindle and inflame his choler more and more, being sorry with him for the injury the people offered him, because he was their captain and leader to the wars, that taught them all marshall discipline, and stirred up in them a noble emulation of honour and valiantness, and yet without envy, praising them that deserved best. In the mean season, there came great plenty of corn to ROME, Great store of corn brought to Rome. that had been bought, part in ITALY, and part was sent out of SICILY, as given by Gelon the tyrant of SYRACUSE: so that many stood in great hope, that the dearth of victuals being holpen, the civil dissension would also cease. The Senate sat in counsel upon it immediately, the common people stood also about the palace where the counsel was kept, gaping what resolution would fall out: persuading themselves, that the corn they had bought should be sold good cheap, and that which was given, should be divided by the poll, without paying any penny, and the rather, because certain of the Senators amongst them did so wish and persuade the same. Coriolanus evasion against the insolency of the people. But Martius standing up on his feet, did somewhat sharply take up those, who went about to gratify the people therein: and called them people pleasers, and traitors to the nobility. Moreover he said they nourrished against themselves, the naughty seed and cockle, of insolency and sedition, which had been sowed and scattered abroad amongst the people, whom they should have cut of, if they had been wise, and have prevented their greatness: and not to their own destruction to have suffered the people, to stablish a magistrate for themselves, of so great power and authority, as that man had, to whom they had granted it. Who was also to be feared, because he obtained what he would, and did nothing but what he listed, neither passed for any obedience to the Consuls, but lived in all liberty, acknowledging no superior to command him, saving the only heads and authors of their faction, whom he called his magistrates. Therefore said he, they that gave counsel, and persuaded that the corn should be given out to the common people gratis, as they used to do in cities of GRAECE, where the people had more absolute power: did but only nourish their disobedience, which would break out in the end, to the utter ruin and overthrow of the whole state. For they will not think it is done in recompense of their service past, sithence they know well enough they have so oft refused to go to the wars, when they were commanded: neither for their mutinies when they went with us, whereby they have rebelled & forsaken their country: neither for their accusations which their flatterers have preferred unto them, & they have received, and made good against the Senate: but they will rather judge we give and grant them this, as abasing ourselves, and standing in fear of them, & glad to flatter them every way. By this means, their disobedience will still grow worse and worse: and they will never leave to practise new sedition, and uproars. Therefore it were a great folly for us, me thinks to do it: yea, shall I say more? we should if we were wise, take from them their Tribuneshippe, which most manifestly is the embasing of the consulship, & the cause of the division of the city. The state whereof as it standeth, is not now as it was wont to be, but becometh dismembered in two factions, which maintains always civil dissension and discord between us, and will never suffer us again to be united into one body. Martius dilating the matter with many such like reasons, wan all the young men, and almost all the rich men to his opinion: in so much they range it out, that he was the only man, and alone in the city, who stood out against the people, & never flattered them. There were only a few old men that spoke against him, fearing lest some mischief might fall out upon it, as in deed there followed no great good afterward. For the Tribunes of the people, being present at this consultation of the Senate, when they saw that the opinion of Martius was confirmed with the more voices, they left the Senate, and went down to the people, crying out for help, and that they would assemble to save their Tribunes. Hereupon the people ran on head in tumult together, before whom the words that Martius spoke in the Senate were openly reported: which the people so stomached, that even in that fury they were ready to fly upon the whole Senate. But the Tribunes laid all the fault and burden wholly upon Martius, and sent their sergeants forthwith to arrest him, presently to appear in person before the people, to answer the words he had spoken in the Senate. Martius stoutly withstood these officers that came to arrest him. Sedition at Rome for Coriolanus. Then the Tribunes in their own persons, accompanied with the AEdiles, went to fetch him by force, and so laid violent hands upon him. Howbeit the noble Patricians gathering together about him, made the Tribunes give back, and laid it sore upon the AEdiles: so for that time, the night parted them, & the tumult appeased. The next morning betimes, the Consuls seeing the people in an uproar, ronning to the market place out of all parts of the city, they were afraid lest all the city would together by the ears: wherefore assembling the Senate in all haste, they declared how it stood them upon, to appease the fury of the people, with some gentle words, or grateful decrees in their favour: and moreover, like wise men they should consider, it was now no time to stand at defence and in contention, nor yet to fight for honour against the commonalty: they being fallen to so great an extremity, and offering such imminent danger. Wherefore they were to consider temperately of things, & to deliver some present and gentle pacification. The most part of the Senators that were present at this counsel, thought this opinion best, & gave their consents unto it. Whereupon the Consuls rising out of counsel, went to speak unto the people as gently as they could, and they did pacify their fury & anger, purging the Senate of all the unjust accusations laid upon them, and used great modesty in persuading them, and also in reproving the faults they had committed. And as for the rest, that touched the sale of corn: they promised there should be no disliking offered them in the price. So the most part of the people being pacified, and appearing so plainly by the great silence and still that was among them, as yielding to the Consuls, and liking well of their words: the Tribunes then of the people rose out of their seats, and said. Forasmuch as the Senate yielded unto reason, the people also for their part, as become them, did likewise give place unto them: but notwithstanding, they would that Martius should come in person to answer to the articles they had devised. Articles against Coriolanus. First, whether he had not solicited and procured the Senate to change the present state of the common weal, and to take the sovereign authority out of the people's hands. Next, when he was sent for by authority of their officers, why he did contemptuously resist and disobey. lastly, seeing he had driven and beaten the AEdiles into the market place before all the world: if in doing this, he had not done as much as in him say, to raise civil wars, and to set one citizen against another. All this was spoken to one of these two ends, either that Martius against his nature should be constrained to humble himself, and to abase his haughty and fierce mind: or else if he continued still in his stoutness, he should incur the people's displeasure and ill will so far, that he should never possibly win them again. Which they hoped would rather fall out so, then otherwise: as in deed they guessed unhappily, considering Martius nature and disposition. So Martius came, and presented himself, to answer their accusations against him, & the people held their peace, and gave attentive ear, to hear what he would say. But where they thought to have heard very humble and lowly words come from him, he began not only to use his wonted boldness of speaking (which of itself was very rough and unpleasant, and did more aggravate his accusation, Coriolanus stoutness in defence of himself. then purge his innocency) but also gave himself in his words to thunder, and look there withal so grimly, as though he made no reckoning of the matter. This stirred coals among the people, who were in wonderful fury at it, & their hate and malice grew so toward him, that they could hold no longer, bear, nor endure his bravery and careless boldness. Whereupon Sicinius, Sicinius the Tribune, pronounceth sentence of death upon Martius. the cruelest and stoutest of the Tribunes, after he had whispered a little with his companions, did openly pronounce in the face of all the people, Martius as condemned by the Tribunes to die. Then presently he commanded the AEdiles to apprehended him, and carry him strait to the rock Tarpeian, and to cast him headlong down the same. When the AEdiles came to say hands upon Martius to do that they were commanded, divers of the people themselves thought it to cruel, and violent a deed. The noble men also being much troubled to see such force and rigour used, began to cry aloud, help Martius: so those that laid hands of him being repulsed, they compassed him in round among themselves, and some of them holding up their hands to the people, besought them not to handle him thus cruelly. But neither their words, nor crying out could aught prevail, the tumult and hurly burley was so great, until such time as the Tribunes own friends and kinsmen weighing with themselves the impossiblenes to convey Martius to execution, without great slaughter & murder of the nobility: did persuade and advise not to proceed in so violent and extraordinary a sort, as to put such a man to death, without lawful process in law, but that they should refer the sentence of his death, to the free voice of the people. Then Sicinius bethinking himself a little, did ask the Patricians, for what cause they took Martius out of the officers hands that went to do execution? The Patricians asked him again, why they would of themselves, so cruelly and wickedly put to death, so noble and valiant a ROMAN, as Martius was, and that without law or justice? Well, then said Sicinius, if that be the matter, let there be no more quarrel or dissension against the people: for they do grant your demand, that his cause shallbe heard according to the law. Therefore said he to Martius, we do will and charge you to appear before the people, Coriolanus hath day given him to answer the people. the third day of our next sitting and assembly here, to make your purgation for such articles as shallbe objected against you, that by free voice the people may give sentence upon you as shall please them. The noble men were glad then of the adiornment, and were much pleased they had gotten Martius out of this danger. In the mean space, before the third day of their next session came about, the same being kept every ninth day continually at ROME, whereupon they call it now in Latin, Nundinae: there fell out war against the ANTIATES, which gave some hope to the nobility, that this adiornment would come to little effect, thinking that this war would hold them so long, as that the fury of the people against him would be well suaged, or utterly forgotten, by reason of the trouble of the wars. But contrary to expectation, the peace was concluded presently with the ANTIATES, and the people returned again to ROME. Then the Patricians assembled oftentimes together, to consult how they might stand to Martius, and keep the Tribunes from occasion to 'cause the people to mutiny again, and rise against the nobility. And there Appius Clodius (one that was taken ever as an heavy enemy to the people) did avow and protest, that they would utterly abase the authority of the Senate, and destroy the common weal, if they would suffer the common people to have authority by voices to give judgement against the nobility. On tother side again, the most ancient Senators, & such as were given to favour the common people said: that when the people should see they had authority of life and death in their hands, they would not be so cruel & fierce, but gentle and civil. Moore also, that it was not for contempt of nobility or the Senate, that they sought to have the authority of justice in their hands, as a pre-eminence and prerogative of honour: but because they feared, that themselves should be contemned and hated of the nobility. So as they were persuaded, that so soon as they gave them authority to judge by voices: so soon would they leave all envy and malice to condemn any. Martius seeing the Senate in great doubt how to resolve, partly for the love and good will the nobility did bear him, and partly for the fear they stood in of the people: asked aloud of the Tribunes, what matter they would burden him with? The Tribunes answered him, that they would show how he did aspire to be King, Coriolanus accused, that he sought to be King. and would prove that all his actions tended to usurp tyrannical power over ROME. Martius with that, rising up on his feet, said: that thereupon he did willingly offer himself to the people, to be tried upon that accusation. And that if it were proved by him, he had so much as once thought of any such matter, that he would then refuse no kind of punishment they would offer him: conditionally (qd he) that you charge me with nothing else beside, and that ye do not also abuse the Senate. They promised they would not. Under these conditions the judgement was agreed upon, and the people assembled. And first of all the Tribunes would in any case (whatsoever become of it) that the people would proceed to give their voices by Tribes, and not by hundreds: for by this means the multitude of the poor needy people (and all such table as had nothing to loose, and had less regard of honesty before their eyes) came to be of greater force (because their voices were numbered by the poll) than the noble honest citizens, whose persons and purse did dutifully serve the common wealth in their wars. And then when the Tribunes saw they could not prove he went about to make himself King: they began to broach a fresh the former words that Martius had spoken in the Senate, in hindering the distribution of the come at mean price unto the common people, and persuading also to take the office of Tribuneshippe from them. And for the third, they charged him a new, that he had not made the common distribution of the spoil he had gotten in the invading the territories of the ANTIATES: but had of his own authority divided it among them, who were with him in that journey. But this matter was most strange of all to Martius, looking lest to have been burdened with that, as with any matter of offence. Whereupon being burdened on the sudden, and having no ready excuse to make even at that instant: he began to fall a praising of the soldiers that had served with him in that journey. But those that were not with him, being the greater number, cried out so loud, and made such a noise, that he could not be heard. To conclude, when they came to tell the voices of the Tribes, there were three voices odd, which condemned him to be banished for life. Coriolanus banished for life. After declaration of the sentence, the people made such joy, as they never rejoiced more for any battle they had won upon their enemies, they were so brave and lively, & went home so iocondly from the assembly, for triumph of this sentence. The Senate again in contrary manner were as sad and heavy, repenting themselves beyond measure, that they had not rather determined to have done & suffered any thing whatsoever, before the common people should so arrogantly, and outrageously have abused their authority. There needed no difference of garments I warrant you, nor outward shows to know a Plebeian from a Patrician, for they were easily discerned by their looks. For he that was on the people's side, looked cheerly on the matter: but he that was sad, and hung down his head, he was sure of the noble men's side. Saving Martius alone, who neither in his countenance, nor in his gate, did ever show him self abashed, or once let fall his great courage: Coriolanus constant mind in adversity. but he only of all other gentlemen that were angry at his fortune, did outwardly show no manner of passion, nor care at all of himself. Not that he did patiently bear and temper his good hap, in respect of any reason he had, or by his quiet condition: but because he was so carried away with the vehemency of anger, The force of anger. and desire of revenge, that he had no sense nor feeling of the hard state he was in, which the common people judge, not to be sorrow, although in deed it be the very same. For when sorrow (as you would say) is set a fire, than it is converted into spite and malice, and driveth away for that time all faintness of heart and natural fear. And this is the cause why the choleric man is so altered, and mad in his actions, as a man set a fire with a burning ague: for when a man's heart is troubled within, his pulse will beat marvelous strongly. Now that Martius was even in that taking, it appeared true soon after by his doings. For when he was come home to his house again, and had taken his leave of his mother and wife, finding them weeping, and shrieking out for sorrow, and had also comforted and persuaded them to be content with his chance: he went immediately to the gate of the city, accompanied with a great number of Patricians that brought him thither, from whence he went on his way with three or four of his friends only, taking nothing with him, nor requesting any thing of any man. So he remained a few days in the country at his houses, turmoiled with sundry sorts and kind of thoughts, such as the fire of his choler did stir up. In the end, seeing he could resolve no way, to take a profitable or honourable course, but only was pricked forward still to be revenged of the romans: he thought to raise up some great wars against them, by their nearest neighbours. Whereupon, he thought it his best way, first to stir up the VOLSCES against them, knowing they were yet able enough in strength and riches to encounter them, notwithstanding their former losses they had received not long before, & that their power was not so much impaired, as their malice and desire was increased, to be revenged of the romans. Now in the city of ANTIUM, there was one called Tullus Aufidius, Tullus Aufidius, a great person among the Volsces. who for his riches, as also for his nobility and valiantness, was honoured among the VOLSCES as a King. Martius knew very well, that Tullus did more malice and envy him, than he did all the romans besides: because that many times in battles where they met, they were ever at the encounter one against another, like lusty courageous youths, striving in all emulation of honour, and had encountered many times together. In so much, as besides the common quarrel between them, there was bred a marvelous private hate one against another. Yet notwithstanding, considering that Tullus Aufidius was a man of a great mind, and that he above all other of the VOLSCES, most desired revenge of the romans, for the injuries they had done unto them: he did an act that confirmed the true words of an ancient Poet, who said: It is a thing full hard, man's anger to withstand, if it be stiffly bend to take an enterprise in hand. For than most men will have, the thing that they desire, although it cost their lives therefore, such force hath wicked ire. And so did he. For he disguised himself in such array and attire, as he thought no man could ever have known him for the person he was, seeing him in that apparel he had upon his back: and as Homer said of Ulysses, So did he enter into the enemy's town. It was even twy light when he entered the city of ANTIUM, and many people met him in the streets, but no man knew him. So he went directly to Tullus Aufidius house, Coriolanus disguised, goeth to Antium, a city of the Volsces and when he came thither, he got him up strait to the chimney hearth, and sat him down, and spoke not a word to any man, his face all muffled over. They of the house spying him, wondered what he should be, and yet they durst not bid him rise. For ill favouredly muffled and disguised as he was, yet there appeared a certain majesty in his countenance, and in his silence: whereupon they went to Tullus who was at supper, to tell him of the strange disguising of this man. Tullus rose presently from the board, and coming towards him, asked him what he was, and wherefore he came. Then Martius unmuffled himself, and after he had paused a while, making no answer, he said unto him. If thou knowest me not yet, Tullus, and seeing me, Coriolanus oration to Tullus Aufidius. dost not perhaps believe me to be the man I am in deed, I must of necessity bewray myself to be that I am. I am Caius Martius, who hath done to thyself particularly, and to all the VOLSCES generally, great hurt and mischief, which I cannot deny for my surname of Coriolanus that I bear. For I never had other benefit nor recompense, of all the true and painful service I have done, and the extreme dangers I have been in, but this only surname: a good memory and witness, of the malice and displeasure thou showldest bear me. In deed the name only remaineth with me: for the rest, the envy and cruelty of the people of ROME have taken from me, by the sufferance of the darstardly nobility and magistrates, who have forsaken me, & let me be banished by the people. This extremity hath now driven me to come as a poor suitor, to take thy chimney hearth, not of any hope I have to save my life thereby. For if I had feared death, I would not have come hither to have put my life in hazard: but pricked forward with spite and desire I have to be revenged of them that thus have banished me, whom now I begin to be avenged on, putting my person between thy enemies. Wherefore, if thou hast any heart to be wrecked of the injuries thy enemies have done thee, speed thee now, and let my misery serve thy turn, and so use it, as my service may be a benefit to the VOLSCES: promising thee, that I will fight with better good will for all you, than ever I did when I was against you, knowing that they fight more valiantly, who know the force of their enemy, than such as have never proved it. And if it be so that thou dare not, and that thou art weary to prove fortune any more: then am I also weary to live any longer. And It were no wisdom in thee, to save the life of him, who hath been heretofore thy mortal enemy, and whose service now can nothing help nor pleasure thee. Tullus hearing what he said, was a marvelous glad man, and taking him by the hand, he said unto him. Stand up, o Martius, and be of good cheer, for in proffering thyself unto us, thou dost us great honour: and by this means thou mayest hope also of greater things, at all the VOLSCES hands. So he feasted him for that time, and entertained him in the honourablest manner he could, talking with him in no other matters at that present: but within few days after, they fell to consultation together, in what sort they should begin their wars. Now on tother side, the city of ROME was in marvelous uproar, and discord, the nobility against the commonalty, Great dissension at Rome about Martius banishment. and chief for Martius condemnation and banishment. Moreover the priests, the soothsayers, and private men also, came and declared to the Senate certain sights and wonders in the air, which they had seen, and were to be considered of: amongst the which, such a vision happened. There was a citizen of ROME called Titus Latinus, a man of mean quality & condition, but otherwise an honest sober man, given to a quiet life, without superstition, and much less to vanity or lying. This man had a vision in his dream, in the which he thought that jupiter appeared unto him, and commanded him to signify to the Senate, that they had caused a very vile lewd dancer to go before the procession: and said, the first time this vision had appeared unto him, he made no reckoning of it: and coming again another time into his mind, he made not much more account of the matter then before. In the end, he saw one of his sons die, who had the best nature and condition of all his brethren: and suddenly he himself was so taken in all his limbs, that he become lame and impotent. Hereupon he told the whole circumstance of this vision before the Senate, sitting upon his little couch or bed, whereon he was carried on men's arms: and he had no sooner reported this vision to the Senate, but he presently felt his body & limbs restored again, to their former strength & use. So raising up himself upon his couch, he got up on his feet at that instant, & walked home to his house, without help of any man. The Senate being amazed at this matter, made diligent enquierie to understand the troth: & in the end they found there was such a thing. There was one that had delivered a bondman of his that had offended him, into the hands of other slaves & bondmen, & had commanded them to whip him up & down the market place, & afterwards to kill him; & as they had him in execution, whipping him cruelly, they did so martyr the poor wretch, that for the cruel smart & pain he felt, he turned & writhed his body, in strange & pittiefull sort. The procession by chance came by even at the same time, & many that followed it, were heartily moved & offended with the sight, saying: that this was no good sight to behold, nor meet to be met in procession time. But for all this, there was nothing done: saving they blamed & rebuked him, that punished his slave so cruelly. For the romans at that time, did use their bondmen very gently, because they themselves did labour with their own hands, and lived with them, & among them: and therefore they did use them the more gently and familiarly. For the greatest punishment they gave a slave that had offended, The romans manner of punishing their slaves. was this. They made him carry a limmer on his shoulders that is fastened to the axle-tree of a coach, and compelled him to go up and down in that sort amongst all their neighbours. He that had once abidden this punishment, and was seen in that manner, was proclaimed and cried in every market town: so that no man would ever trust him after, and they called him Furcifer, Whereof Furcifer came because the LATINS call the wood that runneth into the axle-tree of the coach, Furca, as much to say, as a fork. Now when Latinus had made report to the Senate of the vision that had happened to him, they were devising whom this unpleasant dancer should be, that went before the procession. Thereupon certain that stood by, remembered the poor slave that was so cruelly whipped through the market place, whom they afterwards put to death: and the thing that made them remember it, was the strange and rare manner of his punishment. The priests hereupon were repaired unto for their advise: they were wholly of opinion, that it was the whipping of the slave. So they caused the slaves master to be punished, and began again a new procession, and all other shows and sights in honour of jupiter. But hereby appeareth plainly, how king Numa did wisely ordain all other ceremonies concerning devotion to the gods, A ceremony instituted by king Numa, touching religion. and specially this custom which he established, to bring the people to religion. For when the magistrates, bishops, priests, or other religious ministers go about any divine service, or matter of religion, an herald ever goeth before them, crying out aloud, Hoc age: as to say, do this, or mind this. Hereby they are specially commanded, wholly to dispose themselves to serve God, leaving all other business and matters a side: knowing well enough, that whatsoever most men do, they do it as in a manner constrained unto it. But the romans did ever use to begin again their sacrifices, The superstition of the romans, processions, plays, and such like shows done in honour of the gods, not only upon such an occasion, but upon lighter causes than that. As when they went a procession through the city, and did carry the images of their gods, and such other like holy relics upon open hallowed coaches or charets, called in LATIN Thensae: Thensae. one of the coach horses that drew them stood still, and would draw no more: and because also the coach man took the reins of the bridle with the left hand, they ordained that the procession should be begun again a new. Of later time also, they did renew and begin a sacrifice thirty times one after another, because they thought still there fell out one fault or other in the same, so holy and devout were they to the gods. Now Tullus and Martius had secret conference with the greatest personages of the city of ANTIUM, declaring unto them, that now they had good time offered them to make war with the romans, while they were in dissension one with another. They answered them, they were ashamed to break the league, considering that they were sworn to keep peace for two years. Howbeit shortly after, the romans gave them great occasion to make war with them. The romans gave the Volsces occasion of wars. For on a holy day common plays being kept in ROME, upon some suspicion, or false report, they made proclamation by sound of trumpet, that all the VOLSCES should avoid out of ROME before sun set. Some think this was a craft and deceit of Martius, who sent one to ROME to the Consuls, to accuse the VOLSCES falsely, Martius Coriolanus crafty accusation of the Volsces. advertising them how they had made a conspiracy to set upon them, whilst they were busy in seeing these games, and also to set their city a fire. This open proclamation made all the VOLSCES more offended with the romans, then ever they were before: and Tullus agravating the matter, did so inflame the VOLSCES against them, that in the end they sent their ambassadors to Rome, to summon them to deliver their lands and towns again, which they had taken from them in times past, or to look for present wars. The romans hearing this, were marvelously nettled: and made no other answer but thus. If the VOLSCES be the first that begin war: the romans will be the last that will end it. Incontinently upon return of the VOLSCES ambassadors, and delivery of the romans answer: Tullus caused an assembly general to be made of the VOLSCES, and concluded to make war upon the romans. This done, Tullus did counsel them to take Martius into their service, and not to mistrust him for the remembrance of any thing past, but boldly to trust him in any matter to come: for he would do them more service in fight for them, than ever he did them displeasure in fight against them. So Martius was called forth, who spoke so excellently in the presence of them all, that he was thought no less eloquent in tongue, then warlike in show: and declared himself both expert in wars, and wise with valiantness. Thus he was joined in commission with Tullus as general of the VOLSCES, Coriolanus chosen general of the Volsces● with Tullus Aufidius against the romans. having absolute authority between them to follow & pursue the wars. But Martius fearing lest tract of time to bring this army together with all the munition & furniture of the VOLSCES, would rob him of the mean he had to execute his purpose and intent: left order with the rulers and chief of the city, to assemble the rest of their power, and to prepare all necessary provision for the camp. Coriolanus invadeth the territories of, the romans. Then he with the lightest soldiers he had, and that were willing to follow him, state away upon the sudden, and marched with all speed, and entered the territories of ROME, before the romans heard any news of his coming. In so much the VOLSCES found such spoil in the fields, as they had more than they could spend in their camp, and were weary to drive and carry away that they had. Howbeit the gain of the spoil and the hurt they did to the romans in this invasion, was the lest part of his intent. For his chiefest purpose was, to increase still the malice and dissension between the nobility, A fine devise to make the commonalty suspect the nobility. and the commonalty: and to draw that on, he was very careful to keep the noble men's lands & goods safe from harm and burning, but spoiled all the whole country beside, and would suffer no man to take or hurt any thing of the noble men's. This made greater stir and broil between the nobility and people, Great heart burning betwixt the nobility and people. than was before. For the noble men fell out with the people, because they had so unjustly banished a man of so great valour and power. The people on tother side, accused the nobility, how they had procured Martius to make these wars, to be revenged of them: because it pleased them to see their goods burnt and spoiled before their eyes, whilst themselves were well at ease, and did behold the people's losses and misfortunes, & knowing their own goods safe and out of danger: and how the war was not made against the noble men, that had the enemy abroad, to keep that they had in safety. Now Martius having done this first exploit (which made the VOLSCES bolder, and less fearful of the romans) brought home all the army again, without loss of any man. After their whole army (which was marvelous great, and very forward to service) was assembled in one camp: they agreed to leave part of it for garrison in the country about, and the other part should go on, and make the war upon the romans. So Martius bad Tullus choose, and take which of the two charges he liked best. Tullus made him answer, he knew by experience that Martius was no less valiant than himself, and how he ever had better fortune and good hap in all battles, than himself had. Therefore he thought it best for him to have the leading of those that should make the wars abroad: and himself would keep home, to provide for the safety of the cities and of his country, and to furnish the camp also of all necessary provision abroad. So Martius being stronger than before, went first of all unto the city of CIRCEES, inhabited by the romans, who willingly yielded themselves, and therefore had no hurt. From thence, he entered the country of the LATINS, imagining the romans would fight with him there, to defend the LATINS, who were their confederates, and had many times sent unto the romans for their aid. But on the one side, the people of ROME were very ill willing to go: and on the other side the Consuls being upon their going out of their office, would not hazard themselves for so small a time: so that the ambassadors of the Latins returned home again, and did no good. Then Martius did besiege their cities, and having taken by force the towns of the TOLERINIANS, VICANIANS, PEDANIANS, and the BOLANIANS, who made resistance: he sacked all their goods, and took them prisoners. Such as did yield themselves willingly unto him, he was as careful as possible might be to defend them from hurt: and because they should receive no damage by his will, he removed his camp as far from their confines as he could. Afterwards, he took the city of BOWLS by assault, being about an hundred furlong from ROME, where he had a marvelous great spoil, and put every man to the sword that was able to carry weapon. The other VOLSCES that were appointed to remain in garrison for defence of their country, hearing this good news, would tarry no longer at home, but armed themselves, and ran to Martius camp, saying they did acknowledge no other captain but him. Hereupon his fame ran through all ITALY, and every one praised him for a valiant captain, for that by change of one man for another, such and so strange events fell out in the state. In this while, all went still to wrack at ROME. For, to come into the field to fight with the enemy, they could not abide to hear of it, they were one so much against another, and full of seditious words, the nobility against the people, & the people against the nobility. Until they had intelligence at the length that the enemies had laid siege to the city of LAVINIUM, in the which were all the temples and images of the gods their protectors, and from whence came first their ancient original, for that AEneas at his first arrival into ITALY did build that city. Lavinium built by AEneas. Then fell there out a marvelous sudden change of mind among the people, & far more strange & contrary in the nobility. For the people thought good to repeal the condemnation and exile of Martius. The Senate assembled upon it, would in no case yield to that. Who either did it of a self will to be contrary to the people's desire: or because Martius should not return through the grace and favour of the people. Or else, because they were thoroughly angry and offended with him, that he would set upon the whole, being offended but by a few, and in his doings would show himself an open enemy beside unto his country: notwithstanding the most part of them took the wrong they had done him, in marvelous ill part, and as if the injury had been done unto themselves. Report being made of the Senate's resolution, the people found themselves in a strait: for they could authorize and confirm nothing by their voices, unless it had been first propounded and ordained by the Senate. But Martius hearing this stir about him, was in a greater rage with them then before: in so much as he raised his siege incontinently before the city of LAVINIUM, and going towards ROME, lodged his camp within forty furlong of the city, at the ditches called Cluiliae. His encamping so near ROME, did put all the whole city in a wonderful fear: howbeit for the present time it appeased the sedition and dissension betwixt the Nobility and the people. For there was no Consul, Senator, nor Magistrate, that durst once contrary the opinion of the people, for the calling home again of Martius. When they saw the women in a marvelous fear, ronning up and down the city: the temples of the gods full of old people, weeping bitterly in their prayers to the goods: and finally, not a man either wise or hardy to provide for their safety: then they were all of opinion, that the people had reason to call home Martius again, to reconcile themselves to him, and that the Senate on the contrary part, were in marvelous great fault to be angry and in choler with him, when it stood them upon rather to have gone out and entreated him. So they all agreed together to sand ambassadors unto him, The romans sand ambassadors to Coriolanus to treat of peace. to let him understand how his countrymen did call him home again, and restored him to all his goods, and besought him to deliver them from this war. The ambassadors that were sent, were Martius familiar friends, and acquaintance, who looked at the lest for a courteous welcome of him, as of their familiar friend and kinsman. Howbeit they found nothing less. For at their coming, they were brought through the camp, to the place where he was set in his chair of state, with a marvelous and an unspeakable majesty, having the chiefest men of the VOLSCES about him: so he commanded them to declare openly the cause of their coming. Which they delivered in the most humble and lowly words they possibly could devise, and with all modest countenance and behaviour agreeable for the same. When they had done their message: for the injury they had done him, he answered them very hotly, and in great choler. But as general of the VOLSCES, he willed them to restore unto the VOLSCES, all their lands and cities they had taken from them in former wars: and moreover, that they should give them the like honour and freedom of ROME, as they had before given to the LATINS. For otherwise they had no other mean to end this war, if they did not grant these honest and just conditions of peace. Thereupon he gave them thirty days respite to make him answer. So the ambassadors returned strait to ROME, and Martius forthwith departed with his army out of the territories of the romans. This was the first matter wherewith the VOLSCES (that most envied Martius glory and authority) did charge Martius with. The first occasion of the Volsces envy to Coriolanus. Among those, Tullus was chief: who though he had received no private injury or displeasure of Martius, yet the common fault and imperfection of man's nature wrought in him, and it grieved him to see his own reputation bleamished, through Martius great fame and honour, and so himself to be less esteemed of the VOLSCES, than he was before. This fell out the more, because every man honoured Martius, and thought he only could do all, and that all other governors and captains must be content with such credit and authority, as he would please to countenance them with. From hence they derived all their first accusations and secret murmurings against Martius. For private captains conspiring against him, were very angry with him: and gave it out, that the removing of the camp was a manifest treason, not of the towns, nor forts, nor of arms, but of time and occasion, which was a loss of great importance, because it was that which in treason might both loose and bind all, and preserve the whole. Now Martius having given the romans thirty days respite for their answer, and specially because the wars have not accustomed to make any great changes, in less space of time than that: he thought it good yet, not to lie a sleep and idle all the while, but went and destroyed the lands of the enemy's allies, and took seven great cities of theirs well inhabited, and the romans durst not once put themselves into the field, to come to their aid and help: they were so faint hearted, so mistrustful, and loath beside to make wars. In so much as they properly ressembled the bodies paralyticke, and loosed of their limbs and members: as those which through the palsy have lost all their sense and feeling. Wherefore, the time of peace expired, Martius being returned into the dominions of the romans again with all his army, they sent another ambassade unto him, Another ambassade sent to Coriolanus. to pray peace, and the remove of the VOLSCES out of their country: that afterwards they might with better leisure fall to such agreements together, as should be thought most meet and necessary. For the romans were no men that would ever yield for fear. But if he thought the VOLSCES had any ground to demand reasonable articles and conditions, all that they would reasonably ask should be granted unto, by the romans, who of themselves would willingly yield to reason, conditionally, that they did say down arms. Martius to that answered: that as general of the VOLSCES he would reply nothing unto it. But yet as a ROMAN citizen, he would counsel them to let fall their pride, and to be conformable to reason, if they were wise: and that they should return again within three days, delivering up the articles agreed upon, which he had first delivered them. Or otherwise, that he would no more give them assurance or safe conduit to return again into his camp, with such vain and frivolous messages. When the ambassadors were returned to ROME, and had reported Martius answer to the Senate: their city being in extreme danger, and as it were in a terrible storm or tempest, they threw out (as the common proverb sayeth) their holy anchor. For than they appointed all the bishops, priests, ministers of the gods, The priests and soothsayers sent to Coriolanus. and keepers of holy things, and all the augurs or soothsayers, which foreshow things to come by observation of the flying of birds (which is an old ancient kind of prophesying and divination amongst the romans) to go to Martius appareled, as when they do their sacrifices: and first to entreat him to leave of war, and then that he would speak to his countrymen, and conclude peace with the VOLSCES. Martius suffered them to come into his camp, but yet he granted them nothing the more, neither did he entertain them or speak more courteously to them, than he did the first time that they came unto him, saving only that he willed them to take the one of the two: either to accept peace under the first conditions offered, or else to receive war. When all this goodly rabble of superstition and priests were returned, it was determined in counsel that none should go out of the gates of the city, and that they should watch and ward upon the walls, to repulse their enemies if they came to assault them: referring themselves and all their hope to time, and fortunes uncertain favour, not knowing otherwise how to remedy the danger. Now all the city was full of tumult, fear, and marvelous doubt what would happen: until at the length there fell out such a like matter, as Homer oftentimes said they would least have thought of. For in great matters, that happen seldom, Homer sayeth, and crieth out in this sort, The goddess Pallas she, with her fair glistering eyes, did put into his mind such thoughts, and made him so devise. And in an other place: But sure some god hath taken, out of the people's mind, both wit and understanding eke, and have therewith assigned some other simple spirit, in steed thereof to bide, that so they might their doings all, for lack of wit misguyde. And in an other place: The people of themselves, did either it consider, or else some god instructed them, and so they joined together. Many reckon not of Homer, as referring matters unpossible, and fables of no likelihood or troth, unto man's reason, free will, or judgement: which in deed is not his meaning. But things true & likely, he maketh to depend of our own free will and reason. For he often speaketh these words: I have thought it in my noble heart. And in an other place: Achilles angry was, and sorry for to hear him so to say, his heavy breast was fraught with pensive fear. And again in an other place: Bellerophon (she) could not move with her fair tongue, so honest and so virtuous, he was the rest among. But in wondrous and extraordinary things, which are done by secret inspirations and motions, he doth not say that God taketh away, from man his choice and freedom of will, but that he doth move it: neither that the doth work desire in us, but objecteth to our minds certain imaginations whereby we are lead to desire, and thereby doth not make this our action forced, but openeth the way to our will, and addeth thereto courage, and hope of success. For, either we must say, that the gods meddle not with the causes and beginnings of our actions: or else what other means have they to help and further men? It is apparent that they handle not our bodies, nor move not our feet and hands, when there is occasion to use them: but that part of our mind from which these motions proceed, is induced thereto, or carried away by such objects and reasons, as God offereth unto it. Now the ROMAN Ladies and gentlewomen did visit all the temples and gods of the same, to make their prayers unto them: but the greatest Ladies (and more part of them) were continually about the altar of jupiter Capitolin, among which troop by name, was Valeria, Publicolaes' own sister. The self same Publicola, who did such notable service to the romans, both in peace & wars: and was dead also certain years before, as we have declared in his life. His sister Valeria was greatly honoured and reverenced among all the romans: Valeria Publicolaes' sister. and did so modestly and wisely behave herself, that she did not shame nor dishonour the house she came of. So she suddenly fell into such a fancy, as we have rehearsed before, and had (by some god as I think) taken hold of a noble devise. Whereupon she rose, and tother Ladies with her, and they all together went strait to the house of Volumnia, Martius mother: Volumnia, Martius mother. and coming in to her, found her, and: Martius wife her daughter in law set together, and having her husband Martius young children in her lap. Now all the train of these Lady's sitting in a ring round about her: Valeria first began to speak in this sort unto her. We Ladies, are come to visit you Ladies (my Lady Volumnia and Virgilia) by no direction from the Senate, The words of Valeria, unto Volumnia and Virgilia. nor commandment of other magistrate: but through the inspiration (as I take it) of some god above. Who having taken compassion and pity of our prayers, hath moved us to come unto you, to entreat you in a matter, as well beneficial for us, as also for the whole citizens in general: but to yourselves in especial (if it please you to credit me) and shall redound to our more fame and glory, than the daughters of the SABINES obtained in formerage, when they procured loving peace, instead of hateful war, between their fathers and their husbands. Come on goodladies, and let us go all together unto Martius, to entreat him to take pity upon us, and also to report the troth unto him, how much you are bound unto the citizens: who notwithstanding they have sustained great hurt and losses by him, yet they have not hitherto sought revenge upon your persons by any discourteous usage, neither ever conceived any such thought or intent against you, but do deliver ye safe into his hands, though thereby they look for no better grace or clemency from him. When Valeria had spoken this unto them, all tother ladies together with one voice confirmed that she had said. Then Volumnia in this sort did answer her. My good ladies, we are partakers with you of the common misery and calamity of our country, The answer of Volumnia to the Roman ladies. and yet our grief exceedeth yours the more, by reason of our particular misfortune: to feel the loss of my son Martius former valiancy and glory, and to see his person enuiron●ed now with our enemies in arms, rather to see him forth coming and safe kept, then of any love to defend his person. But yet the greatest grief of our heaped mishaps is, to see our poor country brought to such extremity, that all the hope of the safety and preservation thereof, is now unfortunately cast upon us simple women: because we know not what account he will make of us, sense he hath cast from him all care of his natural country and common weal, which heretofore he hath holden more dear and precious, then either his mother, wife, or children. Notwithstanding, if ye think we can do good, we will willingly do what you will have us: bring us to him I pray you. For if we can not prevail, we may yet die at his feet, as humble suitors for the safety of our country. Her answer ended, she took her daughter in law, and Martius children with her, and being accompanied with all the other ROMAN ladies, they went in troop together unto the VOLSCES camp: whom when they saw, they of themselves did both pity and reverence her, and there was not a man among them that once durst say a word unto her. Now was Martius set then in his chair of state, with all the honours of a general, and when he had spied the women coming of far of, he marveled what the matter meant: but afterwards knowing his wife which came formest, he determined at the first to persist in his obstinate and inflexible ranker. But overcomen in the end with natural affection, and being altogether altered to see them: his heart would not serve him to tarry their coming to his chair, but coming down in haste, he went to meet them, and first he kissed his mother, and embraced her a pretty while, than his wife and little children. And nature so wrought with him, that the tears fell from his eyes, and he could not keep himself from making much of them, but yielded to the affection of his blood, as if he had been violently carried with the fury of a most swift running stream. After he had thus lovingly received them, and perceiving that his mother Volumnia would begin to speak to him, he called the chiefest of the counsel of the VOLSCES to hear what she would say. Then she spoke in this sort. The oration of Volumnia, unto her son Coriolanus. If we held our peace (my son) and determined not to speak, the state of our poor bodies, and present sight of our raiment, would easily bewray to thee what life we have led at home, since thy exile and abode abroad. But think now with thyself, how much more unfortunately, than all the women living we are come hither, considering that the sight which should be most pleasant to all other to behold, spiteful fortune hath made most fearful to us: making myself to see my son, and my daughter, here, her husband, besieging the walls of his native country. So as that which is th'only comfort to all other in their adversity and misery, to pray unto the gods, and to call to them for aid: is the only thing which plungeth us into most deep perplexity. For we can not (alas) together pray, both for victory, for our country, and for safety of thy life also: but a world of grievous curses, yea more than any mortal enemy can heap upon us, are forcibly wrapped up in our prayers. For the bitter sop of most hard choice is offered thy wife & children, to forego the one of the two: either to loose the person of thyself, or the nurse of their native country. For myself (my son) I am determined not to tarry, till fortune in my life time do make an end of this war. For if I cannot persuade thee, rather to do good unto both parties, then to overthrow and destroy the one, preferring love and nature, before the malice and calamity of wars: thou shalt see, my son, and trust unto it, thou shalt no sooner march forward to assault thy country, but thy foot shall tread upon thy mother's womb, that brought thee first into this world. And I may not defer to see the day, either that my son be led prisoner in triumph by his natural country men, or that he himself do triumph of them, and of his natural country. For if it were so, that my request tended to save thy country, in destroying the VOLSCES: I must confess, thou wouldst hardly and doubtfully resolve on that. For as to destroy thy natural country, it is altogether unmere and unlawful: so were it not just, and less honourable, to betray those that put their trust in thee. But my only demand consisteth, to make a jail delivery of all evils, which delivereth equal benefit and safety, both to the one and the other, but most honourable for the VOLSCES. For it shall appear, that having victory in their hands, they have of special favour granted us singular graces: peace, and amity, albeit themselves have no less part of both, than we. Of which good, if so it came to pass, thyself is th'only author, and so hast thou th'only honour. But if it fail, and fall out contrary: thyself alone deservedly shall carry the shameful reproach and burden of either party. So, though the end of war be uncertain, yet this notwithstanding is most certain: that if it be thy chance to conquer, this benefit shalt thou reap of thy goodly conquest, to be chronicled the plague & destroyer of thy country. And if fortune also overthrow thee, than the world will say, that through desire to revenge thy private injuries, thou hast for ever undone thy good friends, who did most lovingly and courteously receive thee. Martius gave good ear unto his mother's words, without interrupting her speech at all: and after she had said what she would, he held his peace a pretty while, and answered not a word. Hereupon she began again to speak unto him, and said. My son, why dost thou not answer me? dost thou think it good altogether to give place unto thy choler and desire of revenge, and thinkest thou it not honesty for thee to grant thy mother's request, in so weighty a cause? dost thou take it honourable for a noble man, to remember the wrongs and injuries done him: and dost not in like case think it an honest noble man's part, to be thankful for the goodness that parents do show to their children, acknowledging the duty and reverence they aught to bear unto them? No man living is more bound to show himself thankful in all parts and respects, than thyself: who so unnaturally showeth all ingratitude. Moreover (my son) thou hast sorely taken of thy country, exacting grievous payments upon them, in revenge of the injuries offered thee: beside, thou hast not hitherto showed thy poor mother any courtesy. And therefore, it is not only honest, but due unto me, that without compulsion I should obtain my so just and reasonable request of thee. But since by reason I cannot persuade thee to it, to what purpose do I deserre my last hope? And with these words, herself, his wife and children, fell down upon their knees before him. Martius seeing that, could refrain no longer, but went strait and lift her up, crying out: O mother, what have you done to me? And holding her hard by the right hand, Coriolanus compastion of his mother. o mother, said he, you have won a happy victory for your country, but mortal and unhappy for your son: for I see myself vanquished by you alone. These words being spoken openly, he spoke a little a part with his mother and wife, and then let them return again to ROME, for so they did request him: and so remaining in camp that night, the next morning he dislodged, Coriolanus withdraweth his armies from Rome. and marched homewards into the VOLSCES country again, who were not all of one mind, nor all alike contented. For some misliked him, and that he had done. Other being well pleased that peace should be made, said: that neither the one, nor the other, deserved blame nor reproach. Other, though they misliked that was done, did not think him an ill man for that he did, but said: he was not to be blamed, though he yielded to such a forcible extremity. Howbeit no man contraried his departure, but all obeyed his commandment, more for respect of his worthiness and valiancy, then for fear of his authority. Now the citizens of ROME plainly showed, in what fear and danger their city stood of this war, when they were delivered. For so soon as the watch upon the walls of the city perceived the VOLSCES camp to remove, there was not a temple in the city but was presently set open, and full of men, wearing garlands of flowers upon their heads, sacrificing to the gods, as they were wont to do upon the news of some great obtained victory. And this common joy was yet more manifestly showed, by the honourable courtesies the whole Senate, and people did bestow on their ladies. For they were all thoroughly persuaded, and did certainly believe, that the ladies only were cause of the saving of the city, and delivering themselves from the instant danger of the war. Whereupon the Senate ordained, that the magistrates to gratify and honour these ladies, should grant them all that they would require. And they only requested that they would build a temple of Fortune of the women, The temple of Fortune built for the women. for the building whereof they offered themselves to defray the whole charge of the sacrifices, and other ceremonies belonging to the service of the gods. Nevertheless, the Senate commending their good will and forwardness, ordained, that the temple and image should be made at the common charge of the city. Notwithstanding that, the ladies gathered money among them, and made with the same a second image of Fortune, which the romans say did speak as they offered her up in the temple, and did set her in her place: The image of Fortune spoke to the Ladies at Rome. and they affirm, that she spoke these words. Ladies, ye have devoutly offered me up. Moreover, that she spoke that twice together, making us to believe things that never were, and are not to be credited. For to see images that seem to sweat or weep, or to put forth any humour read or blowdie, it is not a thing unpossible. For wood and stone do commonly receive certain moisture, Of the sweeting & voices of images. whereof is engendered an humour, which do yield of themselves, or do take of air, many sorts and kinds of spots and colours: by which signs and tokens it is not amiss we think, that the gods sometimes do warn men of things to come. And it is possible also, that these images and statues do sometimes put forth sounds, like unto sighs or mourning, when in the midst or bottom of the same, there is made some violent separation, or breaking a sunder of things, blown or devised therein: but that a body which hath neither life nor soul, should have any direct or exquisite word formed in it by express voice, that is altogether unpossible. For the soul, nor god himself can distinctly speak without a body, having necessary organs and instruments meet for the parts of the same, to form and utter distinct words. But where stories many times do force us to believe a thing reported to be true, by many grave testimonies: there we must say, that it is some passion contrary to our five natural senses, which being begotten in the imaginative part or understanding, draweth an opinion unto itself, even as we do in our sleeping. For many times we think we hear, that we do not hear: and we imagine we see, that we see not. Yet notwithstanding, such as are godly bent, and zealously given to think upon heavenly things, so as they can no way be drawn from believing that which is spoken of them, they have this reason to ground the foundation of their belief upon. That is, the omnipotency of God which is wonderful, Of the omnipotency of God. and hath no manner of resemblance or likeliness of proportion unto ours, but is altogether contrary as touching our nature, our moving, our art, and our force: and therefore if he do any thing unpossible to us, or do bring forth and devise things, without man's common reach and understanding, we must not therefore think it unpossible at all. For if in other things he is far contrary to us, much more in his works and secret operations, he far passeth all the rest: but the most part of god's doings, as Heraclitus sayeth, for lack of faith, are hidden and unknown unto us. Now when Martius was returned again into the city of ANTIUM from his voyage, Tullus that hated and could no longer abide him for the fear he had of his authority: sought divers means to make him out of the way, Tullus Anfidius seeketh to kill Coriolanus. thinking that if he let slip that present time, he should never recover the like and sit occasion again. Wherefore Tullus having procured many other of his confederacy, required Martius might be deposed from his estate, to tender up account to the VOLSCES of his charge and government. Martius fearing to become a private man again under Tullus being general (whose authority was greater otherwise, than any other among all the VOLSCES) answered: he was willing to give up his charge, and would resign it into the hands of the lords of the VOLSCES, if they did all command him, as by all their commandment he received it. And moreover, that he would not refuse even at that present give up an account unto the people, if they would tarry the hearing of it. The people hereupon called a common counsel, in which assembly there were certain orators appointed, that stirred up the common people against him: and when they had told their tales, Martius rose up to make them answer. Now, notwithstanding the mutinous people made a marvelous great noise, yet when they saw him, for the reverence they bore unto his valiantness, they quieted themselves, and gave still audience to allege with leisure what he could for his purgation. Moreover, the honestest men of the ANTIATES, and who most rejoiced in peace, showed by their countenance that they would hear him willingly, and judge also according to their conscience. Whereupon Tullus fearing that if he did let him speak, he would prove his innocency to the people, because amongst other things he had an eloquent tongue, besides that the first good service he had done to the people of the VOLSCES, did win him more favour, than these last accusations could purchase him displeasure: and furthermore, the offence they laid to his charge, was a testimony of the good will they aught him, for they would never have thought he had done them wrong for that they took not the city of ROME, if they had not been very near taking of it, by means of his approach and conduction. For these causes Tullus thought he might no longer delay his pretence and enterprise, neither to tarry for the mutining and rising of the common people against him: wherefore, those that were of the conspiracy, began to cry out that he was not to be heard, nor that they would not suffer a traitor to usurp tyrannical power over the tribe of the VOLSCES, who would not yield up his estate and authority. And in saying these words, they all fell upon him, and killed him in the market place, e Coriolanus murdered in the city of Antium. Coriolanus funerals. none of the people once offering to rescue him. Howbeit it is clear case, that this murder was not generally consented unto, of the most part of the VOLSCES: for men came out of all parts to honour his body, and did honourably bury him, setting out his tomb with great store of armour and spoils, as the tomb of a worthy person and great captain. The romans understanding of his death, showed no other honour or malice, saving that they granted the ladies the request they made: that they might mourn ten months for him, and that was the full time they used to were blacks for the death of their fathers, The time of mourning appointed by Numa. brethren, or husbands, according to Numa Pompilius order, who established the same, as we have enlarged more amply in the description of his life. Now Martius being dead, the whole state of the VOLSCES heartily wished him alive again. For first of all they fell out with the AEQVES (who were their friends and confederates) touching pre-eminence and place: and this quarrel grew on so far between them, that frays and murders fell out upon it one with another. After that, the romans overcame them in battle, in which Tullus was slain in the field, Tullus Aufidius slain in battle. and the flower of all their force was put to the sword: so that they were compelled to accept most shameful conditions of peace, in yielding themselves subject unto the conquerors, & promising to be obedient at their commandment. THE COMPARISON OF ALcibiades with Martius Coriolanus. NOW that we have written all the deeds of worthy memory, done by either of them both: The acts done by both. we may presently discern, that in matters of war, the one hath not greatly exceeded the other. For both of them in their charge, were a like hardy & valiant for their persons, as also wise and politic in the wars: unless they will say, that Alcibiades was the better captain, as he that had foughten more battles with his enemies, both by sea and land, than ever Coriolanus had done, and had always the victory of his enemies. For otherwise, in this they were much a like: that where they were both present & had, charge and power to command, all things prospered notably, and with good success on the part they were of: and also when they took the contrary side, they made the first have the worse every way. Now for matters of government, the noble men and honest citizens did hate Alcibiades manner of rule in the common weal, as of a man most dissolute, and given to flattery: because he ever studied by all devise he could, to curry favour with the common people. So did the romans malice also Coriolanus government, for that it was no arrogant, proud, and tyrannical: whereby neither the one nor the other was to be commended. Notwithstanding, he is less to be blamed, that seeketh to please and gratify his common people: then he that despiseth and disdaineth them, and therefore offereth them wrong and injury, because he would not seem to flatter them, to win the more authority. For as it is an evil thing to flatter the common people to win credit: even so is it besides dishonesty, and injustice also, to attain to credit and authority, for one to make himself terrible to the people, by offering them wrong and violence. It is true that Martius was ever counted an honest natured man, plain and simple, without art or cunning: Howbeit Alcibiades merely contrary, for he was fine, subtle, and deceitful. And the greatest fault they ever burdened Alcibiades for, was his malice and deceit, wherewith he abused the ambassadors of the LACEDÆMONIANS, & that he was a let that peace was not concluded, as Thucydides reporteth. Now, though by this act he suddenly brought the city of ATHENS into wars, The manners of Alcibiades & Coriolanus. yet he brought it thereby to be of greater power, and more fearful to the enemies, by making alliance with the MANTINIANS and the ARGIVES, who by Alcibiades practise entered into league with the ATHENIANS. And Martius, as Dionysius the historiographer writeth: did by craft and deceit bring the romans into wars against the VOLSCES, causing the VOLSCES maliciously, and wrongfully to be suspected, that went to ROME to see the games played. But the cause why he did it, made the fact so much more fowl and wicked. For it was not done for any civil dissension, nor for any ielouzy and contention in matters of government, as Alcibiades did: but only following his choleric mood, that would be pleased with no thing, as Dion said, he would needs trouble and turmoil the most part of ITALY, and so being angry with his country, he destroyed many other towns and cities that could not help it, nor do with all. This is true also, that Alcibiades spite and malice did work great mischief and misery to his country: but when he saw they repented them of the injury they had done him, he came to himself, and did withdraw his army. another time also, when they had banished Alcibiades, he would not yet suffer the captains of the ATHENIANS to run into great errors, neither would he see them cast away, by following ill counsel which they took, neither would he forsake them in any danger they put themselves into. But he did the very same that Aristides had done in old time unto Themistocles, for which he was then, and is yet so greatly praised. For he went unto the captains that had charge then of the army of the ATHENIANS, although they were not his friends, and told them wherein they did amiss, and what they had further to do. Where Martius to the contrary, did first great hurt unto the whole city of ROME, though all in ROME had not generally offended him: yea, and when the best and chiefest part of the city were grieved for his sake, and were very sorry and angry for the injury done him. Furthermore, the romans sought to appease one only displeasure and despite they had done him, by many ambassades, petitions and requests they made, whereunto he never yielded, while his mother, wife, and children came, his heart was so hardened. And hereby it appeared he was entered into this cruel war (when he would hearken to no peace) of an intent utterly to destroy and spoil his country, and not as though he meant to recover it, or to return thither again. Here was in deed the difference between them: that spials being laid by the LACEDÆMONIANS to kill Alcibiades, for the malice they did hear him, as also for that they were afraid of him, he was compelled to return home again to ATHENS. Where Martius contrariwise, having been so honourably received and entertained by the VOLSCES, he could not with honesty forsake them, considering they had done him that honour, as to choose him their general, and trusted him so far, as they put all their whole army and power into his hands: and not as tother, whom the LACEDÆMONIANS rather abused, then used him, suffering him to go up and down their city (and afterwards in the midst of their camp) without honour or place at all. So that in the end Alcibiades was compelled to put himself into the hands of Tisaphernes: unless they will say that he went thither of purpose to him, with intent to save the city of ATHENS from utter destruction, for the desire he had to return home again. Moreover, we read of Alcibiades, Alcibiades & Coriolanus manner for money. that he was a great taker, and would be corrupted with money: and when he had it, he would most licentiously and dishonestly spend it. Where Martius in contrary manner would not so much as accept gifts lawfully offered him by his Captains, to honour him for his valiantness. And the cause why the people did bear him such ill will, for the controversy they had with the Nobility about clearing of debts, grew: for that they knew well enough it was not for any gain or benefit he had gotten thereby, so much as it was for spite and displeasure he thought to do them. Antipater in a letter of his, writing of the death of Aristotle the philosopher, doth not without cause commend the singular gifts that were in Alcibiades, and this inespecially: that he passed all other for winning men's good wills. Whereas all Martius noble acts and virtues, wanting that affability, become hateful even to those that received benefit by them, who could not abide his severity and self will: which causeth desolation (as Plato sayeth) and men to be ill followed, or altogether forsaken. Contrariwise, seeing Alcibiades had a trim entertainment, and a very good grace with him, and could fashion himself in all companies: it was no marvel if his well doing were gloriously commended, and himself much honoured and beloved of the people, considering that some faults he did, were oftentimes taken for matters of sport, and toys of pleasure. And this was the cause, that though many times he did great hurt to the common wealth, yet they did oft make him their general, and trusted him with the charge of the whole city. Where Martius suing for an office of honour that was due to him, for the sundry good services he had done to the state, was notwithstanding repulsed, and put by. Thus do we see, that they to whom the one did hurt, had no power to hate him: and tother that honoured his virtue, had no liking to love his person. Martius also did never any great exploit, being general of his country men, but when he was general of their enemies against his natural country: whereas Alcibiades, Alcibiades & Coriolanus love unto their country. being both a private person, and a general, did notable service unto the ATHENIANS. By reason whereof, Alcibiades wheresoever he was present, had the upper hand ever of his accusers, even as he would himself, and their accusations took no place against him: unless it were in his absence. Where Martius being present, was condemned by the romans: and in his person murdered, and slain by the VOLSCES. But here I can not say they have done well, nor justly, albeit himself gave them some colour to do it, when he openly denied the ROMAN Ambassadors peace, which after he privately granted, at the request of women. So by this deed of his, he took not away the enmity that was between both peoples but leaving war still between them, he made the VOLSCES (of whom he was general) to loose the opportunity of noble victory. Where in deed he should (if he had done as he aught) have withdrawn his army with their counsel & consent, that had reposed so great affiance in him, in making him their general: if he had made that account of them, as their good will towards him did in duty bind him. Or else, if he did not care for the VOLSCES in the enterprise of this war, but had only procured it of intent to be revenged, and afterwards to leave it of, when his anger was blown over: yet he had no reason for the love of his mother to pardon his country, but rather he should in pardoning his country, have spared his mother, because his mother & wife were members of the body of his country and city, which he did besiege. For in that he uncourteously rejected all public petitions, requests of Ambassadors, entreaties of the bishops & priests, to gratify only the request of his mother with his departure: that was no act so much to honour his mother with, as to dishonour his country by, the which was preserved for the pity and intercession of a woman, & not for the love of itself, as if it had not been worthy of it. And so was this departure a grace, to say truly, very odious and cruel, and deserved no thanks of either party, to him that did it. For he withdrew his army, not at the request of the romans, against whom he made war: nor with their consent, at whose charge the war was made. And of all his misfortune and ill hap, the austerity of his nature, and his haughty obstinate mind, was the only cause: the which of itself being hateful to the world, when it is joined with ambition, it groweth then much more churlish, fierce, and intolerable. For men that have that fault in nature, are not affable to the people, seeming thereby as though they made no estimation or regard of the people: and yet on tother side, if the people should not give them honour and reverence, they would strait take it in scorn, and little care for the matter. For so did Metellus, Aristides, and Epaminondis, all used this manner: not to seek the good will of the common people by flattery and dissimulation: which was in deed, because they despised that which the people could give or take away. Yet would they not be offended with their citizens, when they were amerced, and set at any fines, or that they banished them, or gave them any other repulse: but they loved them as well as they did before, so soon as they showed any token of repentance, & that they were sorry for the wrong they had done them, and were easily made friends again with them, after they were restored from their banishment. For he that disdaineth to make much of the people, and to have their favour, should much more scorn to seek to be revenged, when he is repulsed. For, to take a repulse and denial of honour, so inwardly to the heart: cometh of no other cause, but that he did too earnestly desire it. Therefore Alcibiades did not dissemble at all, that he was not very glad to see himself honoured, and sorry to be rejected and denied any honour: but also he sought all the means he could to make himself beloved of those amongst whom he lived. Whereas Martius stoutness, and hawry stomach, did stay him from making much of those, that might advance and honour him: and yet his ambition made him gnaw himself for spite and anger, when he saw he was despised. And this is all that reasonably may be reproved in him: for otherwise he lacked no good commendable virtues and qualities. For his temperance, and clean hands from taking of bribes and money, Coriolanus notable abstinence from bribes. he may be compared with the most perfect, virtuous, and honest men of all GRAECE: but not with Alcibiades, who was in that undoubtedly always too licentious & loosely given, and had too small regard of his credit and honesty. The end of Caius Martius Coriolanus life. THE LIFE OF Paulus AEmilius. WHEN I first began to writ these lives, my intent was to profit other: but since, continuing and going on, I have much profited myself by looking into these histories, as if I looked into a glass, to frame and fashion my life, to the mould and pattern of these virtuous noble men. For ronning over their manners in this sort, and seeking also to describe their lives: me thinks I am still conversant and familiar with them, and do as it were lodge them with me, one after another. And when I come to peruse their histories, and to way the virtues and qualities they have had, and what singularity each of them possessed: and to choose and cull out the chiefest things of note in them, and their best speeches and doings most worthy of memory: Then I cry out, O gods, can there be more passing pleasure in the world? Or is there any thing of more force, to teach man civil manners, & a ruled life, or to reform the vice in man? Democritus the philosopher writeth, that we should pray we might ever see happy images and sights in the air, and that the good which is meet and proper to our nature, may rather come to us, then that is evil and unfortunate: presupposing a false opinion and doctrine in philosophy, which allureth men to infinite superstitions. That there are good and bad images flying in the air, which give a good or ill impression unto men, and incline men to vice, or to virtue. But as for me, by continual reading of ancient histories, and gathering these lives together which now I leave before you, and by keeping always in mind the acts of the most noble, virtuous, and best given men of former age, and worthy memory: I do teach and prepare myself to shake of & banish from me, all lewd and dishonest condition, if by chance the company and conversation of them whose company I keep, and must of necessity haunt, do acquaint me with some unhappy or ungracious touch. This is easy unto me, that do dispose my quiet mind, & not troubled with any passion, unto the deep consideration of so many noble examples. As I do present unto you now in this volume, the lives of Timoleon the CORINTHIAN, and of Paulus AEmilius the ROMAN, who had not only a good & an upright mind with them, but were also fortunate and happy, in all the matters they both did take in hand. So as you shall hardly judge, when you have read over their lives, whether wisdom, or good fortune brought them to achieve to such honourable acts and exploits as they did. Many (& the most part of historiographers) do writ, that the house and family of the AEmilians in ROME, was always of the most ancient of the nobility, which they call Patricians. Some writers affirm also, that the first of the house that gave name to all the posterity after, was Marcus, the son of Pythagoras the wise, The house of the AEmylians came of Pythagoras' son. whom king Numa for the sweetness and pleasant grace of his tongue, surnamed Marcus AEmilius and those specially affirm it, that say king Numa was Pythagoras' scholar. Howsoever it was, the most part of this family that obtained honour and estimation for their virtue, were ever fortunate also in all their doings, saving Lucius Paulus only, who died in the battle of CANNES. But his misfortune doth bear manifest testimony of his wisdom and valiancy together. Lucius Paulus AEmylius Consul, slain at the battle of Cannes. For he was forced to fight against his will, when he saw he could not bridle the rashness of his fellow Consul that would needs join battle, and to do as he did, saving that he fled not as the other, who being first procurer of the battle, was the first that ran away where he to the contrary, to his power did what he could to let him, and did stick by it, & fought it valiantly unto the last gasp. This AEmylius left a daughter behind him called AEmylia, AEmylia, the daughter of Lucius AEmylius, married to Scipio the great. which was married unto Stipio the great: and a son, Paulus AEmylius, being the same man whose life we presently treat of. His youth fortunately fell out in a flourishing time of glory and honour, through the sundry virtues of many great and noble persons living in those days, among whom he made his name famous also: and it was not by that ordinary art and course, which the best esteemed young men of that age did take and follow. For he did not use to plead private men's causes in law, neither would creep into men's favour by fawning upon any of them: though he saw it a common practice, & policy of men, to seek the people's favour and good wills by such means. Moreover, he refused not that common course which other took, for that it was contrary to his nature, The virtues of Paulus AEmylius. or that he could not frame with either of both, if he had been so disposed: but he rather sought to win reputation by his honesty, his valiantness, and upright dealing, as choosing that the better way, then either of tother two, in so much as in marvelous short time he passed all those that were of his age. The first office of honour he sued for, was the office of AEdilis, Paulus AEmylius made AEdilis and Augur. in which suit he was preferred before twelve other that sued for the self same office: who were men of no small quality, for they all came afterwards to be Consuls. After this, he was chosen to be one of the number of the priests, whom the romans call Augurs: who have the charge of all the divinations and sooth sayings, in telling of things to come by flying of birds, & signs in the air. He was so careful, and took such pains to understand how the romans did use the same, & with such diligence sought the observation of the ancient religion of romans in all holy matters: that where that priesthood was before esteemed but a title of honour, & desired for the name only: he brought it to pass, that it was the most honourable science, & best reputed of in ROME. Wherein he confirmed the philosopher's opinion: that religion is the knowledge how to serve God. The philosopher's opinion of religion. For when he did any thing belonging to his office of priesthood, he did it with great experience, judgement, and diligence, leaving all other thoughts, & without omitting any ancient ceremony, or adding to any new, contending oftentimes with his companions, in things which seemed light, and of small moment: Paulus diligence in the common wealth, even in trifles. declaring unto them, that though we do presume the gods are easy to be pacified, and that they readily pardon all faults & escapes committed by negligence, yet if it were no more but for respect of common wealth's sake, they should not slightly, not carelessly dissemble or pass over faults committed in those matters. For no man (sayeth he) at the first that committeth any fault, doth alone trouble the state of the common wealth: but withal, we must think he leaveth the grounds of civil government, that is not as careful to keep the institutions of small matters, as also of the great. So was he also a severe captain, and strict observer of all marshall discipline, The discipline of cars. not seeking to win the soldiers love by flattery, when he was general in the field, as many did in that time: neither corrupting them for a second charge, by showing himself gentle and courteous in the first, unto those that served under him: but himself did orderly show them the very rules and precepts of the discipline of wars, even as a priest that should express the names and ceremonies of some holy sacrifice, wherein were danger to omit any part or parcel. Howbeit, being terrible to execute the law of arms upon rebellious and disobedient soldiers, he kept up thereby the state of the common weal the better: judging, to overcome the enemy by force, was but an accessory as a man may term it, in respect of well training and ordering his citizens by good discipline. While the romans were in wars against king Antiochus surnamed the great, in the South parts: all the chiefest captains of ROME being employed that ways, there fell out another in the neck of that, in the West parts towards SPAIN, where they were all up in arms. Thither they sent AEmylius Praetor, not with six axes as the other Praetors had borne before them, but with twelve: so that under the name of Praetor, Paulus AEmylius sent Praetor into Spain. he had the authority and dignity of a Consul. He twice overcame the barbarous people in main battle, and slew a thirty thousand of them, and got this victory through his great skill and wisdom, in choosing the advantage of place and time, to fight with his enemies, AEmylius skilful to choose place and time to fight. even as they passed over a river: which easily gave his soldiers the victory. Moreover he took there, two hundred and fifty cities, all which did open, and gladly receive him in. So, leaving all that country quiet and in good peace, and having received their fealty by oath made between his hands, he returned again to ROME, not enriched the value of a Drachma more than before. For than he took little regard to his expenses, he spent so frankly, neither was his purse his master, though his revenue was not great to bear it out: as it appeared to the world after his death, for all that he had, was little enough to satisfy his wife's jointer. His first wife was Papyria, the daughter of a noble Consul Papyrius Masso, and after they had lived a long time together, he was divorced from her, notwithstanding he had goodly children by her. For by her he had that famous Scipio the second, and Fabius Maximus. Scipio the second, & Fabius Maximus, were the sons of P. AEmylius, by Papyria his first wife. The just cause of the divorce between them, appeareth not to us in writing: but me thinks the tale that is told concerning the separation of a certain marriage is true. That a certain ROMAN having forsaken his wife, her friends fell out with him, and asked him: what fault dost thou find in her? is she not honest of her body? is she not fair? doth she not bring thee goodly children? But he putting forth his foot, showed them his shoe, and answered them. Is not this a goodly shoe? is it not sinely made? and is it not new? A pretty tale of a Roman that forsook his wife. yet I dare say there is never a one of you can tell where it wringeth me. For to say truly, great and open faults are commonly occasions to make husbands put away their wives: but yet oftentimes household words run so between them (proceeding of crooked conditions, or of diversity of natures, which strangers are not privy unto) that in process of time they do beget such a strange alteration of love and minds in them, as one house can no longer hold them. So AEmylius, having put away Papyria his first wife, he married another that brought him two sons, which he brought up with himself in his house, and gave his two first sons (to wit, Scipio the second, and Fabius Maximus) in adoption, to two of the noblest and richest families of the city of ROME. The elder of the twain, unto Fabius Maximus, he that was five times Consul: and the younger unto the house of the Cornelians, whom the son of the great Scipio the AFRICAN did adopt, being his cousin germane, and named him Scipio. Concerning his daughters, the son of Cato married the one, and AElius Tubero the other, The virtue of AElius Tubero, his poverty and quiet life. who was a marvelous honest man, and did more nobly maintain himself in his poverty, than any other ROMAN: for they were sixteen persons all of one name, and of the house of the AElians, very near a kin one to the other, who had all but one little house in the city, and a small farm in the country, wherewith they entertained themselves, and lived all together in one house, with their wives, and many little children. Amongst their wives, one of them was the daughter of Paulus AEmylius, after he had been twice Consul, and had triumphed twice, not being ashamed of her husband's poverty, but wondering at his virtue that made him poor. Whereas brethren and kinsmen, as the world goeth now, if they devil not far a sunder, and in other countries, not one near another, and that rivers part them not, In naturality amongst kindred infamous. or walls divide their lands, leaving great large wastes between them: they are never quiet, but still in quarrel one with another. Goodly examples doth this story lay before the wise, and well advised readers, to learn thereby how to frame their life, and wisely to behave themselves. Now AEmylius being chosen Consul, AEmylius Consul. went to make war with the ligurians, who dwelled in the ALPS, & which otherwise are called LIGUSTINES. These are very valiant & warlike men, & were very good soldiers at that time, by reason of their continual wars against the romans, whose near neighbours they were. For they dwelled in the furthest part of ITALY, that bordereth upon the great ALPS, & the row of ALPS, whereof the foot joineth to the TUSCAN sea, & pointeth towards AFRICA, and are mingled with the GAULES, & SPANIARDS, neighbours unto that sea coast: who scouring all the Mediterranean sea at that time, unto the strait of Hercules pillars, did with their little light pinnaces of pirates, let all the traffic & intercourse of merchandise. AEmylius being gone to seek them in their country, they tarried his coming with an army of forty thousand men: nevertheless, though he had but eight thousand men in all, and that they were five to one of his, yet he gave the onset upon them, and overthrew them, and drove them into their cities. Then he sent to offer them peace, for the romans would not altogether destroy the ligurians, because their country was as a rampeyr or bulwark against the invasion of the GAULES, who lay lurking for opportunity and occasion to invade ITALY: whereupon these ligurians yielded themselves unto him, AEmylius over cometh the Ligusrians. and put all their forts and ships into his hands. AEmylius delivered unto them their holds again, without other hurt done unto them, saving that he razed the walls of their fortifications: howbeit he took all their ships from them, leaving them little boats of three owers only, and no greater, & set all the prisoners at liberty they had taken, both by sea and by land aswell romans as other, which were a marvelous number. These were all the notable acts he did worthy memory, in the first year of his consulship. Afterwards, he oftentimes showed himself very desirous to be Consul again, & did put forth himself to sue for it: but when he was denied it, he never after made suit for it again, but gave himself only to study divine things, and to see his children virtuously brought up, not only in the ROMAN tongue which himself was taught, but also a little more curiously in the GRAEKE tongue. For he did not only retain Grammarians, Rethoricians, and Logicians, but also painters, gravers of images, riders of horses, and hunts of GRAECE about his children and he himself also (if no matters of common wealth troubled him) was ever with them in the school when they were at their books, and also when they otherwise did exercise themselves. For he loved his children as much, or more, than any other ROMAN. Now concerning the state of the common wealth, the romans were at wars with king Perseus, & they much blamed the captains they had sent thither before, for that for lack of skill and courage, they had so cowardly behaved themselves, The cowardliness of the romans in Spain. as their enemies laughed them to scorn: and they received more hurt of them, than they did unto the King. For not long before, they had driven king Antiochus beyond mount Taurus, and had made him forsake the rest of ASIA, and had shut him up within the borders of SYRIA: who was glad that he had bought that country with fifteen thousand talents, which he paid for a fine. A little before also, they had overcome Philip, king of MACEDON, in THESSALY, and had delivered the GRECIANS from the bondage of the MACEDONIANS. And moreover, having overcome Hannibal (unto whom no Prince nor King that ever was in the world was comparable, either for his power or valiantness) they thought this to great a dishonour to them, that this war they had against king Perseus, should hold so long of even hand with them, as if he had been an enemy equal with the people of ROME: considering also that they fought not against them, but with the refuse and scattered people of the overthrown army his father had lost before, and knew not that Philip had left his army stronger, and more expert by reason of his overthrow, than it was before. As I will briefly rehearse the story from the beginning. Antigonus, The succession of Antigonus king of Macedon. who was of the greatest power of all the captains & successors of Alexander the great, having obtained for himself & his posterity the title of a King, had a son called Demetrius, of whom came Antigonus the second, that was surnamed Gonatas, whose son was also called Demetrius, that reigned no long time, but died, and left a young son called Philippe. By reason whereof, the Princes and Nobility of MACEDON, fearing that the Realm should be left without heir: they preferred one Antigonus, cousin to the last deceased King, and made him marry the mother of Philip the less, giving him the name at the first of the King's protector only, and lieutenant general of his majesty. But after, when they had found he was a good and wise prince, and a good husband for the Realm, they then gave him the absolute name of a King, and surnamed him Doson, Antigonus Doson, king of Macedon. to say, the giver: for he promised much, and gave little. After him reigned Philip, who in his green youth gave more hope of himself, than any other of the Kings before: in so much they thought that one day he would restore MACEDON her ancient fame and glory, and that he alone would pluck down the pride and power of the romans, who rose against all the world. But after that he had lost a great battle, and was overthrown by Titus Quintus Flaminius near unto the city of SCOTUSA: Philip king of Macedon was overcome in battle, by Titus Quintus Flaminius at the city of Scotusa. then he began to quake for fear, and to leave all to the mercy of the romans, thinking he escaped good cheap, for any light ransom or tribute the romans should impose upon him. Yet afterwards coming to understand himself, he grew to disdain it much, thinking that to reign through the favour of the romans, was but to make himself a slave, to seek to live in pleasure at his ease, & not for a valiant & noble prince borne. Whereupon he set all his mind, to study the discipline of wars, and made his preparations as wisely and closely, Philip's second preparation for wars in Macedon. as possibly he could. For he left all his towns alongst the sea coast, & standing upon any high ways, without any fortification at all, & in manner desolate without people, to the end there might appear no occasion of doubt or mistrust in him: & in the mean time, in the high countries of his Realm far from great beaten ways, he levied a great number of men of war, & replenished his towns & strong holds that lay scatteringly abroad, with armour & weapon, money, & men, providing for war, which he kept as secretly as he could. For he had provision of armour in his armory, Philip's armory. to arm thirty thousand men, & eight million bushels of corn safely lokt up in his forts & stronger places, & ready money, as much as would serve to entertain ten thousand strangers in pay, to defend his country for the space of ten years. But before he could bring that to pass he had purposed, he died for grief & sorrow, The death of king Philip. after he knew he had unjustly put Demetrius the best of his sons to death, upon the false accusation of the worst, that was Perseus: who as he did inherit the Kingdom of his father by succession, so did he also inherit his father's malice against the romans. But he had no shoulders to bear so heavy a burden, and especially being as he was, a man of so vile and wicked nature: for among many lewd & naughty conditions he had, he was extreme covetous & miserable. Perseus' extreme covetous. They say also, that he was not legitimate, because philip's wife had taken him from Gnathainia (a tailors wife borne at ARGOS) immediately after he was borne, & did adopt the child to be hers. And some think that this was the chiefest cause why he practised to put Demetrius to death, fearing lest this lawful son would seek occasion to prove him a bastard. Notwithstanding, simple though he was, & of vile & base nature, he found the strength of his Kingdom King Perseus maketh war with the romans. so great, that he was contented to take upon him to make war against the romans, which he maintained a long time, and fought against their Consuls, that were their generals, and repulsed great armies of theirs both by sea and land, and overcame some. As Publius Licinius among other, Publius Licinius Consul, overthrown by Perseus. the first that invaded MACEDON, was overthrown by him in a battle of horsemen, where he slew at that time two thousand five hundred good men of his, and took six hundred prisoners. And their army by sea, riding at anchor before the city of OREUM, he did so dainly set upon, and took twenty great ships of burden, and all that was in them, and sunk the rest, which were all laden with corn: & took of all sorts beside, about four & fifty foists, and galliots of fifty owers a piece. The second Consul & general he fought with all, was Hostilius, Hostilius Consul repulsed out of Macedon. whom he repulsed, attempting by force to invade MACEDON, by way of the city of ELUMIA. Another time again, when he entered in by stealth upon the coast of THESSALY, he offered him battle, but the other durst not abide it. Furthermore, as though the war troubled him nothing at all, & that he had cared little for the romans: he went and fought a battle in the mean time with the DARDANIANS, where he slew ten thousand of those barbarous people, & brought a marvelous great spoil away with him. Moreover he procured the nation of the GAULES dwelling upon the river of Danubie, which they call Bastarnae (men very warlike, Bastarnae, the Gauls dwelling upon the river of Danubie. & excellent good horsemen) & did practise with the ILLYRIANS also by mean of their king Gentius, to make them join with him in these wars: so that there ran a rumour all about, that for money he had gotten these GAULES to come down into ITALY, from the high country of GAUL, all alongst the Adriatic sea. The romans being advertised of these news, thought the time served not now to dispose their offices in wars any more by grace & favour unto those that sued for them: but contrariwise, that they should call some noble man that were very skilful, and a wise captain, and could discretely govern and perform things of great charge. As Paulus AEmylius, a man well stepped on in years, being three score year old: and yet of good power, by reason of the lusty young men his sons, & sons in law, besides a great number of his friends and kinsfolk. So all that bore great authority, did altogether with one consent counsel him to obey the people, which called him to the consulship. At the beginning, in deed he delayed the people much that came to importune him, and utterly denied them: saying, he was no meet man neither to desire, nor yet to take upon him any charge. Howbeit in the end, seeing the people did urge it upon him, by knocking continually at his gates, and calling him aloud in the streets, willing him to come into the market place, and perceiving they were angry with him, because he refused it: he was content to be persuaded. And when he stood among them that sued for the consulship, the people thought strait that he stood not there so much for desire of the office, as for that he put them in hope of assured victory, and happy success of this begun war: so great was their love towards him, AEmylius chosen Consul the second time, taketh charge of the wars of Macedon. and the good hope they had of him, that they chose him Consul again the second time. Wherefore so soon as he was chosen, they would not proceed to drawing of lots according to their custom, which of the two Consuls should happen to go into MACEDON: but presently with a full and whole consent of them all, they gave him the whole charge of the wars of MACEDON. So being Consul now, and appointed to make war upon king Perseus, all the people did honourably company him home unto his house: where a little girl (a daughter of his) called Tertia, being yet an infant, came weeping unto her father. He making much of her: asked her why she wept. The poor girl answered, Good luck pronounced by Tertia, a little girl. colling him about the neck, and kissing him: Alas, father, wot you what? our Perseus is dead. She meant it by a little whelp so called, which was her play fellow. In good hour, my girl, said he, I like the sign well. Thus doth Cicero the orator report it in his book of divinations. The romans had a custom at that time, that such as were elected Consuls (after that they were openly proclaimed) should make an oration of thanks unto the people, for the honour and favour they had showed him. The people then (according to the custom) being gathered together to hear AEmylius speak, Paulus AEmylius oration of thanks or the romans when he was Consul, observing the custom. he made this oration unto them. That the first time he sued to be Consul, was in respect of himself, standing at that time in need of such honour: now he offered himself the second time unto it, for the good love he bore unto them, who stood in need of a general, wherefore he thought himself nothing bound nor beholding unto them now. And if they did think also this war might be better followed by any other, then by himself, he would presently with all his heart resign the place. Furthermore, if they had any trust or confidence in him, that they thought him a man sufficient to discharge it: then that they would not speak nor meddle in any matter that concerned his duty, and the office of a general, saving only, that they would be diligent (without any words) to do whatsoever he commanded, and should be necessary for the war and service they took in hand. For if every man would be a commander, as they had been heretofore, of those by whom they should be commanded: then the world would more laugh them to scorn in this service, than ever before had been accustomed. These words made the romans very obedient to him, and conceived good hope to come, being all of them very glad that they had refused those ambitious flatterers that sued for the charge, & had given it unto a man, that durst boldly & frankly tell them the troth. Mark how the romans by yielding unto reason & virtue, See what fruit soldiers reap, by obedience & reason. came to command all other, & to make themselves the mightiest people of the world. Now that Paulus AEmylius setting forward to this war, had wind at will, and fair passage to bring him at his journeys end: I impute it to good fortune, that so quickly and safely conveyed him to his camp. But for the rest of his exploits he did in all this war, when part of them were performed by his own hardiness, other by his wisdom and good counsel, other by the diligence of his friends in serving him with good will, other by his own resolute constancy and courage in extremest danger, and last, by his marvelous skill in determining at an instant what was to be done: I cannot attribute any notable act or worthy service unto this his good fortune, they talk of so much, as they may do in other captains doings. Unless they will say peradventure, that Perseus' covetousness and misery was AEmilius good fortune: Perseus' covetousness and misery, was the destruction of himself, and his realm of Macedon. Bastarnae● a mercenary people. for his miserable fear of spending money, was the only cause and destruction of the whole realm of MACEDON, which was in good state and hope of continuing in prosperity. For there came down into the country of MACEDON at king Perseus' request, ten thousand Bastarnae a horse back, and as many footmen to them, who always joined with them in battle, all mercenary soldiers, depending upon pay and entertainment of wars, as men that could not plough nor sow, nor traffic merchandise by sea, nor skill of grazing to gain their living with: & to be short, that had no other occupation or merchandise, but to serve in the wars, and to overcome those with whom they fought. Furthermore, when they came to encamp & lodge in the MEDICA, near to the MACEDONIANS, who saw them so goodly great men, and so well trained & exercised in handling all kind of weapons, so brave and lusty in words and threats against their enemies: they began to pluck up their hearts, & to look big, imagining that the romans would never abide them, but would be afeard to look them in the face, and only to see their march, it was so terrible and fearful. But Perseus, after he had encouraged his men in this sort, and had put them in such a hope and jollity, when this barbarous supply came to ask him a thousand crowns in hand for every captain, he was so damped & troubled withal in his mind, casting up the sum it came to, that his only covetousness and misery made him return them back, and refuse their service: not as one that meant to fight with the romans, Note, what become of Perseus' husbandry. but rather to spare his treasure, and to be a husband for them, as if he should have given up a strait account unto them of his charges in this war, against whom he made it. And notwithstanding also his enemies did teach him what he had to do, considering that besides all other their warlike furniture & munition, they had no less than a hundred thousand fight men lying in camp together, ready to execute the Consul's commandment. AEmylius army against Perseus, was a hundred thousand men. Yet he taking upon him to resist so puissant an army, and to maintain the wars, which forced his enemies to be at extreme charge in entertaining such multitudes of men, and more than needed: hardly would departed with his gold and silver, but kept it safe locked up in his treasury, as if had been afraid to touch it, and had been none of his. And he did not show that he came of the noble race of these kings of LYDIA, and of PHOENICIA, who gloried to be rich: but showed how by inheritance of blood he challenged some part of the virtue of Philip, and of Alexander, who both because they esteemed to buy victory with money, not money with victory, did many notable things, and thereby conquered the world. Hereof came the common saying in old time, that it was not Philip, but his gold and silver that wan the cities of GRAECE. And Alexander when he went to conquer the INDES, seeing the MACEDONIANS carry with them all the wealth of PERSIA, which made his camp very heavy, and slow to march: he himself first of all set fire of his own carriage that conveyed all his necessaries, and persuaded other to do the like, that they might march more lightly, and easilier go to the journey. But Perseus contrarily would not spend any part of his goods, to save himself, his children and Realm, but rather yielded to be led prisoner in triumph with a great ransom, to show the romans how good a husband he had been for them. For he did not only sand away the GAULES without giving them pay as he had promised, but moreover having persuaded Gentius king of ILLYRIA to take his part in these wars, Gentius king of the Illyrians, aided Perseus. for the sum of three hundred talents which he had promised to furnish him with: he caused the money to be told, and put up in bags by those whom Gentius sent to receive it. Whereupon Gentius thinking himself sure of the money promised, committed a fond and fowl part: for he stayed the ambassadors the romans sent unto him, and committed them to prisone. This part being come to Perseus' ears, he thought now he needed not hire him with money to be an enemy to the romans, considering he had waded so far, as that he had already done, was as a manifest sign of his ill will towards them, Perse● double dealing with king Gentius. and that it was to late to look back and repent him; now that his fowl part had plunged him into certain wars, for an uncertain hope. So did he abuse the unfortunate King, and defrauded him of the three hundred talents he had promised him. And worse than this, shortly after he suffered Lucius Anicius the ROMAN Praetor, King Gentius overcome by Lucius Anicius Praetor. whom they sent against him with an army, to pluck king Gentius, his wife, and children, out of the Realm and Kingdom, and to carry them prisoners with him. Now when AEmylius was arrived in MACEDON, to make war against such an enemy: he made no manner of reckoning of his person, but of the great preparation and power he had. For in one camp he had four thousand horsemen, and no less than forty thousand footmen, with the which army he had planted himself alongst the sea side, by the foot of the mount Olympus, Perseus lay at the foot of the mount Olympus, with 4000 horsemen, & 40000 footmen. in a place unpossible to be approached: and there he had so well fortified all the straits and passages unto him with fortifications of wood, that he thought himself to lie safe out of all danger, and imagined to dally with AEmylius, and by tract of time to eat him out with charge. AEmylius in the mean season lay not idle, but occupied his wits thoroughly, and left no means unattempted, to put some thing in prose. And perceiving that his soldiers by overmuch licentious liberty (wherein by sufferance they lived before) were angry with delaying and lying still, and that they did busily occupy themselves in the generals office, saying this, and such a thing would be done that is not done: he took them up roundly, and commanded them they should meddle no more to curiously in matters that pertained not to them, AEmylius admonition to his soldiers. and that they should take care for nothing else, but to see their armour & weapon ready to serve valiantly, & to use their sword after the romans fashion, when their general should appoint and command them. Wherefore, to make them more careful to look to themselves, he commanded those that watched should have no spears nor pikes, Paulus AEmylius would have the watch to have no spears nor pikes. because they should be more wakeful, having no long weapon to resist the enemy, if they were assaulted. The greatest trouble his army had, was lack of fresh water, because the water that ran to the sea was very little, and marvelous fowl by the sea side. But AEmylius considering they were at the foot of the mount Olympus (which is of a marvelous height, and full of wood withal) conjectured, seeing the trees so fresh and green, that there should be some little pretty springs among them, which ran under the ground. The original of springs. So he made them dig many holes and wells alongst the mountain, which were strait filled with fair water, being penned within ground before for lack of breaking open the heads, which then ran down in streams, and met together in sundry places. And yet some do deny, that there is any meeting of waters within the ground, from whence the springs do come. For they say, that ronning out of the earth as they do, it is not for that, that the water breaketh out by any violence, or openeth in any place, as meeting together in one place of long time: but that it engendereth and riseth at the same time and place where it runneth out, turning the substance into water, which is a moist vapour, thickneth and waxeth cold by the coldness of the earth, and so becometh a stream, and runneth down. Even so, say they, as women's breasts are not always full of milk, Fountains compared to women's breasts. as milk pans are that continually keep milk, but do of themselves convert the nutriment women take into milk, and after cometh forth at their nipples: the very like are springs and watery places of the earth, from whence the fountains come, which have no meeting of hidden waters, nor hollow places capable, readily to deliver water from them, as one would draw it out of a pomp, or festerne, from so many great brooks, and deep rivers. But by their natural coldness and moisture, they wax thick, and put forth the vapour & air so strong, that they turn it into water. And this is the reason why the places where they dig and open the earth, do put forth more abundance of water by opening the ground: like as women's breasts do give more milk, when they are most drawn and sucked, because in a sort they do better feed the vapour within them, and convert it thereby into a running humour. Where, to the contrary, those parts of the earth that are not digged, nor have no vent outward, are the more unable, and less meet to engender water, having not that provocation and course to run, that causeth the bringing forth of moisture. Yet such as maintain this opinion, do give them occasion that love argument, to contrary them thus. Then we may say by like reason also, that in the bodies of beasts there is no blood long before, and that it engendereth upon a sudden, when they are hurt, by transferring of some spirit or flesh that readily changeth into some running liquor. And moreover, they are confuted by the common experience of these mine men, that dig in the mines for metal, or that undermine castles to win them: who when they dig any great depth, do many times meet in the bowels of the earth with running rivers, the water whereof is not engendered by little and little, as of necessity it should be, if it were true, that upon the present opening of the ground, the humour should immediately be created, but it falleth vehemently all at one time. And we see oftentimes that in cutting through a mountain or rock, suddenly there runneth out a great quantity of water. And thus much for this matter. Now to return to our history again. AEmylius lay there a convenient time, & stirred not: and it is said there were never seen two so great armies one so near to the other, and to be so quiet. In the end, casting many things with himself, and devising sundry practices, he was informed of another way to enter into MACEDON, through the country of PERRAEBIA, over against the temple called Pythion, & the rock upon which it is built, where there lay no garrison: which gave him better hope to pass that way, for that it was not kept, then that he feared the narrowness & hardness of the way unto it. So, he broke the matter to his counsel. Thereupon Scipio called Nasica (the son adopted of that great Scipion the African, who become afterwards a great man, Scipio Nasica, and Fabius Maximus, offer thence selves to take the straits. & was precedent of the Senate or counsel) was the first man that offered himself to lead them, whom it would please him to sand to take that passage, & to assault their enemies behind. The second was Fabius Maximus, the eldest son of AEmylius, who being but a very young man, rose notwithstanding, & offered himself very willingly. AEmylius, was very glad of their offers, & gave them not so many men as Polybius writeth, but so many as Nasica himself declareth, in a letter of his he wrote to a King, where he reporteth all the story of this journey. There were 3000. ITALIANS levied in ITALY, by the confederates of the romans, who were not of the ROMAN legions, & in the left wing about 5000. Besides those, Nasica took also 120. men at arms, & about 200. CRETANS & THRACIANS mingled together, of those Harpalus had sent thither. With this number of Nasica departed from the camp, & took his way toward the sea side, & lodged by the temple of Hercules, as if he had determined to do this feat by sea, to enuironne the camp of the enemies behind. But when the soldiers had supped, & that it was dark night, he made the captains of every band privy to his enterprise, & so marched all night a contrary way from the sea, until the length they came under the temple of Pythion, where he lodged to rest the soldiers that were sore traveled all night. In this place, the mount Olympus is above ten furlong high, as appeareth in a place engraven by him that measured it. Olympus' mount is just, by measure made with line, The height of the mount Olympus. twelve hundred seventy paces trod, as measure can assign. The measure being made, right over against the place, whereas Apollo's temple stands, ybuilt with stately grace. Even from the level plot, of that same country's plain. unto the top which all on high, doth on the hill remain, And so Xenagors as the son of Eumelus, in olden days by measure made, the same did find for us. And did engrave it here in writing for to see, when as he took his latest leave (Apollo god) of thee. Yet the Geometricians say, that there is no mountain higher, nor sea deeper, than the length of ten furlongs: so that I think this Xenagoras (in my opinion) did not take his measure at adventure, any by guess, but by true rules of the art, and instruments Geometrical. There Nasica rested all night. King Perseus perceiving in the mean time that AEmylius stirred not from the place where he lay, mistrusted nothing his practice, and the coming of Nasica who was at hand: until such time as a traitor of CRETA (stealing from Nasica) did repeat unto him the pretended practice, as also the romans compassing of him about. He wondered much at these news; howbeit he removed not his camp from the place he lay in, but dispatched one of his captains called Milon, with ten thousand strangers; and two thousand MACEDONIANS: and straightly commanded him with all the possible speed he could, to get the top of the hill before them. Polybius sayeth, that the romans came and gave them an alarum, when they were sleeping. But Nasica writeth, that there was a marvelous sharp and terrible battle on the top of the mountain: and said plainly, that THRACIAN soldier coming towards him, he threw his dart at him, and hitting him right in the breast, slew him stark dead: and having repulsed their enemies, Milon their captain shamefully ronning away in his coat without armour or weapon, Nasica tranne the straits of Macedon. he followed him without any danger, and so went down to the valley, with the safety of all his company. This conflict fortuning thus, Preseus raised his camp in great haste from the place where he was, and being disappointed of his hope, he retired in great fear, as one at his wits end, and not knowing how to determine. Yet was he constrained either to stay, and encamp before the city of PYDNE, there to take the hazard of battle: or else to divide his army into his cities & strong holds, and to receive the wars within his own country, the which being once crept in, could never be driven out again, without great murder & bloodshed. Hereupon his friends did counsel him, to choose rather the fortune of battle: alleging unto him, that he was the stronger in men a great way, & that the MACEDONIANS would fight lustily with all the courage they could, considering that they fought for the safety of their wives and children, & also in the presence of their King, who should both see every man's doing, and fight himself in person also for them. The King moved by these persuasions, determined to venture the chance of battle. Persons pitched his camp before the city of Pydne. So he pitched his camp, and viewed the situation of the places all about, and divided the companies amongst his captains, purposing to give a hot charge upon the enemies when they should draw near. The place and country was such, as being all champion, there was a goodly valley to range a battle of footmen in, and little pretty hills also one depending upon another, which were very commodious for archers, naked men, and such as were lightly armed, to retire themselves unto being distressed, & also to enuironne their enemies behind. There were two small rivers also, AEson and Leucus that ran through the same, The rivers of AEson and Leucus. the which though they were not very deep, being about the later end of the summer, yet they would annoy the romans notwithstanding. Now when AEmylius was joined with Nasica, he marched on strait in battle ray towards his enemies. But perceiving a far of their battle marched in very good order, and the great multitude of men placed in the same: he wondered to behold it, and suddenly stayed his army, considering with himself what he had to do. Then the young captains having charge under him, desirous to fight out presently, went unto him to pray him to give the onset: but Nasica specially above the rest, having good hope in the former good luck he had at his first encounter. AEmylius smiling, answered him: so would I do, AEmylius answer to Scipio Nisca for giving charge upon the enemies. The skill and foresight of a wise captain. if I were as young as thou. But the sundry victories I have won heretofore, having taught me by experience the faults the vanquished do commit: do forbidden me to go so whottely to work (before my soldiers have rested, which did return but now) to assault an army set in such order of battle. When he had answered him thus, he commanded the first bands that were now in view of the enemies, should embattle themselves, showing a countenance to the enemy as though they would fight: and that those in the rearward should lodge in the mean time, and fortify the camp. So, bringing the foremost men to be hindemost, by changing from man to man before the enemies were ware of it: he had broken his battle by little and little, and lodged his men, fortified within the camp without any tumult or noise, and the enemies never perceiving it. But when night came, and every man had supped, The eclipse of the moon. as they were going to sleep and take their rest: the moon which was at the full, and of a great height, began to darken, & to change into many sorts of colours, losing her light, until such time as she vanished away, and was clipsed altogether. Then the romans began to make a noise with basins and pans, The superstition of the romans when the moon is eclipsed. as their fashion is to do in such a chance, thinking by this sound to call her again, and to make her come to her light, lifting up many torches lighted, and firebrands into the airs The MACEDONIANS on tother side did no such matter within their camp, but wereall together stricken with an horrible fear and there ran strait a whispering rumour through the people, that this sign in the element signified the eclipse of the King. For AEmylius was not ignorant of the diversities of the eclipses, and he had heard say the cause is, The cause of an eclipse of the moon. by reason that the moon making her ordinary course about the world (after certain revolutions of time) doth come to enter into the round shadow of the earth, within the which she remaineth hidden: until such time as having past the dark region of the shadow, she cometh afterwards to recover her light which she taketh of the sun. Nevertheless, he being a godly devout man, so soon as he perceived the moon had recovered her former brightness again, he sacrificed eleven calves. And the next morning also by the break of day, making sacrifice to Hercules, he could never have any signs or tokens that promised him good luck, in sacrificing twenty oxen one after another: but at the one & twentieth, he had signs that promised him victory, so he defended himself. Wherefore, after he had vowed a solemn sacrifice of a hundred oxen to Hercules, and also games of prices at the weapons, he commanded his captains to put their men in readiness to fight: & so sought to win time, tarrying till the sun came about in the after noon towards the West, to the end that the romans which were turned towards the East, should not have it in their faces when they were fight. In the mean time, he reposed himself in his tent, which was all open behind towards the side that looked into the valley, where the camp of his enemies say. When it grew towards night, to make the enemies set upon his men: some say he used this policy. He made a horse be driven towards them without a bridle, & certain romans followed him, as they would have taken him again: AEmylius policy to procure shirmishe. and this was the cause of procuring the skirmish. Other say, that the THRACIANS serving under the charge of captain Alexander, did set upon certain foragers of the romans, that brought forage into the camp: out of the which, seven hundred of the ligurians ran suddenly to the rescue, and relief coming still from both armies, at the last the main battle followed after. Wherefore AEmilius like a wise general foreseeing by the danger of this skirmish, and the stirring of both camps, what the fury of the battle would come to: came out of his tent, and passing by the bands, did encourage them, and prayed them to stick to it like men. In the mean time, Nasica thrusting himself into the place where the skirmish was hottest, perceived the army of the enemies marching in battle, ready to join. The first that marched in the vanguard, were the THRACIANS, who seemed terrible to look upon, as he writeth himself: for they were mighty made men, and carried marvelous bright targets of steel before them, The army of the Macedonians, marching against the romans in battle. their legs were armed with greavess, and their thighs with tases, their coats were black, & marched shaking heavy halberds upon their shoulders. Next unto these THRACIANS, there followed them all the other strangers and soldiers whom the King had hired, diversely armed and set forth: for they were people of sundry nations gathered together, among whom the PAEONIANS were mingled. The third squadron was of MACEDONIANS, and all of them chosen men, as well for the flower of their youth, as for the valiantness of their persons: and they were all in goodly gilt armours, and brave purple cassocks upon them, spick, and span new. And at their backs came after them, the old bands to show themselves out of the camp, with targets of copper, that made all plain to shine with the brightness of their steel and copper. And all the hills and mountains thereabouts did ring again like an Echo, with the cry and noise of so many fight men, one encouraging another. In this order they marched so fiercely, with so great heart burning, & such swiftness: The battle betwixt Perseus and AEmylius. that the first which were slain at the encounter, fell dead two furlongs from the camp of the romans. The charge being given, and the battle begun, AEmylius galloping to the vanguard of his battle, perceived that the captains of the MACEDONIANS which were in the first ranks, had already thrust their pikes into the romans targets, so as they could not come near them with their sword: and that the other MACEDONIANS carrying their targets behind them, had now plucked them before them, and did base their pikes all at one time, and made a violent thrust into the targets of the romans. Which when he had considered, and of what strength and force his wall and rank of targets was, one joining so near another, and what a terror it was to see a front of a battle with so many armed pikes and steel heads: he was more afeard and amazed withal, then with any sight he ever saw before. Nevertheless he could wisely dissemble it at that time. And so passing by the companies of his horsemen, without either cuirasses or helmet upon his head, he showed a noble cheerful countenance unto them that fought. But on the contrary side, Perseus the king of MACEDON, Person goeth out of the battle unto Pydus. as Polybius writeth, so soon as the battle was begun, withdrew himself, and got into the city of PYDNE, under pretence to go to do sacrifice unto Hercules: who doth not accept the faint sacrifice of cowards, neither doth receive their prayers, because they be unreasonable. For it is no reason, that he that shooteth not, should it the white: nor that he should win the victory, Victory won by labour, not by sloth. that bideth not the battle: neither that he should have any good, that doth nothing toward it: nor that a naughty man should be fortunate, and prospero. The gods did favour AEmylius prayers, because he prayed for victory with his sword in his hand, and fight did call to them for aid. Howbeit there is one Posidonius a writer, who sayeth he was in that time, and moreover, that he was at the battle: and he hath written an history containing many books of the acts of king Perseus, where he sayeth that it was not for faint heart, nor under colour to sacrifice unto Hercules, that Perseus went from the battle: but because he had a stripe of a horse on the thigh the day before. Who though he could not very well help himself, and that all his friends sought to persuade him not to go to the battle: yet he caused one of his horse to be brought to him notwithstanding (which he commonly used to ride up and down on) and taking his back, road into the battle unarmed, where an infinite number of darts were thrown at him from both sides. And among those, he had a blow with a dart that hurt him somewhat, but it was overthwart, and not with the point, and did hit him on the left side glawnsing wise, with such a force, that it rend his coat, and razed his skin underneath, so as it left a mark behind a long time after. And this is all that Posidonius writeth to defend and excuse Perseus. The romans having their hands full, and being stayed by the battle of the MACEDONIANS that they could make no breach into them: there was a captain of the PELIGNIANS called Salius, Salius a captain of the Pelignians took the ensign, and threw it among the enemies. who took the ensign of his band, and cast it among the press of his enemies. Then all the PELIGNIANS broke in upon them, with a marvelous force & fury into that place: for all ITALIANS think it to great a shame & dishonour for soldiers, to loose, or forsake their ensign. Thus was there marvelous force of both sides used in that place: for the PELIGNIANS proved to cut the MACEDONIANS pikes with their sword, or else to make them give back with their great targets, or to make a breach into them, and to take the pikes with their hands. But the MACEDONIANS to the contrary, holding their pikes fast with both hands, ran them thorough that came near unto them: so that neither target nor corselet could hold out the force and violence of the push of their pikes, in so much as they turned up the heels of the PELIGNIANS and TERRACINIANS, who like desperate beasts without reason, shutting in themselves among their enemies, ran wilfully upon their own deaths, and their first rank were slain every man of them. Thereupon those that were behind, gave back a little, but fled not turning their backs, and only retired giving back, towards the mountain Olocrus. AEmylius seeing that (as Posidonius writeth) rend his arming coat from his back for anger, because that some of his men gave back: other durst not front the battle of the MACEDONIANS, which was so strongly imbattelled of every side, and so mured in with a wall of pikes, presenting their armed heads on every side a man could come, that it was impossible to break into them, not not so much as to come near them only. Yet notwithstanding, because the field was not altogether plain and even, the battle that was large in the front, could not always keep that wall, continuing their targets close one to another, but they were driven of necessity to break and open in many places, as it happeneth often in great battles, according to the great force of the soldiers: that in one place they thrust forward, and in another they give back, and leave a hole. Wherefore AEmylius suddenly taken the vantage of this occasion, divided his men into small companies, and commanded them they should quickly thrust in between their enemies, and occupy the places they saw void in the front of their enemies, and that they should set on them in that sort, and not with one whole continual charge, but occupying them here and there with divers companies, in sundry places. AEmylius gave this charge unto the private captains of every band and their lieutenants, and the captains also gave the like charge unto their soldiers that could skilfully execute their commandment. For they went presently into those parts where they saw the places open, and being once entered in among them, some gave charge upon the flanks of the MACEDONIANS, where they were all naked and unarmed: other set upon them behind: so that the strength of all the corpses of the battle (which consisteth in keeping close together) being opened in this sort, was strait overthrown. Furthermore, when they came to fight man for man, or a few against a few: the MACEDONIANS with their little short sword, came to strike upon the great shields of the romans, which were very strong, and covered all their bodies down to the foot. And they to the contrary, were driven of necessity to receive the blows of the strong heavy sword of the romans, upon their little weak targeties: so that what with their heaviness, and the vehement force wherewith the blows lighted upon them, there was no target nor corselet, but they passed it through, and ran them in. By reason where of they could make no long resistance, whereupon they turned their backs, and ran away. But when they came to the squadron of the old beaten soldiers of the MACEDONIANS, there was the cruelest fight and most desperate service, where they say that Marcus Cato (son of great Cato, The valliantnes of Marcus Cato. and son in law of AEmylius) showing all the valiantness in his person that a noble mind could possibly perform, lost his sword which fell out of his hand. But he like a young man of noble courage, that had been valiantly brought up in all discipline, & knew how to follow the steps of his father (the noblest person that ever man saw) was to show then his value and worthiness: and thought it more honour for him there to die, then living to suffer his enemies to enjoy any spoil of his. So, by & by he ran into the ROMAN army, to find out some of his friends, whom he told what had befalled him, and prayed them to help him to recover his sword: whereto they agreed. And being a good company of lusty valiant soldiers together, they rushed strait in among their enemies, at the place where he brought them, and so did set upon them with such force and fury, that they made a lane through the midst of them, and with great slaughter and spilling of blood, even by plain force, they cleared the way still before them. Now when the place was voided, they sought for the sword, and in the end found it with great a do, amongst a heap of other swords and dead bodies, whereat they rejoiced marvelously. Then singing a song of victory, they went again more fiercely than before to give a charge upon their enemies, who were not yet broken a sunder: until such time as at the length, the three thousand chosen MACEDONIANS fight valiantly even to the last man, and never forsaking their ranks, were all slain in the place. After whose overthrow, there was a great slaughter of other also that fled: so that all the valley and foot of the mountains thereabouts was covered with dead bodies. AEmilius victory of Perseus. The next day after the battle, when the romans did pass over the river of Leucus, they found it ronning all a blood. For it is said there were slain at this field, of Perseus' men, above five and twenty thousand: and of the romans side, as Posidonius sayeth, not above six score, or as Nasica writeth, but four score only. And for so great an overthrow, it is reported it was wonderful quickly done, and executed. For they began to fight about three of the clock in the after noon, and had won the victory before four, The battle fought and won in one hour. and all the rest of the day they followed their enemies in chase, an hundred & twenty furlongs from the place where the battle was fought: so that it was very late, and far forth night, before they returned again into the camp. So such as returned, were received with marvelous great joy of their pages that went out with links and torches lighted, to bring their masters into their tents, where their men had made great bonfires, and decked them up with crowns and garlands of laurel, saving the generals tent only: who was very heavy, for that of his two sons he brought with him to the wars, the younger could not be found, which he loved best of the twain, because he saw he was of a better nature than the rest of his brethren. For even then, being new crept out of the shell as it were, he was marvelous valiant and hardy, The vall●●●nes of Scipio the less. and desired honour wonderfully. Now AEmylius thought he had been cast away, fearing lest for lack of experience in the wars, and through the rashness of his youth, he had put himself to far in fight amongst the press of the enemies. Hereupon the camp heard strait what sorrow AEmylius was in, and how grievously he took it. The romans being set at supper, rose from their meat, and with torch light some ran to AEmylius tent, other went out of the camp to seek him among the dead bodies, if they might know him: so all the camp was full of sorrow and mourning, the valleys & hills all abouts did ring again with the cries of those that called Scipio aloud. For even from his childhood he had a natural gift in him, of all the rare and singular parts required in a captain & wife governor of the common weal above all the young men of his time. At the last, when they were out of all hope of his coming again, he happily returned from the chase of the enemies, with two or three of his familiars only, all bloodied with new blood (like a swift running greyhownde fleshed with the blood of the hare) having pursued very far for joy of the victory. It is that Scipio which afterwards destroyed both the cities of CARTHAGE and NUMANTIUM, who was the greatest man of war, and valiantest captain of the romans in his time, and of the greatest authority and reputation among them. Thus fortune deferring till another time the execution of her spite, Perseus' fled from Pydne to Pella. which she did bear to so noble an exploit, suffered AEmylius for that time, to take his full pleasure of that noble victory. And as for Perseus, he fled first from the city of PYNDNE, unto the city of PELLA, with his horsemen, which were in manner all saved. Whereupon the footmen that saved themselves by flying, meeting them by the way, called them traitors, cowards, and villains: & worse than that, they turned them of their horse backs, and fought it out lustily with them. Perseus' seeing that, and fearing lest this mutiny might turn to light on his neck, he turned his horse out of the high way, and pulled of his purple coat, and carried it before him, and took his diadem, fearing lest they should know him by these tokens: and because he might more easily speak with his friends by the way, he lighted a foot, and led his horse in his hand. But such as were about him, one made as though he would mend the latchet of his shoe, an other seemed to water his horse, another as though he would drink: so that one dragging after another in this sort, they all left him at the last, and ran their way, not fearing the enemy's fury so much, as their King's cruelty: who being grieved with his misfortune, sought to say the fault of the overthrow upon all other, but himself. Now he being come into the city of PELLA by night, Time, & duty, to be observed to the Prince. Euctus and Eudaeus, two of his treasurers came unto him, and speaking boldly (but out of time) presumed to tell him the great fault he had committed, and did counsel him also what he should do. The King was so moved with their presumption, that with his own hands he stabbed his dagger in them both, Death, the indignation of the Prince. and slew them outright. But after this fact, all his servants and friends refused him, and there only tarried with him but Evander CRETAN, Archedamus AETOLIAN, and Neo BOEOTIAN. And as for the mean soldiers, there were none that followed him but the CRETANS, & yet it was not for the good will they did bear him, but for the love of his gold and silver, as bees that keep their hives for love of the honey. The covetousness of the Cretans. For he carried with him a great treasure, and gave them leave to spoil certain plate and vessel of gold and silver, to the value of fifty talents. But first of all, when he was come into the city of AMPHIPOLIS, and afterwards into the city of ALEPSE, and that the fear was well blown over: he returned again to his old humour, which was borne and bred with him, and that was, avarice and misery. For he made his complaint unto those that were about him, that he had unwares given to the soldiers of CRETA, Miser's whine for their goods. his plate and vessel of gold to be spoiled, being those which in old time belonged unto Alexander the great: & prayed them with tears in his eyes that had the plate, they would be contented to change it for ready money. Now such as knew his nature, sound straight this was but a fraud and a CRETAN lie, to deceive the CRETANS with: but those that trusted him, and did restore again the plate they had, did lose it every jot, for he never paid them penny of it. So he got of his friends, the value of thirty talents which his enemies soon after did take from him. And with that sum he went into the isle of SAMOTHRACIA, where he took the sanctuary and privilege, of the temple of Castor and Pollux. They say, that the MACEDONIANS of long continuance did naturally love their Kings: but then seeing all their hope and expectation broken, their hearts failed them, and broke withal. For they all came and submitted themselves unto AEmylius, The Macedonians submit themselves to AEmylius. and made him lord of the whole Realm of MACEDON in two days: and this doth seem to confirm their words, who impute all AEmilius doings unto his good fortune. And surely, the marvelous fortune he happened on in the city of AMPHIPOLIS, doth confirm it much, which a man cannot ascribe otherwise, but to the special grace of the gods. For one day beginning to do sacrifice, lightning fell from heaven, and set all the wood a fire upon the altar, & sanctified the sacrifice. But yet the miracle of his fame is more to be wondered at. Wonders. For four days after Perseus had lost the battle, & that the city of PELLA was taken, as the people of ROME were at the lists or show place, seeing horses run for games: suddenly there rose a rumour at the entering into the lists where the games were, how AEmylius had won a great battle of king Perseus, News brought to Rome out of Macedon in 4. days of Aemylius victory there: and no man knew how they came. and had conquered all MACEDON. This news was rise strait in every man's mouth, and there followed upon it a marvelous joy and great cheer in every corner, with shouts and clapping of hands, that continued all the day through the city of ROME. Afterwards they made diligent enquierie, how this rumour first came up, but no certain author could be known, and every man said they heard it spoken: so as in the end it came to nothing, and passed away in that sort for a time. But shortly after, there came letters, and certain news that made them wonder more than before, from whence the messenger came that reported the first news of it: which could be devised by no natural means, and yet proved true afterwards. We do read also of a battle that was fought in ITALY, near unto the river of SAGRA, whereof news was brought the very same day unto PELOPONNESUS. And of another also in like manner that was fought in ASIA against the MEDES, before the city of MYCALA: the news whereof came the same day unto the camp of the GRECIANS, lying before the city of PLATOEES. And in that great journey where the romans overthrew the Tarquin's, and the army of the LATINS: immediately after the battle was won, they saw two goodly young men come newly from the camp, who brought news of the victory to ROME, and they judge they were Castor and Pollux. The first man that spoke to them in the market place before the fountain, where they watered their horse being all of a white foam, told them: that he wondered how they could so quickly bring these news. And they laughing came to him, and took him softly by the beard with both their hands, and even in the market place his hear being black before, was presently turned yellow. This miracle made them believe the report the man made, who ever after was called AEnobarbus, AEnobarbus why so called. as you would say, bearded as yellow as gold. Another like matter that happened in our time, maketh all such news credible. For when Antonius rebelled against the emperor Domitian, the city of ROME was in a marvelous perplexity, because they looked for great wars towards GERMANY. But in this fear, there grew a sudden rumour of victory, and it went currently through ROME, that Antonius himself was slain, and all his army overthrown, & not a man left alive. This rumour was so rife, that many of the chiefest men of ROME believed it, and did sacrifice thereupon unto the gods, giving them thanks for the victory. But when the matter came to sifting, who was the first author of the rumour: no man could tell. For one put it over still to another, and died so in the end amongst the people, as in a bottomless matter, for they could never bolt out any certain ground of it: but even as it came flying into ROME, so went it flying away again, no man can tell how. Notwithstanding, Domitian holding on his journey to make this war, met with posts that brought him letters for the certain victory: and remembering the rumour of the victory that ran before in ROME, he found it true, that it was on the very same day the victory was gotten, and the distance between ROME & the place where the field was won, was above twenty thousand furlongs of. Every man in our time knoweth this to be true. But again to our history. Cn. Octanius, lieutenant of the army of AEmylius by sea, Cn. Octanius. AEmylius lleutenaunts by sea. came to anchor under the isle of SAMOTHRACIA, where he would not take Perseus by force out of the sanctuary where he was, for the reverence he did bear unto the goddess Castor and Pollux: but he did besiege him in such sort, as he could not scape him, nor fly by sea out of the Island. Yet he had secretly practised with one Oroandes a CRETAN, that had a brigantine, and was at a prize with him for a sum of money to convey him away by night: but the CRETAN served him a right CRETANS trick. For when he had taken a board by night into his vessel, all the King's treasure of gold and silver, he sent him word that he should not fail the next night following to come unto the peer by the temple of Ceres, with his wife, his children and servants, where in deed was no possibility to take shipping: but the next night following he hoist sail, and got him away. It was a pittiefull thing that Perseus was driven to do and suffer at that time. The miserable state Perseus was brought unto, by the craft & subtlety of a Cretan. For he came down in the night by ropes, out of a little strait window upon the walls, and not only himself, but his wife and little babes, who never knew before what flying and hardness meant. And yet he fetched a more grievous bitter sigh, when one told him on the peer, that he saw Oroandes the CRETAN under sail in the main seas. Then day beginning to break, and seeing himself void of all hope, he ran with his wife for life to the wall, to recover the sanctuary again, before the romans that saw him could overtake him. And as for his children, he had given them himself into the hands of one jon, whom before he had marvelously loved, and who then did traitorously betray him: for he delivered his children unto the romans. Which part was one of the chiefest causes that drove him (as a beast that will follow her little ones being taken from her) to yield himself into their hands that had his children. Now he had a special confidence in Scipio Nasica, and therefore he asked for him when he came to yield himself: but it was answered him, that he was not there. Then he began to lament his hard and miserable fortune every way. And in the end, considering how necessity enforced him, he yielded him self into the hands of Cneus Octavius, King Perseus yieldeth himself in Samothracia, unto Cneus Octavius. wherein he showed plainly, that he had another vice in him more unmanly and vile, than avarice: that was, a faint heart, and fear to die. But hereby he deprived himself of others pity & compassion towards him, being that only thing which fortune cannot deny and take from the afflicted, and specially from them that have a noble heart. For he made request they would bring him unto the general AEmylius, who rose from his chair when he saw him come, and went to meet him with his friends, the water standing in his eyes, to meet a great King, by fortune of war, and by the will of the gods, fallen into that most lamentable fact. Perseus' unprincely behaviour unto AEmylius. But he to the contrary, unmanly, and shamefully behaved himself. For he fell down at his feet, and embraced his knees, and uttered such uncomely speech and vile requests, as AEmylius self could not abide to hear them: but knitting his brows against him, AEmylius oration unto Perseus' prisoner. being heartily offended, he spoke thus unto him. Alas poor man, why dost thou discharge fortune of this fault, where thou mightest justly charge and accuse her to thy discharge, doing things, for the which every one judgeth thou hast deserved thy present misery, & art unworthy also of thy former honour? why dost thou defame my victory, & blemish the glory of my doings, showing thyself so base a man, as my honour is not great, to overcome so unworthy an enemy? The romans have ever esteemed magnanimity, even in their greatest enemies: but dastardliness, though it be fortunate, yet is it hated of every body. Notwithstanding, he took him up, and taking him by the hand, gave him into the custody of AElius Tubero. Then AEmylius went into his tent, & carried his sons, & sons in law with him, & other men of quality, and specially the younger sort. And being set down, he continued a great space very pensive with himself, not speaking a word: in so much as all the standers by, wondered much at the matter. AEmylius oratiom touching fortune and her unconstantie. In the end, he began to enter into discourse & talk of fortune, & the unconstancy of these worldly things, & said unto them. Is there any man living, my friends, who having fortune at will, should therefore boast and glory in the prosperity of his doings, for that he hath conquered a country, city, or Realm: & not rather to fear the unconstancy of fortune? who laying before our eyes, & all those those that profess arms at this present, so notable an example of the common failty of men, doth plainly teach us to think, that there is nothing constant or perdurable in this world. For when is it, that men may think themselves assured, considering that when they have overcome others, then are they driven to mistrust fortune most, & to mingle fear & mistrust, with joy of victory: if they will wisely consider the common course of fatal destiny that altereth daily, sometime favouring one, otherwhile throwing down another? you see, that in an hours space we have trodden under our feet, the house of Alexander the great: who hath been the mightiest & most redoubted prince of the world. You see a King, that not long since was followed & accompanied, with many thousand soldiers of horsemen & footmen: brought at this present into such miserable extremity, that he is enforced to receive his meat & drink daily at the hands of his enemies. Should we have any better hope then, that fortune will always favour our doings, more than she doth his now, at this present? no out of doubt. Therefore digesting this matter well, you young men I say, be not to brag nor foolish proud, of this conquest & noble victory: but think what may hap hereafter, marking to what end fortune will turn the envy of this our present prosperity. Such were AEmylius words to these young men, as it is reported, bridling by these & such like persuasions, the lusty bravery of this youth, even as with the bit & bridle of reason. Afterwards he put his army into garrisons to refresh them: and went himself in person in the mean time to visit GRAECE, making it an honourable progress, and also a commendable. AEmylius honourable progress in Graece. For as he passed through their cities, he relieved the people, reformed the government of their state, and ever gave them some gift or present. Unto some he gave corn, which king Perseus had gathered for the wars: and unto other he gave oils, meeting with so great store of provision, that he rather lacked people to give it unto, to receive it at his hands, then wanting to give, there was so much. As he passed by the city of DELPHES, he saw there a great pillar, four square, of white stone, which they had set up, to put king Perseus' image of gold upon it. Whereupon he commanded them to set up his in that place, saying: it was reason the conquered should give place unto the conquerors. And being in the city of OLYMPIA, visiting the temple of jupiter Olympian, he spoke this openly, which ever since hath been remembered: that Phidias had rightly made jupiter, as Homer had described him. Afterwards when the ten ambassadors were arrived that were sent from ROME to establish with him the realm of MACEDON, he redelivered the MACEDONIANS their country, and towns again, AEmylius setteth Macedon at a slay. to live at liberty, according to their laws, paying yearly to the romans for tribute, a hundred talents: where before they were wont to pay unto their Kings ten times as much. And he made plays and games of all sorts, and did celebrated sumptuous sacrifices unto the gods. He kept open court to all comers, and made noble feasts, and defrayed the whole charge thereof, with the treasure Perseus had gathered together, sparing for no cost. But through his care and foresight there was such a special good order taken, every man so courteously received and welcomed, and so orderly marshaled at the table according to their estate and calling: that the GRECIANS wondered to see him so careful in matters of sport and pleasure: and that he took as great pains in his own person, to see that small matters should be ordered as they aught: as he took great regard for discharge of more weighty causes. But this was a marvelous pleasure to him, to see that among such sumptuous sights prepared to show pleasure to the persons invited, no sight nor stately show did so delight them, as to enjoy the sight and company of his person. So he told them, AEmylius words above the care and good order at feasts. that seemed to wonder at his diligence and care in these matters: that to order a feast well, required as great judgement and discretion, as to set a battle: to make the one fearful to the enemies, and the other acceptable to his friends. But men esteemed his bounty and magnanimity for his best virtue and quality. For he did not only refuse to see the King's wondered treasure of gold and silver, but caused it to be told, and delivered to the custody of the treasurers, AEmylius abstinence. to carry to the coffers of store in ROME: and only suffered his sons that were learned, to take the books of the King's library. When he did reward the soldiers for their valiant service in this battle, he gave his son in law AEmylius Tubero a cup, ●●g five talents. It is the same Tubero we told you of before, who lived with sixteen o●● of his kin all in one house, and of the only revenue they had of a little farm in the country. Some say, that cup was the first piece of plate that ever came into the house of the AElians, and yet it came for honour and reward of virtue: but before that time, neither themselves, nor their wives, would ever have, or wear, any gold or silver. After he had weary well ordered and disposed all things, at the last he took leave of the GRECIANS, and counseled the MACEDONIANS to remember the liberty the romans had given them, and that they should be careful to keep it, by their good government and concord together. Then he departed from them, and took his journey towards the country of EPIRUS, having received commission from the Senate of ROME, to suffer his soldiers who had done service in the battle, and overthrow of king Perseus, to spoil all the cities of that country. Wherefore that he might surprise them on a sudden, and that they should mistrust nothing, he sent to all the cities that they should sand him by a certain day, ten of the chiefest men of every city. Who when they were come, he commanded them to go and bring him by such a day, all the gold and silver they had within their cities, aswell in their private houses, as in their temples and churches, and gave unto every one of them a captain and garrison with them, as if it had been only to have received and searched for the gold and silver he demanded. But when the day appointed was come, the soldiers in divers places (and all at one time) set upon their enemies, AEmylius. cruel act spoiling of Epirus. and did rifle and spoil them of that they had, and made them also pay ransom every man: So as by this policy, there were taken and made slaves in one day, a hundred and fifty thousand persons, and three score and ten cities spoiled and sacked every one. And yet when they came to divide the spoil of this general destruction of a whole Realm by the poll, it came not to every soldiers part, above eleven silver Drachmas a piece. Which made every one to wonder greatly, and to fear also the terror of the wars, to see the wealth and riches of so great a Realm, to amowunte to so little for every man's share. When AEmylius had done this fact against his own nature, which was very gentle and courteous: AEmylius took ship at the city of Orica, and returned into Italy. he went unto the sea side to the city of ORICA, and there embarked with his army bound for ITALY. Where when he was arrived, he went up the river of Tiber against the stream, in king Perseus chief galley, which had sixteen owers on a side, richly set out with the armour of the prisoners, rich clotheses of purple colour, and other such spoils of the enemies: so that the romans ronning out of ROME in multitudes of people to see this galley, and going side by side by her as they rowed softly, AEmylius took as great pleasure in it, as in any open games or feasts, or triumph that had been showed in deed. But when the soldiers saw, that the gold and silver of king Perseus' treasure was not divided amongst them according unto promise, and that they had a great deal less than they looked for, they were marvelously offended, and inwardly grudged AEmylius in their hearts. Nevertheless they durst not speak it openly, but did accuse him, that he had been to strait unto them in this war, and therefore they did show no great desire, The envy of Servius Galba unto AEmylius. nor forwardness, to procure him the honour of triumph. Which Servius Galba understanding, that had been an old enemy of his, notwithstanding he had the charge of a thousand men under him in this war: he like an envious viper told the people, how AEmylius had not deserved the honour of triumph, and sowed seditious words against him among the soldiers, to aggravate their ill will the more against him. Moreover, he craved a day of the Tribunes of the people, to have respite to bring forth such matter as they determined to object against him: saying the time than was far spent, the sun being but four hours high, and that it would require longer time and leisure. The Tribunes made him answer, that he should speak then what he had to say against him, or otherwise they would not grant him audience. Hereupon he begganne to make a long oration in his dispraise, full of railing words, and spent all the rest of the day in that railing oration. Afterwards when night came on, the Tribunes broke up the assembly, and the next morning the soldiers being encouraged by Galba's oration, and having confedered together, did flock about Galba, in the mount of the Capitol, 〈…〉 ab●● AEmylius triumph. where the Tribunes had given warning they would 〈…〉 e their assembly. Now being broad day, AEmylius triumph was referred to the m 〈…〉 umber of voices of the people, and the first tribe slattly did deny his triumph. The Senate, and the residue of the people hearing that, were very sorry to see they did AEmylius so open wrong and injury. The common people said nothing to it, but seemed to be very sorry, howbeit they sought no redress. The lords of the Senate cried out upon them, & said it was to much shame, and exhorted one another to bridle the insolency and boldness of these soldiers, who would grow in the end to such tumult and disorder, that they would commit all mischief and wickedness, if betimes they were not looked to, and prevented, seeing they did so openly stand against their general, seeking to deprive him of the honour of his triumph and victory. So they assembled a good company of them together, and went up to the Capitol, and prayed the Tribunes they would stay to take the voices of the people, until they had acquainted them with such needful matter, as they had to open unto them. The Tribunes granted to it, and silence was made. Then Marcus Servilius, Servilius oration for the furtherance of AEmylius triumph. who had been Consul, and had fought three and twenty combats of life and death in his own person, and had always slain as many of his enemies as challenged him man for man: rose up, and spoke in favour of AEmylius in this manner. I know now (said he) better than before, how noble and worthy a captain Paulus AEmylius is, who hath achieved such glory and honourable victory, with so dishonourable and disobedient soldiers. And I can but wonder, that the people not long since rejoiced, and made great account, of the victories and triumphs won upon the ILLYRIANS and other nations of AFRICA: and that now they should for spite envy his glory (doing what lieth in them to hinder) to bring a MACEDONIAN king alive in a triumph, and to show the glory and greatness of king Philip and Alexander the great, subdued by the romans force and power. What reason have ye, that not long since, upon a flying rumour that AEmylius had won the battle against Perseus, you strait made sacrifices to the gods with great joy, praying them that you might be witnesses of the troth thereof: and now that the person himself whom you made general is returned home, and doth deliver you most assured victory, you do frustrate the gods most solemn thanks and honour due to them, and do deprive yourselves also of your wonted glory in such a case? as if you were afeard to see the greatness of your prosperity, or that you meant to pardon a King, your slave and prisoner. And yet of the two, you have more reason to hinder the triumph, as pitying the King: then envying your captain. But the malice of the wicked, through your patience is grown to such an insolent audacity and boldness, that we see men present here before us, which never went from the smoke of the chimney, nor carried away any blows in the field, being crammed at homelike women & housedowes: and yet they are so impudent and shameless, as they dare presume unreverently to your faces, to prate of the office and duty of a general of an army, and of the desert of triumph, before you I say, who by experience of many of sore cut and wound upon your bodies in the wars, have learned to know a good and valiant captain, from a vile and cowardly person. And speaking these words, he cast open his gown, and showed before them all, the infinite scars and cuts he had received upon his breast: and then turning him behind, showed all such places as were not fit to be seen openly, and so turned him again to Galba, and said unto him. Thou mockest me for that I show thee: but I rejoice before my country men and citizens: that for serving my country night & day a horse back, I have these wounds upon me which thou seest. Now get thee about thy business, & receive their voices: & I will come after, noting them that are naughty and unthankful citizens, who like to be soothed with flattery, and not stoutly commanded, as behoveth a general in the war. These words so reined the hard headed soldiers with the curb of reason, that all the other tribes agreed in one, and granted AEmylius triumph: the order and solemnity whereof was performed in this sort. First, A notable description of AEmylius triumph. the people having set up sundry scaffolds, aswell in the lists & field (called Circos by the LATINS) where the games and common running of horses and charets are made, as also about the market place, and in other streets of the city, through the which, the show of the triumph should pass: they all presented themselves in their best gowns to see the magnificence and state thereof. All the temples of the gods also were set wide open, hanged full of garlands of flowers, and all perfumed within: and there were set through all the quarters of the city, numbers of sergeants and other officers holding tipstaffs in their hands, to order the straggling people, and to keep them up in corners and lanes ends, that they should not pester the streets, & hinder the triumph. Furthermore, the sight of this triumph was to continued three days, whereof the first was scant sufficient to see the passing by of the images, tables, & pictures, & statues of wonderful bigness, all won and gotten of their enemies, and drawn in the show, upon two hundred & fifty charets. The second day, there were carried upon a number of carts, all the fairest and richest armour of the MACEDONIANS, aswell of copper, as also of iron and steel, all glistering bright, being newly furbished, and arteficially laid in order (and yet in such sort, as if they had been cast in heaps one upon another, without taking any care otherwise for the ordering and laying of them) fair burganets upon targets: habergions, or brigantines and corselets, upon greaves: round targets of the CRETANS, and javelinings of the THRACIANS, and arrows amongst the armed pikes: all this armour and carriage, being bound one to another so trimly (neither being to loose, nor to strait) that one hitting against another, as they drew them upon the carts through the city, they made such a sound and noise, as it was fearful to hear it: so that the only sight of these spoils of the captives being overcome, made the sight so much more terrible to behold it. After these carts laden with armour, there followed three thousand men, which carried the ready money in seven hundred & fifty vessels, which weighed about three talents a piece, & every one of them were carried by four men: & there were other that carried great bowls of silver; cups & goblets fashioned like horns, & other pots to drink in, goodly to behold, aswell for their bigness, as for their great & singular embossed works about it. The third day early in the morning, the trumpets began to sound & set forwards, sounding no march nor sweet note, to beautify triumph withal: but they blue out the brave alarum they sound at an assault, to give the soldiers courage for to fight. After them followed six score goodly fat oxen, having all their horns guilt, & garlands of flowers & nosegays about their heads, & there wit by them certain young men, with aprons of needle work, girt about their middle, who led them to the sacrifice, & young boys with them also, that carried goodly basins of gold & silver, to cast & sprinkle the blood of the sacrifices about. And after these, followed those that carried all coins of gold divided by basins & vessels, & every one of them weighing three talents as they did before, that carried the great holy cup, which AEmylius had caused to be made of mass; gold, set full of precious stones, weighing the weight of ten talents, to make an offering unto the gods. And next unto them went other that carried plate, made & wrought after antic fashion, & notable cups of the ancient kings of MACEDON: as the cup called Antigonus, & another Seleucus: & to be short, all the whole cubberd of plate of gold & silver of king Perseus. And next them came the charet of his armour, in the which was all king Perseus' harness, & his royal band (they call a Diadem) upon his armour. And a little space between them, followed next the King's children, Perseus' children. whom they led prisoners, with the train of their schoolmasters & other officers, & their servants, weeping & lamenting: who held up their hands unto the people that looked upon them, & taught the King's young children to do the like, to ask mercy & grace at the people's hands. There were three pretty little children, two sons and a daughter amongst them, whose tender years and lack of understanding, made them (poor souls) they could not feel their present misery, which made the people so much more to pity them, when they saw the poor little infants, that they knew not the change of their hard fortune: so that for the compassion they had of them, they almost let the father pass without looking upon him. Many people's hearts did melt for very pity, that the tears ran down their cheeks, so as this sight brought both pleasure & sorrow, together to the lookers on, until they were past & gone a good way out of sight. King Perseus the father, king Perseus. followed after his children & their train, & he was clothed in a black gown, wearing a payer of slippers on his feet after his country manner. He showed by his countenance his troubled mind, oppressed with sorrow of his most miserable state & fortune. He was followed with his kinsefolks, his familiar friends, his officers & household servants, their faces disfigured by blubbering, showing to the world by their lamenting tears, & sorrowful eyes cast upon their unfortunate master, how much they sorrowed & bewailed his most hard & cursed fortune, little accounting of their own misery. The voice goeth, that Perseus sent unto AEmylius to entreat him, that he should not be led through the city in the show & sight of the triumph. But AEmylius mocking (as he deserved) his cowardly faint heart, AEmylius scorneth Perseus' cowardliness. answered: as for that, it was before, & is now in him, to do if he wil Meaning to let him understand thereby, that he might rather choose to die, then living to receive such open shame. Howbeit his heart would not serve him, he was so cowardly, & made so effeminate, by a certain vain hope he knew not what, that he was contented to make one among his own spoils. After all this, there followed 400. princely crowns of gold, Four hundred crowns of gold sent unto AEmylius by the cities of Graece. which the cities and towns of GRAECE had purposely sent by their ambassadors unto AEmylius, to honour his victory: & next unto them, he came himself in his charet triumphing, which was passing sumptuously set forth & adorned. It was a noble sight to behold: & yet the person of himself only was worth the looking on, without all that great pomp & magnificence. For he was appareled in a purple gown branched with gold, & carried in his right hand a laurel bough, as all his army did beside: the which being divided by bands & companies, followed the triumphing charet of their captain, some of the soldiers singing songs of victory, which the romans use to sing in like triumphs, mingling them with merry pleasant toys, rejoicing at their captain. Other of them also did sing songs of triumph, in the honour & praise of AEmylius noble conquest & victory. He was openly praised, blessed, & honoured of every body, & neither hated nor envied of honest men. Saving the ordinary use of some god, whose property is always to lessen or cut of some part of man's exceeding prosperity & felicity, mingling with man's life the sense & feeling of good & evil together: because that no living person should pass all his time of life, without some adversity or misfortune, AEmylius adversity. but that such (as Homer sayeth) should only think themselves happy, to whom fortune hath equally sorted the good with the evil. And this I speak, because AEmylius had 4. sons, two of the which he gave in adoption unto the families of Scipio & of Fabius, as we have said before: & two other which he had by his second wife, be brought up with him in his own house, & were both yet very young. Of the which the one died, being 14. years of age five days before his father's triumph: & the other died also, 3. days after the pomp of triumph, at 12. years of age. When this sorrowful chance had befallen him, every one in ROME did pity him in their hearts: but fortune's spite & cruelty did more grieve & fear them, to see her little regard towards him, to put into a house of triumph (full of honour & glory, & of sacrifices & joy) such a pittiefull mourning, & mingling of sorrows & lamentations of death, amongst such songs of triumple & victory. Notwithstanding this, AEmylius taking things like a wise man, thought that he was not only to use constancy & magnanimity, AEmylius fortitude in his great adversity. against the sword & pike of the enemy: but a like also against all adversity and enmity of spiteful fortune. So, he wisely weighed & considered his present misfortune, with his former prosperity: & finding his misfortune conterpeased with felicity, & his private grieves cut of with common joy, he gave no place to his sorrows & mischances, neither blemished any way the dignity of his triumph & victory. For when he had buried the eldest of his two last sons, AEmylius oration in his trouble, for the death of his children. he left not to make his triumphant entry, as you have heard before. And his second son also being deceased after his triumph, he caused the people to assemble, & in face of the whole city he made an oration, not like a discomforted man, but like one rather that did comfort his sorrowful countrymen for his mischance. He told them, that concerning men's matters, never any thing did fear him: but for things above, he ever feared fortune, mistrusting her change & inconstancy, & specially in the last war, doubting for so great prosperity as could be wished, to be paid home with an after intolerable adversity, & sinister chance. For as I went (said he) I passed over the gulf of the Adriatic sea, from BRINDES unto CORFV in one day. And from thence in five days after, I arrived in the city of DELPHES, where I did sacrifice unto Apollo. And within five other days, I arrived in my camp, where I found mine army in MACEDON. And after I had done the sacrifice, & due ceremonies for purifying of the same, I presently began to follow the purpose & cause of my coming: so as in 15. days after, I made an honourable end of all those wars. But yet, mistrusting fortune always, seeing the prosperous course of my affairs, & considering that there were no other enemies, nor dangers I needed to fear: I feared sorely she would change at my return, when I should be upon the sea, bringing home so goodly & victorious an army, with so many spoils & so many Princes and Kings taken prisoners. And yet when I was safely arrived in the haven, & seeing all the city at my return full of joy, & of feasts & sacrifices: I still suspected fortune, knowing her manner well enough, that she useth not to gratify men so frankly, nor to grant them so great things clearly, without some certain spark of envy waiting on them. Neither did my mind being still occupied in fear of some thing to happen to the common wealth, shake of this fear behind me: but that I saw, this home mishap & misery lighted upon me, enforcing me with mine own hands in these holy days of my triumph, to bury my two young sons one after another, which I only brought up with me, for the succession of my name & house. Wherefore, me thinks now I may say, I am out of all danger, at the lest touching my chiefest & greatest misfortune: & do begin to establish myself with this assured hope, that this good fortune henceforth shall remain with us evermore, without fear of other unlucky or sinister chance. For she hath sufficiently contervailed the favourable victory she gave you, with the envious mishap wherewith she hath plagued both me and mine: showing the conqueror & triumpher, as noble an example of man's misery & weakness, as the party conquered, that had been led in triumph. Saving that Perseus yet, conquered as he is, hath this comfort left him: to see his children living, & that the conqueror AEmylius hath lost his. And this was the sum of AEmylius notable oration he made unto the people of ROME, proceeding of a noble & honourable disposed mind. And though it pitied him in his heart to see the strange change of king Perseus' fortune, and that he heartily desired to help him, and to do him good: yet he could never obtain other grace for him, but only to remove him from the common prison (which the romans call Carcer) into a more cleanly and sweeter house: where being straightly guarded and looked unto, he killed himself by abstinence from meat, The death of king Perseus. as the most part of historiographers do writ. Yet some writers tell a marvelous strange tale, and manner of his death. For they say the soldiers that guarded him, kept him from sleep, watching him straightly when sleep took him, A strange kind of death. and would not suffer him to shut his eye lids (only upon malice they did bear him, because they could not otherwise hurt him) keeping him awake by force, not suffering him to take rest: until such time as nature being forced to give over, he gave up the ghost. Two of his sons died also: but the third called Alexander, become an excellent turner and joiner, and was learned, and could speak the ROMAN tongue very well, The statee of Perseus sons. and did writ it so trimly, that afterwards he was chancellor to the magistrates of ROME, and did wisely and discretely behave himself in his office. Furthermore, they do add to this goodly conquest of the realm of MACEDON, that AEmylius conquered another special good thing, By AEmylius victory, the people paid no more subsidy. that made him marvelously well liked of the common people: that is, that he brought so much gold and silver unto the treasury store of ROME, as the common people needed never after to make contribution for any thing, until the very time and year that Hircius and Pansa were Consuls, which was about the beginning of the first wars of Augustus and Antonius. And yet AEmylius had one singular good gift in him: that though the people did greatly love and honour him, yet he ever took part with the Senate and nobility, and did never by word nor deed any thing in favour of the people, to flatter or please them, but in matters concerning government, he did ever lean to the nobility and good men. And this did Appius afterwards cast in his sons teeth, Scipio Africanus. For both of them being two of the chiefest men of their time, and contending together for the office of Censor: Appius had about him to favour his suit, all the Senate and Nobility, as of ancient time the family of the Appians had ever held on their part. And Scipio Africanus, though he was a great man of himself, yet he was in all times favoured and beloved of the common people. Whereupon when Appius saw him come into the market place, followed with men of small quality and base condition, that had been slaves before, but otherwise could skilfully handle such practices, bring the people together, and by opportunity of cries and loud voices (if need were) obtain what they would in the assemblies of the city: he spoke out aloud, and said. O Paulus AEmylius, now hast thou good cause to sigh, and mourn in thy grave where thou liest (if the dead do know what we do here on earth) to see AEmylius a common sergeant, and Licinius a prattling fellow, how they bring thy son unto the dignity of a Censor. And as for Scipio, he was always beloved of the common people, because he did favour them in all things. But AEmylius also, although he took ever the noble men's part, he was not therefore less beloved of the common people, than those that always flattered them, doing all things as the people would, to please them: which the common people did witness, aswell by other honours & offices they offered him, as in the dignity of the Censor which they gave him. AEmylius chosen Censor. For it was the holiest office of all other at that time, and of greatest power and authority, specially for inquierie and reformation of every man's life and manners. For he that was Censor, The office & authority of the Censor. had authority to put any Senator of the counsel, and to disgrade him, if he did not worthily behave himself according to his place and calling: and might name and declare any one of the Senate, whom he thought to be most honest, and fittest for the place again. Moreover, they might by their authority, take from licentious young men, their horse which was kept at the charge of the common weal. Furthermore, they be the sessours of the people, and the muster masters, keeping books of the number of persons at every mustering. So there appeared numbered in the register book AEmylius made then of them, three hundred, seven and thirty thousand, four hundred, and two and fifty men, and Marcus AEmylius Lepidus named precedent of the Senate, who had that honour four times before, and did put of the counsel three Senators, that were but mean men. And the like mean and moderation he & his companion, Martius Philippus kept, upon view and muster taken of the ROMAN horsemen. And after he had ordered and disposed the greatest matters of his charge and office, AEmylius sickness. he fell sick of a disease that at the beginning seemed very dangerous, but in the end there was no other danger, saving that it was a lingering disease, and hard to cure. So, following the counsel of physicians, who willed him to go to a city in ITALY called VELIA, AEmylius removed from Rome, and dwelled in the city of Velia. he took sea, and went thither, and continued there a long time, dwelling in pleasant houses upon the sea side, quietly and out of all noise. But during this time of his absence, the romans wished for him many a time and oft. And when they were gathered together in the theatres, to see the plays and sports, they cried out divers times for him: whereby they showed that they had a great desire to see him again. Time being come about when they used to make a solemn yearly sacrifice, and AEmylius finding himself also in good perfect health: he returned again to ROME, where he made the sacrifice with the other priests, all the people of ROME gathering about him, rejoicing much to see him. The next day after, he made another particular sacrifice, to give thanks unto the gods for recovery of his health. After the sacrifice was ended, he went home to his house, & sat him down to dinner: he suddenly fell into a raving (without any perseverance of sickness spied in him before, or any change or alteration in him) and his wits went from him in such sort, The death of AEmylius in Rome. that he died within three days after, lacking no necessary thing that an earthly man could have, to make him happy in this world. For he was even honoured at his funerals, and his virtue was adorned with many goodly glorious ornaments, neither with gold, silver, nor ivory, AEmylius funerals. nor with other such sumptuousness or magnificence of apparel, but with the love and good will of the people, all of them confessing his virtue and well doing: and this did not only his natural country men perform in memory of him, but his very enemies also. For all those that met in ROME by chance at that time, that were either come out of SPAIN, from GENVA, or out of MACEDON, all those that were young and strong, did willingly put themselves under the coffin where his body lay, to help to carry him to the church: and the old men followed his body to accompany the same, calling AEmylius the benefactor, saviour, and father of their country. For he did not only entreat them gently, and graciously, whom he had subdued: but all his life time he was ever ready to pleasure them, and to set forwards their causes, even as they had been his confederates, very friends; and near kinsmen. The inventory of all his goods after his death, AEmylius goods what they came to. did scant amownte unto the sum of three hundred, three score, and ten thousand silver Drachmas, which his two sons did inherit. But Scipio being the younger, left all his right unto his elder brother Fabius, because he was adopted into a very rich house, which was the house of the great Scipio Africanus. such they say was Paulus AEmylius conditions and life. The end of Paulus AEmylius life. THE LIFE OF Timoleon. The state of the Syracusas before Timoleon's coming. BEFORE Timoleon was sent into SICILY, thus stood the state of the SYRACUSANS. After that Dion had driven out the tyrant Dionysius, he himself after was slain immediately by treason: and those that aided him to restore the SYRACUSANS to their liberty, fell out, and were at dissension among themselves. By reason whereof, the city of SYRACUSE changing continually new tyrants, was so troubled and turmoiled with all sort of evils, that it was left in manner desolate, and without inhabitants. The rest of SICILY in like case was utterly destroyed, and no cities in manner left standing, by reason of the long wars: and those few that remained, were most inhabited of foreign soldiers & strangers (a company of loose men gathered together that took pay of no prince nor city) all the dominions of the same being easily usurped, and as easy to change their lord. In so much, Dionysius the tyrant, ten years after Dion had driven him out of SICILY, having gathered a certain number of soldiers together again, and through their help driven out Niseus, that reigned at that time in SYRACUSE: he recovered the Realm again, and made himself King. So, if he was strangely expulsed by a small power out of the greatest Kingdom that ever was in the world: likewise he more strangely recovered it again, being banished and very poor, making himself King over them, who before had driven him out. Thus were the inhabitants of the city compelled, to serve this tyrant: who besides that of his own nature he was never courteous nor civil, he was now grown to be far more dogged and cruel, by reason of the extreme misery and misfortune he had endured. But the noblest citizens repaired unto Icetes, Icetes, tyrant of the Leontines. who at that time as lord ruled the city of the LEONTINES, and they chose him for their general in these wars: not for that he was any thing better than the open tyrants, but because they had no other to repair unto at that time, & they trusted him best, for that he was borne (as themselves) within the city of SYRACUSE, & because also he had men of war about him, to make head against this tyrant. But in the mean time, the CARTHAGINIANS came down into SICILY with a great army, and invaded the country. The SYRACUSANS being afraid of them, determined to sand ambassadors into GRAECE unto the CORINTHIANS, to pray aid of them against the barbarous people, having better hope of them, then of any other of the GRECIANS. And that not altogether because they were lineally descended from them, and that they had received in times past many pleasures at their hands: but also for that they knew that CORINTHE was a city, that in all ages and times, did ever love liberty, and hate tyrants, and that had always made their greatest wars, not for ambition of Kingdoms, nor of covetous desire to conquer and rule, but only to defend and maintain the liberty of the GRECIANS. But Icetes in another contrary sort, he took upon him to be general, with a mind to make himself king of SYRACUSE. For he had secretly practised with the CARTHAGINIANS, and openly notwithstanding, in words he commended the counsel and determination of the SYRACUSANS, and sent ambassadors from himself also with theirs, unto PELOPONNESUS: not that he was desirous any aid should come from them to SYRACUSE, but because he hoped if the CORINTHIANS refused to sand them aid (as it was very likely they would, for the wars and troubles that were in GRAECE) that he might more easily turn all over to the CARTHAGINIANS, and use them as his friends, to aid him against the SYRACUSANS, or the tyrant Dionysius. And that this was his full purpose, and intent, it appeared plainly soon after. Now when their ambassadors arrived at CORINTHE, & had delivered their message, the CORINTHIANS, who had ever been careful to defend such cities as had sought unto them, & specially SYRACUSE: very willingly determined in counsel to sand them aid, and the rather for that they were in good peace at that time, having wars with none of the GRECIANS. So their only stay rested, upon choosing of a general to lead their army. Now as the magistrates and governors of the city were naming such citizens, as willingly offered their service, desirous to advance themselves: there stepped up a mean commoner, who named Timoleon, Timodemus son, a man that until that time was never called on for service, neither looked for any such preferment. And truly it is to be thought it was the secret working of the gods, that directed the thought of this mean commoner to name Timoleon: By what voice Timoleon came to be general. whose election fortune favoured very much, and joined to his valiantness and virtue, marvelous good success in all his doings afterwards. This Timoleon was borne of noble parents, Timoleon's parentage & manners. both by father and mother: his father was called Timodemus, and his mother Demareta. He was naturally inclined to love his country and common weal: and was always gentle and courteous to all men, saving that he mortally hated tyrants and wicked men. Furthermore nature had framed his body apt for wars and for pains: he was wise in his grenest youth in all things he took in hand, and in his age he showed himself very valiant. He had an elder brother called Timophanes, Timophanes, Timoleon's brother, what he was. who was nothing like to him in condition: for he was a rash harebrained man, & had a greedy desire to reign, being put into his head by a company of mean men, that bore him in hand they were his friends, and by certain soldiers gathered together, which he had always about him. And because he was very hot and forward in wars, his citizens took him for a noble captain, & a man of good service, and therefore oftentimes they gave him charge of men. And therein Timoleon did help him much to hide his fault he committed, or at the lest made them seem less, & lighter than they were, still increasing that small good gift that nature brought forth in him. As in a battle the CORINTHIANS had against the ARGIVES and the CLEONEIANS, Timoleon served as a private soldier amongst the footmen: and Timophanes his brother, having charge of horsemen, was in great danger of being cast away, if present help had not been. For his horse being hurt, threw him on the ground in the midst of his enemies. Whereupon part of those that were about him, were afraid, and dispersed themselves here and there: and those that remained with him, being few in number, and having many enemies to fight withal, did hardly withstand their force and charge. But his brother Timoleon seeing him in such instant danger a far of, ran with all speed possible to help him, and clapping his target before his brother Timophanes, that lay on the ground, receiving many wounds on his body with sword and arrows, with great difficulty he repulsed the enemies, and saved his own and his brother's life. Timoleon saved his brother's life. Now the CORINTHIANS fearing the like matter to come that before had happened unto them, which was to loose their city through default of their friends help: they resolved in counsel, to entertain in pay continually four hundred soldiers that were strangers, The Corinthians entertained 400. strangers, & made Timophanes captain of them to keep their city. whom they assigned over to Timophanes charge. Who, abandoning all honesty and regard of the trust reposed in him, did presently practise all the ways he could to make himself lord of the city: and having put divers of the chiefest citizens to death without order of law, in the end, he openly proclaimed himself King. Timoleon being very sorry for this, and taking his brother's wickedness would be the very high way to his fall and destruction: sought first to win him with all the good words and persuasion he could, to move him to leave his ambitious desire to reign, and to salve (as near as might be) his hard dealing with the citizens. Timophanes cruelty, & usurpation of the kingdom. Timophanes set light by his brother's persuasions, and would give no ear unto them. Thereupon Timoleon then went unto one AEschylus his friend, and brother unto Timophanes wife, and to one Satyrus a soothesayer (as Theopompus the historiographer calleth him, and Ephorus calleth him Orthagoras) with whom he came again another time unto his brother: and they three coming to him, instantly besought him to believe good counsel, and to leave the Kingdom. Timophanes at the first did but laugh them to scorn, and sported at their persuasions: but afterwards he waxed warm, and grew into great choler with them. Timophanes slain by his brother's procurement. Timoleon seeing that, went a little a to side, and covering his face fell a weeping: and in the mean season, the other two drawing out their sword, slew Timophanes in the place. This murder was strait blown abroad through the city, and the better sort did greatly commend the noble mind and hate Timoleon bore against the tyrant considering that he being of a gentle nature, and loving to his kin, did notwithstanding regard the benefit of his country, before the natural affection to his brother, and preferred duty and justice, before nature and kindred. For, before he had saved his brother's life, fight for defence of his country: and now in seeking to make himself King, and to rule the same, he made him to be slain. Such then as misliked popular government and liberty, and always followed the Nobility: they set a good face of the matter, as though they had been glad of the tyrants death. Yet still reproving Timoleon for the horrible murder he had committed against his brother, declaring how detestable it was both to the gods and men: they so handled him, that it grieved him to the heart he had done it. But when it was told him that his mother took it marvelous evil, and that she pronounced horrible curses against him, and gave out terrible words of him, he went unto her in hope to comfort her: howbeit she could never abide to see him, but always shut her door against him. Then he being wounded to the heart with sorrow, took a conceit suddenly to kill himself by abstaining from meat: but his friends would never forsake him in this despair, and urged him so far by entreaty and persuasion, that they compelled him to eat. Thereupon he resolved thenceforth to give himself over to a solitary life in the country, secluding himself from all company and dealings: so as at the beginning, he did not only refuse to repair unto the city, and all access of company, but wandering up and down in most solitary places, consumed himself and his time with melancholy. And thus we see, that counsels and judgements are lightly carried away (by praise or dispraise) if they be not shored up with rule of reason, and philosophy, and rest confounded in themselves. Our acts must be honest, and constant. And therefore it is very requisite and necessary, that not only the act be good and honest of itself, but that the resolution thereof be also constant, and not subject unto change: to the end we may do all things considerately. Jest we be like unto likerous mowthed men, who as they desire meats with a greedy appetite, and after are soon weary, disliking the same: even so we do suddenly repent our actions, grounded upon a weak imagination, of the honesty that moved us thereunto. For repentance maketh the act, which before was good, nought. But determination, grounded upon certain knowledge and truth of reason, doth never change, although the matter enterprised, have not always happy success. And therefore Photion the ATHENIAN having resisted (as much as in him lay) certain things which the general Leosthenes did, and which contrary to his mind took good effect: and perceiving the ATHENIANS did open sacrifice unto the gods, to give them thanks for the same, and much rejoice at the victory they had obtained. I would have rejoiced to (said he) if I had done this: photion's saying. Aristides grave saying. but so would I not for any thing, but I had given the counsel. And after that sort, but more sharply did Aristides LOCRIAN (a very friend and companion of Plato's) answer Dionysius the elder, tyrant of SYRACUSE: who asked his goodwill to mary one of his daughters. I had rather see my daughter dead (said he) then married unto a tyrant. And within a certain time after, the tyrant put all his sons to death: and then he asked him in derision, to grieve him the more, if he were still of his former opinion for the marrying of his daughter. I am very sorry, (said he) with all my heart, for that thou hast done: but yet I do not repent me of that I have said. That peradventure proceeded of a more perfect virtue. But to return again to Timoleon. Whether that inward sorrow struck him to the heart for the death of his brother, or that shame did so abash him, as he durst not abide his mother: twenty years after, he never did any notable or famous act. Timoleon chosen general to go into Sicily. And therefore, when he was named to be general of the aid that should be sent into SICILY, the people having willingly chosen and accepted of him: Teleslides, who was chief governor at that time in the city of CORINTHE, standing upon his feet before the people, spoke unto Timoleon, and did exhort him to behave himself like an honest man, and valiant Captain in his charge. For, said he, if you handle yourself well, we will think you have killed a tyrant: but if you do order yourself otherwise then well, we will judge you have killed your brother. Now Timoleon being busy in levying of men, and preparing himself: Icetes tyrant of the Leontines, a traitor letters came to the CORINTHIANS from Icetes, whereby plainly appeared, that Icetes had carried two faces in one hood, and that he was become a traitor. For he had no sooner dispatched his Ambassadors unto them, but he strait took the CARTHAGINIANS part, and dealt openly for them, intending to drive out Dionysius, and to make himself king of SYRACUSE. But fearing lest the CORINTHIANS would sand aid before he had wrought his feat: he wrote again unto the CORINTHIANS, sending them word, that they should not need now to put themselves to any charge or danger for coming into SICILY, and specially, because the CARTHAGINIANS were very angry, and did also lie in wait in the way as they should come, with a great fleet of ships to meet with their army: and that for himself, because he saw they tarried long, he had made league and amity with them, against the tyrant Dionysius. When they had read his letters, if any of the CORINTHIANS were before but coldly affected to this journey, choler did then so warm them against Icetes, that they frankly granted Timoleon what he would ask, and did help to furnish him to set him out. When the ships were ready rigged, and that the soldiers were furnished of all things necessary for their departure, the Nuns of the goddess Proserpina said, they saw a vision in their dream, and that the goddesses Ceres and Proserpina did appear unto them, appareled like travelers to take a journey: and told them, that they would go with Timoleon into SICILY. upon this speech only, the CORINTHIANS rigged a galley, they called, the galley of Ceres and Proserpina: and Timoleon himself before he would take the seas, went into the city of DELPHES, where he made sacrifice unto Apollo. And as he entered within the Sanctuary where the answers of the Oracle are made, there happened a wonderful sign unto him. A sign happened to Timoleon. For amongst the vows and offerings that are hanged up upon the walls of the Sanctuary, there fell a band directly upon Timoleon's head, embroidered all about with crowns of victory: so that it seemed Apollo sent him already crowned, before he had set out one foot towards the journey. He took ship, Timoleon took ship towards Sicily and sailed with seven galleys of CORINTHE, two of CORPHVE, and ten the LIUCADIANS did set out. When he was launched out in the main sea, having a frank gale of wind and large, he thought in the night that the element did open, and that out of the same there came a marvelous great bright light over his ship, and it was much like to a torch burning, A burning torch appeared in the element unto Timoleon. when they show the ceremonies of the holy mysteries. This torch did accompany and guide them all their voyage, and in the end it vanished away, and seemed to fall down upon the coast of italy, where the Shippemasters had determined to arrive. The wise men's opinions being asked what this might signify: they answered. That this wonderful sight did betoken the dream, the Nuns of the goddess Ceres dreamt, and that the goddesses favouring this journey, had showed them the way, by sending of this light from heaven: because that the isle of SICILY is consecrated unto the goddess Proserpina, and specially for that they report her ravishment was in that I'll, and that the whole realm was assigned unto her for her jointer, at the day of her marriage. Thus did this celestial sign of the gods both encourage those that went this journey, and deliver them also assured hope, who sailed with all possible speed they could: until such time, as having crossed the seas, they arrived upon the coast of ITALY. But when they came thither, the news they understood from SICILY put Timoleon in great perplexity, and did marvelously discourage the soldiers he brought with him. For Icetes having overthrown the battle of the tyrant DIONYSIUS, and possessed the greatest part of the city of SYRACUSE: he did besiege him within the castle, and within that part of the city which is called the Isle, Icetes besiegeth Dionysia. where he had penned him up, and enclosed him in with walls round about. And in the mean time he had prayed the CARTHAGINIANS, that they would be careful to keep Timoleon from landing in SICILY, to the end that by preventing that aid, they might easily divide SICILY between them, and no man to let them. The CARTHAGINIANS following his request, sent twenty of their galleys unto RHEGIO, among which Icetes Ambassadors were sent to Timoleon, Icetes sendeth Ambassadors unto Timoleon with testimony of his doings: for they were fair flattering words, to cloak his wicked intent he purposed. For they willed Timoleon he should go himself alone (if he thought good) unto Icetes, to counsel him, and to accompany him in all his doings, which were now so far onwards in good towardness; as he had almost ended them all. Furthermore, they did also persuade him, he should sand back his ships and soldiers to CORINTHE again, considering that the war was now brought to good pass, and that the CARTHAGINIANS would in no case that his men should pass into SICILY, and that they were determined to fight with them, if they made any force to enter. So the CORINTHIANS at their arrival into the city of RHEGIO, finding there these Ambassador, and seeing the fleet of the CARTHAGINIANS ships, which did ride at anchor not far of from them: it spited them on the one side to see they were thus mocked and abused by Icetes. For every one of them were marvelous angry with him, and were greatly afeard also for the poor SICILIANS, whom to plainly they saw left a pray unto Icetes for reward of his treason, and to the CARTHAGINIANS for recompense of the tyranny, which they suffered him to establish. So, on the other side they thought it impossible to concquer the ships of the CARTHAGINIANS, which lay in wait for them, and so near unto them: considering they were twice as many in number as they, and hard for them to subdue the army also that was in the hands of Icetes in SICILY, considering that they were not come to him, but only for the maintenance of the wars. Notwithstanding, Timoleon spoke very courteously unto those Ambassadors, Timoleon crafttier than the Carthaginians. and captains of the CARTHAGINIANS ships, letting them understand that he would do as much as they would have him: and to say truly, if he would have done otherwise, he could have won nothing by it. Nevertheless he desired for his discharge, they would say that openly, in the presence of the people of RHEGIO, (being a city of GREECE, friend and common to both parties) which they had spoken to him in secret: Rhegio a city of Greece. and that done, he would depart incontinently, alleging that it stood him very much upon for the safety of his discharge, and that they themselves also should more faithfully keep that they promised unto him touching the SYRACUSANS, when they had agreed upon it, and promised it, before all the people of RHEGIO, who should be witness of it. Now, all this was but a fetch and policy delivered by him, to shadow his departure, which the Captains and governors of RHEGIO did favour, and seem to help him in: because they wished SICILY should fall into the hands of the CORINTHIANS, and feared much to have the barbarous people for their neighbours. For this cause they commanded a general assembly of all the people, during which time, they caused the gates of the city to be shut: giving it out, that it was because the Citizens should not go about any other matters in the meantime. Then when all the people were assembled, they began to make long orations without concluding any matter: the one leaving always to the other a like matter to talk of, to the end they might win time, until the galleys of the CORINTHIANS were departed. And staying the CARTHAGINIANS also in this assembly, they mistrusted nothing, because they saw Timoleon present: who made a countenance, as though he would rise to say some thing. But in the mean time, some one did secretly advertise Timoleon, that the other galleys were under sail, and gone their way, and that there was but one galley left, which tarried for him in the haven. Thereupon he suddenly stolen away through the press, with the help of the RHEGIANS, being about the chair where the orations were made: and trudging quickly to the haven, he embarked in continently, and hoist sail also. Timoleon landeth as Tauvomenion in Sicily. And when he had overtaken his fleet, they went all safe together to land at the city of TAUROMENION, which is in SICILY: there they were very well received by Andromachus, who long before had sent for them, for he governed this city, as if he had been Lord thereof. Andromach● the Father of Timaeus the Historiographer, governor of the city of Tauromenion. He was the father of Timaeus the Historiographer, the honestest man of all those that did bear rule at that time in all SICILY. For he did rule his Citizens, in all justice and equity, and did always show himself an open enemy of tyrants. And following his affection therein, he lent his city at that time unto Timoleon, to gather people together, and persuaded his Citizens to enter into league with the CORINTHIANS, and to aid them, to deliver SICILY from bondage, and to restore it again liberty. But the captains of the CARTHAGINIANS that were at RHEGIO, when they knew that Timoleon was under sail and gone, after the assembly of the counsel was broken up: they were ready to eat their fingers for spite, to see themselves thus finely mocked and deceived. The RHEGIANS on the other side, were merry at the matter, to see how the Phoenicians stormed at it, that they had such a fine part played them. Howbeit in the end, they determined to sand an Ambassador unto TAUROMENION, in one of their galleys. The Carthaginians Ambassador did threaten to destroy the city of Tauromenion, by showing Andromach● the palm and back of his hand. This Ambassador spoke very boldly, and barbarously unto Andromachus, and in a choler: and last of all, he showed him first the palm of his hand, than the back of his hand, and did threaten him that his city should be so turned over hand, if he did not quickly sand away the CORINTHIANS. Andromachus fell a laughing at him, and did turn his hand up and down as the Ambassador had done, and bade him that he should get him going, and that with speed out of his city, if he would not see the keel of his galley turned upward. Icetes now understanding of Timoleon's coming, and being afraid, sent for a great number of galleys unto the CARTHAGINIANS. Then the SYRACUSANS began to despair utterly, when they saw their haven full of the CARTHAGINIANS galleys, the best part of their city kept by Icetes, and the castle by the tyrant Dionysius. And on tother side, that Timoleon was not yet comen but to a little corner of SICILY, having no more but the little city of TAUROMENION, with a small power, and less hope: because there was not above a thousand footmen in all, to furnish these wars, neither provision of victuals, nor so much money as would serve to entertain and pay them. Besides also, that the other cities of SICILY did nothing trust him. But by reason of the violent extortions they had o'late suffered, they hated all Captains and leaders of men of war to the death, and specially for the treachery of Calippus and Pharax, whereof the one was an ATHENIAN, and the other a LACEDAEMONIAN. Both of them said they came to set SICILY at liberty, and to drive out the tyrants: and yet nevertheless they had done so much hurt unto the poor SICILIANS, that the misery and calamity which they had suffered under the tyrants, seemed all to be gold unto them, in respect of that which the Captains had made them to abide. And they did not think them more happy, that had willingly submitted themselves unto the yoke of servitude: then those which they saw restored, and set at liberty. Therefore persuading themselves, that this CORINTHIAN would be no better unto them, than the other had been before, but supposing they were the self same former crafts, and alluring baits of good hope and fair words, which they had tasted of before, to draw them to accept new tyrants: they did sore suspect it, and rejected all the CORINTHIANS persuasions. Saving the ADRANITANS only, whose little city being consecrated to the god Adranus, The god Adranus. (and greatly honoured and reverenced through all SICILY) was then in dissension one against an other: in so much as one part of them took part with Icetes, and the CARTHAGINIANS, and an other side of them sent unto Timoleon. So it fortuned, that both the one and the other, making all the possible speed they could, who should come first: arrived both in manner at one self tyme. Icetes had about five thousand soldiers. Timoleon had not in all; above twelve hundred men, with the which he departed to go towards the city of ADRANUS, distant from TAUROMENION, about three hundred and forty furlongs. For the first days journey, he went no great way, but lodged betimes: but the next morning he marched very hastily, & had marvelous ill way. When night was come, and day light shut in, he had news that Icetes did but newyly arrive before ADRANUS, where he encamped. When the private captains understood this, they caused the vanguard to stay, to eat & repose a little, that they might be the lustier, & the stronger to fight, But Timoleon did set still forwards, & prayed them not to stay, but to go on with all the speed they could possible, that they might take their enemies out of order (as it was likely they should) being but newly arrived, & troubled with making their cabbons, & preparing for supper. Therewithal as he spoke these words, he took his target on his arm, and marched himself the foremost man, as bravely and courageously as if he had gone to a most assured victory. The soldiers seeing him march with that life; they followed at his heels with like courage. Timoleon overthrew Icetes army, & made him fly from Adranus So they had not passing thirty furlongs to go, which when they had overcomen, they strait set upon their enemies, whom they found all out of order, and began to fly, so soon as they saw they were upon their backs before they were ware. By this means there were not above three hundred men slain, and twice as many more taken prisoners, and so their whole camp was possessed. Then the ADRANITANS opening their gates, yielded unto Timoleon, declaring unto him with great fear, The Adranitans yield unto Timoleon. and no less wonder, how at the very time when he gave charge upon the enemies, the doors of the temple of their god opened of themselves, & that the javelin which the Image of their god did hold in his hand, did shake at the very end where the iron head was, and how all his face was seen to sweat. This (in my opinion) did not only signify the victory he had gotten at that time, but all the notable exploits he did afterwards, unto the which, this first encounter gave a happy beginning. For immediately after, many cities sent unto Timoleon, to join in league with him. And Mamercus, the tyrant of CATANA, Mamercus tyrant of Catana. a soldier, and very full of money, did also seek his friendship. Furthermore, Dionysius the tyrant of SYRACUSE, being weary to follow hope any longer, and finding himself in manner forced unto it by long continuance of siege: made no more reckoning of Icetes, when he knew that he was so shamefully overtrowen. And contrariwise, much esteeming Timoleon's valiantness, he sent to advertise him, that he was contented to yield himself and the castle into the hands of the CORINTHIANS. Timoleon being glad of this good hap unlooked for, sent Euclides and Telemachus, two Captains of the CORINTHIANS, to take possession of the castle, Dionysius the tyrant, yieldeth himself and the castle of Syracuse unto Timoleon. with four hundred men, not all at a time, nor openly (for it was unpossible, the enemies lying in wait in the haven) but by small companies, and by stealth, he conveyed them all into the castle. So the soldiers possessed the castle, and the tyrants palace, with all the movables and munition of wars within the same. There were a great number of horse of service, great store of staves and weapons offensive of all sorts, and engines of battery to shoot far of, and sundry other weapons of defence, that had been gathered together of long time, to arm threescore and ten thousand men. Moreover, besides all this, there were two thousand soldiers, whom with all the other things rehearsed, Dionysius delivered up into the hands of Timoleon: and he himself, with his money and a few of his friends, went his way by sea, Icetes not knowing it, and so came to Timoleon's camp. This was the first time that ever they saw Dionysius a private man, in base and mean estate. And yet within few days after, Timoleon sent him from thence unto CORINTHE in a ship, Dionysius the tyrant of Syracuse sent to Corinthe. with little store of money. Who was borne and brought up in the greatest and most famous tyranny, and kingdom, conquered by force, that ever was in the world: and which himself had kept by the space of ten years after the death of his father. Since Dion drove him out, he had been marvelously turmoiled in wars, by the space of twelve years: in which time, although he had done much mischief, yet he had suffered also a great deal more. For he saw the death of his sons when they were men grown, The miseries & calamities of Dionysius the tyrant. and able to serve and carry armour. He saw his daughters ravished by force, & deflowered of their virginity. He saw his own sister (who was also his wife) first of all shamed, & cruelly handled in her person, with the greatest villainies & most vile parts done unto her, that his enemies could devise: & afterwards horribly murdered with his children, & their bodies in the end thrown into the sea, as we have more amply declared in the life of Dion. Now when Dionysius was arrived in the city of CORINTHE, every GRECIAN was wonderful desirous to go see him, and to talk with him. And some went thither very glad of his overthrow, as if they had trodden him down with their feet, whom fortune had overthrown, Dionysius brought to Corinthe. so bitterly did they hate him. Other pittiing him in their hearts, to see so great a change, did behold him as it were with a certain compassion, considering what great power, secret and divine causes have over men's weakness and frailty, and those things that daily passeth over our heads. For the world then, did never bring forth any work of nature, or of man's hand so wondered, as was this of fortune. The Inconstancy of fortune. Who made the world see a man, that before was in manner Lord and King of all SICILY, sit then commonly in the city of CORINTHE, talking with a vitailer, or sitting a whole day in a perfumer's shop, or commonly drinking in some cellar or tavern; or to brawl and scold in the midst of the streets, with common whores in face of the world, or else to teach common minstrels in every lane & alley, and to dispute with them with the best reason he had, about the harmony & music, of the songs they sang in the theatres. Now some say he did this, because he knew not else how he should drive the time away, for that in deed he was of a base mind, and an effeminate person, given over to all dishonest lusts and desires. Other are of opinion, he did it to be the less regarded, for fear jest the CORINTHIANS should have him in gealouzy and suspicion, Imagining that he did take the change and state of his life in grievous part, and that he should yet look back, hoping for a time to recover his state again: and that for this cause he did it, and of purpose feigned many things against his nature, seeming to be a stark nideotte, to see him do those things he did. Some notwithstanding have gathered together certain of his answers, which do testify that he did not all these things of a base brutish mind, but to fit himself only to his present misery and misfortune. For when he came to LEUCADES, an ancient city built by the CORINTHIANS, as was also the city of SYRACUSE: Notable sayings of Dionysius Syracusan. he told the inhabitants of the same, that he was like to young boys that had done a fault. For as they fly from their father's being ashamed to come in their sight, & are gladder to be with their brethren: even so is it with me, said he: for it would please me better to devil here with you, then to go to CORINTHE our head city. Another time, being at CORINTHE, a stranger was very busy with him, (knowing how familiar Dionysius was with learned men and Philosophers, while he reigned in SYRACUSE) and asked him in the end in derision: what benefit he got by Plato's wisdom and knowledge? he answered him again: how thinkest thou, hath it done me no good, when thou seest me bear so patiently this change of fortune? The benefit of Philosophy. Aristoxenus' a physician, and other, ask him what offence Plato had done unto him: he answered. That tyrants state is ever unfortunate, and subject to many evils: but yet no evil in their state was comparable to this. That none of all those they take to be their most familiars, dare once tell them truly any thing: A tyranes' state unfortunate. and that through their fault, he left Plato's company. Another time there cometh a pleasant fellow to him, and thinking to mock him fively, This agreeth with Aesop's words to Solon, who wished him omming to princes, to please them, or not to come near them. as he entered into his chamber, he shook his gown, as the manner is when they come to tyrants, to show that they have no weapons under their gowns. But Dionysius encountered him as pleasantly, saying to him: do that when thou goest hence, to see if thou hast stolen nothing. And again, Philip King of MACEDON, at his table one day descending into talk of songs, verse, and tragedies, which Dionysius his father had made, making as though he wondered at them, how possibly he could have leisure to do them: he answered him very trimly, and to good purpose. He did them even at such times (quoth he) as you and I, and all other great Lords whom they reckon happy, are disposed to be drunk, See Solon's life, and his answer to AEsop. & play the fools. Now for Plato, he never saw Dionysius at CORINTHE. But Diogenes Sinopian, the first time that ever he met with Dionysius, said unto him. O, how unworthy art thou of this state. Dionysius stayed suddenly, and replied: Truly I thank thee (Diogenes) that thou hast compassion of my misery. Diogenes saying to Dionysius the tyrane. Why said Diogenes again: Dost thou think I pity thee? Nay it spiteth me rather to see such a slave as thou (worthy to die in the wicked state of a tyrant like thy father) to live in such security, and idle life, as thou leadest amongst us. When I came to compare these words of Diogenes, with Philistus words the Historiographer, bewailing the hard fortune of the daughters of the LEPTINES, saying that they were brought from the top of all worldly felicity, honour, and goods, (whereof tyrannical state aboundeth) unto a base, private, and humble life: me thinks they are the proper lamentations of a woman, that sorroweth for the loss of her boxes of painting colours, or for her purple gowns, or for other such pretty fine trimmes of gold, as women use to wear. So, me thinks these things I have intermingled concerning Dionysius, are not impartinent to the description of our lives, neither are they troublesome not unprofitable to the hearers, whiles they have other hasty business to let or trouble them. But now if the tyrant Dionysius wretched state seem strange, Timoleon's prosperity. Timoleon's prosperity than was no less wonderful. For within fifty days after he had set foot in SICILY, he had the castle of SYRACUSE in his possession, and sent Dionysius as an exile to CORINTHE. This did set the CORINTHIANS in such a jollity, that they sent him a supply of two thousand footmen, and two hundred horsemen, which were appointed to land in ITALY, in the country of the THURIANS. And perceiving that they could not possibly go from thence into SICILY, because the CARTHAGINIANS kept the seas with a great navy of ships, and that thereby they were compelled to stay for better opportunity: in the mean time they bestowed their leisure in doing a notable good act. For the THURIANS, being in wars at that time with the brutians, they did put their city into their hands, which they kept very faithfully and friendly, as it had been their own native country. Icetes all this while did besiege the castle of SYRACUSE, preventing all he could possible, that there should come no corn by sea unto the CORINTHIANS that kept within the castle: and he had hired two strange soldiers, which he sent unto the city of ADRANUS, Icetes hiereth two soldiers to kill Timoleon at Adranus. to kill Timoleon by treason, who kept no guard about his person, and continued amongst the ADRANITANS, mistrusting nothing in the world, for the trust and confidence he had in the safeguard of the god of the ADRANITANS. These soldiers being sent to do this murder, were by chance informed that Timoleon should one day do sacrifice unto this god. So upon this, they came into the temple, having daggers under their gowns, & by little and little thrust in through the press, that they got at the length hard to the altar. But at the present time as one encouraged another to dispatch the matter, a third person they thought not of, gave one of the two a great cut in the head with his sword, that he fell to the ground. The man that had hurt him thus, fled strait upon it, with his sword drawn in his hand, and recovered the top of a high rock. The other soldier that came with him, and that was not hurt, got hold of a corner of the altar, and besought pardon of Timoleon, and told him he would discover the treason practised against him. The treason discovered to Timoleon by one of the soldiers. Timoleon thereupon pardoned him. Then he told him how his companion that was slain, and himself, were both hired, and sent to kill him. In the mean time, they brought him also that had taken the rock, who cried out aloud, he had done no more than he should do: for he had killed him that had slain his own father before, in the city of the LEONTINES. And to justify this to be true, certain that stood by did affirm, it was so in deed. Whereat they wondered greatly to consider the marvelous working of fortune, The wonderful work of fortune. how she doth bring one thing to pass by means of another, & gathereth all things together, how far a sunder soever they be, & linketh them together, though they seem to be clean contrary one to another, with no manner of likeness or conjunction between them, making the end of the one, to be the beginning of another. The CORINTHIANS examining this matter thoroughly, gave him that slew the soldier with his sword, a crown of the value of ten minas, because that by means of his just anger, he had done good service to the God that had preserved Timoleon. And furthermore, this good hap did not only serve the present turn, but was to good purpose ever after. For those that saw it, were put in better hope, and had thenceforth more care and regard unto Timoleon's person, because he was a holy man, one that loved the gods, and that was purposely sent to deliver SICILY from captivity. But Icetes having miss his first purpose, and seeing numbers daily drawn to Timoleon's devotion: he was mad with himself, that having so great an army of the CARTHAGINIANS at hand at his commandment, he took but a few of them to serve his turn, as if he had been ashamed of his fact, and had used their friendship by stealth. So he sent hereupon for Mago their general, with all his fleet, Mago at his request brought an huge army to see to, Icetes bringeth Mago a Carthaginian with a great army to Syracuse. of a hundred and fifty sail, which occupied and covered all the haven: and afterwards landed three score thousand men, whom he lodged every man within the city of SYRACUSE. Then every man imagined the time was now come, which old men had threatened SICILY with many years before, and that continually: that one day it should be conquered, and inhabited by the barbarous people. For in all the wars the CARTHAGINIANS ever had before in the country of SICILY, they could never come to take the city of SYRACUSE: and then through Icetes treason, who had received them, they were seen encamped there. On tother side, the CORINTHIANS that were within the castle, found themselves in great distress, because their victuals waxed scant, and the haven was so straightly kept. Moreover, they were driven to be armed continually to defend the walls, which the enemies battered, and assaulted in sundry places, with all kinds of engines of battery, and sundry sorts of devised instruments and inventions to take cities: by reason whereof, they were compelled also to divide themselves into many companies. Nevertheless, Timoleon without, gave them all the aid he could possible: sending them corn from CATANA, in little fisher boats and small crayers, which got into the castle many times, but specially in storm and fowl weather, passing by the galleys of the barbarous people, that lay scatteringly one from another, dispersed abroad by tempest, and great billows of the sea. But Mago and Icetes finding this, determined to go take the city of CATANA, from whence those of the castle of SYRACUSE were vittelled: and taking with them the best soldiers of all their army, they departed from SYRACUSE, and sailed towards CATANA. Now in the mean space, Leon captain of the Corinthians within the castle. Leon wan Acradina. Leon CORINTHIAN, captain of all those that were within the castle, perceiving the enemies within the city kept but slender ward: made a sudden salie out upon them, and taking them unwares, slew a great number at the first charge, and drove away the other. So by this occasion he wan a quarter of the city, which they call ACRADINA, and was the best part of the city, that had received lest hurt. For the city of SYRACUSE seemeth to be built of many towns joined together. So having found there great plenty of corn, gold, and silver, he would not forsake that quarter no more, nor return again into the castle: but fortifying with all diligence the compass and precinct of the same, and joining it unto the castle with certain fortifications he built up in haste, he determined to keep both the one and the other. Now were Mago and Icetes very near unto CATANA, when a post overtook them, purposely sent from SYRACUSE unto them: who brought them news, that the ACRADINA was taken. Whereat they both wondered, and returned back again with all speed possible (having failed of their purpose they pretended) to keep that they had yet left in their hands. Now for that matter, it is yet a question, whether we should impute it unto wisdom and valiancy, Contention of fortune and valiancy. or unto good fortune: but the thing I will tell you now, in my opinion, is altogether to be ascribed unto fortune. And this it is. The two thousand footmen and two hundred horsemen of the CORINTHIANS, that remained in the city of the THURIANS, partly for fear of the galleys of the CARTHAGINIANS that lay in wait for them as they should pass, Hanno being their admiral: and partly also for that the sea was very rough and high many days together, and was always in storm and tempest: in the end, they ventured to go through the country of the brutians. And partly with their good will (but rather by force) they got through, and recovered the city of RHEGIO, the sea being yet marvelous high and rough. Hanno the admiral of the CARTHAGINIANS, looking no more than for their passage, thought with himself that he had devised a marvelous fine policy, to deceive the enemies. Thereupon he willed all his men to put garlands of flowers of triumph upon their heads, The stratagem of Hanno the admiral of the Carthaginians. and therewithal also made them dress up, and set forth his galleys, with targets, corselets, and brigantines after the GRECIANS fashion. So in this bravery he returned back again, failing towards SYRACUSE, & came in with force of owers, rowing under the castles side of SYRACUSE, with great laughing, and clapping of hands: crying out aloud to them that were in the castle, that he had overthrown their aid which came from CORINTHE, as they thought to pass by the coast of ITALY into SICILY, flattering themselves, that this did much discourage those that were besieged. But whilst he sported thus with his fond devise, the two thousand CORINTHIANS being arrived through the country of the brutians in the city of RHEGIO, perceiving the coast clear, and that the passage by sea was not kept, & that the raging seas were by miracle (as it were) made of purpose calm for them: they took seas forthwith in such fisher boats & passengers as they found ready, in the which they went into SICILY, in such good safety, as they drew their horse (holding them by the reins) a longest their boars with them. When they were all passed over, Timoleon having received them, went immediately to take MESSINA, Timoleon marcheth to Syracuse. and marching thence in battle ray, took his way towards SYRACUSE, trusting better to his good fortune, then to his force he had: for his whole number in all, were not above four thousand fight men. Notwithstanding, Mago hearing of his coming, quaked for fear, & doubted the more upon this occasion. About SYRACUSE are certain marshes, that receive great quantity of sweet fresh water, aswell of fountains and springs, as also of little running brooks, lakes, & rivers, which run that ways towards the sea: and therefore there are great store of eels in that place, and the fishing is great there at all times, but specially for such as delight to take eels. Whereupon the GRECIANS that took pay on both sides, when they had leisure, and that all was quiet between them, they intended fishing. Now, they being all country men, and of one language, had no private quarrel one with an other: but when time was to fight, they did their duties, and in time of peace also frequented familiarly together, and one spoke with an other, and specially when they were busy fishing for eels: saying, that they marveled at the situation of the goodly places the reabouts, and that they stood so pleasantly and commodious upon the sea side. So one of the soldiers that served under the CORINTHIANS, chanced to say unto them Is it possible that you that be GRECIANS borne, and have so goodly a city of your own, & full of so many goodly commodities: that ye will give it up unto these barbarous people, the vile CARTHAGINIANS, and most cruel murderers of the world? where you should rather wish that there were many SICILY'S betwixt them and GREECE. Have ye so little consideration or judgement to think, that they have assembled an army out of all AFRIQUE, unto Hercules' pillars, and to the sea ATLANTIC, to come hither to fight to establish Icetes tyranny? who, if he had been a wise and skilful Captain, would not have cast out his ancestors & founders, to bring into his country the ancient enemies of the same: but might have received such honour and authority of the CORINTHIANS and Timoleon, as he could reasonably have desired, and that with all their favour and good wil The soldiers that heard this tale, reported it again in their camp: Insomuch they made Mago suspect there was treason in hand, and so sought some colour to be gone. But hereupon, notwithstanding that Icetes prayed him all he could to tarry, declaring unto him how much they were stronger than their enemies, and that Timoleon did rather prevail by his hardiness and good fortune, then exceed him in number of men: yet he hoist sail, Mago forsaketh Sicily upon suspect of treason. and returned with shame enough into AFRICA, letting slip the conquest of all SICILY out of his hands, without any sight of reason or cause at all. The next day after he was gone, Timoleon presented battle before the city, when the GRECIANS and he understood that the CARTHAGINIANS were fled, and that they saw the haven rid of all the ships: and then began to jest at Magoes' cowardliness, and in derision proclaimed in the city, that they would give him a good reward that could bring them news, whether the army of the CARTHAGINIANS were fled. But for all this, Icetes was bend to fight, & would not leave the spoil he had gotten, but defend the quarters of the city he had possessed, at the sword point, trusting to the strength and situation of the places, which were hardly to be approached. Timoleon perceiving that, divided his army, and he with one part thereof did set upon that side which was the hardest to approach, and did stand upon the river of ANAPUS: Anapus fl.. then he appointed an other part of his army to assault all at one time, the side of ACHADINA, whereof Isias CORINTHIAN had the leading. The third part of his army that came last from CORINTHE, which Dinarchus and Demaratus led: he appointed to assault the quarter called EPIPOLES. Thus, assault being given on all sides at one time, Icetes bands of men were broken, and ran their way. Now that the city was thus won by assault, and come so suddenly to the hands of Timoleon, Timoleon winneth the city of Syracuse. and the enemies being fled: it is good reason we ascribe it to the valiantness of the soldiers, and the captains great wisdom. But where there was not one CORINTHIAN slain, nor hurt in this assault: sure me thinks herein, it was only the work and deed of fortune, that did favour and protect Timoleon, to contend against his valiantness. To the end that those which should hereafter hear of his doings, should have more occasion to wonder at his good hap: then to praise and commend his valiantness. For the fame of this great exploit, did in few days not only run through all italy, but also through all GREECE. Insomuch as the CORINTHIANS, (who could scant believe their men were passed with safety into: SICILY) understood with all that they were safely arrived there, and had gotten the victory of their enemies: so prosperous was their journey, & fortune so speedily did favour his noble acts. Timoleon having now the castle of SYRACUSE in his hands, did not follow Dion. For he spared not the castle for the beauty and stately building thereof, but avoiding the suspicion that caused Dion first to be accused, and lastly to be slain: he caused it to be proclaimed by trumpet, that any SYRACUSAN whatsoever, should come with crows of iron, Timoleon overthroweth the castle of Syracuse. and mattocks, to help to dig down and overthrow the fort of the tyrants. There was not a man in all the city of SYRACUSE, but went thither strait, and thought that proclamation and day to be a most happy beginning, of the recovery of their liberty. So they did not only overthrow the castle, but the palace also, and the tombs: and generally all that served in any respect for the memory of any of the tyrants. And having cleared the place in few days; and made all plain: Timoleon at the suit of the Citizens, made counsel halls, and places of justice to be built there: and did by this means establish a free state and popular government, and did suppress all tyrannical power. Now, when he saw he had won a city that had no inhabitants, Timoleon made Syracuse a popular government. The miserable state of Sicily. which wars before had consumed, and fear of tyranny had emptied, so as grass grew so high and rank in the great market place of SYRACUSE, as they grazed their horses there, and the horse-keepers lay down by them on the grass as they fed: and that all the cities, a few excepted, were full of red dear and wild bores, so that men given to delight in hunting, having leisure, might find game many times within the suburbs and town ditches, hard by the walls: and that such as dwelled in castles and strong holds in the country, would not leave them, to come and devil in cities, by reason they were all grown to stout, and did so hate and detest assemblies of counsel, orations, and order of government, where so many tyrants had reigned. Timoleon thereupon seeing this desolation, and also so few SYRACUSANS borne that had escaped, thought good, and all his Captains, to writ to the CORINTHIANS, to sand people out of GREECE to inhabit the city of SYRACUSE again. For otherwise the country would grow barren and unprofitable, if the ground were not ploughed. Besides, that they looked also for great wars out of AFRICA: being advertised that the CARTHAGINIANS had hung up the body of Mago their general upon a cross (who had slain himself for that he could not answer the dishonour laid to his charge) and that they did levy another great mighty army, Mago slew himself, being called to answer his departure out of Sicily. to return again the next year following, to make wars in SICILY. These letters of Timoleon being brought unto CORINTHE, and the Ambassadors of SYRACUSE being arrived with them also, who besought the people to take care and protection over their poor city, and that they would once again be founders of the same: the CORINTHIANS did not greedily desire to be Lords of so goodly and great a city, but first proclaimed by the trumpet in all the assemblies, solemn feasts, and common plays of GREECE, that the CORINTHIANS having destroyed the tyranny that was in the city of SYRACUSE, and driven out the tyrants, did call the SYRACUSANS that were fugitives out of their country, home again, and all other SICILIANS that liked to come and devil there, to enjoy all freedom and liberty, with promise to make just and equal division of the lands among them, the one to have as much as the other. Moreover they sent out posts and messengers into ASIA, and into all the islands where they understood the banished SYRACUSANS remained: to persuade and entreat them to come to CORINTHE, and that the CORINTHIANS would give them ships, Captains, and means to conduct them safely unto SYRACUSE, at their own proper costs and charges. In recompense whereof, the city of CORINTHE received every man's most noble praise and blessing, as well for delivering SICILY in that sort from the bondage of tyrants: as also for keeping it out of the hands of the barbarous people, and restored the natural SYRACUSANS, and SICILIANS, to their home and country again. Nevertheless, such SICILIANS as repaired to CORINTHE upon this proclamation (them selves being but a small number to inhabit the country) besought the CORINTHIANS to join to them some other inhabitants, aswell of CORINTHE itself, as out of the rest of GREECE: the which was performed. For they gathered together about ten thousand persons, whom they shipped, and sent to SYRACUSE. Where there were already a great number of other comen unto Timoleon, The Corinthians replenished the city of Syracuse, with three score thousand inhabitants. aswell out of SICILY itself, as out of all italy beside: so that the whole number (as Ath●nis writeth) came to three score thousand persons. Among them he divided the whole country, and sold them houses of the city, unto the value of a thousand talents. And because he would leave the old STRACUSANS able to recover their own, and make the poor people by this means to have money in common, to defray the common charges of the city, as also their expenses in time of wars: the statues or images were sold, and the people by the most voices did condemn them. For they were solemnly indicted, accused & arraigned, as if they had been men alive to be condemned. And it is reported that the SYRACUSANS did reserve the statue of Gelon, an ancient tyrant of their city, honouring his memory, because of a great victory he had won of the CARTHAGINIANS, near the city of HIMERA: and condemned all the rest to be taken away out of every corner of the city, and to be sold. Thus began the city of SYRACUSE to replenish again, and by little and little to recover itself, many people coming thither from all parts to devil there. Thereupon Timoleon thought to set all other cities at liberty also, and utterly to root out all the tyrants of SICILY and to obtain his purpose, he went to make wars with them at their own doors. The first he went against, was Icetes: whom he compelled to forsake the league of the CARTHAGINIANS, and to promise' also that he would raze all the fortresses he kept, and to live like a private man within the city of the LEONTINES, Leptines in like manner, that was tyrant of the city of APOLLONIA, Leptines, tyrant of Apollonia yielded to Timoleon. and of many other little villages thereabouts: when he saw himself in danger to be taken by force, did yield himself. Whereupon Timoleon saved his life, and sent him unto CORINTHE: thinking it honourable for his country, that the other GRECIANS should see the tyrants of SICILY in their chief city of fame, living meanly and poorly like banished people. When he had brought this to pass, he returned forthwith to SYRACUSE about the establishment of the common weal, assisting Shafalus and Dionysius, two notable men sent from CORINTHE to reform the laws, and to help them to stablish the goodliest ordinances for their common weal. And now in the mean time, because the soldiers had a mind to get some thing of their enemies, and to avoydidlenes: he sent them out abroad to a country subject to the CARTHAGINIANS, under the charge of Dimarchus, and Demaratus. Where they made many little towns rebel against the barbarous people, and did not only live in all abundance of wealth, but they gathered money together also to maintain the wars. The CARTHAGINIANS on tother side, while they were busy about the matters, came down into LILYBEA, The army & ships of the Carthaginians, against Timoleon, Asdrubal & Amilcar being generals. with an army of three score and ten thousand men, two hundred galleys, and a thousand other ships and vessels that carried engines of battery, carts, victuals, munition, and other necessary provision for a camp, intending to make sporting wars no more, but at once to drive all the GRECIANS again quite out of SICILY. For in deed it was an able army to overcome all the SICILIANS, if they had been whole of themselves, and not divided. Now they being advertised that the SICILIANS had invaded their country, they went towards them in great fury, led by Asdrubal & Amilcar, generals of the army. This news was strait brought to SYRACUSE, and the inhabitants were so stricken with fear of the report of their army: that being a marvelous great number of them within the city, scant three thousand of them had the hearts to arm themselves, and to go to the field with Timoleon. Now the strangers that took pay, were not above four thousand in all: & of them, a thousand of their hearts failed, and left him in mid way, and returned home again. Saying, that Timoleon was out of his wits, and more rash than his years required, to undertake with five thousand footmen, & a thousand horse, to go against threescore and ten thousand men: and beside, to carry that small force he had to defend himself withal, eight great days journey from SYRACUSE. So, that if it chanced they were compelled to fly, they had no place whether they might retire themselves unto with safety, Timoleon went with 6000. man against the Carthaginians. nor man that would take care to buryt them, when they were slain. Nevertheless, Timoleon was glad he had that proof of them, before he came to battle. Moreover, having encouraged those that remained with him, he made them march with speed towards the river of CRIMESUS, Crimesus fl.. where he understood he should meet with the CARTHAGINIANS. So getting up upon a little hill, from whence he might see the camp of the enemies on the other side: by chance, certain moils fell upon his army, laden with smallage. Smallage an ill sign. The soldiers took a conceit at the first upon sight of it, and thought it was a token of ill luck because it is a manner we use, to hang garlands of this erbe, about the tombs of the dead. Hereof came the common proverb they use to speak, Proverb. when one lieth a passing in his bed: he lacketh but smallage. as much to say, he is but a dead man. But Timoleon to draw them from this foolish superstition, & discourage they took, stayed the army. And when he had used certain persuasions unto them, according to the time, his leisure, and occasion: he told them that the garland of itself came to offer them victory before hand. For, said he, the CORINTHIANS do crown them that win the ISTMIAN games (which are celebrated in their country) with garlands of smallage. Garlands of smallage. And at that time also even in the solemn ISTMIAN games, they used the garland of smallage for reward and token of victory: and at this present it is also used in the games of NEMEA. And it is but lately taken up, that they have used branches of pine apple trees in the ISTMIAN games. Now Timoleon had thus encouraged his men, as you have heard before: he first of all took of this smallage, and made himself a garland, & put it on his head. When they saw that, the Captains and all the soldiers also took of the same, and made themselves the like. The soothsayers in like manner at the very same time, perceived two eagles flying towards them: the one of them holding a snake in her talents, which she pierced through and through, and the other as she flew, gave a terrible cry. So they showed them both unto the soldiers, who did then all together with one voice call upon the gods for help. Now this fortuned about the beginning of the summer, and towards the later end of may, the sun drawing towards the solstice of the summer: when there rose a great mist out of the river, that covered all the fields over, so as they could not see the enemy's camp, but only heard a marvelous confused noise of men's voices, as it had come from a great army, and rising up to the top of the hill, they laid their targets down on the ground to take a little breath: and the sun having drawn and sucked up all the moist vapours of the mist unto the top of the hills, the air began to be so thick, that the tops of the mountains were all covered over with clouds, and contrarily, the valley underneath was all clear and sayer, that they might easily see the river of CRIMESUS, and the enemies also, how they passed it over in this sort. The order of the Carthaginians army. First, they had put their carts of war foremost, which were very hotly armed and well appointed. Next unto them there followed ten thousand footmen, armed with white targets upon their arms: whom they seeing a far of so well appointed, they conjectured by their stately march and good order, that they were the CARTHAGINIANS themselves. After them, divers other nations followed confusedly one with an other, and so they thronged over with great disorder. There Timoleon considering the river gave him opportunity to take them before they were half passed over, and to set upon what number he would: after he had showed his men with his finger, how the battle of their enemies was divided in two parts by means of the river, some of them being already passed over, & the other to pass: He commanded Demaratus with his horsemen, Timoleon giveth charge upon the Carthaginians as they came over the river of Crimesus. to give a charge on the vanguard, to keep them from putting themselves in order of battle. And himself coming down the hill also with all his footmen into the valley, he gave to the SICILIANS the two wings of his battle, mingling with them some strangers that served under him: and placed with himself in the midst, The SYRACUSANS, with all the choice & best liked strangers. So he tarried not long to join, when he saw the small good his horsemen did. For he perceived they could not come to give a lusty charge upon the battle of the CARTHAGINIANS, The service of the armed carts. because they were paled in with these armed carts, that ran here and there before them: whereupon they were compelled to wheel about continually, (unless they would have put themselves in danger to have been utterly overthrown) and in their returns to give venture of charge, by turns on their enemies. Wherefore Timoleon taking his target on his arm, cried out aloud to his footmen, to follow him courageously, Timoleon's marvelous bigg● voice. & to fear nothing. Those that heard his voice, thought it more than the voice of a man, whether the fury of his desire to fight did so strain it beyond ordinary course, or that some god (as many thought it then) did stretch his voice to cry out so loud & sensibly. His soldiers answered him again with the like voice: & prayed him to lead them without longer delay. Then he made his horsemen understand, that they should draw on the toneside from the carts, Timoleon's order and fight. and that they should charge the CARTHAGINIANS on the flanks: and after he did set the foremost rank of his battle, target to target against the enemies, commanding the trumpets withal to sound. Thus with great fury he went to give a charge upon them, who valiantly received the first charge, their bodies being armed with good 〈…〉 corselers, and their heads with fair murrions of copper, besides the great targetts they had also, which did easily re●eyue the force of their darts, and the thrust of the pike. But when they came to handle their sword, where agility was more requisite than force: a fearful tempest of thunder, A marvelous tempest of thunder, ligthning, rain, wind, and ●ayle, full in the Carthaginians faces as they fought. & flashing lightning withal, came from the mountains. After that came dark thick clouds also (gathered together from the top of the hills) and fell upon the valley, where the battle was fought, with a marvelous extreme shower of rain, fierce violent winds, and hail withal. All this tempest was upon the GRECIANS backs, and full before the barbarous people, beating on their faces, and did blindefold their eyes, and continually tormented them with the rain that came full upon them with the wind, & the lightnings so oft flashing amongst them, that one understood not another of them. Which did marvelously trouble them, and specially those that were but fresh water soldiers, by reason of the terrible thunder clapps, and the noise, the boisterous wind and hail made upon their harness: for that made them they could not hear the order of their Captains. Moreover, the d●●t did as much annoy the CARTHAGINIANS, because they were not nimble in their armour, but heavily armed as we have told you: and besides that also, when the playtes of their coa●s were through wet with water, they did load and hinder them so much the more, that they could not fight with any case. This stood the GRECIANS to great purpose, to throw them down the easier. Thus when they were tumbling in the dirt with their heavy armour, up they could rise no more. Furthermore, the river of CRIMESUS being risen high through the great rage of waters, and also for the multitude of people that passed over it, did overflow the valley all about: which being full of ditches, many caves, and hollow places, it was strait all drowned over, and filled with many running streams, that ran overthwart the field, without any certain channel. The CARTHAGINIANS being compassed all about with these waters, they could hardly get the way out of it. So as in the end they being overcome with the storm that still did beat upon them, and the GRECIANS having slain of their men at the first onset, to the number of four hundred of their choicest men, who made the first front of their battle: all the rest of their army turned their backs immediately, and fled for life. Insomuch, some of them being followed very near, were put to the sword in the midst of the valley: other, holding one another hard by the arms together, in the midst of the river as they passed over, were carried down the stream and drowned, with the swiftness and violence of the river. But the greatest number did think by footemanship to recover the hills thereabouts, who were overtaken by them that were light armed, and put to the sword every man. They say, that of ten thousand which were slain in this battle, three thousand of them were mere natural citizens of CARTHAGE, Timoleon's victory of the Carthaginians. which was a very sorrowful and grievous loss to the city. For they were of the noblest, the richest, the lustiest, & valiantest men of all CARTHAGE. For there is no chronicle that mentioneth any former wars at any time before, where there died so many of CARTHAGE at one field and battle, as were slain at that present time. For before that time, they did always entertain the FIBYANS, the SPANIARDS, and the NOMADS, in all their wars: so as when they lost any battle, the loss lighted not on them, but the strangers paid for it. The men of account also that were slain, were easily known by their spoils. For they that spoiled them, stood not trifling about getting of copper and iron together, because they found gold and silver enough. For the battle being won, the GRECIANS passed over the river, and took the camp of the barbarous people, with all their carriages and baggage. And as for ●the●risoners, the soldiers stole many of them away, and sent them going: but of them that came to short to make common division of the spoil among them, they were about five thousand men, and two hundred carts of war that were taken beside. O, it was a noble sight to be hold the tent of Timoleon their general, how they environed it all about with heaps of spoils of every sort: amongst which there were a thousand brave corselets guilt, and graven, with marvelous curious works, and brought thither with them also ten thousand targets. So the conquerors being but a small number, to take the spoil of a multitude that were slain they filled their purses even to the top. Yet were they three days about it, & in the end, the third day after the battle, they set up a mark or token of their victory. Then Timoleon sent unto CORINTH, with the news of this overthrow, the fairest armours that were gotten in the spoil: because he would make his country & native city spoken of & commended through the world, above all the other cities of GREECE. For that at CORINTH only, their chief temples were set forth & adorned, not with spoils of the grecians; nor offerings gotten by spilling the blood of their own nation & country: (which to say truly, are unpleasant memories) but with the spoils taken from the barbarous people their enemies, with inscriptions witnessing the valiancy & justice of those also, who by victory had obtained them. That is to wit, that the CORINTHIANS & their captain Timoleon, (having delivered the grecians dwelling in SICILY, from the bondage of the CARTHAGINIANS) had given those offerings unto the gods, to give thanks for their victory. That done, Timoleon leaving the strangers he had in pay, in the country subject to the CARTHAGINIANS, to spoil & destroy it: he returned with the rest of his army unto SYRACUSE. Timoleon banisheth the thousand treytorous soldiers out of Sicily. Where at his first coming home, he banished the thousand soldiers that had forsaken him in his journey, with express charge that they should depart the city before sun set. So these thousand cowardly and mutinous soldiers passed over into ITALY, where, under promise of the country, they were all unfortunately slain by the brutians: such was the justice of the gods to pay their just reward; of their treason. Afterwards, Mamercus the tyrant of CATANA, Icetes (whether it was for the envy they did bear to Timoleon's famous deeds, or for that they were afraid of him) perceiving tyrants could look for no peace at his hands: they made league with the CARTHAGINIANS, and wrote unto them that they should sand another army and captain suddenly, if they would not utterly be driven out of SICILY. Gisco soon from Carthage with 70. sail into Sicily. The CARTHAGINIANS sent Gisco thither with threesore & ten sail, who at his first coming took a certain number of GRAECIAN soldiers into pay, which were the first the CARTHAGINIANS ever retained in their service: for they never gave them pay until that present time, when they thought them to be men invincible, and the best soldiers of the world. Moreover, the inhabitants of the territory of MESSINA, Messina viseth against Timoleon. having made a secret conspiracy amongst themselves, did slay four hundred men that Timoleon had sent unto them: & in the territories subject unto the CARTHAGINIANS, near unto a place they call HIERES, there was another ambush laid for Euthimus LEUCADIAN, so as himself & all his soldiers were cutin pieces. Howbeit the loss of them made Timoleon's doings notwithstanding more fortunate: for they were even those that had forcibly entered the temple of Apollo in the city of DELPHES, with Philodemus PHOCIAN, & with Onomarchus, who were partakers of their sacrilege. Moreover, they were loose people & abjects, that were abhorred of every body, who vacabondlike wandered up & down the country of PELOPONNESUS, when Timoleon for lack of other was glad to take them up. And when they came into SICILY, they always overcame in all battles they fought, whilst they were in his company. But in the end, when the fury of wars was pacified, Timoleon sending them about some special service to the aid of some of his, they were cast away every man of them: and not all together, but at divers times. So as it seemed that God's justice, in favour of Timoleon, did separate them from the rest, when he was determined to plague them for their wicked deserts, fearing lest good men should suffer hurt by punishing of the evil. And so was the grace & goodwill of the gods wondered towards Timoleon, not only in matters against him, but in those things that prospered well with him. Notwithstanding, the common people of SYRACUSE took the i●asting words and writings of the tyrants against them, Mamercus verses, tyrant of Catena. in marvelous evil part. For Mamercus amongst other, thinking well of himself, because he could make verses & tragedies, having in certain battles gotten the better hand of the strangers, which the SYRACUSANS gave pay unto, he gloried very much. And when he offered up the targets he had gotten of them, in the temples of the gods: he set up also these cutting verses, in derision of them that were vanquished. With bucklers pot lid like, which of no value were, we have these goodly targets won, so vichly trimmed here, All got gorgeously with gold and e●e with ivory. with purple colours finely wrought and decked with Ebonye. Cal●●●, of Sicily. These things done, Timoleon led his army before the city of CALAURIA, & Icetes therewhile while entered the confines of the SYRACUSANS with a main army, & carried away a marvelous great spoil. And after he had done great hurt, & spoilt the country, he returned back again, & came by CALAURIA, to despite Timoleon, knowing well enough he had at that time but few men about him. Timoleon suffered him to pass by, but followed him afterwards with his horsemen & lightest armed footmen. Icetes understanding that, passed over the river called DAMIRIAS, Damirias. fl.. & so stayed on the other side as though he would fight, trusting to the swift ronning of the river, Strife among Timoleon's captains for passing over the river. and the height of the banks on either side of the same. Now the captains of Timoleon's bands fell out marvelously amongst themselves, striving for honour of this service, which was cause of delaying the battle. For none would willingly come behind, but every man desired to lead the vanguard, for honour to begin the charge: so as they could not agreed for their going over, one thrusting another to get before his companion. Wherefore Timoleon fell to drawing of lots, which of them should pass over first, Timoleon's devise to draw lots to pacify the strife. & took a ring of every one of them, and cast them all within the lap of his cloak: so rolling them together, by chance he plucked one at the first, whereon was graven the marks & tokens of a triumph. The young Captains seeing that, gave a shout of joy, & without tarrying drawing of other lots, they began every man to pass the river as quickly as they could, & to let upon the enemies as suddenly. But they being not able to abide their force, ran their ways, and were feign to cast their armour away to make more haste howbeit there were a thousand of them lay dead in the field. And within few days after, Timoleon leading his army to the city of the LEONTINES, took Icetes alive there, with his son Eupolemus, and the general of his horsemen, who were delivered into his hands by his own soldiers. So Icetes & his son were put to death, Timoleon taketh Icetes, & Eupolemus his son alive, and did put them to death. like the traitors & tyrants: and so was Euthydemus also, who though he was a valiant soldier, had no better mercy showed him, than the father & the son, because they did burden him with certain injurious words he spoke against the CORINTHIANS. For they say, that when the CORINTHIANS came first out of their country into SICILY to make wars against the tyrants: that he making an oration before the LEONTINES, said amongst other things: that they should not need to be afraid, if The women of Corinthe were come out of their country. Thus we see, that men do rather suffer hurt, than put up injurious words: & do pardon their enemies, though they revenge by deeds, because they can do no less. But as for injurious words, they seem to proceed of a deadly hate, & of a cankered malice. Furthermore, when Timoleon was returned again to SYRACUSE, the SYRACUSANS arraigned the wives of Icetes, and his son, and their daughters: who being arraigned, were also condemned to die by the judgement of the people. Of all the acts Timoleon did, this of all other (in my opinion) was the foulest deed: for if he had listed, he might have saved the poor women from death. Icetes wives and children put to death. But he passed not for them, & so left them to the wrath of the citizens, who would be revenged of them, for the injuries that were done to Dion, The cruelty of Icetes towards Dion and his. after he had driven out the tyrant Dionysius. For it was Icetes that caused Arete, the wife of Dion, to be cast into the sea, his sister Aristomache, and his son that was yet: sucking child, as we have written in another place in the life of Dion. That done, he went to CATANA against Mamercus, Mamercus overcome in battle. who tarried him by the river of ABOLUS, Abolus. fl.. where Mamercus was overthrown in battle, & above two thousand men slain, the greatest part whereof were the CARTHAGINIANS, whom Gisco had sent for his relief. Afterwards he granted peace to the CARTHAGINIANS, Timoleon maketh peace with the Carthaginians. Lycus fl. upon earnest suit made unto him, with condition, that they should keep on tother side of the river of LYCUS, & that it should be lawful for any of thinhabitantsinhabitants there that would, to come & dwell in the territory of the SYRACUSANS, & to bring away with them their goods, their wives & their children: and furthermore, that from thenceforth the CARTHAGINIANS should renounce all league, confederacy, & alliance with the tyrants. Whereupon Mamercus having no hope of good success in his doings, he would go into italy to stir up the Lucanians against Timoleon, and the SYRACUSANS. But they that were in his company, returned back again with their galleys in the mid way: Catana yielded up unto Timoleon. and when they were returned into SICILY, they delivered up the city of CATANA into the hands of Timoleon, so as Mamercus was constrained to save himself, and to fly unto MESSINA, to Hippon the tyrant thereof. But Timoleon followed him, and besieged the city both by sea and by land. Hippon the tyrant of Messina. Whereat Hippon quaked for fear, and thought to fly by taking ship, but he was taken starting. And the MESSENIANS having him in their hands, made all the children come from the school to the THEATER, to see one of the goodliest sights that they could devise: to wit, to see the tyrant punished, who was openly whipped, & afterwards put to death. Hippon put to death. Now for Mamercus, he did yield himself unto Timoleon, to be judged by the SYRACUSANS, so that Timoleon might not be his accuser. So he was brought unto SYRACUSE, where he attempted to make an oration to the people, which he had premeditated long before. But seeing that the people cried out, and made a great noise, because they would not hear him, and that there was no likelihood they would pardon him: he ran overthwart the THEATER, and knocked his head as hard as he could drive, upon one of the degrees whereon they sat there to see the sports, thinking to have dashed out his brains, & have rid himself suddenly out of his pain. But he was not happy to die so, for he was taken strait being yet alive, & put to death as thieves & murderers are. Mamercus the tyrant put to death. Thus did Timoleon root all tyrants out of SICILY, & make an end of all wars there. And whereas he found the whole isle, wild, savage, & hated of the natural country men & inhabitants of the same, for the extreme calamities & miseries they suffered: he brought it to be so civil, Timoleon quieteth all Sicily. and so much desired of strangers, that they came far & near to devil there, where the natural inhabitants of the country self before, were glad to fly and forsake it. For AGRIGENTUM, and GELA, two great cities, did witness this, which after the wars of the ATHENIANS, had been utterly forsaken and destroyed by the CARTHAGINIANS, and were then inhabited again. The one, by Megellus and Pheristus, two Captains that came from ELEA: and the other by Gorgos, who came from the isle of CEO. And as near as they could, they gathered again together the first ancient Citizens and inhabitants of the same: whom Timoleon did not only assure of peace and safety to live there, to settle them quietly together: but willingly did help them beside, with all other things necessary, to his uttermost mean and ability, for which they loved and honoured him as their father and founder. And this his good love & favour, was common also to all other people of SICILY whatsoever. So that in all SICILY there was no truce taken in wars, nor laws established, nor lands divided, nor institution of any policy or government thought good or available, if Timoleon's devise had not been in it, as chief director of such matters: which gave him a singular grace to be acceptable to the gods, and generally to be beloved of all men. For in those days, there were other famous men in GREECE, Timoleon compared with the famousest men of Greece. that did marvelous great things: amongst whom were these, Timotheus, Agesilaus, Pelopidas, and Epaminondas, which Epaminondas Timoleon sought to follow in all things, as near as he could, above any of them all. But in all the actions of these other great Captains, their glory was always mingled with violence, pain, & labour: so as some of them have been touched with reproach, and other with repentance. Whereas contrariwise, in all Timoleon's doings (that only excepted, which he was forced to do to his brother) there was nothing but they might with troth (as Timaeus said) proclaim the saying of Sophocles: O mighty gods of heaven, what Venus stately dame, or Cupid, (god) have thus yput, their hands unto this same? And like as Antimachus verses, and Dionysius painting, both COLOPHONIANS, are full of sinews & strength, & yet at this present we see they are things greatly laboured, & traveled with much pain: & that contrariwise in Nicomachus tables, and Homer's verses, besides the passing workmanship & singular grace in them, a man findeth at the first sight, that they were easily made, & without great pain. Even so in like manner, whosoever will compare the painful bloody wars & battles of Epaminondas, & Agesilaus, with the wars of Timoleon, in the which, besides equity & justice, there is also great ease & quietness: he shall find, weighing things indifferently, that they have not been fortunes doings simply, Timoleon attributeth his good success unto fortune. but that they came of a most noble & fortunate courage. Yet he himself doth wisely impute it unto his good hap, & favourable fortune. For in his letters he wrote unto his familiar friends at CORINTHE, & in some other orations he made to the people of SYRACUSE: he spoke it many times, that he thanked the almighty gods, that it had pleased them to save & deliver SICILY from bondage, by his means & service, & to give him the honour & dignity of the name. And having builded a temple in his house, Timoleon dwelleth still with the Syracusans. he did dedicated it unto fortune, & furthermore did consecrated his whole house unto her. For he dwelled in a house the SYRACUSANS kept for him & gave him in recompense of the good service he had done them in the wars, with a marvelous fair pleasant house in the country also, where he kept most when he was at leisur. For he never after returned unto CORINTHE again, but sent for his wife and children to come thither, and never dealt afterwards with those troubles that fell out amongst the grecians, neither did make himself to be envied of the citizens (a mischief that most governors and captains do fall into, through their unsatiable desire of honour & authority) but lived all the rest of his life after in SICILY, rejoicing for the great good he had done, and specially to see so many cities and thousands of people happy by his means. But because it is an ordinary matter, and of necessity, Simonides saying. (as Simonides saith) that not only all larks have a tuft upon their heads, but also that in all cities there be accusers, where the people rule: there were two of those at SYRACUSE, that continually made orations to the people, who did accuse Timoleon, Timoleon's accusers. the one called Laphystius, and the other Demaenetus. So this Laphystius appointing Timoleon a certain day to come & answer to his accusation before the people, thinking to convince him: the citizens began to mutiny, & would not in any case suffer the day of adiornement to take place. But Timoleon did pacify them, declaring unto them, that he had taken all the extreme pains & labour he had done, and had passed so many dangers, because every citizen & inhabitant of SYRACUSE, might frankly use the liberty of their laws. And another time Demaenetus, in open assembly of the people, reproving many things Timoleon did when he was general: Timoleon answered never a word, but only said unto the people, that he thanked the gods they had granted him the thing he had so often requested of them in his prayers, which was, that he might once see the SYRACUSANS have full power and liberty to say what they would. Now Timoleon in all men's opinion, had done the noblest acts that ever GRECIAN captain did in his time, Timoleon's great praise. and had above deserved the fame and glory of all the noble exploits, which the rethoricians with all their eloquent orations persuaded the grecians unto, in the open assemblies, and common feasts and plays of GREECE, out of the which fortune delivered him safe and sound before the trouble of the civil wars that followed soon after: and moreover he made a great proof of his valiancy and knowledge in wars, against the barbarous people and tyrants, and had showed himself also a just and merciful man unto all his friends, and generally to all the grecians. And furthermore, seeing he won the most part of all his victories & triumphs, with out the shedding of any one tear of his men, or that any of them mourned by his means, and also rid all SICILY of all the miseries and calamities reigning at that time, in less than eight years space: he being now grown old, Timoleon in his age lost his sight. his sight first beginning a little to fail him, shortly after he lost it altogether. This happened, not through any cause or occasion of sickness that came unto him, nor that fortune had casually done him that injury: but it was in my opinion, a disease inheritable to him by his parents, which by time came to lay hold on him also. For the voice went, that many of his skin in like case had also lost their sight, which by little & little with age, was clean taken from them. Howbeit Athanis the Historiographer writeth, that during the wars he had against Mamercus & Hippon, as he was in his camp at MYLLES, there came a white spot in his eyes, that dimmed his sight somewhat: so that every man perceived that he should loose his sight altogether. Notwithstanding that, he did not raise his siege, but continued his enterprise, until he took both the tyrants at last: & so soon as he returned to SYRACUSE again, he did put him self out of his office of general, praying the citizens to accept that he had already done, the rather because things were brought to so good pass, as they themselves could desire. Now, that he patiently took this misfortune to be blind altogether, peradventure men may somewhat marvel at it: but this much more is to be wondered at, The great honour the Syracusans did Timoleon being blind. that the SYRACUSANS after he was blind, did so much honour him, & acknowledge the good he had done them, that they went themselves to visit him often, and brought strangers (that were travelers) to his house in the city, & also in the country, to make them see their benefactor, rejoicing and thinking themselves happy, that he had choose to end his life with them, & that for this cause he had despised the glorious return that was prepared for him in GREECE, for the great & happy victories he had won in SICILY. But amongst many other things the SYRACUSANS did, & ordained to honour him with, A lae●●e made to honour Timoleon. this of all other me thinketh was the chiefest that they made a perpetual law, so often as they should have wars against foreign people, & not against their own country men, that they should ever choose a CORINTHIAN for their general. It was a goodly thing also to see how they did honour him in the assemblies of their council. For if any trifling matter fell in question among them, they dispatched it of themselves: but if it were a thing that required great counsel and advise, they caused Timoleon to be sent for. So he was brought through the market place in his litter, into the Theatre, where all the assembly of the people was, and carried in even so in his litter as he sat: and then the people did all salute him with one voice, and he them in like case. And after he had paused a while to hear the praises and blessings the whole assembly gave him, they did propound the matter doubtful to him, and he delivered his opinion upon the same: which being passed by the voices of the people, his servants carried him back again in his litter through the Theatre, and the citizens did wait on him a little way with cries of joy, and clapping of hands, and that done, they did repair to dispatch common causes by themselves, as they did before. So his old age being thus entertained with such honour, The death of Timoleon. and with the love and good will of every man, as of a common father to them all: in the end a sickness took him by the back, whereof he died. Timoleon's funerals. So the SYRACUSANS had a certain time appointed them to prepare for his funerals, & their neighbours also thereabouts to come unto it. By reason whereof his funeral was so much more honourably performed in all things, & specially for that the people appointed the noblest young gentlemen of the city to carry his coffin upon their shoulders, richly furnished and set forth, whereon his body lay, and so did convey him through the place, where the Palyce and castle of the tyrant Dionysius had been, which then was razed to the ground. There accompanied his body also, many thousands of people, all crowned with garlands of flowers, and appareled in their best apparel: so as it seemed it had been the procession of some solemn feast, and all their words were praisinges and blessings of the dead, with tears ronning down their cheeks. which was a good testimony they did not this as men that were glad to be discharged of the honour they did him, neither for that it was so ordained: but for the just sorrow and grief they took for his death, and for very hearty good love they did bear him. And lastly, the coffin being put upon the stack of wood where it should be burnt, An honourable decree of the Syracusans for the memory of Timoleon. Demetrius one of the heralds that had the loudest voice, proclaimed the decree that was ordained by the people, the effect whereof was this. The people of SYRACUSE hath ordained, that this present body of Timoleon CORINTHIAN, the son of Timodemus, should be buried at the charges of the common weal, unto the sum of two hundred MINAS, & hath honoured his memory with plays and games of music, with ronning of horses, and with other exercises of the body, which shallbe celebrated yearly on the day of his death for evermore: and this, because he did drive the tyrants out of SICILY, for that he overcame the barbarous people, and because he replenished many great cities with inhabitants again, which the wars had left desolate and unhabited: & lastly, for that he had restored the SICILIANS again to their liberty, Timoleon's tomb built in the market place. & to live after their own laws. And afterwards, his tomb was built in the market place, about the which a certain time after, they builded certain cloisters and galleries to exercise the youth in, with exercise of their bodies, and the places so walled in, was called Timoleontium: and so long as they did observe the laws, and civil policy he established amongst them, they lived long time in great continual prosperity. THE COMPARISON OF Paulus AEmylius with Timoleon. The comparison of Timoleon and Paulus AEmylius for the wars. Sith these two men were such as the Historiographers have described them to be: it is certain, that comparing the one with the other, we shall find no great odds nor difference between them. For first of all, the wars they made, have been against great and famous enemies: the one against the MACEDONIANS, and the other against the CARTHAGINIANS, and both their victories very notable. For the one of them conquered the realm of MACEDON, which he took from the seventh king that reigned by succession from the father to the son, since the time of the great Antigonus: and the other drove all the tyrants out of SICILY, and restored the whole Isle & Cities therein, unto their former liberty. Unless some will allege perhaps that there was this difference between them, that AEmylius fought against king Perseus, when he had all his power whole and entire, and had fought with the ROMANS many times before, and had the better of them in all conflicts: where Timoleon set upon Dionysius, when he was in greatest despair, and in manner utterly cast away. On the contrary side, it may be objected for Timoleon, that he overcame many tyrants, and a mighty great army of the CARTHAGINIANS, with a very small number of men, and yet men of all sorts: not as AEmylius with a great army of well trained and expert soldiers in wars, but with men gathered together at adventure of all sorts, being mercenary hirelings, and fight men for pay, loose people, and men unruly in wars, that would do but what they listed. For where the goodly deeds are like, and the means unequal: there we must confess that the praise is due unto the general. Both the one and the other kept their hands clean from corruption, in the charge which they took upon them. But it seemeth that AEmylius came so fashioned and prepared, by the good civil law, and moral discipline of his country: and that Timoleon came rawly thither, and afterwards fashioned himself to be that he was. And this is to be proved: for that all the ROMANS in that time were so civilly brought up, and exceeded all other in strait keeping the laws of their country. Where to the contrary, there was not one of the captains of the grecians that came then, or were sent into SICILY, but fell strait to corruption, when he had put his foot in SICILY, Dion only excepted: and yet they had a certain suspicion of him, that he aspired to the kingdom, and imagined in his head to stablish a certain Empire at SIRACUSA, like unto that of LACEDAEMON. TIMAEUS the Historiographer writeth, that the SIRACUSANS sent Gilippus with shame back again into his country, for his unsatiable greedy covetousness, and for his great thefts, and bribes taken in his charge. divers other have also written the great treasons & falsehoddes Pharax SPARTAN, & Calippus ATHENIAN did commit, both of them seeking to make themselves lords of SIRACUSA: and yet what men were they, and what means had they to have such a foolish vain hope & fancy in their heads? Considering that the one did follow and serve Dionysius, after that he was driven out of SIRACUSA: and the other also was but a private captain of a band of footmen, of those that came in with Dion. Timoleon in contrary manner was sent, to be general of the SIRACUSANS, upon their great instance and suit. And he having no need to seek or hunt after it, but only to keep the power and authority they did willingly put into his hands: so soon as he had destroyed and overthrown all such as would unjustly usurp the government, he did immediately of his own good will, frankly resign up his office and charge. And sure, so is this a notable thing to be commended, and esteemed in Paulus AEmylius: who having conquered so great and rich a realm, he never increased his goods the value of one farthing, neither did see nor handle any money at all, although he was very liberal, and gave largely unto others. The wonderful continency of AEmylius from bribes. I mean not in speaking this to upbraid or detect Timoleon, for that he accepted a fair house the SIRACUSANS gave him in the city, and a goodly manor also in the country: for in such cases there is no dishonesty in receiving, but so is it greater honesty to refuse, then to take. But that virtue is most rare and singular, Not to take gifts, commended for a singular virtue. where we see they will receive nor take nothing, though they have justly deserved it. And if it be so, that the body is stronger & better compounded, which best abideth change of parching heat, and nipping cold: and that the mind is much more stronger and stable, that swelleth not up with pride of prosperity, nor drowpeth for sorrow in adversity. Then it appeareth, that AEmylius virtue was so much more perfect, in that he showed himself of no less grave and constant a mind, AEmylius Constancy for exceeded Timoleon's. in the patience he endured for his loss and sorrow happened unto him: (losing at one time in manner, both his children) than he had done before, in all his triumph and greatest felicity. Where Timoleon to the contrary, having done a worthy act against his brother, could with no reason suppress the grief and sorrow he felt: but overcome with bitter grief and repentance, continued the space of twenty years together, and never durst once only show his face again in the market place, nor deal any more in matters of the common weal. Truly, for a man to beware to do evil, and to shun from evil, it is a very good and comely thing: so also to be sorry, and a feared of every reproach, and ill opinion of the world, it showeth a simpleness of nature, and a good and well disposed mind, but no manly courage. The end of Timoleon's life. THE LIFE OF Pelopidas. To be so bold & venturous is not good. CAto the elder, answered certain on a time, that marvelously commended a bold, a venturous, and desperate man for the wars: that there was great odds, to esteem manhodde so much, and life so little. And surely it was wisely spoken of him. The report goeth, that king Antigonus gave pay to a soldier among other, that was very hardy and venturous, but he had a noughty sickly body. The king asked him one day, what he ailed to be so pale, and evil cullered? The soldier told him, he had a secret disease upon him, that he might not tell him with reverence. The king hearing him say so, commanded his Physicians and Surgeons to look to him, and if he were curable, that they should heal him with all possible speed: and so they did. After the soldier had his health again, he would venture no more so desperately in the wars, as he did before. Insomuch, king Antigonus self perceiving his slackness, and drawing back, rebuked him, and said unto him: The answer of a souldier● to king Antigonus. that he wondered to see so great a change and alteration in him. The soldier never shrinking at the matter, told him the troth plainly. Yourself, and it please your majesty, is cause of my cowardliness now, by healing my disease, that made my life loathsome to me. Much like were a SIBARITANS words, touching the life and manner of the LACEDÆMONIANS, That it was no marvel they had such a desire to die in the wars, divers opinions of life & death. seeing they did it to rid themselves of their troubles, and most miserable and strait life. But we must not wonder though the SYBARITANS, being womanish men, and altogether given to pleasure, did so think: that those men hated their lives, who feared not death, for the desire they had to do good, and goodwill they had to do their duty. Which was contrary in the LACEDÆMONIANS. For they were of opinion, that to live and die willingly, was a virtue: as these funeral verses do witness. The dead which here do rest, did not in life esteem, that life or death were (of themselves) or good or bad to dame. But even as life did end, or death was brought to pass, so life or death, was good or bad, this their opinion was. And in deed to fly death, is no shame, so it proceed not of a cowardly heart: neither to desire death is commendable, if it be with contempt and hate of life. This is the reason why Homer saith, the valiantest men are ever best armed, when they come to battle. The law makers among the grecians, why the grecians do punish him that casteth away his target. do ever punish him that casts away his target, but never him that casteth away his sword or lawnce. For every man must first think to defend himself, before he seek to hurt his enemy, and specially such as have the whole state of a realm in their hands, and be generals of the field. For if the comparison be true, that Iphicrates the ATHENIAN captain made, that in an army of men, the light horsemen resemble the hands, the men of arms the feet, the battle of footmen the stomach & breast, Iphicrates comparison of an army of men. the captain, the head of a man's body: it seemeth then, that the venturous captain putting himself in danger with out cause, is not only careless of his own life, but also of all theirs whose lives depend upon his safety. As contrarily, he being careful of his own person, cannot but be careful of his soldiers that serve under him. Therefore Callicratidas a LACEDAEMONIAN captain, and a worthy man otherwise, did unwisely answer a soothsayer that bade him take heed to himself: for the signs and tokens of the sacrifices did threaten his death. Sparta, said he, standeth not upon one man alone. It is true, that to fight by sea or by land man for man, Callicratidas was but one man of himself: A lieutenant of an army must be careful to save himself. but as captain or lieutenant general, he had the whole power and force of the army in his person. For he was not a man alone, when so many men's lives were lost with his. Now old Antigonus was of a contrary mind. For he being ready to give battle by sea, about the isle of ANDRO's, made a better answer to one that said unto him: his enemies had more ships than himself. For how many ships dost thou reckon then myself, said he? Therein he did wisely to make great account of the worthiness of a general, specially when it is joined with hardiness, and experience. For the chiefest point of service, is to save him, that saveth all other. For when Chares on a time showed the ATHENIANS openly, the sundry wounds and cuts he had received upon his body, & his target also thrust through with many piks: Timotheus strait said unto him, Timotheus saying. Chares, I am not of thy mind. For when I did besiege the city of SAMOS, I was ashamed to see a dart thrown from the walls, light hard by me, for that I showed myself a rash young man, and more venturous than become a general of so great an army. For when it standeth much upon the whole army, and that it is necessary the general thereof do put himself in danger: then he should put himself forward, and occupy both hands and body without respect, not regarding their words that say, a good wise captain should die for age, or at the lest old. But where there is small honour to be won by very good success, and contrariwise much loss and destruction by great misfortune: no man of wisdom or judgement would wish a general, to fight as a private soldier, to hazard the loss of a general. I thought good therefore to make this preface before the lives of Pelopidas, and of Marcellus, both which were worthy men, and died otherwise then they should. Pelopidas & Marcellus lost both their lives, by to much venturing. For they both were valiant soldiers in the field, and did both of them honour their country with famous victories, and specially against great and dreadful enemies. For the one was the first (as they say) that overthrew Hannibal, who was never overcome by any before. And the other also overcame the LACEDÆMONIANS in battle, that ruled all GREECE at that time both by sea and by land. Yet they both carelessly lost their lives, by venturing to boldly: when their country stood in greatest need of such men and captains, as they were. This is the cause, why we following the resemblance that was between them, have compared their lives together. Pelopidas stock & liberality. Pelopidas, the son of Hippoclus, came of one of the noblest houses of the city of THEBES, as Epaminondas did. He being brought up in great wealth, his father left him heir of all his lands and goods, being but a young man. So he strait showed himself willing to do good with his money, to those that needed help, and were worthy to let the world see, that his money was not his master. Aristotle's saying of rich men. For as Aristotle saith, of these rich men, the most part of them do not use their goods, for extreme covetousness: other again do abuse them, as being given to overmuch pleasures. So rich men become slaves all their life time, some to pleasure, other to profit. Now, all Pelopidas other friends would be beholding to him, and take very thanckfully his courtesy and liberality towards them. But Epaminondas could never be brought to any thing at his hands. Howbeit Pelopidas self followed Epaminondas manner: for he took a pride and pleasure to go simply apparelled, to far meanly, to labour willingly, and to make wars openly as he did. He was even such another, as Euripides the Poet described Capaneus to be: when he said of him: He rich and wealthy was, yet was he there withal, no wight that purchased worldly hate, nor insolent at all. For he would have been ashamed, that the poorest man of the city of THEBES, should have worn meaner apparel upon his back, than himself. As for Epaminondas, his poverty was not dainty to him, because his parents were ever poor: and yet for all that he passed it over more easily, by study of Philosophy, which he gave himself unto, and for that from his youth he liked to lead a spare life without excess. Where Pelopidas matched in a noble house, and married highly, and had two children by his wife: nevertheless he had no mind to keep or increase his goods the more for that, but gave himself altogether to serve the common weal as long as he lived. By reason whereof his wealth decayed, and his best friends grew angry with him, telling him how he did not well to make no more reckoning of a thing that was so necessary, as to have goods. Pelopidas saying for the necessity of money. And he answered them: In deed they are necessary, I do confess it, but yet for such a one, as this poor, lame, and blind man that standeth by. They both were a like borne to all virtue, saving that Pelopidas took most pleasure in exercise of his body and strength, and Epaminondas in the exercise of his wit and learning. So as the pastime each of them took when they were at leisure, was, that the one delighted to wrestle, and to hunt, and liked any kind of exercise of his body: and the other to hear, to study, and always to learn some thing of Philosophy. But among all the excellent gifts and good parts in either of them, and that most wan them honour and estimation in the world, they were only commended, and singularly noted of wise men, for the perfect love and friendship that was ever inviolably kept between them, The perfect friendship betwixt Pelopidas & Epaminondas. until their deaths: having been joined together in so many battles, wars, charges of armies, and otherwise in matters of state and government. For if a man will consider, and look into the doings of Aristides, Themistocles, and Cimon, of Pericles, Nicias, and Alcibiades, how full of dissensions, envies, & suspicions they were one against another in governing the common weal: and again will consider the love, honour, and kindness, that continued always betwixt Pelopidas and Epaminondas: no doubt they will say these two are more worthy to be called brethren in war, (as they say) and companions in government, than any of them we have named before, whose care and study was always rather to overcome one another, then to overcome their enemies, and the only cause thereof was their virtue. For their acts showed they did not seek glory, nor riches for themselves (the covetousness whereof doth always breed quarrels and envy) but both of them from the beginning fell one in love with an other, The true cause of friendship. with a great kindness and estimation of themselves, to see their country flourish, and grow to great honour through their service, and in their time: and so they reckoned all the good exploits both of the one and the other, that tended to that end, as their own. The most part of writers think, this great and earnest love th'one did bear to an other, did grow first between them, in a journey they made togeathet unto MANTINIA, to aid the LACEDÆMONIANS, that were at that time confederates of the THEBANS. For they being both set in battle ray, one hard by another among the footmen, against the Arcadians that stood before them: it fortuned that the point of the battle of the LACEDÆMONIANS in the which they were, gave back, and many of them ran away. But they determining to die rather than to fly, stood close together, and fought with the enemies that came upon them: until such time as Pelopidas being hurt in seven places before, fell down at the last upon a heap of dead bodies, aswell of their own soldiers, as of their enemies, even one upon an other. Then Epaminondas thinking he had been slain, stepped notwithstanding before him to defend his body & armour, & he alone fought against many, being willing to die, rather than to forsake Pelopidas lying amongst the dead bodies: until himself being thrust into the breast with a pike, and sore cut on his arm with a sword, was even ready to give over, when Agesipolis (king of the LACEDÆMONIANS, Agesipolis king of the Lacedæmonians. ) came with the other point of the battle in happy hour, who saved both their lives past all hope. Now after this battle, the LACEDÆMONIANS both in words and deeds did courteously entreat the THEBANS, as their friends, and confederates. Notwithstanding, in troth they began to fear the power and great courage of that city, and specially the faction and associates Ismenias & Androclidas had set up, where of Pelopidas also was a companion: because they thought it was popular, and inclined much to desire liberty. Whereupon Archias, Leontidas, and Philip, all three great wealthy men of the city of THEBES, and misliking to be equal with other citizens: did persuade Phabidas, a captain of the LACEDÆMONIANS, that going and coming through the country of BOEOTIA with an army, he would one day assay to take the castle of THEBES called CADMEA, Cadmea, the castle of Thebes, taken by Phebidas captain of the Lacedæmonians Ismenias death. and driving those out of the city that would resist him, he would put the government of the state into the hands of a few of the noblest persons, who would beaten the devotion of the LACEDÆMONIANS, & obey them in all things. Phabidas brought it to pass, and did work his feat before the THEBANS mistrusted any thing, upon a holy day called THESMOPHORIA. After he had won the castle, he apprehended Ismenias, and sent him to LACEDAEMON, where shortly after they put him to death. Pelopidas, Pherenicus, and Androclidas, with many other, saved themselves by flying, and were banished THEBES by sound of Trumpet. Epaminondas tarried still in THEBES, and no man tutched him, for they made small account of him, because he was altogether given to his book: and though his goodwill had served him to have done some feat, Pelopidas, Pherenicus and Androclidas, banished from Thebes. his poverty made him unable to do any thing. The LACEDÆMONIANS understanding of the taking of the castle, did strait put Phabidas out of his charge, and set a fine of a hundred thousand DRACHMAS upon his head: but yet they kept still the castle of CADMEA in their hands with a great garrison. All the other cities and people of GREECE did wonder much at it, that they should allow the fact, and punish notwithstanding the doer. So the THEBANS having lost their ancient liberty, and being made subject by both these, Archias, and Leontidas, so as all hope was taken from them ever to wind out of this tyranny, or at any time to overthrow it, seeing it was maintained and defended by the LACEDÆMONIANS, and that they could not possibly take from them all the signiory and dominion they had throughout GREECE, aswell by sea as by land: Leontidas and his followers notwithstanding, Archias and Leontidas, governors of Thebes, under the Lacedæmonians. when they understood that they who were banished from THEBES, were very well received & entertained of the people at ATHENS, and much made of also of the nobility, they sought secretly by treason to have them killed. To do this feat, they sent certain men unknown unto ATHENS, who by treason slew Androclidas, howbeit they miss the killing of the other. Furthermore, the LACEDÆMONIANS wrote to the ATHENIANS, Androclidas slain. that they should not receive such as were banished from THEBES, nor that they should favour them, but drive them out of their city, as those which by their allies were justly proclaimed common enemies. The ATHENIANS notwithstanding, being men always civilly given, and inclined in nature to humanity, as being borne and bred up withal, and very desirous besides to requited the THEBANS courtesy, who had been the chiefest means and doers in restoring again the popular state and government at ATHENS: The thankfulness of the Athenians unto the Thebans. they would by no means offer the THEBANS any such injury, seeing they had established a law and decree, that if any ATHENIAN passing to and fro through the country of BOEOTIA, did bear armour against the thirty tyrants, that were governors and oppressors of the liberty of ATHENS, there should no BOEOTIAN seem to see, or know any thing thereof. In the mean time Pelopidas, Pelopidas counsel for the liberty of the Thebans. though he were of the younger sort, did procure still every one that was banished, to seek the liberty of his country, and openly made an oration to them all, declaring, that it were not only a cowardly part, but also a wicked offence to the gods, if they would suffer their country to remain so in continual bondage, & strangers to inhabit it with a garrison, to make them subject to the yoke: and they in the mean time to be contented to save themselves, to live delicately and idly at ATHENS, to study to do what shall please the ATHENIANS to command them, & to be afraid of the orators, & those which through eloquence can persuade the common people to do what they lust. Therefore he persuaded them that they should hazard all, being a matter of so great weight, and take example of Thrasybulus noble courage and hardiness: who departing from THEBES, did drive out the tyrants that did oppress ATHENS: and even so, we departing from ATHENS, should seek to deliver Thebes also from bondage. When he had by these persuasions drawn them to his opinion, they secretly sent unto their friends that remained still in THEBES, to let them understand their mind and determination: who all liked very well of their purpose. insomuch, CHARON that was the chiefest man among them, promised to lend them his house to assemble in. Philidas also found means to be secretary to Philip and Archias, who were governors & captains of the city at that time for the LACEDÆMONIANS. Epaminondas on tother side making no show of any thing, had of long time practised to stir up the courage of the young men of THEBES. For when they were at any games or exercises of body, he would ever procure them to wrestle with the LACEDÆMONIANS. And after he saw them rejoice when they had cast them, and that they were the stronger: he would chide them, & tell them they might be ashamed, for lack of courage, to suffer the LACEDÆMONIANS to hold their noses to the gryndstone, that were nothing like to them in strength. Now, the confederates appointed a day certain, Conspiracy against the Lacedæmonians, for the liberty of Thebes. to break the ise of their pretended enterprise, & agreed that Pherenicus, with other that were banished, should tarry at the village of THRIASIUM, and that they should send the valliauntest and lustest young men before, to give the venture to enter the city: adding this therewithal, that if the enemies fortuned to surprise them, all the other of the conspiracy jointly together, should be ready to give order, that their fathers, mothers, and children, should lack nothing necessary for them. Pelopidas was the first man offered himself to undertake the enterprise: & after him Melon, Damoclidas, & Theopompas, all three, men of the greatest houses of THEBES, who loved marvelously together, and for no respect would ever offend one another, although from the beginning there was ever emulation among them for honour & glory, by striving who should exceed other in virtue & valiantness. Now they were twelve of them, who taking leave of the rest, sent a foot post before to Charon, to advertise him of their coming: and they themselves went on their journey casting little short cloaks upon them, and taking hounds with them, and hunters staves in their hands, because their enterprise should not be mistrusted by those that met them on the way, and that they should think them hunters up and down the fields for their pleasure. So, when their messenger they sent came to the city, and had told Charon that they were coming he never shrunk from his word, though the danger toward was great, Charon kept promise', with danger of life. but like a stout and honest man did abide by his promise he made, and told him they should be most heartily welcome to his house. But another man called Hipposthenidas, very honest otherwise, & one that loved his country and the preservation thereof, and a good friend of those also that were banished fainting strait upon the sudden report of these news, and his mind was troubled, and his heart failed him so, as his nose fell a bleeding, to think upon the greatness of the instant danger he was like to fall into, having never cast before with himself, how by this enterprise they should put all the empire of the LACEDÆMONIANS in hazard of utter destruction, and lay a plat beside to overthrow all their own common weal and state, by laying all their hope upon a few banished men, hardly able to wade through with their enterprise. Whereupon, so soon as he was come home, he secretly dispatched a messenger, one of his familiar friends, unto Melon & Pelopidas, to will them they should defer their enterprise for better opportunity, & so to return back again to ATHENS. Chlidon was the man he sent of this message, who presently went home to his house: and taking his horse out of the stable, had his wife fetch him the bridle quickly. The bridle not being readily to be found, she told him she had her it out to one of their neighbours. Then they fell a chiding together about it, and at length broke out to fowl words, and lastly his wife fell a cursing of him, and prayed the gods he might have ill luck in his journey, and those that sent him. Chlidon having spent the most part of the day, chiding and brawling with his wife about the bridle, and furthermore misliking the tokens of his wives cursing and banning of him: he determined not to go a foot out of the doors of that arrant, and so went about some other business. Pelopidas cometh into Thebes disguised in cloynes apparel. Thus had this noble enterprise in manner been altogether dashed, before it was fully begun. Now those that were in Pelopidas company, changed apparel with the country men, because they would not be known, and did divide themselves, for that they would not come into the city 〈…〉 together, but at divers gates, being day light. At that time it was a marvelous wind and great snow, and the weather was so boisterous, that every man got him within doors: which fell out happily for the conspirators, that they were not known when they came into the city. So their friends and confederates within the city received them as they came, and brought them to Charon's house: where were assembled together, with those that were banished, eight and forty persons only. Now for the tyrants, thus stood the matter with them. Philidas their secretary was of the conspiracy, Philidas secretary to the tyrants. as we have told you before, and he knew all the practice. Wherefore he had long before solemnly bidden Archias and his company, to supper to his house that very night, to be merry together, & had promised to entertain them with women to welcome them with all: of purpose, that when they had in their full cups, and were in the midst of all their pleasure, the conspirators might then use them as they would. So they being set at table, before they were sped of their cups, one came to them, and told them truly of the treason (not the particularities, neither as a thing certain, but of a rumour only that ran abroad in the town) how the banished men were hidden in Charon's house. Philidas would have passed the matter over. Howbeit Archias would needs send one of his guard strait for Charon, to command him to come to him presently. It was within night, Pelopidas danger. and Pelopidas and his company prepared themselves to work their feat, being armed every man, and their swords in their hands, when upon a sudden they heard one knock at the gate. And one of the house running strait to the gate, came back again afeard to tell them that it was one of Archias guard that came for Charon, to come immediately to the governors. Then were they in doubt that their practice was discovered, & that they were all cast away, before they could make any proof of their valiantness: notwithstanding, they were all of opinion, that Charon should obey the message, & that he should present himself before the governors, to take away all suspicion from them, Charon of himself was a stout man, very constant, & resolute in danger for his own person: yet it grieved him much at that time, for fear the confederates should suspect him he had bewrayed them, if so many honest citizens whom he had lent his house unto, should unfortunately miscarry. Therefore before he went out of his house, he went into his wives chamber to fetch his son, that was a goodly boy, but strong as any boy of his age could be: so he brought him to Pelopidas, and prayed him, if he understood that he had betrayed them any way, or otherwise had sought their hurt, they should then use his son as an enemy, without any compassion towards him. When the confederates saw the good zeal & true noble mind of Charon, they all fell a weeping, and were angry with him, that he should think any of them so faint hearted, or timorous, for any danger could come to them, that they should suspect or accuse him for any thing: and therewith all they prayed him, not to leave the boy with them, but rather to convey him into some place out of the tyrants danger, where he might be brought up, that one day he might be revenged of the wrong & injury they had done to them, and to their country. Charon answered them, he would not take him away, & that he saw no life nor health more happy for him, then to die with his father without infamy, and with so many honest men his friends. So after he had besought the gods to prospero them, and had encouraged and embraced every one of the confederators one after an other: He went to the governors, and studied by the way so to frame his words and countenance, as though he should seem to think of any thing else, then of that he purposed to do. When he came to Philidas door that made the feast, Archias and Philidas himself came unto him, and asked him: Charon, what are they (said they) that are come into the city, and hidden in some house, with certain citizens that do accompany them? Charon was somewhat abashed at the first, and asked them again: what men be they? who are they that hides them in the city? But when he perceived that Archias could tell nothing of certainty, than he thought strait that some man had informed them that was not privy to the practice, but had heard some thing of it. Thereupon he willed them to take heed it was no false alarum, to make them astrayed: nevertheless (said he) I will inquire further of it: for at all adventure it is good to be circumspect in such a case to be sure, Philidas answered him, he said truly: and so he brought Archias back again into the hall, where he made him drink deeper than before, still entertaining the company with hope of the women's coming. Charon returning home again, found all the confederates ready to attempt their enterprise, not as men that reckoned of their lives, nor that had any hope to prevail: but as those that were determined us die valiantly, and to cell their lives dearly. Now he truly told unto Pelopidas only, what was said unto him & the rest: he told that Archias had sent for him to speak with him, of other matters. The storm of the former danger was scant blown over, but fortune sent them an other. For immediately upon talk had with Charon at the first, came a messenger from ATHENS, that brought a letter to the same Archias, written by the Bishop of ATHENS at that time, called Archias also as himself, Archias Bishop of Athens, bewrayeth the treason to Archias in a letter. & was his old host & friend: wherein he wrote not of simple conjecture, nor sumised suspicion, but the plain conspiracy in every degree, as afterwards it fell out. So the messenger was brought to Archias that was drunk, and delivering him the letter, he said unto him. Sir, he that sendeth you this letter, straightly charged me to tell you, that you should presently read the contents thereof, because it is a matter of great importance. Archias laughing said unto him: weighty matters to morrow. So he took the letter and put it up, & then fell again so his tale he had begun with Philidas. But ever after, the grecians made this a common proverb among them: weighty matters to morrow. Weighty matters to morrow. Prou. Pelopidas killeth the tyrants. Now when the conspirators spied their time to go about their business, they divided themselves in two companies. Pelopidas and Demaclidas went with one company, to set upon Leontidas and Hypates, because they dwelled near together: Charon and Melon with the rest, went against Archias and Philip, being disguised in women's apparel they had put upon their privy coats, & wearing garlands of pineapple and fine trees on their heads, that covered all their faces. So when they came to show themselves at the hall door where the banquet was made, they that were in the hall at the first sight, thinking they had been the women they looked for, began to shout, and made great noise for joy. But when the conspirators cast their eyes round about the hall to know those which were at the table, they drew out their sword, and set upon Archias and Philip overthwart the table: then they showed themselves what they were. Then Phidias bade his guests he had bidden to the banquet with them, that they should not stir, for they should have no hurt: so some of them sat still. But the greatest number of them would needs from the board, to defend their governors. Howbeit because they were so drunk that they knew not what they did, they were soon slain with them. Now Pelopidas enterprise was not so easy. For they went against Leontidas, that was a sober discrete man, and withal, hardy of his hands: and they found he was gone to bed, his doors were shut up, and they knocked long before any man came to the door. At the length, one of his men that heard them rap so hard, with much a do came to open the door: but he had no sooner thrust back the bolt of the door, and began to open it, but they pushed it from them with such a force upon him altogether, that they laid him on the ground, and went strait to his masters chamber. Leontidas hearing the noise of them that ran up to him in such haste, presently mistrusted the martyr and leaping out of his bed, took his sword in his hand, but did forget to put out the lamps that burned in his chamber all night, for if they had been out, they might easily have hurt one an other in the dark. But the lamps giving clear light in the chamber, he went to the chamber door, and gave Cephisodorus, the first man that pressed to enter upon him, such a blow with his sword, that he dropped down dead at his feet. Having slain the first man, he dealt with the second that came after him, and that was Pelopidas. The fight went hard between them two, both for that the chamber door was very strait, as also for that Cephisodorus body lying on the ground, did choke the coming in at the chamber. Notwithstanding, Pelopidas overcame him in the end, and slew him: and went from thence with his company, strait to Hypates house, where they got in, as they did into Leontidas house before. But Hypates knew presently what it was, and thought to save himself in his neighbour's houses. Howbeit the conspirators followed him so hard, that they cut him of before he could recover their houses. Then they gathered together, and joined with Melons company, and sent immediately with all possible speed to ATHENS, to the banished THEBANS there, The Liberty of the Thebans restored. & cried through the city, liberty, liberty, arming those citizens that came to them, with the armour & spoils of their enemies, that were hanged up in common vaults, & armourers shop about Charon's house, which they broke open, or caused to be opened by force. On the other side, Epaminondas, and Gorgidas, came to join with them, with a company of young men & honest old men well appointed, whom they had gathered together. Hereupon, the whole city was strait in an uproar & tumult, & every house was full of lights, one running to an other to know what the matter was. Nevertheless the people did not yet assemble together, but everyone being amazed, musing at this stur, not understanding the troth, stayed until day came on, that they might call a counsel. But truly herein, me thinks the Captains of the garrison of the LACEDÆMONIANS were greatly in fault, that they did not stir betimes, & set upon them incontinently: considering they were xv. hundred soldiers, besides a great number of citizens that would have come, one after an other to take their parts. But the great noise they heard, made them afeard, & to see lights in every man's house, & the people running up & down the streets in great multitudes to & fro: whereupon they stirred not, but only kept them within the castle of CADMEA. The next morning by break of day, came the other banished THEBANS from ATHENS very well armed, & all the people of THEBES drew together in counsel. Thither did Epaminondas and Gorgidas bring Pelopidas, & his consorts, & presented them before the people, compassed about with priests & the professed of the city, offering them crowns to put upon their heads, & they prayed the assembly of the citizens, that they would help their gods, & their country. All the people that were present, when they saw them, rose up, & stood on their feets, & with great shouts & clapping of hands received them, as their saviours, that had delivered their country from bondage, & restored them again to liberty: & thereupon, before them all, even in the market place, by the whole voice & consent of the people, they chose Pelopidas, Melon, & Charon, governors & captains of all BOEOTIA. Pelopidas then immediately made them besiege the castle of CADMEA about, with trenches, & force of wood, doing all he could possible to win it, Pelopidas receiveth the Castle of Cadmea by Composition. & to expulse the LACEDÆMONIANS, before any supply & aid came to them from SPARTA. So he did, & prevented it so suddenly, that the garrison being departed out of the castle by composition, as they returned towards LACEDAEMONIA, they found Cleombrotus king of SPARTA in the country of MEGARA, coming towards them with a great army to help them. Afterwards, of the three captains which had charge of their garrison that lay at THEBES, the SPARTANS condemned two of them to death: Hermippidas, & Artissus, were presently executed: & the third captain, Dysaoridas, they set so grievous a fine on his head, that he went out of PELOPONESUS. This enterprise being attempted, & executed with the like valiantness, & the same danger & trouble, that Thrasybulus practice was, when he delivered ATHENS from the slavery of the thirty governors & tyrants, & having the like fortune, & happy end: the GRECIANS termed it cousin german to Thrasybulus act. And in deed it were a hard matter to found two other such, besides than two, that with so few men overcame their enemies, being many more in number then themselves, or that with so small help did overcome those that were of so great force, or that performed their enterprise with their only valiantness & wisdom, & were cause beside of so great blessing & benefit to their country, as Pelopidas & Thrasybulus attempt was. But the great change & alteration of the state afterwards, did make their acts far more noble & famous. For the war that overthrew the majesty of SPARTA, Pelopidas overthrew the signiory of the Lacedæmonians. & that took away all the signiory & rule of the LACEDÆMONIANS both by sea & by land, began the very same night, when Pelopidas himself making the twelut person, & entering into a private house, (taking neither city, nor castle, nor stronger hold) to tell truly by figurative speech, did break & cut in sunder the links & chains that linked strait together, & strengthened the LACEDÆMONIANS whole empire & monarchy over all GREECE: who until that present time were thought so strong, as no possibility could break or sunder them. Now the LACEDÆMONIANS fortuning afterwards to invade the country of BOEOTIA with a mighty army: the ATHENIANS trembling for fear of their great power, did utterly leave to protect them, & renounced the league & alliance they had made before with them. And moreover, they did straightly prosecute law against those, that were accused to take part with the BOEOTIANS: whereof some of them were put to death, other were banished from ATHENS, & the rest condemned in great sums of money. To be short, every man said the THEBANS were but undone, considering they had no help, & were beloved beside of none. At that present time it fell out Pelopidas & Gorgidas were generals over all BOEOTIA for that year, who devising to throw a bone betwixt the ATHENIANS & the LACEDÆMONIANS again, to make them square, they used this policy. Pelopidas policy to make the Athenians fall out again with the Lacedæmonians. There was a captain of the LACEDÆMONIANS called Sphodrias, a valiant man, but else of small capacity, & vainly given, having a certain fond ambition & humour, persuading himself he had done some notable good service in his time. This Sphodrias was left in the city of THESPIES, with a great band of soldiers, to receive & favour all the BOEOTIANS, that had a mind to revolt from the THEBANS. Pelopidas of himself sent a merchant, (a very friend of his) unto Sphodrias, with a great some of money from him, and certain persuasions withal, which prevailed more than the money, wishing him to attempt some greater matter, & to seek to win the haven of PIRAEA: a thing soon won, if he came to assault it on the sudden, & the rather, for that the ATHENIANS mistrust nothing, neither keep watch nor ward there. Moreover, that he might assure himself, nothing could be better welcome to the lords of LACEDAEMONIA, them to make them lords of the city of ATHENS also. And again, that the THEBANS, being at deadly food with the ATHENIANS, for that they had betrayed & forsaken them in their need, would not aid nor succour them in any respect. Sphodrias giving to light ear to this vain persuasion, took the soldiers he had with him, and marching away by night, entered the realm of ATTICA, & went on to the city of Eleusin: but when he came thither, his soldiers were afeard, & would go no further. So his purpose being discovered, he was forced to return back to THESPIES, having raised such a war to the LACEDÆMONIANS, as fell out to be of no small importance to them, nor easy to be pacified. For after that time, the ATHENIANS sought league & amity again with the THEBANS, & did aid them very lovingly: & moreover, putting themselves to sea, they sailed up & down, procuring & drawing to their league all such, as were willing to rebel against the LACEDÆMONIANS: The Thebans exercise in arms. & the THEBANS besides, had many pretty skirmishes with the LACEDÆMONIANS in the meantime, in their own country of BOEOTIA. It is true they came to no great battles, but yet it was such a great learning & continual training of them in marshall discipline, as the THEBANS still increased in courage & valiantness, & waxed stronger & better soldiers: for by those skirmishes they grew not only expert soldiers, but waxed more skilful in using their weapons, than before. As we read, that Antalcidas a SPARTAN said one day to king Agesilaus, Antalcidas saying to king Agesilaus. coming home sore hurt from BOEOTIA: surely the THEBANS have given you a worthy reward, for teaching them to be a soldiers against their wills. But to say truly, Agesilaus was not their master to teach them to make wars, but they were the good & wise leaders of the THEBANS, who like good wood men in choosing their game, could skilfully choose both time & place to give their enemy's battle, & make them retire again with safety, after they had been fleshed, giving them a little taste of the fruits & commodity of victory: but among them, Pelopidas was he that deserved most honour and glory. For, since the first time they gave him charge of men of war, they never failed, but chose him continually every year, either Captain of the holy band, or governor of BOEOTIA so long as he lived: so that Pelopidas only did the most things in this war. The LACEDÆMONIANS were overthrown in sundry journeys, The victory of Thebans against the Lacedæmonians. that they were distressed by the cities of PLATEES, & of THESPIES, where Phoebidas himself (that had before taken the castle of CADMEA) was slain amongst other. another great power of theirs also was overthrown near to the city of TANAGRA, where Panthoidas governor of the same, was also slain. Now all these victories, though they much encouraged the hearts of the conquerors, & made them hardy: yet did they not thereby altogether conquer the minds of the vanquished. For the LACEDÆMONIANS were not overcome in any pitched field, nor set battle, where they had their whole army together: but they were light roads, & skirmishes properly laid of purpose, where sometime flying, sometime driving them again, they bickered very often, & put them to the worst. But the battle of TEGYRA, Pelopidas victory of the Lacedæmonians at the battle of Tegyra. which was but a flourish & prose to the journey of Leuctres, wan Pelopidas great honour. For he had no companion to challenge any part of his glory & victory, neither he leave his enemies any lawful excuse, to shadow or cover their overthrow. For he spied all occasion he might possible, how to take the city of ORCHOMENE, that took part with the LACEDÆMONIANS, and had received two ensigns of footmen of theirs to keep it. Pelopidas being advertised one day, that the garrison of ORCHOMENE was gone abroad to make a road into the country of the LOCRIDES, hoping he should find ORCHOMENE without garrison: he marched thither with his holy band, & certain number of horsemen. But when he drew near the city, he had intelligence there was another garrison coming from SPARTA, to supply the place of the garrison that was abroad: whereupon he returned back again by the city of TEGYRA, for he could have passed no other way, but to have turned down by the foot of the mountain. For all the valley that lay between both, was drowned with the overflowing of the river of MELAS, Melas ft. which even from his very head carrieth ever such breadth with it, as it maketh the marshes navigable, so as it is unpassable for any shallow it hath. Not far from these marshes, standeth the temple of Apollo TEGYRIAN, where was an oracle in old time, but left of at this day, & had never long continuance, but only until the time of the wars of the MEDES, when Echearates was master and chief priest there. And some hold opinion, that Apollo was borne there: for they call the next mountain to it, DELOS, at the foot whereof the marshes of the river of MELAS do end, and behind the temple are two goodly springs, from whence cometh great abowndance of good sweet water: whereof the one of them is called to this day the Palm, and the other the Olive. And some say also, that the goddess Latena was not brought to bed between two trees, but between these two springs. Latona's brought to bed between two springs: called the Palm, and the Olive. For mownt ●●●●n is hard by it also, from whence the wild boar came on a sudden that flighted her. And the tale that is told of the serpent Pytho, and of the giant Tityus, do both confirm is, that. Apollo was borne in the same place. I pass over many other coniecturos confirming the same, for that we do not believe in our country that Apollo is among the number of those, who from mortal men have been translated to immortal gods, as are Hercules and Bacchus, that through the excellency of their virtue, did put of mortality, and took immortality upon them: but we rather take him for one of those that never had beginning nor generation, at the lest if those things be to be credited, which so many grave and ancient writers have left in writing to us, touching so great and holy things. The THEBANS returning back from ORCHOMENE, and the LACEDÆMONIANS on the other side returning also from LOCRIDE, both at one time, they fortuned both armies to meet about the city of TEGYRA. Now, so soon as the THEBANS had discovered the LACEDÆMONIANS passing the strait, one of them ran suddenly to Pelopidas, and told him: Sir, we are fallen into the hands of the LACEDÆMONIANS. Nay, are not they rather fallen into ours, answered Pelopidas again? with these words, he commanded his horsemen that were in the rearward, to come before, and set upon them: and himself in the mean time put his footmen immediately into a pretty squadron close together, being in all, not above three hundred men, hoping when he should come to give charge with his battle, he should make a lane through the enemies, though they were the greater number. For the LACEDÆMONIANS divided themselves in two companies, and every company, as Ephoreus writeth, had five hundred men's and as Callistenes said, seven hundred. Polybius, and divers other authors say, they were nine hundred men. So, Theopompus and Gorgoleon, the Captains of the LACEDÆMONIANS, lustily marched against the THEBANS: and it fell out so, that the first charge was given, where the chieftains or generals were of either side, Pelopidas victory. with great fury on either part, so as both the generals of the LACEDÆMONIANS which set upon Pelopidas together, were slayned. They being slain, and all that were about them, being either hurt or killed in the field: the rest of the army were so amazed, that they divided in two, and made a lane on either side, for the THEBANS to pass through them if they would. But when they saw Pelopidas meant not to take the passage they offered him, and that he came on still with his men to set upon those that were yet in battle ray, and slew all them that stood before him: then they turned tail, and took them to their legs. Howbeit the THEBANS did not chase them far, fearing the ORCHOMENIANS who were not far from them, and the new garrison beside, that were come from LACEDAEMON not long before. And this was the cause they were contented that they had overcomed them by force, and had passed through their army in despite of them, and broken and overthrown them. So when he had set up marks of triumph, and spoiled their slain enemies, they returned home again, glad men for their obtained victory. For in all the wars the LACEDÆMONIANS ever made, as well with the GRECIANS, as with the barbarous people also, there was never chronicle mentioned at any time, that their enemies being so few, did overcome them that were so many, nor that they were overcome also by any number equal in battle. Whereupon they grew so courageous and terrible, that no man durst once abide them: for their only same did so terrify their enemies that came to fight against them, that they thought with no equal force to be able to perform asmuch as they had done. But this battle of TEGYRA was the first that made both them and the other grecians know, that it was not the river of EUROTAS alone, nor the valley that lieth between the tyvers of CNATION, and of BABYCE, that breedeth the valiant and hardy fight men: but that it is in all places else, where they learn young men to be ashamed of dishonest and vile things, What enemies are most terrible & to be feared. The first institution of the holy band. and to venture their lives for honest causeth fearing more dishonourable reproach, then honourable danger. These are the people most: to be feared, & are most terrible also to their enemies. And for the holy band we mentioned before; it is said, Gorgidas was the first erector of the same. They were three hundred chosen men entertained by the state, and they always kept within the castle of CADMEA, and the band was called the towns band: for at that time, and specially in that part of GREECE, they called the castles and great holds in cities, the towns. Other say it was a band of fooremen that were in love one with another. And therefore Pammenes pleasant words are noted, saiying, that Nestor could no skill to set an army in battle ray, seeing he gave the grecians counsel, in the ILIADS of HOMER, that they should set them in battle ray, every country and tribe by themselves: That by affections force, and links of kindly love: that one might alwaise help at hand, that other to behove. For, said he, one friend should rather be set by another that loves together: because in danger, men commonly do little regard their country men, or such as are of their tribe. Men loving together, fight desperately against their enemies. But men that do love one another, can never be broken nor overcome: for the passion of love that entertaineth each other's affection, for affection sake, doth keep them from forsaking one another. And those that are beloved, being ashamed to do any vile or dishonest thing before those that love them, for very love will stick one by another to the death. And sure3 the reason is good, if it be true that lovers do in deed more regard them they love, though they be absent: then other that be present. As appeareth by the example of him, that being stricken down to the ground, his enemy lifting up his sword to kill him, he prayed him he would give him his deaths wound before, jest his friend that loved him, seeing a wound on his back, should be ashamed of him. It is reported also, that jolaus being beloved of Hercules, Hercules & jolaus love. did help and accompany him in all his labours and quarrels. Whereupon Aristotle writeth, that unto his time, such as loved heartily together, become sworn brethren one to another, upon jolaus tomb. And therefore me thinks it is likely, Plato's saying of a lover. that this band was first called the holy band, by the self same reason that Plato calleth a lover, a divine friend by god's appointment. It is written also, that this band was never broken, nor overthrown, before the battle of CHAERONEA: After that battle, Philip taking view of the slain bodies, he stayed in that place where the four hundred men of that band lay all dead on the ground, one hard by another, and all of them slain and thrust through with pikes on their breasts, whereat he wondered much: and being told him that it was the lovers band, he fell a weeping for pity, saying. Woe be to them that think these men did, or suffered any evil or dishonest thing. And to be short, the misfortune of Laius, that was slain by his own brother Oedipus, was not the first original cause of this custom, that the THEBANS began to be in love one with an other as the POETS writ: but they were their first lawmakers, who perceiving them to be a stout & fierce nation of nature, they sought even from their youth to make them gentle and civil, and therefore in all their actions both of sport and earnest, they continually acquainted them with playing of the flute, being highly esteemed of them in those days. They brought in the use also to make love, in the midst of all their youthefull sports & exercises of their bodies, to frame the young men's manners, and to bring them to a civil life. And therefore they had reason that gave the goddess HARMONIA to the THEBANS, The Goddess Harmonia. for defender and patroness of their city, who was begotten (as they say) between Mars and Venus. For that giveth us to understand, that where force and warlike courage is joined with grace, to win and persuade: all things by this union and accord are brought, to a goodly, profitable, and most perfect government. Now, to return again to the matter of this holy band of the THEBANS. Gorgidas dividing it in the former ranks, and placing it all alongst the front of the battle of the footmen, it did not appear what they were able to do of themselves, for that he brought them not all into one body: so as thereby they might see what service the whole company could do, being together, considering that it was divided and mingled amongst many other, that were a great deal of less value than themselves. But Pelopidas that had made good proof of their valliauntnes before, when they sought about him of themselves, without others by them, at TEGYRA: would never after divide nor separate them one from the other, but keeping them together as one entire body that had all his members, he would always begin with them to give a charge, in his most dangerous battles. For, as we see in running of coaches at games, that horses being tied all together in a front, do run faster and stronger, than they do when they are loose, and put to it alone: and not for that they being many together do break through the air better, but for that the contention and envy between them to outronne one another doth in deed set their hearts and stomachs a fire. Even so he thought, that valiant men giving one another a desire and envy to do well, should have the more courage, and would be of greater force, when they fought one in another sight. But the LACEDÆMONIANS afterwards being at peace and league with all the other grecians, proclaimed open wars against the THEBANS only: and king Cleombrotus went to invade them with an army of ten thousand footmen, Cleombrotus king of the Lacedæmonians. and a thousand horsemen. Whereupon, the THEBANS were not only in the like danger they stood in before to loose their liberty, but the LACEDÆMONIANS did openly threaten they would utterly destroy them for ever: so that all the country of BOEOTIA stood in greater fear, than ever they did before. And one day as Pelopidas went out of his house to go to the wars, his wife bringing him out of the doors to take her leave of him, weeping, she prayed him heartily to look well to himself. Pelopidas princely answer. But he answered her again: my good wife, it is for private soldiers to be careful of themselves, but not for captains, for they must have an eye to save others lives. And when he came to the camp, he found the captains and the lieutenants of the army, in sundry opinions: and he was the first that agreed with Epaminondas opinion, who thought it best they should gave battle to the enemies. Pelopidas at that time was neither governor of BOEOTIA, nor general of the army, but only captain of the holy band: notwithstanding they had great affiance in him, & gave him great authority in counsel concerning their affairs: such as become a man that had made so good testimony of his natural love & affection to his country, as he had done. Now, being determined in counsel that they should give the enemy battle, they all mustered together in the valley of Leuctres, where he had a vision in his dream, that troubled him very much. In that valley there are the tombs of the daughters of one Scedasies, which by reason of the place, they call the LEUCTRIDES, for that they were buried there, after they had been defiled and ravished, by certain guests of the SPARTANS that lay in their house, travailing that way. This act being so horrible and wicked, the poor father of these defiled virgins, could neither have justice, nor revenge of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and therefore after he had band and cursed the LACEDÆMONIANS with most horrible and execrable railings and curses as might be possible, See what plagues follow where justice is denied. he killed himself upon the graves of his daughters. The LACEDÆMONIANS had many sundry oracles, prophecies & signs of the gods to warn them, to take heed of the wrath of the LEUCTRIDES: howbeit every man understood not the signification of this prophecy, but were deceived by the equivocation of the name. For there was a little town in the country of LACONIA, standing upon the sea, called LEUCTRUM: and in ARCADIA also by the city of MEGALIPOLIS, there was another town called by the same name. This misfortune chanced long before the battle of LEVCTR●S: but then Pelopidas dreaming in his tent, thought he saw in a vision the daughters of Scedasus weeping about their graves, and cursing the LACEDÆMONIANS: and that he saw their father also, Pelopidas dream & vision in the fields of Levetrea. commanding him to sacrifice a read maiden to his daughters, if they would obtain the victory. This commandment at the first, seemed very cruel and wicked: whereupon when he rose, he went to the Prognosticators and generals of the army, and told them his dream. So, some of them said, this was no matter to be lightly passed over, but to be considered of, alleging many examples in the like cases. As of Menecius the son of Creon in old time, and of Macaria the daughter of Hercules. And yet of later memory, the wise Pherecydes, whom the LACEDÆMONIANS slew, and whose skin their kings do keep at this day, by commandment of an oracle. And Leonidas, who following a prophecy of the gods, did as it were sacrifice himself, for the safety of GREECE. And furthermore, the young boys which Themistocles did sacrifice to Bacchus Omestes (to say, eating raw flesh) before the battle of Salamina. And all these sacrifices were acceptable to the gods, as the victories following did plainly show it. In contrary manner also king Agesilaeus, coming from those very places, Agesileus dream. from whence king Agamemnon came in the time of the wars of Troia, and going also against the same enemies: dreamt one night in the city of AULIDE, he saw the goddess Diana, ask him his daughter for sacrifice. But he tenderly loving her, would by no means perform it: and thereupon was compelled to break of his journey, before he had execused his enterprise, and departed with small honour. Other to the contrary stood to it stoutly, and said it was not to be done. For, so cruel, abominable, and brutish a sacrifice, could not be acceptable to any of the gods, Godly sayings concerning God. nor to any god, better ot mightier than ours: considering that they be no impressions in the air, nor giants that rule the world, but the one only mighty & eternal, God, father of gods, & men. And, to believe that either gods or demi gods do delight in murder, or shedding of man's blood, it is a mere mockery and folly. But, admit it were so, they were no more to be regarded therein, than those that have no power at all for it is a manifest token of a wicked spirit, when they have such damnable and horrible desires in them, and specially if they abide still with them. Now, the generals and heads of the army of the THEBANS being of sundry opinions, God's providence and sudden aid. & Pelopidas being more afraid than before, by reason of their disagreement: a young mare colt, or fyllie, breaking by chance from other mares running and flinging through the camp, came to stay right against them. Then every man began to look upon her, and to mark what a fair fyllie it was, and read coloured every where, and what a pride she took with herself to hear her own neighing. Theocritus then the soothesayer being amongst them, did behold her, and knew strait what the fyllie ment, and so cried out forthwith: O happy Pelopidas, lo here is the sacrifice thou lookest for, seek no other virgin for thy sacrifice, but take this that God himself doth sand thee. The filly slain & sacrificed. When Theocritus had said so, they took the fyllie, and laid her upon the tomb of Scedasus daughters, and put garlands of flowers about her, as they handled other sacrifices and then after their prayers made to the gods, they did sacrifice her with great joy, and told Pelopidas vision in his dream the night before through all the camp, and the sacrifice they had made also according to the signification thereof. Moreover, when they came to join battle, The battle at Leuctres. Epaminondas being general, drew all his army on the left hand, because he would bring the right wing of the enemy's army (where they had placed the natural SPARTANS) further from the other grecians their friends and allies, that were set in the other wing of their battle: that he coming with his whole power together to give a charge upon Cleombrotus their king (being in a corner by himself) might be distressed or overthrown. The enemies finding Pelopidas intent, began to change their order, and having men ●nowe, meant to thrust out their right wing at length to compass in Epaminondas. But, Pelopidas in the mean time suddenly prevented them, and ronning with great fury with his squadron of three hundred men, he set upon Cleombrotus before he could disorder his men to put forth the right wing, The cause of the overthrow of the Lacedæmonians. and join them together again. And so he found the LACEDÆMONIANS not yet settled in their ranks, and broke them in this disorder, thrusting one in another's place to put themselves again in order: notwithstanding the LACEDÆMONIANS of all other men were the only captains and most expert soldiers in marshall discipline, as men so trained and practised, that no sudden altering, of form or order in their ranks, could either trouble or disorder them. For they were men so trained, that they could turn head or side upon any sudden occasion offered, and could fight and order themselves in battle every way alike. So Epaminondas going to give thonset upon them alone, with the whole force of his battle together, Pelopidas and Epaminondas victory, at the battle of Leuctres. not tarrying for others: and Pelopidas also with an incredible courage and readiness, presenting himself in battle before them, did put them into such a terrible fear, that they clean forgot their skill in fighting, and their wonted courage sailed them. For they cowardly turned their backs, and their were more LACEDÆMONIANS slain that day then ever were before in any former battle. Pelopidas therefore, being neither governor of BOEOTIA, nor general of all the army, but only captain of the holy band: did notwithstanding win as much honour and glory of this victory, as Epaminondas, that was governor of BOEOTIA, Pelopidas & Epaminondas journey into Peloponesus, being both governors of Boeotia. and general of all the army. In deed afterwards they were both governors of BOEOTIA together, when they invaded the country of PELOPONNESUS: where they made most part of the cities & people rebel against the LACEDÆMONIANS, and take their part. As the ELIANS, the ARGIVES, and all ARCADIA, and the best part of LACONIA self, notwithstanding it was in the heart of winter, and in the shortest days of the year, and towards the latter end also of the last month of their years authority and rule, having not many days to continue in office, Apenall law at Thebes, for resigning up of offices at the years end. being forced to leave their authority, upon pain of death if they did refuse, unto other officers new chosen, the beginning of the next month following. Whereupon their other companions, & governors also of the country of BOEOTIA, what for fear to incur the danger of the law, as also to avoid the trouble to lie in camp in the sharpest of winter: they did urge and persuade them to bring the army back again into their country. But Pelopidas was the first that yielded to Epaminondas opinion, and wan the other THEBANS also to consent unto it, to be contented to be led by them, to give assault to the city self of SPARTA. So, through their persuasion they passed over the river of EUROTAS, and took many little towns of the LACEDÆMONIANS, Pelopidas & Epaminondas went over the river of Eurotas, with 70. thousand men. & wasted & destroyed all the country to the sea side, leading under their ensigns an army of threescore and ten thousand fighting men, and all grecians, the THEBANS not making up the twelut part of them. Now, the honour and great reputation of these two persons, Epaminondas and Pelopidas, brought their friends and confederates, that they followed them, without any resolution of counsel or public order, and never opened their mouths against them, but willingly marched under their conduction. And in my opinion, truly me thinks it is the first and chiefest point in the law of nature, that he that is weak, not able to defend himself, should lean to one that is strong, and able to defend both. Even much like to fresh water soldiers, and raw sea men, that lying at sea in calm weather, & in safe harbour, are as lusty & brag with the masters & boteswaines as may be: and let a little storm of weather come upon them suddenly, and that they be in any danger, than they look on the masters, hoping for no life but at their hands. And even in like manner the ELIANS and ARGIVES, who though in all assemblies of counsel they would ever jar and strive with the THEBANS, for honour and superiority in the army: yet when any battle came to be fought, wherein they saw there was danger, than their peacocks bravery was gone, and they were glad to obey their generals commandment. In this journey they brought all the cities of the province of ARCADIA to be in league with them, and took all the country of MESSENIA from the LACEDÆMONIANS, which they peaceably enjoyed: and called home again all the ancient inhabitants of the same, and restored them to their country, and replenished the city of ITHOME: Then returning afterwards into their country by the city of CENCHREES, they overthrew the ATHENIANS that came to trouble them, in entering into the strait of PELOPONNESUS, supposing to have stopped their passage. Thus was the valiantness of these two worthy men greatly commended and honoured of every body, for so many notable exploits & victories as they had won, The ingratitude of the Thebans, toward Pelopidas and Epaminondas. and their marvelous good success greatly wondered at. But as their glory and renown increased abroad, so did their country men's malice and envy increase against them at home: who had prepared such a welcome home for them, as was to bad and vile for so honourable service as they had done. For Epaminondas and Pelopidas both, at their return, were accused of treason. For there was a special law at THEBES, that commanded all such as should happen to be governors of BOEOTIA, to resign their office immediately to the new officers elect, at the beginning of the first month of the year, which in BOEOTIA they call BOUCATION: The Law Boucation. and they had kept it four whole months above their term appointed, in which time they had done all that we have spoken of before, as well in the province of MESSENIA & of ARCADIA, as also in the country of LACONIA. Pelopidas was the first of the two that was called in by process, therefore he stood in the greater danger: howbeit in the end, they were both discharged again. As for Epaminondas, Epaminondas patience. he took his accusation & the attempt of his enemies (whereby they sought to have cast them both away) quietly enough: judging, that patience to those that deal in state and government, is a great show of force & magnanimity. But Pelopidas being of a hotter nature, and more choleric, and set on beside by some of his friends, did take this occasion to be revenged. Pelopidas condemneth Meneclidas, a seditious orator and accuser. Meneclidas the orator was one of those that came into Charon's house with Pelopidas, and Melon, but notwithstanding the THEBANS did nothing honour him, as they did the rest. He taking this ill at their hands, being marvelous eloquent of speech, but viciously given otherways, and a man of a vile and mischievous nature: did fond abuse his eloquence, falsely accusing those that were his betters, in honesty and credit. And not being contented with this first accusation, he practised so commonly, that he put Epaminondas one year from being governor of BOEOTIA, which he sued for: and moreover he was ever against him in all matters of state he took in hand. But he could never bring Pelopidas out of favour with the people: and therefore he sought to make bate betwixt him and Charon. For it is the common trick of all spiteful persons, The practice of spiteful men. when they can not be thought so honest men as those whom they envy: to go about to prove that they are not so honest and meet men, as those whom they prefer and commend. So, in all his orations he made to the people, he continually extolled and commended Charon's noble acts and victories, and specially that victory above other, which the THEBANS wan before the journey of Leuctres, in a skirmish of horsemen, that was before the city of PLATEES, he having charge of the same: of the which he would leave this memory. Our forefathers did paint and set forth their battles. Androcydes a CYZICENIAN and painter, was at a price with the THEBANS to paint them some other battle in a table, and he did draw this work in the city self of THEBES: but as he was in hand with all, the rebellion of the THEBANS fell out against the LACEDÆMONIANS, and war followed on the neck of that, whereupon the painter forsook THEBES, leaving his work in manner done and perfect. The THEBANS kept this table by them, and this Meneclidas moved the people they would hang it up in some temple or public place with an inscription upon it, saying thus. This was Charon's victory, of purpose to deface and obscure the glory of Pelopidas and of Epaminondas. To vain and fond was his ambition, to set before so many noble battles and victories, one simple overthrow of Charon, in the which Gerandas', one of the meanest gentlemen of all SPARTA was slain, and forty other with him: & this was all he did. Pelopidas misliked Meneclidas motion, maintaining that it was directly against the laws of THEBES, which did expressly forbidden that no private person should be honoured with the title of common victory, but willed the glory thereof should be attributed to all the people generally. In deed Pelopidas in all his orations did greatly praise and commend Charon, notwithstanding, he made open proof, how Meneclidas was an envious and spiteful detractor, and a naughty wicked man, oftentimes asking the THEBANS, if they them selves were worthy of no honour? so as in the end he caused Meneclidas to be condemned in a great sum of money. But he finding himself unable to pay it, being so great a sum: practised afterwards to altar the whole state and government. I thought good to dilate this at large, because me thinks it doth somewhat declare Pelopidas nature, and manners, what they were. Now about that time, Alexander, the tyrant of PHERES, Alexander the tyrant of Pheres. was at open wars with many people of THESSALY, and did use all policy he could, to bring them all to his obedience. Whereupon the free cities sent their Ambassadors unto THEBES, to pray them to sand them a captain, with an army to aid them. Then Pelopidas seeing Epaminondas occupied about the wars of PELOPONNESUS, did offer himself to the THESSALIAN Ambassadors, being loath to drown his experience and sufficiency in wars, with unprofitable and tedious idleness, knowing that in those parts where Epaminondas lay, there needed no other captain. Now when he came with his army into THESSALY the city of LARISSA yielded presently unto him: Larissa, a city. where the tyrant Alexander came to meet with him, and to pray him to treat a peace betwixt him and the THESSALIANS. Pelopidas attempted to bring it to pass, seeking in stead of a tyrant, to make him a gentle, just, and lawful governor of THESSALY. But when he saw no persuasions could take place with the tyrant, and that he grew more stubborn and untractable, and would not hear reason: and moreover that he heard many grievous complaints of his great cruelties, and how they accused him to be a marvelous dissolute and unruly person in all his doings, and extremely covetous besides: then he began to speak roundly to him, and to handle him roughly. But the tyrant thereupon stole away secretly from him, and fled with his guard and soldiers about him. So Pelopidas leaving the THESSALIANS out of all fear and danger of the tyrant, and furthermore in good peace and amity one with the other, he went into MACEDON: where Ptolemy made war at that time with Alexander, being king of MACEDON, they both having sent for him to hear and determine the quarrel betwixt them, and also to help him that had the right, against him that did the wrong. So when he came thither, he pacified them both, and restored the banished men of either side, to their lands and goods again. For assurance of the peace, he took the kings brother in hostage, whose name was Philip, Philip of Macedon, delivered for hostage unto Pelopidas. and thirty other children of the noblest men's sons of MACEDON, whom he brought away with him to THEBES, to let the grecians see, that the reputation of the THEBANS power stretched far, & the renown also of their manner of government and justice. It is the same Philip, that made war afterwards with the grecians, to take their liberty from them: howbeit being but a boy at that time, he was brought up at THEBES in Pammenes house. And this is the cause, why some thought Philip did follow Epaminondas manner: and it might be peradventure, he did learn of him to be quick and ready in the wars, which in deed was but a piece of Epaminondas virtue. But as to the continency, justice, magnanimity, and clemency, which were the special points that made Epaminondas of great fame: Philip could neither by nature, education, nor study ever attain unto. The THESSALIANS having sent afterwards to THEBES, to complain of Alexander the tyrant of PHERES, that did again molest and trouble the free cities of THESSALY: Pelopidas was sent thither Ambassador with Ismenias, carrying no power with him from THEBES, little thinking he should haye needed to have made wars: whereupon he was compelled to take men of the country self, upon the instant necessity offered. At the very same time also, all MACEDON was up in arms. For Ptolemy had slain the king, and usurped the kingdom, and the servants and friends of the dead king called upon Pelopidas for aid: who desiring to come even upon the fact, and having brought no men of war out of his own country with him, did presently levy certain men where he was, and so marched forward with them against Ptolemy. Now Ptolemy when both their powers met, did corrupt the soldiers Pelopidas had brought with money, to take his part. But notwithstanding this policy he had practised, yet he was afeard of the name only, and greatness of Pelopidas reputation: wherefore he went unto Pelopidas, as to a better man than himself, and making marvelous much of him, and entreating of him, he made promise, and bound it by oath, that he would keep the realm for the brethren of the dead king, and that he would take all those for his friends or enemies, whom the THEBANS did either love or hate. And for assurance of his promise, he gave him his son Philoxenus in hostage, and fifty other of his friends, all the which Pelopidas sent unto THEBES. But in the mean time, being marvelously offended with the treason of the soldiers against him, understanding that the most part of their goods, their wives and children, were in the city of PHARSALE, he thought if he could win that, it were a marvelous good way for him to be revenged of the treachery of the soldiers against him: whereupon he levied certain THESSALIANS, & went to that city. Pelopidas was no sooner come thither, but Alexander the tyrant arrived also with his army. Pelopidas supposing he had come to justify himself, clearing the complaints of the THESSALIANS made against him: went to him, though he knew him to be a very wicked man, and one that delighted in murder and shedding of blood. Nevertheless, he hoped he durst not have attempted any thing against him, for the authority and signiories sake of THEBES, by whom he was sent thither, as also for his own reputation. But the tyrant seeing him slenderly accompanied, and without train of soldiers: took him prisoner, and wan the city of PHARSALE at that present time. Pelopidas taken prisoner by the tyrant Alexander at Pharsale. But this act of his put his subjects in a great fear, who seeing him commit so shameful a deed against all equity, did think strait he meant to spare no man, but would use men, and all things else that came in his hands, like a desperate man, & one that reckoned himself cast away. But when the THEBANS understood this news, they were marvelous sorry, and strait sent an army thither appointing other Captains than Epaminondas, because than they had some misliking of him. Alexander the tyrant having brought Pelopidas in the mean time to PHERES, did suffer any man that would, at the first to come and see him, and speak with him: supposing his imprisonment had killed his heart, and had made him very humble. But when he was told the contrary, how Pelopidas did comfort the citizens of PHERES, and willed them to be of good cheer, Pelopidas stoutness. telling them the hour was now come that the tyrant should smart for all the mischiefs he had done: and that he sent him word to his face, he had no reason to hung and put his poor citizens daily to death as he did, with sundry kinds of cruel torments, who had in nothing offended him, & did let him alone, knowing that if ever he got out of his hands, he would be revenged of him. The tyrant wondering at this great stomach of his, & at his marvelous constancy fearing nothing: asked what he meant to long for hasty death? Pelopidas being told what he said, answered him again Mary, said he, because thou shouldest die the sooner, being more odious to the gods and men, than yet thou art. After this answer, the tyrant would never suffer any man to come and speak with him again. But Thebes, Thebes the wife of Alexander the tyrant. that was the daughter of the tyrant jason deceased, and wife at that time of Alexander the tyrant, hearing report of Pelopidas noble mind and courage by his keepers: she had a marvelous desire to see him, and to speak with him. But when she came to see him, like a woman she could not at the first discern the greatness of his noble heart, and excellent hidden virtue, finding him in such misery: yet coniecturinge by exterior show, nothing his simple apparel, his hears and beard grown very long, & how poorly he was served, and worse entertained: she thought with herself his case was to be pitied, and that he was in no state meet for the glory of his name, wherewith she fell a weeping for compassion. Pelopidas that knew not what she was, began to muse at the first: but when it was told him she was jasons daughter, than he courteously saluted her for her father jasons sake, who while he lived was his very good friend. So Thebes said unto him: my Lord Pelopidas, pity thy poor Lady & wife. Truly so do I pity thee, quod Pelopidas again to her: that thou being no prisoner, canst abide such a wicked Alexander. This answer tickled Thebes at the heart, who with great impatience did bear the cruelty, violence, and villainy of the tyrant her husband: that besides all other infamous acts of his detestable life, committed Sodomy with her youngest brother. So she often visiting Pelopidas, and boldly making her moan to him, telling him closely all the injuries her husband offered her: through Pelopidas talk with her, by little and little she grew to abhor him, and to conceive a hate in heart against him, desiring revenge of him. But now the Captains of the THEBANS that were sent to deliver Pelopidas, being entered into THESSALY with their army: (whether it was through default of ignorance, or their mishap) they returned home with shame, and did nothing. Whereupon the THEBANS at their return home, condemned them every man in the sum of ten thousand Drachmas, & sent Epaminondas thither again with an other army: Epaminondas sent into Thessaly with an army. at whose coming, all THESSALY rose incontinently, for the reputation of so great a captain. And his fortune was so good, that he had in a manner utterly overthrown all the whole state of the tyrant: his friends and captains were so much afraid, and his subjects on the other side so well disposed to rebel, and marvelous glad for the hope they had, quickly to see the tyrant have his deserved higher, for all his former wicked deeds he had committed. Notwithstanding, Epaminondas preferring the delivery and safety of Pelopidas, before the consideration of his own honour & glory, and fearing lest Alexander seeing himself in danger to be turned out of all he had, falling in despair like a bedlam beast, would bend all his desperation and fury against Pelopidas: he drew these wars out in length, compassing him round about, but not fiercely setting upon him, with colour to prepare his way the better by delaying still, thereby to soften the cruel mind of this tyrant, going on in this gentle sort, and partly to cut his comb and extreme pride, but specially to preserve Pelopidas, from the danger and cruelty of his beastly rage. For he knew right well he was a cruel man, and one that neither regarded reason, nor justice in any sort, considering how he made some man to be buried alive, and others to be put in the skins of bears and wild bores, The brutish cruelty of Alexander the tyrant. and then to set bounds upon them to tear them in pieces, or else himself for his pastime would kill them, with shooting or throwing of darts at them. And in the cities of MELIBAEA and of SCOTUSA, both of them being in league and friendship with him, he spying a time one day when the citizens were assembled in counsel together, suddenly compassed them in with his guard and soldiers, and put them every one to the sword, even to the little children. And he consecrated the dart also wherewith he had slain his own uncle Polyphron, and having put garlands upon it, he did sacrifice to it, as to a god, and called it TYCHON, as one would say, happy killer. And an other time being in a Theatre, where the tragedy of Troades of Euripides was played, he went out of the Theatre, and sent word to the players notwithstanding, that they should go on with their play, as if he had been still among them: saying, that he came not away for any misliking he had of them or of the play, but because he was ashamed his people should see him weep, to see the miseries of Hecuba and Andromacha played, and that they never saw him pity the death of any one man, of so many of his citizens as he had caused to be slain. The guilty conscience therefore of this cruel and heathen tyrant, did make him tremble at the only name and reputation of Epaminondas: and as the common proverb saith: He let his wings down fall, not much unlike the cock, which doth refuse the pit prepared, and list not bide the shock. So he sent strait unto Epaminondas to excuse himself. But Epaminondas would in no wise suffer the THEBANS, through his means, to make league with such an hell hound: only he yielded to abstinence of arms for thirty days, upon delivery of Pelopidas & Ismenias into his hands, Epaminondas delivered Pelopidas out of prison. with whom he strait returned unto THEBES. Now the THEBANS being advertised that the LACEDÆMONIANS & the ATHENIANS did send Ambassadors to Artaxerxes the mighty king of PERSIA, Artaxerxes king of Persia. to make league with him: they sent to him Pelopidas for them also, being wisely considered of them to send a man of such fame and reputation. For Pelopidas passing first through countries subject to the king of PERSIA, his fame was such where he came, that the people's talk was only of him. For the report of the famous battles he had won of the LACEDÆMONIANS, Pelopidas sent Ambassador to the king of Persia. was not only carried into the next regions and countries of ASIA: but since the first news of the journey of Leuctres was brought thither, Pelopidas having after that won victory upon victory, his estimation grew so great, as it was blown abroad through the world, even to the highest and furthest parts of the East countries. And when he came to the king of persia's court, the princes, great Lords, and captains of PERSIA: that saw him, had him in great admiration, saying: lo this is he that conquered the LACEDÆMONIANS, and took all their signiory, and authority from them, both by sea and by land, and drove the SPARTANS beyond the river of EUROTAS, and from mount TAVOETUM, who not long before made wars with the great king of PERSIA, being led under their king Agesilaus, even to the midst of ASIA, for the realms of SUSE, and of ECBATANE. So king Artaxerxes self was very glad of his coming, Pelopidas greatly honoured of the king of Persia. and praised him above them all, and made his estimation greater than it was before, by his great and honourable entertaining of him, meaning thereby to return the honour to himself again: because men should think that the most famous men of the world came to honour him, and to see his court, as esteeming both him, and his greatness, the only happiness of the world. But when he had seen his face, and heard him speak, and perceived that his words were much graver than the ATHENIANS, and plainer than the LACEDÆMONIANS: he than was further in love with him then before, and without disguising he did honour and favour him above all the other Ambassadors, who found that he made more estimation of him, then of them all. Notwithstanding, he seemed to bear greater good will unto Antalcidas LACEDAEMONIAN, then to any other of the grecians: for that one day being at the table, he took a garland of flowers from his own head, and washed it in perfuming water, and sent it unto him. In deed he did not use Pelopidas with that open familiarity, yet did he sand him the goodliest and richest presents he could devise, & granted him besides all his requests he made unto him: which were, that all the people of GREECE should be free: Pelopidas refused the great gifts of the king Artaxerxes. that the city & country of MESSINA, should be inhabited again: & that the citizens of THEBES by their successors should be taken, as ancient friends & allies of the kings of PERSIA. So when he had received these answers, he returned home again, & would by no means accept any of the great presents the king had offered him: which caused the other Ambassadors of the grecians to be so ill welcome home to their cities. Timagoras Ambassador for the Athenians, put to death for taking great gifts of the king of Persia. For among other, Timagoras was accused to the ATHENIANS, & condemned to die, and was executed: which if they did in respect of the great presents he had taken of the king, truly they had reason, & it was worthily done of them. For he took not only gold & silver enough, as much as they would give him: but received a very rich bed also, & PERSIAN chamberlains to make and dress it up, as if no GRECIAN servants of his could have served that turn. Moreover he received four score milche kine to the pail, & neateheards to keep them, having need of cows milk belike, to heal a disease that fell upon him: and would needs be carried in a litter upon men's arms from the king's court, unto the MEDITERRANEAN sea, the king rewarding them for their pains that carried him, with four Talents. Yet it seemeth the gifts he took did not offend the ATHENIANS so much, considering that Epicrates (a drudge or tankard bearer) did not only confess before the people, how he had taken gifts of the king of PERSIA but said furthermore, that he would have a law made, that as they did yearly choose nine officers to rule the whole city: so that they would choose nine of the poorest and meanest citizens, and send them Ambassadors unto the king of PERSIA, that they might return home rich men with his gifts. The people laughed to hear him, but yet were they very angry the THEBANS had obtained all that they demanded: not considering that Pelopidas estimation and worthiness did more prevail, and take better effect, than all the orations the other could make, and specially to a Prince that sought always to entertain those GRECIANS, which were of greatest force and power in the wars. This Ambassade did greatly increase every man's love and good will unto Pelopidas, because of the replenishing again of MESSINA with inhabitants, & the infranchesing & setting at liberty of all the other grecians. But the tyrant Alexander of PHERES, returning again to his old accustomed cruelty, and having destroyed many cities of THESSALY, & placed his garrisons through all the country of the PHTHIOTES, ACHAIANS, and MAGNESIANS: the cities being advertised of Pelopidas return again to THEBES, they sent Ambassadors immediately to THEBES, to pray them to send them an army, & namely Pelopidas for Captain, to deliver them from the miserable bondage of the tyrant. The THEBANS willingly granted them, & put all things in readiness very suddenly. But Pelopidas being ready to set forward in his journey, Pelopidas second journey against the tyrant Alexander of Pheres. there fell a sudden eclipse of the sun, so as at none days it was very dark in THEBES. Pelopidas seeing every man afraid of this eclipse above, he would not compel the people to departed with this fear, nor with so ill hope to hazard the loss of seven thousand THEBANS, The eclipse of the sun made the Thebans afraid. being all billed to go this journey: but notwithstanding, he put himself alone into the THESSALIANS hands, with three hundred horsemen of strangers, that were glad to serve with him, with whom he took his journey against the soothsayers minds, and against the good will of all his citizens, who thought this eclipse did threaten the death of some great person like himself. But Pelopidas though he needed no spur to be revenged upon the tyrant Alexander, being by nature hot, and desirous of himself to revenge the spite and villainy he had offered him: yet he had a further hope to find the tyrants house divided against himself, by the former talk he had with his wife Thebes, in time of his imprisonment there. Nevertheless, the fame and reputation of the journey undertaken, did wonderfully increase his noble courage, and the rather, because he was desirous (all he could) the grecians should see, that at the very same time when the LACEDÆMONIANS did send governors & captains to Dionysius, the tyrant of SICILY, to serve & aid him, & that the ATHENIANS as hirelings took pay of the tyrant Alexander of PHERES, in whose honour they had set up a statue of brass in their city, as unto their saviour: the THEBANS only at the self same time took arms against them, to deliver those whom the tyrants oppressed, & sought to root out all tyrannical government over the grecians. So, when he came to the city of PHARSALE, & had gathered his army together, he went presently into the field to meet with the tyrant. Alexander, perceiving Pelopidas had very few THEBANS about him, and that he had twice as many more THESSALIANS with him, than the other had: he went to the temple of THETIS, to meet with Pelopidas. Battle given by the temple of Thetis, unto the tyrant Alexander. There one telling Pelopidas, that Alexander was coming against him with a great power: Pelopidas answered him strait, all the better, we shall kill the more. Now, in the midst of the valley, there are certain round hills of a good pretty height, which they commonly call the dogs heads: they both strived which of their footmen should first get those hills. Pelopidas having a great number of horsemen, & good men at arms in the field, sent them before to give charge upon the enemies, that pressed to win the vantage of the place: & having overthrown them, they followed the chase all the valley over. But in the mean time, Alexander having his footmen hard by, marched forwards, & got the hills, because the THESSALIANS that were further of came to late: notwithstanding, when they came to the hills, they sought forcible to climb them up, being very high and steep. But Alexander coming down the hill, gave charge upon them to their disadvantage, & slew the first that gave the attempt to get up against the hill: and the residue being fore hurt, retired again without their purpose. Pelopidas seeing that, sounded the retreat for the horsemen that followed the chase, to repair to the standard, and commanded them they should set upon the footmen of the enemies that were in battle ray: and himself ran to help those that fought to win the hills. So he took his target on his arm, and passing through the rearward, got to the formest tanckes: to whom, the sight of his person did so redouble their force and courage, that the enemies themselves thought it had been a fresh supply of new men's hearts and other bodies, then theirs with whom they had fought before, that came thus lustily to set again upon them. And yet they did abide two or three onsettes. Howbeit in the end, perceiving those men did still more fiercely force to get up the hill, and moreover how their horsemen were come in from the chase: they gave way, and left them the place, retiring back by little and little. Then Pelopidas having won the hills, stayed on the top of them, viewing the army of his enemies, which were not yet returned from their flying, but waved up and down in great disorder. And there he looked all about, to see if he could spy out Alexander: and at the length he found him out amongst others, in the right wing of his battle, setting his men again in order, and encouraging of them. After he had set eye on him, it was no holding of him back, his heart so rose against him upon sight of him, that giving place to wrath, he neither regarded his person, nor the intent of his journey, but running far before his men, he cried with a loud voice to the tyrant, and challenged the combat of him. The tyrant would not abide him, nor come out to fight with him, but fled, and hid himself amongst his soldiers. But for his soldiers, the first that thought to set upon Pelopidas, were slain by him, and many left dead in the field. The residue standing stoutly to it, and close together, did pass his cuirasses through with their long pikes, and thrust him into the breast. The THESSALIANS seeing him thus sore handled and distressed, for pity's sake came running from the top of those hills, to the place where Pelopidas was, Pelopidas slain. to help him. But even as they came, he fell down dead before them. Then did they together with their horsemen so fiercely set upon them, that they made the whole battle of the enemies to fly: and following them in chase a great way from that place, they covered the valley with dead bodies, for they slew above three thousand men. It is no marvel, if the THEBANS that were at Pelopidas death, The great lamentation & mourning for Pelopidas death. took it very heavily, and lamented bitterly: calling him their father, their saviour, and master, as one that had taught them the worthiest things that might be learned of any. But the THESSALIANS, and other friends and confederates also of the city of THEBES, besides their exceeding in setting out their common proclamations and edicts in praise of his memory, and doing him all the honour that could be due to the most rare and excellent person that ever was: they did yet more show their love and affection towards him, by their passing great sorrow and mourning they made for him. For it is said, that they that were at the battle, did not put of their armour, nor unbridle their horses, nor would dress their wounds, hearing tell of his death: before they went first and saw his body not yet cold with fighting, laying great heaps of the enemy's spoils about it, as if he could have told what they had done, nor before they had clipped of their own hears, and the hear of their horses, in token of sorrow. And many of them also, when they were come into their tents and pavilions, would neither have fire, eat, nor drink: and all the camp was full of sorrow and mourning, as if they had not won a notable victory, but had been overthrown and made subject by the tyrant. Afterwards when the news of his death was spread through all the country, the Magistrates of every city through which Pelopidas body was conveyed, went to receive it very honourably, accompanied with all the young men, Priests, and children carrying tokens and crowns of triumph, and other ornaments of gold. And when his funeral day came, that his body should be carried to be buried, the oldest and noblest persons of the THESSALIANS went to the THEBANS, and prayed them that they might have the burying of him: and one among them being the mouth of the rest, spoke in this manner to the THEBANS. My Lords of THEBES, our good beloved friends, The oration of the Thessalians to the Thebans. and confederates, we only crave this good turn at your hands, wherein you shall much honour us, & in our great calamity somewhat also comfort us. For we shall never more accompany Pelopidas alive, nor requited his honourable deserts to us, that he shall ever know them. But if it please you to let us handle his body with our hands, and that we may bury him, and set forth his obsequies: we will imagine then at the lest that you do think that, which we ourselves do certainly believe: that we THESSALIANS, not you THEBANS, have received the greatest loss of both. For you have lost in deed a worthy Captain, and we have not only received that like loss with you, but the hope also of recovering of our liberty. For how dare we again send to you for an other Captain, when we can not redeliver you Pelopidas? The THEBANS hearing their petition, granted their desire: and in mine opinion, no funerals could be done with greater pomp and honour, than the THESSALIANS performed his: being men that reckon not dignity, magnificence, & pomp, to consist in ornaments of ivory, nor of purple. As Philistus doth set it out, who praiseth to the moon the burying of Dionysius the tyrant of SYRACUSE, which was the end of his tyranny, as a sumptuous conclusion of a stately tragedy. And Alexander the great, at the death of Ephestion, The strange manner of sorrow, of Alexander the great, for the death of Ephestion. did not only clip his horse hears & mules, but plucked down also the battellments of the walls of the city: because it should appear, that the very walls themselves did mourn for his death, shewing that deformity, in steed of their former beauty. But all such things are done only by force and compulsion, upon the lords commandments, which do but raise up envy against their memory for whom they are done, and hatred of them that are against their wills constrained to do the thing they misliked: & are no just proofs of honour nor good will, but rather vain shows of barbarous pomp, and pride in him, that disposeth his authority and plenty of goods, in trifling toys not to be desired. Where contrariwise it plainly appeareth, that a private man dying in a foreign country, by reason should be accounted most happy of all other creatures, Pelopidas happiness. that having neither his wife, kin, nor his children by him, he should be conveyed to his funerals, accompanied with such multitudes of crowned people and number of cities, envying one an other who should most honour the funerals, as being unrequested, & lest of all compelled. For saith Esope, Esop's saying of the happiness of the dead. the death of a happy man is not grievous, but most blessed, seeing it bringeth all good men's doings to happiness, and leaveth fortune to her fickle change, and sporting pleasure. But in my judgement, a LACEDAEMONIAN spoke better, when he said to Diagoras an old man, that had himself in old time gotten victory in the games olympical, & had seen beside, his own children, & his children's children (both sons & daughters) crowned with victories also in the self same games: Death a blessed thing. O Diagoras, die presently, else thou shalt never come to heaven. But these victories of the olympical & Pythian games, whosoever should put them all together, are not to be compared with one of the battles only, that Pelopidas hath foughten & won: having spent the most part of his time in great calling and dignity, & lastly ended the same, being governor of BOEOTIA the third time (which was the highest office of state in all his country) when he had destroyed the tyrants that kept the THEBANS in bondage, and was also slain himself, valiantly fight for the recovery of the THESSALIANS liberty. But as Pelopidas death was grievous to the THEBANS friends & confederates: so fell it out very profitable for them. For the THEBANS hearing of Pelopidas death, The Thebans revenged Pelopidas death. did not delay revenge, but sent an army forthwith of seven thousand footmen, and seven hundred horsemen, under the conduct of Malcitas, and of Diogiton. They finding Alexander's army overthrown, & that he had lost the most part of his strength, did compel him to give up the THESSALIANS towns he kept by force against them, & to set the MAGNESIANS, the PHTHIOTES, & the ACHAIANS at liberty, withdrawing his garrisons he had placed in their strong holds: and therewithal to swear, that from thence forth he would march under the THEBANS, against any enemy they should lead him, or command him to go against. So, the THEBANS were pacified upon these conditions. Now will I tell you how the gods plagued him soon after for Pelopidas death, who (as we have told you before) had prettily instructed THEBES his wife, that she should not fear the outward appearance nor power of his tyranny, Alexander the tyrant of Pheres slain by his wife. although she were environed with soldiers of banished men, whom the tyrant entertained to guard his person. He self on the other side, fearing his falsehood, as also hating his cruelty, conspired her husband's death with her three brethren, Tisiphomus, Pytholaus, & Lycophron, & executed her conspiracy after this sort. The tyrants palace where he lay, was straightly guarded every where with soldiers, who nightly watched his person: but their bed chamber which they commonly used to lie in, was in the top of all his palace, where they kept a dog tied at the chamber door, to give warning, which was a terrible dog, and knew none but the tyrant and his wife, and his keeper that gave him meat. Now when Thebes purposed to work her feat, she locked up her three brethren a whole day near unto their bed chamber. So when night was come, and being bed time, The went herself alone according to her manner, into Alexander's chamber: and finding him a sleep, she stolen out strait again, and bad the keeper of the dog to carry the dog away, for her husband was disposed to take rest, and would have no noise. There was no way to get up to this chamber but by a ladder, which she let down: and fearing lest her brethren should make a noise, she had coveted the ladder staves with wool before she let it fall down. When she had gotten them up with their sword, and had set them before the door, she went first herself into the chamber, & took away the tyrants sword that hung at his bed's head, and showed it them, as a token given them that he was a sleep. When it came to the pinch to do the deed, these young men were afraid, and their hearts began to fail them. But she took on with them and called them cowardly boys, that would not stand to it, when it came to the point, & with all swore in her rage, that she would go wake the tyrant, and open all the treason to him. So partly for shame, and partly for fear, she compelled them to come in, and to step to the bed, herself holding a lamp to light them. Then one of them took him by the feet, and bound them hard: an other caught him by the hear of his head, and pulled him backwards: & the third thrust him through with his sword. So by chance he died sooner than he should have done, and otherwise then his wicked life deserved, for the manner of his death. So Alexander was the first tyrant that was ever slain by the treason of his wife, Alexander the tyrant of Pheres was the first tyrant that was slain by his wife. whose body was most villainously & despitefully used after his death. For when the towns men of PHERES had drawn him through the city in mire and dirt, they cast him out at length to the dogs to devour. The end of Pelopidas life. THE LIFE OF Marcellus. Marcellus kindred. MArcus Claudius that was five times Consul at ROME, was the son (as they say) of an other Marcus: and as Posidonius writeth, he was the first of his house surnamed Marcellus, Marcellus conditions. as who would say, a marshal & warlike man by nature. For he was cunning at weapons, skilful in wars, strong and lusty of body, hardy, and naturally given to fight. Yet was he no quarreller, nor showed his great courage, but in wars against the enemy: otherwise he was ever gentle, and fair conditioned. He loved learning, and delighted in the Greek tongue, and much esteemed them that could speak it. For, he himself was so troubled in matters of state, that he could not study and follow it, as he desired to have done. For it God (as Homer saith) did ever make men To use their youth in wars, and battles fierce and fell, till crooked age came creeping on, such feats for to expel: They were the noblest and chiefest men of ROME at that time. For in their youth, they fought with the CARTHAGINIANS in SICILY: in their middle age, against the GAULES, to keep them from the winning of all ITALY: & again in their old age, against Hannibal & the CARTHAGINIANS. For their age was no privilege for them to be dispensed with, in the service of their wars, The romans troubled with wars. as it was else for common citizens: but they were both for their nobility, as also for their valiantness and experience in wars, driven to take charge of the armies delivered them, by the Senate & people. Now for Marcellus, there was no battle could make him give ground, being practised in all fights: but yet he was more valiant in private combat man for man, then in any other fight. Therefore he never refused enemy that did challenge him, but slew all those in the field that called him to the combat. In SICILY he saved his brother Octacilius life, Marcellus saved his brother Octacilius. being overthrown in a skirmish: for with his shield he covered his brother's body, & slew them that came to kill him. These valiant parts of him, being but a young man, were rewarded by the generals under whom he served, with many crowns, and warlike honours, usually bestowed upon valiant soldiers. Marcellus increasing still his valiantness and good service, was by the people chosen AEdilis, Marcellus chosen AEdilis and Augur. as of the number of those that were the worthiest men, and most honourable: and the Priests did created him Augur, which is a kind of Priesthood at ROME, having authority by law, to consider and observe the flying of birds, to divine and prognosticate things thereupon. But in the year of his office of AEdile, he was forced against his will to accuse Capitolinus, Marcellus accuseth Capitolinus. his brother in office with him. For he being a rash, and dissolute man of life, fell in dishonest love with his colleagues son Marcellus, that bore his own name: who being a goodly young gentleman, and newly come to man's state, was as well thought of, and taken of every man for his manhood and good qualities, as any way for his beauty and parsonage. The first time Capitolinus moved this dishonesty to him, he did of himself repulse his shameless offer, without any other's privity: but when he saw he came again to tempt him the second time, he strait revealed it to his father. Marcellus his father being marvelously offended withal, (as he had good cause) went and accused Capitolinus before the Senate. Capitolinus at the first, laid in many exceptions and feigned excutes, to keep him from appearing, and in the end he appealed to the Tribunes of the people: but they declared plainly they would not receive his appeal, nor take any knowledge of the matter. At the length he was forced to answer the matter before the Senate, and denied flatly that he attempted ever any such thing, because there were no witnesses to prove it against him. Whereupon the Senate thought good to send for young Marcellus, who coming before them, both blushed, and wept together. The Senate seeing shamefastness in him, mingled with tears, and a malice that could not be pacified without seeking other proof: they took it a clear case, & so condemned Capitolinus presently in a great sum of money, which Marcellus converted into silver vessel, to serve at sacrifices, and so did consecrated them to the service of the gods. Now when the romans had ended their first war against the CARTHAGINIANS, which held them fully the space of two and twenty years: The romans had wars with the Carthaginians two & twenty years together. Immediately after that, they began a new war against the GAULES. For the INSUBRIANS, being a people derived from the GAULES, & dwelling at the foot of the mountains of the ALPESON ITALY side, being able to make a good power of themselves, did notwithstanding pray aid of the other GAULES inhabiting on the other side of the mountains: The war of the Gauls. & they caused the GESSATES, Gessates mercenary. a mercenary people and hirelings to them that would give pay, to bring great numbers with them. Truly me thinks it was a marvelous matter, and wonderful good hap for the romans, that this war of the GAULES came not upon them, Gauls. while they were at wars with the CARTHAGINIANS: & that the GAULES also had lain quiet all that while (as if they had purposely sworn to set upon the conquerors) expecting still an end between them, & then to set upon the conquerors, when they had nothing to say to any other. Yet the situation of their country did trouble the romans much, because they were so near neighbours unto them, & had wars as it were at their own doors. And so did the ancient reputation of the GAULES somewhat appawle the romans, who as it should seem they did fear more, than any other nation whatsoever: because ROME had been taken before the GAULES. Since which time, a law was made, that Priests and ecclesiastical persons should be dispensed with, from going to the wars, unless the GAULES did rise against them. The preparation they made for this war at that time, did plainly show the fear they had then of the GAULES. A law to exempt ecclesiastical person from the war. The romans did fear the war of the Gauls. For the world thinks, that never before, nor since, there were so many natural romans assembled together in field, as were then at that present. Moreover, the new come cruelty they used in their sacrifices, doth record this to be true. For before, they never used any strange manner in their sacrifice, or barbarous fashion, but were favourable in their opinions about the ceremonies of religion, & agreeable to the grecians, touching the service of the gods. But then, they were compelled to obey certain oracles, and ancient prophecies they found written in SIBYLLES books: & they buried two grecians alive in the ox market, a man & a woman, Men and women buried alive. and likewise two GAULES, a man and a woman. Unto them they do yet continue certain secret anniversaries in November, that are not to be seen of every body. The romans in their first battles of this war, were often overcomen, and did overcome: but these battles were to little purpose, for ending of the wars. In the year that C. Quintius Flaminius, and P. Furius Philo were Consuls, Flaminius & P. Furius Consuls. and sent with great armies to make wars upon the INSUBRIANS, people subject to the state of MILANE: news were brought to ROME, that there was a river seen in the country of ROMANIA, News brought to Rome, of strange things seen in Romania. read as blood, & three moons also at the very same time in the city of RIMINI. Furthermore, the Priests & Soothsayers, that had observed & considered the tokens, & significations of birds on that day, when these two were chosen Consuls: they told plainly there was error in their election, & that they were directly chosen against all signs & tokens of the birds. Thereupon the Senate wrote immediately to the camp to them, & willed them to come home to depose themselves of their consulship, before they did attempt any thing as Consuls against the enemies. The Consul Flaminius received the letters in time but because he was ready to give battle, Flaminius' overcome the Gauls in battle. he would not open them, before he had first overthrown his enemies, & spoiled their country, as in deed he did. But when he was come back to ROME again, and had brought marvelous great spoils with him, the people for all that would not go out to meet him, because he did not presently obey the letters they wrote unto him, nor returned upon it as they commanded him, but contemptuously, without any regard of their displeasure, followed his own fantasy: whereupon they had almost flatly denied him the honour of triumph. For his triumph was no sooner ended, but they compelled him to give over his Consulship, and made him a private man with his companion. The romans therein were so religiously bend, The great religion of the romans. as they would all things should be referred unto the gods good grace & pleasure, & would suffer none to contemn the observations & prognosticatinge of the soothsayers, nor their ancient uses & customs, for any prosperity & felicity that could happen. For they thought it more necessary and profitable for benefit of the common weal, that the Senate and magistrates should reverence the ceremonies and service of the gods: then that they should overcome their enemies in battle. As for example Tiberius Sempronius, a man as much honoured and esteemed of the romans for his justice and valiantness, as any other of his time: being one year Consul, did nominate & elect two other for Consuls the year following, Scipio Nasica, & Caius Martius. These two being entered into their Consulship, and sent from ROME also to their several provinces appointed them by lot: Sempronius by chance took certain little books in his hand, where were briefly written the rules appertaining to the ceremonies of public sacrifice, and reading in them, he found a certain ordinance he never heard before. An ordinance for public sacrifice. And this it was. That if a magistrate were set in any tent or hired house without the city, to behold and observe the prognostications of birds, & that upon any sudden occasion he were driven to come again into the city, before the birds had given any certain signs: the second time when he returned again to end his observations, there was no remedy, but he must leave his tent or first hired house, and take an other, and begin new observations again. Tiberius' utterly ignorant of his ordinance before, had kept his observations twice in one self house, and had chosen there, Nasica and Martius, Consuls to succeed him. But when he knew he had offended, he told the Senate of it: who would not let slip so little a fault: but wrote to the new Consuls, and they strait left their provinces, and returned again to ROME, willingly resigning up their offices. That was a pretty while after. Again also, about the very present time we writ of now, there were two Priests of noble houses (and noble persons also) the one called Cornelius, and the other Cethegus, both which were disgraded of their Priesthood, because they had not given the entrails of the sacrificed beast in order, as they should have done. Quintus Sulpitius in like manner, was disgraded of his Bishopric, because his mitre which the FLAMINES do wear, fell of his head in his sacrificing. Minutius being Dictator also, and having chosen Caius Flaminius general of the horesemen: because they heard the noise of a rat at the election of Flaminius, they were both put out of their authority, and other chosen in their place. Now, though they were thus precise even in trifles, it was not by reason of any superstition mingled with their religion: but because they would not break any jot of the ancient institutions and ceremonies of their country. But to our story again. Flaminius being deprived of his consulship, Marcellus was created Consul in his place, by the regents at that time called Interreges. Marcellus being invested in his office, chose Cneus Cornelius for his companion: Marcellus & Cneus Cornelius Consuls. and they say, that the GAULES being inclined to peace, and the Senate of ROME also willing to hearken to peace, Marcellus did stir up the people, and made them rather desire war. Notwithstanding, they concluded peace at that time: but the GAULES GESSATES immediately after renewed the wars again. For there came over the mountains of the ALPS, a thirty thousand of them, The Gauls Gessates make wars with Rome, and come over the Alps. & they joined with the INSUBRIANS, which were many more in number then themselves. Now, they being in a marvelous jollity, went incontinently to lay siege to the city of ACERRES, that standeth upon the river of Po: Acerres, a city upon the river of Po. and during the siege, king Britomarus taking ten thousand GESSATES with him, went & destroyed all the country about the Po. Marcellus hearing that, left with his companion Cneus Cornelius, all the armed footmen, & the third part of the horsemen, in his camp by ACERRES: & he himself with the residue of the horsemen, & six hundred footmen light armed, marched towards the enemy, traveling night & day, until he met with the ten thousand GESSATES, near unto a village of GAUL on this side the mountains, called CLASTIDIUM, Clastidium, a village or, this side the mountains. which was subject not long before to the romans. So he had no leisure to take rest, nor to refresh his men a little: for the barbarous people knew strait he was come, & took him for no better than by and by overcome, because he had so few footmen. And for his horsemen, the GAULES made no reckoning of them: for besides themselves are very good men at arms, and excel all other in that fight, yet were their number of horsemen far above Marcellus. Therefore they strait marched towards him in a marvelous fury, and with thundering shouts, as if they would have devoured them at their coming. Britomarus' their king, advanced himself before all his company. Marcellus fearing to be a compassed in behind, being so small a number: he put out the wings of his horsemen as much as he could, to have the country at large, so that his two wings were very slender, until he came near his enemies. And being ready to gallop towards the enemy, it fortuned his horse being afraid with the noise of his enemies, turned about, & carried Marcellus back again in spite of his teeth. But he fearing the romans superstition, in taking this for an evil token, and that they would take a conceit upon the same: plucking the bridle with his left hand, turned his horse head again upon the enemy, and then he worshipped the sun, as though he had not turned his horse by chance, but purposely for that cause. For it is the romans manner to turn about so, The manner of the romans when they worship. when they do honour their gods. So when they began to join battle, he made a vow to jupiter Feretrian, to offer up the goodliest spoils of his enemies, if he did overcome. The king of the GAULES seeing him at that instant, imagined by the marks and tokens he saw, that he should be the general of his enemies: So he set spurs to his horse, and galloped towards him from all his company giving him defiance, & challenged him, The combat a horseback betwixt Britomarus' king of the Gauls, and Marcellus. shaking his staff in his hand. He was the goodliest person and strongest man of all the GAULES, and his armour was all guilt and silvered, and so set forth with sundry works and colours, that it shined as the sun. Marcellus on the other side having viewed all the army of his enemies through out, and perceiving none so richly armed as the king: thought strait it was against him, that he had made his prayer and vow to jupiter. Then he put his horse in full career against him, and came with such a force & fury to him, that he pierced his armour with his staff, Marcellus slew king Britomaerus as Clastidium. and overthrew him, but yet he killed him not dead: whereupon he suddenly redoubled two or three strokes besides upon him, and so slew him right out. Then he lighted from his horse, & taking the dead kings armour in his hand, he lift up his eyes to heaven, and said. O jupiter Feretrian, Marcellus prayer unto jupiter Feretrian. thou that dost from heaven behold and direct, all marshall feats and Captains deeds: thy self I call to witness, that I am the third ROMAN Captain, that being general of the army, have slain with my own hands, the king and general of the enemies: and I promise' here to thee, to offer thee up the richest spoils of mine enemies, so thy godhead will vowchesafe to grant us the like good fortune in all this war beside. His prayer ended, the men of arms of the romans ran in among the horsemen & footmen of the GAULES, one being unparted from an other: and fortune did so favour them, that they wan a passing victory, in such a strange and wonderful manner, as was incredible. For it was never seen before nor since, that so few horsemen did overthrow, The Gaul: overcome by Marcellus. so great a number of men of arms and footmen ranged together. Now when Marcellus had slain the greater number of them, and had gotten their spoils & all their baggage: he returned again to his companion Cneus Cornelius, whom he found making wars unfortunately with the GAULES, before the greatest and most populous city they had, called MILAN, which the GAULES on this side the mountains take for their chief city, and from whence all other had their first original. Whereupon they did all their possible endeavour to defend it, and did as straightly besiege the Consul Cornelius, as he did them. Now, when Marcellus was come to the camp again, the GESSATES understanding that their king Britomarus was slain in battle, returned back again into their country, & the city of MILAN was taken. Marcellus wan the city of Milan. After that, all the other cities there about yielded of themselves, without force of siege, and the GAULES wholly submitted themselves & all that they had, to the mercy of the romans, who granted them peace upon easy conditions. For these famous victories, the Senate of ROME gave all the honour of triumph unto Marcellus only, Marcellus triumph. and that was as wonderful and worthy a sight, as any that ever past before him: what for the infinite spoils, and the numbers of great men taken prisoners, and also for the exceeding sumptuousness & stately show thereof. But the goodliest sight of all for the rareness, was to behold Marcellus self, carrying on his shoulders the whole spoil of the barbarous king, to offer up to jupiter Feretrian. For he had cut down a goodly young oak of the mountain, strait, and shut up very long, which he had trimmed up in form of triumph, hanging all the armed pieces he had won of the king, very orderly round about it. Then, when all the show of his triumph was past, he himself took the oak on his shoulders, and got up upon his triumphing chariot, and so marched through the city, carrying these signs thereupon: which was the noblest sight, and honourablest show, of the whole triumph. His army followed after the chariot, singing verses and songs of victory, in praise of the gods and their Captain: and when he had passed through the whole city, and was come to the temple of jupiter called Feretrian, there he set up this young oak, and token of triumph. Marcellus offering up of his rich spoils. This Marcellus is the third and last ROMAN Captain, to whom happened this honour in our age. For the first man that ever offered up to jupiter the spoils of the general of their enemies, was king Romulus, who wan the like spoils of Acron, king of the CAENINIANS. The second was Cornelius Cossus, The three persons that offered up Spolia opima in Rome: Romulus. Cossus. who slew Tolemnius, general of the Tuscans. And the third was Marcellus, who slew with his own hands Britomarus, king of the GAULES: and after him, no man ever since could obtain the like good fortune. The god to whom these manner of spoils are consecrated thus, is called jupiter Feretrian, so termed as some writ, because they do carry this token of triumph to him, following the derivation of this Greek word, Ferin, Marce●us. jupiter Feretrian why so called. which signifieth to carry: for in those former times, many Greek words were mingled with the Latin. Other affirm it is one of the surnames of jupiter, signifying as much as lightning: for Ferire in the Latin tongue, signifieth to strike. And some say also, in wars it is properly to hurt or kill with his own hands: for the romans do use at this day when they give a charge upon their enemies in battle, or that they have them in chase flying, to cry, encouraging one another, Feri, Feri: which is as much, as kill, kill. And the spoils taken from the enemies also, are generally called Spolia: but those which Lieutenants, general, or generals, do take from the generals of their enemies, when they have slain them, they are called particulary Spolia opima. Yet some hold opinion, that king Numa Pompilius mentioning the rich spoils, or Spolia opima in his commentaries, Spolia opima what they be. speaketh of the first, the second, and the third: and commandeth that the first spoils which are won, should be consecrated to jupiter Feretrian: the second unto Mars: and the third unto Quirinus. And that they should give to him that had won the first spoils, three hundred Asses: the second, two hundred: & the third a hundred. But notwithstanding, the best opinion & usual taking of Spolia opima, referreth them to be the first spoils won in a foughten field, & those which the Lieutenant of an army, or a general, doth take from the general of the enemies, after he hath slain him with his own hands. And thus much for declaration of this matter. Furthermore, the romans were so joyful of this victory, & of their good success in this war, that they caused a massy cup of gold to be made of the spoil they had gotten, weighing a hundred pound weight, which they sent to offer up in the temple of Apollo Pythias: in the city of DELPHES, in token of thanks: and they made liberal division beside of the spoils unto their friends and confederates, and sent a great part of it unto Hieron king of SYRACUSE, who was their confederate. Not long after, Hannibal being entered ITALY, Marcellus was sent with an army by sea, into SICILY. Marcellus sent into Sicily with an army. And after the great overthrow was given at the battle of CANS, wherein there died so many thousand romans, and that very few of them saved themselves by flying, into the city of CANNUSIUM: they looked that Hannibal having overcome the flower of all the romans youth, and their greatest force, would not fail to come strait to ROME. Wherefore Marcellus first sent fifteen hundred of his men by sea, to help to defend ROME: and having afterwards received commandment from the Senate, he came to CANNUSIUM, where he took such as were fled thither for succour after the battle, & so brought them out to the field, to defend the country. Now the romans having lost the most part of all their best Captains, in diverse sundry battles before: of all those that remained, Fabius Maximus was the only able and reputed man for commendation of his honesty and wisdom, yet they misliked of him notwithstanding, for a timorous man, and of no courage, as a man to full of doubts and consideration, and loath to put any thing in hazard: saying, he was a good Captain to defend, but not to offend the enemy. Whereupon they thought good to join Marcellus lively youth & courage, with Fabius' feminine fear and wisdom: and therefore some years they chose them both Consuls together, or else they sent one of them as Consul, and the other as Proconsul, each in his turn, to the country where they had wars. And for proof hereof, Posidonius writeth, Posidonius words of Fabius & Marcellus. that the romans at that time called Fabius Maximus their target, and Marcellus their sword. Therefore Hannibal himself said, he feared Fabius Maximus as his governor, and Marcellus as his enemy: because the one kept him from hurting of others, and the other did hurt to himself. Immediately after this great victory at CANS, Hannibal's soldiers become so bold, so careless, and disordered, that they kept the field without fear of any thing, and dispersed themselves far from their camp: wherefore Marcellus setting upon those stragglers, he slew them every man, & so by little and little did still lessen the power and strength of his enemy. Afterwards he aided the cities of BIZANTIUM and of NOLA, and established the true devotion and love of the BIZANTINES towards the romans: from thence he went to NOLA, & found great sediton there betwixt the Senate & people, because the Senate could not keep the people in obedience, but they would needs take Hannibal's part. The cause of the people's stubbornness grew, by occasion of a gentleman of the city called Bandius, a noble gentleman to the people, and a valiant man of his hands. Lucius Bandius, of Nola: a valiant man. This Bandius having sought valiantly at the battle of CANS, after he had slain many a CARTHAGINIAN, was himself in the end stricken down, and found lying among dead bodies, sore wounded and mangled: whereupon Hannibal greatly commending his valiantness, did not only let him go without ransom, but furthermore presented him, & made him his host and friend. Hereupon Bandius at his coming home, to requited Hannibal's honour and courtesy, become one of those that most favoured Hannibal, & most persuaded the people of NOLA to take his part. Notwithstanding this, Marcellus thinking it to great sin against the gods, Marcellus gentleness. to put a man to death that had made so great proof of his valiantness, and had served with the romans in their greatest wars and extremest danger, and who besides the goodness of his nature, had a marvelous gift also, to win men's good wills by his great courtesy: when this Bandius came one day to do his duty to him, Marcellus of purpose asked him what he was, though he had known him long before, only to take occasion to talk with him. The other answered him, his name was Lucius Bandius. Then Marcellus seeming to be marvelous glad, and to wonder at him, said: and art thou that Bandius they speak of so much at ROME, whom they say did so notable service in person at the battle of CANS, and never forsook Paulus AEmilius the Consul, but received so many wounds upon thy body in defence of him? Bandius answered, that he was the man, and therewith showed him many wounds he had upon his body. Marcellus then replied: alas, thou that carriest such notable marks of thy unfeigned love towards us, what didst thou mean, that thou camest not strait again unto us? art thou persuaded we are so miserable & unthankful, that we will not worthily reward the virtue and valiantness of our friends, whom our enemies selves do honour? After Marcellus had used this courteous speech unto him, and had embraced him, he gave him a goodly horse for service in the wars, & five hundred Drachmas of silver beside. So after that time, Reward made Bandius a true subject. Bandius did ever take Marcellus part, and always followed him, being very faithful to him, and showed himself very severe and earnest to accuse them, that took Hannibal's part in the city: which were many in number, & had conspired among themselves, that the first time the romans should go into the field to skirmish with the enemies, they would shut the gates after them, & take the spoil of all their carriages. Marcellus being informed of this treason, did set his men in battle ray within the city, hard by the gates, & behind them he placed all the sumpters & carriage in good order: besides that, he made proclamation by trumpet, that no citizen upon pain of death should approach the walls. This occasion drew Hannibal to come hard to the city, seeing no watch upon the walls, and made him the bolder to come in disorder, imagining there had been some mutiny or sedition within, between the noble men and the people. But in the mean time, Marcellus set open the gates being hard by, and sailing out upon the sudden with the best men of arms he had, he gave a charge upon Hannibal in the vanguard. Marcellus victory of Hannibal at Nola. Immediately after came out his footmen at an other gate, running strait upon Hannibal, with a wonderful cry and shout: so as Hannibal to withstand them, was driven to divide his men in two companies. But as he was dividing of them, suddenly a third gate opened upon them, from whence all the residue of the romans issued out, who set upon the CARTHAGINIANS on every side, they being marvelously amazed to be so suddenly set on, which they looked not for: so having their hands full with those that came first upon them, being scant able to defend themselves against them, and seeing this new and last charge also: they were forced to retire. This was the first time, that ever Hannibal's soldiers began to give place to the romans, who drove them back unto their camp, and slew a great number of them, and did hurt diverse of them beside. For some write, there were slain of the CARTHAGINIANS at that conflict, above five thousand: and of the romans there died not passed five hundred men. But Titus Livius doth not set out the overthrow so great, and yet confesseth that Marcellius wan great honour by it, & that it made the romans marvelous valiant again, after so many and sundry battles as they had lost one after another: for than they were persuaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether unvincible, but that he might sometime also, as well as themselves, receive both loss and hurt. Therefore, one of the Consuls dying about that time, the people caused Marcellus to be sent for, & placed him in his room: and in spite of the Senate they deferred all deputation until his return from the camp. Marcellus came no sooner to ROME, but he was chosen Consul in the dead man's room, by all the voices of the people. Notwithstanding, when they went to choose him, it thundered marvelously: which the Priests & Augurs took for an ill token, but yet they durst not openly speak against his election, because they feared the people. Howbeit Marcellus of himself did willingly give up his consulship, and yet was it no exception to him for his service in the wars: for they created him Proconsul, Marcellus proconsul. and sent him again to the camp at NOLA, where he did severely punish such as took Hannibal's part. Who being advertised thereof, came thither with all possible speed to help them: and even at his first coming, he offered Marcellus battle, which refused it at that time. Nevertheless he took his time, when Hannibal had sent the best part of his army to forage, as meaning to fight no more battles: and then he set upon him, having given his footmen long pikes, such as they use in fight upon the sea, and taught them also, how to hurt the enemy a far of, keeping them still in their hands. But the CARTHAGINIANS having no skill of their pikes, and fight with short javelinings in their hands, did strike down right blows: which was the cause, that they being set upon by the romans, were driven to turn their backs, and flee before them. So there were five thousand of the CARTHAGINIANS left dead in the field, four elephants slain, and two taken alive: and furthermore, three days after the battle, there came a three hundred horsemen, some of them SPANIARDS, and other NUMIDIANS, Certain Spaniards and Numidians are revolted from Hannibal. that submitted themselves to the romans. Never came there such a misfortune before to Hannibal: who had of long time kept together in great love & amity, an army assembled of sundry barbarous nations and people. Howbeit these three hundred continued ever after faithful to the end, both to Marcellus, and to all other Lieutenants & generals of the romans. Shortly after, Marcellus being again chosen Consul the third time, went into SICILY. Marcellus the third time Consul, sent into Sicily. For Hannibal's prosperous success and victories had so encouraged the CARTHAGINIANS, as they sought again to conquer this Island: and specially because that after the death of Hieronimus the tyrant, there rose some tumult at SYRACUSE. Upon which occasion, the romans had sent an army thither before, and a Praetor called Appius: at whose hands Marcellus having received the army, a great number of the romans become humble suitors to him, to pray him to aid them in their calamity, which was this. Of those that scaped from the battle of CANS, some saved themselves by flying, other were taken prisoners, of which there were such a number, as it appeared that ROME had not people enough left only to keep the walls. Nevertheless, those few that remained, their hearts were so great, The severity of the romans to cowardly soldiers. that they would never redeem the prisoners, which Hannibal was contented to deliver them upon small ransom, but made a decree they should not be redeemed: and so suffered some of them to be killed, others to be sold for slaves out of ITALY. And moreover, those that saved themselves by flying, they sent strait into SICILY: commanding they should not once set foot again in ITALY, whilst they had wars with Hannibal. These were the men that came altogether, and fell down at Marcellus feet, so soon as he arrived in SICILY, & humbly besought him, to appoint them to serve under some ensign, that they might fight to do their country honour and service: promising him with tears running down their cheeks, that their faithful service than should witness for them, that the overthrow they had a CANS, fell upon them rather by misfortune, then through lack of courage. Whereupon Marcellus having compassion on them, wrote to the Senate in their favour, & prayed them that they would grant him licence to supply the bands of his army, as they diminished, with those poor romans his countrymen. Many reasons passed to, and fro, against this suit: nevertheless, it was concluded in the end by the Senate, Cowards detested of the romans. that the common wealth made no reckoning of the service of faint hearted men like women: wherefore if Marcellus thought good of their service, yet it should not be lawful for him to give them any crowns or rewards of honour, for any notable service soever they did, as all generals are wont to give to honest men that serve valiantly. This order of the Senate misliked Marcellus very much, who at his return home out of SICILY, made his complaint in open Senate, and told them they did him manifest wrong, to deny him that favour, that having done his common wealth such faithful service diverse times as he had done, he might not restore so many poor romans to their honour again. Now, when Marcellus was in SICILY, he received great hurts and injuries by Hypocrates, general of the SYRACUSANS: Hypocrates general of the Syracusans. who, to pleasure CARTHAGINIANS, and by their means to make himself chief Lord of SYRACUSE, did put many ROMAN citizens to death. Whereupon Marcellus went and laid siege to the city of the LEONTINES, Marcellus wan the city of the Leontines. and when he had taken it by assault, he hurt never a towns man, nor natural citizen of the same: but such traitors as he found there, and had fled from his camp, & yielded to the enemies, them he caused to be whipped, and then hanged. But notwithstanding, Hypocrates had before caused it to be bruited at SYRACUSE, that Marcellus had put all the LEONTINES to the sword, not sparing little children: and afterwards Hypocrates coming thither on the sudden, in the fear and garboil of this false brute, he easily took the city. Marcellus hearing Hypocrates had taken SYRACUSE, left forthwith the LEONTINES, & went with his whole army, & camped hard by SYRACUSE: and sent his Ambassadors to tell the SYRACUSANS truly, what he had done in the city of the LEONTINES, and quite contrary to that they were informed of. Howbeit that prevailed not, for they believed not Marcellus, because Hypocrates being the stronger, had won the city. Marcellus besiegeth Syracuse. Whereupon he began then to approach the walls, and to assault in every quarter, as well by sea as by land. Appius took charge of them that gave assault by land. Marcellus himself, with three score galleys of five owers at every bank, well armed, and full of all sorts of artillery and fire works, did assault by sea, and rowed hard to the wall, having made a great engine and devise of battery, upon eight galleys chained together, to batter the wall: trusting in the great multitude of his engines of battery, and to all such other necessary provision as he had for wars, as also in his own reputation. But Archimedes made light account of all his devices, Archimedes a notable mathematician. as in deed they were nothing comparable to the engines himself had invented: and yet were not his own such, as himself did reckon of, to show singularity of work and devise. For those he had made, were but his recreations of Geometry, and things done to pass the time with, at the request of king Hieron: who had prayed him to call to mind a little, his geometrical speculation, and to apply it to things corporal and sensible, and to make the reason of it demonstrative, and plain, to the understanding of the common people by experiments, and to the benefit and commodity of use. For this inventive art to frame instruments and engines, (which are called mechanical, or organical, so highly commended and esteemed of all sorts of people) were first set forth by Architas, and by Eudoxus: Architas and Eudoxus, famous Mathematicians. partly to beautify a little the science of Geometry by this fineness, and partly to prove and confirm by material examples and sensible instruments, certain Geometrical conclusions, whereof a man can not find out the conceivable demonstrations, by enforced reasons and proofs. As that conclusion which instructeth one to search out two lines mean proportional, which can not be proved by reason demonstrative, and yet notwithstanding is a principal and an accepted ground, for many things which are contained in the art of portraiture. Both of them have fashioned it to the workmanship of certain instruments, called Mesolabes or Mesographes, which serve to find these mean lines proportional, by drawing certain curve lines, and overthwart and oblike sextions. But after that, Plato was offended with them, Why Plato reproved Eudoxus and Architas. and maintained against them, that they did utterly corrupt and disgrace, the worthiness & excellency of Geometry, making it to descend from things not comprehensible, and without body, unto things sensible and material, and to bring it to a palpable substance, where the vile and base handy work of man is to be employed: since that time I say, handy craft, or the art of engines, came to be separated from Geometry, and being long time despised by the Philosophers, it came to be one of the warlike arts. But Archimedes having told king Hieron, his kinsman and very friend, that it was possible to remove as great a weight as he would, with as little strength as he listed to put to it: and boasting himself thus (as they report of him) and trusting to the force of his reasons, wherewith he proved this conclusion, that if there were an other globe of earth, he was able to remove this of ours, and pass it over to the other: king Hieron wondering to hear him, required him to put this devise in execution, and to make him see by experience, some great or heavy weight removed, by little force. So Archimedes caught hold with a hook of one of the greatest carects, Archimedes with an engine drew one of the greatest hacks Hieron the king had a shore. or hulks of the king (that to draw it to the shore out of the water, required a marvelous number of people to go about it, and was hardly to be done so) and put a great number of men more into her, than her ordinary) burden: and he himself sitting alone at his ease far of, without any straining at all, drawing the end of an engine with many wheels and pullyes, fair and softly with his hand, made it come as gently and smoothly to him, as it had floated in the sea. The king wondering to see the sight, and knowing by proof the greatness of his art: he prayed him to make him some engines, both to assault and defend, in all manner of sieges and assaults. So Archimedes made him many engines, but king Hieron never occupied any of them, because he reigned the most part of his time in peace, without any wars. But his provision and munition of engines, served the SYRACUSANS turn marvelously at that time: and not only the provision of the engines ready made, but also the engineer & work master himself, that had invented them. Now, the SYRACUSANS seeing themselves assaulted by the romans, both by sea and by land, were marvelously perplexed, and could not tell what to say they were so afraid: imagining it was impossible for them to withstand so great army. But when Archimedes fell to handle his engines, The wonderful force of Archimedes engines as Marcellus siege of Syrcusa. and to set them at liberty, there five in the air infinite kinds of shot, and marvelous great stones, with an uncredible noise and force on the sudden, upon the footmen that came to assault the city by land, bearing down, and tearing in pieces all those, which came against them, or in what place soever they lighted, no earthly body being able to resist the violence of so heavy a weight: so that all their ranks were marvelously disordered. And as for the galleys that gave assault by sea, some were sunk with long pieces of timber like unto the yards of ships, whereto they fasten their sails, which were suddenly blown over the walls with force of their engines into their galleys, and so sunk them by their overgreat weight. Other being hoist up by the prooes with hands of Iron, and hooks made like crane's bills, plunged their poops into the sea. Other being taken up with certain engines fastened within, one contrary to an other, made them turn in the air like a whirlegigge, & so cast them upon the rocks by the town walls, and splitted them all to fitters, to the great spoil and murder of the persons that were within them. And sometimes the ships and galleys were lift clean our of the water, that it was a fearful thing to see them hung and turn in the air as they did: until that casting their men within them over the hatches, some here, some there, by this terrible turning, they came in the end to be empty, and to break against the walls, or else to fall into the sea again, when their engines left their hold. Now for Marcellus engine, Marcellus Sambuca. which he brought against the walls, upon a bridge made of galleys joined together: that was called Sambuca, by reason of the fashion it had like to an instrument of music of the same name, which is a harp. The same being yet a good pretty way of from the walls, there fell a great stone upon it sent from the walls, weighing ten talents. Then, a second after that, and a third one after that, the which falling all into this engine with such a thunder and terrible tempest, broke the foundation of the engine, and tare all the bridge of the galleys joined together in pecces, that sustained it. So that Marcellus being amazed with all, not knowing well what it meant: was glad to retire quickly, and sent to make his trumpet sound the retreat to those that gave assault by land. Hereupon they sat in counsel to determine what was to be done, and they resolved, that the next morning before day they should approach the walls if it were possible: because that Archimedes engines, which were very strong and hard wound up, should by this means send all the force and fury of their stones and shot over their heads, and that near hand also he could do no good with them, for that they had not the scope of their level and carriage they should have. But Archimedes had prevented this devise by long preparation before, having made provision of engines for far and near, the level and carriage whereof was proportioned for all distances: their shot short, the arrows not very long, many holes and arches in the walls one hard by an other, where there were store of crossbows to kill near hand, set in such places, as the enemies could not see them without. Wherefore, when the romans thought to approach, thinking they had been safe and close, that no man saw them: it amazed them all when they were received again with infinite shot, and stricken to the ground with stones that fell upon their heads like lead: (for there was no part of all the walls, from whence they had not the like shot.) Whereupon they were forced again to retire from the walls. And yet when they were further of from them, the arrows, stones, and other kind of shot that slew in every place among them, killed a great number of them, scattered far from thence: so that many of them were slain and sore wounded, and diverse of their ships splitted, and they not once able to be revenged, nor to hurt their enemies, because Archimedes had placed his engines very closely behind the walls, and not upon the walls in sight of the enemy. So that it appeared the gods fought against the romans, they were so slain and wounded, and yet they could not tell how, nor by whom. Notwithstanding, Marcellus escaped with life, safe from hurt, and mocking his workemaisters and engineers he had in his camp, he said unto them. What, shall we not leave to make wars with this Briarian engineer and Geometrician here? who sitting still upon the wharf, in sporting manner hath with shame overthrown our navy, and exceeded all the fabulous hundred hands of the Giants, Marcellus wondered as Archimedes engines. discharging at one instant so many shot among us? For in deed, all the residue of the SYRACUSANS were, as the body and members of Archimedes preparation: and he himself was the only creature that moved and did all, all weapons else being quiet, and his engines only occupied, to assault and defend. At the length, Marcellus seeing his men thus afeard, as if they did but see the end of a rope, or any piece of timber upon the wall, they ran away, crying out, that Archimedes was letting lose some of his engines upon them: he would no more approach the walls, nor give assault, determining to see if he could win it by long siege. Notwithstanding, Archimedes had such a great mind, and was so profoundly learned, Archimedes profowndely learned. having hidden in him the only treasure and secrets of Geometrical inventions he would never set forth any book how to make all these warlike engines, which wan him at that time the same & glory, not of man's knowledge, but rather of divine wisdom. But he esteeming all kind of handy craft & invention to make engines, & generally all manner of sciences bringing common commodity by the use of them, to be but vile, beggarly, & mercenary dross: employed his wit & study only to writ things, the beauty and subtlety whereof, were not mingled any thing at all with necessity. For all that he hath written, are geometrical propositions, which are without comparison of any other writings whatsoever: because he subject whereof they treat, doth appear by demonstration, the matter giving them the grace & the greatness, and the demonstration proving it so exquisitely, with wonderful reason and facility, as it is not repugnable For in all Geometry are not to be found more prefounde and difficult matters written, in more plain and simple terms, & by more easy principles, than those which he hath invented. Now some do impute this, to the sharpness of his wit & understanding, which was a natural gift in him: other do refer it to the extreme pains he took, which made these things come so easily from him, that they seemed as if they had been no trouble to him at all. For no man living of himself can devise the demonstration of his propositions, what pain soever he take to seek it: & yet strait so soon as he cometh to declare & open it, every man than imagineth with himself he could have found it out well enough, he can then so plainly make demonstration of the thing he meaneth to show. And therefore that me thinks is like enough to be true, which they writ of him: that he was so ravished & drunk with the sweet inty sements of this Siren, Archimedes Siren. which as it were lay continually with him, as he forgot his meat & drink, and was careless otherwise of himself, that oftentimes his servants got him against his will to the baths, to wash & anoint him: & yet being there, he would ever be drawing out of the Geometrical figures, even in the very embers of the chimney. And while they were anointing of him with oils & sweet savours, with his finger he did draw lines upon his naked body: so far was he taken from himself, & brought into an ecstasy or trance, with the delight he had in the study of Geometry, & truly ravished with the love of the Muses. But amongst many notable things he devised, it appeareth, that he most esteemed the demonstration of the proportion between the Cylinder (to wit, the round colomne) & the Sphere or globe contained in the same: Archimedes demonstration of the Cylinder. for he prayed his kinsmen & friends, that after his death they would put a Cylinder upon his tomb, containing a massy Sphere, with an inscription of the proportion, whereof the continent exceedeth the thing contained. So Archimedes being as you have heard, did as much as lay in him, both save himself & SYRACUSE from taking. But now again to Marcellus. Marcellus during the siege at SYRACUSE, wan the city of MEGARES in SICILY, Marcellus victories in Sicily. one of the ancientest cries in all the Island: & he took beside, the camp of Hypocrates, lying by ACILES, where he slew above eight thousand men, surprising them upon the sudden, even as they were preparing to lodge, & to fortify their camp. Then he overcame a great part of the champion country of SICILY, & made the cities to rebel that took the CARTHAGINIANS part: & in all the battles he fought, he ever overcame them that durst bid him battle. It chanced afterwards, that he took a LACEDAEMONIAN Captain prisoner, called Danippus: Danippus a Lacedaemonian Captain taken prisoner. even as he came out of SYRACUSE by sea. The SYRACUSANS desirous to redeem him, sent to him to pray he might be ransommed. They made many parlays about his ransom, and drew out this practice to diverse meetings: until Marcellus had taken good marks of a certain tower, that had no great watch kept upon it, & into the which he might secretly convey a certain number of men, the wall of the city in that place being no very hard thing to scale. Therefore when he had given a good guess by estimation at the height of that tower, by often approaching to it, having parled many a time hard by it: he provided scaling ladders, & took the opportunity of a feast which the SYRACUSANS solemnized in the honour of Diana, on which day they gave themselves to all feasting, sporting & plays. Marcellus winneth Syracuse. So he took not only the tower, but filled all the walls round about with armed men before day, & broke open the main gate & entry of the city called Hexapyle. And as the SYRACUSANS began to stir, perceiving the romans on the walls: Marcellus made his men found their trumpets on every side. Whereupon the SYRACUSANS were so afraid & amazed, that they began to fly, thinking all the city beside had been taken, where in deed the greatest & strongest quarter of the city called ACRADINA, Acradina. was not yet touched: because it is walled in round about, and separated from the rest of the city, which is divided into two other parts, the one called the new city, and the other fortune. The two parts whereof being won, Marcellus by the break of the day forced in by the gate or entry of the Hexapyle. And when his captains told him he was happy, to win so goodly a city, so easily: they say, that he looking about him, and considering the greatness and stateliness of the same, he wept for very pity, foreseeinge whereto it should come, thinking with him self what a sudden change it should have, when his army came to spoil and sack the same. For there was not a Captain that durst deny the soldiers when they demanded the spoil, and yet were there many that would needs have it burnt and razed to the ground. But Marcellus would not agreed to that in any case, Marcellus gentleness. and beside, it was sore against his mind to grant them the spoil of the goods and slaves: straightly commanding them notwithstanding, not to lay hands of any free man, and not to kill, hurt, nor to make any SYNACUSAN slave. Wherein, though he showed great savour and mercy, yet it grieved him to see so famous a city, brought to that miserable state: and in the midst of all the joy he had for his victory, he could not refrain from weeping for pity to see so rich and wealthy a city, in the turning of a hand, spoiled, and brought to naught. For it is said, that the riches and goods taken away at the sack of SYRACUSE, Rich spoiled at Syracuse. were nothing inferior to the spoils of CARTHAGE, which was also sacked not long after that: for the other part of the city of SYRACUSE called ACRADINA, was soon after also taken by treason, and spoiled against the captains wills, saving the kings treasure, which was reserved to be carried to the common treasure of ROME. SYRACUSE being taken, nothing grieved Marcellus more, than the loss of Archimedes. Who being in his study when the city was taken, busily seeking out by himself the demonstration of some Geometrical proposition which he had drawn in figure, Archimedes mathematician slain in his study. and so earnestly occupied therein, as he neither saw nor heard any noise of enemies that ran up and down the city, and much less knew it was taken: He wondered when he saw a soldier by him, that bade him go with him to Marcellus. Notwithstanding, he spoke to the soldier, and bade him tarry until he had done his conclusion, and brought it to demonstration: but the soldier being angry with his answer, drew out his sword, and killed him. Other say, that the ROMAN soldier when he came, offered the swords point to him, to kill him: and that Archimedes when he saw him, prayed him to hold his hand a little, that he might not leave the matter he looked for unperfect, without demonstration. But the soldier making no reckoning of his speculation, killed him presently. It is reported a third way also, saying, that certain soldiers met him in the streets going to Marcellus, carrying certain Mathematical instruments in a little pretty coffer, as dials for the sun, Spheres and Angles, wherewith they measure the greatness of the body of the sun by view: and they supposing he had carried some gold or silver, or other precious juells in that little coffer, slew him for it. But it is most true, that Marcellus was marvelous sorry for his death, and ever after hated the villain that slew him, as a cursed and execrable person: and how he made also marvelous much afterwards of Archimedes kinsmen for his sake. The romans were esteemed of at that time by all nations, for marvelous expert soldiers, and taken for very vallyant and dangerous men to be dealt with: but they never showed any example of their clemency and courtesy, and lest of all of any civil manner to any strangers, until Marcellus taught the way, Marcellus clemency. whose acts did show the grecians then, that the romans were more gracious and merciful, than they. For he did so courteously entreat those that had to do with him, and showed such favour to private persons, and also to whole cities: that if there were any cruelty showed in the cities of ENNA, or at MEGARES, or against the SYRACUSANS, it was rather through their own fault and folly that were hurt, then theirs that did them the hurt. And for proof hereof, I will recite you one example only amongst many. There is a city in SICILY called ENGYIUM, Engyium a city in Sicily. it is no great thing, but a very ancient city of name, by reason of the traffic thither, for that there are certain goddesses to be seen, whom they worship, called the mothers. Some say the CRETANS were the first builders and founders of the temple there, where you shall see spears and helmets of copper, and upon them are graven the name of Meriones: and upon others, Ulysses name also, which are consecrated to these goddesses. This city stood altogether at the devotion of the CARTHAGINIANS: and Nicias being the chiefest man of the same, was all he might against it, and persuaded them openly in all their counsels to take part with the romans, proving it by many reasons, that his enemies counsaylinge the contrary, were unprofitable members of the common wealth. Whereupon Nicias enemies fearing his greatness and authority, they did conspire among themselves to apprehend him, and to deliver him to the CARTHAGINIANS. But Nicias hearing of such a matter, Nicias craft. and finding that they lay in wait to take him: used this policy to prevent their treason. He gave out openly very ill speeches against the goddesses, and did many things in derogation of their honour: and said the sight of them (which was a matter of great credit) was but devise, and that there was no credit to be given to them. These words tickled his enemies, imagining that the common people would lay the mischief they pretended against him, to himself, as the only causes of his own hurt. So they having appointed a day to apprehend him, by chance a common counsel was kept that day they had determined of: where Nicias speaking to the people about matter of counsel, in the midst of his oration fell to the ground, to the great wonder of the whole assembly, as every man may conjecture. Howbeit never a man stirred, & a pretty while after he began to lift up his head a little, and to look ghastly about him, with a faint trembling voice, which he still gathered higher and louder by little and little, until he saw all the people wondrously afraid and amazed, that not one of them durst speak. Then throwing his gown from him, and renting his coat, he got upon his feet half naked, and ran towards the gate of the Theatre, crying out that the goddesses mothers did torment him: and not a man durst once come near him, nor offer to stop him, they were so superstitious and foolishly afraid of the goddesses, imagining it was some divine punishment. But by this means he easily got to the gates of the city, and fled from them all: and he was never seen after that time, to do, or speak, like a mad man in any thing. His wife that was made privy to his devise, and furthered his intent, went first and fell down on her knees before the goddesses mothers in their temple, as she had heartily prayed unto them: & feigning afterwards she would go seek her husband, that ran up and down the fields like a mad man, she went out of the city with her little children, and no body troubled her. Thus did they escape without danger, and went unto Marcellus to SYRACUSE. The ENGIENIANS afterwards played such insolent parts, that Marcellus in the end went thither, and caused them all to be taken and bound, as though he would have put them to execution. But Nicias came to him with the tears in his eyes, and embracing his knees, and kissing his hands, besought him to take pity of his poor citizens, beginning first with those that were his greatest enemies. This good nature of Nicias so pacified Marcellus wrath, that he pardoned them all, & did no hurt to the city, and gave Nicias certain land, besides many other rich gifts he bestowed upon him. Thus it is reported in the history of Posidonius the Philosopher. Now Marcellus being sent for home by the ROMANS, because they had wars in their own country, and even at ROME gates: he departed out of SICILY, returning towards ROME, and carried the goodliest tables, pictures, and statues, and other such ornaments as were in SYRACUSE, meaning first to beautify his triumphie with them, and to leave them afterwards for an ornament to ROME, which before that time never knew what such curious works meant. Marcellus the first that brought in fineness & curious tables and pictures into Rome, of the spoils of Syracuse. For, this fineness, and curious tables and imagery, never came into ROME before, but was thoroughly set out with armour and weapons of barbarous people, and with bloody spoils, and was also crowned with monuments of victories and triumphs of diverse enemies, which were no pleasant, but rather fearful fights to look upon, far unfit for feminine eyes. But even as Epaminondas did call the plain of BOEOTIA, Mars scaffold, where he kept his games: and Xenophon also called the city of EPHESUS, the armourers shop: even so me thinks (as Pindarus said) they might rightly have termed ROME, the temple of Mars fight. And this wan the people's good wills much more to Marcellus, because he did so passingly set forth ROME, with such excellent fine toys of GREECE. But Fabius Maximus on the other side, was better beloved of the old men: because he brought no such toys with him from the city of TARENTUM, when he wan it. In deed he brought away gold and ready coin, and much other goods that were profitable: but for images and tables, he left them standing in their places, speaking a thing of great note. Let us leave the TARENTINES their gods offended with them. And furthermore the noble men were angry with Marcellus, saying, that by this act he had purchased ROME great malice and hate. First, because he did not only lead men prisoners in his triumph, but the gods also: and secondly, because he had filled the people full of pritle prattle, & idle curiosity, spending all the whole day in gazing, and wondering at the excellency of the workmen, and of their works, where before they would fall to their labour, or else they went to the wars, not being acquainted with curiosity, nor idle life as Euripides said, speaking of Hercules: In wicked practices, he simple was to see, but he excelld in virtuous deeds, and feats that worthy be. Notwithstanding, Marcellus did glory amongst the grecians themselves, saying: that he had taught the romans to esteem the wonderful works of GREECE, which they knew not before. But at his return out of SICILY, his enemies procured, that his honour of triumph was denied him. So Marcellus knowing that he had yet left somewhat to do in SICILY, and that the war was not altogether ended, and fearing beside lest a third triumph would make him to much envied: he was contented with good will to have the honour of the great triumph, in the mountain of ALBA only: & of the little triumph, in the city of ROME. Marcellus entereth into Rome with ovation triumph. This manner of little triumph is called in Greek, evan, and the romans call it Ouatio. And this difference there is between them: that in the ovation triumph, the party to whom it is granted, doth not enter into the city upon triumphing chariot drawn with four horses, nor doth carry any laurel upon his head in token of triumph, Whos the ovation triumph is. nor hath any trumpets or horns blown before him, but doth march a foot with a payer of slippers on his feet, having flutes and how boys playing before him, and wearing a garland of fir tree upon his head: so as this manner of entry is nothing warlike, and is rather a pleasant then fearful sight. And that reason doth flatly draw me to believe, that these two kinds of entries they granted to the Captains, returning from the wars with victory: were divided in the old time, rather for the manner, then for the greatness of the doings. For such as had overcomen their enemies by great slaughter and bloody battles, they did make their entry with pomp of triumph, that was altogether marshall and terrible, followed with their soldiers armed, and crowned with laurel garlands, as their custom was in mustering their camp in the wars. But they on the contrary side, that without any exploit of arms returned home with victory, either by peaceable means, or by force of their eloquence: the law granted them the honour of ovation triumph, which was quiet, and full of all joy and mirth. For the flute is an instrument of pleasure belonging to peace, and the fir tree is a tree consecrated to Venus, which goddess, above all gods and goddesses doth most detest wars. This second kind of entry was called Ouatio, ovation whereof it is called. not as many grecians have taken it, coming of this word evan, which is a voice and song of joy, although they did use also to accompany the Captains making their entry in this sort, crying and singing evan: but there were certain grecians that would have fetched the derivation of this word, from an old common custom they had: & were of opinion beside, that part of this honour did appertain to god Bacchus, whose surname we call Euius, and sometimes Thriambus. Howbeit this is not the true derivation of the name, but after this sort. At the great triumph and entry made, the Captain or general that triumpheth as a conqueror, did offer and sacrifice (by the old orders and ancient customs of ROME) one, or divers oxen: where at the second triumph called the ovation, The sacrifices of the quiet triumph. he only sacrificed a mutton which the romans call in their tongue Ouenm, and thereof was it called ovation. The sacrifices of the little triumph ovation. And here by the way is to be noted, the difference betwixt the law maker of the ROMAN laws and customs, and the law maker of the LACEDÆMONIANS: how both of them were contrary to the other, in appointing their sacrifices for victory. For at SPARTA, the Captain or general that had done his feat by policy or friendship, the sacrifice he did offer up to the gods, was an ox: and he that by force, and bloody battle had obtained victory, only offered up a cock for sacrifice. The differences betwixt the Spartans and romans in their sacrifices for victory. For though they were very good soldiers, yet they thought better of his service, that by his wisdom & wise persuasions obtained victory: then of his, that wan it by valiantness, and force of arms. Thus may you see which of these two lawemakers had best reason in his ordinances. But now to Marcellus again. He being chosen Consul the fourth time, his enemies and evil willers did stir up the SYRACUSANS against him, and persuaded them to complain to the Senate of him, The Syracusans accuse Marcellus. that he had cruelly, and uncourteously used them, contrary to the ancient league & alliances made long time before with the romans. Marcellus being sacrificing one day in the Capitol, while the Senate were set in counsel: the SYRACUSANS deputies came before them, & kneeling down, besought them to give them audience, & that they would do them justice. The other Consul that was present rebuked them, being angry they had so maliciously spied the occasion of Marcellus absence. But when Marcellus heard of it, he strait left of all, and came to the Senate, and first sat him down in his consuls chair, where he gave audience as Consul, and dispatched diverse causes: when he had done so, he rose out of his chair, and came down among them, standing as a private person to answer at the bar, as other offenders and men accused, suffering the SYRACUSANS to allege and say against him what they would. Then were the SYRACUSANS blank, when they saw the majesty of Marcellus, and his stayed countenance in all things: so that having found him before a very valiant man in wars and unconquerable, they found him then a man no less dreadful in his Consul's rob: that they hung down their eyes, and durst not look him in the face. Notwithstanding, they being suborned by his enemies, began at the length boldly to accuse him, and yet with sorrow and lamentation, the effect whereof was this. That they being the romans friends and confederates, had abidden such injuries at Marcellus hands, as all other generals never offered their very enemies. Whereto Marcellus strait answered again to the contrary. Marcellus being Consul, answered the Syracusans accusations as a private man. That for many injuries the romans had received of them, they suffered nothing but that, which was unpossible they should not suffer, that resisted until they were taken by force: and yet they might thank themselves for any thing they suffered, because they would not obey nor consent, to reasonable capitulations and articles of peace, which he had oftentimes offered them. And again, they could not allege for their excuse, that the tyrants had compelled them to make wars: when they to the contrary, because they would enter into wars, were contented to be subject to a tyrant. So, when both parties had spoken their minds, the SYRACUSANS (as the maneris) went out of the Senate house, and Marcellus also, leaving his fellow Consul in his place in the Senate, and tarried without the door, attending the sentence of the Senate, Marcellus constancy. never altering his countenance nor wonted look, neither for fear of sentence, nor for malice or anger against the SYRACUSANS, quietly looking for his judgement. Afterwards when the Senators voices were gathered together, and that Marcellus was cleared by the most voices: then the SYRACUSANS fell down at his feet weeping, and besought him not to wreak his anger upon them that were present, and moreover that he would have compassion of the residue of the citizens, who did acknowledge his great grace and favour extended to them, and confessed themselves bound to him for ever. Marcellus moved with pity by their entreaty, Marcellus courtesy to the Syracusans. he pardoned them, and ever after did all the SYRACUSANS what pleasure he could possible. For through his entreaty and request, the Senate did confirm and ratify his grant unto them, which was: that they might use the liberty and benefit of their own laws, and quietly enjoy their goods also which were left them. To requited this special grace procured them by Marcellus, the SYRACUSANS gave him many honours, & among others they made a law, that ever after, as often as any of Marcellus name or house came into SICILY, the SYRACUSANS should keep a solemn feast, with garlands on their heads, and should also sacrifice unto the gods. After this, Marcellus went against Hannibal. Marcellus acts against Hannibal in his fourth Consulship. And where all the other Consuls almost, & generals, after the overthrow at CANS, had used this only policy with him, not to come to battle: he took a contrary course to them all, thinking that tract of time, (whereby they thought to eat out Hannibal's force) was rather a direct consuming and destroying of all ITALY: and that Fabius Maximus standing to much upon safety, took not the way to cure the disease and weakness of the common weal of ROME, looking to end this war, consuming by little and little the strength and power of ROME, committing a fearful physicians fault and error, being afraid to heal their patient suddenly, imagining that to bring them low, doth lessen the disease. So, first of all he went to besiege certain great cities of the SAMNITES, which were revolted from obedience of the romans: and those he wan again with a great provision of corn and money he found in them, besides three thousand soldiers Hannibal left in garrison there, whom he took prisoners. Hannibal after that, having slain the viceconsul Cneus Fuluius in APULIA, Cneus Fuluius viceconsull slain in Apulia by Hannibal. with eleven Tribunis militum (to wit, Colonels, every one having charge of a thousand footmen) and overthrown the greatest part of his armies Marcellus wrote letters to ROME, hoping to comfort the Senate & people, telling he would go thither, and did warrant them he would drive Hannibal out of APULIA. When the romans had read his letters they were nothing the more comforted, but rather (as Livy writeth) more afraid and discouraged: because they doubted the danger to come would be greater, than the loss past, taking Marcellus to be a far greater and better general, than ever was Fuluius. Nevertheless, Marcellus performing the contents of his letters written to ROME, drove Hannibal out of APULIA, and made him retire into LUCANIA. And Marcellus finding him in that country, by a city called NUMISTRON, Marcellus fought a battle with Hannibal at Numistron in Apulia. lodged upon hills, and in places of strength and advantage: he camped hard by him in the valley, and the next morning he was the first that presented his enemy battle. Hannibal on the other side, came down into the valley, and they joined battle: which was so cruelly fought, and so long time, as it could not be discerned who had the better. For the battle being begun at nine of the clock in the morning, it was dark night ere they gave over. The next morning by peep of day, Marcellus set his men again in battle ray, in the midst of all the dead bodies that lay slain in the field, and challenged Hannibal, to prove who should have the field. But Hannibal refused, and marched his way thence: so as Marcellus thereby had good leisure left him to strip his slain enemies, and also to bury his own soldiers. When he had finished that, he presently followed his enemy by the foot, who laid many ambushes for him, but he could never trap him in any: and in every encounter or skirmish they had together, Marcellus had ever the better, which wan him great fame and credit. Now time being comen about to choose new Consuls, the Senate thought good to send rather for the other Consul that was in SICILY, then to remove Marcellus thence, who had fought with Hannibal. So when the other Consul was come to ROME, the Senate commanded him to name Quintus Fuluius Dictator, because the Dictator was neither chosen by the people, nor by the Senate: The Dictator chosen by the Consul or Praetor, not by the people nor Senate. Whereof Dictator cometh. but one of the Consuls or Praetors, in open assembly of the people, nameth such a one Dictator, as he liketh of. Wherefore it seemeth, that this word Dictator, came upon that word naming: for, Dicere in the ROMAN tongue, signifieth to name. Howbeit other hold opinion, that he was called Dictator, because he commandeth of himself what he will, without the counsel of the Senate, & the voices of the people: and this seemeth to be true, because the commandments of the Senate of ROME are called Edicta, which we grecians call Diatagmata. Now the other Consul and companion of Marcellus being come out of SICILY, he would needs name another Dictator, then him whom the Senate offered him: and because he would not be compelled to do that he was unwilling to do, he stolen away one night, and returned again into SICILY. Hereupon the people did name and appoint Quintus Fuluius Dictator, Quintus Fuluius chosen Dictator, by the people. and the Senate wrote their letters to Marcellus, to confirm him: which Marcellus did, and authorised the people's election. So he himself was chosen again Proconsul, Marcellus Proconsul. for the next year following: in the which he having conferred with Fabius Maximus about the wars, they were agreed, that Fabius should prove if he could win the city of TARENTUM again: and that Marcellus in the mean time should keep Hannibal occupied, that he might not come to aid it. This resolution being taken between them, Marcellus went to meet Hannibal by the city of CANNUSIUM: who as he still changed and shifted lodging, because he would not come to the battle against his will, found Marcellus ever in his eye before him. Insomuch as Hannibal removing thus his camp, Marcellus plied him so one day with continual alaroms and skirmishes, that he brought him to a battle that held all day long till night, and compelled them both to leave of till the next morning: where Marcellus showed again in field by break of the day, in battle ray. Whereat Hannibal being in a marvelous rage, he called his soldiers together, Hannibal's oration to his soldiers. and made an oration to them, earnestly moving them once again to fight with Marcellus, if ever they had heretofore fought for his sake. You see, said he, that having fought so many battles, and gotten such victories as we have done, we can not yet take breath as we would, nor be in quiet, how much soever we win, if we drive not away yonder fellow Marcellus. When Hannibal had ended his oration to the CARTHAGINIANS, he led them on to the battle: where Marcellus, to no purpose, and out of time, would needs show Hannibal a stratagem of war, Marcellus stratagem. that turned himself to the worst. For Marcellus perceiving the right wing of his army distressed, made one of his legions that was set in ray in the rearward of his host, to march to the front of his battle, to help those that needed aid. But this removing of the legion, troubled them that fought, and gave the enemies the victory: who slew that day two thousand seven hundred of the romans. Marcellus overcome in battle by Hannibal. So, when Marcellus was come again into his camp, he strait called his soldiers before him, to whom he spoke in this manner: Marcellus had words unto his soldiers. that he saw a great deal of armour, and bodies of men, but he could see no romans. The romans hearing him say so, besought him to pardon the fault they had committed. Marcellus answered, he would never pardon them, so long as they were overcome: but when they overcame again, he was content to remit all. So the next morning he agreed to bring them again to fight with the enemy, that such as were at ROME should rather hear news of their victory, then of their running away. When he had said, he appointed they should give those bands that first turned their backs to Hannibal, barley for wheat. So, as there were many of them in great danger of their lives, for the sore wounds they had given them in the battle: yet was there not a man of them, but Marcellus words did more give them, than the grievous wounds they had. The next morning betimes was set out of the generals tent, the coat armour died in scarlet, which is the ordinary sign of battle: and the bands that had received dishonour the day before, were placed at their own request in the front of the battle. The other Captains beside, that were not overthrown: did lead their bands also to the field, and did set them in battle ray. Hannibal hearing of that, cried out: Hannibal's words of Marcellus. O gods, what a man is this, that can not be quiet, neither with good nor ill fortune? for he is the only odd man, that never giveth rest to his enemy, when he hath overcomed him: nor taketh any for himself, when he is overcome. We shall never have done with him, for any thing that I see: sith shame, whether he win or lose, doth still provoke him to be bolder and vallianter. After orations made of both sides, both armies marched forwards to join battle. The romans being as strong as the CARTHAGINIANS, Hannibal put his Elephants in the vanguard and front of his battle, Battle betwixt Hannibal and Marcellus. and commanded his men to drive them upon the romans: and so they did. Which in deed did somewhat trouble and disorder the first ranks of the romans: until such time as Flavius, Tribune of the soldiers, took an ensign in his hand, The worthy act of Flavius, Tribunus milium. and marched before the beasts, and gave the first of them such a thrust with the point of his ensign, that he made her turn back. The first beast being turned back thus, ran upon the second that followed her, and the second made the third go back also, and so from one to an other, until they all turned. Marcellus perceiving that, commanded his horsemen to set upon the enemies with all the fury they could, in that place where he saw them, somewhat troubled with these beasts, that turned back again upon them: and that they should drive them further in amongst them. Marcellus victory of Hannibal. Which they did, and gave so hot a charge upon the CARTHAGINIANS, that they made them turn their backs, & run away, and they pursued them still, kill them down right, even to their camp side: where was the greatest slaughter of all, by reason their Elephants that were wounded, fell down stark dead within the gate of their camp. And they say of the CARTHAGINIANS there were slain at this battle, above eight thousand, and of the romans, only three thousand: howbeit all the rest of them for the most part were very sore hurt. Which fell out very well for Hannibal, that he might march away at his pleasure, as he did that night, and got him away far of from Marcellus, as knowing he was not in state to follow him oversodainely, because of his great number of hurt men in his camp: and so by small journeys he went into CAMPANIA, where he lay in garrison all the summer, in the city of SINVESSE, Hannibal lay in garrison in the city of Sinuesse in Campania. to heal the wounds of his sore mangled soldiers. Hannibal having now gotten himself at the length out of Marcellus hands, & having his army free to serve him as he thought good: he burned & destroyed all ITALY where he went & stood no more in fear of any thing. This made Marcellus ill spoken of at ROME, and caused his enemies to take hold of such a matter against him: for they strait raised Publius Bibulus Tribune, P. Bibulus Tribune of the people accuseth Marcellus. to accuse him, who was a hot harebrained man, but very eloquent, and could deliver his mind very well. So this Bibulus called the people often to counsel, and told them there, that they must needs call home Marcellus, and appoint some other to take charge of the army: for as for him, said he, because he hath fought a little with Hannibal (and as a man might say, wrestled a little with him) he is now gotten to the baths to solace himself. But Marcellus hearing this, left his Lieutenants in the camp, and went himself to ROME, to answer to the untrue accusations laid against him, and there he perceived at his coming, how they intended to prosecute the matter against him upon these informations. So a day of hearing was appointed for his matter, & the parties came before the people assembled in counsel, in the great lists or show place, called Circus Flaminius, Circus Flaminius. to give judgement. There Publius Bibulus the Tribune, sitting in his chair, laid open his accusation with great circumstance: and Marcellus, when Bibulus had told his tale, answered him in few words, and very discreetly, only touching his purgation. But the noble and chiefest men of the city, rose up, and spoke on Marcellus behalf, telling the people plainly, that they did Marcellus wrong, to reckon worse of his valiantness, than their enemy did: and to judge of him as a coward, considering Hannibal only fled from him, of all other Captains, and would by no means fight with him, never refusing to fight with any other whatsoever. These persuasions took such effect, as where Marcellus accuser looked for his condemnation: Marcellus to the contrary, was not only cleared of his accusation, but furthermore they chose him Consul again the fift time. Marcellus chosen Consul the fift time. So being entered into his office, he went first into Tuscan: where visiting the good cities one after an other, and quieting them, he pacified a great sedition in the country, when they were all ready to rise and rebel. Afterwards at his return, he thought to consecrated the temple of honour & virtue, The temples of honour and virtue built by Marcellus. which he had built with the spoils he got in the wars of SICILY. But the Priests were against it, saying, two gods might not be in one church. Thereupon he built an other temple, and joined it to the first, being very angry the Priests denied so his consecration: and he did take it for an evil token, besides diverse other signs in the element that afterwards appeared, and troubled him much. Wonderful signs were seen in Rome unfortunate to Marcellus. For there were many temples set a fire with lightening at one time: and the rats and mice did gnaw the gold, that was in the chapel of jupiter Capitoline. And it is reported also, that an ox did speak: and a child came out of the head of an Elephant, and that the child was alive. Furthermore, the Priests and Soothsayers sacrificing to the gods, to withdraw this evil from them these sinister tokens did threaten: they could never find any favourable signs in their sacrifices. Whereupon they sought to keep Marcellus still at ROME, who had a marvelous earnest desire to be gone with speed to the wars: for never man longed for any thing so much, as Marcellus did, to fight with Hannibal. Insomuch he never dreamt other thing in the night, nor spoke of any matter else in the day to his friends and companions, nor prayed to the gods for any other thing, but that he might fight with Hannibal in the field: and I think he would willingliest have fought a private combat with him, in some walled city or enclosed lists for the combat. And had it not been that he had already won himself great fame, and showed himself to the world, (by sundry great proofs & experience of his doings) a grave, skilful, and a valiant Captain as any man of his time: I would have said it had been a pang of youth, and a more ambitious desire, than become a man of his age, who was three score year old at that time, when they made him Consul again the fift time. Marcellus three score year old being chosen Consul the fift time. Nevertheless, after he had ended all his propitiatory sacrifices and purifications, such as the Soothsayers had appointed: he departed from ROME with his fellow Consul Quintus Crispinus to the wars. Q. Crispinus Consul. He found Hannibal lying between the cities of BANCIA, and VANOUSA, Hannibal lay betwixt the cities of Bancia and Venousa. and sought all the means he could to procure him to fight, but he could never get him to it. Howbeit Hannibal being advertised by spyalles, that the Consuls sent an army to besiege the city of the LOCRIANS, surnamed EPIZEPHYRIANS: (as ye would say, the occidentals, because the grecians, in respect of the ITALIANS, are called the orientals:) he laid an ambush for them that went, under the hill of PETELIUM, Mons Petelium. which was directly in their way, where he slew about two thousand five hundred romans. That overthrow did set Marcellus on fire, and made him more desirous of battle: whereupon he removed his camp from the place he lay in, and marched nearer to his enemy. Between their two camps, there was a pretty little hill, strong of situation, a wild thing overgrown with wood, and there were high hillocks. Fron whence they might discern a great way, both the one & the others camp, & at the foot of the same ran pretty springs: Insomuch as the romans wondered, that Hannibal coming thither first, did not take that place, but had left it to his enemies. Howbeit Hannibal was crafty enough, leaving it of purpose: for as it was commodious to lodge his camp in, so it served his turn better for an ambush. An ambush laid by Hannibal. So he filled the wood, the hollow places, and the valleys there about, with store of shot and spearemen, assuring himself that the place would entice the romans thither: and in deed he guessed rightly, for so fell it out. Strait, there flew a rumour abroad in the romans camp, that there was a passing place to lodge in, and every man took upon him like a skilful soldier, to tell what vantage they should have upon their enemies, by taking that place, and specially if they did lodge there, of otherwise built a fort upon it. Whereupon Marcellus determined to go see the place himself, taking a few horsemen with him. Notwithstanding, before he would take horse, he called for his Soothsayer to sacrifice to the gods. Ill signs to Marcellus. The first beast that was sacrificed, the Soothsayer showed Marcellus the liver of it without a head. The second beast sacrificed, had a sayer great head of a liver, and all the other parts were also sound, and very new: that by them it appeared all the fear of the first ill signs and tokens were taken away. Yet the Soothsayers on the other side said, it did make them worse afraid than before: for these so favourable and lucky tokens of the sacrifice, following immediately after the first fowl and naughy signs, made them doubt them much by reason of so strange and sudden an alteration. But as the Poet Pindarus saith, Nor force of burning fire, nor wall of steel nor stone, nor whatsoever other thing, is here this earth upon: Can keep aback the course of fatal destiny, nor yet resist the due decrees, which come from heaven on high. So Marcellus took his horse, with Quintus Crispinus his fellow Consul, Quintus Crispinus fellow Consul with Marcellus. and his son one of the Tribunes of the soldiers, having only two hundred and twenty horsemen with him, of the which there was not one ROMAN among them, but all were TUSCANS, saving forty FREGELLANIANS, who from the beginning of these wars had always showed them selves very faithful and loving to Marcellus. The hill we spoke of before, being thick covered with wood and bushes, the enemies had set a scout to watch on the top of it, to give warning if they saw any coming towards it. The romans could not see him, and he on the other side might see even into their camp, and perceive what was done, as he did advertise those at that time that lay in ambush for Marcellus coming: and they suffered him to pass on, until he came directly against them. Then they showed upon the sudden, and compassing in Marcellus, they both shot and struck at him, some following them that fled, and other fight with the forty FREGELLANIANS which only stuck to it: who came roundly in together (notwithstanding the Tuscans were fled) upon the first cry they heard, to defend the two Consuls, until such time as the Consul Crispinus having two wounds on his body with a dart, did turn his horse to fly. And with that, one of the enemies gave Marcellus such a sore blow with a spear having a broad iron head, that he ran him quite through. The FREGELLANIANS that were left alive, being but a few in number, seeing Marcellus slain, Marcellus slain in an ambush at the hill of Purely. left him lying on the ground, and took his son away with them that was very sore hurt, and by the swiftness of their horses recovered their camp, and saved themselves. At this overthrow, there were not slain above forty men, and five and twenty taken prisoners, of which, five of them were the consuls sergeants, and their officers that carried axes before them, and the other were all horsemen. Within few days after, the other Consul Crispinus died also of his hurts, which was such a misfortune, as never came before to the romans, that both their Consuls were slain at one battle. The Consul Crispinus slain. Now Hannibal made no great reckoning of all that were slain, or taken at this field: but when he heard that Marcellus self was slain at this overthrow, he went himself strait to the place to see him. So when he had viewed his body a great while, standing hard by it, and considering his strength, his stature, and countenance, having taken full view of all the parts of him, he spoke no proud word against him, nor showed any glad countenance, as some other would have done, that had slain so valiant and dangerous an enemy: but wondering how he came to be slain so strangely there, he took of his ring from one of his fingers that sealed his letters, and giving his body burial according to his estate, made it to be honourably burnt, and then put all his bones and ashes into a silver pot, on which he himself put a crown of gold, and sent it unto Marcellus son. Marcellus funeral honoured by Hannibal. It fortuned so, that certain light horsemen of the NUMIDIANS merte with them that carried this silver pot, and would have taken it from them by force: but they stood to it, and would not part withal, and so fighting and striving together for it, the bones and ashes were scattered all about. Hannibal hearing this, said to them that were about him: see, how nothing can be, which the gods will not. So he punished the NUMIDIANS, and cared no more to get Marcellus bones together, but persuaded himself it was the will of the gods he should die so strangely, and that his body should have no burial. Cornelius Nepos, and Valerius Maximus write it thus: but Livy, and Augustus Caesar say, that the pot was carried unto his son, and honourably buried. Marcellus did consecrated many monuments in diverse places, Marcellus monuments. besides those at ROME. As at CATANA in SICILY: a place for young men to exercise themselves in. In the isle of SAMOTHRACIA, in the temples of the gods called Cabires: many images and tables he brought from SYRACUSE. And in the isle of LINDOS, in the temple of Minerva, where among other, there is a statue of his, and this epigram graven under it, as Posidonius the Philosopher writeth. O thou my friend (I say) which passest forth by me, of Claudius Marcellus here, the image mayest thou see: whose family at Rome, was of the noblest name. Seven times he Consul chosen was, in which he overcame, great numbers infinite, (in open field and fight) of such as sought his countries spoil, and put them all to flight. The author of this epigram reckoneth, the two times of his being viceconsull, for two whole Consullshippes: but his posterity continued always in great honour, unto Marcellus, Marcellus posterity. the son of Octavia, (Augustus Caesar's sister) and of Caius Marcellus. He died a young man, being AEdilis of ROME, & married unto julia, Augustus' daughter, with whom he lived no long time. But to honour the memory of him, Octavia his mother built the library, and Augustus Caesar the Theatre, which are called to this day, Marcellus Theatre and library. THE COMPARISON OF Marcellus with Pelopidas. THese are the greatest things and best worthy of memory (in my opinion) of all Pelopidas and Marcellus doings: Pelopidas & Marcellus acts in wars. and for their manners and natural conditions otherwise, they were all one, because they were both valiant, painful, and noble minded: saving that this difference only was between them. That Marcellus in many cities he took by assault, did cruelly murder them, and spilled much blood: where Epaminondas and Pelopidas contrarily did never put any to the sword they overcame, neither did they take away the liberty from any city they took: and it is thought the THEBANS would not have handled the ORCHOMENIANS so cruelly as they did, if one, or both of them had been present. Now for their acts, Marcellus acts preferred before Pelopidas. it was a noble and wonderful piece of service that Marcellus did, with so small a company of horsemen as he took with him, to overthrow so great a number of horsemen & footmen both, of the GAULES: a thing that never General but himself did, and specially that slew with his own hands in the field, the General of his enemies. Which Pelopidas could never attain unto: for he seeking to kill Alexander the tyrant of PHERES, was slain first himself, and suffered that, which he desired to have done to an other. And yet for that service may be objected, the battles of Leuctres, and of TEGYRA, which were both famous and notable. But to encounter with those, there was no notable ambush or secret practice done by Marcellus, that was any thing like comparable to that Pelopidas did at his return from exile, The manner of Marcellus & Pelopidas deeds. when he slew that tyrants that kept THEBES in bondage. For that was as notable a policy and sudden an enterprise stolen upon, as none was ever greater, or more famous. It is true Marcellus was yoked with Hannibal, who was a dreadful and a violent enemy: so were the THEBANS also at that very time with the LACEDÆMONIANS, who notwithstanding were overcome of Pelopidas, at the battles of TEGYRA, and of Leuctres. Whereas Marcellus did never so much as once overcome Hannibal, as Polybius writeth, but remained unconquered always, until that Scipio overcame him in battle. Notwithstanding, we do give best credit to the reports of Caesar, Livy, Cornelius Nepos, and of king juba among the grecians: who write, that Marcellus otherwhile did overthrow certain of Hannibal's companies, howbeit they were never no great overthrows to speak of, & it seemeth rather, it was through some mockery or deceit of that AFRICAN, than otherwise. Yet sure it was a great matter, and worthy much commendation, that the romans were brought to that courage, Marcellus made the romans courageous. as they durst abide to fight with the CARTHAGINIANS, having lost so many great overthrows, & having so many generals of their armies slain in battle, and having the whole Empire of ROME in so great danger of utter destruction. For it was Marcellus only of all other generals, that put the romans in heart again, after so great and long a fear thoroughly rooted in them: and encouraged the soldiers also to long to fight with their enemy, and not only to hope, but to assure themselves of victory. For, where by reason of their continual losses and fearful overthrows they had, they thought themselves happy men to escape Hannibal's hands by running away: he taught them to be ashamed to fly like cowards, to confess they were in distress, to retire, & leave the field, before they had overcome their enemies. And where Pelopidas was never overcome in battle being general, and Marcellus did overcome more than any general in his time: it might seem therefore that the great number of the victories of the one, should compare with the good hap of the other that was never overcome. It is true that Marcellus took the city of SYRACUSE, & Pelopidas failed of taking the city of SPARTA: but yet do I think, that it was more valiantly done of Pelopidas, to come so near SPARTA as he did, and that he was the first that passed the river of EUROTAS with an army, which never enemy did before him, than it was of Marcellus to win all SICILY. Unless some peradventure will say again, this was Epaminondas, not Pelopidas act, as also in the victory of Leuctres: where no man living can pretend any part of glory to the doings of Marcellus. For he took SYRACUSE, being only general alone, and did overthrow the GAULES without his fellow Consul, and fought with Hannibal, without any man's help or encouragement (for all other were against it, and persuaded the contrary) and he was the first that altered the manner of wars the romans used then, and that trained his soldiers, that they durst fight with the enemy. Rashne● in a Captain deserveth blame. For their death, I neither commend the one nor the other, and the strangeness of either of their deaths doth grieve me marvelously: as I do greatly wonder also, how Hannibal in so many battles as he fought (which are innumerable) could always scape unhurt. I can not but greatly commend also the valiantness of one Chrysantas, The valiantness and obedience of Chrysantas a soldier. whom Xenophon speaketh of in his book of the institution of Cyrus, saying: that he having lift up his sword in his hand ready to kill one of his enemies, and hearing the trumpet sound the retreat, he softly retired, & would not strike him. Howbeit it seemeth Pelopidas is more to be excused: for beside that he was very hot and desirous of battle, yet his anger was honourable and just, and moved him to seek revenge. For as the Poet Euripides saith: The best that may betide, is when a captain likes, and doth survive the victories, which he with force achieves. But if he needs must fall, then let him valiantly even thrust amid the thickest throng, and there with honour die. For so becometh his death famous, & not dishonourable. But now, besides Pelopidas just cause of anger, yet was there an other respect that most pricked him forward, to do that he did: for he saw his victory ended, in the death of the tyrant. Otherwise he should hardly have found so noble an occasion to have showed his valiantness, as in that. And Marcellus contrarily, without any instant necessity, and having no cause of heat or choler, (which putteth all men valiant in fight besides themselves, that they know not what they do) did rashly, and unadvisedly thrust himself into the midst of the danger, where he died not as a general, but as a light horseman and skowt, (forsaking his three triumphs, his five Consullshippes, and his spoils and tokens of triumph, which he had gotten of kings with his own hands) among venturous SPANIARDS and NUMIDIANS, that fold their blood and lives for pay unto the CARTHAGINIANS: so that I imagine they were angry with themselves (as a man would say) for so great and happy a victory, to have slain amongst FREGELLANIAN scouts, and light horsemen, the noblest and worthiest person of the romans. I would no man should think I speak this in reproach of the memory of these two famous men, Plutarch excuseth his free speech and judgement of these famous men. but as a grief only of them and their valiantness: which they employed so, as they bleamished all their other virtues, by the undiscrete hazarding of their persons and lives without cause, as if they would and should have died for themselves, and not rather for their country and friends. And also when they were dead, Pelopidas was buried by the allies & confederates of the city of THEBES, for whose cause he was slain: Pelopidas & Marcellus funerals unlike. and Marcellus in like manner, by the enemy's selves that had slain him. And sure the one is a happy thing, and to be wished for in such a case: but the other is far above it, and more to be wondered at. That the enemy himself should honour his valiantness and worthiness that hurt him, more than the office of friendship performed by a thankful friend. For nothing moveth the enemy more to honour his dead enemy, than the admiration of his worthiness: and the friend showeth friendship many times, rather for respect of the benefit he hath received, then for the love he beareth to his virtue. The end of Marcellus life. THE LIFE OF Aristides. ARistides the son of Lysimachus, was certainly of the tribe of Antiochides, and of the town of ALOPECIA. But for his goods and wealth, Aristides wealth. they diversely writ of him. For some say, he lived poorly all the days of his life, and that he left two daughters, which by reason of their poverty, lived unmarried many years after their father's death. And many of the oldest writers do confirm that for troth. Yet Demetrius Phalerius, in his book entitled Socrates, writeth the contrary: that he knew certain lands Aristides had in the village of PHALERIA, which did yet bear the name of Aristides lands, in the which his body is buried. And furthermore, to show that he was well to live, and that his house was rich and wealth, he bringeth forth these proofs. First, that he was one year mayor or provost of ATHENS, whom they called, Arc●on Eponymos, because the year took the name of him that had it yearly. And they say he came to it, by drawing of the bean, according to the ancient use of the ATHENIANS, and their wonted manner of making their election of the said office: In which election none were admitted to draw the bean, but such as were highest set in their subsidy books, according to the value & rate of their goods, whom they called at ATHENS, Pentacosiomedimnes, as you would say, those that might dispend five hundred bushels of wheat by the year, and upwards. Secondly, he allegeth he was banished by the Ostracismon, which banisheth the nobility and great rich men only, whom the common people envy, because of their greatness, and never dealeth with poor men. The third and last reason he makes is, that he left of his gift, three footed stools in the temple of Bacchus, which those do commonly offer up, as have won the victory in comedies, tragedies, or other such like pastimes, whereof they themselves had borne the charge. And those threefooted stools remain there yet, which they say were given by Aristides, and have this inscription upon them: The tribe of Antiochides wan the victory, Aristides defrayed the charges of the games, and Archestratus the Poet taught them to play his comedies. This last reason, though it seem likeliest of them all, yet is it the weakest of the rest. For Epaminondas (whom every man knoweth was poor even from his birth, and always lived in great poverty) and Plato the Philosopher, took upon him to defray the charges of games that were of no small expense, the one having borne the charges of flute players at THEBES, and the other the dance of the children which dawnced in a round at ATHENS: towards the furnishing of which charges, Dion the SYRACUSAN gave Plato money, and Pelopidas also gave Epaminondas money. Now, this is not spoken that virtuous men should always refuse the gifts of their friends, and that they might not in some sort accept their friends courtesy offered them: Good men may take gifts, but after a sorry. but because they should think it uncomely and dishonourable for them, to take any thing to enrich themselves, or to spare and hourde up. Howbeit where there is any honourable act to be done, or any public show to be made, not tending to their private benefit: in such a case they should not refuse their friends loving offer, and goodwill towards them. And where Demetrius saith the three footed stool was offered up in the temple of Bacchus, Panaetius declareth plainly, that Demetrius was deceived by the semblance of the name. For since the time of the wars of the MEDES, unto the beginning of the war of PELOPONNESUS, in all the registers and records kept of the defrayers of the charges of common plays, there were found but two men bearing name of Aristides, that obtained victory: & neither of them both was son unto Lysimachus, whom we write of at this present. For the one is expressly named the son of Xenophilus, and the other was long after the same Aristides we now speak of: as appeareth easily by the writing and orthographic, which is according to the grammar rules, we have used in GREECE ever since Euclides time. Moreover it is easy to be known, by the name of the Poet Archestratus that is adjoined to it. For there is no man that maketh mention of a Poet of this name, in all the wars of the MEDES: but in the time of the wars of PELOPONNESUS, many do put him in for an author and maker of rhymes and songs that were song in common dances. Yet for all Panaetius objections, the matter is to be better looked into, and considered of. But for the Ostracisinon banishment, it is true, that such as were great men in estimation above the common people, either in fame, nobility, or eloquence, they only were subject unto this banishment. For Damon himself, being Pericles schoolmaster, was banished: only because the common people thought him to wise. Damon banished because he was to wise. Moreover, Idomeneus writeth, that Aristides was their provost for a year, not by lot of beans, but by voices of the ATHENIANS that chose him. And if he were provost since the journey of PLATEES, as Demetrius writeth: it is likely enough that they did him this honour, for his great virtue and notable service, which other were wont to obtain for their riches. But his Demetrius doth not only defend Aristides, but also Socrates poverty, as if it were a fowl vice and reproach to be poor. Socrates was not poor. For he writeth, that he had not only a house of his own, but also three score and ten Minas at usury, which Criton gave him interest for. But now to our story again. Aristides was Clisthenes very friend, he that restored the government at ATHENS after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, and did reverence Lycurgus the Lawmaker of the LACEDÆMONIANS for his laws, above all the men in his time: and therefore he ever favoured the state of Aristocratia, that is, where the noble men rule, and have the sovereignty. Aristocratia what it signifieth. Howbeit he ever had Themistocles (Neocles son) his continual adversary, as taking part with the contrary, and defending the popular state of government. Some say, that being scholars, and brought up together, Aristides and Themistocles enemies in the common wealth. they were ever contrary one to an other in all their actions and doings, where it in sport, or in matters of earnest: and ever after, men began to see the natural inclination of them both, by their contrary affections. For Themistocles was quick, nimble, adventurous, and subtle, and would venture on any thing, upon light occasion. Themistocles disposition. Aristides contrariwise was very quiet, temperate, constant, and marvelous well stayed, Aristides nature. who would for no respect be drawn away from equity and justice, neither would lie, flatter, nor abuse any body, though it were but in sport. Notwithstanding, Aristus of C●●O writeth, that their malice began first of light love, and that it grew to greatness by process of time between them: for (sayeth he) both the one and the other of them fell in love with Stesileus, borne in the isle of CEOS. This fond light love of theirs, fell not easily from them, not the envy they conceived one against an other, but continued against each other in matters of state: such was their malice towards one an other. In which calling, Themistocles sought the way to win friends, by whose means he came to great preferment in short time, and had made himself very strong by them. Therefore, when a friend of his told him one day, he was worthy to govern the city of ATHENS, and were very fit for it, if he were indifferent, and not partial. Themistocles saying for partiality. The gods forbidden (quoth he) I should ever occupy the place of a governor, where my friends should not find more favour than strangers, that do me no pleasure. But Aristides taking an other course by himself, would not stand upon his friends in government. Aristides manner of dealing in the common wealth. First, because he would do no man wrong, with pleasuring his friends: nor yet would anger them, by denying their requests. Secondly, because he saw many rulers and men of authority bold to do injustice, and manifest wrong, bearing themselves upon their friends: but he carried this opinion, that no honest man, or good citizen, should trust to any bolstering of friends, but to his own just and upright doings. Notwithstanding, Aristides perceiving that Themistocles did rashly altar many things, and ever encountered all his ways, and hindered his doings: he was enforced sometime to cross Themistocles again, & to speak against that he preferred, partly to be even with him, but most to hinder his credit and authority, which increased still through the people's favour and goodwilles towards him: thinking it better by contrarying him a little to disappoint sometime a thing that might have fallen out well for the common wealth, rather than by giving him the head, to suffer him to grow to great. To conclude, it fortuned on a time that Themistocles having preferred a matter very profitable for the common wealth, Aristides was so much against it, as Themistocles purpose took no place. Moreover Aristides was so earnest against him, that when the counsel broke up after Themistocles motion was rejected, he spoke it openly before them all: that the common wealth of ATHENS would never prospero, until they both were laid in Barathrum, which was a prison or hole, Barathrum a prison or dungeon. wherein they put all thieves and condemned men. another time, Aristides moved a matter to the people, which diverse were against, but yet it went with him. And when the judge or precedent of the counsel did put it to the people, to know their allowance of it: Aristides perceiving by the arguments made against it, that the matter he preferred was hurtful to the common wealth, he gave it over, and would not have it pass. Many times also Aristides spoke by other men, when he would have a thing go forward, for fear lest Themistocles spite towards him, would hinder the benefit of the common wealth. They found him very constant and resolute in matters of state, whatsoever happened: Aristides constancy. which wan him great commendation. For he was never the prouder for any honour they gave him, nor thought himself disgraced for any overthrow he received: being always of this mind, that it was the duty of an honest citizen, to be ever ready to offer his body and life to do his country service, without respect and hope of reward of money, or for honour and glory. Therefore when certain verses were repeated in the Theatre, of one of the tragedies of Aeschilus', made in commendation of the ancient Soothsayer Amphiaraus, to this effect. He will not only seem, a just man by his face, but just indeed he will be found, and virtue still embrace: With all his thought and soul, from whence there may proceed, grave counsels for to beawtifie, his countries crown in deed. All the people strait cast their eyes upon Aristides, as upon him, that in troth above all other most deserved the praise of so great a virtue. For he was so stout and resolute, not only to resist favour and friendship: but to reject hate and anger also. Aristides justice. For in case of justice, neither could friendship make him go away for his friends sake: nor envy could move him to do injustice, to his very enemy. For proof hereof it is written, that he had an enemy of his in suit of law, & did prosecute it to judgement: insomuch as after the plaint was read, the judges were so angry with the offender, that without any more hearing of him, they would have given sentence against him. But Aristides rising from his place, went & kneeled at the judges feet with the offender his enemy, and besought them to give him leave to speak, to justify and defend his cause, according to the course of the law. another time he being judge between two private men that pleaded before him, one of them said unto him: Aristides, this fellow mine adversary here, hath done you great injury. Aristides wise saying. My friend (quod Aristides again) I pray thee tell me only the injury he hath done thee, for I am judge here to do thee right, and not myself. Moreover, he being chosen high treasurer of all the revenues of ATHENS, Aristides chosen treasurer. did declare that all the officers before him, and other his late predecessors, had greatly rob and spoiled the common treasure, but specially Themistocles: who was a wise man, & of great judgement, but yet somewhat light fingered. Themistocles covetously given. Therefore when Aristides was to give up his account, Themistocles, and many other suborned by him, were against him, and accused him for abusing his office, Aristides accused & condemned, for abusing his office. and followed him so hard, that through their practice they condemned him, as Idomeneus writeth. Yet the noblest citizens seeing what injury they offered Aristides, took his cause in hand, and found means to procure the people not only to release the fine imposed upon him, but to restore him again to his office of high treasurer for the year following: Aristides fine released, and he made treasurer again. in the which he seemed to repent his former straightness and government the year before, and so dealt more favourably with those he had to do, and would not examine every thing so straightly as he did before. Whereupon such as were thieves and stealers of the treasure of the common wealth, did marvelously praise and like him, and become suitors for him to continue in the office. But when the day of election came, that the ATHENIANS would choose him again, Aristides self reproved them, and said. When I faithfully discharged the duty of mine office committed to me by you, I then received shame and reproach at your hands: Aristides openly reproveth close thieves in the common wealth, and detesteth their praise. and now that I have dissembled, not seeming to see the thefts and robberies done upon your treasure, ye claw me, and say I am an honest man, and a good citizen. But I would you knew it, and I tell you plainly, I am more ashamed of the honour you do me now, than I was of the fine you did set upon me, when you condemned me the last year: and I am sorry to speak it, that you should think it more commendation to pleasure the wicked, then to preserve the common wealth. After he had spoken these words, and had bewrayed the common thefts the officers of the city did commit: he stopped the thieves mouths that so highly praised and commended him for so honest a man, but yet of the noble and honest citizens he was much commended. Furthermore, on a time when Dathis Lieutenant to Darius' king of PERSIA, was come with all his navy to go a land about MARATHON, in the country of ATTICA, upon pretence (as he said) to be revenged only of the ATHENIANS that had burnt the city of SARDIS, but in deed of mind to conquer all GREECE, and to destroy the whole country before him: the ATHENIANS chose ten Captains to go to the wars, among whom Miltiades was the chiefest man of authority. But Aristides drew very near him in reputation and credit, because he did very good service in obtaining the victory, specially when he agreed with Miltiades in counsel, to give battle upon the barbarous people: Miltiades chief of the ten Captains that went against Dathis the king of persia's Lieutenant. and also when he willingly gave Miltiades the whole rule and order of the army. For every one of the ten Captains did by turns lead the whole army for one whole day: and when Aristides turn came about, he gave his preferment thereof unto Miltiades, teaching his other companions, that it was no shame, but honour for them, to be ruled by the wisest. Thus by his example, he appealed all strife that might have grown among them, and persuaded them all to be contented to follow his direction and counsel, that had best experience in war. Miltiades victory of the Parsians. And so he did much advance Miltiades honour. For, after that Aristides had once yielded his authority unto him, every one of the rest did the like when it came to their turn: and so they all submitted themselves unto his rule and leading. But on the day of the battle, the place where the ATHENIANS were most cumbered, was in the midst of the battle, where they had set the tribes of the Leontides, and of Antiochides: for thither the barbarous people did bend all their force, and made their greatest fight in that place. By which occasion, Themistocles and Aristides fight one hard by an other, for that the one was of the tribe Leontides, and the other of Antiochides, they valiantly fought it out with the enemies, envying one an other: so as the barbarous people at the last being overthrown, they made them fly, and drove them to their ships. But when they were embarked & gone, the Captains of the ATHENIANS perceiving they made not towards the Isles which was their direct course to return into ASIA, but that they were driven back by storm of wind and pyrries of the sea, towards the coast of ATTICA, and the city of ATHENS, fearing lest they might find ATHENS unfurnished for defence, and might set upon it: they thereupon sent away presently nine tribes that marched thither with such speed, as they came to ATHENS the very same day, and left Aristides in the camp at MARATHON, with his tribe and country men, to look to the prisoners and spoil they had won of the barbarous people. Who nothing deceived the opinion they had of his wisdom. For notwithstanding there was great store of gold and silver, much apparel, movables, and other infinite goods and riches in all their tents and pavilions, and in the ships also they had taken of theirs: he was not so covetous as once to touch them, nor to suffer any other to meddle with them, unless by stealth some provided for themselves. As amongst other, there was one Callias, one of Ceres' Priests, called Dadouchos, as you would say the torch bearer: (for in the secret sacrifices of Ceres, his office was to hold the torch) whom when one of the barbarous people saw, The wicked part of Callias the torch bearer. and how he ware a band about his head, and long hear, he took him for some king, and falling on his knees at his feet, kissed his hand, and showed him great store of gold he had hidden and buried in a ditch. But Callias, like a most cruel, and cowardly wretch of all other on the earth, took away the gold, and killed the poor soul that had showed him the place, because he should not tell it to others. Hereof it cometh, that the comical Poets do call those that came of him in mockery, Laccoplutes, as made rich by a ditch: because of the gold that Callias found in it. Immediately after this battle, Aristides was chosen provost of ATHENS forth year: Aristides chosen provost of Athens. albeit Demetrius Phalerius writeth, that it was a little before his death, after the journey of PLATEES. For in their Chronicles, where they set in order their provosts of ATHENS for they year, since Xanthippides time, there appeareth no one name of Aristides in that year, that Mardonius the king of persia's Lieutenant was overthrown by PLATEES, which was many years after. But contrariwise they find Aristides enroled among the provosts immediately after Phanippus, in the year the battle was fought at MARATHON. Now the people did most commend Aristides justice, as of all other his virtues and qualities: because that virtue is most common and in use in our life, and delivereth most benefute to men. Hereof it came, that he being a mean man, obtained the worthiest name that one could have, to be called by the whole city, a just man. Aristides called the just. This surname was never desired of kings, princes, nor of tyrants, but they always delighted to be surnamed, some Poliorcetes, to say, conquerors of cities: other Cerauni, to say, lightening or terrible: other Nicanores, to say, subduers: and some other, Aeti and Hicraces, to say Eagles or Falcons, or such like birds that pray: desiring rather (as it should appear by those surnames) the praise and reputation growing by force and power, than the commendation that riseth by virtue and goodness. And notwithstanding, God whom men desire most to be likened to, doth excel all humane nature in three special things: in immortality, in power, and in virtue, of which three, virtue is the most honourable and precious thing. For as the natural Philosopher's reason, all the four elements and Vacusm, are immortal and uncorruptible, and so are force and power, earthquakes, lightening, terrible storms, running rivers, and inundations of waters: but as for justice and equity, no man is partaker of them, save only God, by means of reason and understanding. The praise of justice. Therefore, because men commonly have three sundry honours to the gods: the first, that they think them blessed: the second, that they fear them: the third, that they reverence them: it appeareth then that they think them blessed, for the eternity and immortality of their godhead: that they fear them, because of their omnipotency & power: and that they love and worship them, for their justice and equity. And yet notwithstanding, of those three, men do covet immortality, which no flesh can attain unto: and also power, which dependeth most upon fortune: and in the mean time they leave virtue alone, whereof the gods of their goodness have made us capable. But here they show themselves fools. For justice maketh the life of a noble man, and of one in great authority, Authority would be with out corruption. seem divine and celestial: where without justice, and dealing unjustly, his life is most beastly, and odious to the world. But now again to Aristides. This surname of a just man at the beginning, made him beloved of all the people: but afterwards it turned him to great ill will, and specially by Themistocles practise. Themistocles envieth Aristides justice. Who gave it out every where, that Aristides had overthrown all justice, because by consent of the parties he was ever chosen Arbitrator to end all controversies: & how by this means he secretly had procured the absolute power of a king, not needing any guard or soldiers about him. The people moreover being grown very dissolute and licentious, by reason of the victory of MARATHON, who sought that all things should pass by them, and their authority: began now to mislike, and to be greatly offended, that any private man should go before the rest in good fame and reputation. Whereupon , they came out of all shyeres of ATTICA into the city of ATHENS, and so banished Aristides with the Ostracismon: Aristides banished with the Ostracismon. disguising the envy they bore to his glory, with the name of fear of tyranny. For this manner of banishment called Ostracismon, The nature of the Ostracismon. or Exostracismon, was no ordinary punishment for any fault or offence committed: but to give it an honest cloak, they said it was only a pulling down and tying short, of to much greatness and authority, exceeding far the manner and countenance of a popular state. But to tell you truly, it was none otherwise, them a gentle mean to qualify the people's envy against some private person: which envy bred no malice to him whose greatness did offend them, but only tended to the banishing of him for ten years. But afterwards that by practice, this Ostracismon banishment was laid upon mean men, and malefactors, as upon Hyperbolus that was the last man so banished: Hyperbolus the last man banished with the Ostracismon. they never after used it any more at ATHENS. And by the way, it shall not be amiss to tell you here, why, & wherefore this Hyperbolus was banished. The cause of Hyperbolus banishment. Alcibiades and Nicias were the chiefest men of ATHENS at that time, and they both were ever at square together, a common thing amongst great men. They perceiving now by the people's assembling, that they went about to execute the Ostracismon, were marvelously afraid it was meant to banish one of them: wherefore they spoke together, and made both their followers friends with each other, and joined them in one tribe together, insomuch, when the most voices of the people were gathered to condemn him that should be banished, they found it was Hyperbolus. The people therewith were much offended, to see the Ostracismon so embased and scorned, that they never after would use it again, and so left it of for ever. But briefly to let you understand what the Ostracismon was, A description of the Ostracismon. and after what sort they used it, ye are to know: that at a certain day appointed, every citizen carried a great shell in his hantle, whereupon he wrote the name of him he would have banished, and brought it into a certain place railed about with wooden bars in the market place. Then, when every man had brought in his shell: the magistrates, and officers of the city, did count and tell the number of them. For if there were less than six thousand citizens, that had thus brought these shells together: the Ostracismon was not full and perfect. That done, they laid a part every man's name written in these shells: and whose name they found written by most citizens, they proclaimed him by sound of trumpet, a banished man for ten years, during which time notwithstanding, the party did enjoy all his goods. Now every man writing thus his name in a shell, whom they would have banished: it is reported there was a plain man of the country (very simple) that could neither write, nor read, who came to Aristides (being the first man he met with) & gave him his shell, praying him to write Aristides name upon it. A tale of a plain man that came to Aristides with his shell, to pray him to writ Aristides name in it. He being abashed withal, did ask the country man, if Aristides had ever done him any displeasure. Not, said the country man, he never did me hurt, nor I know him not: but it grieves me to hear every man call him a just man. Aristides hearing him say so, gave him no answer, but wrote his own name upon the shell, and delivered it again to the country man. But as he went his way out of the city, he lift up his hands to heaven, and made a prayer contrary to that of Achilles in Homer, beseeching the gods that the ATHENIANS might never have such troubles in hand, as they should be compelled to call for Aristides again. Aristides called from exile. Notwithstanding, within three years after, when Xerxes' king of PERSIA came with his army through the countries of THESSALY and BOEOTIA, and entered into the heart of the country of ATTICA: the ATHENIANS revoking the law of their Ostracismon, called home again all those they had banished, and specially, because they were afraid Aristides would take part with the barbarous people, and that his example should move many other to do the like, wherein they were greatly deceived in the nature of the man. For before that he was called home, he continually traveled up and down, persuading and incoraginge the grecians to maintain and defend their liberty. After that law was repealed, and published, and that Themistocles was chosen the only Lieutenant general of ATHENS, he did always faithfully aid and assist him in all things, as well with his travel, as also with his counsel: and thereby wan his enemy great honour, because it stood upon the safety and preservation of his country. For when Eurybiades, general of the army of the grecians, had determined to forsake the isle of SALAMINA, & that the galleys of the barbarous people were come into the midst of the seas, and had environned the Isles all about, & the mouth of the arm of the strait of SALAMINA, before any man knew they were thus enclosed in: Aristides departing out of the isle of AEgina with a marvelous boldness, ventured through the midst of all the barbarous ships and fleet, and by good hap got in the night into Themistocles tent, and calling him out, spoke with him there in this sort. Themistocles, if we be both wise, Aristides acts and councils against king Xerxes. it is high time we should now leave of this vain envy and spite we have long time borne each other, and that we should enter into an other sort of envy more honourable and profitable for us both. I mean, which of us two should do his best endeavour to save GREECE: you, by ruling and commanding all like Lieutenant general: and I, by counseling you for the best, and executing your commandment: considering you are the man alone that will roundliest come unto the point that is best: which is in my opinion, that we should hazard battle by sea within the strait of SALAMINA, and that as soon as might be possible. But if our friends and confederates do let this to be put in execution, I do assure you, your enemies do help it forward. For it is said, that the sea, both before and behind us, and round about us, is covered all over with their ships, so as they that would not before, shall be now compelled of force, and in spite of their hearts, to fight and bestir them like men: because they are compassed in all about, and there is no passage left open for them to escape, nor to sly. Whereunto Themistocles answered. I am sorry, Aristides, that herein your honesty appeareth greater than mine: but since it is so, that you have deserved the honour in beginning, and procuring such an honourable and commendable strife between us, I will henceforth endeavour myself to exceed you in continuing this your desire. After which answer, he told Aristides, now he purposed to mock the barbarous king, and prayed him to entreat Eurybiades to yield to his devise, & to persuade him that there was no other way to save GREECE, but to fight by sea: for Eurybiades gave more credit to Aristides persuasions, than he did to Themistocles words. For when all the Captains were called to counsel, to determine whether they should give battle or not: one Cleocritus CORINTHIAN said to Themistocles, that his counsel did not like Aristides at all, as it seemed, because he spoke never a word to it being present. Aristides answered him strait, Aristides words of Themistocles. that he utterly mistook him. For, quoth he, if I did not think his counsel good, I would not hold my peace as I do: but now I am mute, not for any good will I bear him, but because I find his counsel wise and sound. While the Captains of the grecians were reasoning in this sort, Aristides seeing PSYTTALEA (a little Island before SALAMINA within the strait) full of men of war of their enemies: Aristides victory as Psyttalea. embarked immediately the valiantest and lustiest soldiers he had of all his country men, into the lest foists or pynnasies he had among all his galleys: and went with them, and landed in that I'll, and overthrew all the barbarous people he found there, and put them to the sword every man, taking the chiefest of them only prisoners, among which, were three sons of Sandauce, the kings sister, whom he sent unto Themistocles. These three Lords were all slain by the commandment of Euphrantidas the Soothsayer, and sacrificed to Bacchus Omestes, as to say, the cruel Bacchus, and eater of raw flesh, and all upon an oracle they had received. That done, Aristides dispersed his soldiers about the isle, to receive all such as were by fortune of water, or of the sea, cast into the Island: to the end that no enemy of theirs should scape their hands, nor any of his friends should perish. For the greatest fleet of all their ships, and the sharpest encounter of the whole battle, was about this little Island: and therefore the tokens of triumph were set there. After the battle was won, Themistocles to feel Aristides opinion; said unto him: we have done a good piece of service, but yet there is an other behind of greater importance, and that is this. We must bring all ASIA into EUROPE, which we may easily do, if we sail with all speed to the strait of HELLESPONT, and go break the bridge the king hath made there. Then Aristides cried out, stay there, never speak of that: but I pray you let us rather seek all the ways we can, how to drive this barbarous king out of GREECE, Aristides wise counsel for Xerxes flying out of Greece. lest if we keep him in still with so great an army (and he shall see no way before him to escape out) we drive him then to fight like a desperate man, and peril ourselves, we can not tell to what. When Themistocles had heard his opinion, he secretly sent the evenuke Arnaces his prisoner, unto king Xerxes, to advertise him from him, that he had altered the grecians purpose; A stratagem of Themistocles. which was fully bend to have broken up the bridge he had made at the strait of HELLESPONT, to pass over his army: and that he was the willinger to let him understand it, that he might the better provide for the safety of his person. King Xerxes being nettled with this advertisement, took strait his journey, and with all speed went to recover the strait of HALLESPONT, Xerxes' left Mardonius his Lieutenant in Greece with 300000. men. and left Mardonius his Lieutenant general in GREECE, with three hundred thousand of the best soldiers of his army. This Mardonius was marvelously dreaded of all the grecians, for the wonderful great army he had by land, and he did threaten them also by his letters he wrote unto them. You have, (said he) with your ships by sea, overcome men acquainted to fight by land, and that never handled ower: but now, the plains of THESSALY, or the fields of BOEOTIA, are very fair and large for horsemen and footmen to make proof of their valiantness, if you will come to the battle in the field. He wrote letters to the ATHENIANS, by the king his masters commandment, of other effect, and offered them from him, to build up their city again, to give them a great pension, and furthermore to make them Lords of all GREECE, so they would give over, and leave of these wars. The LACEDÆMONIANS being forthwith advertised of his letters written to the ATHENIANS, and fearing lest they would have been persuaded by them: sent their Ambassadors with all speed to ATHENS, to pray them to sand their wives and children unto SPARTA, and also to offer them vittailles, to relieve their poor old people, because of the great scarcity that was at ATHENS, for that their city was burnt and razed, and all their country beside destroyed by the barbarous people. The ATHENIANS having heard the offers of the Ambassadors of LACEDAEMON, made them a marvelous answer through Aristides counsel, and this it was. The noble mind of the Athenians. That they bore with the barbarous people, though they thought all things were to be sold for gold & silver, bicuase they esteemed nothing more precious, nor better in this world, then to be rich and wealth: but on the other side, they were greatly offended with the LACEDÆMONIANS, that they only regarded the present poverty and necessity of the ATHENIANS, and did forget their virtue and noble courage, thinking to make them fight more valiantly for the preservation of GREECE, by offering them victuals to live withal. The people approving this answer, Aristides then caused the Ambassadors of SPARTA to come to the assembly, and commanded them to tell the LACEDÆMONIANS by word of mouth, that all the gold above, or under the ground, could not corrupt the ATHENIANS, to make them take any sum of money or reward, to leave the defence of the liberty of GREECE: & to the herald that came from MARDONIUS, he showed him the sun, and said unto him: so long as yonder sun keepeth his course about the world, so long will the ATHENIANS be mortal enemies unto the PERSIANS, because they have spoiled and destroyed all their country, and have defiled and burnt the temples of their gods. Besides, he willed that the Priests, by commandment of the people, should excommunicate and curse him that would procure them to send unto the PERSIANS to make peace with them, and to break their league and alliance with the other grecians. Hereupon, when Mardonius came again the second time to overrun the country of ATTICA: the ATHENIANS got them again into the isle of SALAMINA, and then they sent Aristides Ambassador unto the LACEDÆMONIANS. He sharply took then up, and reproved their sloth and negligence, because they had again forsaken ATHENS, and left it to the spoil of the barbarous people: and prayed them yet they would look to save the rest of GREECE. The Ephori (which were certain officers that ruled all things within the city of SPARTA) when they had heard Aristides persuasions: strait took order for aid, though it appeared they did nothing all day but play, and make good cheer, keeping that day one of their solemn feasts they called Hyacinthia. Howbeit the next night following, they sent out five thousand citizens borne in SPARTA, into the field, all proper men and valiant soldiers, every one of them carrying with him, seven Ilotes (which are the country men and slaves in the country of LACEDAEMONIA) not making the Ambassadors of ATHENS privy to it at all. Wherefore Aristides came again an other time into their counsel, to complain of their negligence. But they fell a laughing, and said he dreamt, or else he mocked them: for their army which they had sent against the strangers (for so they called the PERSIANS) was already at the city of ORESTION in ARCADIA. Aristides hearing their answer, replied, that they were to blame to mock them in that sort, to send away their men so secretly, that they might not know of it: and that it was no time for them now to go about to deceive their friends, but their enemies rather. Idomeneus in his story reporteth the matter thus in every point. Notwithstanding, in the decree that was made to send Ambassadors to SPARTA, Aristedes is not named for Ambassador, but there are other appointed: as Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides. Afterwards Aristides was chosen by voices of the people, Lieutenant general of the army of ATHENS, in this war against the PERSIANS, Aristides Lieutenant general of the Athenians against Mardonius. and went unto the camp of the grecians by the city of PLATAEES, with eight thousand footmen well armed and appointed. There he found king Pausanias the only general of all the whole power and army of the grecians, Pausanias' king of Lacedaemon, general of all Greece. who brought with him the force of SPARTA: and there came daily into his camp one after an other, a marvelous great multitude of other grecians. Now touching the army of the barbarous people, they encamped all alongst the river of ASOPUS: Asopus flu. but because their camp stretched out a marvelous way in length, they were not entrenched at all, but had only fortified a piece of ground four square with a wall about, which was ten furlongs on every side, to place all their carriage and chiefest things in. And for the grecians again, the foothsayer Tisamenus, borne in the city of ELIDE, had told Pausanias, & all the grecians together, that they should have the victory, so they did not assault at all, Oracles of the victory of Plateas. but only defend. And Aristides, that had sent to the oracle of Apollo at DELPHES, in the name of the ATHENIANS, had answer: they should overcome their enemies, so they did sacrifice and make special prayers, unto jupiter and juno of mount CITHAERON, unto Pan, and unto the Nymphs Sphragitides, and also unto the demi gods, Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, Democrates, Hypsron, Actaeon, & Polyidus: and so that they did hazard battle also within their own territories, and in the plain of Ceres Eleusinian, and of Proserpina. This oracle troubled Aristides marvelously, because the demi gods whom they had commandment to do sacrifice unto, were the founders and ancestors of the plateeans: and the cave of the Nymphs Sphragitides, The Nymphs Sphragitides. is one of the tops of mount CITHAERON, looking towards the west, where the sun setteth in summer. They say there was an oracle there in old time, whose spirit possessed many inhabitants thereabouts, and distraught them of their wirtes: whereupon, they called those so possessed, Nympholepty, as who would say, taken with the Nymphs. And again to tell the ATHENIANS they should have the victory, so they did hazard battle in the plain of Ceres Eleusinian, and within their own territory: it was even to send them back again into the country of ATTICA. Aristides being thus perplexed, Arymnestus dream. Arimnestus Captain of the plateeans, had such a vision in the night in his sleep. Him thought that jupiter the saviour did appear untohim, and asked him what the grecians intended to do? and that he answered my Lord, we must to morrow remove our camp into the territories of Eleusin, and there we will fight with the barbarous people, according to the commandment the oracle Apollo hath given us. Then that jupiter replied, that they were greatly deceived: for all that Apollo had declared by his oracle was meant within the territory of the plateeans, and that they should find it true, if they considered it well. Arimnestus having plainly seen this vision in his sleep, when he did awake in the morning, he strait sent for the oldest citizens, and considering with them where this place should be, he found at the length, that at the foot of mount CITHAERON, by the city of NYSIA, there was an old temple they called the temple of Ceres Eleusinian, and of her daughter Proserpina. When he heard them say so, he went strait and told Aristides of it, and found that it was an excellent place to set an army in battle ray, that had but few horsemen: for that the foot of mount CITHAERON did let the horsemen, they could not go to the place where the temple stood, and where the plain and valley did end: beside also, that the chapel of Androcrates was even in that place, which was all hidden with thick wood round about it. And because they should lack nothing to hinder the express commandment of the oracle for hope of victory: the plateeans (through Arimnestus counsel and advise) made a common decree, The magnanimity of the plateeans. that the confines of the city of PLATAEES should be taken away towards ATHENS side, and that the land thereof should be given clearly unto the ATHENIANS, because they should fight with the barbarous people in their own land, for the defence and preservation of GREECE, according to the commandment of the oracle. This noble gift and present of the plateeans was so famous, as many years after, king Alexander the great having conquered the Empire of ASIA, Alexander the great doth honour the Plateians for their noble minds. built up the walls again of the city of PLATAEES, and when he had done, made a herald openly proclaim it at the games olympical: that Alexander had done the plateeans that honour and dignity, for a memorial and honour of their magnanimity. Because in the war against the PERSIANS, they had freely and liberally given away their land unto the ATHENIANS, for the safety of the grecians: and had showed themselves of a noble courage also, and very willing to defend the state of GREECE. Now when the army of the grecians came to be set in order of battle, there fell a strife between the ATHENIANS and the TEGEATES, Strife between the Athenians & Tegeates. because the ATHENIANS would needs (according to their old custom) have the left wing of the battle, if the LACEDÆMONIANS had the right wing: and the TEGEATES on the contrary part, would have the pre-eminence before the ATHENIANS, alleging the famous acts and notable service of their ancestors in former wars, whereupon the ATHENIANS did mutiny. But Aristides stepped between them, and told them, Aristides wisely pacifieth the mutiny. that it was no time now to contend with the TEGEATES about their nobility and valiantness: and as for you, my Lords of SPARTA, said he, and you also my masters of GREECE: we tell you, that the place neither giveth nor taketh virtue away, and we do assure you that wheresoever you place us, we will so defend and keep it, as we will not impair nor blemish the honour we have won in former foughten battles, and gotten victories. For we are not come hither to quarrel and fall out with our friends, but to fight with our common enemies: nor to brag of our ancestors doings, but to show ourselves valiant in defence of all GREECE. For this battle will make good proof to all the grecians, how much estimation every city, every Captain, & particular person will deserve for his part. When Aristides had spoken, the Captains & all other of the counsel concluded in favour of the ATHENIANS, that they should have one of the wings of the battle. But by this means, all GREECE stood in marvelous garboil at that time, and the state of the ATHENIANS specially in great danger. For a number of the noblest citizens of ATHENS. The conspiracy of the rich noble men of Athens. And that brought great substance with them to the wars, being now at low state, & in poverty, their goods being spent & gone, & seeing themselves discountenanced, not bearing that rule & authority in the common wealth they were wont to do, because other were called to authority, and preferred to the offices of the city: they gathered together, and met at a house in the city of PLATAEES, & there conspired to overthrow the authority of the people at ATHENS: and if they could not obtain their purpose, then that they would rather lose all, and betray their country unto the barbarous people. While these things were practised in the camp, many being of the conspiracy, Aristides came to an Incklinge of it, and was marvelously afraid, because of the time: wherefore he began to be careful of the matter, being of such importance as it was, and yet would not be curious to understand the whole conspiracy, little knowing what a number might be drawn into this treason, if it were narrowly looked into, but rather respected that which was just, then what was profitable for the time. So he caused eight persons only of the great number to be apprehended, and of these eight, the two first whom they would have indicted as principals, and were most to be burdened for the conspiracy, AEschines of the town of LAMPRA, and Egesias of the town of ACHARNA, they found means to fly out of the camp, and to save themselves. And for the other, Aristides set them at liberty, and gave them occasion that were not discovered, to be bold, and to repent them of their follies: saying, that the battle should be their judge, where they should purge themselves of all accusations laid against them, and show the world also, that they never had any other intention but honest, and good, towards their country. Mardonius, to prove the courage of the grecians, had sent all his horsemen, (wherein he was far stronger than the grecians) to skirmish with them. Who were lodged at the foot of mount CITHAERON, Mount Cithaeron. in strong places and full of stones, saving the three thousand MEGARIANS, that camped in the plain: by reason whereof, they were soretroubled and hurt, by the horsemen of the barbarous people that set upon them on every side, for they might charge them where they would. Insomuch, in the end, perceiving they alone could no longer resist the force of so great a multitude of the barbarous people: they sent with all speed possible to Pausanias, to pray him to sand them present aid. Pausanias' hearing this news, and seeing in his own sight the camp of the MEGARIANS almost all covered with shot and darts which the barbarous people threw at them, & that they were compelled to stand close together in a little corner: he witted not what to do. For, to go thither in person with the LACEDÆMONIANS that were footmen heavy armed, he thought that was no way to help them. So he proved to put some ambitious desire and envy of honour, among the private Captains and generals of the army of the other grecians, which were then about him: to see if he could move any man's courage and desire, to offer himself willingly to go aid the MEGARIANS. Howbeit they had all deaf ears, but Aristides: who promised to go in the name of the ATHENIANS, and brought Olympiodorus into the field, (one of the valiantest Captains that served under him) with his company of three hundred chosen men, and certain shot mingled amongst them. These soldiers were ready in a moment, and marched strait in battle ray, a great pace towards the barbarous people. Masistius, that was general of the horsemen of the PERSIANS, Masistius general of the horsemen of the Persians. a goodly tall man, perceiving their coming towards him: turned his horse, and galloped to them. The ATHENIANS tarried him, and kept their ground, and the encounter was very horse, because both the one and the other side did the best they could at this first onset to put the rest of the battle in jeopardy: and they fought so long, that Masistius horse was shot through the body with an arrow, that put him to such pain, as he never lin flinging, till he cast his master on the ground, armed as he was at all pieces. So being on the ground, he could not rise again, as well for the weight of his armour, as for that the ATHENIANS came so suddenly upon him. And notwithstanding there were many about him to hue him in pieces, yet they could found no way how to kill him, he was so thoroughly armed and laden with gold, copper, & iron, not only upon his body and his head, but also on his legs and arms: until at the length there was one that thrust the head of his dart through his beaver, and so killed him. Masistius slain by the Athenians. The PERSIANS perceiving that, fled immediately, & forsook the body of their general. Shortly after it appeared to the grecians that they had sped well at this skirmish, not because they had slain many enemies, but for the great lamentation the barbarous people made for the loss of Masistius. For his death did so grieve them, that they pulled themselves, they clipped of their horse and moils hears, & filled besides all the field thereabouts with pitiful cries & shrieks, as those that had lost the valiantest and chiefest man of authority of all their camp, next unto Mardonius the king's Lieutenant. After this first skirmish, both the one and the other side kept their camp, and would not come into the field many days after: for the Soothsayers did promise' both sides the victory, as much the PERSIANS, as the grecians, so they did but only defend: and contrary wise, they did threaten them to be overthrown, that did assault. But Mardonius finding victuals waxed scant, and that they were stored but for few days, and moreover how the grecians daily grew stronger by continual repair to their camp, the longer he delayed in the end he resolved to tarry no longer, but to pass the river of ASOPUS the next morning by break of the day, & suddenly to set upon the grecians. So he gave the captains warning the night before what they should do, because every man should be ready: but about midnight there came a horseman without any noise at all, so near to the grecians camp, that he spoke to the watch, and told them he would speak with Aristides, general of the ATHENIANS. Aristides was called for strait, and when he came to him, the horseman said unto Aristides. I am Alexander king of MACEDON, Alexander king of Macedon, revealeth the Persian secret counsel unto Aristides. who for the love and great good will I bear you, have put myself in the greatest danger that may be, to come at this present time to advertise you, that to morrow morning Mardonius will give you battle: because your enemies sudden coming upon you, should not make you afraid, being suddenly charged, and should not hinder also your valiant fighting. For it is no new hope that is come to Mardonius, that makes him to fight: but only scarcity of victuals that forceth him to do it, considering that the prognosticators are all against it that he should give you battle, both by reason of the ill tokens of their sacrifices, as also by the answers of their oracles, which hath put all the army in a marvelous fear, and stand in no good hope at all. Thus he is forced to put all at adventure, or else if he will needs lie still, to be starved to death for very famine. After king Alexander had imparted this secret to Aristides, he prayed him to keep it to himself, and to remember it in time to come. Aristides answered him then, that it was no reason he should keep a matter of so great importance as that, from Pausanias, who was their Lieutenant general of the whole army: notwithstanding, he promised him he would tell it no man else before the battle, and that if the gods gave the grecians the victory, he did assure him, they should all acknowledge his great favour and good will showed unto them. After they had talked thus together, king Alexander left him, and returned back again: and Aristides also went immediately to Pausanias' tent, and told him the talk king Alexander and he had together. Thereupon the private Captains were sent for strait to counsel, and there order was given, that every man should have his bands ready, for they should fight in the morning. So Pausanias at that time (as Herodotus writeth) said unto Aristides, that he would remove the ATHENIANS from the left to the right wing, because they should have the PERSIANS themselves right before them, and that they should fight so much the lustier, both for that they were acquainted with their fight, as also because they had overcomed them before in the first encounter: and that himself would take the left wing of the battle, where he should encounter with the grecians that fought on the PERSIANS side. But when all the other private Captains of the ATHENIANS understood it, they were marvelous angry with Pausanias, and said he did them wrong, and had no reason to let all the other GRECIANS keep their place where they were always appointed, and only to remove them, as if they were slaves, to be appointed at his pleasure, now of one side, then of the other, and to set them to fight with the valiantest soldiers they had of all their enemies. Then said Aristides to them, that they knew not what they said, and how before they misliked, and did strive with the TEGRATES, only for having the left wing of the battle, and when it was granted, they thought themselves greatly honoured that they were preferred before them, by order of the Captains: and now where the LACEDÆMONIANS were willing of themselves to give them the place of the right wing, and did in manner offer them the pre-eminence of the whole army: they do not thankfully take the honour offered them, nor yet do reckon of the vantage and benefit given them to fight against the PERSIANS selves, their ancient enemies, and not against their natural country men anciently descended of them. When Aristides had used all these persuasions unto them, they were very well contented to change place with the LACEDÆMONIANS: and then all the talk among them was to encourage one an other, and to tell them that the PERSIANS that came against them, had no better hearts nor weapons, than those whom they before had overcome, in the plain of MARATHON. For said they, they have the same bows, the same rich embroidered gowns, the same golden chains and carcanettes of womanish persons, hanging on their cowardly bodies and faint hearts: where we have also the same weapons and bodies we had, and our hearts more lively and courageous then before, through the sundry victories we have since gotten of them. Further, we have this advantage more. That we do not fight as our other confederates the grecians do, for our city and country only, but also to continue the fame and renown of our former noble service, which we wan at the journeys of MARATHON and of SALAMINA: to the end the world should not think that the glory of these triumphs and victories was due unto Miltiades only, or unto fortune, but unto the courage and worthiness of the ATHENIANS. Thus were the grecians thoroughly occupied to change the order of their battle in haste. The THEBANS on the other side that took part with Mardonius, The treason of the Thebans. receiving intelligence of the altering of their battle, by traitors that ran between both camps: they strait told Mardonius of it. He thereupon did suddenly also change the order of his battle, and placed the PERSIANS from the right wing to the left wing of his enemies: either because he was afraid of the ATHENIANS, or else for greater glory that he had a desire to fight with the LACEDÆMONIANS, and commanded the grecians that took his part, that they should fight against the ATHENIANS. This alteration was so openly done, that every man might see it: whereupon Pausanias removed the LACEDÆMONIANS again, and set them in the right wing. Mardonius seeing that, removed the PERSIANS again from the left wing, and brought them to the right wing (where they were before) against the LACEDÆMONIANS: and thus they consumed all that day in changing their men to and fro. So the Captains of the grecians sat in counsel at night, and there they agreed, that they must needs remove their camp, and lodge in some other place where they might have water at commandment: because their enemies did continually trouble and spoil that water they had about them, with their horses. Now when night came, the Captains would have marched away with their men, to go to the lodging they had appointed: but the people went very ill willing to it, and they had much a do to keep them together. For they were no sooner out of the trenches and fortification of their camp, but the most part of them ran to the city of PLATAEES, and were marvelously out of order, dispersing themselves here and there, and set up their tents where they thought good, before the places were appointed for them: and there were none that tarried behind, but the LACEDÆMONIANS only, The stubbornness of Amompharetus Captain of the Lacedæmonians. and that was against their wills. For one of their Captains called Amompharetus, a marvelous hardy man, that feared no danger, and longed sore for battle: he was in such a rage with these trifling delays, that he cried is out in the camp, that this removing was a goodly running away, and swore he would not from thence, but would there tarry Mardonius coming with his company. Pausanias' went to him, and told him he must do that the other grecians had consented to in counsel, by most voices. But Amompharetus took a great stone in his hands, and threw it down at Pausanias' feet, and told him there is the sign I give to conclude battle, and I pass not for all your cowardly conclusions. Amompharetus stubbornness did so amaze Pausanias, that he was at his wits end. So he sent unto the ATHENIANS that were onwards on their way, to pray them to tarry for him, that they might go together: and there withal made the rest of his men to march towards the city of PLATAEES, The battle of the Greecians, with the Persians, at the city of Plataees. supposing thereby to have drawn Amompharetus to have followed him, or else he meant to remain alone behind. But in trifling thus, the day broke: and Mardonius understanding that the grecians did forsake their first lodging, he made his army presently march in battle ray to set upon the LACEDÆMONIANS. So the barbarous people made great shouts and cries, not thinking to go fight, but to go sack and spoil the grecians flying away, as in deed they did little better. For, Pausanias seeing the countenance of his enemies, made his ensigns to stay, and commanded every man to prepare to fight: but he forgot to give the grecians the signal of the battle, either for the anger he took against Amompharetus, or for the sudden onset of the enemies, which made them that they came not in strait, nor altogether to the battle after it was begun, but straggling in small companies, some here, and some there. In the mean time, Pausanias was busy in sacrificing to the gods, and seeing that the first sacrifices were not acceptable unto them, by the Soothsayers observations they made: he commanded the SPARTANS to throw their targets at their feet, and not to stir out of their places, but only to do as he bade them, without resisting their enemies. When he had given this strait order, he went again and did sacrifice, when the horsemen of the enemies were at hand, and that their arrows flew amongst the thickest of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and did hurt diverse of them, and specially poor Callicrates among the rest, Callicrates slain without fight. that was one of the goodliest men in all the grecians host and army. He having his deaths wound with an arrow, before he gave up the ghost, said his death did not grieve him, because he came out of his country to die for the defence of GREECE: but it grieved him to die so cowardly, having given the enemy never a blow. His death was marvelous lamentable, and the constancy of the SPARTANS wonderful: for they never stirred out of their places, Note the obedience of the Spartan soldiers unto death. nor made any countenance to defend themselves against their enemies that came upon them, but suffered themselves to be thrust through with arrows, and slain in the field, looking for the hour the gods would appoint them, and that their Captain would command them to fight. Some write also, that as Pausanias was at his prayers, and doing sacrifice unto the gods a little behind the battle, certain of the LYDIANS came upon him, and overthrew and took away all his sacrifice: and how Pausanias, and those that were about him, (having no other weapons in their hands) drove them away with force of staves and whips. In memory whereof, they say there is a solemn procession kept at SPARTA on that day, which they call the LYDIANS procession, where they whip and beat young boys about the altar. Then was Pausanias in great distress, to see the Priests offer sacrifice upon sacrifice, and that not one of them pleased the gods: at the last he turned his eyes to the temple of juno, and wept, and holding up his hands, besought juno Cith●r●●, and all the other gods, (patrons and protectors of the country of the plateeans) that if it were not the will of the gods the grecians should have the victory, yet that the conquerors at the lest should buy their deaths dearly, and that they should find they fought against valiant men and worthy soldiers. Pausanias' had no sooner ended his prayer, but the sacrifices fell out very favourable, insomuch the Priests and Soothsayers came to promise' him victory. Thereupon, he strait gave commandment to march toward the enemy, which flew from man to man incontinently how they should march. So as he that had seen the Squadron of the LACEDÆMONIANS, would have said it had been like the body of a fierce beast raising up his bristles, preparing to fight. Then the barbarous people saw they should have a hot battle, Barte●●l betwixt the grecians & Persians. and that they should meet with men that would fight it out to the death: wherefore they covered their bodies with great targets after the PERSIAN fashion, & bestowed their arrows lustily upon the LACEDÆMONIANS. But they keeping close together, and covering themselves with their shields, marched on still upon them, until they came to join with the enemy so lustily, that they made their targets fly out of their hands, with the terrible thrusts and blows of their pikes & spears upon their breasts, and overthwart their faces, that they slew many of them, and laid them on the ground. For all that, they died not cowardly, but took the LACEDÆMONIANS pikes and spears in their bore hands, and broke them in two by strength of their arms: and then they quickly plucked out their scimitars and axes, and lustily laid about them, and wrong the LACEDÆMONIANS shields out of their hands by force, and fought it out with them a great while hand to hand. Now, whilst the LACEDÆMONIANS were busily fight with the barbarous people, the ATHENIANS stood still imbattelled far of, & kept their ground. But when they saw the LACEDÆMONIANS tarry so long, & that they came not, and heard a marvelous noise of men as though they were fight, and besides that there came a speedy messenger unto them sent from Pausanias, to let them understand they were fight: then they marched with all speed they could to help them. But as they were coming on a great pace over the plain, unto that part where they heard the noise: the grecians that were on Mardonius side came against them. Aristides seeing them coming towards them, went a good way before his company, & cried out as loud as he could for life, and conjured the grecians in the name of the gods, the protectors of GREECE, to leave of these wars, and not to trouble the ATHENIANS that were going to help them that ventured their lives, to descend the common wealth & safety of all GREECE. But when he saw they would needs fight for any request and conjuration he could use, and that they came still upon him, bending themselves to give charge: then he stayed his going to relieve the LACEDÆMONIANS, & was compelled to make head against those that set upon him and his company, they being about fifty thousand men, of the which, the most part notwithstanding went their ways, and left the army, specially when they understood the PERSIANS were overthrown and fled. The Grecian victory of the Persians as Platees. The fury of the battle, and cruelest fight (as they say) was where the THEBANS were: because the nobility & hiefest men of the country fought very earnestly for the PERSIANS, but the people refused, being led by a small number of the nobility that commanded them. So they fought that day in two places, the LACEDÆMONIANS being the first that overthrew the PERSIANS, & made them fly: & they slew Mardonius the king's lieutenant, Mardonius slain of Arimnestus a Spartan, with a blow of a stone. with a blow of a stone one Arimnestus a SPARTAN gave him upon his head, rightly as the oracle of Amphiaraus had prophesied before unto him. For Mardonius before the battle had sent thither a LYDIAN, & a CARIAN, unto the oracle of Trophonius, of the which, the prophet made answer unto the CARIAN, in the CARIAN tongue: & the man of LYDIA lay within the sanctuary of Amphiaraus, where he thought in his dream that one of the priests of the temple willed him to go out of the place he was in, and he denying it, the Priest took up a great stone and threw it at his head, and so thought he was slain with the blow. And thus it is written. And furthermore, the LACEDÆMONIANS did chase the PERSIANS flying, into their fortification they had in a wood: & the ATHENIANS also shortly after overthrew the THEBANS whereof they slew in the field, a three hundred of the noblest & chiefest of them. For even as the THEBANS began to turn tail, news came unto the ATHENIANS, that the PERSIANS had entrenched themselves within their fort and strength in the wood, where the LACEDÆMONIANS did besiege them. The ATHENIANS suffered the grecians that fled to save themselves, and they went to help the LACEDÆMONIANS, to take the f●●●● of the barbarous people: who went before but slenderly about it, because they had no experience to make an assault, nor force upon a wall. But so soon as the ATHENIANS came into them, they strait took it by assault, and made great slaughter of the PERSIANS and barbarous people. For of three hundred thousand fight men that Mardonius had in his camp, Two hundred and three score thousand Persians slain. there were saved only but forty thousand led under Artabazus: and of the grecians side, there were not slain above thirteen hundred and three score in all, amongst which also there were two and fifty ATHENIANS, all of the tribe of AEantides, the which had done more valiantly that day, than any other tribe, A thousand three hundred & three score grecians slain. as Clidemus writeth. And this is the cause why the AEantides made a solemn sacrifice unto the Nymphs Sphragitides, at the common charge, according to the order given them by the oracle of Apollo, to give them thanks for this victory. Of the LACEDÆMONIANS there died four score and eleven: and of the TEGEATES, sixteen. But I marvel Herodotus saith, that none but these people only fought in that journey against the barbarous nation, and no other grecians besides: for the number of the dead bodies, and their graves also do show, that it was a general victory and exploit of all the grecians together. And Moreover, if there had been but these three people only that had fought against them, and that all the rest had stood and looked on, and done nothing: f●● there had been no such epigram as this, engraven upon the altar or tomb that was set up in the place of the battle. When the victorious greeks, had driven out of their land, the Persians by force of arms, which long did them withstand, they built to mighty jove, this holy altar here, and made it common for all Greece, as plainly may appear. in Guerdon of the good, which he did them restore, in Guerdon of their liberty, which liked them evermore. This battle was fought the fourth day of the month which the ATHENIANS call Bo●dromion, that is, about the month of july, or after the BOEOTIANS account, the six & twenty of the month, they call Panemus, on which day there is yet kept a common assembly of the estates of GREECE, in the cities of PLATAEES, where the plateeans make a solemn sacrifice unto jupiter, protector of their liberty, to give him thanks always for this victory. It is no marvel that there was such difference then betwixt the months and days, considering that even now when astronomy is more perfectly understanded, than it was then: some do yet begin and end their months at one day, and some at an other. After this great battle and overthrow of the barbarous people, there rose great strife betwixt the ATHENIANS, and the LACEDÆMONIANS, touching the reward and honour of the victory. Strife betwixt the Athenians and Lacedæmonians for honour of the victory. For the ATHENIANS would not give place unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, nor suffer them to set up any tokens of signs of triumph. Whereupon the grecians running to arms in mutiny together, by this occasion they had almost spoiled one an other: had not Aristides through his wisdom and wise persuasions, stayed, and quieted the other Captains his companions, and specially one Leocrates and Myronides, whom he wan with such discrete and gentle words, that they were contended to refer it wholly unto the arbitrement and judgement of the other people of GREECE. So the grecians met in the same place together, purposely to decide their controversy. In this counsel holden there, Theogiton a Captain of the MEGARIANS, said for his opinion, that to avoid the civil war might grow between the grecians upon this quarrel: he thought it very requisite, to appoint over the reward and honour of this victory, unto some other city, then to any of the two that fell out about it. After him rose up Cleocritus CORINTHIAN, seeming to every man there that he would have requested this honour for the city of CORINTHE, being in deed the third city in estimation of all GREECE, next unto SPARTA and ATHENS: Corinthe the third city of estimation in Greece. Sparta. Athens. Corinthe. howbeit he made an oration in commendation of the plateeans, The grecians gra●●nt the honour of the victory unto the plateeans. which was marvelously liked, & well thought of of every man. For his opinion went flatly with the plateeans, that to end this strife, they should give the honour of this victory unto the city of PLATAEES, and so would neither of both parties be angry that they should be honoured. upon his words, Aristides first agreed on the ATHENIANS behalf, and then Pausanias for the LACEDÆMONIANS, that the plateeans should have the reward. Now they both being agreed, before the spoil was divided between them, they set aside four score talents that were given to the plateeans, with the which they built a temple unto Minerva, and gave her an image, and set out all her temple with pictures that remain whole until this day: and the LACEDÆMONIANS notwithstanding, did set up their tokens of victory by themselves, and the ATHENIANS theirs also by themselves. So, they sending unto the oracle of Apollo in the city of DELPHES, to know unto what gods, and how they should do sacrifice: Apollo answered them that they should build up an altar unto jupiter, protector of their liberty, howbeit that they should put no sacrifice upon it, until they had first put out all the fire through the whole country, because it had been polluted and defiled by the barbarous people: and then, that they should fetch pure and clean fire at the common altar, whereon they do sacrifice unto Apollo Pythias, in the city of DELPHES. This answer being delivered, the great Lords and officers of GREECE went through all the country, to put out the fire every where. And there was a man of the same city of PLATAEES at that time called Euchidas, The wonderful speed of Euchidas the Plataeian, a fo●●e. that came and offered himself, and promised he would bring them fire from the temple of Apollo Pythias, with all possible speed that might be. So when he came to the city of DELPHES, after he had sprinkled and purified his body with clean water, he put a crown of laurel upon his head, and went in that manner to take fire from the altar of Apollo. When he had done, he hied him again as fast as he could run for life, unto the city of PLATAEES, and came thither before the sun was set, having comen and gone that day a thousand furlongs. But after he had saluted his citizens, and delivered them the fire he brought: he fell down dead at their feet, and gave up the ghost. The plateeans lift him up stark dead, and buried him in the temple of Diana Euclia, Diana Euclia. to say, of good renown: and caused afterwards this Epitaphe following to be graven upon his tomb. Engraved here doth lie, Euchidas speedy man, who in one day both to and fro, to Delphes lightly ran. Euchidas death. Even from this self same place, which thou dost here behold, such haste, post haste, he swiftly made, thereof thou mayest behold. Many think that this goddess Euclia is Diana, and so they call her. But other hold opinion she was the daughter of Hercules, and of Myrto the Nymph, Menatius daughter, and Patroclus sister, that died a virgin, and was honoured afterwards as a goddess, of the BOEOTIANS, & of the LOCRIANS. For in all their cities and towns in open places, they find an altar and image dedicated unto her: and all that are married, do sacrifice to her upon that altar. Afterwards there was a general counsel holden by all the grecians, A general counsel holden at the city of Plataees. in the which Aristides made a motion, that all the cities of GREECE should yearly send their deputies at a certain day appointed, unto the city of PLATAEES, there to make their prayers & sacrifices unto the gods: and that from five years, to five years, they should celebrated common games, that should be called the games of liberty: and that they should also levy through all the provinces of GREECE, for maintenance of the wars against the PERSIANS and barbarous people, ten thousand footmen, a thousand horsemen, and a fleet of a hundred sail. Item that the plateeans thenceforth should be taken also for devout and holy men, and that no man should so hardy hurt or offend them, and that they should only tend the sacrifices unto the gods, for the health and prosperity of GREECE. All which articles were enacted in form and manner aforesayed, and the plateeans bound themselves yearly to keep solemn sacrifices and anniversaries for the souls of the grecians that were slain in their territories, Solemn sacrifices and funerals keep by the plateeans yearly for the grecians that were slain as the battle of Plataees. fighting for defence of the liberty of the grecians. And this they observe yet unto this day in this sort. The sixteenth day of the month of Maemacterion (which the BOEOTIANS call Alalcomenies, and is about the month of january) they go a procession, and before the procession there goeth a praetor that soundeth the alarum. Then there follow certain charets laden with branches of fir tree, and with nosegays and garlands of triumph: then a black bull, & certain young gentlemen noblemen sons, that carry great cauldrons with two ears full of wine and milk, such as they use to power upon the graves of dead men for propitiatory oblations, and other young boys free borne, that carry oils, perfumes, and other sweet odours in viol glasses. For no servant or bond man may lawfully be admitted to have any office about this mystery, for that they whose memory they honour, died all fighting for defence of the liberty of GREECE. After all this show, followeth the provost of the plateeans for that time being, last of all: who may not all the rest of the year beside so much as touch any iron, nor wear any other coloured gown but white. Howbeit then he weareth on a purple coloured coat, and holdeth a funeral pot in one of his hands, which he taketh in the town house, and a naked sword in the other hand, and so goeth through the city in this sort after all the pomp aforesayed, unto the church yard where all their graves be that were slain at that battle. So when he cometh thither, he draweth water out of a well that is there, and with the same he washeth the foursquare pillars and images that stand upon those tombs, and then anointeth them with oils and sweet savours: afterwards, he sacrificeth a bull, and layeth him upon a heap of wood hard by him, as they do when they burn the bodies of dead men, and making certain prayers and petitions unto jupiter, and Mercury, gods of the earth, he doth solemnly invite the souls of those valiant men that died, fighting for the liberty of GREECE, unto the feast of this funeral sacrifice. Then he taketh a cup full of wine in his hand, and spilling it all upon their tombs, he speaketh these words aloud: I drink to the worthy and valiant men, than died sometime in defence of the liberty of GREECE. This solemn ceremony and anniversary, the plateeans do duly observe unto this present day. Now when the ATHENIANS were returned to ATHENS, Aristides perceiving the people were bend to establish a popular state, where the people might bear the whole rule and authority, judging them well worthy to be considered of, in respect of their noble service and valiant courage they had showed in this war: & considering also that they would hardly be brought to like of any other government, Aristides preferreth the popular state. being yet in arms, and very stout, by reason of the famous victories they had obtained: he caused a law to be made, that all authority of government should run in equality among the citizens, and that thenceforth all burgesses (as well poor as rich) should be chosen by voices of the people, and promoted to offices within the city. And moreover, when Themistocles told in open assembly, that he had a thing in his head would be greatly to the profit and commodity of the state, but yet it was not to be spoken openly for diverse respects: the people willed him to tell it unto Aristides only, and to take his advise in it, to know whether it was meet to be done or not. Then Themistocles told him secretly between them, that he thought to set the arsenal afyre, A wicked devise of Themistocles. Aristides sentence upon Themistocles devise. The justice of the Athenians. where all the grecians ships lay: alleging, that by this means the ATHENIANS should be the greatest men of power in all GREECE. Aristides hearing that, without any more, came presently to the people again, and told the whole counsel openly: that nothing could be more profitable in deed for the whole common wealth, and withal more wicked and unjust, then that Themistocles thought good to do. When the people heard Aristides answer, they willed Themistocles to let his devise alone whatsoever it were: so great justicers were the ATHENIANS, and so much did they trust Aristides wisdom and equity beside. So they made Aristides afterwards general of the army of the ATHENIANS together with Cimon, Aristides and Cimon generals of the Athenians against the barbarous people. & sent them to make war against the barbarous people: Aristides at his coming thither, seeing Pausanias, & the other Captains that were general over the whole army, dealing hardly, and churlishely with people their confederates: he on the contrary side, spoke gently unto them, and showed himself as courteous and familiar to them as he could possible, making his companion also familiar to all, and just to every body, not oppressing some to ease other, in defraying the charges of the wars. Aristides taking this course, Aristides justice and virtue took from the Lacedæmonians all their rule and authority in Greece. it was not noted how by little and little he cut of the rule and authority of the LACEDÆMONIANS in GREECE, not by force of arms, nor by ships, nor by numbers of horses, but only by his grave and wise government. For if the justice and virtue of Aristides, and the mildness and courtesy of Cimon made the government of the ATHENIANS to be liked of, and accepted of all the other people of GREECE: the covetousness, pride, and fierceness of Pausanias, Pausanias' proud and covetous. made it much more to be desired. For Pausanias never spoke unto the other Captains of the people, allies, and confederates, but it was ever in choler, and he was to sharp with them: and for the poor private soldiers, he would 'cause them to be cruelly whipped for every small offence, or else to make them stand a whole day together on their feet, laying a heavy iron anchor upon their shoulders. Pausanias' cruel punishing of his soldiers. No man durst go forage, neither for straw nor reeds to make them couches of, nor durst water their horse before the SPARTANS: for he had set scouts for them to whip them home, that went out before them. And one day when Aristides thought to have spoken to him, and to have told him some thing: he frowned upon him, and said he had no leisure to speak with him now, and so would not hear him. Whereupon the Captains of the other grecians, & specially those of CHIO, of SAMOS, and of LESBOS, did afterwards follow Aristides, and persuaded him to take upon him the charge and authority to command the other people of GREECE, and to take into his protection the allies and confederates of the same, who long sithence wished to revolt from the government of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and only to submit themselves unto the ATHENIANS. Aristides answered them thus: that they had not only reason to do that they said, but that they were also constrained to do it. Notwithstanding, because the ATHENIANS might have good ground and assurance of their undoubted fidelity and good service, Aristides fine trial of traitors. they should deliver them manifest testimony and assurance thereof, by some famous act attempted against the LACEDÆMONIANS, whereby their people hereafter durst never fall from the league of the ATHENIANS. Vliades SAIMAN, and Antagoras of CHIO hearing him say so, The rebellious act of Vliades and Antagoras against Pausanias. both Captains of galleys confedered together: they went one day to set upon the admiral galley of Pausanias, hard by BIZANTIUM, the one of the one side of her, and the other on the other side, as she was rowing before all the fleet. Pausanias' seeing them, stood up strait in a marvelous rage against them, and threatened them that before it were long he would make them know they had been better to have assaulted their own natural country, then to have set upon him as they had done. But they answered him, and bade him get him away quickly and he were wise, and let him thank fortune hardly, that granted the grecians victory at the battle of PLATAEES under his leading: and that it was nothing else but the only reverence and respect of the same, that had made the grecians hold their hands till now, from giving him that just punishment his pride and arrogancy had deserved. So the end was, they left the LACEDÆMONIANS, & stack unto the ATHENIANS: wherein was easily discerned the great courage, and wonderful magnanimity of the LACEDÆMONIANS. The temperance of the Lacedæmonians. For when they saw their Captains were marred and corrupted, through the overgreat authority, & liberty they had, they willingly gave up their commandment over the other grecians, and did no more send their Captains to be generals of the whole army of GREECE: thinking it better for their citizens, that they should be obedient, and in every point observe the discipline and law of their country, then if they had been otherwise the only rulers and Lords over the whole country. Now at what time the LACEDÆMONIANS did command all GREECE, as Lords: the cities and people of GREECE did pay a certain sum of money, towards defraying of the charges of the wars against the barbarous people. But after that their signiory and rule was taken from them, the grecians were contented a tax should be levied, and that every city should be reasonably sessed, according to their wealth and ability: because every city might know what they should pay. And for this purpose, they prayed the ATHENIANS they would appoint Aristides to take order for it, Aristides did sesse the cities of GREECE. unto whom they gave full power and authority to tax and sesse every city indifferently, considering the greatness of the territory, and the revenues of the same, as every one was reasonably able to bear it. But if Aristides were poor when he entered into that great charge and office of authority, wherein all GREECE in manner did refer themselves unto his discretion: he came out of that office more poor, and had made this assessment and taxation not only justly and truly, but also so indifferently according unto every man's ability, that there was no man could find fault with his doings. And like as the ancient men in old time did celebrated, Aristides a true cesser. and sing out the blessedness of those that lived under the reign of Saturn, which they called the golden age: even so did the people and confederates of the ATHENIANS afterwards honour the assessment made by Aristides, calling it the fortunate & blessed time of GREECE, and specially, when shortly after it did double, and triple on the sudden. For the tax Aristides made, came to about four hundred & three score talents: and Pericles raised it almost unto a third part. For Thucydides writeth, that at the beginning of the wars of PELOPONNEEUS, the ATHENIANS levied six hundred talents yearly upon their confederates. And after the death of Pericles, the orators and counsellors for matters of state did raise it up higher by little and little, until it mounted unto the sum of thirteen hundred talentes. And this was not, because the wars did rise to so great a charge, by reason of the length of the same, and of the losses the ATHENIANS had received: but for that they did accustom the people to make distributions of money by hand unto every citizen, to make them set up games, and make goodly images, and to build sumptuous temples. Thus was Aristides therefore justly honoured, praised, and esteemed above all other, for this just imposition of taxes, saving only of Themistocles: who went up and down fleering at the matter, saying it was no meet praise for an honest man, but rather for a coffer well barred with iron, where a man might safely lay up his gold and silver. This he spoke to be even with Aristides, which was nothing like the sharp gird Aristides gave him openly, when Themistocles talking with him, Taunts betwixt Themistocles and Aristides. told him it was an excellent thing for a Captain to be able to know, and to prevent the counsels and doings of the enemies: and so is it, said Aristides again, not only a needful, but an honest thing, and meet for a worthy general of an army, to be clean fingered, without bribery or corruption. So Aristides made all the other people of GREECE to swear, that they would truly keep the articles of the alliance, and he himself as general of the ATHENIANS, did take their oaths in the name of the ATHENIANS: and so pronouncing execrations & curses against them that should break the league and oath taken, he threw iron wedges read hot into the sea, and prayed the gods to destroy them even so, that did violate their vowed faith. Notwithstanding, afterwards (in my opinion) when there fell out great alteration in the state, and that the ATHENIANS were forced to rule more straightly than before: Aristides then willed the ATHENIANS to let him bear the danger and burden of perjury and execration, and that they should not let for fear thereof to do any thing whatsoever they thought meet or necessary. To conclude, Theophrastus writeth, that Aristides was not only a perfect an honest, Aristides preferred necessity of time, before law & reason. and just man, in private matters betwixt party & party: but in matters of state, and concerning the common weal, he did many things oftentimes according to the necessity of the time, and troubles of the city, wherein violence and injustice was to be used. As when the question was asked in open counsel, to know whether they might take away the gold & silver that was left in the isle of DILOS safely laid up in the temple of Apollo, to bear out the charges of the wars against the barbarous people, and to bring it from thence unto ATHENS, upon the motion of the SAMIANS, although it was directly against the articles of the alliance, made and sworn among all the grecians. Aristides opinion being asked in the same, he answered: it was not just, but yet profitable. Now, notwithstanding Aristides had brought his city, to rule and command many thousands of people: yet was he still poor for all that, and until his dying day he gloried rather to be praised for his poverty, Aristides gloried in his poverty. then for all the famous victories and battles he had won: and that plainly appeareth thus. Callias Ceres torch bearer, was his near kinsman, who through enemies came to be accused, and stood in hazard of life: so when the day came that his matter was to be heard before the judges, his accusers very faintly, and to little purpose, uttered the offences whereof they accused him, and running into other byematters, left the chiefest matter, & spoke thus to the judges. My Lords, you all know Aristides the son of Lysimachus, and you are not ignorant also that his virtue hath made him more esteemed, than any man else is, or can be, in all GREECE. How think ye doth he live at home? when you see him abroad up and down the city, in a thread bore gown all to tattered? Is it not likely, trow ye, that he is ready to starve at home for lack of meat and relief, whom we all see quake for very cold, being so ill arrayed and clothed? And yet M. Callias here his cousin germane the richest citizen in all ATHENS, is so miserable: that notwithstanding Aristides hath done much for him, by reason of his great credit and authority among you, he suffereth him, and his poor wife and children ready to beg, to starve for any help he giveth him. Callias perceiving the judges more angrier with him for that, then for any matter else he was accused of: he prayed Aristides might be sent for, and willed him to tell truly whether he had not offered him good round sums of money, many a time and often, and entreated him to take it, which he ever refused, and answered him always, that he could better boast of his poverty, than himself could of his riches: (which he said many did use ill, and few could use them well) and that it was a hard thing to find one man of a noble mind, that could away with poverty, A hard thing to away with poverty. and that such only might be ashamed of poverty, Who may be ashamed of poverty. as were poor against their wills. So Aristides confirmed all he spoke to be true: and every man that was at the hearing of this matter, went wholly away with this opinion, that he had rather be poor as Aristides, then rich as Callias. This tale is written thus by AEschines the Socratian Philosopher: and Plato reporteth of him also, Aristides commended of Plato. that notwithstanding there were many other famous and notable men of ATHENS, yet he gave Aristides praise above them all. For others, said he, (as Themistocles, Cimon, and Pericles) have beautified the city with stately porches, and sumptuous buildings of gold and silver, and with stone of other fine superfluous devices: but Aristides was only he, that virtuously disposed himself and all his doings, to the furtherance of the state and common weal. His justice and good nature appeared plainly, in his doings and behaviour towards Themistocles. For though Themistocles was ever against Aristides in all things, Aristides temperance unto Themistocles. and a continual enemy of his, and that by his means and practice he was banished from ATHENS: yet when Themistocles was accused of treason to the state, having diverse sharp enemies against him: as Cimon, Alemaeon, with diverse other: Aristides sought not revenge, when he had him at his advantage. For he neither spoke nor did any thing against him at that time to hurt him: neither did he rejoice to see his enemy in misery, no more than if he had never envied him in his prosperity. And touching Aristides death, Aristides death. some writ he died in the realm of PONTUS, being sent thither about matters of the state: & other think he died an old man in the city of ATHENS, greatly honoured and beloved of all the citizens. But Craterus the MACEDONIAN writeth of his death in this sort. After that Themistocles (sayeth he) was fled, the people of ATHENS become very stubborn and insolent: whereupon, many lewd men grew to be common appeachers and accusers of the noble men and chiefest citizens, and to stir up the malice and ill will of the common people against them, who were waxen proud by reason of their prosperity, and dominion that was enlarged. Among the rest, Aristides was condemned for extortion and ill behaviour in the common wealth, Aristides condemned for extortion. upon one Diophantes accusation, of the village of AMPHITROPE: who burdened him, that he took money of the JORIANS, to make the annual tribute cease which they paid unto ATHENS: and so Craterus saith, that because Aristides was not able to pay the fine they set upon his head (which was five Minas) he was driven to forsake ATHENS, and to get him into JONIA where he died. Yet doth not Craterus bring forth any probable matter to prove this true he writeth: as his pleading, his sentence and condemnation, or any decree passed against him, although he used great diligence else in collecting all such matters, and vowchinge his authors. Furthermore, all other writers that have specially noted the faults and offences, committed by the people of ATHENS in former times against their Captains and governors: they do declare Themistocles exile, Miltiades captivity that died in prison, Pericles fine wherein he was condemned, and Paches death that slew himself in the pulpit for orations, when he saw he was condemned: and tell diverse such stories, adding to also Aristides banishment: but yet they make no manner of mention of the condemnation which Craterus speaketh of. Moreover, Aristides tomb is to be seen at this day upon the haven of Phalerus, Aristides tomb. which was set up for him at the charge of the common wealth, as it is reported, because he died so poor a man, as they found nothing in his house to bury him with. Other go further, and say that his daughters were married by decree of the people, The Athenians thankfulness unto Aristides children. at the charge of the common wealth, and that the city gave every one of them three thousand Drachmas: and his son Lysimachus, a hundred Minas of silver, and a hundred jugera, and at Alcibiades request, who was the author of the decree, they gave him four Drachmas a day beside, of ordinary allowance. Furthermore, when this Lysimachus died, he left alive one only daughter called Polycrite, whom the people appointed, as calisthenes writeth, as much provisino to live withal, as they gave to any that wan the Olympian games. And sithence, Demetrius PHALERIAN, Hieronymus RHODIAN, Aristoxenus the physician, and Aristotle the Philosopher, at the lest if the book entitled of Nobility be any of Aristotle's works: all these agreed together, that one Myrto, Aristides daughter's daughter, was married to the wise Socrates, Myrto, Aristides daughter's daughter married unto Socrates. who took her to his wife (having a wife already) because she was a poor widow, & could not be married for her poverty, having much a do to live. Yet Panaetius doth write against them, in his book of Socrates life. But Demetrius PHALERIAN writeth in his book he entitled Socrates, that he could remember very well he had seen one Lysimachus, Aristides sons son, or his daughter's son, that was very poor, and lived of that he could get to interpret dreams, by certain tables, wherein was written the art to interpret the signification of dreams: and that he kept commonly about the temple of Bacchus called jacchion, unto whom, together with his mother and his sister, he said he had caused the people to give them a Triobolum a piece, every day towards their living. It is very true that the self same Demetrius PHALERIAN, when he reformed the state of ATHENS, ordained that his mother and sister should have each of them a Drachma by the day to find them withal, out of the common chamber of the city. And it is no new, nor strange thing, that the people of ATHENS were so careful to help, and to relieve, the women that dwelled in the city: considering that in times past, Aristogiton having a little daughter in the isle of LEMNOS, in very hard and poor state, and that could not be bestowed in marriage for her poverty, they caused her to be brought to ATHENS, and married her in one of the noblest houses of the city, and made her a jointer beside in the village of POTAMOS. Which great courtesy & humanity of theirs, hath ever deserved great fame and commendation, The Athenians commended for their liberality. & yet continueth even until this day, in that noble city of ATHENS, in the mouth of every man there. THE LIFE OF Marcus Cato the Censor. MArcus Cato and his ancestors, were (as they say) of the city of TUUSCULUM: but before he went unto the wars, and dealt in matters of the common wealth, he dwelled & lived in the country of the SABINES, upon certain land his father left him. And though to many, his ancestors were known to have been obscure: yet he himself did highly commend his father Marcus, by bearing his name, and saying he was a soldier, and had served valiantly in the field. And he telleth also of an other Cato that was his great grandfather, who for his valiant service had been often rewarded of the generals, with such honourable gifts, as the romans did use to give unto them, that had done some famous act in any battle: and how that he having lost five horses of service in the wars, the value of the fame were restored to him again in money of the common treasure, because he had showed himself trusty and valiant for the common wealth. And where they had a common speech at ROME to call them upstarts, that were no gentlemen borne, but did rise by virtue: it fortuned Cato to be called one of them. Cato called an upstare. And for his part, he did confess it, that he was of the first of the house that ever had honour, and office of state: but by reason of the noble acts and good service of his ancestors, he maintained he was very ancient. He was called at the beginning after his third name, Priscus: but afterwards by reason of his great wisdom and experience, he was surnamed Cato, because the romans call a wise man, and him that hath seen much, Cato. The definition of this word Cato. He was somewhat given to be red faced, and had a payer of staring eyes in his head, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these verses of him after his death. Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernal, will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius in his hall: his saucy coppered nose, and fiery staring eyes, his common slanderous tales, which he did in this world devise, made Pluto stand in dread that he would brawl in hell, although his bones were dry and dead, on earth he was so fell. Furthermore, touching the disposition of his body, he was marvelous strong and lusty, and all because he did use to labour and toil even from his youth, and to live sparingly, Cato's manners and life. as one that was ever brought up in the wars from his youth: so that he was of a very good constitution, both for strength of body, as for health also. As for utterance, he esteemed it as a second body, and most necessary gift, not only to make men honest, but also as a thing very requisite for a man that should bear sway and authority in the common wealth. He practised to speak well in little villages near home, whether he went many times to pled men's causes in courts judicial, that would retain him of counsel: so as in short time he become a perfect pleader, and had tongue at will, and in process of time become an excellent orator. Cato an excellent orator. After he was thus well known, they that were familiar with him, began to perceive a grave manner and behaviour in his life, and a certain noble mind in him, worthy to be employed in matters of state and great importance, and to be called into the common wealth. For he did not only refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes he maintained: but furthermore made no reckoning of the estimation he wan by that manner and practice, as though that was not the only mark he shot at. But his desire reached further, rather to win himself fame by service in the wars, and by valiant fighting with his enemy: then with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life. Insomuch as when he was but a young stripling in manner, he had many cuts upon his breast, which he had received in diverse battles and encounters against the enemies. For he himself writeth, that he was but seventeen year old, Cato a soldier at 17. years of age. when he went first unto the wars, which was about the time of Hannibal's chief prosperity, when he spoiled and destroyed all ITALY. So when he came to fight, he would strike lustily, and never stir foot nor give back, and would look cruelly upon his enemy, and threaten him with a fearful and terrible voice, A grim look, giveth terror to the enemy. which he used himself, and wisely taught other also to use the like: for such countenances, said he, many times do fear the enemies more, than the sword ye offer them. When he went any journey, he ever marched a foot, and carried his armour upon his back, and had a man waiting on him that carried his victuals with him, with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he had prepared for his dinner or supper, but did help to dress it himself for the most part, if he had any leisure, when he had done the duty of a private soldier in fortifying the camp, or such other needful business. All the while he was abroad in service in the wars, he never drank other then clean water, unless it were when he found he was not well, and then he would take a little vinegar: but if he saw he were weak, he would then drink a little wine. Now it fortuned, that Manius Curius the ROMAN, This Manius Curius overthrew king Pyrrus being general of the Tar●●inas. who had triumphed thrice, had a pretty house and land hard by Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato for a walk would visit often. And he considering how little land he had to his house, and what a little house he had withal, and how poorly it was built, wondered with himself what manner of man Curius had been, Cato the elder, wondered as the thrif●nes of Manius Curius. that having been the greatest man of ROME in his time, and having subdued the mightiest ●a●●es and people of all ITALY, and driven king Pyrrus also out of the same: yet himself with his own hands did manure that little patch of ground, and dwell in so poor and small a farm. Whether notwithstanding, after his three triumphs, the SAMNYTES sent their Ambassadors to visit him, who found him by the fierce side seething of perseneapes, and presented him: marvelous deal of gold from their state and communality. But Curius returned them again with their gold, The moderation of Manius Curius. and told them, that such as were contented with that supper, had no need of gold nor silver: and that for his part, he thought it greater honour to command them that had gold, then to have it himself. Cato remembering these things to himself, went home again, and began to think upon his house, of his living, of his family and servants, and also of his expenses: and to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell himself to labour with his own hands, more than ever he had done before. Furthermore, when Fabius Maximus took the city of TARENTUM again, Cato served under him being very young, where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the Pythagorean philosopher, Nearchus' the Pythagorean Philosopher, Caenes schoolmaster. in whom he took marvelous delight to hear him talk of Philosophy. Which Nearchus held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by calling it the sweet poison and chiefest bait to allure men to ill: and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soul, and that her only health, remedy, and purgation stood upon rules of reason, Plat●●s opinion of pleasure. good examples and contemplations, that drive sinful thoughts and carnal pleasures of the body, far of from her. Cato moreover gave himself much to sobriety and temperance, and framed himself to be contented with little. They say he fell in his very old age to the study of the Greek tongue, Cato learned the Greek tongue in his old age. Cato profited most by Demosthenes' eloquence. and to read Greek books, and that he profited somewhat by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be eloquent. Which plainly appeareth, in all his books and writings, full of authorities, examples, & stories taken out of Greek authors: and many of his sentences and morals, his adages & quick answers, are translated out of the same word for word. Now there was a noble man of ROME at that time, one of great authority, and a deep wise man beside, Valerius Flaccus a great wise man. who could easily discern buds of virtue sprowtinge out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and honourable disposition to help forward, and to advance such. His name was Valerius Flaccus, a near neighbour unto Cato, who was informed by his servants of Cato's strange life, how he would be doing in his ground with his own hands: and how he would be gone every day betimes in the morning to little villages thereabout, Cato's strange life. to plead men's causes that prayed his counsel, & that when he had done, he would come home again: and if it were in winter, that he would but cast a little coat on his shoulders, and being summer he would go out bore, naked to the waist, to work in his ground among his servants and other workmen: & would beside, sit and eat with them together at one board, and drink as they did. Moreover, they told him also a world of such manners & fashions which he used, that showed to be a marvelous plain man, without pride and of a good nature. Then they told him what notable wise sayings and grave sentences they heard him speak. Valerius Flaccus hearing this report of him, willed his men one day to pray him to come to supper to him. Who falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was of a very good nature, and well given, & that he was a good griffe to be set in a better ground: he persuaded him to come to ROME, and to practise there in the assembly of the people, in the common causes and affairs of the common weal. Cato followed his counsel, who having been no long practiser among them, did grow strait into great estimation, Cato goeth to Rome by Valerius Flaccus persuasion. and wan him many friends, by reason of the causes he took in hand to defend: and was the better preferred and taken also, by means of the special favour and countenance Valerius Flaccus gave him. For first of all, by voice of the people he was chosen Tribune of the soldiers, (to say, colonel of a thousand footmen) & afterwards was made treasurer: Cato chosen Tribunus militum and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit & authority, as he become Valerius Flaccus companion in the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consul with him, Cato's offices in the Senate. Cato followed Fabius Maximus. & then Censor. But to begin withal, Cato made choice of Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of ROME, & gave himself to follow him altogether: & not so much for the credit & estimation Fabius Maximus was of, (who therein exceeded all the romans of that time) as for the modesty and discrete government he saw in him, whom he determined to follow, as a worthy mirror and example. At which time Cato passed not for the malice and evil will of Scipio the great, Cato's emulation with Scipio the great. who did strive at that present being but a young man, with the authority and greatness of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his rising and greatness. For Cato being sent treasurer with Scipio, Cato being treasurer under Scipio Afrikan, reproved him for his wasteful expenses. when he undertook the journey into AFRICA, and perceiving Scipio's bountiful nature and disposition to large gifts without mean to the soldiers: he told him plainly one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in wasting their treasure, as he did great harm in changing the ancient manner of their ancestors: who used their soldiers to be contented with little, but he taught them to spend their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vain toys and trifles, to serve their pleasure. Scipio made him answer, he would have no treasurer should control him in that sort, nor that should look so narrowly to his expenses: for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sails as it were, and that he would (and did also determine to) make the state privy to all his doings, but not to the money he spent. Cato hearing this answer, returned with speed out of SICILY unto ROME, crying out with Fabius Maximus in open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, Cato accuseth Scipio of riot. and that he tended plays, comedies, and wrestlinges, as if he had not been sent to make wars, invasions, and attempts upon their enemies. upon this complaint the Senate appointed certain Tribunes of the people, to go and see if their informations were true: and finding them so, that they should bring him back again to ROME. But Scipio showed far otherwise to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see apparent victory, through the necessary preparation and provision he had made for the wars: and he confessed also, that when he had dispatched his great business, and was at any leisure, he would be privately merry with his friends: and though he was liberal to his soldiers, yet that made him not negligent of his duty and charge in any matter of importance. So Scipio took shiping, and sailed towards AFRICA, whether he was sent to make war. Now to return to Cato. He daily increased still in authority and credit by means of his eloquence, so that diverse called him the Demosthenes of ROME: howbeit the manner of his life was in more estimation, than his eloquence. Cato's eloquence, his continent life, and extreme pains. For all the youth of ROME did seek to attain to his eloquence and commendation of words, and one envied an other which of them should come nearest: but few of them would file their hands with any labour as their forefathers did, and make a light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or would be content with a mean gown, and a poor lodging, & finally would think it more honourable to defy fancies & pleasures, then to have and enjoy them. Because the state was waxen now of such power & wealth, as it could no more retain the ancient discipline, and former austerity and straightness of life it used: but by reason of the largeness of their dominion and signory, and the numbers of people and nations that were become their subjects, it was even forced to receive a medley of sundry country fashions, examples, and manners. This was a cause, why in reason men did so greatly wonder at Cato's virtue, when they saw other strait wearied with pains and labour, tenderly brought up like pulers: and Cato on the other side never overcomen, either with the one or with the other, not not in his youth, when he most coveted honour, nor in his age also when he was grey headed and bald, after his Consulship and triumph, but like a conqueror that had gotten the mastery, Cato's wonderful thrift. he would never give over labour even unto his dying day. For he writeth himself, that there never came gown on his back that cost him above a hundred pence, & that his hinds and work men always drunk no worse wine, when he was Consul and general of the army, than he did himself: and that his cater never bestowed in meat for his supper, above thirty Asses of ROMAN money, and yet he said it was; because he might be the stronger, and apt to do service in the wars for his country and the common wealth. He said furthermore, that being heir to one of his friends that died, he had a piece of tapestry by him with a deep border, which they called then the babylonian border, and he caused it strait to be sold: and that of all his houses he had abroad in the country, he had not one wall-plastered, nor rough cast. Moreover he would say, he never bought bondman or slave dearer, than a thousand five hundred pence, as one that sought not for fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellows that could away with pains, as carters, horsekeepers, neatheardes, and such like: and again he would cell them when they were old, because he would not keep them when they could do no service. To conclude, he was of opinion, that a man bought any thing dear, that was for little purpose: yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought it to much to bestow so little, for that which needed not. He would have men purchase houses, that had more store of errable land and pasture, then of fine orteyardes or gardens. Cato's sharpness. Some say, he did thus, for very misery and covetousness: other think, and took it that he lived so sparingely, to move others by his example to cut of all superfluity and waist. Nevertheless, to cell slaves in that sort, or to turn them out of doors when you have had the service of all their youth, and that they are grown old, as you use brute beasts that have served whilst they may for age: me thinks that must needs proceed of to severe and greedy nature, that hath no longer regard or consideration of humanity, then whilst one is able to do an other good. For we see, gentleness goeth further than justice. For nature teacheth us to use justice only unto men, but gentleness sometimes is showed unto brute beasts: Gentleness goeth further than justice. Gentleness to be used unto brute beasts. and that cometh from the very fountain and springe of all courtesy and humanity, which should never dry up in any man living. For to say truly, to keep cast horses spoiled in our service, and dogs also not only when they are whelps, but when they be old: be even tokens of love and kindness. As the ATHENIANS made a law, A gentle law made by the Athenians in favour of their laboringe moils. when they builded their temple called Hecatompedon: that they should suffer the moils and mulettes that did service in their carriages about the building of the same, to graze every where, without let or trouble of any man. And they say, there was one of those moils thus turned at liberty, that came of herself to the place to labour, going before all the other draft beasts, that drew up carts laden towards the castle, and kept them company, as though she seemed to encourage the rest to draw: which the people liked so well in the poor beast, that they appointed she should be kept whilst she lived, at the charge of the town. And yet at this present are the graves of Cimons' mares to be seen, that wan him thrice together the game of the horse race at the games Olympian, and they are hard by the grave of Cimon himself. We hear of diverse also that had buried their dogs they brought up in their house, or that waited on them: as among other old Xanthippus buried his dog on the top of a cliff, which is called the dogs pit till this day. For when the people of ATHENS did forsake their city at the coming down of Xerxes the king, this dog followed his master, swiming in the sea by his galleys side, from the firm land, unto the isle of SALAMINA. Xanthippus buried his dog, that swam by his galleys side from Athens to Salamina, and died when he landed. And there is no reason, to use living and sensible things, as we would use an old shoe or a rag: to cast it out upon the dongehill when we have worn it, and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect else, but to use us always to humanity: we must ever show ourselves kind and gentle, even in such small points of pity. And as for me, I could never find in my heart to cell my drawght Ox that had ploughed my land a long time, because he could plough no longer for age: and much less my slave to cell him for a little money, out of the country where he had dwelled a long time, to pluck him from his old trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and then specially, when he shallbe as unprofitable for the buyer, as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried, that he left his horse in SPAIN he had served on in the wars during his Consulship, because he would not put the common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by sea into ITALY. Now a question might be made of this, and probable reason of either side, whether this was nobleness, or a niggardliness in him: but otherwise to say truly, he was a man of a wondered abstinence. For when he was general of the army, he never took allowance but after three bushels wheat a month of the common wealth, for himself and his whole family: and but a bushel and half of barley a day, to keep his horse and other beasts for his carriage. On a time when he was Praetor, the government of the isle of SARDINIA fell to his lot. Cato's strait life. Cato, Praetor in Sardinia. And where the other Praetors before him had put the country to exceeding great charge, to furnish them with tents, bedding, clotheses, and such like stuff, and burdened them also with a marvelous train of servants and their friends that waited on them, putting them to great expense of feasting and banqueting of them: Cato in contrary manner brought down all that excess and superfluity, unto a maruelousneere and uncredible saving. For when he went to visit the cities, Cato's nearness in his circuit. he came a foot to them, & did not put them to a penny charge for himself: and had only one officer or bailiff of the state, that waited on him, and carried his gown and a cup with him, to offer up wine to the gods in his sacrifices. But though he came thus simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former charges, yet he showed himself severe and bitter to them in matters concerning justice: and spared no man, in any commandment or service for the state and common wealth. Cato's severity. For he was therein so precise, that he would not bear with any little fault. So by this means, he brought the SARDINIANS under his government, both to love and fear the Empire of ROME, more than ever they did before. For his grace both in speaking and writing did rightly show himself: Cato's speech and writing. because it was pleasant, and yet grave: sweet and fearful: merry and severe: sententious, and yet familiar: such as is meet to be spoken. And he was to be compared, as Plato said, unto Socrates: who at the first sight seemed a plain simple man to them that knew him not outwardly, or else a pleasant tawnter or mocker: but when they did look into him, and found him thoroughly, they saw he was full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise persuasions, that he could make men water their plants that heard him, and lead them as he would by the ear. Therefore I can not see any reason that moves men to say, Cato had Lysias grace and utterance. Notwithstanding, let us refer it to their judgements that make profession to discern orators graces and styles: for my part I shall content myself to writ at this present, only certain of his notable sayings and sentences, perswadinge myself that men's manners are better discerned by their words, then by their looks, and so do many think. On a time he seeking to dissuade the people of ROME, which would needs make a thankful distribution of corn unto every citizen, to no purpose: began to make an oration with this preface. It is a hard thing (my Lords of ROME) to bring the belly by persuasion to reason, Cato's sayings. that hath no ears. And an other time, reproving the ill government of the city of ROME, he said: it was a hard thing to keep up that state, where a little fish was sold dearer than an Ox. He said also that the romans were like a flock of sheep. For sayeth he, as every weather when he is alone, doth not obey the shepherd, but when they are all together they one follow an other for love of the foremost: even so are you, for when you are together, you are all contented to be led by the noses by such, whose counsel not a man alone of you would use in any private cause of your own. And talking an other time of the authority the women of ROME had over their husbands. He said: other men command their wives, and we command men, and our wives command us. But this last of all, he borrowed of Themistocles pleasant sayings. Themistocles saying. For his son making him do many things by means of his mother, he told his wife one day. The ATHENIANS command all GREECE, I command the ATHENIANS, you command me, and your son ruleth you. I pray you therefore bid him use the liberty he hath with some better discretion, fool and ass as he is, sithence he can do more by that power and authority, than all the grecians besides. He said also that the people of ROME did not only delight in diverse sorts of purple, but likewise in diverse sorts of exercises. For said he, as diverse commonly die that colour they see best esteemed, and is most pleasant to the eye: even so the lusty youths of ROME do frame themselves to such exercise, as they see yourselves most like, and best esteem. He continually advised the romans, Honour nourisheth ●●ie. that if their power & greatness came by their virtue and temperance, they should take heed they become no changelings, nor wax worse: & if they came to that greatness by vice and violence, that then they should change to better, for by that means he knew very well they had attained to great honour & dignity. Again he told them, that such as sued ambitiously to bear office in the common wealth, & were common suitors for them did seem to be afraid to loose their way, & therefore would be sure to have ushers & sergeants before them, to show them the way, lest they should loose themselves in the city. He did reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continue one office still: for it seemeth, saith he, either that you pass not much for your officers, Cato, against offices of perpetuity. or that you have not many choisemen you think worthy for the office. There was an enemy of his that led a marvelous wicked and an abominable life, of whom he was wont to say, that when his mother prayed unto the gods that she might leave her son behind her, she did not think to pray, but to curse: meaning to have him live for a plague to the world. And to an other also that had untbriftely sold his lands which his father had left him, lying upon the sea side: he pointed unto them with his finger, & made as though he wondered how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger than the sea. For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and eateth into, by little and little a long time: he had consumed it all at a clap. another time when king Eumenes was come to ROME, the Senate entertained him marvelous honourably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one an other, who should welcome him best. But Cato in contrary manner showed plainly, that he did suspect all this feasting and entertainment, and would not come at it. When one of his familiar friends told him, I marvel why you fly from king Eumenes company, that is so good a Prince, and loves the romans so well. Yea, said he, let it be so, but for all that, a king is no better than a ravening beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any king so happy, that deserved to be compared to Epaminondas, to Pericles, to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius, or to Hamylcar, surnamed Barca. They say his enemies did malice him, because he used commonly to rise before day, & did forget his own business to follow matters of state. And he affirmed, that he had rather lose the reward of his well doing, than not to be punished for doing of evil: Cato would punish himself for offending. and that he would bear with all other offending ignorantly, but not with himself. The romans having chosen on a time three Ambassadors to sand into the realm of BYTHINIA, one of them having the gout in his feet, the other his head full of cuts and great gashes, and the third being but a fool: Cato laughing, said the romans sent an Ambassade that had neither feet, head, nor heart. Scipio sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were banished from ACHAIA. The matter was argued afterwards in the Senate, and there fell out divers opinions about it. That is to say understanding. For they judged that the seat of reason was placed in the heart following Aristotle's opinion. Some would have had them restored to their country and goods again: other were wholly against it. So Cato rising up at the last, said unto them. It seems we have little else to do, when we stand beating of our brains all day, disputing about these old grecians, whether the romans, or the ACHAIANS, shall bury them. In the end, the Senate took order, they should be restored unto their country again. Whereupon Polybius thought to make petition again unto the Senate, that the banished men whom they had restored by their order, might enjoy their former estates and honours in ACHAIA, they had at the time of their banishment: but before he would move the suit unto the Senate, he would feel Cato's opinion first, what he thought of it. Who answered him, smile: me thinks Polybius thou art like Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of Cyclops cave the giant, he would needs go thither again, to fetch his hat and girdle he had left behind him there. He said also, that wise men did learn and profit more by fools, than fools did by wise men. For wise men said he, do see the faults fools commit, and can wisely avoid them: but fools never study to follow the example of wise men's doings. He said also that he ever liked young men better that blushed, blushing in young man is a better taken than paleness. than those that looked ever whitely: and that he would not have him for a soldier, that wags his hand as he goeth, removes his feet when he fighteth, and rowteth and snorteth louder in his sleep, then when he crieth out to his enemy. another time when he would taunt a marvelous fat man: see, said he, what good can such a body do to the common wealth, that from his chin to his coddepece is nothing but belly? And to an other man that was given to pleasure, and desired to be great with him: my friend, said Cato, as refusing his acquaintance: I can not live with him that hath better judgement in the palate of his mouth, then in his heart. This was also his saying; that the soul of a lover, lived in an other's body: A lover liveth in an other body. and that in all his life time he repented him of three things. The first was, if that he ever told secret to any woman: the second, that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by land: the third, that he had been Idle a whole day, and had done nothing. Also when he saw a vicious old man, he would say, to reprove him: O grey beard, age bringeth many deformities with it, help it not beside with your vice. And to a seditious. Tribune of the people that was suspected to be a poisoner, and would needs pass some wicked law by voice of the people, he would say: oh young man, I know not which of these two be worse, to drink the drugs thou givest, or to receive the laws thou offerest. another time, being reviled by one that led a lewd, and naughty life go thy way, said he, I am no man to scold with thee. For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled, that it is not dainty to thee: But for myself, I never use to hear scolding, and much less delight to scold. These be his wise sayings we find written of him, whereby we may the easilier conjecture his manners and nature. Cato, and Valerius Flaccus Consuls. Now, when he was chosen Consul with his friend Valerius Flaccus, the government of SPAIN fell to his lot, that is on this side of the river of BAETIS. So, Cato's doings in Spain. Cato having subdued many people by force of arms, and won others also by friendly means: suddenly there came a marvelous great army of the barbarous people against him, & had environed him so, as he was in marvelous danger, either shamefully to be taken prisoner, or to be slain in the field. Wherefore, he sent presently unto the CELTIBERIANS, to pray aid of them, who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was. These CELTIBERIANS did ask him two hundred talents to come & help him: but the romans that were about him, could not abide to higher the barbarous people to defend them. Then Cato told them strait, there was no hurt in it, nor any dishonour unto them. For said he, if the field be ours, than we shall pay their wages we promised, with the spoil and money of our enemies: and if we lose it, than ourselves and they lie by it, being left neither man to pay, nor yet any to ask it. In the end he wan the battle, after a sore conflict, and after that time he had marvelous good fortune. For Polybius writeth, that all the walls of the cities that were on this side the river of BAETIS, were by his commandment razed all in one day, which were many, and full of good soldiers. Himself writeth, that he took more cities in SPAIN, than he remained there days: and it is no vain boast, if it be true that is written, that there were four hundred cities of them. Now, though the soldiers under him had gotten well in this journey, and were rich, yet he caused a pound weight of silver to be given to every soldier beside: saying, he liked it better that many should return home with silver in their purses, Cato's abstinence, from spoil and bribery. than a few of them with gold only. But for himself, he affirmed: that of all the spoil gotten of the enemies, he never had any thing, saving that which he took in meat and drink. And yet, saith he, I speak it not to reprove them that grow rich by such spoils: but because I would contend in virtue rather with the best, then in money with the richest, or in covetousness with the most virtuous. For, not only he himself was clear from bribes and extortion, but his officers also under him kept the same course. In this Spanish journey, he had five of his servants with him, whereof one of them called Paws, bought three young boys that were taken in the wars, when the spoil was sold to them that would give most. So Cato knew it. But Paws being afraid to come near his master, hung himself: and then Cato sold the boys again, and put the money made of them into the treasury chests of saving at ROME. Now while Cato was in SPAIN, Scipio the great that was his enemy, & sought to hinder the course of his prosperity, Discord betwixt Cato & Scipio. and to have the honour of conquering all the rest of SPAIN: he made all the friends he could to the people, to be chosen in Cato's place. He was no sooner entered into his charge, but he made all the possible speed he could to be gone, that he might make Cato's authority cease the sooner. Cato hearing of his hasty coming, took only five ensigns of footmen, and five hundred horsemen to attend upon him home: with the which, in his journey homeward, he overcame a people in SPAIN called the LACETANIANS, Cato overcame the Lacetanians. and took six hundred traitors also that were fled from the romans camp to their enemies, and did put to death every mother's child of them. Scipio storming at that, said Cato did him wrong. But Cato to mock him finely, said: it was the right way to bring ROME to flourish, when noble borne citizens would not suffer mean borne men, and upstarts as himself was, to go before them in honour: and on the other side when mean borne men would contend in virtue, with those that were of noblest race, and far above them in calling. For all that, when Cato came to ROME, the Senate commanded that nothing should be changed nor altered otherwise, than Cato had appointed it, whilst he was in his office. So that the government for which Scipio made such earnest suit in SPAIN, was a greater disgrace unto him, than it was unto Cato: because he passed all his time & office in peace, having no occasion offered him to do any notable service worthy memory. Furthermore, Cato after he had been Consul, and had granted to him the honour to triumph: did not as many others do, that seek not after virtue, but only for worldly honour and dignity. Who, when they have been called to the highest offices of state, as to be Consuls, and have also granted them the honour to triumph: do then leave to deal any more in matters of state, & dispose themselves to live merely and quietly at home, and not to trouble themselves any more. Now Cato, Cato's acts after his consulship and triumph. far otherwise behaved himself. For he would never leave to exercise virtue, but began a fresh; as if he had been but a young novesse in the world, and as one greedy of honour and reputation, and to take as much pains and more than he did before. For, to pleasure his friends or any other citizen, he would come to the market place, and plead their causes for them that required his counsel, and go with his friends also into the wars. As he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consul, and was one of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the country of THRACE, and unto the provinces adjoining to the river of DANUBY upon those marches. After that, he was in GREECE also, Colonel of a thousand footmen, under Manius Aquilius, against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the romans as much afraid of him, as ever they were of enemy but Hannibal. For, when he had conquered all the regions and provinces of ASIA, The power of Antiochus the great. which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed before, & had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations: he was so proud hearted, as he would needs have wars with the romans, whom he knew to be the only worthy men, and best able to fight with him. So he made some honest show and pretence of wars, saying: it was to set the grecians at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering they lived after their own laws, and were but lately delivered from the bondage of king Philip, and of the MACEDONIANS, through the goodness of the romans. Notwithstanding, he came out of ASIA into GREECE with a marvelous great army, and all GREECE was strait in arms and in wonderful danger, because of the great promises and large hopes the governors of diverse cities (whom the king had won and corrupted with money) did make unto them. Whereupon Manius dispatched Ambassadors unto the cities, and sent Titus Quintius Flaminius among others, who kept the greatest part of the people from rebelling (that were easily drawn to give care to this innovation) as we have expressed more amply in his life: and Cato being sent Ambassador also, persuaded the CORINTHIANS, those of PATRAS, and the AEGIANS, and made them stick still to the romans, and continued a long time at ATHENS. Some say they find an oration of his written in the Greek tongue, which he made before the ATHENIANS, in commendation of their ancestors: wherein he said, he took great pleasure to see ATHENS, for the beauty and stateliness of the city. But this is false. For he spoke unto the ATHENIANS by an interpreter, though he could have uttered his oration in the Greek tongue if he had been disposed: but he did like the laws and customs of his own country, and the ROMAN tongue so well, that he laughed at them that would praise and commend the Greek tongue. As he did once mock Posthumius Albinus, Cato mocked Posthumius Albinus a Roman for writing a story in the Greek tongue. who wrote an history in the Greek tongue, praying the readers in his preface to bear with him, if they found any imperfection in the tongue: marry, said Cato, he had deserved pardon in deed, if he had been forced to have written his story in the Greek tongue, by order of the states of GREECE, called the counsel of the Amphictyons. They say the ATHENIANS wondered to hear his ready tongue. For what he had uttered quickly in few words unto the interpreter: the interpreter was driven to deliver them again with great circumstances, & many words. So that he left them of this opinion, that the grecians words lay all in their lips, and the romans words in their heads. Now king Antiochus kept all the straights and narrow passages of the mountains called THERMOPYLES, King Antiochus army. (being the ordinary way and entry into GREECE) and had fortified them as well with his army that camped at the foot of the mountain, as also with walls and trenches he had made by hand, besides the natural strength & fortification of the mount itself in sundry places: and so he determined to remain there, trusting to his own strength and fortifications aforesaid, and to turn the force of the wars some other way. The romans also, they despaired utterly they should be able any way to charge him before. But Cato remembering with himself the compass the PERSIANS had fetched about before time likewise to enter into GREECE: Cato's doings against king Antiochus. he departed one night from the camp with part of the army: to prove if he could find the very compass about, the barbarous people had made before. But as they climbed up the mountain, their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the country, lost his way, and made them wander up and down in marvelous steep rocks and crooked ways, that the poor soldiers were in marvelous ill taking. Cato seeing the danger they were brought into by this lewd guide, commanded all his soldiers not to stir a foot from thence, and to tarry him there: and in the mean time he went himself alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lusty man, and nimble to climb upon the rocks) and so went forward at adventure, taking extreme and uncredible pain, & in as much danger of his life; grubbing all night in the dark without moon light, through wild olive trees, and high rocks (that let them they could not see before them, neither could tell whether they went) until they stumbled at the length upon a little path way, which went as they thought directly to the foot of the mountain, where the camp of the enemies lay. So they set up certain marks and tokens, upon the highest tops of the rocks they could choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest of upon the mountain called Callidromus. Mount Callidromus. And when they had done that, they returned back again to fetch the soldiers, whom they led towards their marks they had set up: until at the length they found their path way again, where they put their soldiers in order to march. Now they went not far in this path they found, but the way failed them strait, and brought them to a bog: but then they were in worse case than before, and in greater fear, not knowing they were so near their enemies, as in deed they were. The day began to break a little, and one of them that marched formest, thought he heard a noise, and that he saw the Greeks camp at the foot of the rocks, and certain soldiers that kept watch there. Whereupon Cato made them stay, & willed only the FIRMANIANS to come unto him, and none but them, because he had found them faithful before, and very ready to obey his commandment. They were with him at a trise to know his pleasure: Catoos oration to his soldiers. so Cato said unto them. My fellows, I must have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know of them who they be that keep that passage, what number they be, what order they keep, how they are camped and armed, and after what sort they determine to fight with us. The way to work this feat, standeth upon swiftness, and hardiness to run upon them suddenly, as Lions do, which being naked fear not to run into the midst of any heard of fearful beasts. He had no sooner spoken these words, but the FIRMANIAN soldiers began to run down the mountain, as they were, upon those that kept the watch: and so setting upon them, they being out of order, made them fly, and took an armed man prisoner. When they had him, they strait brought him unto Cato, The boldness and valiant attempt of Cato's soldiers. Cato advertised of the strength of king Antiochus camp. who by oath of the prisoner was advertised, how that the strength of their enemy's army was lodged about the person of the king, within the strait and valley of the said mountain: and that the soldiers they saw, were six hundred AETOLIANS, all brave soldiers, whom they had chosen and appointed to keep the top of the rocks over king Antiochus' camp. When Cato had heard him, making small account of the matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill order they kept: he made the trumpets sound strait, and his soldiers to march in battle with great cries, himself being the formest man of all his troop, with a sword drawn in his hand. But when the AETOLIANS saw them coming down the rocks towards them, they began to fly for life unto their great camp, Cato took the strait of Thermopyles. which they filled full of fear, trouble, and all disorder. Now Manlius at the same present also, gave an assault unto the walls and fortifications the king had made, overthwart the valleys and straights of the mountains: at which assault, King Antiochus hurt in the face with a stone. king Antiochus self had a blow on the face with a stone, that struck some of his teeth out of his mouth, so that for very pain & anguish he felt, he turned his horse back, and got him behind the press. And then there were none of his army that made any more resistance, or that could abide the fierceness of the romans. But notwithstanding that the places were very ill for flying, because it was unpossible for them to scatter and straggle, being holden in with high rocks on the one side of them, and with bogs and deep marisses on the other side, which they must needs fall into if their feet slipped, or were thrust forward by any: yet they fell one upon an other in the straights, and ran so in heaps together, that they cast themselves away, for fear of the romans sword that lighted upon them in every corner. And there Marcus Cato, Cato's victory of king Antiochus. that never made ceremony or niceness to praise himself openly, nor reckoned it any shame to do it: did take a present occasion for it, as falleth out upon all victory and famous exploits. And so did set it out with all the ostentation and brave words he could give. For he wrote with his own hands, that such as saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were driven to say, Cato would praise his own doings. that Cato was not bound to the romans, but the romans bound unto Cato. And then Manius the Consul self, being in a great heat with the fury of the battle, embraced Cato a great while, that was also hot with chasing of the enemy: and spoke aloud with great joy before them all, that neither he, nor the people of ROME could recompense Cato for his valiant service that day. After this battle, the Consul Manius sent Cato to ROME, Manius sendeth Cato to Rome to carry news of the victory. to be the messenger himself to report the news of the victory. So he embarked incontinently, and had such a fair wind, that he passed over the sea to BRINDES without any danger, and went from thence unto TARENTUM in one day, and from TARENTUM in four days more to ROME. And so he came to ROME in five days after his landing in ITALY, and made such speed, that himself was in deed the first messenger that brought news of the victory. Whereupon he filled all ROME with joy and sacrifices, and made the romans so proud, that ever after they thought themselves able men to conquer the world both by sea and land. And these be all the martial deeds and noble acts Cato did. But for his doings in civil policy and state, he seemed to be of this opinion. That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it was the best thing an honest man and good governor of the common wealth could employ himself unto: Cato an accuser of men. for he accused many, and subscribed many other accusations which they preferred. And to be short, he did always stir up some accuser, as he did Petilius against Scipio. But Scipio, by reason of his nobility, the greatness of his house, and the magnanimity of his mind, passed not for any accusation they could lay against him: being out of all fear, they should be able to condemn him. And so he let fall the accusation he had against him. Notwithstanding, he joined with other that accused Lucius Scipio, his own brother, and followed the matter so sore against him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great sum of money to the common wealth: who being unable to pay the fine, had gone to prison, and hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes of the people revoked his condemnation. It is said that Cato coming through the market place one day, and meeting with a young man by the way that had overthrown his adversary in suit, and put one of his late father's greatest enemies to open shame and foil before the people: he embraced him with a good countenance, and said unto him. O my son, sacrifices that good children should offer to their father's soul, be not lambs nor kids, but the tears and condemnations of their enemies. But as he vexed other, so he scaped not free himself from danger, in administration of the common wealth. For if they could catch the lest vantage in the world of him, his enemies strait accused him: so as they say he was accused almost a fifty times, Cato fifty times accused. and at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of four score years. And then he spoke a thing openly that was noted: that it was a harder thing to give up an account of his life before men in any other world, then in this among whom he lived. And yet was not this the last suit he followed: for four years after, when he was four score and ten years of age, he accused Servius Galba. And thus he lived as Nestor, in manner three ages of man, always in continual suit and action. For when he wrestled with the first Scipio the AFRICAN about matters of state and commonwealth: he went on unto the time of the second, that was adopted by the first Scipio's son, the natural son of Paulus AEmylius, who overcame Perseus, king of MACEDON, Furthermore, Marcus Cato, ten years after his Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in ROME the greatest office of dignity that any citizen of ROME could attain unto: and as a man may say, the room of all glory and honour of their common wealth. For among other authorities the Censor had power to examine men's lives & manners, The dignity and office of the Consor. and to punish every offender. For the romans were of that mind, that they would not have men marry, get children, live privately by themselves, and make feasts and banquets at their pleasure, but that they should stand in fear to be reproved and inquiered of by the magistrate: and that it was not good to give every body liberty, to do what they would, following his own lust and fancy. And they judging that men's natural dispositions do appear more in such things, then in all other things that are openly done at none days, and in the sight of the world: used to choose two Censors, that were two Surveyors of manners, to see that every man behaved himself virtuously, and gave not themselves to pleasure, nor to break the laws and customs of the common wealth. These officers were called in their tongue, Censores, How the Censors were chosen. and always of custom one of them was a PATRICIAN, and the other a commoner. These two had power and authority to disgrade a knight by taking away his horse, & to put any of the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely and disorderly. It was their office also, to cease and rate every citizen according to the estimation of their goods, to note the age, genealogy, and degrees of every man, and to keep books of them, besides many other prerogatives they had belonging to their office. Therefore when Cato came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senators were all bent against him. Some of them for very envy, thinking it shame and dishonour to the nobility, The Senators and nobility bent all against Cato's suit. to suffer men that were meanly borne, and upstarts (the first of their house and name, that ever came to bear office in the state) to be called & preferred unto the highest offices of state in all their common wealth. Other also that were ill livers, & knowing that they had offended the laws of their country: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his own hands. So when they had consulted together about it, they did set up seven competitors against him, who flattered the people with many fair words and promises, as though they had need of magistrates to use them gently, and to do things for to please them. But Cato contrariwise, shewing no countenance that he would use them gently in the office, but openly in the pulpit for orations, threatening those that had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they must reform their city, and persuaded the people not to choose the gentlest, but the sharpest physicians: and that himself was such a one as they needed, & among the PATRICIANS Valerius Flaccus an other, in whose company he hoped (they two being chosen Censors) to do great good unto the common wealth, by burning and cutting of (like Hydra's heads) all vanity and voluptuous pleasures, that were crept in amongst them: and that he saw well enough, how all the other suitors sought the office by dishonest means, fearing such officers as they knew would deal justly & uprightly. Then did the people of ROME show themselves nobly minded, and worthy of noble governors. For they refused not the sourness of severity of Cato, but rejected these meal mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the people in all things: and thereupon chose Marcus Cato Censor, Cato chosen Censor. and Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did obey him, as if he had been present officer, and no suitor for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they thought good. The first thing he did after he was stalled in his Censorship, Cato's acts in his censorship. was: that he named Lucius Valerius Flaccus, his friend and fellow Censor with him, Cato put Lucius Quintius Flaminius of the Senate. prince of the Senate: & among many other also whom he thrust out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius Flaminius of the Senate, that had been Consul seven years before, and was brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame Philip king of MACEDON in battle, which was greater glory to him, then that he had been Consul. But the cause why he put him of the Senate, was this. This Lucius Quintius carried ever with him a young boy to the wars, whom he gave as good countenance and credit unto, as to any of his best familiar friends he had about him. It fortuned on a time whilst Lucius Quintius was Consul and governor of a province, The cause why Cato put Quintius of the Senate. that he made a feast, and this boy being set at his table hard by him, as his manner was, he began to flatter him, knowing how to handle him when he was prettily merry: & soothing him, told him he loved him so dearly, that upon his departing from ROME, when the Swordeplaiers were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords to show the people pastime, he came his way, and left the sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have seen a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, Lucius Quintius Flaminius wickedness & cruelty. to make him see the like, said: care not for the sight thou hast lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much. And when he had spoken these words, he commanded a prisoner condemned to die, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him, and the hangman with his axe. Which was forthwith done according to his commandment. Then asked he the boy, if he would strait see the man killed: yea, sir, said the boy: and with that he bade the hangman strike of his head. Most writers report this matter thus. And Cicero to confirm it also, wrote in his book de Senectute that the same was written in an oration Cato made before the people of ROME. Now Lucius Quintius being thus shamefully put of the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus being offended withal, could not tell what to do, but besought the people they would command Cato to declare the cause, why he brought such shame unto his house. Whereupon Cato openly before the people, made recital of all this feast. And when Lucius denied it, affirming it was not so: Cato would have had him sworn before them all, that it was not true they had burdened him withal. But Lucius prayed them to pardon him, who said he would not swear. Whereupon the people judged strait that he deserved well that shame. So not long after certain games being showed in the Theatre, Lucius came thither, and passing beyond the ordinary place that was appointed for those that had been Consuls, he went to sit aloof of amongst the multitude. The people took pity on him, and made such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go sit among the other Senators that had been Consuls: salving the best they could, the shame and dishonour happened unto so noble a house. Cato put out of the Senate also, Manilius put of the Senate for kissing his wife before his daughter. one Manilius, who was in great towardness to have been made Consul the next year following, only because he kissed his wife to lovingly in the day time, & before his daughter: and reproving him for it, he told him, his wife never kissed him, but when it thundered. So when he was disposed to be merry, he would say it was happy with him when jupiter thundered. He tookeaway Lucius Scipio's horse from him, Merry with married men when jupiter shundereth. that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the great king Antiochus: which won him much ill will, because it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice he did bear Scipio the AFRICAN, that was dead. But the most thing that grieved the people of all other extremities he used, Banqueting & feasts put down by Cato. was his putting down of all feasts and vain expenses. For a man to take it clean away, and to be openly seen in it, it was unpossible, because it was so common a thing, and every man was given so to it. Therefore Cato to fetch it about indirectly, did praise every citizen's goods, and rated their apparel, their coaches, their litters, their wives chains and jewels, and all other movables and household stuff, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmas a piece, a ten times as much as they were worth: to the end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious trifles, should pay so much more subsidy to the maintenance of the common wealth, Cato's counsel for reforming excess at Rome. as their goods were over valued at. Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asset that those trifling things were praised at, the owners of them should pay three thousand Asset to the common treasury: to the end that they who were grieved with this tax, and saw other pay less subsidy (that were as much worth as themselves, by living without such toys) might call home themselves again, and lay a side such foolish bravery and fineness. Notwithstanding, Cato was envied every way. First, of them that were contented to pay the tax imposed, rather than they would leave their vanity: and next, of them also, that would rather reform themselves, then pay the tax. And some think that this law was devised rather to take away their goods, then to let them to make show of them: and they have a fond opinion beside, that their riches is better seen in superfluous things, then in necessary. Whereas they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then at any other thing: how men could think them more rich and happy, that had many curious and superfluous things, Superfluous things reckoned for riches. than those that had necessary and profitable things. And Scopas the THESSALIAN, when one of his familiar friends asked him, I know not what trifling thing, & to make him grant it the sooner, told him it was a thing he might well spare, and did him no good: marry sayeth he, all the goods I have, Scopas goods were all in toys, that did him no good. are in such toys as do me no good. So this covetous desire we have to be rich, cometh of no necessary desire in nature, but is bred in us by a false opinion from the common sort. Now, Cato caring lest of all for the exclamations they made against him, grew to be more strait and severe. For he cut of the pipes and quills private men had made to convey water into their houses & gardens, robbing the city of the water that came from their common conduit heads, and did pluck down also men's porches that were made before their doors into the street, & brought down the prizes of common works in the city, and moreover raised the common farms and customs of the city, as high as he could: all which things together made him greatly hated and envied of most men. Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and certain other being bend against him in open Senate, caused all Cato's covenants and bargains made, with the master work man for repairing & mending of the common buildings & holy places, to be made void, as things greatly prejudicial to the common wealth. And they did also stir up the boldest and rashest of the Tribunes of the people against him, because they should accuse him unto the people, and make request he might be condemned in the sum of two talentes. They did marvelously hinder also the building of the palace he built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the market place under the Senate house: which palace was finished notwithstanding, & called after his name, Basilica Porcia: Basilica Porcia built by Cato. as who would say, the palace Porcius the Censor built. Howbeit it seemed the people of ROME did greatly like and commend his government in the Censorshippe. For they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddess of health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumph, but only engraved this inscription word for word, to this effect by translation: For the honour of Marcus Cato the Censor: Cato's image set up in the temple of the goddess of health. because he reformed the discipline of the common wealth of ROME (that was far out of order, and given to licentious life) by his wife precepts, good manners, and holy institutions. In deed, before this image was set up for him, he was wont to mock at them that delighted, Honour changeth condition. and were desirous of such things: saying, they did not consider how they bragged in founders, painters, and image makers, but nothing of their virtues: and that for himself, the people did always carry lively images of him in their hearts, meaning the memory of his life & doings. When some wondered why diverse mean men and unknown persons had images set up of them, and there were none of him: he gave them this answer. I had rather men should ask why Cato had no Image set up for him, then why he had any. In the end, he would have no honest man abide to be praised, unless his praise turned to the benefit of the common wealth: No man should abide to be praised how for the common wealth. and yet was he one of them that would most praise himself. So that if any done a fault, or slept awry, and that men had gone about to reprove them: he would say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Cato's that did offend. And such as counterfeited to follow any of his doings, and came short of his manner, he called them left handed Cato's. He would say, that in most dangerous times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as passengers on the sea do look upon the master of the ship in a storm: & that many times when he was absent, the Senate would put over matters of importance, until he might come among them. And this is confirmed to be true, as well by other, as by himself. His authority was great in matters of state, for his wisdom, his eloquence, and great experience. Besides this commendation, they praised him for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, What Cato was at home in his house, and towarded his wife and children. & a good saver for his profit: for he was never careless of them, as things to be lightly passed on. And therefore me thinks I must needs tell you by the way, some part of his well doing, to follow our declaration of him. First of all, he married a gentlewoman more noble than rich, knowing that either of both should make her proud & stout enough: but yet the ever thought the nobler borne, would be the more ashamed of dishonesty, than the meaner borne: Cato judgeth the noble borne gentlewomen the best wives. and therefore that they would be more obedient to their husbands, in all honest manner and reasonable things. Furthermore, he said: that he that bet his wife or his child, did commit as great a sacrilege, a if he polluted of spoiled the holiest things of the world: and he thought it a greater praise for a man to be a good husband, than a good Senator. And therefore he thought nothing more commendable in the life of old Socrates, Socrates' patience commended bearing with the sherwduts of his wife. Cato's wife was nurse to her own child. than his patience, in using his wife well, that was such a shrew, and his children that were so harebrained, After Cato's, wife had brought him a son, he could not have so earnest business in hand, if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife did unswadell the young boy to wash and shifted him: for she gave it suck with her own breasts, and many times would let the slaves children suck of her also, because they might have a natural love towards her son, having sucked one milk, and been brought up together. When his son was come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learn any thing, Cato himself did teach him, notwithstanding he had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, Cato taught his son. Chilo a grammarian. & a good grammarian) who did also teach many others: but as he said himself, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his son, nor pull him by the ears, when peradventure he was not apt to take very suddenly that was taught him: neither would he have his son bound to a slave for so great a matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore he himself taught him his grammar, What exercises Cato brought up his son in. the law, and to exercise his body, not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sorts of weapons, but also to fight with fists, to abide cold and heat, and to swim over a swift running river. He said moreover, that he wrote goodly histories in great letters with his own hand, because his son might learn in his father's house the virtues of good men in times past, that he taking example by their doings, should frame his life to excel them. He said also, that he took as great heed of speaking any fowl or uncomely words before his son, as he would have done if he had been before the Vestal Nuns. He never was in the hot house with his son: for it was a common use with the romans at that time, that the sons in law did not bathe themselves with their fathers in law, but were ashamed to see one an other naked. But afterwards they having learned of the Greeks to wash them selves naked with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even with their wives. There lacked no towardliness, nor good disposition in Cato's son, to frame himself virtuous: for he was of so good a nature, that he showed himself willing to follow whatsoever his father had taught him. Howbeit he was such a weak puling, that he could not away with much hardness, and therefore his father was contented not to bind him to that strait and painful life, Cato's son was valiant. which himself had kept. Yet he become valiant in the wars. For he fought marvelous stoutly in the battle, in which Perseus the king of MACEDON was overthrown by Paulus AEmylius: where his sword being stricken out of his hand with a great blow that lightened on it, and by reason his hand was somewhat sweaty beside, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of his friends about him to recover it. So they all together ran upon the enemies in that place where his sword fell out of his hand, and came in so fiercely on them, that they made: lane through them, and clearing the place, found it in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heap of dead bodies and other weapons, as well romans as MACEDONIANS, one lying on an other. Paulus AEmylius the General hearing of this act of his, did highly commend the young man. And at this day there is a letter extant from Cato to his son, in the which he praiseth this worthy fact and toil of his, for the recovering of his sword again. Afterwards, this Cato the younger married Tertia, one of Paulus AEmylius daughters, Cato and younger married Tertia Paulus AEmylius daughter. and sister unto Scipio the second, and so was matched in this noble house, not only for his own virtues sake, but for respect of his father's dignity & authority: whereby the great care, pains, and study that Cato the father took in bringing up his son in virtue and learning, was honourably rewarded in the happy bestowing of his son. Scipio the second was AEmylius natural son. Cato's discipline to his slaves. He ever had a great number of young little slaves which he bought, when any would cell their prisoners in the wars. He did choose them thus young, because they were apt yet to learn any thing he would train them unto, and that a man might break them, like young colts, or little whelps. But none of them all, how many soever he had, did ever go to any man's house, but when himself or his wife did send them. If any man asked them what Cato did: they answered, they could not tell. And when they were within, either they must needs be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleep: for he loved them well that were sleepy, holding opinion that slaves that loved sleep were more tractable, Cato's opinion for sleepy men. and willing to do any thing a man would set them to, than those that were waking. And because he thought that nothing more did provoke slaves to mischief and naughtiness, than lust and desire of women: he was contented his slaves might company with his bondewomen in his house, for a piece of money he appointed them to pay, but with strait commandment beside, that none of them should deal with any other woman abroad. At the first when he gave himself to follow the wars, and was not greatly rich, he never was angry for any fault his servants did about his person: saying it was a fowl thing for a gentleman or noble man, Note how Cato altered his manner and opinion by wealth. to fall out with his servants for his belly. Afterwards, as he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had made a dinner or supper for any of his friends and familiars, they were no sooner gone, but he would scourge them with whips and leather thongs, that had not waited as they should have done at the board, or had forgotten any thing he would have had done. He would ever craftily make one of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide they should be friends, being ever jealous of that. If any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he would declare his offence before them all: and then if they condemned him to die, Cato's good husbandry for increasing his wealth. he would put him to death before them all. Howbeit in his latter time he grew greedy, and gave up his tillage, saying it was rather pleasant, then profitable. Therefore because he would lay out his money surely, and bring a certain rene●●n● to his purse, he bestowed it upon ponds, natural hot baths, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadows and pastures, upon copises and young wood: and of all these he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearly, which he would say, jupiter himself could not diminish. Furthermore, he was a great usurer, both by land and by sea: Cato a great usurer. He took extreme usury by sea. and the usury he took by sea was most extreme of all other, for he used it in this sort. He would have them to whom he lent his money unto, that traffiked by sea, to have many partners, and to the number of fifty: and that they should have so many ships. Then he would venture among them for a part only, whereof Quintius his slave whom he had manumised, was made his factor, and used to sail, and traffiked with the merchants, to whom he had lent his money out to usury. And thus he did not venture all the money he lent, but a little piece only for his part, and got marvelous riches by his usury. Moreover he lent money to any of his slaves, that would therewith buy other young slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service, at Cato's charge and cost: and then they sold them again at the years end, and some of them Cato kept for his own service, and gave his slaves as much for them, as any other offered. Therefore to allure his son in like manner to make profit of his money: he told him it was no wise man's part to diminish his substance, but rather the part of a widow. Yet this was a token of a most greedy covetous mind, that he durst affirm him to be divine, and worthy immortal praise, that increased his wealth and patrimony more, than his father left him. Furthermore, when Cato was grown very old, Carneades the ACADEMIC, and Diogenes the STOIC, were sent from ATHENS as Ambassadors to ROME, Carneades. & Diogenes Philosophers sent Ambassadors to Rome. to sue for a release of a fine of five hundred talentes which they had imposed on the ATHENIANS upon a condemnation passed against them, for a contempt of appearance, by the sentence of the SICYONIANS, at the suit of the OROPIANS. Immediately when these two Philosophers were arrived in the city of ROME, the young gentlemen that were given to their books, did visit and welcome them, and gave great reverence to them after they had heard them speak, and specially to Carneades: whose grace in speaking, and force of persuading was no less, than the same ran upon him, and specially when he was to speak in so great an audience, and before such a state, as would not suppress his praise. ROME strait was full, as if a wind had blown this rumour into every man's ear: that there was a GRECIAN arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence would lead a man as he lust. There was no other talk a while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the young gentlemen's minds with love and desire to be learned: that all other pleasures and delights were set a side, and they disposed themselves to no other exercise, but to the study of Philosophy, as if some secret and divine inspiration from above had procured them to it. Whereof the Lords and Senators of ROME were glad, and rejoiced much to see their youth so well given to knowledge, and to the study of the Greek tongue, and to delight in the company of these two great and excellent learned men. But Marcus Cato, Cato misliked the Greek tongue. even from the beginning that young men began to study the Greek tongue, and that it grew in estimation in ROME, did dislike of it: fearing lest the youth of ROME that were desirous of learning and eloquence, would utterly give over the honour and glory of arms. Furthermore, when he saw the estimation and fame of these two personages did increase more and more, and in such sort that Caius Aquilius, one of the chiefest of the Senate, made suit to be their interpreter: he determined then to convey them out of the city by some honest mean and culour. So he openly found fault one day in the Senate, that the Ambassadors were long there, and had no dispatch: considering also they were cunning men, and could easily persuade what they would. And if there were no other respect, this only might persuade them to determine some answer for them, and so to sand them home again to their schools, to teach their children of GREECE, and to let alone the children of ROME, that they might learn to obey the laws and the Senate, as they had done before. Now he spoke this to the Senate, not of any private ill will or malice he bore to Carneades, as some men thought: but because he generally hated Philosophy, and of an ambition despised the muses, & knowledge of the Greek tongue. Which was the more suspected, because he had said, the ancient Socrates was but a busy man, and a stirrer up of sedition, and sought by all means possible to usurp tyranny, and rule in his country: by perverting and changing the manners and customs of the same, and alluring the subjects thereof to a disliking of their laws and ancient customs. And he laughed at Socrates' school, that taught the art of eloquence: saying, his scholars waxed old, and were still so long a learning, that they meant to use their eloquence and plead causes in an other world, before Minos, when they were dead. Therefore, to pluck his son from the study of the Greek tongue, he said to him with a strained voice, and in a bigger sound than he was wont to do: (as if he had spoken to him by way of prophecy or inspiration) that so long as the romans disposed themselves to study the Greek tongue, so long would they mar and bring all to naught. And yet time hath proved his vain words false and untrue. For the city of ROME did never flourish so much, nor the ROMAN Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when learning and the Greek tongue most flourished. Howbeit Cato did not only hate the Philosophers of GREECE, but did dislike them also, that professed physic in ROME. For he had either heard or read the answer Hypocrates made, when the king of PERSIA sent for him, and offered him a great sum of gold and silver, if he would come and serve him: who swore he would never serve the barbarous people, that were natural enemies to the grecians. So Cato affirmed, it was an oath that all other physicians swore ever after: wherefore he commanded his son to fly from them all alike, and said he had written a little book of physic, Cato's Physical book. with the which he did heal those of his house when they were sick, and did keep them in health when they were whole. He never forbade them to eat, but did always bring them up with erbes, and certain light meats, as mallard, ringedoves, and hares: for such meats, said he, are good for the sick, and light of digestion, saving that they make them dream and snort that eat them. He boasted also how with this manner of physic, he did always keep himself in health, and his family from sickness. Yet for all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of: for he buried both his wife, and his son also. But he himself was of a strong nature, and a lusty body, full of strength, and health, and lived long without sickness: so that when he was a very old man and past marriage, he loved women well, and married a young maiden for that cause only. After his first wife was dead, he married his son unto Paulus AEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the second AFRICAN. Cato himself being a widower, took pains with a pretty young maid that waited in his house, and came by stealth to his chamber: howbeit this haunt could not long continued secret in his house, and specially where there was a young gentlewoman married, but needs must be spied. So, one day when this young maid went somewhat boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go into his father, the young man said never a word at it: yet his father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave the maid no good countenance. Wherefore finding that his son and daughter in law were angry with the matter, saying nothing to them of it, nor shewing them any ill countenance: he went one morning to the market place (as his manner was) with a train that followed him, amongst whom was one Salonius, that had been his clerk, and waited upon him as the rest did. Cato calling him out aloud by his name, asked him if he had not yet bestowed his daughter. Salonius answered him, he had not yet bestowed her, nor would not, before he made him privy to it. Then Cato told him again: Cato talketh with Salonius his clerk, about the marriage of his daughter. I have found out a husband for her, and a son in law for thee, and it will be no ill match for her, unless she mislike the age of the man, for in deed he is very old, but otherwise there is no fault in him. Salonius told him again, that for that matter, he referred all to him, and his daughter also, praying him even to make what match he thought good for her: for she was his humble servant, and relied wholly upon him, standing in need of his favour and furtherance. Then Cato began to discover, and told him plainly he would willingly marry her himself. Salonius therewith was abashed, because he thought Cato was too old to marry then, and himself was no fit man to match in any honourable house, specially with a Consul and one that had triumped: howbeit in the end, when he saw Cato meant good earnest, he was very glad of the match, and so with this talk they went on together to the market place, and agreed then upon the marriage. Now while they went about this matter, Cato the son taking some of his kin and friends with him, went unto his father, to ask him if he had offended him in any thing, that for spite he should bring him a step mother into his house. Then his father cried out, & said: O my son, I pray thee say not so, I like well all thou dost, Cato's answer to his son, of his second marriage. and I find no cause to complain of thee: but I do it, because I desire to have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as thou art, in the common wealth. Some say that Pisistratus the tyrant of ATHENS, made such a like answer unto the children of his first wife, which were men grown, when he married his second wife Timonassa, of the town of ARGOS, of whom he had (as it is reported) jophon, and Thessalus. But to return again to Cato, Cato married Salonius daughter, being a very old man, and had a son by her. How Cato passed his age. he had a son by his second wife, whom he named after her name, Cato SALONIAN: and his eldest son died in his office being Praetor, of whom he often speaketh in diverse of his books, commending him for a very honest man. And they say, he took the death of him very patiently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving therefore to do any service or business for the state, otherwise than he did before. And therein he did not, as Lucius Lucullus, & Metellus surnamed Pius, did afterwards: who gave up meddling any more with matters of government and state, after they were waxen old. For he thought it a charge and duty, whereunto every honest man whilst he lived, was bound in all piety. Nor as Scipio AFRICAN had done before him, who perceiving that the glory & fame of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens, he changed the rest of his life into quietness, and forsook the city and all dealings in common wealth, and went & dwelled in the country. But as there was one that told Dionysius, the tyrant of SYRACUSE, as it is written, that he could not die more honourably, then to be buried in the tyranny: even so did Cato think, that he could not wax more honestly, old, then in serving of the common wealth, unto his dying day. So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a little to recreate and refresh himself, he passed his time away in making of books, and looking upon his husbandry in the country. Cato's writings and monuments. Cato's revenue. This is the cause why he wrote so many kinds of books and stories. But his tillage and husbandry in the country, he did tend and follow all in his youth, for his profit. For he said he had but two sorts of revenue, tillage, and sparing: but in age, whatsoever he did in the country, it was all for pleasure, and to learn some thing ever of nature. For he hath written a book of the country life, and of tillage, in the which he showeth how to make tarts and cakes, and how to keep fruits. He would needs show such singularity and skill in all things: when he was in his house in the country, he fared a little better than he did in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and such as had land lying about him, to come and sup with him, and he would be merry with them: so that his company was not only pleasant, and liking to old folks as himself, but also to the younger sort. For he had seen much, Cato's company pleasant both to old & young. and had experience in many things, and used much pleasant talk, profitable for the hearers. He thought the board one of the chiefest means to breed love amongst men, and at his own table would always praise good men and virtuous citizens, The table a good mean to procure love, and how table talk should be used. but would suffer no talk of evil men, neither in their praise nor dispraise. Now it is thought the last notable act and service he did in the common wealth, was the overthrow of CARTHAGE: for in deed he that wan it, and razed it utterly, was Scipio the second, but it was chiefly through Cato's counsel and advise, that the last war was taken in hand against the CARTHAGINIANS, Cato author of the last wars against the Carthaginians. and it chanced upon this occasion. Cato was sent into AFRICA to understand the cause and controversy that was between the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa, king of NUMIDIA, which were at great wars together. And he was sent thither, because king Massinissa had ever been a friend unto the romans, and for that the CARTHAGINIANS were become their confederates since the last wars, in the which they were overthrown by Scipio the first, who took for a fine of them, a great part of their Empire, and imposed upon them beside, a great yearly tribute. Now when he was come into that country, he found not the city of CARTHAGE in misery, beggary, and out of heart, as the romans supposed: but full of lusty youths very rich and wealthy, and great store of armour and munition in it for the wars, so that by reason of the wealth thereof, CARTHAGE carried a high sail, and stooped not for a little. Wherefore he thought that it was more than time for the romans to leave to understand the controversies betwixt the CARTHAGINIANS and Massinissa, and rather to provide betimes to destroy CARTHAGE, that had been ever an ancient enemy to the romans, and ever sought to be revenged of that they had suffered at their hands before, and that they were now grown to that greatness and courage in so short time, as in manner it was incredible: so as it was likely they would fall into as great enmity with the romans, as they ever did before. Therefore so soon as he returned to ROME, he plainly told the Senate, that the losses and harms the CARTHAGINIANS had received by the last wars they had with them, had not so much diminished their power & strength, as the same had showed their own folly & lack of wisdom: for it was to be feared much, lest their late troubles had made them more skilful, then weakened them for the wars. And that they made wars now with the NUMIDIANS, to exercise them only, meaning afterwards to war with themselves: and that the peace they had made with them, was but an intermission & stay of wars, only expecting time and opportunity to break with them again. They say moreover, that besides the persuasions he used, he brought with him of purpose, AFRIQUE figs in his long sleeves, which he shook out amongst them in the Senate. When the Senators marveled to see so goodly fair green figs, he said: the country that beareth them, is not above three days sailing from ROME. But yet this is more strange which they report of him beside: that he never declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that, but this was ever the one end of his tale: me thinketh still CARTHAGE would be utterly destroyed. Publius Scipio Nasica, used ever in like manner the contrary speech: that he thought it meet CARTHAGE should stand. This Publius Scipio saw, Scipio Nasica, against Cato, for the destroying of Carthage. in my opinion, that the romans through their pride and insolency were full of absurdities, and carried themselves very high, by reason of their happy success and victories, and were so lofty minded, that the Senate could hardly rule them: and that by reason of their great authority, they imagined they might bring their city to what height they would. Therefore he spoke it, that the fear of CARTHAGE might always continued as a bridle, to reign in the insolency of the people of ROME, who knew well enough, that the CARTHAGINIANS were of no sufficient power to make wars with the romans, nor yet to overcome them: and even so were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared at all. Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein consisted the greatest danger of all: that a city which was ever of great force and power, and had been punished by former wars and misery, would always have an eye of revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that had broken his halter, that being unbridled, would run upon his rider. And therefore he thought it not good, nor found advise, so to suffer the CARTHAGINIANS to recover their strength, but rather they aught altogether to take away all outward danger, and the fear they stood in to lose their conquest: and specially, when they left means within the city self to fall still again to their former rebellion. And this is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the third and last war the romans had against the CARTHAGINIANS. But now when the war was begun, Cato died, Cato's death. and before his death he prophesied, as a man would say, who it should be that should end those wars. And it was Scipio the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge only as a Colonel over a thousand footmen: but in all battles, and wheresoever there was wars, he showed himself ever valiant and wise. Insomuch as news being brought thereof continually unto ROME, and Cato hearing them, spoke as they say, these two verses of Homer: This only man rightwise, reputed is to be, all other seem but shadows set, by such wise men as he. Which prophecy, Scipio soon after confirmed true by his doings. Moreover, the issue Cato left behind him, was a son he had by his second wife: who was called (as we said before) Cato SALONIAN, Cato's posterity. by reason of his mother, and a little boy of his eldest son that died before him. This Cato SALONIAN died being Praetor, but he left a son behind him that came to be Consul, and was grandfather unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most virtuous men of his time. THE COMPARISON OF Aristides with Marcus Cato. NOw that we have set down in writing, Aristides and Cato's access to the common wealth. these notable and worthy things of memory: if we will confer the life of the one, with the life of the other, perhaps the difference between the one and the other will not easily be discerned, seeing there be so many similitudes and resemblances one of an other. But if we come to compare them in every particularity, as we would do Poets works, or pictures drawn in tables: first, in this we shall find them much a like, that having had nothing else to prefer and commend them, but their only virtue & wisdom, they have been both governors in their common wealth, and have thereby achieved to great honour and estimation. But me thinks when Aristides came to deal in matters of state, the common wealth and signory of ATHENS was then of no great power, and therefore it was easy for him to set himself in press. Besides, the other governors and captains that were of his time, & competitors with him, were not very rich, nor of great authority. For the tax of the richest persons then at ATHENS in revenue, was but at five hundred bushels of corn, and upwards, and therefore were such called Pentacosiomedimni. The second tax was but at three hundred bushels, and they were called knights. The third and last was at two hundred bushels, and they called them Zeugitae. Where Marcus Cato coming out of a little village, from a rude country life, went at the first dash (as it were) to plunge himself into a bottomless sea of government in the common wealth of ROME: which was not ruled then by such governors and captains, as Curius, Fabricius, and Ostilius were in old time. For the people of ROME did no more bestow their offices upon such mean labouring men, as came but lately from the plough and the mattock: but they would look now upon the nobility of their houses, and upon their riches, that gave them most money, or sued earnestly to them for the offices. And by reason of their great power and authority, they would be waited upon, and sued unto, by those that sought to bear the honourable offices of the state and common wealth. And it was no like match nor comparison, to have Themistocles an adversary and competitor, being neither of noble house, nor greatly rich (for they say, that all the goods his father left him, were not worth above four or five hundred talentes, when he began to deal in state) in respect as to contend for the chiefest place of honour and authority against Scipio AFRICAN, Servilius Galba, or Quintius Flaminius, having no other maintenance, nor help to trust unto, but a tongue speaking boldly with reason and all uprightness. Moreover, Aristides at the battles of MARATHON, and of PLATHES, was but one of the ten captains of the ATHENIANS: where Cato was chosen one of the two Consuls among many other noble and great competitors, and one of the two Censors, before seven other that made suit for it, which were all men of great reputation in the city, and yet was Cato preferred before them all. Furthermore, Aristides was never the chiefest in any victory. For at the battle of MARATHON, Miltiades was the general: 〈…〉 at the battle of SALAMINA, Themistocles: and at the journey of PLATAEES, king Pausanias as Herodotus sayeth, who writeth that he had a marvelous victory there. And there were that strived with Aristides for the second place, as Sophanes, Amynias, Callimachus, and Cynegirus, every one of the which did notable valiant service at those battles. Now Cato was general himself, Cato in marshall affairs excelled Aristides. and chief of all his army in worthiness and counsel, during the war he made in SPAIN, while he was Consul. Afterwards also in the journey where king Antiochus was overthrown in the country of THERMOPYLES, Cato being but a Colonel of a thousand footmen, and serving under an other that was Consul, wan the honour of the victory, when he did suddenly set upon Antiochus behind, whereas he looked only to defend himself before. And that victory, without all doubt was one of the chiefest acts that ever Cato did, who drove ASIA out of GREECE, and opened the way unto Lucius Scipio to pass afterwards into ASIA. So then for the wars, neither the one nor the other of them was ever overcome in battle: but in peace and civil government, Aristides was supplanted by Themistocles, Aristides and Cato's displeasures in the common wealth. who by practice got him to be banished ATHENS for a time. Whereas Cato had in manner all the greatest and noblest men of ROME that were in his time, sworn enemies unto him: and having always contended with them even to his last hour, he ever kept himself on sound ground, like a stout champion, and never took fall nor foil. For he having accused many before the people, and many also accusing him: himself was never once condemned, but always his tongue was the buckler and defence of his life and innocency. The power of innocency & eloquence. Which was to him so necessary a weapon, and with it he could help himself so in great matters, that (in my opinion) it was only 'cause why he never received dishonour, nor was unjustly condemned: rather then for any thing else he was beholding to fortune, or to any other that did protect him. And truly, eloquence is a singular gift, as Antipater witnesseth, in that he wrote of Aristotle the Philosopher after his death: saying, that amongst many other singular graces and perfections in him, he had this rare gift, that he could persuade what he listed. Now there is a rule confessed of all the world, that no man can attain any greater virtue or knowledge, then to know how to govern a multitude of men, or a city: a part whereof is Oeconomia, Oeconomia, houserule. commonly called houserule, considering that a city is no other, than an assembly of many households and houses together, & then is the city commonly strong & of power, when as the towns men and citizens are wise and wealth. Therefore Lycurgus that banished gold and silver from LACEDAEMON, and coined them money of iron, that would be marred with fire & vinegar when it was hot, did not forbidden his citizens to be good husbands: but like a good lawmaker, exceeding all other that ever went before him, he did not only cut of all superfluous expenses that commonly wait upon riches, but did also provide that his people should lack nothing necessary to live withal, fearing more to see a beggar and needy person dwelling in his city, and enjoy the privileges of the same, than a proud man by reason of his riches. So me thinks, Cato was as good a father to his household, as he was a good governor to the common wealth: for he did honestly increase his goods, and did teach other also to do the same, by saving, and knowledge of good husbandry, whereof, in his book he wrote sundry good rules and precepts. Aristides contrariwise, made justice odions & slanderous by his poverty, and as a thing that made men poor, and was more profitable to other, then to a man's self that used justice. And yet Hesiodus the Poet, that commendeth justice so much, doth wish us withal to be good husbands, reproving sloth and idleness, as the root and original of all injustice. And therefore me thinks Homer spoke wisely when he said. In times past, neither did I labour, cark nor care for business, for family, for food, nor yet for fare: but rather did delight, with ships the seas to sail, to drow a bow, to fling a dart in wars, and to prevail. As giving us to understand, that justice & husbandry are two relatives, & necessarily linked one to the other: and that a man who hath no care of his own things, nor house, doth live unjustly, and taketh from other men. For justice is not like oil, The nature of oil. which Physicians say is very wholesome for man's body, if it be applied outwardly: and in contrary manner very ill, if a man drink it: neither aught a just man to profit strangers, and in the end not to care for himself nor his. No man wise, that is not wise to himself. Therefore, me thinks this governing virtue of Aristides had a fault in this respect, if it be true that most authors write of him: that he had no care nor forecast with him to leave so much, as to marry his daughters withal, nor therewith to bury himself. Where those of the house of Cato, continued Praetors and Consuls of ROME, even unto the fourte descent. For his sons sons, and yet lower, his sons sons sons came to the greatest offices of dignity in all ROME. And Aristides, who was in his time the chiefest man of GREECE, left his posterity in so great poverty, that some were compelled to become Soothsayers (that interpret dreams, and tell men's fortune) to get their living, and other to ask alms: and left no mean to any of them, to do any great thing worthy of him. But to contrary this, it might be said, poverty of itself is neither ill nor dishonest: Whether poverty be an ill thing. but where it groweth by idleness, careless life, vanity, and folly, it is to be reproved. For when it lighteth upon any man that is honest, and liveth well, that taketh pains, is very diligent, just, valiant, wise, and governeth a common wealth well: than it is a great sign of a noble mind. For it is unpossible that man should do any great things, that had such a base mind, as to think always upon trifles: and that he should relieve the poor greatly, that lacketh himself relief in many things. And sure, riches is not so necessary for an honest man that will deal truly in the common wealth, and government, as is sufficiency: which being a contentation in itself, and desirous of no superfluous thing, it never withdraweth a man from following his business in the common wealth, that enjoyeth the same. For God is he alone, who simply and absolutely hath no need of any thing at all: wherefore the chiefest virtue that can be in man, and that cometh nearest unto God, aught to be esteemed that, which maketh man to have need of lest things. For like as a lusty body, and well complexioned, hath no need of superfluous fare and curious apparel: even so a clean life, and sound house, is kept with a little charge, and so should the goods also be proportioned, according to use and necessity. For he that gathereth much, and spendeth little, hath never enough. But admit he hath no desire to spend much than he is a fool to travel to get more than he needeth: and if he do desire it, and dare not for niggardliness spend part of that he laboureth for, then is he miserable. Now would I ask Cato with a goodwill, if riches be made but to use them, why do you boast than you have gotten much together, when a little doth suffice you? and if it be a commendable thing (as in troth it is) to be contented with the bread you find, to drink of the same tap workmen and labourers do, not to care for purple died gowns, nor for houses with plastered walls: it followeth then that neither Aristides, nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius Fabricius, have forgotten any part of their duties, when they cared not for getting of that which they would not use nor occupy. For it was to no purpose for a man that esteemed roots and parsenippes to be one of the best dishes in the world, and that did seethe them himself in his chimney, whilst his wise did bake his bread, to talk so much of an Ass, and to take pains to write by what art and industry a man might quickly enrich himself. For it is true, that sufficiency, and to be contented with a little, is a good and commendable thing: but it is because it taketh from us all desire of unnecessary things, and maketh us not to pass for them. And therefore we find that Aristides said, when rich Callias case was pleaded, that such as were poor against their wills, might well be ashamed of their poverty: but such as were willingly poor, had good cause, and might justly rejoice at it. For it were a mad part to think that Aristides poverty proceeded of a base mind & slothfulness, since he might quickly have made himself rich without any dishonesty at all, by taking only the spoil of some one of the barbarous people whom he had overcome, or any one of their tents. But enough for this matter. Furthermore, touching the victories and battles Cato had won, they did in manner little help to increase the Empire of ROME: for it was already so great, Whether Aristides facts or Cato's did most benefit their country. as it could almost be no greater. But Aristides victories are the greatest conquests and noblest acts that the grecians ever did in any wars: as the journey of MARATHON, the battle of SALAMINA, and the battle of PLAT●ES. And yet there is no reason to compare king Antiochus with king Xerxes, nor the walls of the city of SPAIN which Cato overthrew and razed, unto so many thousands of barbarous people, which were then overthrown and put to the sword by the grecians, as well by land, as by sea. In all which services, Aristides was the chiefest before all other, as touching his valiantness in fight: notwithstanding, he gave other the glory of it, that desired it more than himself, as he did easily also leave the gold & silver unto those, that had more need of it then himself. Wherein he showed himself of a nobler mind, than all they did. Furthermore, for my part, I will not reprove Cato's manner, to commend and extol himself so highly above all other, since he himself saith in an oration he made, that to praise himself is as much folly, as also to dispraise himself: but this I think, his virtue is more perfect, that desireth other should not praise him, than he that commonly doth use to praise himself. For, not to be ambitious, is a great show of humanity, & necessary for him that will live amongst men of government: Ambition, a hateful thing in the common wealth. and even so, ambition is hateful, and procureth great envy unto him, that is infected withal. Of the which Aristides was clear, and Cato far gone in it. For Aristides did help Themistocles his chiefest enemy, in all his noblest acts, and did serve him (as a man would say) like a private soldier that guarded his person, when Themistocles was general, being the only instrument and mean of his glory: which was in deed the only cause that the city of ATHENS was saved, and restored again to her former good state. Cato contrariwise, crossing Scipio in all his enterprises, thought to hinder his voyage and journey unto CARTHAGE, in the which he overcame Hannibal, who until that time was ever invincible: and so in the end, continuing him still in jealousy with the state, and ever accusing of him, he never left him, till he had driven him out of the city, and caused his brother Lucius Scipio to be shamefully condemned for theft, and ill behaviour in his charge. Furthermore, for temperance and modesty, which Cato did ever commend so highly: Aristides truly kept them most sincerely. But Cato's second wife, Cato reproved for his second wife. who married a maid, (that was neither fit for his dignity and calling, nor agreeable for his age) made him to be thought a lecherous man, and not without manifest cause. For he can not be excused with honesty, that being a man past marriage, brought his son that was married, and his fair daughter in law, a step mother into his house, and but a clerk daughter, whose father did write for money, for any man that would higher him. Take it Cato married her to satisfy his lust, or else for spite to be revenged of his son, because his son could not abide his young filth he had before: either of these turneth still to his shame, as well the effect, as also the cause. Again, the excuse he made to his son why he married, was also a lie. For if he had grounded his desire in deed, to have gotten other children, as he said, that might be as honest men as his eldest son: then surely he had done well after the death of his first wife, if he had sought him an other wife soon after, that had been of an honest house, and not to have lain with a young harlotry filth, till his son had spied him, and then when he saw it was known, to go and marry her, and to make alliance with him, not because it was honourable for him to do it, but was easiest to be obtained. The end of Marcus Cato's life the Censor. THE LIFE OF Philopoemen. IN the city of MANTINAEA, there was a citizen in old time called Cassander, one that was as nobly borne and of as great authority in government there, as any man of his time whatsoever. Notwithstanding, fortune frowned on him in the end, insomuch as he was driven out of his country, and went to lie in the city of MEGALOPOLIS, only for the love he bore unto Crausis, Philopoemenes father, Crausis, Philopoemenes father. a rare man, and nobly given in all things, and one that loved him also very well. Now so long as Crausis lived, Cassander was so well used at his hands, that he could lack nothing: and when he was departed this world, Cassander, Cassander Philopoemenes schoolmaster. to requited the love Crausis bore him in his life time, took his son into his charge, being an orphan, and taught him, as Homer said Achilles was brought up by the old Phoenix. So this child Philopoemen grew to have noble conditions, and increased always from good to better. Afterwards, when he came to grow to man's state, Ecdemus and Demophanes, Ecdemus and Demophanes read Philosophy to Philopoemen. both MEGALIPOLITANS, took him into their government. They were two Philosophers that had been hearers of Arcesilaus, in the school of Academia, and afterwards employed all the Philosophy they had learned, upon the governing of the common wealth, and dealing in matters of state, as much or more, than any other men of their time. For they delivered their city from the tyranny of Aristodemus, who kept it in subjection, by corrupting those that killed him. And they did help Aratus also to drive the tyrant Niocles, out of SICYONE. At the request of the CYRENIANS, that were troubled with civil dissension & factions among them, they went unto CYRENA, where they did reform the state of the common wealth, and established good laws for them. But for themselves, they reckoned the education and bringing up of Philopoemen, the chiefest act that ever they did: judging that they had procured an universal good unto all GREECE, to bring up a man of so noble a nature, in the rules and precepts of Philosophy. And to say truly, GRECE did love him passingly well, as the last valiant man she brought forth in her age, after so many great and famous ancient Captains ● Philopoemen the last famous man of Greece. and did always increase his power and authority, as his glory did also rise. Whereupon there was a ROMAN, who to praise him the more, called him the last of the grecians ● meaning, that after him, GREECE never brought forth any worthy person, deserving the name of a GRECIAN. And now concerning his person, he had no ill face, as many suppose he had● for his whole image is yet to be seen in the city of DELPHES, excellently well done, as if he were alive. And for that they report of his hostess in the city of MEGARA, who took him for a serving man: that was by reason of his courtesy, not standing upon his reputation, and because he went plainly beside. Philopoemen taken for a serving man. For she understanding that the General of the ACHAIANS came to Inn there all night, she bestirred her, and was very busy preparing for his supper, her husband peradventure being from home at that time: and in the mean season came Philopoemen into the Inn, with a poor cloak on his back. The simple woman seeing him no better appareled, took him for one of his men that came before to provide his lodging, and so prayed him to lend her his hand in the kitchen. He strait cast of his cloak, and began to fall to hew wood. So, as Philopoemen was busy about it, in cometh her husband, and finding him rivinge of wood: ha' ha' ha', said he, my Lord Philopoemen, why what meaneth this? Truly nothing else, said he in his DORICAN tongue, but that I am punished, because I am neither fair boy, nor goodly man. It is true that Titus Quintius Flaminius said one day unto him, seeming to mock him for his parsonage: O Philopoemen, thou hast fair hands, and good legs, but thou hast no belly, for he was fine in the waste, and small bodied. Notwithstanding, I take it this ieastinge tended rather to the proportion of his army, then of his body: because he had both good horsemen, and footmen, but he was often without money to pay them. These geastes, scholars have taken up in schools, of Philopoemen. But now to descend to his nature and conditions: it seemeth that the ambition and desire he had to win honour in his doings, Philopoemen, hasty and wilful. was not without some heat and wilfulness. For, because he would altogether follow Epaminondas steps, he showed his hardiness to enterprise any thing, his wisdom to execute all great matters, and his integrity also, in that no money could corrupt him: but in civil matters and controversies, he could hardly otherwhiles keep himself within the bonds of modesty, patience, and courtesy, but would often burst out into choler, and wilfulness. Wherefore it seemeth, that he was a better Captain for wars, than a wise governor for peace. And in deed, even from his youth he ever loved soldiers, and arms, and delighted marvelously in all martial exercises: Philopoemen delighted in war & martial exercises. as in handling of his weapon well, riding of horses gallantly, and in vaulting nimbly. And because he seemed to have a natural gift in wrestling certain of his friends, and such as were careful of him, did wish him to give himself most unto that exercise. Then he asked them, if their life that made such profession, would be no hindrance to their martial exercises. Answer was made him again, that the disposition of the person, and manner of life that wrestlers used, and such as followed like exercise, was altogether contrary to the life and discipline of a soldier, and specially touching life and limb. For wrestlers studied altogether to keep themselves in good plight, by much sleeping, eating, and drinking, by labouring, and taking their ease at certain hours, by not missing a jot of their exercises: and beside, were in hazard to lose the force and strength of their body, if they did surfeit never so little, or passed their ordinary course & rule of diet. Where soldiers contrariwise are used to all change, and diversity of life, and specially be taught from their youth, to away with all hardness, and scarcity, and to watch in the night without sleep. Philopoemen hearing this, did not only forsake those exercises, and scorned them, but afterwards being General of an army, he sought by all infamous means he could to put down all wrestling, Philopoemen did reprove wrestling. and such kind of exercise, which made men's bodies unmeet to take pains, and to become soldiers for to fight in defence of their country, that otherwise would have been very able and handsome for the same. When he first left his book and schoolmasters, and began to wear armour in invasions the MANTINEIANS used to make upon the LACEDÆMONIANS, to getsome spoil on a sudden, or to destroy a part of their country: Philopoemen then would ever be the foremost to go out, and the hindermost to come in. When he had leisure, he used much hunting in time of peace, all to acquaint his body with toil and travel, or else he would be digging of his grounds. For he had a fair manor, not passing twenty furlongs out of the city, whether he would walk commonly after dinner or supper and then when night came that it was bed time, he would lie upon some ill favoured mattress, as the meanest labourer he had, and in the morning by break of the day, he went out either with his vinemen to labour in his vineyard, or else with his plough men to follow the plough, and sometimes returned again to the city, and followed matters of the common wealth, with his friends and other officers of the same. Whatsoever he could spare and get in the wars, he spent it in buying of goodly horses, in making of fair armours, or paying his poor country men's ransom, that were taken prisoners in the wars: but for his goods & revenue, he sought only to increase them, by the profit of tillage, Philopoemenes gains how they were employed. Philopoemenes study and care in tillage. which he esteemed the justest and best way of getting of goods. For he did not trifle therein, but employed his whole care and study upon it, as one that thought it fit for every noble man & gentleman so to travail, govern, and increase his own, that he should have no occasion to covet or usurp an other mannes. He took no pleasure to hear all kind of matters, nor to read all sorts of books of Philosophy: but those only that would teach him most to become virtuous. Neither did he much care to read Homer's works, saving those places only that stirred up men's hearts most unto valiantness. But of all other stories, he specially delighted to read Euangelus books, which treated of the discipline of wars, Philopoemenes delight to read Euangelus books of the discipline of wars. how to set battles, and declared the acts and geastes of Alexander the great, saying: that men should ever bring his words unto deeds, unless men would take them for vain stories, and things spoken, but not to profit by. For in his books of the feats of war, and how battles should be ordered, he was not only contented to see them drawn and set out, in carts and maps: but would also put them in execution, in the places themselves as they were set out. And therefore, when the army marched in order of battle in the field, he would consider and study with himself, the sudden events and approaches of the enemies, that might light upon them, when they coming down to the valley, or going out of a plain, were to pass a river or a ditch, or through some strait: also when he should spread out his army, or else gather it narrow: and this he did not only forecast by himself, but would also argue the same with the Captains that were about him. For Philopoemen doubtless was one of the odd men of the world, that most esteemed the discipline of war, (and sometime peradventure more than he needed) as the most large field and most fruitful ground that valiantness could be exercised in: so that he despised & contemned all that were no soldiers, as men good for nothing. When he was come now to thirty years of age. Cleomenes king of LACEDAEMON, came one night upon the sudden, and gave an assault to the city of MEGALIPOLIS, so lustily, that he drove back the watch and got into the market place, and wan it. Philopoemen hearing of it, ran immediately to the rescue. Philopoemen saved the Megalopolitans from Cleomenes king of Sparta. Philopoemen very sore hurt. Nevertheless, though he fought very valiantly, and did like a noble soldier, yet he could not repulse the enemies, nor drive them out of the city. But by this means he got his citizen's leisure, and some time to get them out of the town to save themselves, staying those that followed them: and made Cleomenes still wait upon him, so that in the end he had much a do to save himself being the last man, and very sore hurt, & his horse also slain under him. Shortly after, Cleomenes being advertised that the MEGALOPOLITANS were gotten into the city of MESSINA, sent unto them to let them understand, that he was ready to deliver them their city, lands, & goods again. But Philopoemen seeing his country men very glad of these news, & that every man prepared to return again in haste: he stayd them with these persuasions, showing them that Cleomenes devise was not to redeliver them their city, but rather to take than together with their city: foreseeing well enough, that he could not continued long there, to keep naked walls and empty houses, and that himself in the end should be compelled to go his way. This persuasion stayed the MEGALOPOLITANS, but withal it gave Cleomenes occasion to burn and pluck down a great part of the city, and to carry away a great sum of money, and a great spoil. Afterwards, when king Antigonus was come to aid the AGNAIANS against Cleomenes, King Antigonus came to aid the Achaiads against Cleomenes king of Lacedaemon. and that Cleomenes kept on the top of the mountains of Sellasia, and kept all the passages and ways unto them out of all those quarters: king Antigonus set his army in battle hard by him, determining to set upon him, and to drive him thence if he could possibly. Philopoemen was at that time amongst the horsemen with his citizens, who had the ILLYRIANS on the side of them, being a great number of footmen & excellent good soldiers, which did shut in the tail of all the army. Philopoenes noble fact in the 〈…〉 against king Cleomenes. So they were commanded to stand still, and to keep their place, until such time as they did show them a red coat of arms on the top of a pike, from the other wing of the battle, where the king himself stood in person. Notwithstanding. this strait commandment, the Captains of the ILLYRIANS would abide no longer, but went to see if they could force the LACEDÆMONIANS that kept on the top of the mountains. The ACHAIANS contrariwise, kept their place and order, as they were commanded. Euclidas, Cleomenes brother, perceiving thus their enemy's footmen were severed from their horsemen, suddenly sent the lightest armed soldiers & lustiest fellows he had in his bands, to give a charge upon the ILLYRIANS behind, to prove if they could make them turn their faces on them, because they had no horsemen for their guard. This was done, and these light armed men did marvelously trouble and disorder the ILLYRIANS. Philopoemen perceiving, that, and considering how these light armed men would be easily broken and driven back, since occasion self enforced them to it: he went to tell the king's Captains of it, that led his men of arms. But when he saw he could not make them understand it, and that they made no reckoning of his reasons, but took him of no skill, because he had not yet attained any credit or estimation to be judged a man, that could invent or execute any stratagem of war: he went thither himself, and took his citizens with him. And at his first coming, he so troubled these light armed men, that he made them fly, and slew a number of them. Moreover, to encourage the better king Antigonus men, and to make them give a lusty charge upon the enemies, whilst they were thus troubled and out of order: he left his horse, and marched a foot up hill and down hill, in rough and stony ways, full of springs and quavemyres, being heavily armed at all pieces as a man at arms, and fighting in this sort very painfully and uneasily, he had both his thighs passed through with a dart, having a leather thong on the midst of it. Philopoemen hurt in fight. And though the blow did not take much hold of the flesh, yet was it a strong blow, for it pierced both thighs through & through, that the iron was seen on tother side. Then was he so cumbered with this blow, as if he had been shackled with irons on his feet, and knew not what to do: for the leather fastened in the midst of the dart, did grieve him marvelously, when they thought to have pulled the dart out of the place where it entered in, so as never a man about him durst set his hands to it. Philopoemen on the other side, seeing the fight terrible on either side, and would soon be ended: it spited him to the guts, he would so feign have been among them. So at the length he made such struggling, putting back one thigh, and setting forward an other, that he knapped the staff of the dart a sunder, and made them pull out the two troncheons, the one on this side, and the other on the other side. Then when he saw he was at liberty again, he took his sword in his hand, and ran through the midst of them that fought, unto the foremost ranks, to meet with the enemy: so that he gave his men a new courage, and did set them on fire with envy, to follow his valiantness. After the battle was won, Antigonus asked the MACEDONIAN Captains, to prove them: who moved the horsemen to divide themselves, and give the charge, before the sign that was commanded. They answered him, that they were forced to do it against their wills, because a young MEGALOPOLITAN gentleman gave a charge with his company, before the sign was given. Then Antigonus laughing, Antigonus saying of Philopoemenes skill of a soldier. told them: the young gentleman played the part of a wise and valiant Captain. This exploit, together with Antigonus testimony, gave great reputation unto Philopoemen, as we may easily imagine. So king Antigonus marvelously entreated him he would serve with him, and offered him a band of men at arms, and great entertainment, if he would go with him. But Philopoemen refused his offer, and chief, because he knew his own nature, that he could hardly abide to be commanded by any. Notwithstanding, because he could not be idle, he took sea, and went into CRETA, where he knew there were wars, only to continued himself in exercise thereof. So when he had served a long time with the CRETANS, which were valiant soldiers, and very expert in all policies and feats of war, and moreover were men of a moderate and spare diet: he returned home again to ACHAIA, with so great credit and reputation of every one, that he was presently chosen General of all the horsemen. Philopoemen chosen General of the horsemen of the Achaians. So when he entered into his charge, he found many horsemen very ill horsed, upon little jades, such as might be gotten cheapest, & how they used not to go themselves in person to the wars, but did send other in their stead: and to be shorre, how they neither had hearts, nor experience of the wars, and all because the Generals and Captains of the people of the ACHAIANS that served before him, did take no heed to those matters, as fearing to offend any, because they had the greatest authority in their hands, to punish or reward whom they thought good. Philopoemen fearing none of all these things, would leave no part of his charge and duty undone, but went himself in person to all the cities, to persuade and encourage the young gentlemen, to be well horsed, and well armed, that they might win honour in the field, be able to defend themselves, and overthrow their enemies. And where persuasion could do no good, there he would set fines upon their heads that so refused, and did use to muster them often, and did acquaint them with tilting, turning, and barriers, and one to fight with an other, and at such times and places specially, as he knew there would be multitudes of people to give them the looking on: that in short space he made them very forward, proper, and ready horsemen, whose chiefest property is, to keep their order and ranks in the battle. So as when necessity served for the whole company of horsemen to turn together, half turn, or whole turn, or else every man by himself: they were so thoroughly trained in it, that all the whole troop set in battle ray, did seem as it were to be but one body, they removed so together, and withal so easily, and at all times, and so often, as turn they would on the one side, or on the other. Now in a great battle the ACHAIANS had with the AETOLIANS and the ELIANS, by the river of Larissus: Demophantus, General of the horsemen of the AETOLIANS, came from his company to fight with Philopoemen, who also made towards him, and gave him first such a blow with his spear, that he struck him stark dead. When Demophantus fell to the ground, Philopoemen slew Demophantus, General of the horsemen of the AEtolians. his soldiers fled by and by upon it. This wan Philopoemen great honour, who gave no place to the youngest men in fight most valiantly with his own hands: nor to the oldest men in wisdom, for the wise leading of his army. In deed the first man that made the people of ACHAIA grow in power and greatness, was Aratus: for before his time ACHAIA was of small reckoning, because the cities of the same stood divided between themselves, and Aratus was the first man that made them join together, The praise of Philopoemen. Aratus raised Achaia to greatness. and established among them an honest civil government. Whereby it happened, that as we see in brooks and rivers where any little thing stoppeth and falleth to the bottom, which the course of the water bringeth down the stream, there the rest that followeth doth use to stay, and go no further: even so in the cities of GREECE that were in hard state, and sore weakened, by faction one against an other, the ACHAIANS were the first that stayed themselves, and grew in amity one with the other, and afterwards drew on the rest of the cities into league with them, as good neighbours and confederates. Some by helping and delivering them from the oppression of tyrants, and winning other also by their peaceable government and good concord: they had a meaning in this wise, to bring all the country of PELOPONNESUS into one body and league. Nevertheless, while Aratus lived, they depended most upon the strength and power of the MACEDONIANS: first with sticking unto king Ptolemy, and then unto Antigonus, and last to Philip, who ruled in manner all the state of GREECE. But when Pholopoemen came to govern, and to be the chiefest man, Philopoemen and Aratus compared. the ACHAIANS being strong enough to resist the strongest, would march then no more under any other body's ensign, nor would suffer any more strange governors or Captains over them. For Aratus (as it seemed) was somewhat to soft and cold for the wars, Aratus a sofe man in wars. and therefore the most things he did, were by gentle entreaties, by intelligences, and by the kings friendships with whom he was great, as we have at large declared in his life. But Philopoemen being a man of execution, hardy and valiant of person, and of very good fortune, in the first battle that he ever made, did marvelously increase the courage and hearts of the ACHAIANS: because under his charge they ever foiled their enemies, and always had the upper hand over them. The first thing Philopoemen began withal at his coming, Philopoemen changeth though Achaians order and discipline of wars. he changed the manner of setting of their tables, and their fashion of arming themselves. For before they carried little light targets, which because they were thin and narrow, did not cover half their bodies, and used spears far shorter than pikes, by reason whereof they were very light, and good to skirmish and fight a far of: but when they came to join battle, their enemies then had great vantage of them. As for the order of their battles, they knew not what it meant, nor to cast themselves into a snaill or ring, but only used the square battle, nor yet gave it any such front where the pikes of many ranks might push together, and where the soldiers might stand so close, that their targets should touch one an other, as they do in the squadron of the battle of the MACEDONIANS: by reason whereof, they were soon broken, and overthrown. Philopoemen reformed all this, persuading them to use the pike and shield, in stead of their little target, spear, or borestaffe, and to put good morryans or burganettes on their heads, corselets on their bodies, and good tasses and greaves to cover their thighs and legs, that they might sighed it out manfully, not giving a foot of ground, as light armed men that run to and fro in a skirmish. And thus having persuaded and taught the young men to arm themselves throughlie, first he made them the bolder and more courageous to fight, as if they had been men that could not have been overcome: then he turned all their vain superfluous charge, into necessary and honest expenses. But he could not possibly bring them altogether from their vain and rich apparel, they had of long time taken up, the one to exceed an other: nor from their sumptuous furniture of houses, as in beds, hangings, curious service at the table, and delicate kind of dishes. But to begin to withdraw this desire in them which they had, to be fine and delicate, in all superfluous and unnecessary things, and to like of things necessary, and profitable: he wished them to look more nearly to their ordinary charge about themselves, Philopoemen turned all curiosity and dainty fare, into brave & rich armours. taking order as well for their apparel, as also for their diet, and to spare in them, to come honourably armed to the field, for defence of their country. Thereupon, if you had looked into the goldsmiths' shops, ye should have seen nothing else in their hands, but breaking and battering of pots of gold and silver, to be cast and molten down again, and then gilding of armours and targets, and siluering of bits. In the show places for the running of horses, there was mannedging and breaking of young horses, and young men exercising arms. women's hands also were full of morryans and head pieces, whereto they tied goodly brave plumes of feathers of sundry colours, and were also full of embroidered arming coats and cassocks, with curious and very rich works. The sight of which bravery did heave up their hearts, and made them gallant and lively: so as envy bred strait in them who should do best service, and no way spare for the wars. In deed, sumptuousness and bravery in other sights, doth secretly carry men's minds away, and allure them to seek after vanities, which makes them tender bodied, and womanishe persons: because this sweeteticklinge, and enticing of the outward sense that is delighted therewith, doth strait melt and soften the strength and courage of the mind. But again, the sumptuous cost bestowed upon warlike furniture, doth encourage and make great a noble heart. Bravet armour encourageth men's minds to serve nobly. Even as Homer sayeth it did Achilles, when his mother brought him new armour and weapons, she had caused Vulcan to make for him, and laid them at his feet: who seeing them, could not tarry, but was strait set on fire with desire to occupy them. So when Philopoemen had brought the youth of ACHAIA to this good pass, to come thus bravely armed and furnished into the field, he began then to exercise them continually in arms: wherein they did not only show themselves obedient to him, but did moreover strive one to excel an other, and to do better than their fellows. For they liked marvelous well the ordering of the battle he had taught them, because that standing so close together as they did, they thought surely they could hardly be overthrown. Thus by continuance of time, being much used to wear their armour, they found them a great deal easier and lighter than before, besides the pleasure they took to see their armour so brave, and so rich: insomuch as they longed for some occasion to try them strait upon their enemies. Now the ACHAIANS at that time were at wars with Machanidas, Philopoemen made wars with Machanidas tyrant of Lacedaemon. the tyrant of LACEDAEMON, who sought by all devise he could with a great army, to become chief Lord of all the PELOPONNESIANS. When news was brought that Machanidas was come into the country of the MANTINIANS, Philopoemen strait marched towards him with his army: so they met both not far from the city of MANTINAEA, where by and by they put themselves in order of battle. They both had entertained in pay a great number of strangers to serve them, besides the whole force of their country: and when they came to join battle, Machanidas with his strangers gave such a lusty charge upon certain slings and archers being the forlorn hope whom Philopoemen had cast of before the battle of the ACHAIANS to begin the skirmish, Battle fought between Philopoemen and Machanidas. that he overthrew them, & made them fly withal. But where he should have gone on directly against the ACHAIANS that were ranged in battle ray, to have proved if he could have broken them: he was very busy, and earnest still, to follow the chase of them that first fled, and so came hard by the ACHAIANS that stood still in their battle, and kept their ranks. This great overthrow fortuning at the beginning, many men thought the ACHAIANS were but cast away. But Philopoemen made as though it had been nothing, and that he set light by it, and spying the great fault his enemies made, following the forlorn hope on the spur, whom they had overthrown, and straying so far from the battle of their footmen, whom they had left naked, and the field open upon them: he did not make towards them to stay them, nor did strive to stop them that they should not follow those that fled, but suffered them to take their course. And when he saw that they were gone a good way from their footmen, he made his men march upon the LACEDÆMONIANS, whose sides were naked, having no horesemen to guard them: and so did set upon them on the one side, and ran so hastily on them to win one of their flanks, that he made them fly, and slew withal a great number of them. For it is said, there were four thousand LACEDÆMONIANS slain in the field, because they had no man to lead them: Philopoemen overcame Machanidas army, tyrant of the Lacedæmonians. and moreover, they say they did not look to fight, but supposed rather they had won the field, when they saw Machanidas chase still those upon the spur, whom he had overthrown. After this, Philopoemen retired to meet Machanidas, who came back from the chase with his strangers. But by chance there was a great broad ditch between them, so as both of them road upon the banks sides of the same, a great while together, one against an other of them: th'one side seeking some convenient place to get over and fly, & the other side seeking means to keep them from starting away. So, to see the one before the other in this sort, it appeared as they had been wild beasts brought to an extremity, to defend themselves by force, from so fierce a hunter as Philopoemen was. But whilst they were striving thus, the tyrants horse that was lusty and courageous, and felt the force of his master's spurs pricking in his sides, that the blood followed after, did venture to leap the ditch, coming to the banks side, stood upon his hindemost legs, and advanced forward with his foremost feet, to reach to the other side. Then Simmias and Polyaenus, who were about Philopoemen when he fought, ran thither strait to keep him in with their bore slaves that he should not leap the ditch. But Philopoemen who was there before them, perceiving that the tyrants horse by lifting up his head so high, did cover all his masters body: forsook by and by his horse, and took his spear in both his hands, and thrust at the tyrant with so good a will, that he slew him in the ditch. In memory whereof, the ACHAIANS that did highly esteem this valiant act of his, Philopoemen slew Machanidas. and his wisdom also in leading of the battle: did set up his image in brass, in the temple of Apollo in DELPHES, in the form he slew the tyrant. They say, that at the assembly of the common games called Nemea, (which they solemnize in honour of Hercules, not far from the city of ARGOS) and not long after he had won this battle of MANTINAEA, being made General the second time of the tribe of the ACHAIANS, and being at good leisure also by reason of the feast: he first showed all the grecians that were come thither to see the games and pastimes, his army ranging in order of battle, and made them see how easily they removed their places every way, as necessity and occasion of fight required, without troubling or confounding their ranks, and that with a marvelous force & readiness. When he had done this, he went into the Theatre to hear the musicans play, and sing to their instruments, who should win the best game, being accompanied with lusty young gentlemen appareled in purple cloaks, and in scarlet coats & cassocks they ware upon their armour, being all in the flower of their youth, and well given & disposed: who did greatly honour & reverence their Captain, & besides that, showed themselves inwardly of noble hearts, being encouraged by many notable battles they had fought, in which they had ever attained the victory, & gotten the upper hand of their enemies. And by chance, as they were entered into the Theatre, Pylades the physician, singing certain poems of Timotheus, called the Perses, fell into these verses. O greeks, it is even he, which your prosperity Hath given to you: and therewithal a noble liberty. When he had sweetly sung out aloud these noble verses, passingly well made: the whole assembly of the grecians in the Theatre, that were gathered thither to see the games, cast all their eyes strait upon Philopoemen, and clapped their hands one to an other for joy, because of the great hope they had in him, that through him they should soon recover their ancient reputation, and so imagined they possessed already the noble and worthy minds of their ancestors. And as young horse that do always look to be ridden by their ordinary riders, if any stranger get up on their backs, do strait wax strange to be handled, and make great a do: even so, when the ACHAIANS came to any dangerous battle, their hearts were even done, if they had any other General or leader than Philopoemen, on whom still they depended and looked. And when they saw him ever, the whole army rejoiced, and desired strait to be at it, they had such confidence in his valiantness and good fortune: and truly not without cause. For of all men, their enemies did fear him most, and durst not stand before him: because they were afraid to hear his name only, as it seemed by their doings. For Philip king of MACEDON, imagining that if he could find means to dispatch Philopoemen out of the way, howsoever it were, the ACHAIANS would strait take part again with him: sent men secretly into the city of ARGOS, to kill him by treason. Howbeit the practice was discovered, and the king ever after was mortally hated of all the grecians generally, and taken for a cowardly and wicked Prince. It fortuned one day when the BOEOTIANS laid siege to the city of MEGARA, and thought certainly to have won it at the first assault: there rose a rumour suddenly amongst them, The only name of Philopoemen made the Boeotians flee for fear. that Philopoemen came to aid the city, and was not far from it with his army. But it was a false report. Notwithstanding, the BOEOTIANS were so scared, that for fear they left their scaling ladders behind them, which they had set against the walls to have scaled the town, and fled strait to save themselves. another time, when Nabis the tyrant of LACEDAEMON, Nabis tyrant of Lacedaemon, wan the city of Messina. that succeeded Machanidas, had taken the city of MESSINA upon the sudden: Philopoemen being then a private man, and having no charge of soldiers, went unto Lysippus, General of the ACHAIANS that year, to persuade him that he would sand present aid unto them of MESSINA. Lysippus told him, it was to late now to go thither, and that it was but a lost town, not to be holpen: considering the enemies were in it already. Philopoemen perceiving he could not procure him to go, went thither himself with the force of MESSINA only, not staying for the assembly of the MEGALOPOLITANS, that were in counsel about it, to give him commission by voices of the people to take them with him: but they all willingly followed him, as if he had been their continual General, and the man that by nature was worthiest of all other to command them. Now when he came near unto MESSINA, Nabis hearing of his coming, Nabis fleeth Philopoemen. Philopoemen delivered the city of Messina from Nabis the tyrant of Lacedaemon. durst not tarry him, though he had his army within the city, but stolen out at an other gate, and marched away in all the hast he could, thinking himself a happy man and he could so escape his hands, and retire with safety, as in deed he did. And thus was MESSINA, by his means, delivered from captivity. All that we have written hitherto concerning Philopoemen, falleth out doubtless to his great honour and glory: but afterwards he was greatly dispraised for a journey he made into CRETA, at the request of the GORTYNIANS, who sent to pray him to be their Captain, being sore troubled with wars at that time. Because Philopoemen went then to serve the GORTYNIANS, Philopoemenes second journey into Creta discommanded. when the tyrant Nabis had greatest wars with the MEGALOPOLITANS, in their own country: they laid item to his charge, either that he did it to fly the wars, or else that he sought honour out of season with foreign nations, when his poor citizens the MEGALOPOLITANS were in such distress, that their country being lost and destroyed, they were driven to keep them within their city, and to sow all their void grounds and streets in the same with corn, to sustain them withal, when their enemies were encamped almost hard at their town gates. And the rather, because himself making wars with the CRETANS, and serving strangers beyond the sea in the mean time, gave his enemies occasion of slander him that he fled, that he would not tarry to fight for defence of his country. Again, there were that said, because the ACHAIANS did choose other for their General, that he being a private man and without charge, was the rather contented to be General of the GORTYNIANS, who had marvelously entreated him to take the charge: for he was a man that could not abide to live idly, and that desired specially above all things to serve continually in the wars, and to put in practise his skill and discipline in the leading of an army. The words he spoke one day of king Ptolemy doth witness as much. For when there were some that praised king Ptolemy highly, saying that he trained his army well, and that he still continued his person in exercise of arms: It is not commendable for a king (said he) of his years, to delight in training his men to exercise arms, but to do some acts himself in person. Well, in the end, the MEGALOPOLITANS took his absence in such evil part, that they thought it a piece of treason, and would needs have banished him, and put him from the freedom of the city: had not the ACHAIANS sent their General Aristaenetus unto them, who would not suffer the sentence of banishment to pass against him, although otherwise there was ever contention between them about matters of the common wealth. Afterwards, Philopoemen perceiving his countrymen made no more account of him, Philopoemen made diverse cities to rebel against the Achaians. to spite them withal, he made diverse small villages and cities rebel against them, & taught them to say, & to give it out, that they were not their subjects, neither paid them tribute from the beginning: and he made them stand to it openly, and maintain their sedition against the city of MEGALIPOLIS, before the council of the ACHAIANS. These things happened shortly after. But whilst he made wars in CRETA for the GORTYNIANS, he showed not himself a PELOPONNESIAN, not like a man borne in ARCADIA, to make plain & open wars: but he had learned the manner of the CRETANS, The Cretans, politic men of war. to use their own policies, fine devices, & ambushes against themselves. And made them know also, that all their crafts, were but childish sports as it were: in respect of those that were devised, and put in execution, by a wise experienced Captain, and skilful to fight a battle. So, Philopoemen having won great fame by his acts done in CRETA, returned again to PELOPONNESUS, where he found, that Philip king of MACEDON had been overcome in battle, by Titus Quintius Flaminius: and that the ACHAIANS joining with the romans, did make war against the tyrant Nabis, against whom he was made General immediately upon his return, and gave him battle by sea. In the which it seemed he fell into like misfortune, as Epaminondas did: the event of this battle falling out much worse with him, than was looked for, in respect of his former courage and valiantness. Philopoemen made General of the Achaians against Nabis. But as for Epaminondas, some say he returned willingly out of ASIA, and the Isles, without any exploit done, because he would not have his countrymen fleshed with spoil by sea, as fearing lest of valiant soldiers by land, they would by little and little (as Plato said) become dissolute mariners by sea. But Philopoemen contrariwise, presuming upon the skill he had to set the battle in good order by land, would needs take upon him to do the same by sea. Philopoemen overcome by sea. But he was taught to his cost to know what exercise and experience meant, and how strong it maketh them that are practised in things. For he lost not only the battle by sea, being unskilful of that service: but he committed beside a fouler error. For that he caused an old ship to be rigged, which had been very good of service before, but not occupied in forty years together, and embarked his countrymen into the same, which were all likely to perish, because the ship had diverse leaks, by fault of good calking. This overthrow made his enemies despise him utterly, who persuaded themselves he was fled for altogether, and had given them sea room: whereupon they laid siege to the city of GYTHIUM. Nabis besiegeth the city of Gythium. Philopoemen being advertised thereof, embarked his men suddenly, and set upon his enemies ere they witted it, or had any thought of his coming: and found them straggling up and down, without watch or guard, by reason of the victory they had lately won. So he landed his men closely by night, and went and set fire upon his enemy's camp, and burned it every whit: and in this fear and hurly burly, slew a great number of them. Shortly after this stealing upon them, the tyrant Nabis also stole upon him again unwares, as he was to go through a marvelous ill and dangerous way. Which made the ACHAIANS amazed at the first, thinking it unpossible for them that they could ever scape that danger, considering their enemies kept all the ways thereabouts. But Philopoemen bethinking himself, and considering the nature & situation of the place: after he had viewed it well, he showed them plainly then, that the chiefest point of a good soldier, and man of war, was to know how to put an army in battle, according to the time and situation of the place. For he did but altar the form of his battle a little, and sorted it according to the situation of the place, wherein he was compassed: and by doing this without trouble or business, Philopoemen over came Nabis, tyrant of Lacedaemon, in battle. he took away all fear of danger, and gave a charge upon his enemies in such fierce wise, that in a short time he put them all to flight. And when he perceived that they did not fly all in troops together towards the city, but scattering wise, abroad in the fields in every place: he caused the trumpet to sound the retreat. Then he commanded the chase to be followed no further, for that all the country thereabout was full of thick woods and groves, very ill for horsemen: and also because there were many brooks, valleys, and quavemyres which they should pass over, he encamped himself presently, being yet broad day. And so, fearing lest his enemies would in the night time draw unto the city, one after an other, and by couples: he sent a great number of ACHAIANS, & laid them in ambush amongst the brooks and hills near about it, which made great slaughter of Nabis soldiers, because they came not altogether in troops, but scatteringly one after an other as they fled, one here, an other there, and so fell into their enemy's hands, as birds into the fowler's net. These acts made Philopoemen singularly beloved of the grecians, and they did him great honour in all their theatres and common assemblies. Whereat Titus Quintius Flaminius, Titus Quintius em●ieth Philopoemen. of nature very ambitious, and covetous of honour: did much repined, and was envious at the matter, thinking that a Consul of ROME should have place & honour amongst the ACHAIANS, before a mean gentleman of ARCADIA. And he imagined he had deserved better of all GREECE, than Philopoemen had: considering, how by the only proclamation of an herald, he had restored GREECE again to her ancient liberty, which before his coming was subject unto king Philip, and unto the MACEDONIANS. Afterwards, Titus Quintius made peace with the tyrant Nabis. Nabis was shortly after very traitorously slain by the AETOLIANS. Nabis slain by the AEtolians. Whereupon the city of SPARTA grew to a tumult, and Philopoemen strait taking the occasion, went thither with his army, and handled the matter so wisely: that partly for love, and partly by force, he wan the city, & joined it unto the tribe of the ACHAIANS. So was he marvelously commended and esteemed of the ACHAIANS for this notable victory, to have won their tribe and communality of famous a city, and of so great estimation. For the city of SPARTA was no small increase of their power, and being joined as a member of ACHAIA. Moreover he won by this means, the love and good will of all the honest men of LACEDAEMON, of the hope they had to find him a protector and defender of their liberty. Wherefore, when the tyrant Nabis house and goods were sold, as forfitted to the state: they resolved in their counsel to make him a present of the money thereof, which amounted to the sum of six score talents, and sent Ambassadors purposely unto him, to offer it him. Then Philopoemen showed himself plainly to be no counterfeit honest man, Philopoemen free from covetousness. but a good man in deed. For first of all, there was not one of all the LACEDÆMONIANS that durst presume to offer him this money, but every man was afraid to tell him of it: and every body that was appointed to do it, made some excuse or other for themselves. Notwithstanding, in the end they made one Timolaus to take the matter upon him, who was his familiar friend, and also his host. And yet the same Timolaus when he came unto MEGALIPOLIS, & was lodged & entertained in Philopoemenes house, did so much reverence him for his wise talk and conversation, for his moderate diet, and just dealing with all men: that he saw there was no likely possibility to corrupt him with money, so as he durst not once open his mouth to speak to him of the present he had brought him, but found some other occasion to excuse the cause of his coming unto him. And being sent unto him again the second time, he did even as much as at the first time. And making a third proof, he ventured at the last to open the matter unto him, and told him the good will the city of SPARTA did bear him. Philopoemen become a glad man to hear it: and when he had heard all he had to say to him, Philopoemenes wise counsel to the Lacedæmonians, how they should bestow their gifts. he went himself unto the city of SPARTA. There he declared unto the counsel, that it was not honest men, and their good friends, they should seek to win and corrupt with money, considering they might command their virtue upon any occasion, without cost unto them: but that they should seek to bribe naughty men with money, and such as by seditious orations in counsel did mutiny, and put a whole city in uproar: to the end that having their mouths stopped with gifts, they should trouble them the less in the common wealth. For, said he, it is more necessary to stop your enemy's mouths, and to sow up their lips from liberty of speaking: than it is to keep your friends from it. So noble a man was Philopoemen against all covetousness of money. Shortly after, the LACEDÆMONIANS beginning to stir again, Diophanes (who was then General of the ACHAIANS) being advertised of it, began to prepare to punish them. The LACEDÆMONIANS on the other side preparing for the wars, did set all the country of PELOPONNESUS in arms. Hereupon Philopoemen sought to pacify Diophanes anger, declaring unto him, that king Antiochus, and the romans, being at wars together at that present time, and they both having puissant armies one against an other in the midst of GREECE: it was meet for a good General and wise governor, to have an eye to their doings, to be careful of the same, and to beware that he did not trouble or altar any thing within his country at that instant, but then rather to dissemble it, and not to seem to hear any fault whatsoever they did, Diophanes would not be persuaded, but entered the territories of LACEDAEMON with a great army, and Titus Quintius Flaminius with him: Diophanes & T. Quintius Flaminius do invade Lacedaemonia. and they together marched directly towards the city of SPARTA. Philopoemen was so mad with their doings, that he took upon him an enterprise not very lawful, nor altogether just: nevertheless, his attempt proceeded of a noble mind, Philopoemenes noble act. and great courage. For he got into the city of SPARTA, and being but a private person, kept out the General of the ACHAIANS, & the Consul of the romans for entering the city: & when he had pacified all troubles and seditions in the same, he delivered it up again as it was before, into the hands of the commonalty of the ACHAIANS. Nevertheless, himself being afterwards General of the ACHAIANS, Philopoemenes cruelty to the Spartans. did compel the LACEDÆMONIANS to receive those home again whom they had banished for certain faults, and did put four score natural borne citizens of SPARTA unto death, as Polybius writeth. Or three hundred and fifty, as Aristocrates an other historiographer reciteth. Then he pulled down the walls of the city, and razed them to the ground, and took away the most part of their territories, and gave them to the MEGALOPOLITANS. All those whom the tyrants had made free denizens of SPARTA, he compelled them to depart the country of LACEDAEMON, and forced them to devil in ACHAIA, three thousand only excepted, who would not obey his commandment: all those he sold for slaves, and with the money he made of them (to spite them the more) he built a goodly fair walk within the city of MEGALIPOLIS. Yet furthermore, to do the LACEDÆMONIANS all the mischief he could, and as it were, to tread them under the feet in their most grievous misery: he did a most cruel and unjust act toward them. For he compelled them to leave the discipline and manner of education of their children, which Lycurgus had of old time instituted: Philopoemen made the Spartans forsake Lycurgus' law. and made them to follow the manner the ACHAIANS used, in lieu of their old grounded country custom, because he saw they would never be humble minded, so long as they kept Lycurgus' order and institution. Thus were they driven to put the heads in the choler, by the miserable mishap that befell them: and in all despite, to suffer Philopoemen in this manner to cut a sunder (as it were) the sinews of their common wealth. But afterwards they made sure to the romans, that they might be suffered to enjoy their ancient discipline again, which being granted them, they strait left the manner of the ACHAIANS, and did set up again as much as was possible (after so great misery and corruption of their manners) their old ancient customs and orders of their country. Now about the time the wars began in GREECE, between the romans and king Antiochus, Philopoemen was then a private man, and without any authority. He seeing that king Antiochus lay still in the city of CHALCIS, Antiochus' solace and marriage as Chalcis. and did nothing but feast and love, and had married a young maid far unmeet for his years: and perceiving that his SYRIAN soldiers wandered up and down the towns in great disorder, playing many lewd parts without guide of Captains: he was very sorry he was not at that time General of the ACHAIANS, and told the romans, Philopoemenes counsel against the romans. that he envied their victory, having wars with enemies that were so easily to be overcome. For (said he) if fortune favoured me that I were General of the ACHAIANS at this present, I would have killed them every man in the cellars and tippling houses. Now when the romans had overcome. Antiochus, they began to have surer footing in GREECE: and to compass in the ACHAIANS of all sides, and specially, by reason the heads and governors of the cities about them did yield to the romans, to win their favour. And now their greatness grew in haste, by the favour of the gods, so as they were become the monarch of the whole world, who brought them now to the end that fortune had determined. Philopoemen in the mean time did like a good pilot, bore hard against the billows and roughness of their waves: and though for the time he was forced to give place, and to let things pass, yet for all that he was against the romans, and did withstand them in the most part of their proceedings, by seeking ever to defend the liberty of those, who by their eloquence & well doing carried great authority among the ACHAIANS. And when Aristaenetus MEGALOPOLITAN, (a man of great authority among the ACHAIANS, and one that ever bore great devotion to the romans) said in open Senate among the ACHAIANS, that they should deny the romans nothing, nor show themselves unthankful to them: Philopoemen hearing what he said, held his peace a while, and suffered him to speak (though it boiled in his heart, he was so angry with him) and in the end, breaking all patience, and as one overcome with choler, he said. O Aristaenetus, why have you such haste to see the unfortunate end of GREECE? Another time, when Manius, Consul of ROME (after he had conquered king Antiochus) did make request to the counsel of the ACHAIANS, that such as were banished from LACEDAEMON, might return home into their country again, and that Titus Quintius Flaminius also did earnestly entreat them: Philopoemen was against it, not for any hatred he bore unto the banished men, but because he would have done it by his own mean, and the only grace of the ACHAIANS, to the end they should not be beholding for so good a turn, neither unto Titus, nor yet to the romans. Afterwards he himself, being General of the ACHAIANS, did restore them wholly to their own again. Thus was Philopoemen sometime, Philopoemen chosen the eight time General of the Achaians being 70. year old. a little to bold and quarrelous, by reason of his great stomach: and specially when any man of authority sought for to have things. lastly, being three score and ten years of age, he was the eight time chosen General of the ACHAIANS, and hoped well, not only to pass the year of his charge in peace and quietness, but also all the rest of his life without any stir of new wars, he saw the affairs of GREECE take so good success. For like as the force & strength of sickness declineth, as the natural strength of the sickly body empaireth: so through all the cities and people of GREECE, envy of quarrel and wars surceased, as their power diminished. Nevertheless, in the end of his years government, the god's divine (who justly punish all insolent words and deeds) threw him to the ground, as they suffer a rider unfortunately to take a fall of his horse, being come almost to the end of his career. For they write, that he being in a place on a time amongst good company, where one was marvelously praised for a good Captain, said unto them: why, masters, can ye commend him that was contented to be taken prisoner alive of his enemies? Shortly after came news that Dinocrates MESSENIAN (a private enemy of Philopoemenes for certain controversies passed between them, and a man generally hated beside, of all honourable and virtuous men, for his licentious wicked life) had withdrawn the city of MESSINA from the devotion of the ACHAIANS: and moreover that he came with an army to take a town called COLONIDE. Philopoemen was at that time in the city of ARGOS, sick of an ague, and yet hearing these news, took his journey toward MEGALIPOLIS, making all the hast he could possible, Philopoemenes journey against Dinocrates. so that he came above four hundred furlongs that day. Strait he departed thence toward MESSINA, and tarried not, but took with him a company of men at arms of the lustiest and wealthiest MEGALOPOLITANS: who were all young noble men of the city, and willingly offered themselves to go with him for the goodwill they bore him, and for the desire they had to follow his valiantness. Thus went they on their way towards the city of MESSINA, and marched so long, that they came near unto the hill of evander, Mons evander. where they met with Dinocrates & his company, & gave so fierce an onset on them, that they made them all turn tail: howbeit in the mean while, there came a relief of five hundred men to Dinocrates, which he had left to keep the country of MESSINA. The flying men that were scattered here & there, seeing this supply, gathered themselves again together, and showed upon the hills. Philopoemen fearing to be environed, and being desirous to bring his men safe home again, who most of love had followed him: began to march away through narrow bushy places, himself being in the rearward, and turned oftentimes upon his enemies, & skirmished with them, only to drive them away from following of the rest of his company, and not a man that durst once set upon him; for they did but cry outaloofe, and wheel as it were about him. Howbeit Philopoemen sundry times venturing far from his company, to give these young noble men leisure to save themselves one after an other: took no heed to himself that he was alone, environed on every side with a great number of enemies. Notwithstanding, of all his enemies there was not a man that durst come to hand strokes with him, but still slinging and shooting at him a far of, they drove him in the end amongst stony places between hewn rocks, where he had much a do to guide his horse, although he had spurred him that he was all of a gore blood. And as for his age, that did not let him but he might have saved himself, for he was strong and lusty by the continual exercise he took: but by cursed hap, his body being weak with sickness, and weary with the long journey he had made that day, he found himself very heavy and ill disposed, that his horse stumbling with him, threw him to the ground. His fall was very great, and bruised all his head, Philopoemenes misfortune. that he lay for dead in the place a great while, and never stirred nor spoke: so that his enemies thinking he had been dead, came to turn his body to strip him. But when they saw him lift up his head and open his eyes, than many of them fell all at once upon him, and took him, Philopoemen taken. and bound both his hands behind him, and did all the villainy and mischief they could unto him, and such, as one would little have thought Dinocrates would have used in that sort, or that he could have had such an ill thought towards him. So, they that tarried behind in the city of MESSINA, were marvelous glad when they heard these news, and ran all to the gates of the city to see him brought in. When they saw him thus shamefully bound, and pinioned, against the dignity of so many honours as he had received, and of so many triumphs and victories as he had passed: the most part of them wept for pity, to consider the mishap and ill fortune of man's nature, where there is so little certainty, as in manner it is nothing. Then began there some courteous speech to run in the mouths of the people by little and little, that they should remember the great good he had done unto them in times past, and the liberty he had restored them unto, when he expulsed the tyrant Nabis out of MESSINA. But there were other again (howbeit very few) that to please Dinocrates, said they should hung him on a gibbet, and put him to death as a dangerous enemy, and that would never forgive man that had once offended him: and the rather, because he would be more terrible to Dinocrates, then ever he was before, if he escaped his hands, receiving such open shame by him. Nevertheless, in the end they carried him into a certain dungeon under the ground, called the treasury, (which had neither light nor air at all into it, nor door, nor half door, but a great stone rolled on the mouth of the dungeon) and so they did let him down the same, and stopped the hole again with the stone, and watched it with armed men for to keep him. Now when these young noble ACHAEAN horsemen had fled upon the spur a great way from the enemy, they remembered them selves, & looked round about for Philopoemen: & finding him not in sight, they supposed strait he had been slain. Thereupon they stayed a great while, and called for him by name, and perceiving he answered not, they began to say among themselves, they were beasts and cowards to fly in that sort: and how they were dishonoured for ever so to have forsaken their Captain, to save themselves, who had not spared his own life, to deliver them from danger. Hereupon riding on their way, and inquiring still for him: they were in the end advertised how he was taken. And then they went & carried those news through all the towns and cities of ACHAIA, which were very sorry for him, and took it as a sign of great ill fortune toward them. Whereupon they agreed to sand Ambassadors forthwith to the MESSENIANS, to demand him: and in the mean time every man should prepare to arm themselves, to go thither, and get him either by force or love. When the ACHAIANS had thus sent, Dinocrates feared nothing so much, as that delay of time might save Philopoemenes life: wherefore to prevent it, as soon as night came, and that the people were at rest, he strait caused the stone to be rolled from the mouth of the dungeon, and willed the hangman to be let down to Philopoemen with a cup of poison to offer him, who was commanded also not to go from him, until he had drunk it. When the hangman was come down, he found Philopoemen laid on the ground upon a little cloak, Philopoemen poisoned by Dinocrates. having no lift to sleep, he was so grievously troubled in his mind. Who when he saw light, and the man standing by him, holding a cup in his hand with this poison, he sat upright upon his couch, howbeit with great pain he was so weak: and taking the cup in his hand, asked the hangman if he heard any news of the horsemen that came with him, and specially of Lycortas. The hangman made him answer, that the most of them were saved. Then he cast his hands a little over his head, and looking merely on him he said: Philopoemenes last words. it is well, seeing we are not all unfortunate. Therewith speaking no more words, nor making other a do, he drunk up all the poison, and laid him down as before. So nature strove not much withal, his body being brought so low, and thereupon the poison wrought his effect, and rid him strait out of his pain. The news of his death ran presently through all ACHAIA, Philopoemenes death. which generally from high to low was lamented. Whereupon all the ACHAEAN youth and counsellors of their cities and towns, assembled themselves in the city of MEGALIPOLIS, where they all agreed without delay to revenge his death. They made Lycortas their General, The Achaians did revenge Philopoemenes death. under whose conduct they invaded the MESSENIANS, with force and violence, putting all to the fire and sword: so as the MESSENIANS were so feared with this merciless fury, that they yielded themselves, and wholly consented to receive the ACHAIANS into their city. But Dinocrates would not give them leisure to execute him by justice, Dinocrates' slew himself. for he killed himself: and so did all the rest make themselves away, who gave advise that Philopoemen should be put to death. But those that would have had Philopoemen hanged on a gibbet, Lycortas caused them to be taken, which afterwards were put to death with all kind of torments. That done, they burned Philopoemenes body, Philopoemenes funeral. and did put his ashes into a pot. Then they strait departed from MESSINA, not in disorder, one upon an other's neck as every man listed: but in such an order and ray, that in the midst of these funerals they did make a triumph of victory. For the soldiers were all crowned with garlands of laurel in token of victory, notwithstanding, the tears ran down their cheeks in token of sorrow, and they led their enemy's prisoners, shackled and chained. The funeral pot in the which were Philopoemenes ashes, was so covered with garlands of flowers, nosegays, and laces, that it could scant be seen or discerned, and was carried by one Polybius a young man, the son of Lycortas, that was General at that time to the ACHAIANS: about whom there marched all the noblest and chiefest of the ACHAIANS, and after them also followed all the soldiers armed, and their horses very well furnished. The rest, they were not so sorrowful in their countenance, as they are commonly which have great cause of sorrow: nor yet so joyful, as those that came conquerors from so great a victory. Those of the cities, towns, and villages in their way as they passed, came and presented themselves unto them, to touch the funeral pot of his ashes, even as they were wont to take him by the hand, and to make much of him when he was returned from the wars: and did accompany his convoy unto the city of MEGALIPOLIS. At the gates whereof, were old men, women, and children, which thrusting themselves amongst the soldiers, did renew the tears, sorrows, and lamentations of all the miserable and unfortunate city: who took it that they had lost with their citizen, the first and chiefest place of honour among the ACHAIANS. So he was buried very honourably as appertained unto him: and the other prisoners of MESSINA, were all stoned to death, about his sepulchre. All the other cities of ACHAIA, besides many other honours they did unto him, did set up statues, and as like to him, as could be counterfeited. Afterwards in the unfortunate time of GREECE, when the city of CORINTHE was burnt and destroyed by the romans, there was a malicious ROMAN that did what he could to have the same pulled down again, by burdening & accusing Philopoemen (as if he had been alive) that he was always enemy to the romans, and envied much their prosperity and victories. But after Polybius had answered him: neither the Consul Mummius, nor his counsellors, nor lieutenants, Note the humanity of the romans, keeping their enemy's monuments from defacing. would suffer them to deface & take away the honours done in memory of so famous & worthy a man, although he had many ways done much hurt unto Titus Quintius Flaminius, & unto Manius. So these good men than made a difference between duty & profit: & did think honesty & profit two distinct things, and so separated one from the other, according to reason and justice. Moreover they were persuaded, that like as men receive courtesy and goodness of any, so are they bound to require them again, with kindness and duty. And as men use to acknowledge the same: even so aught men to honour and reverence virtue. And thus much for the life of Philopoemen. The end of Philopoemenes life. THE LIFE OF Titus Quintius Flaminius. IT is easy to see Titus Quintius Flaminius form, and stature, by Philopoemenes statue of brass, to whom we compare him: the which is now set up at ROME, near to great Apollo that was brought from CARTHAGE, and is placed right against the coming in to the show place, under which there is an inscription in Greek letters. But for his nature and conditions, they say of him thus: he would quickly be angry, and yet very ready to pleasure men again. For, if he did punish any man that had angered him, he would do it gently, but his anger did not long continue with him. He did good also to many, and ever loved them whom he had once pleasured, as if they had done him some pleasure: & was ready to do for them still whom he found thankful, because he would ever make them beholding to him, and thought that as honourable a thing, as he could purchase to himself. Because he greatly sought honour above all things, when any notable service was to be done, he would do it himself, and no man should take it out of his hand. He would ever be rather with them that needed his help, then with those that could help him, or do him good. For, the first he esteemed as a mean to exercise his virtue with: the other, he took them as his fellows and followers of honour with him. He came to man's state, when the city of ROME had greatest wars and trouble. At that time all the youth of ROME, which were of age to carry weapon, were sent to the wars to learn to trail the pike, and how to become good Captains. Thus was he entered into marshall affairs, and the first charge he took, was in the war against Hannibal of CARTHAGE, where he was made Colonel of a thousand footmen, Titus Quintius first charge in war. under Martellus the consul: who being slain by an ambush Hannibal had laid for him between the cities of BANOIA, and VENUSA, than they did choose Titus Quintius Flaminius governor of the province and city of TARENTUM, which was now taken again the second time. In this government of his, he wan the reputation as much of a good and just man, as he did of an expert and skilful Captain. By reason whereof, when the romans were requested to sand men to inhabit the cities of NARNIA & COSSA, he was appointed the chief leader of them, which chiefly gave him heart and courage to aspire at the first to the consulship, passing over all other mean offices, as to be AEdile, Tribune, or Praetor, Degrees of offices before one came to be Consul. by which (as by degrees) other young men were wont to attain the consulship. Therefore when the time came that the Consuls should be elected, he did present himself among other, accompanied with a great number of those he had brought with him, to inhabit the two new towns, who did make earnest suit for him. But the two Tribunes Fuluius, and Manlius, spoke against him, and said: it was out of all reason, that so young a man should in such manner press to have the office of the highest dignity, against the use and custom of ROME, before he had passed through the inferior offices of the commonwealth. Nevertheless, the Senate preferred it wholly to the voices of the people: who presently pronounced him Consul openly, with Sextius AElius, although he was not yet thirty year old. Afterwards, AElius and he dividing the offices of the state by lot: it fell upon T. Quintius to make war with Philip king of MACEDON. T. Q. Flaminius, Sextius AElius Consuls. In the which me thinks fortune greatly favoured the romans affairs, that made such a man General of these wars: for, to have pointed a General that by force and violence would have sought all things at the MACEDONIANS hands, T. Q. Flaminius maketh war with Philip king of Macedon. that were a people to be won rather by gentleness and persuasions, then by force & compulsion: it was all against themselves. Philip, to maintain the bront of a battle against the romans, had power enough of his own in his realm of MACEDON: but to make war any long time, to furnish himself with money and vitrailes, to have a place and cities to retire unto, and lastly, to have all other necessaries for his men and army: it stood him upon to get the force of GREECE. And had not the force of GREECE been politicly cut from him, the wars against him had not been ended with one battle. Moreover, GREECE (which never before bore the romans any great good will) would not have dealt then so inwardly in friendship with them, had not their General been (as he was) a gentle person, lowly, and tractable, that wan them more by his wisdom, then by his force, Titus' courtesy ran the grecians more than his force. & could both eloquently utter his mind to them, and courteously also hear them speak, that had to do with him, and chiefly, ministered justice and equity to every man a like. For it is not to be thought that GREECE would otherwise so soon have withdrawn themselves from the rule of those, with whom they were acquainted, and governed: and have put themselves under the rule of strangers, but that they saw great justice and lenity in them. Howbeit that may more plainly appear, by declaring of his acts. Titus was informed, that the Generals before him sent to the war in MACEDON (as Sulpitius, and Publius julius) used to come thither about the later end of the year, and made but cold wars, and certain light skirmishes, as sometime in one place, and sometime in an other against Philip, and all to take some strait, or to cut of vitrells: which he thought was not his way to follow their example. For they tarrying at home, consumed the most of their consulship at ROME, in matters of government, and so enjoyed the honour of their office. Afterwards in the end of their year, they would set out to the wars, of intent to get an other year over their heads in their office, that spending one year in their Consulship at home, they might employ the other in the wars abroad. But Titus not minding to trifle out the half of his consulship at ROME, and the other abroad in the wars: did willingly leave all his honours and dignities he might have enjoyed by his office at ROME, and besought the Senate that they would appoint his brother Lucius Quintius Lieutenant of their army by sea. Furthermore, he took with himself about three thousand old soldiers of those that had first overthrown Asdrubal in SPAIN, & Hannibal afterwards in AFRICA, under the conduct of Scipio, which yet were able to serve, and were very willing to go with him in this journey, to be the strength of his army. With this company he passed the seas without danger, and landed in EPIRUS, T. Q. landed in Epirus. Apsus f●●. where he found Publius julius encamped with his army before king Philip, who of long time had lain in camp about the mouth of the river of Apsus, to keep the strait and passage which is the entry into EPIRUS. So that Publius julius had lain still there, and done nothing, by reason of the natural force and hardness of the place. Then Titus took the army of him, and sent him to ROME. Afterwards, himself went in person to view and consider the nature of the country, which was in this sort. It is a long valley walled on either side with great high mountains, The description of the country of Epirus. as those which shut in the valley of Tempe in THESSALY. Howbeit it had no such goodly woods, nor green forests, nor fair meadows, nor other like places of pleasure, as the other side had: but it was a great deep marish or quavemyre, through the midst whereof the river called Apsus did run, being in greatness and swiftness of stream, very like to the river of Peneus. The river did occupy all the ground at the feet of the mountains, saving a little way that was cut out of the main rock by man's hand, and a narrow strait path by the water's side, very unhandesome for an army to pass that way, though they found not a man to keep the passage. There were some in the army that counseled Titus to fetch a great compass about by the country of DASSARETIDE, and by the city of LYNCUS, where the country is very plain, and the way marvelous easy. Howbeit he stood in great fear he should lack victuals, if he stayed far from the sea, and happily if he fell into any barren or lean country, (Philip refusing the battle, and purposing to fly) he should be constrained in the end to return again towards the sea, without doing any thing, as his predecessor had done before. Wherefore he determined to cross the mountains to set upon his enemy, and to prove if he could win the passage by force. Now Philip kept the top of the mountains with his army, and when the romans forced to get up the hills, they were received with darts, slings, and shot, that lighted amongst them here & there: insomuch as the skirmish was very hot for the time it lasted, and many were slain and hurt on either side. But this was not the end of the war. For in the mean time there came certain neateherdes of the country unto Titus (who did use to keep beasts on these mountains) and told him they could bring him a way which they knew the enemies kept not: by the which they promised to guide his army so, that in three days at the furthest, they would bring them on the top of the mountain. And because they might be assured that their words were true, they said they were sent to him by Charopus, the son of Machatas. Charopus, (Machatas son) the chief man of the Epirots. This Caropus was the chiefest man of the EPIROTS, who loved the romans very well, yet he favoured them but under hand, for fear of Philip. Titus gave credit unto them, and so sent one of his Captains with them, with four thousand footmen, and three hundred horsemen. The heard men that were their guides, went before still, fast bound: and the romans followed after. All the day time the army rested in thick woods, and marched all night by moon light, which was then by good hap at the full. Titus having sent these men away, rested all the rest of his camp: saving that some days he entertained them with some light skirmishes to occupy the enemy withal. But the same day, when his men that fetched a compass about, should come unto the top of the mountain above the camp of his enemies, he brought all his army out of the camp by break of day, & divided them into three troops, with the one of them he himself went on that side of the river where the way is straightest, making his bands to march directly against the side of the hill. The MACEDONIANS again, they shot lustily at them from the height of the hill, and in certain places amongst the rocks they came to the sword. At the self same time, the two other troops on either hand of him did their endeavour likewise to get up the hill, and as it were envying one an other, they climbed up with great courage against the sharp and steep hanging of the mountain. When the sun was up, they might see a far of as it were, a certain smoke, T. Q. possessed the straights of the mountain. not very bright at the beginning, much like to the mists we see commonly rise from the tops of the mountains. The enemies could see nothing, because it was behind them, & that the top of the mountain was possessed with the same. The romans, though they were not assured of it, did hope being in the midst of the fight, that it was their fellows they looked for. But when they saw it increased still more, & more, & in such sort, that it darkened all the air: then they did assure themselves it was certainly the token their men did give them that they were come. Then they began to cry out, clyminge up the hills with such a lusty courage, that they drove their enemies up the hill still, even unto the very rough and hardest places of the mountain. Their fellows also that were behind the enemies, did answer them with like loud cries from the top of the mountain: wherewith the enemies were so astonished, The Macedonians flee. that they fled presently upon it. Notwithstanding, there were not slain above two thousand of them, because the hardness & straightness of the place did so guard them, that they could not be chased. But the romans spoilt their camp, took all that they found in their tents, took also their slaves, & won the passage into the mountains, by the which they entered the country of EPIRUS: & did pass through it so quietly, & with so great abstinence, that though they were far from their ships & the sea, & lacked their ordinary portion of corn which they were wont to have monthely, & that victuals were very scant with them at that time, yet they never took any thing of the country, though they found great store & plenty of all riches in it. For Titus was advertised, that Philip passing by THESSALY, Philip's flying king of Macedon. and flying for fear, had caused the inhabitants of the cities to get them to the mountains, & then to set fire on their houses, & to leave those goods they could not carry away, by reason of the weight & unhandsome carriage thereof, to the spoil of his soldiers: & so (as it seemed) he left the whole country to the conquest of the romans. T. Q. Flaminius modesty, sorbearing spoil: wan him many friends. Whereupon Titus looking considerately to his doings, gave his men great charge to pass through the country without doing any hurt or mischief, as the same which their enemies had now left to them as their own. So they tarried not long to enjoy the benefit of their orderly and wise forbearing of the country. For, so soon as they were entered THESSALY, the cities willingly yielded themselves unto them: & the grecians inhabiting beyond the country of THERMOPYLES, did marvelously desire to see Titus, ask no other thing, but to put themselves into his hands. The ACHAIANS also on the other side, did renounce the league & alliance they had made with Philip: and furthermore did determine in their counsel, to make war with him on the romans side. And although the AETOLIANS were at that time friends and confederates with the romans, & that they did show themselves very loving to take their part in these wars: nevertheless when they desired the OPUNTIANS that they would put their city into their hands, and were offered that it should be kept & defended from Philip: they would not hearken thereto, but sent for Titus, & put themselves & their goods wholly into his protection. They say, that when king Pyrrus first saw the romans army range in order of battle from the top of a hill, he said: this order of the barbarous people, setting of their men in battle ray, Pyrrus saying of the romans army. was not done in a barbarous manner. And those also that never had seen Titus before, & came for to speak with him: were compelled in a manner to say as much. For where they had heard the MACEDONIANS say, that there came a Captain of the barbarous people that destroyed all before him by force of arms, & subdued whole countries by violence: they said to the contrary, that they found him a man, in deed young of years, howbeit gentle, & courteous to look on, & that spoke the Greek tongue excellently well, & was a lover only of true glory. By reason whereof they returned home marvelous glad, & filled all the cities & towns of GREECE with goodwill towards him, and said: they had seen Titus the Captain, that would restore them to their ancient liberty again. Then it much more appeared, when Philip showed himself willing to have peace, and that Titus also did offer it him, and the friendship of the people of ROME, with these conditions: that he would leave the grecians their whole liberties, & remove his garrisons out of their cities and strong holds: which Philip refused to do. And thereupon all GREECE, and even those which favoured Philip, said with one voice: that the romans were not come to make wars with them, but rather with the MACEDONIANS in favour of the grecians. Whereupon all GREECE came in, & offered themselves unto Titus without compulsion. And as he passed through the country of BOEOTIA, without any show at all of wars, the chiefest men of the city of THEBES went to meet him: who though they took part with the king of MACEDON, because of a private man called Brachylelis, yet they would honour Titus, as those which were contented to keep league & friendship with either side. Titus embraced them, & spoke very courteously unto them, going on his way still fair & softly, entertaining them sometime with one matter, & sometime with an other, & kept them talk of purpose, to the end his soldiers being wearied with iornying, might in the mean time take good breath: & so marching on, by little & little, he entered into the city with them. Wherewith the Lords of THEBES were not greatly pleased, but yet they durst not refuse him, though he had not at that time any number of soldiers about him. When he was within THEBES, he prayed audience, & began to persuade the people (as carefully as if he had not had the city already) that they would rather take part with the romans, then with the king of MACEDON. And to further Titus purpose, king Attalus being by chance at that time in the assembly, King Attalus death. did help to exhort the THEBANS very earnestly, that they would do as Titus persuaded them. But Attalus was more earnest than become a man of his years, for the desire he had (as was imagined) to show Titus his eloquence: who did so strain and move himself withal, that he sounded suddenly in the midst of his oration, whereby the rheum fell down so fast upon him, that it took away his senses, so as he fell in a trance before them all, and few days after was conveyed again by sea into ASIA, where he lived not long after. In the mean time, the BOEOTIANS came into the romans, & took their part. The Boeotians yield unto the romans. And Philip having sent Ambassadors to ROME, Titus also sent thither of his men to solicit for him, in two respects. The one, if the wars continued against Philip, that then they would prolong his time there. The other, if the Senate did grant him peace: that they would do him the honour, as to make and conclude it with Philip. For Titus of his own nature being very ambitious, did fear lest they would sand a successor to continue those wars, who should take the glory from him, and make an end of them. But his friends made such earnest suit for him, that neither king Philip attained that he prayed: neither was there sent any other general in Titus' place, but he still continued his charge in these wars. Wherefore, so soon as he had received his commission & authority from the Senate, he went strait towards THESSALY, with great hope to overcome Philip. For he had in his army above six & twenty thousand fight men, Quintius army. whereof the AETOLIANS made six thousand footmen, and three thousand horsemen. King Philip's army on tother side was no less in number, & they began to march one towards the other, until at the length they both drew near the city of SCOTUSA, King Philip and Quintius met with their armies near Scotusa. where they determined to try the battle. So, neither they nor their men were afraid, to see themselves one so near an other: but rather to the contrary, the romans on the one side took greater heart & courage unto them, desiring to fight, as thinking with themselves what great honour they should win to overcome the MACEDONIANS, who were so highly esteemed for their valiantness, by reason of the famous acts that Alexander the great did by them. And the MACEDONIANS on the other side also, taking the romans for other manner of soldiers than the PERSIANS, began to have good hope if they might win the field, to make king Philip more famous in the world, than ever was Alexander his father. Titus then calling his men together, spoke, & exhorted them to stand to it like men, & to show themselves valiant soldiers in this battle, as those which were to show the proof of their valiantness in the heart of GREECE: the goodliest Theatre of the world, & against their enemies of most noble fame. Philip then by chance, or forced to it by the speed he made, because they were both ready, to join: did get up unwares upon a charnel house, (where they had buried many bodies, being a little hill raised up above the rest, & near the trenches of his camp) and there began to encourage his soldiers, as all generals do before they give battle. Who when he saw them all discouraged, for they took it for an ill sign that he was gotten up on the top of a grave to speak unto them: he of a conceit at the matter, did of himself defer to give battle that day. The next morning, because the night was very wet by reason the sooth winds had blown, the clouds were turned to a mist, & filled all the valley with a dark gross thick air, coming from the mountains thereabouts, which covered the field between both camps with a mist all the morning by reason whereof the scouts on both sides that were sent to discover what the enemies did, in very short time met together, & one gave charge upon an other in a place they call the dogs heads, which are points of rocks placed upon little hills one before an other, and very near, one unto an other; which have been called so, because they have had some likeness of it. In this skirmish there were many changes, as commonly falleth out when they fight in such ill favoured stony places. For sometime the romans fled, and the MACEDONIANS chased them; an other time the MACEDONIANS that followed the chase, were glad to fly themselves, & the romans who fled before, now had them in chase. This change & alteration came by sending new supplies still from both camps, to relieve them that were distressed & driven to fly. Now began the mist to break up, & the air to clear so that both generals might seenbout th●̄ what was done in either camp: by reason whereof both of them drew on their army to the field & battle. So Philip had the vantage on the right wing of his army, which was placed on the height of an hanging hill from which they came so a main to set upon the romans, & with such a fury than the strongest & valiantest that could be, had never been able to abide the front of their battle, so closely were they joined together, & their wall of pikes was so strong. But on his left wing it was not so, because the ranks of his battle could not join so near, nor close target to target, the place being betwixt the hills & the rocks, where the battle was coming so as they were compelled by reason of the straightness & unevennes of the ground, to leave it open, & unfurnished in many places. Battle between Quintius and Philip king of Macedon. Titus finding that disadvantage, went from the left wing of his battle which he saw overlaid by the right wing of his enemies, & going suddenly toward the left wing of king Philip's battle, he set upon the MACEDONIANS on that side, where he saw they could not close their ranks in the front, nor join them together in the midst of the battle (which is the whole strength & order of the MACEDONIAN fight) because the field was up hill & down hill: The property of the Macedonian battle. & to fight hand to hand they were so pestered behind, that one thronged & overlaid an other. For the battle of the MACEDONIANS hath this property, that so long as the order is kept close & joined together, it seemeth as it were but the body of a beast of a force invincible. But also after that it is once open, & that they are sundered & not joined together, it doth not only lose the force & power of the whole body, but also of every private soldier that fighteth: partly by reason of the diversity of the weapons wherewith they fight, & partly for that their whole strength consisteth most, in the disposing & joining together of their ranks & orders which doth stay up one an other, more than doth every private soldiers strength. So when this left wing of the MACEDONIANS was broken, & that they ran their way: one part of the romans followed the chase, & the other ran to give a charge upon the flanks of the right wing which fought yet, and they made great slaughter of them. Whereupon they now which before had the vantage, began to stagger and break, & in the end ran away as fast as the other did, throwing down their weapons: Quintius overcome philip's army. insomuch as there were slain of them eight thousand in the field, and five thousand taken prisoners in the chase. And had not the fault been in the AETOLIANS, Philip had not saved himself by flying as he did. For whilst the romans had their enemies in chase, the AETOLIANS tarried, and rifled all king Philip's camp, Mutiny betwixt the AEtolians & the romans. so as they had left the romans nothing to spoil at their return. Whereupon there grew great quarrel, & hot words between them, & one with an other. But afterwards they angered Titus worse, challenging the honour of this victory to the selves, because they gave it out through GREECE, that they alone had overthrown king Philip in the battle. So that in the songs and ballets the Poets made in praise of this victory, which every country & towns man had in his mouth: they always put the AETOLIANS before the romans, as in this that followeth, which was currently sung in every place. O friend, which passest by: here lie we wretched pheares, Withouten honour of the grave, without lamenting tears. We thirty thousand were, which ended have our days: In cruel coasts of Thessaly, which caused our decays. Alcaeus verses in disgrace of king Philip. We have been overthrown by th' AEtolians men of war: And by the Latin crews likewise, whom Titus led from far. Even out of Italy, to Macedon land, Us to destroy, he (captain like) did come with mighty band. And Philip stout, therewhiles for all his proud fierce face: Is fled more swift, than hearts do ran, which are pursued in chase. The Poet was Alcaeus that made these verses for to sing, who did them in disgrace of king Philip, falsely increasing the number of his men which died in the battle, only to shame and spite him the more: howbeit he spited Titus thereby, more than Philip, because it was song in every place. For Philip laughed at it, & to encounter him again with the like mock, he made a song to counterfeit his, as followeth. Philip's verses against Alcaeus. This gibbet on this hill, which passers by may mark. Was set to hung Alcaeus up, without in leaves or bark. But Titus took it grievously, who chief desired to be honoured amongst the grecians, by reason whereof from that time forwards he dealt in the rest of his matters alone, Privy grudge betwixt Quintius and the AEtolians. without making account of the AETOLIANS: wherewith they were marvelous angry, & specially when he received an Ambassador from Philip, and gave care unto a treaty of peace which he offered. For than they were so nettled against him, that they gave it out through all GREECE, that Titus had sold peace unto Philip, when he might altogether have ended the war, and utterly have destroyed Philip's whole power and Empire, who had first brought GREECE into bondage. These slanderous reports & false tales which the AETOLIANS spread thus abroad, did much trouble the romans friends and confederates: but Philip self pulled this suspicion out of their heads, when he came in person to require peace, and did submit himself wholly to the discretion of Titus and the romans. Titus then granted him peace, T. Quintius granted Philip peace. and delivered to him his realm of MACEDON, and commanded him he should give over all that he held in GREECE, and beside, that he should pay one thousand talents for tribute, taking from him all his army by sea, saving only ten ships: and for assurance of this peace, he took one of his sons for hostage, whom he sent to ROME. Wherein Titus certainly did very well, and wisely did foresee the time to come. For then Hannibal of CARTHAGE, Hannibal was with king Antiochus. (the great enemy of the romans) was banished out of his country, and comen to king Antiochus, whom he put in the head, and earnestly moved, to follow his good fortune, and the increase of his Empire. Whom Hannibal so followed with these persuasions, that king Antiochus at length was come to it. And trusting to his former good success, and notable acts, whereby in the wars before he had attained the surname of great: he began now to aspire to the monarchy of the whole world, & sought how to find occasion to make wars with the romans. So that if Titus (foreseeing that a far of) had not wisely inclined to peace, but that the wars of Antiochus had fallen out together with the wars of king Philip, and that these two the mightiest Princes of the world had joined together against the city of ROME: than it had been in as great trouble and danger, as ever it was before, in the time of their wars against Hannibal. Howbeit Titus having happily thrust in this peace between both wars, he cut of the war that was present, before the other that was coming: by which means he took from one of the kings his last, and from the other his first hope. In the mean time, the ten commissioners that were sent by the Senate from ROME to Titus, to aid and assist him in the order of the affairs of GREECE: did counsel him to set all the rest of GREECE at liberty, and only to keep in their hands with good garrison, the cities of CHALCIDE, of CORINTHE, and of DEMETRIADE, to make sure that by practice they should not enter into league and alliance with Antiochus. Then the AETOLIANS (that were the common slanderers of Titus' proceedings) began openly to make these cities to rebel, and did summon Titus to lose the chains of GREECE: Chalcide, Corinthe, Demetriade, called by Philip of Macedon, the Chains of Greece. for so did king Philip call these three cities. Then they asked the grecians in mockery, whether they were willing now to have heavier fetters on their legs, than before, being somewhat brighter and fairer than those they had been shackled with: and also whether they were not greatly beholding to Titus for taking of the fetters from the grecians legs, and tying them about their necks. Titus being marvelously troubled and vexed with this, moved the ten counsellors so earnestly, that he made them grant his request in the end, that those three cities also should be delivered from garrison: because the grecians thenceforth might no more complain, that his grace and liberality was not thoroughly performed, and accomplished in every respect on them all. Wherefore, when the feast called Isthmia was come, Isthmia. there were gathered together an infinite multitude of people come to see the sport of the games played there: for GREECE having been long time troubled with wars, they seeing themselves now in sure peace, & in very good hope of full liberty, looked after no other thing, but delighted only to see games, and to make merry. Proclamation was then made by sound of trumpet in the assembly, that every man should keep silence. That done, the herald went forward, and thrust into the midst of the multitude, and proclaimed out aloud: that the Senate of ROME, and Titus Quintius Flaminius, Consul of the people of ROME (now that they had overthrown king Philip and the MACEDONIANS in battle) did thenceforth discharge from all garrisons, and set at liberty from all taxes, subsidies, and impositions for ever, to live after their old ancient laws, and in full liberty: the CORINTHIANS, the LOCRIANS, those of PHOCIDE, those of the isle of EUBOEA, the ACHAIANS, the PATHIOTES, the MAGNESIANS, the THESSALIANS, and the PERRHOEDEIANS. At the first time of the proclamation, all the people could not hear the voice of the herald, and the most part of those that heard him, could not tell distinctly what he said: for there ran up and down the show place where the games were played, a confused brute and tumult of the people that wondered, and asked what the matter ment, so as the herald was driven again to make the proclamation. Whereupon after silence made, the herald putting out his voice far louder than before, did proclaim it in such audible wise, that the whole assembly heard him: and then rose there such a loud shout and cry of joy through the whole people, that the sound of it was heard to the sea. Then all the people that had taken their places, & were set to see the Swordplayers play, rose up all on their feet, letting the games alone, and went together with great joy to salute, to embrace, and to thank Titus the recoverer, protector, and patron of all their liberties of GREECE. Then was seen (which is much spoken of) the power of men's voices: for crows fell down at that present time among the people, Crows flying, fell down by the sound of men's voices. which by chance flew over the show place at that time that they made the same out shout. This came to pass, by reason the air was broken and cut a sunder, with the vehemency and strength of the voices, so as it had not his natural power in it, to keep up the flying of the birds: which were driven of necessity to fall to the ground, as flying through a void place where they lacked air. Unless we will rather say, that it was the violence of the cry, which struck the birds passing through the air, as they had been hit with arrows, and so made them fall down dead to the earth. It may be also, that there was some hurlinge wind in the air, as we do see sometime in the sea, when it riseth high, and many times turneth about the waves, by violence of the storm. So it is, that if Titus had not prevented the whole multitude of people which came to see him, and that he had not got him away betimes, before the games were ended: he had hardly scaped from being stifled amongst them, the people came so thick about him from every place. But after that they were weary of crying, and singing about his pavilion until night, in the end they went their way: and as they went, if they met any of their kin, friends or citizens, they did kiss and embrace one an other for joy, and so supped, and made merry together. In their more rejoicing yet, as we may think full well, they had no other talk at the table, but of the wars of GREECE, discoursing amongst them what sundry great wars they had made, what they had endured heretofore, and all to defend and recover their liberty. And yet for all that, they could never so joyfully nor more assuredly obtain it, than they did even at that present, receiving the honourablest reward, & that which deserved greatest fame through the world: that by the valiantness of strangers who fought for the same (without any spilled blood of their own in comparison, or that they lost the life of any one man, whose death they had cause to lament) they were so restored to their ancient freedom and liberty. It is a very rare thing amongst men, to find a man very valiant, and wise withal: but yet of all sorts of valiant men, it is harder to find a just man. For Agesilaus, Lysander, Nicias, Alcibiades, and all other the famous Captains of former times, had very good skill to lead an army, and to win the battle, as well by sea as by land: but to turn their victories to any honourable benefit, or true honour among men, they could never skill of it. And if you do except the battle against the barbarous people, in the plain of MARATHON, the battle of SALAMINA, the journey of PLATEES, the battle of THERMOPYLES, the battle Cimon fought about CYPRUS, and upon the river of Eurymedon: all the other wars & battles of GREECE that were made, fell out against themselves, and did ever bring them into bondage: and all the tokens of triumph which ever were set up for the same, was to their shame and loss. So that in the end, GREECE was utterly destroyed and overthrown, and that chief through the wickedness and self will of her governors and captains of the cities, one envying an others doing. Where a strange nation, the which (as it should seem) had very small occasion to move them to do it (for that they have had no great familiarity with ancient GREECE, & through the counsel & good wisdom of the which it should seem very strange that GREECE could receive any benefit) have notwithstanding with dangerous battles and infinite troubles, delivered it from oppression, and servitude, of violent Lords and tyrants. This, and such like talk, did at that time occupy the grecians heads: and moreover, the deeds following did answer and perform the words of the proclamation. For at one self time, Titus sent Lentulus into ASIA, to set the BARGYLIANS at liberty, and Titillius into THRACIA, to remove the garrisons out of the Isles & cities which Philip had kept there: and Publius julius was sent also into ASIA, unto king Antiochus, to speak unto him to set the grecians at liberty which he kept in subjection. Quintin●care to establish the liberty of the grecians. And as for Titus, he went himself unto the city of CHALCIDE, where he took sea, and went into the province of MAGNESIA, out of the which he took all the garrisons of the cities, and redelivered the government of the common wealth unto the citizens of the same. Afterwards when time came, that the feast of Nemea was celebrated in the city of ARGOS in the honour of Hercules, The feast Nemea kept at Argos. Titus was chosen judge, & rector of the games that were played there: where, after he had set all things in very good order, pertaining unto the solemnity of the feast, he caused again solemn proclamation to be made openly, for the general liberty of all GREECE. Furthermore, visiting the cities, he did establish very good laws, reformed justice, and did set the inhabitants and citizens of every one of them in good peace, amity, and concord one with an other: and did call home also all those that were outlaws and banished men, and pacified all old quarrels and dissensions among them. The which did no less please and content him, that by persuasions he could bring the grecians to be reconciled one with the other: then if he had by force of arms overcome the MACEDONIANS. Insomuch, as the recovery of the liberty which Titus had restored unto the grecians, seemed unto them the lest part of the goodness they had received at his hands. They say, that Lycurgus the orator seeing the collectors of taxes, carry Zenocrates the Philosopher one day to prison, Lycurgus' the orator, rescued Zenocrates the Philosopher, & saved him from prison. for lack of payment of a certain imposition, which the strangers inhabiting within the city of ATHENS were to pay: he rescued him from them by force, and moreover prosecuted law so hard against them, that he made them pay a fine for the injury they had done unto so worthy a person. And they tell, how the same Philosopher afterwards meeting Lycurgus' children in the city, said unto them. I do well requited your father's good turn he did me: for I am the cause that he is praised and commended of every man, for the kindness he showed on my behalf. So the good deeds of the romans, and of Titus Quintius Flaminius unto the grecians, did not only reap this benefit unto them, in recompense that they were praised and honoured of all the world: but they were cause also of increasing their dominions and Empire over all nations, and that the world afterwards had great affiance and trust in them, and that most justly. So that the people and cities did not only receive the Captains and governors the romans sent them: but they also went to ROME unto them, and procured them to come, and did put themselves into their hands. And not only the cities and commonalties, but kings & princes also (which were oppressed by other more mighty than themselves) had no other refuge, but to put themselves under their protection: by reason whereof in a very short time (with the favour and help of the gods as I am persuaded) all the world came to submit themselves to their obedience, and under the protection of their Empire. Titus also did glory more, that he had restored GREECE again unto liberty, then in any other service or exploit he had ever done. For when he offered up unto the temple of Apollo in the city of DELPHES, the targets of silver with his own shield, he made these verses to be graven upon them, in effect as followeth. O noble twins Tyndarides, Dan love his children dear: Throw out loud shouts of joy, and mirth, rejoice and make good cheer. O noble kings of Spartan soil, which take delight to ride, Your trampling steeds, with foamy bit, and trappings by their side: Rejoice you now, for Titus he, the valiant Roman knight, These gifts so great to you hath got, even by his force and might: That having taken clean away, from of the greekish necks, The heavy yoke of servitude, which held them thrall to checks, Unto their former liberty, he hath restored them free, Which altogether perished was, as men might plainly see. He gave a crown of massy gold unto Apollo, upon the which he made this inscription to be written. A valiant Roman knight, even Titus by his name, A captain worthy by desert, of high renown and fame: To thee (Apollo god) this crown of pure fine gold, Hath given thy godhead to adorn, with ivells' manifold, Therefore let it thee please (Apollo god of grace) With favour to requited this love, to him and to his race: That his renowned fame, and virtue may be spread, And blazed through the world so wide, to show what life he led. So hath the city of CORINTHE enjoyed this good hap, that the grecians have been twice proclaimed to be set at liberty: the first time by Titus Quintius Flaminius, and the second time, by Nero in our time, Nero did set Greece at liberty. and at the self same instant when they solemnly kept the feast called Isthmia. Howbeit the first proclamation of their liberty (as we have told ye before) was done by the voice of a herald: and the second time it was done by Nero himself, who proclaimed it in an oration he made unto the people in open assembly, in the market place of the city of CORINTHE. But it was a long time after. Furthermore, Titus began then a goodly and just war against Nabis, the cursed and wicked tyrant of LACEDAEMON. Howbeit in the end he deceived the expectation of GREECE. For when he might have taken him, he would not do it, but made peace with him, forsaking poor SPARTA unworthily oppressed under the yoke of bondage: Why Quintius made peace with Nabis the tyrant of Lacedaemon. either because he was afraid that if the war held on, there should come a successor unto him from ROME, that should carry the glory away to end the same, or else he stood jealous and envious of the honour they did unto Philopoemen. The honour of Philopoemen. Who having showed himself in every place as excellent a Captain as ever came in GREECE, and having done notable acts and famous service, both of great wisdom, and also of valiantness, and specially in the ACHAIANS war: he was as much honoured & reverenced of the ACHAIANS, in the theatres and common assemblies, even as Titus was. Whereat Titus was marvelously offended, for he thought it unreasonable, that an ARCADIAN who had never been general of an army, but in small little wars against his neighbours, should be as much esteemed and honoured, as a Consul of ROME, that was come to make wars for the recovery of the liberty of GREECE. But Titus alleged reasonable excuse for his doings, saying that he saw very well he could not destroy this tyrant Nabis, without the great loss and misery of the other SPARTANS. Furthermore, of all the honours the ACHAIANS ever did him (which were very great) me thinks there was none that came near any recompense of his honourable and well deserving, but one only present they offered him, and which he above all the rest most esteemed: and this it was. During the second wars of AFRICEE, which the romans had against Hannibal, many romans were taken prisoners in the sundry battles they lost, and being sold here and there, remained slaves in many countries: and amongst other, there were dispersed in GREECE to the number of twelve hundred, Twelve hundred romans sold for slaves. which from time to time did move men with pity and compassion towards them, that saw them in so miserable change and state of fortune. But then much more was their misery to be pitied, when these captives found in the romans army, some of them their sons, other their brethren, and the rest their fellows and friends, free, and conquerors, and themselves slaves and bondmen. It grieved Titus much to see these poor men in such miserable captivity, notwithstanding he would not take them by force from those that had them. Whereupon the ACHAIANS redeemed and bought them for five hundred pence a man, The Achaians redeemed the romans that were sold for slaves in Greece. and having gathered them together into a troop, they presented all the ROMAN captives unto Titus, even as he was ready to take ship to return into ITALY: which present made him return home with greater joy and contentation, having received for his noble deeds so honourable a recompense, and worthy of himself, that was so loving a man to his citizens and country. And surely, that only was the ornament (in my opinion) that did most beautify his triumph. For these poor redeemed captives did that, which the slaves are wont to do on that day when they be set at liberty: to wit, The ceremony of slaves ma●onised. T. Quintius triumph. they shave their heads, and do wear little hats upon them. The romans that were thus redeemed, did in like manner: and so followed Titus charet, on the day of his triumph and entry made into ROME in the triumphing manner. It was a goodly sight also, to see the spoils of the enemies, which were carried in the show of this triumph: as, store of helmets after the grecians fashion, heaps of targets, shields, and pikes after the MACEDONIAN manner, with a wonderful sum of gold and silver. For Itanus the historiographer writeth, that there was brought a marvelous great mass of treasure in niggots of gold, of three thousand seven hundred and thirteen pound weight, and of silver, of forty three thousand, two hundred, three score and ten pound weight, and of gold ready coined in pieces called Philip's fourteen thousand, five hundred, and fourteen, besides the thousand talents king Philip should pay for a ransom. The which sum, the romans afterwards forgave him, chief at Titus' suit and intercession, who procured that grace for him, and caused him to be called a friend and confederate of the people of ROME, and his son Demetrius to be sent unto him again, who remained before as an hostage at ROME. Shortly after, king Antiochus went out of ASIA into GREECE with a great fleet of ships, and a very puissant army, to stir up the cities to forsake their league and alliance with the romans, and to make a dissension amongst them. To further this his desire and enterprise, the AETOLIANS did aid and back him, which of long time had borne great and secret malice against the romans, and desired much to have had wars with them. So they taught king Antiochus to say, that the war which he took in hand, was to set the grecians at liberty, whereof they had no need, because they did already enjoy their liberty: but for that they had no just cause to make war, they taught him to cloak it the honestest way he could. Wherefore the romans fearing greatly the rising of the people, & the rumour of the power of this great king, they sent thither Manius Acilius their general, and Titus, one of his lieutenants for the grecians sakes. Which arrival did the more assure them that already bore good will to the romans, after they had once seen Manius and Titus: Manius Acilius Consud, & T. Quintius Lieutenant seen into Greece. and the rest that began to fly out, and to shrink from them, those Titus kept in obedience from starting, remembering them of the friendship and good will they had borne him, even like a good skilful physician that could give his patient physic to preserve him from a contageous disease. In deed there were some (but few of them) that left him, which were won and corrupted before by the AETOLIANS: and though he had just cause of offence towards them, yet he saved them after the battle. For king Antiochus being overcome in the country of THERMOPYLES, fled his way, and in great haste took the sea to return into ASIA. And the Consul Manius following his victory, Antiochus' overthrown in Thermopyles, by Manius the Consul. entered into the country of the AETOLIANS, where he took certain towns by force, and left the other for a pray unto king Philip. So Philip king of MACEDON on the one side, spoiled and sacked the DOLOPIANS, the MAGNESIANS, the ATHAMANIANS, and the APERANTINES: and the Consul Manius on the other side, destroyed the city of HERACLEA, and laid siege to the city of NAUPACTUN, which the AETOLIANS kept. But Titus taking compassion of them, to see the poor people of GREECE thus spoiled and turned out of all: went out of PELOPONNESUS (where he was then) unto Manius Acilius camp, and there reproved him for suffering king Philip to usurp the benefit and reward of his honourable victory, still conquering many people, kings, and countries, whilst he continued siege before a city, and only to wreak his anger upon them. Afterwards, when they that were besieged saw Titus from their walls, they called him by his name, and held up their hands unto him, praying him he would take pity upon them: but he gave them never a word at that time, and turning his back unto them, he fell a weeping. Afterwards he spoke with Manius, and appeasing his anger, got him to grant the AETOLIANS truce for certain days, in which time they might send Ambassadors to ROME, to see if they could obtain grace and pardon of the Senate. Quintius entreateth for the AEtolians But the most trouble and difficulty he had, was to entreat for the CHALCIDIANS, with whom the Consul Manius was more grievously offended, then with all the rest: because that king Antiochus after the wars was begun, had married his wife in their city, when he was past years of marriage, and out of all due time. King Antiochus married Cleoptolemus daughter in the city of Chalcide. For he was now very old, and being in his extreme age, and in the midst of his wars, he fell in dotage with a young gentlewoman, the daughter of Cleoptolemus, the fairest woman that was at that time in all GREECE. Therefore the CHALCIDIANS were much affected unto king Antiochus, and did put their city into his hands, to serve him in this war, for a strong & safe retiring place. Whereupon, when Antiochus had lost the battle, he came thither with all possible speed, and taking from thence with him his passing fair young Queen which he had married, and his gold, his silver, and friends, he took the seas incontinently, and returned into ASIA. For this cause the Consul Manius having won the battle, did march strait with his army towards the city of CHALCID● in a great rage and fury. But Titus that followed him, did always lie upon him to pacify his anger, and did so much entreat him, together with the other romans of state and authority in counsel: that in the end, he got him to pardon them of CHALCIDE also. Who, because they were preserved from peril by his means, they, to recompense this fact of his, did consecrated unto him, all their most stately and sumptuous buildings and common works in their city, as appeareth yet by the superscriptions remaining to be seen at this day. As in the show place of exercises: The people of CHALCIDE did dedicated this show place of exercises, unto Titus & Hercules. Honours done unto T. Quintius for saving the Chilcidians and the grecians. And in the temple called Delphinium: The people of CHALCIDE did consecrated this temple, unto Titus, and unto Apollo. And furthermore, unto this present time, there is a priest chosen by the voice of the people, purposely to do sacrifice unto Titus: in which sacrifice, after that the thing sacrificed is offered up, and wine powered upon it, the people standing by, do sing a song of triumph made in praise of him. But because it were to long to write it all out, we have only drawn in brief the latter end of the same: and this it is. The clear unspotted faith, of romans we adore, And vow to be their faithful friends, both now and ever more. Sing out you Muses nine, to loves eternal fame, Sing out the honour due to Rome, and Titus worthy name. Sing out (I say) the praise, of Titus and his faith: By whom you have preserved been, from ruin, dole, and death. Now the CHALCIDIANS did not alone only honour & reverence Titus, but he was generally honoured also by the grecians as he deserved, & was marvelously beloved for his courtesy and good nature: Quintius courtesy and good nature. which argueth plainly that they did not feignedly honour him, or through compulsion, but even from the heart. For though there was some jar betwixt him and Philopoemen at the first about service, for emulation of honour, Emulation betwixt T. Quintius and Philopoemen. and after betwixt him and Diophanes also, both generals of the ACHAIANS: yet he never bore them any malice in his heart, neither did his anger move him at any time to hurt them any way, but he ever ended the heat of his words, in counsel and assemblies, where he uttered his mind frankly to them both. Therefore none thought him ever a cruel man, or eager of revenge: but many have thought him rash, and hasty of nature. Otherwise, he was as good a companion in company as possibly could be, T. Quintius sayings. and would use as pleasant wise mirth as any man. As when he said to the ACHAIANS, on a time, who would needs unjustly usurp the isle of the ZACYNTHIANS, to dissuade them from it: my Lords of ACHAIA, if ye once go out of PELOPONNESUS, you put yourselves in danger, as the tortoises do, when they thrust their heads out of their shell. And the first time he parled with Philip to treat of peace when Philip said unto him, you have brought many men with you, and I am come alone. In deed it is true you are alone, said he, because you made all your friends and kin to be slain. another time, Dinocrates MESSINIAN being in ROME, after he had taken in his cups in a feast where he was, he disguised himself in woman's apparel, and danced in that manner: and the next day following he went unto Titus, to pray him to help him through with his suit, which was, to make the city of MESSINA to rebel, and leave the tribe of the ACHAIANS. Titus made him answer, that he would think upon it: but I can but wonder at you (said he) how you can dance in woman's apparel, and sing at a feast, having such matters of weight in your head. In the counsel of the ACHAIANS, king Antiochus ambassadors being come thither, to move them to break their league with the romans, Antiochus' Ambassadors do boast of their kings great army. and to make alliance with the king their master, they made a marvelous large discourse of the great multitude of soldiers that were in their master's army, and did number them by many diverse names. Whereunto Titus answered, and told how a friend of his having bidden him one night to supper, and having served so many dishes of meat to his board, Titus Quintius witty answer to the Ambassadors bragge●. as he was angry with him for bestowing so great cost upon him, as wondering how he could so suddenly get so much store of meat, and of so diverse kinds. My friend saved to me again, that all was but pork dressed so many ways, and with so sundry sauces. And even so (quod Titus) my Lords of ACHAIA, esteem not king Antiochus army the more, to hear of so many men of arms, numbered with their lances, and of such a number of footmen with their pikes: T. Quintius chosen Censor with Marcellus. for they are all but SYRIANS, diversely armed, only with ill favoured little weapons. Furthermore, after Titus had done these things, and that the war with Antiochus was ended, he was chosen Censor at ROME, with the son of that same Marcellus, who had been five times Consul. This office is of great dignity, and as a man may say, the crown of all the honours that a citizen of ROME can have in their common wealth. They put of the Senate, four men only: but they were not famous. They did receive all into the number of citizens of ROME, that would present themselves to be enroled in their common register: with a proviso, that they were borne free by father and mother. They were compelled to do it, by Terentius Culeo, Tribune of the people, who to despite the nobility, persuaded the people of ROME to command it so. Now at that time, two of the noblest and most famous men of ROME were great enemies one against an other: Publius Scipio AFRICAN, and Marcus Porcius Cato. P. Scipio and M. P. Cato great enemies. Secret grudge betwixt Titus and Cato. Of these two, Titus named Publius Scipio AFRICAN, to be prince of the Senate, as the chiefest and worthiest person in the city: and got the displeasure of the other, which was Cato, by this mishap. Titus had a brother called Lucius Quintius Elaminius, nothing like unto him in condition at all: for he was so dissolutely and licentiously given over to his pleasure, that he forgot all comeliness and honesty. This Lucius loved well a young boy, and carried him always with him when he went to the wars, or to the charge and government of any province. This boy flattering him, one day said unto Lucius Quintius, that he loved him so well, that he did leave the sight of the Swordplayers at the sharp, which were making ready to the fight, although he had never seen man killed before: to wait upon him. Lucius being very glad of the boy's words, answered him strait, thou shalt lose nothing for that my boy, A cruel deed of Lucius Quintius. for I will by & by please thee as well. So he commanded a condemned man to be fetched out of prison, and withal called for the hangman, whom he willed to strike of his head in the midst of his supper, that the boy might see him killed. Valerius Antias the historiographer writeth, that it was not for the love of the boy, but of a woman which he loved. But Titus Livius declareth, that in an oration which Cato himself made, it was written, that it was one of the GAULES: who being a traitor to his country men, was come to Flaminius' gate with his wife and children, and that Flaminius making him come into his hall, killed him with his own hands, to please a boy he loved, that was desirous to see a man killed. Howbeit it is very likely that Cato wrote in this sort, to aggravate the offence, and to make it more cruel. For, many have written it that it is true, and that he was no traitor, but an offender condemned to die: and among other, Cicero the orator doth recite it in a book he made of age, where he made it to be told unto Cato's own person. howsoever it was, Marcus Cato being chosen Censor, and cleansing the Senate of all unworthy persons, he put of the same Lucius Quintius Flaminius, Cato being Censor did put Lucius Quintius Flaminius of the Senate. although he had been Consul: which disgrace did seem to redound to his brother Titus Quintius Flaminius also. Whereupon both the brethren came weeping with all humility before the people, and made a petition that seemed very reasonable & civil: which was that they would command Cato to come before them, to declare the cause openly why he had with such open shame defaced so noble a house as theirs was. Cato then without delay, or shrinking back, came with his companion into the market place, where he asked Titus out aloud, if he knew nothing of the supper where such a fact was committed. Titus answered, he knew not of it. Then Cato opened all the whole matter as it was, and in the end of his tale, he bad Lucius Quintius swear openly, if he would deny that he had said was true. Lucius answered not a word. Whereupon the people judged the shame was justly laid upon him: and so to honour Cato, they did accompany him from the pulpit for orations, home unto his own house. But Titus being much offended at the disgrace of his brother, become enemy to Cato, and fell in with those that of long time had hated him. And so by practice he procured of the Senate, T. Quintius unworthy acts against Caro. that all bargains of leases, and all deeds of sales made by Cato during his office, were called in, and made void: and caused many suits also to be commenced against him. Wherein, I can not say he did wisely or civilly, to become mortal enemy to an honest man, a good citizen, and dutiful in his office, for his year, but unworthy kinsman, who had justly deserved the shame laid upon him. Notwithstanding, shortly after when the people were assembled in the Theatre to see games played, & the Senators were set according to their custom, in the most honourable places: Lucius Flaminius came in also, who in lowly and humble manner went to sit down in the furthest seats of the Theatre, without regard of his former honour: which when the people saw, they took pity of him, & could not abide to see him thus dishonoured. Lucius Quintius restored to his place by the people. T. Quintius ambition. So they cried out to have him come and sit among the other Senators the Consuls, who made him place, and received him accordingly. But to return again to Titus. The natural ambiton & covetous greedy mind he had of honour, was very well taken and esteemed, so long as he had any occasion offered him to exercise it in the wars, which we have spoken of before. For, after he had been Consul, of his own seeking he become a Colonel of a thousand footmen, not being called to it by any man. So when he began to stoop for age, and that he had given over as a man at the last cast, to bear office any longer in the state: they saw plainly he was ambitious beyond measure, to suffer himself in old age to be overcome with such youthful violence, being far unmeet for any of his years. For me thinks his ambition was the only cause that moved him to procure Hannibal's death, T. Quintius cause of Hannibal's death. which bred him much disliking and ill opinion with many. For, after Hannibal had fled out of his own country, he went first unto king Antiochus: who, after he lost the battle in PHAYGIA, was glad the romans granted him peace with such conditions as themselves would. Wherefore Hannibal fled again from him, and after he had long wandered up and down, at the length he came to the realm of BYTHINIA, and remained there about king Prusias, the romans knowing it well enough: and because Hannibal was then an old broken man, of no force nor power, and one whom fortune had spurned at her feet, they made no more reckoning of him. Titus' sent Ambassador unto Prusias king of Bythinia. But Titus being sent Ambassador by the Senate, unto Prusias king of BYTHINIA, and finding Hannibal there, it grieved him to see him alive. So that notwithstanding Prusias marvelously entreated him, to take pity upon Hannibal a poor old man, & his friend who came to him for succour: yet he could not persuade Titus to be content he should live. Hannibal long before had received answer of his death from an oracle, Hannibal deceived by an oracle concerning his death. to this effect. The land of Lybia, shall cover under movable, The valiant corpse of Hannibal, when he is dead and cold. So Hannibal understood that of LYBIA, as if he should have died in AFRICA, and been buried in CARTHAGE. Hannibal kept at Libyssa in Bythinia. There is a certain sandy country in BYTHINIA near to the seas side, where there is a little village called LIBYSSA, and where Hannibal remained continually. He mistrusting king Prusias faint heart, and fearing the romans malice also, had made seven privy caves and vaults under ground long before, that he might secretly go out at either of them which way he would, and every one of them came to the main vault where himself did lie, and could not be discerned outwardly. When it was told him that Titus had willed Prusias to deliver him into his hands, he sought then to save himself by those mines: but he found that all the ventes out, had watch and ward upon them by the kings commandment. So then he determined to kill himself. Now some say, that he wound a linen towel hard about his neck, Hannibal's death. and commanded one of his men he should set his knee upon his buttock, and weighing hard upon him, holding the towel fast he should pull his neck backward with all the power and strength he could, and never linne pressing on him, till he had strangled him. Other say that he drank bulls blood, as Midas and Themistocles had done before him. Midas and Themistocles poisoned themselves. Hannibal's last words. But Titus Livius wrytheth, that he had poison which he kept for such a purpose, and tempered it in a cup he held in his hands, and before he drank, he spoke these words. Come on, let us deliver the romans of this great care, sith my life is so grievous to them, that they think it to long to tarry the natural death of a poor old man, whom they hate so much: and yet Titus by this shall win no honourable victory, nor worthy the memory of the ancient romans, who advertised king Pyrrus their enemy, even when he made wars with them, and had won battles of them, that he should beware of poisoning which was intended towards him. Look in Pyrrus life for the story as large. And this was Hannibal's end, as we find it written. The news whereof being come to ROME unto the Senate, many of them thought Titus to violent and cruel, to have made Hannibal kill himself in that sort, when extremity of age had overcome him already, and was as a bird left naked, her feathers falling from her for age: and so much the more, because there was no instant occasion offered him to urge him to do it, but a covetous mind of honour, for that he would be chronicled to be the cause and author of Hannibal's death. And then in contrariwise they did much honour and commend the clemency and noble mind of Scipio AFRICAN. Scipio Africans clemency commended. Who having overcomen Hannibal in battle, in AFRIQUE self, and being then indeed to be feared, and had been never overcome before: yet he did not 'cause him to be driven out of his country, neither did ask him of the CARTHAGINIANS, but both then, & before the battle, when he parled with him of peace, he took Hannibal courteously by the hand, and after the battle, in the conditions of peace he gave them, he never spoke word of hurt to Hannibal's person, neither did he show any cruelty to him in his misery. Talk betwixt Scipio African & Hannibal. And they tell how afterwards they met again together in the city of EPHESUS, and as they were walking, that Hannibal took the upper hand of Scipio: and that Scipio bore it patiently, and left not of walking for that, neither showed any countenance of misliking. And in entering into discourse of many matters, they descended in the end to talk of ancient Captains: and Hannibal gave judgement, Hannibal's judgement of Captains. that Alexander the great was the famousest Captain, Tyrrus the second, and him self the third. Then Scipio smiling, gently asked him: what wouldst thou say then, if I had not overcome thee? Truly, quod Hannibal, I would not then put myself the third man, but the first, and above all the Captains that ever were. So divers greatly commending the goodly sayings and deeds of Scipio did marvelously mislike Titus, for that he had (as a man may say) laid his hands upon the death of an other man. Other to the contrary again said, it was well done of him, saying, that Hannibal so long as he lived, was a fire to the Empire of the romans, which lacked but one to blow it: and that when he was in his best force and lusty age, it was not his hand nor body that troubled the romans, so much, but his great wisdom and skill he had in the wars, and the mortal hate he bore in his heart towards the romans, which neither years, neither age would diminish or take away. For men's natural conditions do remain still, but fortune doth not always keep a state, but changeth still, and then quickeneth up our desires to set willingly upon those that war against us, because they hate us in their hearts. The things which fell out afterwards, did greatly prove the reasons brought out for this purpose, in discharge of Titus. For one Aristonicus, Aristonicus. son of a daughter of a player upon the cithern, under the fame and glory of Enmenes, whose bastard he was, filled all ASIA with war & rebellion, by reason the people rose in his favour. Again Mithridates, Mithridates. after so many losses he had received against Sylla and Eimbria, and after so many armies overthrown by battle and wars, and after so many famous Captains lost and killed: did yet recover again, and came to be of great power both by sea and land against Lucullus. Truly Hannibal was no lower brought than Caius Marius had been. Marius. For he had a king to his friend, that gave him entertainment for him and his family, and made him Admiral of his ships, and General of his horsemen and footmen in the field. Marius also went up and down AFRICA a begging for his living, insomuch as his enemies at ROME mocked him to scorn: & soon after notwithstanding they fell down at his feet before him, when they saw they were whipped, murdered, and slain within ROME by his commandment. Thus we see no man can say certainly he is mean or great, To be mean or great in this life is nothing: but death bringeth the estimation. by reason of the uncertainty of things to come: considering there is but one death, and change of better life. Some say also, that Titus did not this act alone, and of his own authority: but that he was sent Ambassador with Lucius Scipio to no other end, but to put Hannibal to death, by what means soever they could. Furthermore after this Ambassade, we do not find any notable thing written of Titus worthy of memory, neither in peace, nor in wars. For he died quietly of natural death at home in his country. THE COMPARISON OF Titus Quintius Flaminius with Philopoemen. IT is time now we come to compare them together. T. Quintius benefits unto Greece. Therefore as touching the great benefits that came to the grecians, neither Philopoemen, nor all the other former Captains are to be compared with Titus. For all the ancient Captains almost being grecians, made wars with other grecians: but Titus being a ROMAN, and no GRECIAN, made wars for the liberty of GREECE. When Philopoemen was not able to help his poor citizens distressed sore, & vexed with wars, he sailed away into CRETA. Titus having overcome Philip king of MACEDON in battle, did restore again to liberty all the people and cities of the same, which were kept before in bondage. And if any will, narrowly examine battles of either party: they shall find, that Philopoemen being General of the ACHAIANS, made more grecians to be slain, than Titus did of the MACEDONIANS, fighting with them for the liberty of the grecians. And for their imperfections, the one of them was ambitious, the other was as obstinate: the one was quick and suddenly angered, the other was very hard to be pacified. Titus' left king Philip his realm and crown after he had overcome him, and used great clemency towards the AETOLIANS: where Philopoemen for spite, Philopoemenes malice. & malice, took towns and villages from his own native country, and city, wherein he was borne, that had always paid them tribute. Furthermore, Titus continued a sound friend to them, to whom he had once professed friendship, and done pleasure unto: and Philopoemen, in a gear and anger, was ready to take away that he had given, and to overthrow the pleasure and good turn he had showed. For Philopoemen when he had done the LACEDÆMONIANS great pleasure, did afterwards raze the walls of their city, and spoiled and destroyed all their country: and lastly, overthrew their whole government. It seemeth also by reason of his immoderate choler, he was himself cause of his own death, for that he made more haste then good speed, to go out of time to set upon those of MASSINA: and not as Titus, Titus Quintius wiser than Philopoemen. who did all his affairs with wisdom, and ever considered what was best to be done. But if we look into the number of battles, and victories: the war which Titus made against Philip was ended with two battles. Whereas Philopoemen in infinite battles in which he had the better, never left it doubtful, but that his skill did ever help him the more to victory, than the good fortune he had. Moreover, Titus wan honour by means of the power of ROME, when it flourished most, and was in best prosperity: Philopoemen made himself famous by his deeds, Quintius commanded good soldiers: Philopoemen made good soldiers. when GREECE began to stoop and fall all together. So that the deeds of the one, were common to all the romans: & the deeds of the other, were private to himself alone. For Titus was General over good and valiant soldiers, that were already trained to his hand: and Philopoemen being chosen General, did train his men himself, & made them afterwards very expert and valiant, that were but mean and green soldiers before. And whereas Philopoemen had continual wars with the grecians, it was not for any good fortune he had, but that it made a certain proof of his valiantness. For where all other things are answerable to his, there we must judge that such as overcome, have the most courage. Now Philopoemen making wars with the most warlike nations of all GREECE, (as the CRETANS, and the LACEDÆMONIANS) did overcome the subtilest of them, by fineness and policy: and the most valiant, by prows and hardiness. But Titus overcame, by putting that only in practice, which was already found and established: as the discipline of the wars, and order of battle, in the which his soldiers had long before been trained. Whereas Philopoemen brought into his country, both the one and the other, and altered all the order which before they were accustomed unto. So that the chiefest point how to win a battle, was found out a new, and brought in by the one, into a place where it was never before: and only employed by the other, which could very good skill to use it, and had found it out already before. Again, touching the valiant acts done in the person of themselves, many notable acts may be told of Philopoemen, but none of Titus: but rather to the contrary. For there was one Arched●mus an AETOLIAN, who flowtinge Titus one day, said in his reproach: that at a day of battle, when Philopoemen ran with his sword in his hand, to that side where he saw the MACEDONIANS fighting, & making head against the enemy, Titus held up his hands unto heaven, and was busy at his prayers to the gods, not stirring one foot, when it was more time to handle the sword, & to sight of all hands. A General must nes be at his prayers, when he should occupy his sword. All the goodly deeds Titus ever did, were done always as a Consul, or Lieutenant, or a Magistrate: whereas Philopoemen showed himself unto the ACHAIANS, a man no less valiant, and of execution, being out of office, then when he was a General. For when he was a General, he did drive Nabis the tyrant of the LACEDÆMONIANS out of MESSINA, and delivered the MASSENIANS out of bondage: and being a private man, he shut the gates of the city of SPARTA, in the face of Diophanes (General of the ACHAIANS) and of Titus Quintius Flaminius, and kept them both from coming in, and thereby saved the city from sacking. Thus being borne to command, he knew not only how to command according to the law, but could command the law itself upon necessity, & when the common wealth required it. For at such a time he would not tarry, while the Magistrates which should govern him, did give him authority to command, but he took it of himself, and used them when the time served: esteeming him in deed their General, that knew better than they what was to be done, then him whom they chose of themselves. And therefore they do well, that do commend Titus' acts, for his clemency, and courtesy, used to the grecians: but much more the noble and valiant acts of Philopoemen unto the romans. Quintius clemency to the grecians: Philopoemenes live to the romans. For it is much easier to pleasure and gratify the weak, than it is to hurt and resist the strong. Therefore, sithence we have thoroughly examined, and compared the one with the other: it is very hard to judge altogether the difference that is between them. Peradventure therefore the judgement would not seem very ill, if we do give the GRECIAN, for discipline of war, the pre-eminence and praise of a good Captain: and to the ROMAN, for justice and clemency, the name and dignity of a most just and courteous gentleman. The end of Titus Quintius Flaminius life. THE LIFE OF Pyrrus. IT is written, that since noah's flood, the first king of the THESPROTIANS, and of the MOLOSSIANS, was Phaethon, one of those who came with Pelasgus, into the realm of EPIRUS. Pyrrus kindred, and beginning of the kingdom of Epirus. But some say otherwise, that Deucalion, and his wife Pyrra remained there, after they had built and founded the temple of Dodone, in the country of the MOLOSSIANS. But howsoever it was, a great while after that, Neoptolemus the son of Achilles, bringing thither a great number of people with him, conquered the country, and after him left a succession of kings, which were called after his name, the Pyrrides: because that from his infancy he was surnamed Pyrrus, Pyrrus, red. as much to say, as red: and one of his legitimate sons whom he had by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodes, the son of Hillus, was also named by him Pyrrus. And this is the cause why Achilles is honoured as a god in EPIRUS, being called in their language, Aspetoes, that is to say, mighty, or very great. But from the first kings of that race until the time of Tharrytas, there is no memory nor mention made of them, nor of their power that reigned in the mean time, because they all become very barbarous, and utterly void of civility. Tharrytas was in deed the first that beautified the cities of his country with the GRAECIAN tongue, brought in civil laws and customs, and made his name famous to the posterity that followed. This Tharrytas left a son called Alcetas, of Alcetas came Arymbas, of Arymbas and Troiade his wife, came AEacides, who married Phthia, the daughter of Menon THESSALIAN: A famous man in the time of the wars surnamed Lamiacus, and one that had far greater authority than any other of the confederates, after Leosthenes. This AEacides had two daughters by his wife Phthia, to say, Deidamia and Troiade, and one son called Pyrrus. In his time the MOLOSSIANS rebelled, drove him out of his kingdom, & put the crown into the hands of the sons of Neoptolemus. Whereupon all the friends of AEacides that could be taken, were generally murdered, and slain outright. Androclides, & Angelus in the mean time stolen away Pyrrus, being yet but a suckling babe (whom his enemies nevertheless eagerly sought for to have destroyed) and fled away with him as fast as possibly they might, How Pyrrus being an infant was saved. with few servants, his nurses and necessary women only to look to the child, and give it suck: by reason whereof their flight was much hindered, so as they could go no great journeys, but that they might easily be overtaken by them that followed. For which cause they put the child into the hands of Androclion, Hippias, and Neander, three lusty young men, whom they trusted with him, and commanded them to run for life to a certain city of MACEDON, called MEGARES: Megares a city of Macedon. and they themselves in the mean time, partly by entreaty, & partly by force, made stay of those that followed them till night. So as with much a do having driven them back, they ran after them that carried the child Pyrrus, whom they overtook at sun set. And now, weening they had been safe, and out of all danger: they found it clean contrary. For when they came to the river under the town walls of MEGARES, they saw it so rough and swift, that it made them afraid to behold it: and when they gauged the sorde, they found it unpossible to wade through, it was so sore risen and troubled with the fall of the rain, besides that the darkness of the night made every thing seem fearful unto them. So as they now that carried the child, thought it not good to venture the passage over of themselves alone, with the women that tended the child: but hearing certain countrymen on the other side, they prayed and besought them in the name of the gods, that they would help them to pass over the child showing Pyrrus unto them a far of. But the countrymen by reason of the roaring of the river understood them not. Thus they continued a long space, the one crying, the other lystning, yet could they not understand one an other, till at the last one of the company bethought himself to pill of a piece of the bark of an oak, & upon that he wrote with the tongue of a buckle, the hard fortune and necessity of the child. Which he tied to a stone to give it weight, and so threw it over to the other side of the river: other say that he did prick the bark through with the point of a dart which he cast over. The countrymen on the otherside of the river, having read what was written, and understanding thereby the present danger the child was in: felled down trees in all the hast they could possibly, bound them together, and so passed over the river. And it fortune that the first man of them that passed over, and took the child, was called Achilles: the residue of the countrymen passed over also, and took the other that came with the child, and conveyed them over as they came first to hand. And thus having escaped their hands, by easy journeys they came at the length unto Glaucias king of ILLYRIA, whom they found in his house sitting by his wife: Glaucias king of Illyria. and laid down the child in the midst of the flower before him. The king hereupon stayed a long time without uttering any one word, weighing with himself what was best to be done: because of the fear he had of Cassander, a mortal enemy of AEacides. In the mean time, the child Pyrrus creeping of all four, took hold of the kings gown, and scrawled up by that, and so got up on his feet against the king's knees. At the first, the king laughed to see the child: but after it pitied him again, because the child seemed like an humble suitor that came to seek sanctuary in his arms. Other say that Pyrrus came not to Glaucias, but unto the altar of the familiar gods, alongst the which he got up on his feet, and embraced it with both his hands. Which Glaucias imagining to be done by god's providence, presently delivered the child to his wife, gave her the charge of him, and willed her to see him brought up with his own. Shortly after, his enemies sent to demand the child of him: and moreover, Cassander caused two hundred talents to be offered him, to deliver the child Pyrrus into his hands. Howbeit Glaucias would never grant thereunto, but contrarily, when Pyrrus was comen to twelve years old, brought him into his country of EPIRUS with an army, and established him king of the realm again. Pyrrus had a great majesty in his countenance, Pyrrus countenance and teeth. but yet in deed more fearful than friendly. He had also no teeth in his upper jaw that stood distinctly one from an other, but one whole bone through out his gum, marked a little at the top only, with certain rifts in the place where the teeth should be divided. Men held opinion also, that he did heal them that were sick of the spleen, Pyrrus healed them that were sick of the spleen. by sacrificing a white cock, and touching the place of the spleen on the left side of them that were sick, softly with his right foot, they lying on their backs; and there was not so poor nor simple a man that craved this remedy of him, but he gave it him, and took the cock he sacrificed, for reward of the remedy, which pleased him very well. They say also that the great toe of his right foot had some secret virtue in it. For when he was dead, and that they had burnt all parts of his body, The fire could not burnt Pyrrus great set. and consumed it to ashes: his great toe was whole, and had no hurt at all. But of that, we will write more hereafter. Now, when he was seventeen years of age, thinking himself sure enough of his kingdom, it chanced him to make a journey into ILLYRIA, where he married one of Glaucias daughters, with whom he had been brought up. But this back was no sooner turned, but the MOLOSSIANS rebelled again against him, & drove out his friends, Pyrrus realm taken from him in his absence. & servants, and destroyed all his goods, and yielded themselves unto his adversary Neoptolemus. King Pyrrus having thus lost his kingdom, & seeing himself forsaken on all sides, went to Demetrius (Antigonus son) that had married his sister Deidamia, who in her young age was assured to Alexander, the son of Alexander the great, and of Roxane, and was called his wife. But when all that race was brought to wicked end, Demetrius then married her, being come to full and able age. And in that great battle which was stricken near to the city of HIPSUS, where all the kings fought together, Pyrrus being then but a young man, Pyrrus valiantness at the battle of Hipsus. and with Demetrius, put them all to flight that fought with him, and was worthily reputed for the valiantest prince amongst them all. Furthermore, when Demetrius was overcome, and had lost the battle: Pyrrus never forsook him, but faithfully did keep for him the cities of GREECE, which he put into his hands. And afterwards when peace was concluded betwixt Demetrius and Ptolemy, Pyrrus was sent an hostage for Demetrius into the realm of EGYPT: where he made Ptolemy know (both in hunting, and in other exercises of his person) that he was very strong, hard, and able to endure any labour. Furthermore perceiving that Berenice amongst all king Ptolemy's wives, was best beloved and esteemed of her husband, both for her virtue and wisdom: he began to entertain and honour her above all the rest. For he was a man that could tell how to humble himself towards the great (by whom he might win benefit) and knew also how to creep into their credit: Pyrrus behaviour. and in like manner was he a great scorner and despiser of such as were his inferiors. Moreover, for that he was found marvelous honourable and of fair condition, he was preferred before all other young princes, to be the husband of Antigona, Pyrrus married to Antigona the daughter of Philip king of Macedon, and of his wife a Berenice. the daughter of Queen Berenice, whom she had by Philip, before she was married unto Ptolemy. From thenceforth growing through the alliance of that marriage, more and more into estimation and favour by means of his wife Antigona, who showed herself very virtuous and loving towards him: he found means in the end, to get both men and money to return again into the realm of EPIRUS, and to conquer it: so was he then very well received of the people, and the better, for the malice they bore to Neoptolemus, because he de●● both hardly and cruelly with them. That notwithstanding, Pyrrus restored to his kingdom again. Pyrrus fearing lest Neoptolemus would repair unto some of the other kings, to seek aid against him, thought good to make peace with him. Whereupon it was agreed between them, that they should both together be kings of EPIRUS. Pyrrus divideth the realm of Epirus with Neopulemus. But in process of time, some of their men secretly made strife again between them, and set them at defiance one with an other: and the chiefest cause as it is said, that angered Pyrrus most, grew upon this. The kings of EPIRUS had an ancient custom of great antiquity, after they had made solemn sacrifice unto jupiter martial, (in a certain place in the province of MOLOSSIDE, called PASSARON) to take their oath, and to be sworn to the EPIROTES, that they would reign well and justly, according to the laws and ordinances of the country: and to receive the subjects oaths interchangeably also, that they would defend and maintain them in their kingdom, according to the laws in like manner. This ceremony was done in the presence of both the kings, and they with their friends did both give and receive presents each of other. At this meeting and solemnity, among other, one Gelon a most faithful servant and assured friend unto Neoptolemus, who besides great shows of friendship and honour he did unto Pyrrus, gave him two payer of draft oxen, which one Myrtilus a cuppebearer of Pyrrus being present, and seeing, did crave of his master. But Pyrrus denied to give them unto him whereat Myrtilus was very angry. Gelon perceiving that Mytilus was angry, prayed him to sup with him that night. Now some say, he sought to abuse Myrtilus, because he was fair and young: and began to persuade him after supper to take part with Neoptolemus, and to poison Pyrrus. Myrtilus made as though he was willing to give care to this persuasion, and to be well pleased withal. But in the mean time, he went and told his master of it, by whose commandment he made Alexicrates, Pyrrus chief cuppebearer, to talk with Gelon about this practice, as though he had also given his consent to it, and was willing to be partaker of the enterprise. This did Pyrrus to have two witnesses, to prove the pretended poisoning of him. Thus Gelon being finely deceived, and Neoptolemus also with him, both imagining they had cunningly spun the thread of their treason: Neoptolemus was so glad of it, that he could not keep it to himself, but told it to certain of his friends. And on a time going to be merry with his sister, he could not keep it in, but must be prattling of it to her, supposing no body had heard him but herself, because there was no living creature near them, saving Phoenareta Samons wife, the kings chief herdman of all his beasts, and yet she was laid upon a little bed by, and turned towards the wall: so that she seemed as though she had slept. But having heard all their talk, and no body mistrusting her: the next morning she went to Antigona king Pyrrus wife, and told her every word what she had heard Neoptolemus say to his sister. Pyrrus hearing this, made no countenance of any thing at that time. But having made sacrifice unto the gods, he bad Neoptolemus to supper to his house, where he slew him, being well informed before of the good will the chiefest men of the realm did bear him, who wished him to dispatch Neoptolemus, & not to content himself with a piece of EPIRUS only, but to follow his natural inclination, being borne to great things: and for this cause therefore, this suspicion falling out in the mean while, he prevented Neoptolemus, and slew him first. Pyrrus slew Neoptolemus. And furthermore, remembering the pleasures he had received of Ptolemy and Berenice, he named his first son by his wife Antigona, Ptolemy, and having built a city in the PRESCQVE, an isle of EPIRUS, did name it BERENICIDA. Berenicida, a city of Epirus in the isle of Preseque. Pyrrus first journey into Macedon. When he had done that, imagining great matters in his head, but more in his hope, he first determined with himself how to win that which lay nearest unto him: and so took occasion by this means, first to set foot into the Empire of MACEDON. The eldest son of Cassander, called Antipater, put his own mother Thessalonica to death, and drove his brother Alexander out of his own country, who sent to Demetrius for help, and called in Pyrrus also to his aid. Demetrius being troubled with other matters, could not so quickly go thither. And Pyrrus being arrived there, demanded for his charge sustained, the city of NYMPHAEA, with all the seacoastes of MACEDON: and besides all that, certain lands also that were not belonging to the ancient crown and revenues of the kings of MACEDON, but were added unto it by force of arms, as Ambracia, Acarnania, and Amphilochia. All these, the young king Alexander leaving unto him, he took possession thereof, and put good garrisons into the same in his own name: and conquering the rest of MACEDON in the name of Alexander, put his brother Antipater to great distress. In the mean time king Lysimachus lacked no good will to help Antipater with his force, but being busied in other matters, had not the mean to do it. Howbeit knowing very well that Pyrrus in acknowledging the great pleasures he had received of Ptolemy, would deny him nothing: he determined to write counterfeit letters to him in Ptolemy's name, and thereby instantly to pray and require him to leave of the wars begun against Antipater, and to take of him towards the defraying of his charges, the sumine of three hundred talentes. Pyrrus opening the letters, knew strait that this was but a fetch and devise of Lysimachus. King Lysimachus craft to deceive Pyrrus. For king Ptolemy's common manner of greeting of him, which he used at the beginning of his letters, was not in them observed: To my son Pyrrus, health. But in those counterfeit was, king Ptolemy, unto king Pyrrus, health. Whereupon he presently pronounced Lysimachus for a naughty man: nevertheless, afterwards he made peace with Antipater, and they met together at a day appointed, to be sworn upon the sacrifices unto the articles of peace. There were three beasts brought to be sacrificed, a goat, a bull, and a ram: of the which, the ram fell down dead of himself before he was touched, whereat all the standers by fell a laughing. But there was a Soothsayer, one Theodotus, Theodotus judgement, a Soothsayer. that persuaded Pyrrus not to swear: saying, that this sign and token of the gods did threaten one of the three kings with sudden death. For which cause Pyrrus concluded no peace. Now Alexander's wars being ended, Demetrius notwithstanding came to him, knowing well enough at his coming that Alexander had no more need of his aid, and that he did it only but to fear him. They had not been many days together, but th'one began to mistrust tother, and to spy all the ways they could to entrap each other: but Demetrius embracing the first occasion offered, prevented Alexander, and slew him, being a young man, and proclaimed himself king of MACEDON in his room. Now Demetrius had certain quarrels before against Pyrrus, Pyrrus quarrel and war with Demetrius. because he had overtunne the country of THESSALY: and furthermore, greedy covetousness to have the more (which is a common vice with princes and noble men) made, that being so near neighbours, the one stood in fear and mistrust of the other, and yet much more after the death of Deidamia. But now that they both occupied all MACEDON between them, and were to make division of one self kingdom. Now I say began the matter and occasion of quarrel, to grow the greater between them. Whereupon Demetrius went with his army to set upon the AETOLIANS, and having conquered the country, left Pantauchus his Lieutenant there with a great army: Pantauchus, Demetrius Lieutenant in AErolis. and himself in person in the mean time, marched against Pyrrus, and Pyrrus on tother side against him. They both miss of meeting, and Demetrius going on further on the one side, entered into the realm of EPIRUS, and brought a great spoil away with him: Pyrrus on the other side marched on, till he came to the place where Pantauchus was. To whom he gave battle, and it was valiantly fought our between the soldiers of either party, but specially between the two Generals. For doubtless, Pantauchus was the valiantest Captain, Pyrrus fight, with Pantauchus. the stoutest man, and of the greatest experience in arms, of all the Captains and soldiers Demetrius had. Whereupon, Pantauchus trusting in his strength and courage, advanced himself forwards, and lustily challenged the combat of Pyrrus. Pyrrus on the other side being inferior to no king in valiantness, nor in desire to win honour, as he that would ascribe unto himself the glory of Achilles, more for the imitation of his valiancy, then for that he was descended of his blood: passed through the midst of the battle unto the first rank, to buckle with Pantauchus. Thus they began to charge one an other, first with their darts, and then coming nearer, fought with their sword, not only artificially, but also with great force and fury: until such time as Pyrrus was hurt in one place, and he hurt Pantauchus in two. The one near unto his throat and the other in his leg: so as in the end Pyrrus made him turn his back, and threw him to the ground, but nevertheless killed him not. For, so soon as he was down, his men took him, and carried him away. But the EPIROTES encouraged by the victory of their king, Pyrrus victory of Pantauchus. and the admiration of his valiantness, stuck to it so lustily, that in the end they broke the battle of the MACEDONIAN footmen: & having put them to flight, followed them so lively, that they slew a great number of them, and took five thousand prisoners. This overthrow did not so much fill the hearts of the MACEDONIANS with anger, for the loss they had received, nor with the hate conceived against Pyrrus: as it wan Pyrrus great fame & honour, making his courage and valiantness to be wondered at of all such as were present at the battle that saw him fight, and how he laid about him. For they thought that they saw in his face the very life and agility of Alexander the great, Pyrrus likened to Alexander the great. and the right shadow as it were, showing the force and fury of Alexander himself in that fight. And where other kings did but only counterfeit Alexander the greatin his purple garments, and in numbers of soldiers and guards about their persons, and in a certain fashion and bowing of their necks a little, and in uttering his speech with an high voice: Pyrrus only was like unto him, and followed him in his marshall deeds and valiant acts. Furthermore, for his experience and skill in warlike discipline, Pyrrus skill in warlike discipline. the books he wrote himself thereof, do amply prove and make manifest. Furthermore, they report, that king Antigonus being asked, whom he thought to be the greatest Captain: made answer, Pyrrus, so far forth as he might live to be old, speaking only of the Captains of his time. But Hannibal generally said, Hannibal's judgement of Captains. Pyrrus was the greatest Captain of experience and skill in wars of all other, Scipio the second, and himself the third: as we have written in the life of Scipio. So it seemeth that Pyrrus gave his whole life and study to the discipline of wars, as that which in deed was princely and meet for a king, making no reckoning of all other knowledge. And furthermore touching this matter, they report that he being at a feast one day, a question was asked him, Pyrrus wise answer. whom he thought to be the best player of the flute, Python or Cephesias: whereunto he answered, that Polyperchon in his opinion was the best Captain, as if he would have said, that was the only thing a prince should seek for, and which he aught chief to learn and know. Pyrrus goodness and courtesy. He was very gentle and familiar with his friends, easy to forgive when any had offended him, and marvelous desirous to requited and acknowledge any courtesy or pleasure by him received. And that was the cause why he did very unpatiently take the death of AEropus, not so much for his death (which he knew was a common thing to every living creature) as for that he was angry with himself he had deferred the time so long, that time itself had cut him of from all occasion and means to requited the courtesies he had received of him. True it is that money lent, may be repaid again unto the heirs of the lender: Certain witty sayings of Pyrrus. but yet it grieveth an honest nature, when he can not recompense the good will of the lender, of whom he hath received the good turn. another time Pyrrus being in the city of AMBRACIA, there were certain of his friends that gave him counsel to put a naughty man out of the city that did nothing but speak ill of him. But he answered, it is better (quoth he) to keep him here still, speaking ill of us but to a few: then driving him away, to make him speak ill of us every where. Certain youths were brought before him on a time, who making merry together, drinking freely, were bold with the king to speak their pleasure of him in very undutiful sort. So, Pyrrus asking them whether it was true they said so or no: it is true, and it please your grace, said one of them, we said it in deed, and had not our wine failed us, we had spoken a great deal more. The king laughed at it, and pardoned them. After the death of Antigona, he married many wives to increase his power withal, Pyrrus wives and children. and to get more friends. For he married the daughter of Antoleon king of PAEONIA, and Bircenna the daughter of Bardillis, king of ILLYRIA, and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, tyrant of SYRACUSE, that brought him for her dower the isle of CORPHVE, which her father had taken. By Antigona his first wife, he had a son called Ptolemy: By Lanassa, an other called Alexander: and by Bircenna, an other (the youngest of all) called Helenus: all which though they were marshall men by race and natural inclination, yet were they brought up by him in wars, and therein trained as it were even from their cradle. They write, that one of his sons being but a boy, asked him one day to which of them he would leave his kingdom: Pyrrus answered the boy, to him that hath the sharpest sword. That was much like the tragical curse wherewith Oedipus cursed his children. Let them (for me) divide, both goods, yea rents and land: With triumphant sword, and bloody blows, by force of mighty hand. So cruel, hateful, and beastly is the nature of ambition and desire of rule. But after this battle, Pyrrus returned home again to his country, full of honour and glory, his heart highly exalted, and his mind thoroughly contented. And as at his return the EPIROTES his subjects called him an Eagle, Pyrrus called an Eagle. he answered them: if I be an Eagle, it is through you that I am so, for your weapons are the wings that have raised me up. Shortly after, being advertised that Demetrius was fallen sick, Pyrrus invadeth Macedon. and in great danger of death, he suddenly went into MACEDON, only to invade it, and to make pray thereof: howbeit he had in deed almost taken the whole realm, and made himself Lord of all without stroke stricken. For he came as far as the city of EDESSA, and found no resistance: but rather to the contrary, many of the country willingly came to his camp, and submitted themselves. The danger Demetrius was in to lose his realm, did move him more: then the disease and sickness of his body. And on the other side, his friends, servants, and Captains, having gathered a great number of men of war together in marvelous short time, marched with great speed towards Pyrrus, being earnestly bend to do some exploit against him: who being come into MACEDON but to make a road only upon them, would not tarry them, but fled, and flying, lost part of his men, because the MACEDONIANS followed him hard, and set upon him by the way. But now, though they had driven Pyrrus thus easily out of MACEDON, Demetrius for all that did not make light account of him: Demetrius' army both by land and sea. but pretending greater things, (as to recover the lands and dominions of his father, with an army of an hundred thousand fight men, and of five hundred sail which he put to the sea) would not stand to make wars against Pyrrus, neither yet leave the MACEDONIANS (whilst he was absent) so dangerous a neighbour, and so ill to deal withal. But lacking leisure to make wars with Pyrrus, concluded a peace with him, to the end he might with the more liberty set upon the other kings. Thus now, the peace concluded betwixt Demetrius & Pyrrus, the other kings and princes began to find out Demetrius intent, and why he had made so great preparation and being afraid thereof, wrote unto Pyrrus by their Ambassadors, that they wondered how he could let go such opportunity and occasion, and to tarry till Demetrius might with better leisure make wars upon him. And why he chose rather to tarry & fight with him for the altars, temples, and sepulchres of the MOLOSSIANS, when he should be of greater power, and have no wars elsewhere to trouble him: then now that he might easily drive him out of MACEDON, having so many things in hand, & being troubled as he was in other places. And considering also that very lately he had taken one of his wives from him, with the city of CORPHVE. For Lanassa misliking, that Pyrrus loved his other wives better than her, (they being of a barbarous nation) got her unto CORPHVE: & desiring to marry some other king, sent for Demetrius, knowing that he of all other kings would soon be won thereunto. Whereupon Demetrius went thither, and married her, and left a garrison in his city of CORPHVE. Now these other kings that did advertise Pyrrus in this sort, Demetrius married Lanassa Pyrrus wife. themselves did trouble Demetrius in the mean while: who tracted time, & yet went on with his preparation notwithstanding, For on the one side, Ptolemy entered GREECE with a great army by sea, where he caused the cities to revolt against him. And Lysimachus on the other side also, entering into high MACEDON by the country of THRACIA, burnt and spoiled all as he went. Pyrrus also arming himself with them, went unto the city of BERROEA, imagining (as afterwards it fell out) that Demetrius going against Lysimachus, would leave all the low country of MACEDON naked, without garrison or defence. And the self same night that Pyrrus departed, he imagined that king Alexander the great did call him, and that also he went unto him, & found him sick in his bed, of whom he had very good words and entertainment: Pyrrus dream. insomuch as he promised to help him thoroughly. And Pyrrus imagined also that he was so bold to demand of him again: how (my Lord) can you help me, that lie sick in your bed? and that Alexander made answer: with my name only. And that moreover he suddenly therewithal got up on his horse Nisea, & road before Pyrrus to guide him the way. This vision he had in his dream, which made him bold, and furthermore encouraged him to go on with his enterprise. By which occasion, marching forward with all speed, in few days he ended his intended journey to the city of BERROEA, which suddenly he took at his first coming to it: Pyrrus second journey into Macedon. the most part of his army he laid in garrison there, the residue he sent away under the conduct of his Captains, here and there, to conquer the cities thereabouts. Demetrius having intelligence hereof, and hearing also an ill rumour that ran in his camp amongst the MACEDONIANS, durst not lead them any further, for fear least (when he should come near to Lysimachus beinges MACEDONIAN king by nation, & a prince esteemed for a famous captain) they would shrink from him, & take Lysimachus part: for this cause therefore he turned again upon the sudden against Pyrrus, as against a strange prince, & ill beloved of the MACEDONIANS. But when he came to encamp near him, many coming from BERROEA into his camp, blew abroad the praises of Pyrrus, Pyrrus praises. saying, that he was a noble prince, invincible in wars, & one that courteously entreated all those he took to his party: & amongst those, there were other that were no natural MACEDONIANS borne, but set on by Pyrrus, & feigned themselves to be MACEDONIANS, who gave out, that now occasion was offered to set them at liberty, from Demetrius proud and stately rule, and to take king Pyrrus part, that was a courteous prince, and one that loved soldiers and men of war. These words made the most part of Demetrius army very doubtful, insomuch as the MACEDONIANS looked about, to see if they could find out Pyrrus to yield themselves unto him. He had at that present left of his head piece: Her Pyrrus ware his head piece. by mean whereof, perceiving he was not known, he put it on again, and then they knew him a far of, by the sight of his goodly fair plume, and the goats horns which he carried on the top of his crest. Whereupon there came a great number of MACEDONIANS to his part, as unto their sovereign Lord and king, and required the watch word of him. Other put garlands of oaken bows about their heads, because they saw his men crowned after that sort. And some were so bold also, as to go to Demetrius himself, and tell him, that in their opinions he should do very well and wisely to give place to fortune, and refer all unto Pyrrus. Demetrius hereupon, seeing his camp in such uproar, was so amazed, that he knew not what way to take, but stolen away secretly, disguised in a thread bore cloak, & a hood on his head to keep him from knowledge. Pyrrus forth with seized upon his camp, took all that he found, and was presently proclaimed in the field, king of MACEDON. Pyrrus proclaimed king of Macedon. Lysimachus on tother side, came strait thither after him, and said that he had holpen to chase Demetrius out of his realm, and therefore claimed half the kingdom with him. Wherefore, Pyrrus not trusting the MACEDONIANS to far as yet, but rather standing in doubt of their faith: granted Lysimachus his desire, and thereupon divided all the cities and provinces of the realm of MACEDON between them. Macedon divided between Pyrrus and Lysimachus. This partition was profitable for them both at that present, and stood then to good purpose to pacify the war, that otherwise might suddenly have risen between them. But shortly after, they found that this partition was no end of their enmity, but rather a beginning of quarrel and dissension between them. For they whose avarice and insatiable greedy appetite, neither the sea, the mountains, nor the unhabitable deserts could contain, Covetousness hath no end. nor yet the confines that separate ASIA from EUROPE determine: how should they be content with their own, without usurping others, when their fronters join so near together, that nothing divides them? Sure it is not possible. For to say truly, they are willingly together by the ears, having these two cursed things rooted in them: that they continually seek occasion how to surprise each other, and either of them envies his neighbours well doing. Howbeit in appearance they use these two terms, of peace and wars, as they do money: Peace, and war, used like money. using it as they think good, not according to right and justice, but for their private profit. And truly they are men of far greater honesty, that make open war, and avow it: then those that disguise and colour the delay of their wicked purpose, by the holy name of justice or friendship. Which Pyrrus did truly then verify. For desiring to keep Demetrius down from rising an other time, and that he should not revive again as escaped from a long dangerous disease: he went to aid the grecians against him, and was at ATHENS, Pyrrus aided the Grecians against Demetrius. where they suffered him to come into the castle, and do sacrifice there unto the goddess Minerva. But coming out of the castle again the same day, he told the ATHENIANS he was greatly beholding unto them for their courtesy, and the great trust they had reposed in him: wherefore to require them again, he gave them counsel, never to suffer prince nor king from thenceforth to enter into their city, if they were wise, nor once open their gates unto them. So, after that he made peace with Demetrius, who within short time being gone to make wars in ASIA, Pyrrus yet once again (persuaded thereunto by Lysimachus) caused all THESSALY to rise against him, & went himself to set upon those garrisons which Demetrius had left in the cities of GREECE, liking better to continued the MACEDONIANS in war, then to leave them in peace: beside that himself also was of such a nature, as could not long continued in peace. Demetrius thus in the end being utterly overthrown in SYRIA, Lysimachus seeing himself free from fear on that side, and being at good leisure, as having nothing to trouble him otherways: went strait to make war upon Pyrrus, Lysimachus maketh war with Pyrrus. who then remained near unto the city of EDESSA, & meeting by the way with the convoy of victuals coming towards him, set upon the conductor, and rifled them wholly. By this means, first he distressed Pyrrus for want of victuals: then he corrupted the princes of MACEDON with letters & messengers, declaring unto them, what shame they sustained to have made a stranger their king (whose ancestors had ever been their vassals & subjects) and to have turned all those out of MACEDON, that had been familiar friends of king Alexander the great. Many of the MACEDONIANS were won by these persuasions, which fact so feared Pyrrus, that he departed out of MACEDON with his men of war, the EPIROTES, and other his confederates: and so lost MACEDON by the self same means he wan it. Kings and princes therefore must not blame private men, though they change and altar sometime for their profit: for therein they do but follow the example of princes, who teach them all disloyalty, treason, and infidelity, judging him most worthy of gain, that lest observeth justice and equity. So Pyrrus being come home again to his kingdom of EPIRUS, forsaking MACEDON altogether, fortune made him happy enough, and in deed he had good means to live peaceably at home, without any trouble, if he could have contented himself only with the sovereignty over his own natural subjects. But thinking, that if he did neither hurt other, nor that other did hurt him, he could not tell how to spend his time, and by peace he should pine away for sorrow, as Homer said of Achilles: He languished and pinned by taking ease and rest: And in the wars where travail was, he liked ever best. And thus seeking matter of new trouble, fortune presented him this occasion. About this time, the romans by chance made war with the TARENTINES, who could neither bear their force, nor yet devise how to pacify the same, by reason of the rashness, folly, and wickedness of their governors, who persuaded them to make Pyrrus their General, and to send for him for to conduct these wars: The Tarentines having a war wish the romans, determine to make king Pyrrus their General. because he was less troubled at that time, than any of the other kings about them, and was esteemed of every man also to be a noble soldier, and famous Captain. The elders, and wise men of the city, utterly misliked that counsel: but some of them were put to silence, through the noise and fury of the people, who cried for wars. Some other seeing them checked, and taken up by the multitude in this manner, would no more repair to their common assemblies. Among the rest, there was one Meton, an honest worshipful citizen, Meton counterfeiting the fool, wisely persuaded the Tarentines not to sand for Pyrrus. who when the day was come that the people should conclude in counsel, the decree for the calling in of Pyrrus: all the people of TARENTUM being assembled, & set in the Theatre, this Meton put an old withered garland of flowers upon his head, and carrying a torch in his hand as though he had been drunk, and having a woman minstrel before him playing on a pipe, went dancing in this goodly array through the midst of the whole assembly. Tarentum a city in Italy. And there, (as it happeneth commonly in every hurly burly of people that will be masters themselves, and where no good order is kept) some of them clapped their hands other burst out in a laughter, and every man suffered him to do what he lust: but they all cried out to the woman minstrel, to play on and spare not, and to Meton himself, that he should sing, and come forward. So Meton made show as though he prepared himself unto it: and when they had given silence to hear him sing, he spoke unto them with a loud voice in this manner. My Lords of TARENTUM, Metons' counsel to the Tarentines. ye do well sure, not to forbidden them to play and to be merry that are so disposed, whilst they may lawfully do it: and if ye be wise, every of you also (as many as you be) will take your liberty whilst you may enjoy it. For when king Pyrrus shallbe in this city, you shall live I warrant ye after an other sort, and not as ye now do. These words of Meton moved many of the TARENTINES, and suddenly there ran a rumour through all the assembly, that he had said truly. But they that had offended the romans, fearing if peace were made, that they should be delivered into their hands, they checked the people, ask them if they were such fools, as would abide to be mocked and played withal to their teeth: and with those words all ran upon Meton, and drove him out of the Theatre. The decree thus confirmed by voices of the people, they sent Ambassadors into EPIRUS, to carry presents unto king Pyrrus, not only from the TARENTINES, The Tarentines send Ambassadors to Pyrrus. but from other grecians also that dwelled in ITALY, saying that they stood in need of a wise and skilful Captain, that was reputed famous in marshall discipline. And as to the rest, for numbers of good soldiers, they had men enough in ITALY, & were able to bring an army into the field, of the JUCANIANS, the MESSAPIANS, the SAMNITES, and TARENTINES, of twenty thousand horse, & three hundred thousand footmen being all assembled together. These words of the Ambassadors did not only lift up Pyrrus heart, but made the EPIROTES also marvelous desirous to go this journey. There was in king Pyrrus court one Cineas THESSALIAN, a man of great understanding, Cineas the orator, a Thessalian borne, and attending in Pyrrus court. and that had been Demosthenes the orators scholar, who seemed to be the only man of all other in his time in common reputation, to be most eloquent, following the lively image and shadow of Demosthenes passing eloquence. This Cineas, Pyrrus ever entertained about him, and sent him Ambassador to the peole and cities thereabouts: where he verified Euripides words. As much as trenchant blades, in mighty hands may do, So much can skill of eloquence, achieve and conquer too. And therefore Pyruss would often say, that Cineas had won him more towns with his eloquence, than himself had done by the sword: for which he did greatly honour and employ him in all his chief affairs. Cineas perceiving that Pyrrus was marvelously bend to these wars of ITALY, Cineas great talk with Pyrrus, to moderate his ambitious mind. finding him one day at leisure, discoursed with him in this sort. It is reported, and it please your majesty, that the romans are very good men of war, & that they command many valiant and warlike nations: if it please the gods we do overcome them, what benefit shall we have of that victory? Pyrrus answered him again, thou dost ask me a question that is manifest of itself. For when we have once overcome the romans, there can neither GRECIAN nor barbarous city in all the country withstand us, but we shall strait conquer all the rest of ITALY with ease: whose greatness, wealth, and power, no man knoweth better than thyself. Cineas pausing a while, replied: and when we have taken ITALY, what shall we do then? Pyrrus not finding his meaning yet, said unto him. SICILIA as thou knowest, is hard adjoining to it, & doth as it were offer itself unto us, & is a marvelous populous and rich land, and easy to be taken: for all the cities within the Island are one against an other, having no head that governs than, since Agathocles died, more than orators only that are their counsellors, Pyrrus judgement of orators corruption. who will soon be won. In deed it is likely which your grace speaketh, quod Cineas but when we have won SICILIA, shall then our wars take end? If the gods were pleased, said Pyrrus, that victory were achieved: the way were then broad open for us to attain great conquests. For who would not afterwards go into AFRICA, and so to CARTHAGE, which also will be an easy conquest, since Agathocles secretly flying from SYRACUSE, and having passed the seas with a few ships, had almost taken it? And that once conquered, it is most certain there durst not one of all our enemies that now do daily vex and trouble us, lift up their heads or hands against us. Not surely, said Cineas: for it is a clear case, that with so great a power we may easily recover the realm of MACEDON again, and command all GREECE beside, without let of any. But when we have all in our hands: what shall we do in the end? Then Pyrrus laughing, told him again: we will then (good Cineas) be quiet, & take our ease, and make feasts every day, & be as merry one with an other as we can possible. Cineas having brought him to that point, said again to him: my Lord, what letteth us now to be quiet, and merry together, sith we enjoy that presently without further travel and trouble, which we will now go seek for abroad, with such shedding of blood, and so manifest danger? and yet we know not whether ever we shall attain unto it, after we have both suffered, and caused other to suffer infinite sorrows and troubles. These last words of Cineas, did rather offend Pyrrus then make him to altar his mind: A dangerous thing to withstand the Prince's mind. for he was not ignorant of the happy state he should thereby forego, yet could he not leave of the hope of that he did so much desire. So he sent Cineas before unto the TARENTINES, with three thousand footmen: and afterwards the TARENTINES having sent him great store of flatbottomes, galleys, and of all sorts of passengers, he shipped into them twenty elephants, three thousand horsemen, Pyrrus journey into Italy. and two and twenty thousand footmen, with five hundred bow men and slings. All things thus ready, he weighed anchors, and hoist sails, and was no sooner in the main sea, but the north wind blew very roughly, out of season, and drove him to leeward. Notwithstanding, the ship which he was in himself, by great toil of the pilots and mariners turning to windeward, Pyrrus danger by tempest on the sea. and with much a do, and marvelous danger recovered the coast of ITALY. Howbeit the rest of his fleet were violently dispersed here and there, whereof some of them failing their course into ITALY, were cast into the seas of LIBYA, and SICILIA. The other not able to recover the point of APULIA, were benighted, and the sea being high wrought, by violence cast them upon the shore, and against the rocks, and made shipwreck of them, the Admiral only reserved, which through her strength, and the greatness of her burden, resisted the force of the sea that most violently bet against her. But afterwards, the wind turning & coming from the land, the sea cruelly taking over the height of her forecastell: in fine brought her in manifest peril of opening, and splitting, and in danger to be driven from the coast, putting her out again to the mercy of the winds, which changed every hour. Wherefore Pyrrus casting the peril every way, thought best to leap into the sea. After him forthwith leapt his guard, his servants, and other his familiar friends, venturing their lives to save him. But the darkness of the night, and rage of the waves (which the shore breaking, forced so to rebound back upon them) with the great noise also, did so hinder their swimming: that it was even day before they could recover any land, and yet was it by means that the wind fell. As for Pyrrus, he was so sea beaten, and wearied with the waves, that he was able to do no more: though of himself he had so great a heart, & stout a courage, as was able to overcome any peril. Moreover, the MESSAPIANS (upon whose coast the storm had cast him) ran out to help him, Pyrrus cast on shore upon the country of the Messapians. and diligently laboured in all they could possible to save him, and received also certain of his ships that had scaped, in which were a few horsemen, about two thousand footmen, and two elephants. With this small force, Pyrrus marched on his journey to go by land unto TARENTUM: and Cineas being advertised of his coming, went with his men to meet him. Pyrrus being received of the Terentines reformed their vain volupto●s life. Now when he was come to TARENTUM, at the first he would do nothing by force, nor against the goodwill of the inhabitants: until such time as his ships that had escaped the dangers of the sea, were all arrived, and the greatest part of his army comen together again. But when he had all his army he looked for, seeing that the people of: TARENTUM could neither save themselves, nor be saved by any other, without strait order & compulsion, because they made their reckoning that Pyrrus should fight for them, & in the mean time they would not stir out of their houses from bathing themselves, from banqueting, and making good cheer: first of all he caused all the parks & places of show to be shut up, where they were wont to walk and disport themselves, in any kind of exercise, and as they walked, to talk of wars as it were in pastime, & to fight with words, but not to come to the blows. And further he forbade all feastings, mommeries, and such other like pleasures, as at that time, were out of season. He trained them out also to exercise their weapons, Marshall discipline. and showed himself very severe in musters, not pardoning any whose names were billed to serve in the wars: insomuch as there were many (which unacquainted with such rough handling & government) forsook the city altogether, calling it a bondage, not to have liberty to live at their pleasure. Furthermore, Pyrrus having intelligence that Levinus the ROMAN Consul came against him with a great puissant army, Levinus Consul sent against Pyrrus. and that he was already entered into the land of LUCANIA, where he destroyed and spoiled all the country before him: albeit the TARENTINES aid of their confederates was not as yet comen, he thought it a great shame to suffer his enemies approach so near him, and therefore taking that small number he had, brought them into the field against Levinus. Howbeit he sent a herald before to the romans, to understand of them, if (before they entered into this war) they could be content the controversies they had with all the grecians dwelling in ITALY, might be decided by justice, and therein to refer themselves to his arbitrement, who of himself would undertake the pacification of them. Whereunto the Consul Levinus made answer, that the romans would never allow him for a judge, neither did they fear him for an enemy. Wherefore Pyrrus going on still, came to lodge in the plain which is between the cities of PANDOSIA, & of HERACLEA: Pyrrus camped in the plain between Pandosia and Heraclea. Siris fl. & having news brought him that the romans were encamped very near unto him on the other side of the river of Siris, he took his horse, and road to the rivers side to view their camp. So having thoroughly considered the form, the situation, and the order of the same, the manner of charging their watch, and all their fashions of doing: he wondered much thereat. And speaking to Megacles, one of his familiars about him, he said: this order Megacles (quoth he) though it be of barbarous people, yet is it not barbarously done, but we shall shortly prove their force. After he had thus taken this view, he began to be more careful than he was before, and purposed to tarry till the whole aid of their confederates were comen together, leaving men at the rivers side of Siris, to keep the passage, if the enemies ventured to pass over as they did in deed. For they made haste to prevent the aid that Pyrrus looked for, & passed their footmen over upon a bridge, and their horsemen at diverse fords of the river: insomuch as the grecians fearing lest they should be compassed in behind, drew back. Pyrrus advertised thereof, and being a little troubled therewithal, commanded the Captains of his footmen presently to put their bands in battle ray, Pyrrus Battle. and not to stir till they knew his pleasure: and he himself in the mean time marched on with three thousand horse, in hope to find the romans by the river side, as yet out of order, & utterly unprovided. But when he saw a far of a greater number of footmen with their targets ranged in battle, on this side the river, and their horsemen marching towards him in very good order: he caused his men to join close together, and himself first began the charge, being easy to be known from other, if it had been no more but his passing rich glistering armour and furniture, Pyrrus first conflict with the romans. and withal, for that his valiant deeds gave manifest proof of his well deserved fame and renown. For, though he valiantly bestirred his hands and body both, repulsing them he encountered withal in fight, yet he forgot not himself, Pyrrus wisdom & foresight in battle. nor neglected the judgement & foresight, which should never be wanting in a General of an army: but as though he had not fought at all, quietly and discretely gave order for every thing, riding to and fro, to defend and encourage his men in those places, where he saw them in most distress. But even in the hottest of the battle, Leonatus' MACEDONIAN, spied an ITALIAN a man of arms, that followed Pyrrus up and down where he went, and ever kept in manner of even hand with him, to set upon him. Wherefore he said to Pyrrus: my Lord do you not see that barbarous man there upon a bay horse with white feet? Sure he looketh as though he meant to do some notable feat and mischief with his own hands: for his eye is never of you, but waiteth only upon you, being sharp set to deal with yourself & none other, & therefore take heed of him. Pyrrus answered him, it is impossible Leonatus, for a man to avoid his destiny: but neither he, nor any other ITALIAN whatsoever, shall have any joy to deal with me. And as they were talking thus of the matter, the ITALIAN taking his spear in the midst, and setting spurs to his horse, charged upon Pyrrus, and ran his horse through and through with the same. Leonatus at the self same instant served the ITALIANS horse in the like manner, so as both their horses fell dead to the ground. Howbeit Pyrrus men that were about him, saved him presently, and flew the ITALIAN in the field, although he fought it out right valiantly. The ITALIANS name was Oplacus, borne in the city of FERENTUM, and was Captain of a band of men of arms. This mischance made king Pyrrus look the better to himself afterwards, and seeing his horsemen give back, sent presently to hasten his footmen forward, whom he strait set in order of battle: and delivering his armour and cloak to one of his familiars called Megacles, Pyrrus changed his armour & cloak. and being hidden as it were in Megacles armour, returned again to the battle against the romans, who valiantly resisted him, so that the victory depended long in doubt. For it is said, that both the one side and the other did chase, and was chased, above seven times in that conflict. The changing of the kings armour served very well for the safety of his own person, howbeit it was like to have marred all, and to have made him lose the field. For many of his enemies set upon Megacles, Megacles slain, taketh for Pyrrus. that ware the king's armour: and the party that slew him dead, and threw him stark to the ground, was one Dexius by name, who quickly snatched of his head piece, took away his cloak, and ran to Levinus the Consul, crying out aloud, that he had slain Pyrrus, and withal showed forth the spoils he supposed to have taken from him. Which being carried about through all the bands, & openly showed from hand to hand, made the romans marvelous joyful, and the grecians to the contrary, both afeard and right sorrowful: until such time as Pyrrus hearing of it, went and passed alongst all his bands bore headed, and bar 〈…〉, holding up his hand to his soldiers, and giving them to understand with his own voice, that it was himself. The elephants in the end were they in deed that wan the battle, and did most distress the romans: for, their horses seeing them a far of, were sore afraid, and durst not abide them, but carried their master's back in despite of them. Pyrrus at the sight thereof, made his THESSALIAN horsemen to give a charge upon them whilst they were in this disorder, and that so lustily, as they made the romans fly, Pyrrus victory of Levinus the Consul. and sustain great slaughter. For Dionysius writeth, that there died few less, than fifteen thousand romans at that battle. But Hieronymus speaketh only of seven thousand. And of Pyrrus side, Dionysius writeth, there were slain thirteen thousand. But Hieronymus saith less than four thousand: howbeit they were all of the best men of his army, and those whom most be trusted. King Pyrrus presently hereupon also took the romans camp, which they forsook, and won many of their cities from their alliance, spoiled, and overcame much of their country. Insomuch as he came within six and thirty mile of ROME, whither came to his aid, as confederates of the TARENTINES, the Lucanians, & the SAMNITES, whom he rebuked because they came to late to the battle. Howbeit a man might easily see in his face, that he was not a little glad and proud to have overthrown so great an army of the romans with his own men, and the aid of the TARENTINES only. On thóther side, the romans hearts were so great, that they would not depose Levinus from his consulship, notwithstanding the loss he had received: and Caius Fabricius said openly, that they were not the EPIROTES that had overcomen the romans, but Pyrrus had overcome Levinus: meaning thereby, that this overthrow chanced unto them, more through the subtlety and wise conduction of the General, then through the valiant feats and worthiness of his army. And hereupon they speedily supplied their legions again that were minished, with other new soldiers in the dead men's place, and levied a fresh force beside, speaking bravely and fiercely of this war, like men whose hearts nothing appawled. Whereat Pyrrus maruelinge much, thought good first to sand to the romans, to prove if they would give any ear to an offer of peace, knowing right well that the winning of the city of ROME was no easy matter to compass, or attain, with that strength he presently had: and also that it would be greatly to his glory, if he could bring them to peace after this his valiant victory. And hereupon he sent Cineas to ROME, Cineas sent Ambassador to Rome. who spoke with the chiefest of the city, and offered presents to them and their wives, in the behalf of the king his master. Howbeit, The noble mind of the romans. neither man nor woman would receive any at his hands, but answered all with one voice: that if the peace might be general to all, they all privately would be at the kings commandment, and would be glad of his friendship. Moreover, when Cineas had talked in open audience before the Senate, of many courteous offers, and had delivered them profitable capitulations of peace: they accepted none, nor showed any affection to give care unto them, although he offered to deliver them their prisoners home again without ransom, that had been taken at the battle, and promised also to aid them in the conquest of ITALY, requiring no other recompense at their hands, saving their goodwills only to his master, & assurance for the TARENTINES, that they should not be annoyed for any thing past, without demand of other matter. Nevertheless in the end, when they had heard these offers, many of the Senators yielded, and were willing to make peace: alleging that they had already lost a great battle, and how they looked for a greater, when the force of the confederates of ITALY should join together with king Pyrrus power. But Appius Claudius, Appius Claudius disswated the romans from making peace with Pyrrus. a famous man, who came no more to the Senate, nor dealt in matters of state at all by reason of his age, and partly because he was blind: when he understood of king Pyrrus offers, and of the common brute that ran through the city, how the Senate were in mind to agreed to the capitulations of peace propounded by Cineas, he could not abide, but caused his servants to carry him in his chair upon their arms unto the Senate door, his sons, and sons in law taking him in their arms, carried him so into the Senate house. The Senate made silence to honour the coming in of so notable & worthy a parsonage: Appius Claudius' oration to the Senate and he so soon as they had set him in his seat, began to speak in this sort. Hitherunto with great impatience (my Lords of ROME) have I borne the loss of my sight, but now, I would I were also as deaf as I am blind, that I might not (as I do) hear the 〈…〉 rte of your dishonourable consultations determined upon in Senate, which tend to subscribe the glorious fame and reputation of ROME. What is now become of all your great and mighty brags you blazed abroad, through the whole world? that if Alexander the great himself had come into ITALY, in the time that our fathers had been in the flower of their age, and we in the prime of our youth, they would not have said every where that he was altogether invincible, as now at this present they do: but either he should have left his body slain herein battle, or at the lest wise have been driven to fly, and by his death or flying should greatly have enlarged the renown and glory of ROME? you plainly show it now, that all these words spoken them were but vain & arrogant vaunts of foolish pride. Considering that you tremble for fear of the MOLOSSIANS & CHAONIANS, who were ever a pray to the MACEDONIANS: and that ye are afraid of Pyrrus also, who all his life time served and followed one of the guard unto Alexander the great, and now is come to make wars in these parts, not to aid the grecians inhabiting in ITALY, but to fly from his enemies there about his own country, offering you to conquer all the rest of ITALY with an army, wherewith he was nothing able to keep a small part of MACEDON only for himself. And therefore you must not persuade yourselves, that in making peace with him, you shall thereby be rid of him: but rather shall your draw others to come & set upon you beside. For they will utterly despise you, when they shall hear ye are so easily overcome, and that you have suffered Pyrrus to escape your hands, before you made him feel the just reward of his bold presumptuous attempt upon you: carrying with him for a further hire, this advantage over you, that he hath given a great occasion both to the SAMNITES, and TARENTINES, hereafter to mock and deride you, After that Appius had told this tale unto the Senate, every one through the whole assembly, desired rather war then peace. They dispatched Cineas away thereupon with this answer, that if Pyrrus sought the romans friendship, he must first depart out of ITALY, and then send unto them to treat of peace: but so long as he remained there with his army, the romans would make wars upon him, with all the force and power they could make, yea although he had overthrown and slain ten thousand such Captains as Levinus was. They say that Cineas, during the time of his abode at ROME, entreating for this peace, did curiously labour to consider and understand, the manners, order, and life of the romans, and their common weal, discoursing thereof with the chiefest men of the city: and how afterwards he made ample report of the same unto Pyrrus, and told him amongst other things, that the Senate appeared to him, a counsel house of many kings. The majesty of the Senate at Rome. And furthermore (for the number of people) that he feared greatly they should fight against such a serpent, as that which was in old time in the marises of LEARN, of which, when they had cut of one head, seven other came up in the place: because the Consul Levinus had now levied an other army, twice as great as the first was, and had left at ROME also, many times as many good able men to carry armour. After this, there were sent Ambassadors from ROME unto Pyrrus, and amongst other, Caius Fabricius touching the state of the prisoners. Caius Fabricius. Ambassador to Pyrrus. Cineas told the king his master, that this Fabritius was one of the greatest men of account in all ROME, a right honest man, a good Captain, and a very valiant man of his hands, yet poor in deed he was notwithstanding. Pyrrus taking him secretly a side, made very much of him, and amongst other things, Caius Fabricius a noble Captain, but very poor. offered him both gold and silver, praying him to take it, not for any dishonest respect he meant towards him, but only for a pledge of the goodwill and friendship that should be between them. Fabricius would none of his gift: Fabricius refused king Pyrrus gifts. so Pyrrus left him for that time. Notwithstanding, the next morning thinking to fear him, because he had never seen elephant before, Pyrrus commanded his men, that when they saw Fabricius and him talking together, they should bring one of his greatest elephants, and set him hard by them, behind a hanging: which being done at a certain sign by Pyrrus given, suddenly the hanging was pulled back, and the elephant with his trunk was over Fabricius head, and gave a terrible and fearful cry. Fabricius softly giving back, nothing afraid, laughed and said to Pyrrus smiling: neither did your gold (o king) yesterday move me, nor your elephant to day fear me. Furthermore, whilst they were at supper, falling in talk of diverse matters, specially touching the state of GREECE, and the Philosophers there: Cineas by chance spoke of EPICURUS, and rehearsed the opinions of the EPICURIANS touching the gods and government of the common wealth, how they placed man's chief felicity in pleasure, how they fled from all office & public charge, The opinion of the Epicurians touching felicity. as from a thing that hindereth the fruition of true felicity: how they maintained that the gods were immortal, neither moved with pity nor anger, and led an idle life full of all pleasures and delights, without taking any regard of men's doings. But as he still continued this discourse, Fabricius cried out aloud, and said: the gods grant that Pyrrus and the SAMNITES were of such opinions, as long as they had wars against us. Pyrrus marveling much at the constancy and magnanimity of this man, was more desirous a great deal to have peace with the romans, then before. And privately prayed Fabricius very earnestly, that he would treat for peace, whereby he might afterwards come and remain with him, saying: that he would give him the chief place of honour about him, amongst all his friends. Whereunto Fabricius answered him softly: that were not good (o king) for yourself, quoth he: for your men that presently do honour and esteem you, be experience if they once knew me, would rather choose me for their king, than yourself. Such was Fabricius talk, whose words Pyrrus took not in ill part, neither was offended with them at all, as a tyrant would have been: but did himself report to his friends and familiars the noble mind he found in him, and delivered him upon his faith only, all the ROMAN prisoners: to the end that if the Senate would not agreed unto peace, they might yet see their friends, and keep the feast of Saturn with them, and then to sand them back again unto him. Which the Senate established by decree, King Pyrrus Physician wryeth to Fabricius, & offereth to poison his master. upon pain of death to all such as should not perform the same accordingly. Afterwards Fabricius was chosen Consul, and as he was in his camp, there came a man to him that brought him a letter from king Pyrrus Physician, written with his own hands: in which the Physician offered to poison his master, so he would promise' him a good reward, for ending the wars without further danger. Fabricius detesting the wickedness of the Physician, and having made Q. AEmilius his colleague, and fellow Consul also, to abhor the same: wrote a letter unto Pyrrus, Fabricius letter to Pyrrus, advertising him of his physicians treason. and bade him take heed, for there were that meant to poison him. The contents of his letter were these: Caius Fabricius, and Quintus AEmylius Consuls of ROME, unto king Pyrrus greeting. You have (o king) made unfortunate choice, both of your friends and of your enemies, as shall appear unto you by reading of this letter, which one of yours hath written unto us: for you make wars with just and honest men, and do yourself trust altogether the wicked and unfaithful. Hereof therefore we have thought good to advertise you, not in respect to pleasure you, but for fear lest the misfortune of your death might make us unjustly to be accused: imagining that by treachery of treason, we have sought to end this war, as though by valiantness we could not otherwise achieve it. Pyrrus having read this letter, and proved the contents thereof true, executed the Physician as he had deserved and to requited the advertisement of the Consuls, he sent Fabricius and the romans their prisoners, Pyrrus sendeth the romans their prisoners without ransom. without paying of ransom, and sent Cineas again unto them, to prove if he could obtain peace. Howbeit, the romans, because they would neither receive pleasure of their enemies, and lest of all reward, for that they consented not unto so wicked a deed did not only refuse to take their prisoners of free gift, but they sent him again so many SANNITES, and TARENTINES. And furthermore, for peace, and his friendship, they would give no ear to it, before the wars were ended, and that he had sent away his army again by sea, into his kingdom of EPIRUS. Wherefore Pyrrus seeing no remedy, but that he must needs fight an other battle, after he had somewhat refreshed his army, drew towards the city of ASCULUM, where he fought the second time with the romans: Pyrrus second battle with the romans, by the caty of Asculum. and was brought into a marvelous ill ground for horsemen, by a very swift running river, from whence came many brooks and deep marshes, insomuch as his elephants could have no space nor ground to join with the battle of the footmen, by reason whereof there was a great number of men hurt and slain on both sides. And in the end, the battle being fought out all day long, the dark night did sever them: but the next morning, Pyrrus to win the advantage to fight in the plain field, where he might prevail with the force of his elephants, sent first certain of his bands to seize upon the naughty ground they had fought on the day before. And by this policy having brought the romans into the plain field, he thrust in amongst his elephants, store of shot, and slingmen, and then made his army march (being very well set in order) with great fury against his enemies. They missing tother days turnings and places of retire, were now compelled to fight all on front in the plain field: and striving to break into the battle of Pyrrus footmen before the elephants came, they desperately pressed in upon their enemy's pikes with their sword, not caring for their own persons what become of them, but only looked to kill and destroy their enemies. In the end notwithstanding, after the battle had holden out very long, the romans lost it, and they first began to break and fly on that side where Pyrrus was, Pyrrus victory of the romans. by reason of the great force and fury of his charge, and much more through the violence of the elephants: against which, the romans valiantness nor courage could aught prevail, but that they were driven to give them place (much like the rage of surging waves, or terrible trembling of the earth) rather than tarry to be trodden under feet, and overthrown by them, whom they were not able to hurt again, but be by them most grievously martyred, and their troubles thereby yet nothing eased. The chase was not long, because they fled but into their camp: and Hieronymus the historiographer writeth, that there died six thousand men of the romans, and of Pyrrus part about three thousand five hundred and five, as the kings own Chronicles do witness. The wyters agreed not about Pyrrus battle. Nevertheless, Dionysius makes no mention of two battles given near unto the city of ASCULUM, nor that the romans were certainly overthrown: howbeit he confirmeth that there was one battle only that continued until sun set, and that they scarcely severed also when night was come on, Pyrrus being hurt on the arm with a spear, and his carriage rob and spoiled by the SAMNITES beside. And further, that there died in this battle, above fifteen thousand men, as well of Pyrrus side, as of the romans part: and that at the last, both the one and the other did retire. And some say, that it was at that time Pyrrus answered one, who rejoiced with him for the victory they had won: if we win an other of the price, quoth he, we are utterly undone. For in deed them had he lost the most part of his army he brought with him out of his realm, and all his friends and Captains in manner every one, or at the lest there lacked little of it: and besides that, he had no means to supply them with other from thence, and perceived also that the confederates he had in ITALY, began to wax cold. Where the romans to the contrary, did easily renew their army with fresh soldiers, which they caused to come from ROME as need required, (much like unto a lively spring, the head whereof they had at home in their country) and they fainted not at all for any losses they received, but rather were they so much the more hotly bend, stoutly determining to abide out the wars, what ever betide. And thus whilst Pyrrus was troubled in this sort, new hopes, and new enterprises were offered unto him, that made him doubtful what to do. For even at a clap came Ambassadors to him out of SICILIA, Ambassadors out of Sicilia, to pray aid of Pyrrus. offering to put into his hands, the cities of SYRACUSE, of AGRIGENTUM, and of the LEONTINES, and beseeching him to aid them to drive the CARTHAGINIANS out of the isle, thereby to deliver them from all the tyrants. And on the other side also, news was brought him from GREECE, how Ptolemy surnamed the lightning, was slain, and all his army overthrown in battle against GAULES, and that now he should come in good hour for the MACEDONIANS, who lacked but a king. Then he cursed his hard fortune that presented him all at once, such sundry occasions to do great things: and as if both enterprises had been already in his hand, he made his account that of necessity he must lose one of them. So, long debating the matter with himself, which of the two ways he should conclude upon: in the end he resolved, that by the wars of SICILIA, there was good mean to attain to the greater matters, considering that AFRICA was not far from them. Wherefore, disposing himself that way, he sent Cineas thither immediately to make his way, and to speak to the towns and cities of the country as he was wont to do: and in the mean time left a strong garrison in the city of TARENTUM, to keep it at his devotion, Pyrrus journey into Sicilia. wherewith the TARENTINES were very angry. For they made request unto him, either to remain in their country to maintain wars with them against the romans, (which was their meaning why they sent for him) or else if he would needs go, at the lest wise to leave their city in as good state as he found it. But he answered them again very roughly, that they should speak no more to him in it, and that they should not choose but tarry his occasion. And with this answer took ship, and sailed towards SICILIA: where so soon as he was arrived, he found all that he hoped for, for the cities did willingly put themselves into his hands. And where necessity of battle was offered him to employ his army, nothing at the beginning could stand before him. For, with thirty thousand footmen, two thousand five hundred horsemen, and two hundred sail which he brought with him, he drove the CARTHAGINIANS before him, and conquered all the country under their obedience. Now at that time, the city of ERIX was the strongest place they had: Pyrrus wan the city of Erix in Sicilia. and there were a great number of good soldiers within it to defend it. Pyrrus determined to prove the assault of it, and when his army was ready to give the charge, he armed himself at all pieces from top to toe, and approaching the walls, vowed unto Hercules to give him a solemn sacrifice, with a feast of common plays, so that he would grant him grace to show himself unto the grecians inhabiting in SICILIA, worthy of the noble ancestors from whence he came, and of the great good fortune he had in his hands. This vow ended, he strait made the trumpets sound to the assault, & caused the barbarous people that were on the walls, to retire with force of his shot. Then when the scaling ladders were set up, himself was the first that mounted on the wall, where he found diverse of the barbarous people that resisted him. But some he threw over the walls on either side of him, and with his sword slew many dead about him, himself not once hurt: for the barbarous people had not the heart to look him in the face, his countenance was so terrible. And this doth prove that Homer spoke wisely, and like a man of experience, when he said: that valiantness only amongst all other moral virtues is that, Homer of valiantness. which hath sometimes, certain furious motions and divine provocations, which make a man besides himself. So the city being taken, he honourably performed his vowed sacrifice to Hercules, & kept a feast of all kinds and sorts of games and weapons. There dwelled a barbarous people at that time about MESSINA, called the MAMERTINES, who did much hurt to the grecians thereabouts, making many of them pay tax and tribute: for they were a great number of them, and all men of war and good soldiers, and had their name also of Mars, The Mamertines why so called. because they were marshall men, and given to arms. Pyrrus led his army against them, and overthrew them in battle: and put their collectors to death, that did levy and exact the tax, and razed many of their fortresses. And when the CARTHAGINIANS required peace and his friendship, offering him ships and money, pretending greater matters: he made them a short answer, that there was but one way to make peace and love between them, to forsake SICILIA altogether, and to be contented to make Mare Libycum the border betwixt GREECE and them. For his good fortune, and the force he had in his hands, did set him aloft, and further alured him to follow the hope that brought him into SICILIA, aspiring first of all unto the conquest of LIBYA. Now, to pass him over thither, he had ships enough, but he lacked owers & mariners: wherefore when he would press them, than he began to deal roughly with the cities of SICILIA, Pyrrus cruelty in Sicilia. and in anger compelled, and severely punished them, that would not obey his commandment. This he did not at his first coming, but contrarily had won all their good wills, speaking more courteously to them then any other did, and showing that he trusted them altogether, and troubled them in nothing. But suddenly being altered from a popular prince, unto a violent tyrant, he was not only thought cruel and rigorous, but that worst of all is, unfaithful and ingrateful: nevertheless, though they received great hurt by him, yet they suffered it, and granted him any needful thing he did demand. But when they saw he began to mistrust Thaenon and Sostratus, the two chief Captains of SYRACUSE, and they who first caused him to come into SICILIA, who also at his first arrival delivered the city of SYRACUSE into his hands, & had been his chief aiders in helping him to compass that he had done in SICILIA: when I say they saw he would no more carry them with him, nor leave them behind him for the mistrust he had of them, and that Sostratus fled from him, and absented himself, fearing lest Pyrrus would do him some mischief: and that Pyrrus moreover, had put Thaenon to death, mistrusting that he would also have done him some harm. Then all things fell out against Pyrrus, not one after an other, nor by little and little, but all together at one instant, and all the cities generally hated him to the death, and did again some of them confederate with the CARTHAGINIANS, and others with the MAMERTINES, to set upon him. But when all SICILIA was thus bend against him, he received letters from the SAMNITES & TARENTINES, The Samnites and Tarentines soon sir Pyrrus to return into Italy. by which they advertised him, how they had much a do to defend themselves within their cities and strong holds, and that they were wholly driven out of the field: wherefore they earnestly besought him speedily to come to their aid. This news came happily to him, to cloak his flying, that he might say it was not for despair of good success in SICILIA that he went his way: but true it was in deed, that when he saw he could no longer keep it, than a ship could stand still among the waves, he sought some honest shadow to colour his departing. And that surely was the cause why he returned again into ITALY. Nevertheless, at his departure out of SICILY, they say that looking back upon the isle, he said to those that were about him: O what a goodly field for a battle, my friends, do we leave to the romans and CARTHAGINIANS, to fight th'one with tother? And verily so it fell out shortly after, as he had spoken. But the barbarous people conspiring together against Pyrrus, the CARTHAGINIANS on the one side watching his passage, gave him battle on the sea, Pyrrus return into Italy out of Sicily. in the very strait itself of MESSINA, where he lost many of his ships, and fled with the rest, & took the coast of ITALY. And there the MAMERTINES on the other side, being gone thither before, to the number of eighteen thousand fight men: durst not present him battle in open field, but tarried for him in certain straits of the mountains, & in very hard places, and so set upon his rearward, and disordered all his army. They slew two of his elephants, and cut of a great number of his rearward, so as he was compelled himself in person to come from his vanguard, to help them against the barbarous people, which were lusty valiant men, and old trained soldiers. And there Pyrrus caught a blow on his head with a sword, Pyrrus hurt on his head with a sword. and was in great danger: insomuch as he was forced to retire out of the press and fight, which did so much the more encourage his enemies. Among which there was one more adventurous than the rest, a goodly man of parsonage, fair armed in white armour, who advancing himself far before his company, cried out to the king with a bold and fierce voice, and challenged him to fight with him if he were alive. Pyrrus being mad as it were with this bravery, turned again with his guard, in spite of his men, hurt as he was. And besides that he was all on a fire with choler, and his face all bloody and terrible to behold, he went through his men, and came at the length to this barbarous villain that had challenged him: & gave him such a blow on his head with all his force and power, that what by the strength of his arm, and through the goodness of the temper and mettle of the sword, the blow clave his head right in the midst, down to the shoulders: Pyrrus with a blow of his sword clave his enemy's head in the midst, and laid it on his shoulders. so that his head being thus divided, the one part fell on the one shoulder, & the other part on the other. This matter suddenly stayed the barbarous people, and kept them from going any further, they were so afraid and amazed both to see so great a blow with ones hand, and it made them think in deed that Pyrrus was more than a man. After that, they let him go, and troubled him no more. Pyrrus holding on his journey arrived at the length in the city of TARENTUM, with twenty thousand footmen, & three thousand horse. And with these (joining thereto the choicest piked men of the TARENTINES) he went incontinently into the field to seek out the romans, who had their camp within the territories of the SAMNITES, which were then in very hard state. For their hearts were killed, because that in many battles and encounters with the romans, they were ever overthrown. They were very angry beside with Pyrrus, for that he had forsaken them, to go his voyage unto SICILIA, by reason whereof there came no great number of soldiers into his camp. But notwithstanding, he divided all his strength into two parts, whereof he sent the one part into LUCANIA, to occupy one of the ROMAN Consuls that was there, to the end he should not come to aid his companion: and with the other part he went himself against Manius Curius, Manius Curius Consul. who lay in a very strange place of advantage near to the city of BENAVENTO, attending the aid that should come to him out of LUCANIA, beside also that the Soothsayers (by the signs & tokens of the birds and sacrifices) did counsel him not to stir from thence. Pyrrus to the contrary, desiring to fight with Manius before his aid came unto him, which he looked for out of LUCANIA, took with him the best soldiers he had in all his army, and the warlikest elephants, and marched away in the night, supposing to steal upon Manius on the sudden, and give an assault unto his camp. Now Pyrrus having a long way to go, and through a woddy country, his lights and torches failed him, by reason whereof many of his soldiers lost their way, and they lost a great deal of time also, before they could again be gathered together: so as in this space the night was spent, and the day once broken, the enemies perceived plainly how he came down the hills. This at the first sight made them muse awhile, and put them in a little fear: nevertheless Manius having had the signs of the sacrifices favourable, and seeing that occasion did press him to it, went out into the field, Pyrrus third battle with the romans. and set upon the vanward of his enemies, and made them turn their backs. The which feared all the rest in such wise, that there were slain a great number of them in the field, and certain elephants also taken. Pyrrus overthrown by Manius Curius in battle. This victory made Manius Curius leave his strength, and come into the plain field, where he set his men in battle ray, and overthrew his enemies by plain force on the one side: but on the other he was repulsed by violence of the elephants, and compelled to draw back into his own camp, wherein he had left a great number of men to guard it. So when he saw them upon the rampers of his camp all armed, ready to fight, he called them out, and they coming fresh out of places of advantage to charge upon the elephants compelled them in a very short time to turn their backs, & fly through their own men, whom they put to great trouble, and disorder: so as in the end, the whole victory fell upon the romans side, and consequently by means of that victory, followed the greatness and power of their Empire. For the romans being grown more courageous by this battle, and having increased their force, and won the reputation of men unconquerable immediately after conquered all ITALY beside, and soon after that, all SICILIA. To this end as you see, came king Pyrrus vain hope he had to conquer ITALY and SICILIA, after he had spent six years continually in wars, during which time his good fortune decayed, & his army consumed. Notwithstanding, his noble courage remained always invincible, what losses soever he had sustained: and moreover whilst he lived, he was ever esteemed the chiefest of all kings & princes in his time, as well for his experience & sufficiency in wars, as also for the valiantness and hardiness of his person. But what he wan by famous deeds, he lost by vain hopes: desiring so earnestly that which he had not, as he forgot to keep that which he had. Wherepore Antigonus compared him unto a dice player that casteth well, Pyrrus compared to a dice player. but can not use his luck. Now having brought back again with him into EPIRUS, eight thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen, Pyrrus return into Epirus out of Holy. and being without money to pay them, he devised with himself to seek out some new war to entertain those soldiers, and keep them together. Wherefore upon a new aid of certain of the GAULES being comen unto him, he entered into the realm of MACEDON (which Antigonus, Demetrius son held at that time) with intent only to make a forrey, and to get some spoil in the country. But when he saw that he had taken diverse holds, and moreover, that two thousand men of war of the country came and yielded themselves unto him: he began to hope of better success, then at the first he looked for. For upon that hope he marched against king Antigonus' self, Pyrrus victory of Antigonus king of Macedon. whom he met in a very strait valley, and at his first coming, gave such a lusty charge upon his rearward, that he put all Antigonus army in great disorder. For Antigonus had placed the GAULES in the rearward of his army to close it in, which were a convenient number, and did valiantly defend the first charge and the skirmish was so hot, that the most of them were slain. After them, the leaders of the elephants perceiving they were environed on every side, yielded themselves and their beasts. Pyrrus seeing his power to be now increased with such a supply, trusting more to his good fortune, than any good reason might move him: thrust further into the battle of the MACEDONIANS, who were all afraid, and troubled for the overthrow of their rearward, so as they would not once base their pikes, not fight against him. He for his part holding up his hand, and calling the Captains of the bands by their names, strait ways made all the footmen of Antigonus turn wholly to his side: who flying, saved himself with a few horsemen, Antigonus flieth from king Pyrrus. and kept certain of the cities in his realm upon the sea coast. But Pyrrus in all his prosperity, judging nothing more to●edownde to his honour and glory, than the overthrow of the GAULES, laid aside their goodliest and richest spoils, and offered up the same in the temple of Minerva Itonida, with this inscription. When Pyrrus had subdued, the puissant Gauls in fields, He caused of their spoils to make, these targets, arms, and shields: The which he hanged up, intemple all on high, Before Minerva (goddess here) in sign of victory. When he had overcome, the whole and hugy host: The which Antigonus did bring, into his countries coast. Ne marvel should it seem, though victory he won, Since valiantness brings victory, and evermore hath done: And valiantness always, hath constantly kept place, From age to age, and time to time, in AEacus his race. Immediately after this battle, all the cities of the realm of MACEDON yielded unto him but when he had the city of AEGES in his power, he used the inhabitants thereof very hardly, & specially because he left a great garrison of the GAULES there which he had in pay. This nation is extreme covetous, The covetousness of the Gauls. as than they showed themselves: for they spared not to break up the tombs wherein the kings of MACEDON lay buried there, took away all the gold and silver they could find, and afterwards with great insolency cast out their bones into the open wind. Pyrrus was told of it, but he lightly passed it over, and made no reckoning of it: either because he deferred it till an other time, by reason of the wars he had then in hand: or else for that he durst not meddle with punishing of these barbarous people at that time. But whatsoever the matter was, the MACEDONIANS were very angry with Pyrrus, & blamed him greatly for it. Furthermore, having not yet made all things sure in MACEDON, nor being fully possessed of the same: new toys and hope came into his head, and mocking Antigonus, said, he was a mad man to go appareled in purple like a king, when a poor cloak might become him like a private man. Now, Cleonymus king of SPARTA being come to procure him to bring his army into the country of LACEDAEMON, Pyrrus was very willing to it. This Cleonymus was of the blood royal of SPARTA, but because he was a cruel man, and would do all things by authority, they loved him not at SPARTA, nor trusted him at all: and therefore did they put him out, & made Areus king, a very quiet man. Areus made king of Sparta, and Cleonymus pus down. And this was the oldest quarrel Cleonymus had against the common wealth of SPARTA: but besides that, he had an other private quarrel, which grew upon this cause. In his old years, Cleonymus had married a fair young Lady called Chelidonide, which was also of the blood royal, and the daughter of Leotychides. This Lady being fallen extremely in love with Acrotatus, king Areus son, a goodly young gentleman, and in his lusty youth, she greatly vexed and dishonoured her husband Cleonymus, who was over head and ears in love and jealousy with her: for there was not one in all SPARTA, but plainly knew that his wife made none account of him. And thus his home sorrows, being joined with his outward common griefs, even for spite, desiring a revenge, The cause of Pyrrus invading Peloponnesus. in choler he went to procure Pyrrus to come unto SPARTA, to restore him again to his kingdom. Hereupon he brought him into LACEDAEMONIA forthwith, with five and twenty thousand footmen, two thousand horse, and four and twenty elephants: by which preparation, though by nothing else, the world might plainly see, that Pyrrus came with a mind not to restore Cleonymus again unto SPARTA, but of intent to conquer for himself (if he could) all the country of PELOPONNESUS. For in words he denied it to the LACEDÆMONIANS themselves, who sent Ambassadors unto him when he was in the city of MEGALIPOLIS, Pyrrus stratagem to the Spartans. where he told them that he was come into PELOPONNESUS, to set the towns and cities at liberty which Antigonus kept in bondage: & that his true intent and meaning was to sand his young sons into SPARTA (so they would be contented) to the end they might be trained after the LACONIAN manner, and from their youth have this advantage above all other kings, to have been well brought up. But feigning these things, and abusing those that came to meet him on his way, they took no heed of him, till he came within the coast of LACONIA, into the which he was no sooner entered, but he began to spoil and waste the whole country. And when the Ambassadors of SPARTA reproved and found fault with him, for that he made wars upon them in such sort, before he had openly proclaimed it: he made them answer: no more have you yourselves used to proclaim that, which you purposed to do to others. Then one of the Ambassadors called Mandricidas, Mandricidas stowe answer to king Pyrrus. replied again unto him in the LACONIAN tongue. If thou be a god, thou wilt do us no hurt, because we have not offended thee: and if thou be a man, thou shalt meet with an other that shallbe better than thyself. Then he marched directly to SPARTA, where Cleonymus gave him counsel even at the first, to assault it. Pyrrus besiegeth, Lacedaemon. But he would not so do, fearing (as they said) that if he did it by night, his soldiers would sack the city: and said it should be time enough to assault it the next day at broad day light, because there were but few men within the town, and beside they were very ill provided. And furthermore, king Areus himself was not there, but gone into CRETA to aid the GORTYNIANS, who had wars in their own country. And doubtless, that only was the saving of SPARTA from taking, that they made no reckoning to assault it hotly: because they thought it was not able to make resistance. For Pyrrus camped before the town, thoroughly persuaded with himself, that he should find none to fight with him: and Cleonymus friends and servants also did prepare his lodging there, as if Pyrrus should have come to supper to him, and lodged with him. When night was come, the LACEDÆMONIANS counseled together, & secretly determined to sand away their wives, and little children into CRETA. But the women themselves were against it, The courage of the women of Sparta. and there was one among them called Archidamia, who went into the Senate house with a sword in her hand, to speak unto them in the name of all the rest, and said: that they did their wives great wrong, if they thought them so faint hearted, as to live after SPARTA were destroyed. Afterwards it was agreed in counsel, that they should cast a trench before the enemy's camp, and that at both the ends of the same they should bury carts in the ground unto the midst of the wheels, to the end that being fast set in the ground, they should stay the elephants, and keep them from passing further. And when they began to go in hand withal, there came wives and maids unto them, some of them their clotheses girt up round about them, and others all in their smocks, to work at this trench with the old men, advising the young men that should fight the next morning, to rest themselves in the mean while. So the women took the third part of the trench to task, Women wrought in the trench. which was six cubits broad, four cubits deep, and eight hundred foot long as Philarchus saith: or little less as Hieronymus writeth. Then when the break of day appeared, & the enemies removed to come to the assault the women themselves fetched the weapons which they put into the young men's hands, Women encouraged their men to fight. and delivered them the task of the trench ready made, which they before had undertaken, praying them valiantly to keep and defend it, telling them withal, how great a pleasure it is to overcome the enemies, fight in view and sight of their native country, and what great felicity and honour it is to die in the arms of his mother and wife, after he hath fought valiantly like an honest man, and worthy of the magnanimity of SPARTA. But Chelidonida being gone a side, had tied a halter with ariding knot about her neck, ready to strangle & hung herself, rather than to fall into the hands of Cleonymus, if by chance the city should come to be taken. Now Pyrrus marched in person with his battle of footmen, Pyrrus battle. against the front of the SPARTANS, who being a great number also, did tarry his coming on the other side of the trench: the which, besides that it was very ill to pass over, did let the soldiers also to fight steadely in order of battle, because the earth being newly cast up, did yield under their feet. Wherefore, Ptolemy king Pyrrus son, passing all alongst the trench side with two thousand GAULES, & all the choice men of the CHAONIANS, assayed if he could get over to the other side at one of the ends of the trench where the carts were: which being set very deep into the ground, and one joined unto an other, they did not only hinder thassailants, but the defendants also. Howbeit in the end, the GAULES began to pluck of the wheels of these carts, and to draw them into the river. But Acrotatus, king Areus son, a young man, seeing the danger, ran through the city with a troop of three hundred lusty youths beside, & went to enclose Ptolemy behind before he espied him, for that he passed a secret hollow way till he came even to give the charge upon them: whereby they were enforced to turn their faces towards him, one running in an other's neck, and so in great disorder were thrust into the trenches, and under the carts: insomuch as at the last, with much a do, and great bloodshed, Acrotates and his company drove them back, and repulsed them. Now the women and old men, that were on tother side of the trench, saw plainly before their face, how valiantly Acrotatus had repulsed the GAULES. Acrotatus valiantness. Wherefore, altar Acrotatus had done this exploit, he returned again through the city unto the place from whence he came, all on a gore blood, courageous and lively, for the victory he came newly from. The women of SPARTA thought Acrotatus far more noble and fairer to behold, than ever he was: so that they all thought Chelidonida happy to have such a friend and lover. And there were certain old men that followed him, crying after him, go thy way Acrotatus, and enjoy thy love Chelidonida: beget noble children of her unto SPARTA. The fight was cruel on that side where Pyrrus was, and many of the SPARTANS fought very valiantly. Howbeit amongst other, there was one named Phillius, who after he had sought long, and slain many of his enemies with his own hands, that forced to pass over the trench: perceiving that his heart fainted for the great number of wounds he had upon him, called one of them that were in the rank next behind him, and giving him his place, fell down dead in the arms of his friends, because his enemies should not have his body. In the end, the battle having continued all the day long, the night did separate them: and Pyrrus being laid in his bed, had this vision in his sleep. Pyrrus dream. He thought he ●●rake the city of LACEDAEMON with lightning, and that he utterly consumed it: whereat he was so passing glad, that even with the very joy he awaked. And thereupon forthwith commanded his Captains to make their men ready to the assault: and told his dream unto his familiars, supposing that out of doubt it did betoken he should in that approach take the city. All that heard it, believed it was so, saving one Lysimachus: who to the contrary, said that this vision like him not, because the places smitten with lightning are holy, and it is no● lawful to enter into them: by reason whereof he was also affrayed, that the gods did signify unto him, that he should not enter into the city of SPARTA. Pyrrus answered him: that said he, is a matter disputable to & fro in an open assembly of people, for there is no manner of certainty in it. But furthermore, every man must take his weapon in his hand, & set this sentence before his eyes A right good sign it is, that he would hazard life In just defence of master's cause with spear and bloody knife. alluding unto Homer's verses, which he wrote for the defence of his country. And saying thus, he rose, and at the break of day led his army unto the assault. On tother side also, the LACEDÆMONIANS with a marvelous courage & magnanimity, far greater than their force bestirred themselves wonderfully to make resistance, having their wives by them that gave them their weapons wherewith they fought, and were ready at hand to give meat & drink to them that needed, and did also withdraw those that were hurt to cure them. The MACEDONIANS likewise for their part, endeavoured themselves with all their might to fill up the trench with wood and other things, which they cast upon the dead bodies and armours, lying in the bottom of the ditch: & the LACEDÆMONIANS again, laboured all that they could possible to let them. But in this great broil, one perceived Pyrrus a horse back to have leapt the trench, passed over the strength of the carts, and make force to enter into the city. Wherefore those that were appointed to defend that part of the trench, cried out strait: and the women fell a shrieking, and running, as if all had been lost. And as Pyrrus passed further, striking down with his own hands all that stood before him, a CRETAN shot at him, Pyrrus in danger of his life, at the siege of Sparta. & struck his horse through both sides: who leaping out of the press for pain of his wound, dying, carried Pyrrus away, and threw him upon the hanging of a steep hill, where he was in great danger to fall from the top. This put all his servants and friends about him in a marvelous fear, and therewithal the LACEDÆMONIANS: seeing them in this fear and trouble ran immediately unto that place, and with force of shot drove them all out of the trench. After this retire, Pyrrus caused all assault to cease, hoping the LACEDÆMONIANS in the end would yield, considering there were many of them slain in the two days past, and all the rest in manner hurt. Howbeit, the good fortune of the city (whether it were to prove the valiantness of the inhabitants themselves, or at the lest to show what power they were of even in their greatest need and distress, when the LACEDÆMONIANS had small hope left) brought one Aminias Phocian from CORINTHE, one of king Antigonus Captains with a great band of men, and put them into the city to aid them: and strait after him, as soon as he had entered, king Areus arrived also on tother side from CRETA, and two thousand soldiers with him. King Areus arrived in Sparta with new aid. So the women went home to their houses, making their reckoning that they should not need any more to trouble themselves with wars. They gave the old men liberty also to go and rest themselves, who being past allage to fight, for necessity's sake yet were driven to arm themselves, and take weapon in hand: and in order of battle placed the new come soldiers in their rooms. Pyrrus understanding that new supplies were come, grew to greater stomach than before, and enforced all that he could, to win the town by assault. But in the end, when to his cost he found that he wan nothing but blows, he gave over the siege, and went to spoil all the country about, determining to lie there in garrison all the winter. He could not for all this avoid his destiny. For there rose a sedition in the city of ARGOS between two of the chiefest citizens, Sedition in the city of Argos. Aristeas and Aristippus: and because Aristeas thought that king Antigonus did favour his enemy Aristippus, he made haste to send first unto Pyrrus, whose nature and disposition was such, that he did continually heap hope upon hope, ever taking the present prosperity, for an occasion to hope after greater to come. And if it fell out he was a loser, than he sought to recover himself, and to restore his loss, by some other new attempts. So that neither for being conqueror, nor overcomen, he would ever be quiet, but always troubled some, and himself also: by reason whereof, he suddenly departed towards ARGOS. But king Areus having laid ambushes for him in diverse places, Pyrrus repulsed from Sparta goeth to Argos. and occupied also the straightest and hardest passages, by the which he was to pass: gave a charge upon the GAULES and MOLOSSIANS, which were in the tail of his army. Now, the self same day Pyrrus was warned by a Soothsayer, who sacrificing had found the liver of the sacrificed beast infected: that it betokened the loss of some most near unto him. But when he heard the noise of the charge given, he thought not of the forwarning of his Soothsayer, but commanded his son to take his household servants with him, and to go thither: as he himself in the mean time with as great hast as he could, made the rest of his army march, to get them quickly out of this dangerous way. The fray was very hot about Ptolemy Pyrrus son, for they were all the chief men of the LACEDÆMONIANS with whom he had to do, led by a valiant Captain called Eualcus. But as he fought valiantly against those that stood before him, there was a soldier of CRETA called Oraesus, borne in the city of APTERA, a man very ready of his hand, and light of foot, who running alongst by him, struck him such a blow on his side, that he cell down dead in the place. Ptolemy king Pyrrus son, slain by Oraesus Cretan. This prince Ptolemy being slain, his company began strait to fly: and the LACEDÆMONIANS followed the chase so hotly, that they took no heed of themselves, until they saw they were in the plain field far from their footmen. Wherefore, Pyrrus unto whom the death of his son was newly reported, being a fire with sorrow and passion, turned so dainly upon them with the men of arms of the MOLOSSIANS, and being the first that came unto them, made a marvelous slaughter among them. For, notwithstanding that every where before that time he was terrible and invincible, having his sword in his hand: yet than he did show more proof of his valiantness, strength, and courage, than he had ever done before. And when he had set spurs to his horse against Eualcus to close with him, Eualcus turned on the toe side, and gave Pyrrus such a blow with his sword, that he miss little the cutting of his bridle hand: for he cut in deed all the rains of the bridle a sunder. But Pyrrus strait ran him through the body with his spear, Pyrrus slew Eualcus. and lighting of from his horse, he put all the troop of the LACEDÆMONIANS to the sword that were about the body of Eualcus, being all chosen men. Thus the ambition of the Captains was cause of that loss unto their country for nothing, considering that the wars against them were ended. But Pyrrus having now as it were made sacrifice of these poor bodies of the LACEDÆMONIANS, for the soul of his dead son, and fought thus wonderfully also to honour his funerals, converting a great part of his sorrow for his death, into anger and wrath against the enemies: he afterwards held on his way directly towards ARGOS. And understanding that king Antigonus had already seized the hills that were over the valley, he lodged near unto the city of NAUPLIA: and the next morning following sent a herald unto Antigonus, and gave him defiance, calling him wicked man, and challenged him to come down into the valley to fight with him, to try which of them two should be king. Antigonus made him answer, Antigonus' answer to Pyrrus challenge. that he made wars as much with time, as with weapon: & furthermore, that if Pyrrus were weary of his life, he had ways open enough to put himself to death. The citizens of ARGOS also sent Ambassadors unto them both, to pray them to depart, sith they knew that there was nothing for them to see in the city of ARGOS, and that they would let it be a neuter, & friend unto them both. King Antigonus agreed unto it, and gave them his son for hostage. Pyrrus also made them fair promise to do so too, but because he gave no caution nor sufficient pledge to perform it, they mistrusted him the more. Then there fell out many great & wondered tokens, as well unto Pyrrus, Tokens of Pyrrus death. as unto the ARGIVES. For Pyrrus having sacrificed oxen, their heads being stricken of from their bodies, they thrust out their tongues, and licked up their own blood. And within the city of ARGOS, a sister of the temple of Apollo Lycias, called Apollonide, ran through the streets, crying out that she saw the city full of murder, and blood running all about, and an Eagle that came unto the fray, howbeit she vanished away suddenly, and no body knew what become of her. Pyrrus then coming heard to the walls of ARGOS in the night, & finding one of the gates called Diamperes, opened by Aristeas, he put in his GAULES: who possessed the market place, before the citizens knew any thing of it. But because the gate was too low to pass the elephants through with their towers upon their backs, Pyrrus fight in the city of Argos. they were driven to take them of, & afterwards when they were within, to put them on in the dark, & in tumult: by reason whereof they lost much time, so that the citizens in the end perceived it, and ran incontinently unto the castle of Aspides, and into other strong places of the city. Aspides, the Castle in Argos. And therewithal, they sent with present speed unto Antigonus, to pray him to come and help them, and so he did: and after he was come hard to the walls, he remained without with the scouts; & in the mean time sent his son with his chiefest Captains into the town, who brought a great number of good soldiers and men of war with them. At the same time also arrived Areus, king of SPARTA, with a thousand of the CRETANS, and most lusty SPARTANS all which joining together, came to give a charge upon the GAULES that were in the market place, who put them in a marvelous fear & hazard. Pyrrus entering on that side also of the city called Cylarabis, with terrible noise & cries: when he understood that the GAULES answered him not lustily and courageously, he doubted strait that it was the voice of men distressed, and that had their hands full. Wherefore, he came on with speed to relieve them, thrusting the horsemen forwards that marched before him, with great danger and pain, by reason of holes, and sinks, and water conduits, whereof the city was full. By this mean there was a wonderful confusion amongst them, as may be thought fighting by night, where no man saw what he had to do, nor could hear what was commanded, by reason of the great noise they made, straying here and there up and down the streets, th●ne scattered from the other neither could the Captains set their men in order, as well for the darkness of the night, as also for the confused tumult that was all the city over, & for that the streets also were very narrow. And therefore they remained on both sides without doing any thing, looking for day light: at the dawning whereof, Pyrrus perceived the castle of Aspides, full of his armed enemies. And furthermore, suddenly as he was come into the market place, amongst many other goodly common works set out to beautify the same, he spied the images of a bull and a wolf in copper, the which sought one with an other. A bull and wolf in copper, set up in the ●ity of Argos fight together. This sight made him afraid, because at that present he remembered a prophecy that had been told him, that his end and death should be, when he saw a wolf and a bull fight together. The ARGIVES report, that these images were set up in the market place, for the remembrance of a certain chance that had happened in their country. For when Danaus came thither first, by the way called Pyramia (as one would say, land sown with corn) in the country of THYREATIDE, Danaus' won the ●●ty of Argos from king Gelanor. he saw as he went, a wolf fight with a bull: whereupon he stayed to see what the end of their fight would come to, supposing the case in himself, that the wolf was of his side, because that being a stranger as he was, he came to set upon the natural inhabitants of the country. The wolf in the end obtained the victory: wherefore Danaus making his prayer unto Apollo Lycias, Apollo Lycias. followed on his enterprise, & had so good success, that he drove Gelanor out of ARGOS, Gelanor king of the Argives. who at that time was king of the ARGIVES. And thus you hear the cause why they say these images of the wolf and bull were set up in the market place of ARGOS. Pyrrus being half discouraged with the sight of them, and also because nothing fell out well according to his expectations, thought best to retire: but fearing the straightness of the gates of the city, he sent unto his son Helenus, Helenus Pyrrus s●nne. whom he had left without the city with the greatest part of his force and army, commanding him to overthrow a piece of the wall that his men might the more readily get out, and that he might receive them, if their enemies by chance did hinder their coming out. But the messenger whom he sent, was so hasty and fearful, with the tumult that troubled him in going out, that he did not well understand what Pyrrus said unto him, but reported his message quite contrary. Whereupon they young prince Helenus taking the best fo●●●sors he had with him, and the rest of his elephants, entered into the city of help his father who was now giving back: and so long as he had room to fight at ease, retiring still, he valiantly repulsed those that set upon him, turning his face often unto them. But when he was driven unto the street that went from the market place to the gate of the city, he was kept in with his own men that entered at the same gate to help him. But they could not hear when Pyrrus cried out, and bade them go back, the noise was so great: and though the first had heard him, and would have gone back, yet they that were behind, and did still thrust forward into the press, did not permit them. Besides this moreover, the biggest of all the elephants by misfortune fell down overthwart the gate, where he grinding his teeth did hinder those also, that would have comen out and given back. Furthermore, an other of the elephants that were entered before into the city, called Nicon (as much to say, as conquering) seeking his governor that was stricken down to the ground from his back with terrible blows: ran upon them that came back upon him, overthrowing friends and foes one in an other's neck, The strange love of an Elephant to his keeper. till at the length having found the body of his master slain, he lift him up from the ground with his trunk, and carrying him upon his two tusks, returned back with great fury, treading all under feet he found in his way. Thus every man being thronged and crowded up together in this sort, there was not one that could help himself: for it seemed to be mass and heap of a multitude, and one whole body shut together, which sometime thrust forward, and sometimes gave back, as the sway went. They fought not so much against their enemies, who set upon them behind: but they did themselves more hurt, than their enemies did. For if any drew out his sword, or based his pike, he could neither scabbard th'one again, nor lift up tother, but thrust it full upon his own fellows that came in to help them, and so killed themselves one thrusting upon an other. Wherefore Pyrrus seeing his people thus troubled and harried to & fro, took his crown from his head which he ware upon his helmet, that made him known of his men a far of, and gave it unto one of his familiars that was next unto him: and trusting then to the goodness of his horse, flew upon his enemies that followed him. It fortuned that one hurt him with a pike, but the wound was neither dangerous nor great: wherefore Pyrrus set upon him that had hurt him, who was an ARGIAN borne, a man of mean condition, and a poor old woman's son, whose mother at that present time was gotten up to the top of the tiles of a house, as all other women of the city were, to see the fight. And she perceiving that it was here son whom Pyrrus came upon, was so affrighted to see him in that danger, that she took a tile, King Pyrrus slain with a tile thrown by a woman. and with both her hands cast it upon Pyrrus. The tile falling of from his head by reason of his head piece, lighted full in the nape of his neck, & broke his neck bone a sunder: wherewith he was suddenly so benumbed, that he lost his fight with the blow, the rains of his bridle fell out of his hand, and himself fell from his horse to the ground, by Licymmias tomb, before any man knew what he was, at the lest the common people. Until at the last there came one Zopyrus, that was in pay with Antigonus, and two or three other soldiers also that ran strait to the place, and knowing him, dragged his body into a gate, even as he was coming again to himself out of this trance. This Zopyrus drew out a SLAVON sword he wore by his side, to strike of his head. But Pyrrus cast such a grim countenance on him between his eyes, that made him so afraid, & his hand so to shake therewith: that being thus amazed, he did not strike him right in the place where he should have cut of his head, but killed him under his mouth about his chin, so that he was a great while ere he could strike of his head. The matter was strait blown abroad amongst diverse: whereupon Alcyoneus running thither, Alcyoneus king Antigonus son. asked for the head that he might know it again. But when he had it, he ran presently unto his father withal, and found him talking with his familiar friends, and cast Pyrrus head before him. Antigonus looking upon it, when he knew it, laid upon his son with his staff, and called him cruel murderer, and unnatural barbarous beast: and so hiding his eyes with his cloak, wept for pity, (remembering the fortune of his grandfather Antigonus, and of his father Demetrius) and then caused Pyrrus head & body to be honourably burnt & buried. Antigonus' courtesy towards Pyrrus body and friends. Afterwards Alcyoneus meeting Helenus (king Pyrrus son) in very poor state, muffled up with a poor short cloak: used him very courteously with gentle words, and brought him to his father. Antigonus seeing his son bringing of him, said unto him: this part now (my son) is better than the first, and pleaseth me a great deal more. But yet thou hast not done all thou shouldest for thou shouldest have taken from him his beggarly cloak the weareth, which doth more shame us that, are the gainers, then him that is the loser. After he had spoken these words, Antigonus embraced Helenus, and having appareled him in good sort, sent him home with honourable convoy into his realm of EPIRUS. Furthermore, seizing all Pyrrus camp and army, he courteously received all his friends and servants. The end of Pyrrus life. THE LIFE OF Caius Marius. IT is not known what was the third name of Caius Marius, no more then of Quintius Sertorius, who had all SPAIN in his hands at one time: nor of Lucius Mummius, he that destroyed the city of CORINTHE. For this name of Achaicus, that was given unto Mummius, Of the names of the romans. of Africanus unto Scipio: and of Numidicus unto Metellus: were all surnames given them, by reason of the conquests they won. By this reason Posidonius thinketh to overcome them that say, that the third name the romans have, is their proper name: as Camillus, Marcellus, Cato. For if it fell out so, said he, than it must needs follow that they which have two names, should have no proper name. But on the otherside also, he doth not consider that by the like reason he should say, that women have no names: for there is not a woman in ROME that is called by her first name, which Posidonius judgeth to be the proper name of the romans. And that of the other two, the one is the common name of all the house of family, as or the POMPEIANS, of the MANLIANS, and of the CORNELIANS, like us the HERACLIDES and the PELOPIDES are amongst the grecians: and the other is a surname taken of the deeds, or of the nature, form, or shape of the body, or of some other like accident, as are these surnames, Macrinus, Torquatus, & Sylla. Even as amongst the grecians likewise, Mnemon, which signifieth having good memory: Grypos, having a crooked no●e● Callinicos, conquering. But as for that, the diversity of custom would deliver objection sufficient to the contrary, to him that lifted. And furthermore, as touching the favour of Marius' face, Marius' favour. we have seen an image of his in marble at RAVENNA, a city of the GAULES, which doth lively represent that rough severity of nature and manner which they say was in him. For being borne a rough man by nature, and given to the wars, and having followed the same altogether from his youth, more than the civil life: when he came to authority, he could not bridle his anger and choleric nature. And they say furthermore, that he never learned the Greek tongue, nor used it in any matters of weight: as though it had been a mockery to study to learn the tongue, Marius could no skill of the Greek tongue. the masters whereof lived in bondage under others. After his second triumph, in the dedication of a certain temple, he made Greek plays to show the romans: pastime: and came into the Theatre, howbeit he did but sit down only and went his way strait. Wherefore me thinks, that as Plato was wont to say often unto Xenocrates the Philosopher, who was of a currish nature, had his head ever occupied, and so severe: Xenocrates, Plato's saying to Xenocrates. my friend: I pray thee do sacrifice to the Graces. So if any man could have persuaded Marius to have sacrificed to the Muses, and to the GRECIAN Graces: (that is to say, that he had known the Greek tongue) to so many famous and glorious deeds as he did, both in peace and wars, he had to joined so unfortunate and miserable an end as he made, through his choler and extreme ambition, at such years, and through an unsatiable covetousness, which like boisterous winds made him to make shipwreck of all, in a most cruel, bloody, and unnatural age. The which is easily known in reading the discourse of his doings. First of all he was of a mean house, Marius' parents, manners, and country. borne of poor parents by father & mother, that got their livings by sweat of their brows. His father as himself, was called Caius: Fulcinia was his mother. And this was the cause why he began so late to haunt the city, and to learn the civility and manners of ROME, having been brought up always before in a little poor village called CIRROEATON, within the territory of the city of ARPOS: where he led a hard country life, in respect of those that lived pleasantly and finely in the cities, but otherwise well reformed, and nearest unto the manners of the ancient romans. The first journey he made unto the wars, was against the CELTIBERIANS in SPAIN, Marius' first journey unto the wars. under Scipio AFRICAN, when he went to besiege the city of NUMANTIA: where his Captains in short time found that he was a better soldier, than any other of his companions. For the did marvelous easily receive the reformation of manners, and the discipline of wars, which Scipio advanced amongst his soldiers that were ill trained before, and given over to all pleasure. And they say, that in the sight of his General he fought hand to hand with one of his enemies, and slew him: upon which occasion, Scipio to make him love him, did offer him many courtesies and pleasures. But specially one day above the rest, having made him sup with him at his table, some one after supper falling in talk of Captains that were in ROME at that time: one that stood by Scipio, asked him (either because in deed he stood in doubt, or else for that he would curry favour with Scipio) what other Captain the romans should have after his death, like unto him. Scipio having Marius by him, gently clapped him upon his shoulder, and said: peradventure this shallbe he. Scipio Asricous judgement of Marius. Thus happily were they both borne, the one to show from his youth that one day he should come to be a great man, and the other also for wisely conjecturing the end, by seeing of the beginning. Well, it fortuned so, that these words of Scipio (by report) above all things else put Marius in a good hope, as if they had been spoken by the oracle of some god, and made him bold to deal in matters of state and common wealth: where, by means of the favour & countenance Cecilius Metellus gave him (whose house his father and he had always followed and honoured) he obtained the office of Tribuneshippe. Marius' Tribune of the people. In this office he preferred a law touching the manner how to give the voices in election of the Magistrates, which did seem to take from the nobility the authority they had in judgement. Costa Consul. And therefore the Consul Cotta stepped up against it, and persuaded the Senate to resist that law, and not suffer it to be authorized, and therewithal presently to call Marius before them to yield a reason of his doing. So was it agreed upon in the Senate. Now Marius coming into the Senate, was not abashed at any thing, as some other young man would have been, that had but newly begun to enter into the world as he did, and having no other notable calling or quality in him, saving his virtue only to commend him: but taking boldness of himself (as the noble acts he afterwards did, gave show of his valour) he openly threatened the Consul Cotta to send him to prison, if he did not presently withdraw the conclusion he had caused to be resolved upon. The Consul then turning himself unto Caecilius Metellus, asked him how he liked it? Metellus standing up, spoke in the behalf of the Consul: and then Marius calling a sergeant out, commended him to take Metellus self, and to carry him to prison. Metellus appealed to the other Tribunes, but never a one would take his matter in hand: so that the Senate when all was done, were compelled to call back the conclusion that before was taken. Then Marius returning with great honour into the market place among the assembly of the people, caused this law to pass and be authorized: and every man held opinion of him that he would prove a stout man, and such a one, as would stoop for any fear, nor shrink for bashfulness, but would beard the Senate is favour of the people. Notwithstanding, he shortly after changed opinion, and altered the first, by an other act he made. For when an other went about to have a law made, to distribute corn unto every citizen without payment of any penny, he was vehemently against it, and overthrew it: so that thereby he came to be a like honoured and esteemed of either party, as he that would neither pleasure the one, nor the other, to the prejudice of the common wealth. After he had been Tribune, he sued for the chiefest office of AEdilis. Two sorts of AEdiles. Of the AEdiles there are two sorts: the first is called AEdilitas Curulis, AEdilitas Curulis. so named because of certain chairs that have crooked feet, upon which they sit when they give audience. The other is of less dignity, and that is called AEdilitas popularis: AEdilitas popularis. and when they have chosen the first and greater AEdilis at ROME, they presently proceed the same day also in the market place unto election of the lesser. Marius' seeing plainly that he was put by the chiefest of the AEdiles, Marius' denied to be AEdilis. turned again strait yet to demand the second: but this was misliked in him, and they took him for too bold, too shameless, and too presumptuous a man. So that in one self day he had two denyalles and repulses, which never man but himself before had. And nevertheless, all this could not cut his comb, but shortly after he sued also for the praetorship, and he lacked but little of the denial of that: yet in the end, being last of all chosen, Marius' chosen Praetor. he was accused to have bribed the people, and bought their voices for money. And surely amongst many other, this presumption was very great: that they saw a man of CASSIUS SABACON within the bars where the election is made, running to and fro among them that gave their voices, because this Sabacon was Marius very great friend. The matter came before the judges, and Sabacon was examined upon it. Whereunto he answered, that for the great extreme heat he felt, he was very dry, and asked for cold water to drink, and that this man had brought him some in a pot where he was, howbeit that he went his way as soon as ever he had drunk. This Sabacon was afterwards put out of the Senate by the next Censors, Sabacon put of the Senate. Caius Herennius pleaded in Marius' behalf, touching the patron & client. and many judge that he was worthy of this infamy, for that he was perjured in judgement, or because he was so subject and given to his pleasure. Caius Herennius was also called for a witness against Marius: but he did allege for his excuse, that the law and custom did dispense with the Patron, to be a witness against his follower & client, and he was quit by the judges. For the romans always call those Patrons, who take the protection of meaner than themselves into their hands: saying, that Marius predecessors, and Marius himself, had ever been followers of the house of the HERENNIANS. The judges received his answer, and allowed thereof. But Marius spoke against it, alleging, that since he had received this honour to bear office in the common wealth, he was now grown from this base condition, to be any more a follower of any man: the which was not true in all. For every office of a Magistrate doth not exempt him that hath the office, nor yet his posterity, to be under the patronage of an other, nor doth discharge him from the duty of honouring them: but of necessity he must be a Magistrate, which the law doth permit to sit in the crooked chair called Curulis, that is to say, carried upon a chariot through the city. But notwithstanding that at the first hearing of this cause, Marius had but ill success, and that the judges were against him all they could: yet in the end for all that, at the last hearing of his matter, Marius, contrary to all men's opinions, was discharged, because the judges opinions with and against him fell to be of like number. He used himself very orderly in his office of praetorship, and after his year was out, when it came to divide the provinces by lot, SPAIN fell unto him, which is beyond the river of Baetis: Marius' acts in Spain. where it is reported that he skowred all the country thereabouts of thieves and robbers, which notwithstanding was yet very cruel and savage, for the rude, barbarous, and uncivil manner and fashion of life of the inhabitants there. For the SPANIARDS were of opinion even at that time, The opinion of Spaniards in old time. that it was a goodly thing to live upon theft and robbery. At this return to ROME out of SPAIN, desiring to deal in matters of the common wealth, he saw that he had neither eloquence nor riches, Eloquence, & riches raised men to authority. which were the two means, by the which those that were at that time in credit and authority, How Marius credit and estimation grew. did carry the people even as they would. Notwithstanding, they made great account of his constancy and noble mind they found in him, of his great pains and travel he took continually, and of the simplicity of his life: which were causes to bring him to honour and preferment, insomuch as he married very highly. For he married julia, julia, Marius' wife. that was of the noble house of the Caesars, and aunt unto julius Caesar: who afterwards came to be the chiefest man of all the romans, and who by reason of that alliance between them, seemed in some things to follow Marius, as we have written in his life. Marius was a man of great temperance and patience, Marius' temperance and patience. as may be judged by an act he did, putting himself into the hands of surgeons. For his shanckes and legs were full of great swollen veins, and being angry because it was no pleasant thing to behold: he determined to put himself into the hands of surgeons to be cured. And first, laying out one of his legs to the surgeon to work upon, he would not be bound as others are in the like case: but patiently abode all the extreme pains a man must of necessity feel being cut, without stirring, groaning, or sighing, still keeping his countenance, and said never a word. But when the surgeon had done with his first leg, and would have gone to the other, he would not give it him: nay said he, I see the cure is not worth the pain I must abide. Afterwards, Caecilius Metellus the Consul, Caecilius Metellus Consul. being appointed to go into AFRICA to make war with king jugurthe, took Marius with him for one of his Lietenauntes. Marius' being there, seeing notable good service to be done, and good occasion to show his manhood, was not of mind in this voyage to increase Metellus honour and reputation, as other lieutenants did: and thought that it was not Metellus that called him forth for his Lieutenant, but fortune herself that presented him a fit occasion to raise him to greatness, and (as it were) did lead him by the hand into a goodly field, to put him to the proof of that he could do. And for this cause therefore, he endeavoured himself to show all the possible proofs of valiantness and honour he could. For, the wars being great continually there, he never for fear refused any attempt or service, how dangerous or painful so ever it were, neither disdained to take any service in hand, were it never so little: but exceeding all other his fellows and companions in wisdom and foresight, in that which was to be done, and striving with the meanest soldiers in living hardly and painfully, wan the goodwill and favour of every man. For to say truly, it is a great comfort & refreshing to soldiers that labour, to have companions that labour willingly with them. For they think, that their company labouring with them, doth in manner take away the compulsion and necessity. Furthermore, it pleaseth the ROMAN soldier marvelously to see the General eat openly of the same bread he eateth, The Labours & presence of the General maketh the soldiers work willingly. or that he lieth on a hard bed as he doth, or that himself is the first man to set his hand to any work when a trench is to be cast, or their camp to be fortified. For they do not so much esteem the Captains, that honour and reward them: as they do those that in dangerous attempts labour, and venture their lives with them. And further, they do far better love them that take pains with them, than those that suffer them to live idly by them. Marius' performing all this, and winning thereby the love and goodwills of his soldiers: he strait filled all LIBYA and the city of ROME with his glory, so that he was in every man's mouth. For they that were in the camp in AFRICA, wrote unto them that were at ROME, that they should never see the end of these wars against this barbarous king, if they gave not the charge unto Marius, and chose him Consul. These things misliked Metellus very much, but specially the misfortune that came upon Turpilius, did marvelously trouble him: which fell out in this sort. Marius the author of Turpilius false accusation & death. Vacca, a great city. Turpilius was Metellus friend, yea he and all his parents had followed Metellus in this war, being master of the works in his camp. Metellus made him governor over the city of VACCA, a goodly great city: and he using the inhabitants of the same very gently and courteously, mistrusted nothing, till he was fallen into the hands of his enemies through their treason. For they had brought king jugurthe into their city unknowing to him, howbeit they did him no hurt, but only begged him of the king, and let him go his way safe. And this was the cause why they accused Turpilius of treason. The cause of the supposed treason against Turpilius. Marius' being one of his judges in the counsel, was not contented to be bitter to him himself, but moved many of the counsel beside to be against him. So that Metellus by the voices of the people, was driven against his will to condemn him, to suffer as a traitor: and shortly after it was found, and proved, that Turpilius was wrongfully condemned, and put to death. Turpilius wrongfully put to death. To say truly, there was not one of the counsel but were very sorry with Metellus, who marvelous impatiently took the death of the poor innocent. But Marius contrarily rejoiced, and took it upon him that he pursued his death, and was not ashamed to make open vaunts, that he had hanged a fury about Metellus neck, Displeasure betwixt Metellus & Marius. to revenge his friends blood, whom he guiltless had caused to be put to death. After that time they become mortal enemies. And they say, that one day Metellus to mock him withal, said unto him: O good man, thou wilt leave us then, and return to ROME to sue for the consulship, and canst thou not be contented to tarry to be Consul with my son? Now his son at that time was but a boy. But whatsoever the matter ment, Marius left him not so, but laboured for leave all he could possible. And Metellus after he had used many delays and excuses, at the length gave him leave, twelve days only before the day of election of the Consuls. Wherefore Marius made haste, and in two days and a night came from the camp to Utica upon the sea side, which is a marvelous way from it: and there before he took ship, did sacrifice unto the gods, and the Soothsayer told him; that the gods by the signs of his sacrifices, did promise' him uncredible prosperity, and so great; as he himself durst not hope after. These words made Marius' heart greater. Whereupon he hoist sail, and having a passing good gale of wind in the poop of the ship, passed the seas in four days, and being landed, road post to ROME. When he was arrived, he went to show himself unto the people: who were marvelous desirous to see him. And being brought by one of the Tribunes of the people unto the pulpit for orations, after many accusations which he objected against Metellus, in the end he besought the people to choose him Consul, promising that within few days he would either kill, or take king Ingurthe prisoner. Whereupon he was chosen Consul without any contradiction. And so soon as he was proclaimed, Marius' first time of being Consul. he began immediately to levy men of war, causing many poor men that had nothing, & many slaves also, to be enroled against the order of ancient custom: where other Captains before him did receive no such manner of men, and did no more suffer unworthy men to be soldiers, than they did allow of unworthy officers in the common wealth: in doing the which every one of them that were enroled, left their goods behind them, as a pledge or their good service abroad in the wars. Yet this was not the matter that made Marius to be most hated, but they were his stout proud words, full of contempt of others, that did chiefly offend the noble men in the city. Marius' offended the nobility. For he proclaimed it every where abroad as it were, that his consulship was a spoil he had gotten of the effeminate rich noble men through his valiantness, and that the wounds which he had upon his body for service of the common wealth, and not the monuments of the dead, nor the images and statues of others, were those that recommended him to the people, nor wear his strength. And oft-times naming Albinus, and otherwhile Bestia, both noble men, and of great houses, who having been Generals of the ROMAN army, had very ill fortune in the country of LIBYA: he called them cowards, and simple soldiers, ask them that were about him, if they did not think that their ancestors would rather have wished to have left their children that came of them like unto himself, than such as they had been: considering that they themselves had won honour and glory, not for that they were descended of noble blood, but through their deserved virtue and valiant deeds. Now Marius spoke not these words in foolish bravery, and for vain glory only, to purchase the ill will of the nobility for nothing: but the common people being very glad to see him shame and despite the Senate, and measuring always the greatness of his courage with his awty fierce words, they egged him forward still not to spare the nobility, and to reprove the great men, so that he ever held with the communality. And furthermore, when he was passed over again into AFRICA, it spited Metellus to the heart, Marius' deprived Metellus of the honour of conquering of king jugurthe. because that he having ended all the war, that there remained almost no more to take or win, Marius should come in that sort to take away the glory and triumph out of his hands, having sought to rise and increase by unthankefullnes towards him. He would not come to him therefore, but went an other way, and left the army with Rutilius one of his lieutenants, to deliver the same unto him. Howbeit the revenge of this ingratitude, lighted in the end upon Marius own neck. For Sylla took out of Marius' hands, the honour of ending this war: even as Marius had taken it from Metellus. But how, & after what sort, I will repeat it in few words, because we have written the particularities more at large in the life of Sylla. Bocchus king of high NUMIDIA, Bocchus king of Numidia, delivereth jugurthe unto Sylla. was father in law unto king jugurthe, unto whom he gave no great aid, whilst he made wars with the romans, because he hated his unfaithfulness, & feared lest he would make himself greater than he was: but in the end, after jugurthe had fled, and wandered up and down in every place, he was constrained of very necessity to cast his last hope and anchor upon him, as his final refuge, and so repair unto him. King Bocchus received him rather for shame, because he durst not punish him, then for any love or goodwill he bore him: and having him in his hands, seemed openly to entreat Marius for him, and secretly to write the contrary unto him. But in the mean time, he practised treason under hand, and sent privily for Lucius Sylla, who then was Quaestor (to say, high treasurer) under Marius, Lucius Sylla Quaestor under Marius. and of whom he had received certain pleasures in those wars. Sylla trusting to this barbarous king, went at his sending for to him. But when he was come, king Bocchus repented him of his promise, and altered his mind, standing many days in doubt with himself how to resolve, whether he should deliver king jugurthe, or keep Sylla himself: yet at the last he went on with his purpose and intended treason, and delivered king jugurthe alive into Sulla's hands. And this was the first original cause of the pestilent and mortal enmity that grew afterwards betwixt Marius and Sylla, The original cause of the civil wars betwixt Marius and Sylla. and was like to have utterly overthrown the city of ROME, and to have razed the foundation of the empire unto the ground. For many envying the glory of Marius, gave it out every where, that this act of the taking of king jugurthe, appertained only unto Sylla: and Sylla himself caused a ring to be made, which he ware commonly, and had graven upon the stone of the same, how Bocchus delivered jugurthe into his hands. And afterwards he made it always his seal to despite Marius with all, who was an ambitious and proud man, and could abide no companion to be partaker of the glory of his doings: and Sylla did it specially at the procurement of enemies & ill willers, who gave the glory of the beginning & chief exploits of this war, unto Metellus, and the last and final conclusion unto Sylla, to the end that the people should not have Marius in so great estimation and good opinion, as they had before. But all this envy, detraction, and hatred against Marius, was soon after extinguished and trodden under foot, by reason of the great danger that fell upon all ITALY out of the West: and they never spoke of it afterwards, knowing that the common wealth stood in need of a good Captain, and that they began to look about, and consider who should be that great wise Pilot, that might save and preserve it, from so exceeding dangerous storm of wars. For there was not a noble man of all the ancient houses of ROME, that durst undertake to offer himself to demand the consulship: but Marius being absent, was chosen Consul the second time. For jugurthe was no sooner taken, but news came to ROME of the coming down of the TEUTONS, and of the CIMBRES, The coming into Italy of the Teutons and Cimbres. the which would not be believed at the first, by reason of the infinite number of the fight men which was said to be in their company, and for the uncredible force and power of armies which was justified to come also: but afterwards they knew plainly, that the rumour that ran abroad was less, than the troth fell out in deed. For they were three hundred thousand fight men all armed, The army of the Teutons and Cimbres 300000 men. who brought with them also an other multitude as great (or more) of women and children: which wandered up and down seeking countries and towns to devil and live in, as they heard say the GAULES had done in old time, who leaving their own country, came, and had possessed the best part of ITALY, which they had taken away from the Tuscans. Now to say truly, no man knew of what nation they were, not from whence they came: as well for that they had no friendship with any other people, as also because they came out of a far country, as a cloud of people that was spread all over GAUL & ITALY. It was doubted much that they came out of germany, dwelling about the north sea: and this they conjectured by view of the greatness of their bodies, and also for that they had dark blue eyes and red, besides that the GERMANS in their tongue do call thieves and robbers, Cimbri. Cimbri. Other say that Celtica, for the great length and largeness of the country, stretching itself from the coast of the great Ocean sea and from the north parts, drawing towards the marisses Moeorides, and the East runneth into SCYTHIA, or TARTARY PONTICA: and that for neighbourhood these two nations joined together, and went out of their country, not that they made this great voyage all at one time, but at many sundry times, marching yearly in the spring further and further into the country. And thus by continuance of time, they passed by force of arms through all the firm land of EUROPE and that for this cause, although they had many particular names according to the diversity of their nations, yet all this mass and multitude of people gathered together, were called notwithstanding, the army of the CELTOSCYTHES, as who would say, the CELTOTARTARES. Other hold opinion that the nation of the CIMMERIANS, Cimmerij. who were known in old time for ancient grecians, the one part of them were not very great in respect of the whole, the which being fled (or driven out of their country for some civil dissension) were compelled by the TARTARS to pass beyond the marisses Moeotides, into the countries of ASIA, under the conduction of a Captain called Ligdamis. But the residue of them which were a far greater number, and more warlike men, they dwelled in the furthest parts of the earth, adjoining unto the great Ocean sea, in a dark shadowed country, covered with wonderful forests, of such length, and so great and thick, and the trees so high, that the sun can have no power upon the ground, and they join hard upon the great sorrest of Hercynia. And furthermore, they are under such a climate, where the pole is of such a height by the inclination of the circles equidistant, which they call Parallels, that it is not far from the point that answereth directly to the plummet upon the head of the inhabitants: and where the days are equinoctial, they do divide all their time in two parts, the which giveth Homer occasion to fayne, that when Ulysses would call upon the dead, he went into the country of the CIMMERIANS, as into the country of hell. And this is the cause why they say these barbarous people left their own countries to come into ITALY, which from the beginning were called CIMMERIANS, and afterwards they say (and not without great likely hood) that they were surnamed CIMBRES: howbeit that is spoken rather by a likely conjecture, then by any assured troth of history. And as for the multitude of men, the most part of historiographers do write, that they were rather more, then less than we have spoken of: and that they were so hardy and valiant, that nothing could stand before them, they did so great things by the strength of their hands where they fought with any, so violently, and so suddenly, that they seemed to be like a lightning fire all about where they came. By means whereof, they met with no man that durst resist them, but scraped together and carried away, all that they found, hand over head: and there were many ROMAN Captains appointed governors to keep that which the romans held in GAUL beyond the mountains, who with great armies were shamefully overthrown by them. The cowardliness of those, whom they had overcome, was the chiefest cause that moved them to direct their journey to ROME. For when they had vanquished the first they fought withal, and gotten great richesse also: they were so fleshed by this, that they determined to stay no where before they had first destroyed ROME, & sacked all ITALY. The romans hearing of this out of all parts, sent for Marius to give him the conduction and leading of these wars, and chose him Consul the second time: Marius' chosen Consul the second time against the law. notwithstanding that it was directly against the law, that did expressly forbidden any man to be chosen being absent, and until also a certain time appointed had passed between the vacation and election, before they could choose him officer twice in one office. Some alleged this law, of intent to hinder the election. But the people repulsed them, objecting to the contrary: that this was not the first time the law had given place to the benefit of the common wealth, Law must give place for common benefit. and that the occasion offered to abrogate the law at that present was no less, then former occasions by the which they chose Scipio Consul, against the course and time appointed by the law, not for any fear they stood in to loose their own country, but for the desire they had to destroy the country of the CARTHAGINIANS, by reason whereof the people proceeded to election. And Marius bringing home his army again out of LIBYA into ITALY, took possession of his Consulship the first day of january (on which day the romans begin their year) and therewithal made his triumph into the city of ROME, showing that to the romans, Marius' triumph into Rome, for king jugurthe. which they thought never to have seen: and that was, king jugurthe prisoner, who was so subtle a man, and could so well frame himself unto his fortune, and with his craft and subtlety was of so great courage beside, that none of his enemies ever hoped to have had him alive. But it is said, that after he was led in this triumph, he fell mad strait upon it. And the pomp of triumph being ended, he was carried into prison, where the sergeants for haste to have the spoil of him, tare his apparel by force from of his back: and because they would take away his rich gold ear rings that hung at his ears, they pulled away with them the tip of his ear, and then cast him naked to the bottom of a deep dungeon, his wits being altogether troubled. Yet when they did throw him down, laughing he said: O Hercules, how cold are your stoves. He lived there yet six days, fight with hunger, and desiring always to prolong his miserable life unto the last hour: the which was a just deserved punishment for his wicked life. In this triumph were carried (as they say) three thousand & seven hundred pound weight in gold, and of silver nygots, five thousand seven hundred and lxxv. pound weight and more in gold and ready coin, eight and twenty thousand and seven hundred crowns. After this triumph, Marius caused the Senate to assemble within the Capitol, where he entered into the company with his triumphing rob, either because he forgot it, or else of too gross and uncivil arrogancy: but perceiving that all the assembly misliked of it, he rose suddenly, and took his long consuls gown, and then returned quickly again into his place. Furthermore Marius departing to go to the wars, How Marius trained his soldiers. thought to train his army by the way; and to harden his soldiers unto labour, causing them to run every way, making great long journeys, compelling each soldier to carry his own furniture, and to prepare him necessary vatells to find himself withal: so that ever after they made a proverb of it, and called such a● were painful and willing to do that which they were commanded without grudging, Marius moils. Other notwithstanding, do show an other cause and beginning of this proverb. Marius' moils. For they say, that Scipio lying at the siege of the city of NUMANTIA, would not only take view of the armour and horses of service that were in his army, but also of the moils and other beasts of burden, because he would see how they were kept & furnished. So Marius brought his horse and moil to the muster which he kept himself, fat, fair, and very well dressed, and his moils hear so slike and smooth, and there withal so lusty and trim, as none of the rest were like unto them. Scipio took great pleasure to see these beasts so well kept, and in so good plight: insomuch as he spoke of it afterwards many a time and often. And upon his words, this manner of talk was taken up ever after, and become a common proverb: when they mean to mock any man that is painful, and given to sore labour, making as though they would praise him, they call him Marius moil. Furthermore, it was a happy turn for Marius (in mine opinion) that these barbarous people (like in force to the beating back of the raging seas) turned their first fury towards SPAIN: and that he in the mean space had time and leisure to train and exercise his soldiers, to make them bold, and withal, himself to be thoroughly known amongst them. For when by little and little they had learned not to offend, nor disobey: then they found his rough commanding, and sharp severity in punishing such as slack their duty, both profitable and very necessary, besides that it was also just and reasonable. Again, his great fury, his sharp words, and his fierce looks, after they had a while been used to them, by little and little they seemed nothing so fearful to them, as to their enemies. But the thing that pleased the soldiers more than all the rest, Marius' commended for his justice. was his justice and upright dealing: whereof they report such an example: Marius had a nephew of his in his camp called Caius Lusius, who had charge of men in the army. This Lusius was taken for a marvelous honest man, saving that he had this fowl vice in him, that he would be suddenly in love with fair young boys: and as at that time he fell in love with a trim young stripling, called Trebonius, that served under him, and having many times lewdly enticed him, and never could obtain his purpose, at the last sent for him one night by his servant. The young man might not disobey his Captain being sent for, but presently went unto him. When he was come into his tent, and that his Captain did strive with all his force to do him villainy: he drew out his sword, and killed him in the place. And this was done when Marius was out of his camp: who so soon as he returned, caused the marshal to bring the young man before him. Many stepped forth strait to accuse him, but no man to defend him. Wherefore he boldly began to tell his tale himself, & to name many witnesses, who had both seen & known how his dead Captain had oftentimes offered him dishonour, and how that he had continually resisted his abominable motion, and would never yield himself unto him, for any gift or present he could offer him. Wherefore Marius commending him greatly, and being very glad of it, caused presently one of those crowns to be brought unto him, which are used to be given to them that in a day of battle have done some valiant deed, and he himself did crown Trebonius withal, as one that had done a noble act, and at such a time, as good and honest examples were requisite. This judgement of Marius being carried to ROME, stood him to great good purpose towards the obtaining of his third consulship: Marius' third consulship. beside also that they looked for the coming back of these barbarous people about the springe with whom the ROMAN soldiers would not fight under any other Captain, than Marius. Howbeit they came not so soon again as they looked for them, but Marius passed over also the year of his third consulship. So time coming about again for the election of new Consuls, and his companion also being dead: he was driven to go himself unto ROME, leaving the charge of his camp in his absence, unto Manius Acilius. Manius Acilius Lieutenant: of the army, under Marius. At that time there were many noble men that sued for the consulship: but Lucius Saturninus one of the Tribunes, Lucius Saturninus Tribune who had the communality under his girdle as he would himself, more than any of tother Tribunes, and being won under hand by Marius, made many orations, in the which he persuaded the people to choose Marius' Consul the fourth time. Marius to the contrary, seemed to refuse it, saying that he would none of it, though the people chose him. Whereupon Saturninus called him traitor, crying out, that his refusal in such a danger and time of necessity, was an apparent part to betray the common wealth. It was found strait that this was a gross pack betwixt Saturninus and Marius, by such as could see day at a little hole. Nevertheless, the people considering that their present troubles required Marius' skill & good fortune in the wars, they made him Consul the fourth time, and joined Catulus Luctatius Consul with him, a man Marius' fourth consulship with Catulus Luctatius. Rhodanus fl. that was greatly honoured of the nobility, and not misliked also of the common people. Marius' having news of the approaching of the barbarous people, passed over the Alps with great speed, & fortifying his camp by the river of Rhone, he brought great provision of all kinds of victuals thither with him, lest being straighted by lack thereof, he should be forced to come to battle at any other time, but even as he would himself, and as it should seem good unto him. And where before that time the transporting of victuals unto his camp by sea was very long, and dangerous, and a marvelous great charge beside: he made it very short and easy by this means. The mouth of the river of Rhone had gathered together so much mud, and such store of sand, which the waves of the sea had cast on heaps together, that the same was becomen very high and deep: so as the banks made the entry into it very narrow, hard, and dangerous for great ships of burden that came from the sea. Marius' considering this matter, set his men a work while they had nothing to do, & made them dig a large trench and deep channel, into the which he turned a great part of the river, and carried it to a convenient place of the coast, where the water fell into the sea by an open gulf, whereby he made it able to carry the greatest ships that were: and besides that, it was in a very still quiet place, not being troubled with winds nor waves. The channel carrieth yet his name, and is called Marius' Channel or trench. Marius' channel. These barbarous people divided themselves into two armies to pass into ITALY, so that it fell out to the one part which were the CIMBRES, to go through high germany, and to force that passage which Catulus kept: and unto the other part, which were the TEUTONS and AMBRONS, to pass through the country of the GENOVESIANS by the sea side against Marius. Now the CIMBRES having the greater compass to fetch about, The Cimbres went through Germany into Italy. The Teutons and Ambrons fall upon Marius to pass into Italy, through the territory of Genua. stayed longer, and remained behind: but the TEUTONS and the AMBRONS going their way first, had in few days dispatched their journey they had to go, to bring them to the camp where the romans lay, unto whom they presented themselves by infinite numbers, with terrible faces to behold, and their cries & voices far contrary unto other men's. They took in a marvelous deal of ground in length to camp upon, and so came forth to defy Marius, and provoke him to battle in open field. Marius made no reckoning of all their bragging defiances, but kept his men together within his camp, taking on terribly with them that would rashly take upon them to move aught to the contrary, and which through impatience of choler would needs go forth to fight, calling them traitors to their country. For said he, we are not come to fight for our private glory, neither to win two triumphs nor victories for ourselves: but we must seek by all means to divert and put by this great shower of wars from us, and this lightning and tempest, that it overcome not all ITALY. These words he spoke unto the private Captains which were under him, as unto men of behaviour and quality. But as for the common soldiers, he made them stand upon the trenches of his camp, one after an other to behold the enemies, & to acquaint themselves with sight of their faces, their countenance, and marching, & not to be afraid of their voices to hear them speak, which were wonderful, both strange & beastly: and also that they might know the fashion of their weapons, and how they handled them. And by this order & ordinary viewing of them, in time he made the things that seemed fearful unto his men at the first sight, to be afterwards very familiar: so that they made no more wondering at them. For he judged, the thing which in deed is true, that a rare and new matter never seen before, for lack of judgement and understanding, maketh things unknown to us, more horrible & fearful than they are: and to the contrary, that custom taketh away a great deal of fear, & terror of those things, which by nature are in deed fearful. The which was seen then by experience. For they being daily acquainted to look upon these barbarous people, it did not only diminish some part of the former fear of the ROMAN soldiers: but furthermore they whetting their choler with the fierce untolerable threats and brags of these barbarous brutish people, did set their hearts a fire to fight with them, because they did not only waste and destroy all the country about them, but besides that, came to give assault even unto their camp with such a boldness, that the ROMAN soldiers could no longer suffer them, and they letted not to speak words that came to Marius' ears himself. What cowardliness hath Marius ever known in us, that he keeps us thus from fight, & under lock & key as it were, in the guard of porters, as if we were women? Let us therefore show ourselves like men, & go ask him if he look for any other soldiers besides ourselves to defend ITALY: and if he have determined to employ us as pioneers only, when he would cast a trench to rid away the mud, or to turn a river contrary. For therein hath he only hitherunto employed us in great labour, and they are the notable works he hath done in his two Consullshippes, whereof he maketh his boast unto them at ROME. Is he afraid they should take him, as they did Carbo & Caepio, whom the enemies have overthrown? He must not be afraid of that: for he is a Captain of an other manner of valour and reputation than they were, and his army much better than theirs was. But howsoever it be, yet were it much better in proving to lose something, then to be idle, & to suffer our friends and confederates to be destroyed & sacked before our eyes. Marius was marvelous glad to hear his men complain thus, & did comfort them, & told them that he did nothing mistrust their courage & valiantness: howbeit that through the counsel of certain prophecies & oracles of the gods, he did expect time & place fit for victory. For he ever carried a SYRIAN woman in a litter about with him called Martha, with great reverence, Martha, a wise woman or prophetess. whom they said had the spirit of prophecy in her: & that he did ever sacrifice unto the gods by her order, & at such time as she willed him to do it. This SYRIAN woman went first to speak with the Senate about these matters, and did foretell & prognosticate what should follow. But the Senate would not hear her, & made her to be driven away. Whereupon she went unto the women, & made them see proof of some things she vaunted of, & specially Marius wife, at whose feet she was set one day in an assembly of the common plays, to see swordplayers fight for life & death: for she told her certainly which of them should overcome. Whereupon this Lady sent her unto her husband Marius, who made great reckoning of her, & carried her even in a litter with him wheresoever he went. She was always at Marius' sacrifices, The attier of Martha in time of sacrifice. appareled in a gown of purple in grain, clasped to her with clasps, & held a spear in her hand wound all about with nosegays, & garlands of flowers tied on with laces. This manner of jest made many doubt whether Marius showed this woman openly, believing in deed that she had the gift of prophecy: or else that knowing the contrary, he made as though he did believe it, to help her feigning. But that which Alexander the MYNDIAN wrote touching Vultures, is a thing greatly to be wondered at. A wonder of the Vultures showed to Marius. For he said there were two of them followed Marius in his wars, & that they ever showed themselves & miss not, when he should win any great battle, & that they did know them by latin collars they ware about their necks, which the soldiers had tied about them, & afterwards let them go where they would: by reason whereof, they did know the soldiers again, & it seemed also that they did salute them, & were very glad when they saw them, & persuaded themselves, that it was a sign & token of good luck to follow. Many signs and tokens were seen before the battle: howbeit all the rest were ordinary sights, Wonders seen. saving that which was reported to be seen at TUDERTUM, & AMERIA, two cities of ITALY. For they say there were seen spears and targets in the night, burning like fire in the element, which first were carried up & down here and there, and then met together even as men move & stir that fight one with an other: until at the length, the one giving back, and the other following after, they all vanished away, and consumed towards the West. About the self same time also, there came from the city of PESSINUNTA, Batabaces, Batabaces the priest of the mother of the gods. the chief priest of the great mother of the gods, who brought news, that the goddess had spoken to him within her sanctuary, and told him that the victory of this war should fall out on the romans side. The Senate believed it, and ordained that they should build a temple unto that goddess, to give her thanks for the victory which she did promise' them. Batabaces also would have presented himself unto the people in open assembly, to tell them as much. But there was one Aulus Pompeius a Tribune that would not suffer him to do it, Aulus Pompeius Tribune. calling him tombler, or rugler, & violently thrust him behind the pulpit for orations: but the mischance that felt upon Pompeius afterwards, made them the more to believe Batabaces words. For Pompeius the Tribune no sooner came home unto his house, but a great vehement ague took him, whereof he died the seventh day after, as all the world could witness. Now the TEUTONS perceiving that Marius stirred not at all out of his camp, they proved to assault him: howbeit they were so well received with shot and slings, that after they had lost certain of their men, they gave it over, and determined to go further, persuading themselves that they might easily pass the Alps without danger. Wherefore trussing up all their baggage, they passed by Marius' camp: at which time it appeared more certainly than before, that they were a marvelous great multitude of people, by the length of time which they took to pass their way. For it is said they were passing by his camp, six days continually together. The enemy's camp were removing six days together. And as they came raking by the romans camp, they asked them in mockery, if they would write or sand home any thing to their wives, for they would be with them ere it were long. When they were all passed and gone, and that they continued on their journey still, Marius also raised his camp, and went and followed them fair and softly foot by foot, and ever kept hard at their tail as near as he could, always fortifying his camp very well, and ever choosing strong places of situation & advantage to lodge in, that they might be safe in the night time. Thus they marched on in this sort, until they came unto the city of AIX, from whence they had not far to go, but they entered strait into the mountains of the Alps. Wherefore Marius prepared now to fight with them: & chose out a place that was very strong of situation to lodge his camp in, howbeit there lacked water. And they say he did it of purpose, to the end to quicken his men's courage the more thereby. Many repined at it, and told him that they should stand in great danger to abide marvelous thirst if they lodged there. Whereunto he made answer: showing them the river that ran hard by the enemy's camp, saying withal, that they must go thither and buy drink with their blood. The soldiers replied again: and why then do ye not lead us thither, Marius' bold words to his soldiers, and their answer. whilst our blood is yet moist? he gently answered them again: because the first thing we do, we must fortify our camp. The soldiers, though they were angry with him, yet they obeyed him: but the slaves having neither drink for themselves, nor for their cattle, gathered together a great troop of them, and went towards the riner: some of them carrying axes, other hatchets, other swords and spears, with their pots to carry water, determining to fight with the barbarous people, if otherwise they could not come by it. A few of the barbarous people at the first sought with them, because the most part of their company were at dinner, after they had bathed, and others were still in the bath washing themselves, finding in that place many springs of hot natural baths. Thus the romans found many of the barbarous people making merry, and taking their pleasure about these baths, for the great delight they took to consider the pleasantness of the place: but when they heard the noise of them that fought, they began to run one after an other unto the place from whence the noise came. Wherefore it was a hard thing for Marius any longer to keep the ROMAN soldiers in from going to their help, for that they feared their slaves should have been slain of the barbarous people: and moreover, because the valiantest soldiers of their enemies called the AMBRONS (who before had overcome Manlius and Cepis, two ROMAN Captains with their armies, and that made of themselves thirty thousand fight men) ran to arms, being very heavy of their bodies, as having filled their bellies well, but otherwise valiant and courageous fellows, and more lively than they were wont to be, by reason of the wine they had drunk. They ran not furiously to fight out of order, neither did they cry out confusedly, but marching all together in good array, making a noise with their harness all after one sort, they often rehearsed their own name AMBRONS', AMBRONS, AMBRONS: which was, either to call one an other of them, or else to fear the romans with their name only. The ITALIANS also on tother side, being the first that came down to fight with them, were the ligurians, dwelling upon the coast of Genuoa, who hearing this noise and cry of theirs, plainly understanding them: answered them again with the like noise and cry, ligurians, ligurians, ligurians, saying that it was the true surname of all their nation. And so before they joined together, this cry was redoubled many a time on either side and the Captains of both parts made their soldiers cry out all together, contending for envy one against an other, who should cry it out loudest. This contention of crying, inflamed the soldiers courages the more. Now the AMBRONS having the river to pass, Battle betwixt the Ambrons & Marius. were by this means put out of order, and before they could put themselves in battle ray again, after they had passed the river, the ligurians ran with great fury to set upon the formest: and after them, (to aid the ligurians that had begun the charge) the romans themselves fell also upon the AMBRONS, coming down from the places of advantage upon these barbarous people, and compelled them by this means to turn their backs, and fly. So the greatest slaughter they made, Marius' overcome the Ambrons. fortuned upon the bank of the river, whereinto they thrust one an other in such sort, that all the river ran blood, being filled with dead bodies. And they that could get over the river again, and were on tother side, durst not gather together, any more to stand to defence: so as the romans slew them, and drove them into their camp, even unto their carriage. Then their women came out against them with sword and axes in their hands, The mannishnes of the women. grinding their teeth: and crying out for sorrow and anger, they charged as well upon their own people that fled, as upon them that chased them: the one as traitors, and the other as enemies. Furthermore, they thrust themselves amongst them that fought, & strove by force to pluck the romans targets out of their hands, and took hold of their naked sword bore handed, abiding with an invincible courage to be hacked and mangled with their sword. And thus was the first battle given (as they say) by the rivers side, rather by chance unlooked for, then by any set purpose, or through the general's counsel. Now the romans, after they had overcome the most part of the AMBRONS, retiring back by reason the night had overtaken them, did not (as they were wont after they had given such an overthrow) sing songs of victory and triumph, nor make good cheer in their tents one with an other, and lest of all sleep: (which is the best & sweetest refreshing for men that have fought happily) but contrarily, they watched all that night with great fear and trouble, because their camp was not trenched and fortified, and because they knew also that there remained almost innumerable thousands of barbarous people, that had not yet fought: beside also, that the AMBRONS that had fled and scaped from the overthrow, did howl out all night with loud cries, which were nothing like men's lamentations and sighs, but rather like wild beasts bellowing and roaring. So that the bellowing of such a great multitude of beastly people, mingled together with threats and wailings, made the mountains thereabouts and the running river to rebound again of the sound and echo of their cries marvelously: by reason whereof; all the valley that lay between both, thundered to hear the horrible and fearful trembling. This made the ROMAN soldiers afeard, and Marius himself in some doubt: because they looked to have been fought withal the same night, being altogether troubled and out of order. Notwithstanding, the barbarous people did not assault them that night, nor the next day following, but only prepared themselves unto battle. And in the mean time Marius knowing that there was above the place where they were camped, certain caves and little valleys covered with wood: he secretly sent Claudius Marcellus thither with three thousand footmen well armed, and commanded him to keep close in ambush, until he saw that the barbarous people were fight with him, and that then he should come and setapon their rearward. The residue of his army, they supped when time came, and after supper reposed them selves. The next morning at the break of day, Marius brought his men into the field out of his fort: where he put them in order of battle, sending his horsemen before to draw the enemies out of skirmish. The TEUTONS seeing them come, Marius' second battle with the Teutons. had not the patience to tarry till the romans were come down into the plain field to fight without advantage, but arming themselves in haste, and in a rage, ran up the hill to the romans, where they stoodo in battle ray. Marius' taking good regard to that they did, sent here and there unto the private Captains, charging them they should not stir, and only to temporize and forbear, until the enemies came within a stones cast of them: and that they should then throw their darts at them, and afterwards draw their sword, and repulse the barbarous people with their shields. For he did foresee before, that when they should climb up against the hill (upon the hanging whereof the romans had set their battle) that their blows would not be of great force, nor their order and ranks could stand close together to any effect or purpose: because they could not have sure footing, not march assuredly, but would easily be throwé backward if they were never so little repulsed, by reason of the hanging of the hill. Marius gave this order unto his folk and therewithal was himself the first man that put it in execution: for he was as trim a warrior, and as valiant a soldier, as any man in all his army: beside, not one amongst them all would venture further, and be more bold than himself. So when the romans had resisted them, and stayed them suddenly, going with fury to have won the hill, perceiving themselves to be repulsed, they gave back by little and little, until they came into the field: and then began the formest of them to gather together, and to put themselves in battle ray upon the plain, when suddenly they heard the noise and charging of them that were in the tail of their army. For Claudius Marcellus failed not to take the occasion when it was offered him, because that the noise of the first charge coming up against the hills thereabouts, under the which he lay in ambush, gave him advertisement thereof: whereupon he caused his men presently to show, and running with great cries, came to give a charge upon those which were in the tail of the barbarous people, putting the hindemost to the sword. They made their fellows whose backs were next unto them, to turn their faces, & so from man to man, till at the length, in short time all their battle began to waver in disorder: and they made no great resistance, when they saw they were so charged before and behind, but began strait to fly for life. The romans following them hard at the heels, Marius' victory of the Teutons and Ambrons. killed and took prisoners above a hundred thousand of them, and took moreover their carts, their tents and all their carriage. Which the whole army by consent agreed to present unto Marius, excepting nothing, saving that which was imbeaceled and conveyed away under hand. Now, though this was a marvelous honourable & right noble present yet they thought it not a recompense sufficient for that he had deserved, for the valour he had showed of a famous Captain in leading of his army, & for the good order he kept in this war: so happy thought they themselves to have escaped so great a danger. Notwithstanding, some writers do not agreed, that the spoil of the barbarous people was given unto Marius: nor that there were also so great a number of men slain as we have spoken of. But they say, that after this battle the MARSSILIANS did enclose their vines, with hedges made of dead men's bones: and that the bodies being rotten and consumed upon the fields through the great rain that fell upon them the winter following, the ground waxed so fat, and did soak the grease so deep in the same, that the summer following they did bear an uncredible quantity of all sorts of fruits. And by this means were Archilocus words proved true, that the errable land doth wax fat with such rottenness or putrification. And it is said also, that of ordinary after great battles, there falleth great store of rain. Much vein followeth after great battles. Either it is by mean of some god that pouring down pure rain water doth purify, wash, and cleanse the ground, defiled and polluted with man's blood: or else it happeneth by natural cause. For that the overthrow of so many dead bodies, and of the blood split, engendereth a moist, gross, and heavy vapour, which doth thicken the air (that by nature is changeable, and easy to altar) from a very small or little beginning, unto an exceeding great change. After this battle, Marius caused the harness and spoils of the barbarous people to be laid aside, that were left whole and fair to sight, to beautify & enrich the pomp of his triumph. Then he caused the rest to be gathered together on a great heap, and laid upon a stake of wood, to make a noble sacrifice unto the gods, all his army being armed about him, crowned with garlands of triumph, and himself appareled in a long gown of purple, according to the custom of the romans in such a case, and holding a torch burning in both his hands, which he first lifted up unto heaven. And as he was turning down the torch to put fire to the stake of wood; they saw some of his friends a good way of a horse back, coming post unto him: then suddenly there was a great silence made of all the assembly, every man desirous to hear what good news they had brought. When they were come and lighted of their horses, they ran strait to embrace Marius, and brought him news that he was chosen Consul the fift time: Marius the fift time Consul. and presented him the letters sent him from ROME confirming the same. And thus, this new joy falling out besides the victory, the private soldiers did show the great joy and pleasure they took in both, with great shouts and beating upon their harness: and the Captains also, they crowned Marius again with new garlands of laurel which they put about his head, and that done, he put fire under the stake of wood, and ended his sacrifice. But that which never suffereth men quietly to enjoy the good hap of any victory clearly, but in this mortal life doth ever mingle the ill with the good, be it either fortune or spite of fatal destiny, or else the necessity of the natural causes of earthly things: did shortly after this great joy bring news unto Marius, of his companion Catulus Luctatius the other Consul, who was like a cloud in a fair bright day, and brought the city of ROME again into a new fear and trouble. For Catulus that went against the CIMBRES, thought it was not for him to keep the straights of the mountains, in hope to let the barbarous people for passing: because that in so doing, he had been compelled to divide his army into many parts, and had weakened himself very much if he had taken that course. Wherefore coming a little on this side the Alps towards ITALY, he planted himself upon the river of Athesis, Athesis flu. and built a bridge upon it, to pass and repass over his men when he would, and set up at either end of the bridge two strong forts well fortified, that he might more commodiously help the places on the other side of the river, if the barbarous people by chance would offer to force them, after they had gotten out of the straits of the mountains. Now, these barbarous people had such a glory in themselves, and disdained their enemies so much, that more to show their force and boldness, then of any necessity that compelled them, or for any benefit they got by it: they suffered it to snow upon them being stark naked, and did climb up to the top of the mountains, throw great heaps ofise and snow. And when they were at the very top of all, they laid their long broad targets under their bodies, and lay all along upon them, sliding down the steep high rocks, that had certain hangings over of an infinito height. In the end, they came to camp near unto the romans by the river side, and considered how they might pass it over: and began to fill it up, tearing down (like giants) great hills of earth which they found thereabouts, brought thither great trees which they pulled up whole by the roots, threw in great pecces of rocks which they broke, and whole towers of earth after them, to stop and break the course of the river. But besides all this, they threw great timber into the river, which being carried down the stream, came with such a force, & hit against the posts of the bridge so violently, that they shaked the romans bridge marvelously. Whereupon many of the soldiers of the great camp were afraid, and forsaking it, began to retire. But than did Catulus, Catulus Luctatius the Consul, flieth from the Cimbres. like a perfect good Captain show, that he made less account of his own private honour and estimation, than he did of the general honour of all his soldiers. For, seeing that he could not persuade his men by any reason to tarry, and that in this fear they dislodged in disorder against his will: he himself commanded the standard bearer of the Eagle to march on, and ran to the foremost that went their way, and marched himself before them all, to the intent that the shame of this retire should altogether light upon him, & not upon his country, and that it might appear the romans did follow their Captain, and not fly away. The barbarous people therefore assaulting the fort at the end of the bridge of the river of Athesis, took it, & all the men that were in it. And because the romans defended it like valiant men, and had lustily ventured their lives to the death for defence of their country: the barbarous people let them go upon composition, which they swore to keep faithfully, by their bull of copper. This bull afterwards was taken when they lost the battle, and carried (as they say) into Catulus Luctatius house, as the chiefest thing of the victory. Furthermore, the barbarous people finding the country open without any defence, scattered here and there, and destroyed all where they came. Whereupon the romans sent for Marius to ROME to go against them: and after he was arrived, every man thought he should have entered in triumph, because also the Senate did grant it him very willingly. But he would not do it, either because he would not deprive his soldiers and the Captains that had fought under him, of any part of the honour that was due unto them, Marius' refused to enter in triumph. they being absent: or because that he would warrant the people from the present danger they were in, by laying aside the glory of his former victories, into the hands of the good fortune of ROME, in certain hope to take it again afterwards, by a more honourable and perfect confirmation of the second. Wherefore, after he had made an oration to the people, and Senate according to the time, he went his way immediately towards Catulus Luctatius, Marius goeth towards Catulus Luctatius to help him. whose coming did comfort him much: and sent also for his army that was yet in GAUL beyond the mountains. And after his army was come, he passed the river of Po, to keep the barbarous people from hurting ITALY on this side the Po. Po flu. Now, the CIMBRES still deferred to give battle because they looked for the TEUTONS, and said: that they marveled much what they meant to tarry so long: either because they knew not in deed of their overthrow, or else for that they would not seem to know it, because they handled them cruelly that brought the news of their deaths. At the length, they sent unto Marius to ask him lands and towns sufficient, to keep them and their brethren. Marius asked their Ambassadors what brethren they meant. They answered, that they were the TEUTONS. Whereat the standers by began to laugh: and Marius sinely mocked them, saying. Care not for those brethren said he, for we have given them ground enough, which they will keep for ever. Marius' mock to the Cimbres. These Ambassadors found his mock strait, and began to revile and threaten him, that the CIMBRES should presently make him repent it, and the TEUTONS so soon as they arrived. Why, said Marius unto them again, they are come already: and there were no honesty in you, if you could go your way & not salute them, since they are your brethren. And as he spoke these words, he commanded his men to bring him the kings of the TEUTONS bound and chained, that had been taken within the mountains of the Alps by the SEQVANI. The CIMBRES understanding this by report of their Ambassadors, presently marched towards Marius, The Cimbres march against Marius. who stirred not at all, but only fortified and kept his camp. They say that it was for this battle that Marius first invented the new devise he brought in for the dart which the romans were wont always to throw against the enemies at the first charge. Marius' devise for altering the dart in fight. For before, the staff of the dart was fastened unto the iron, and the iron unto the staff, with two little iron pings that passed through the wood: and then Marius left one of the iron pings as it was before, & taking away the other, put a little thin pin of wood, easy to be broken, in place of the same, making it craftily, to the end that when the dart was thrown, & stuck in the enemy's target, it should not stand right forward, but bow downwards towards the iron, that the wooden pin being broken, the staff of the dart should hung downwards, holding yet by the iron pin running quite through at the point. So Baeorix king of the CIMBRES, Baeorix king of the Cimbres. coming near to Marius' camp with a small number of horsemen, sent him defiance, & willed him to appoint a day & place for battle, that they might try it out, who should be owners of the country. Whereunto Marius made answer, that it was not the manner of the romans to counsel with their enemies, of the time and place when they should give battle: but nevertheless, he would not stick to pleasure the CIMBRES so much. And thus they agreed between them, that it should be the third day following, in the plain of Verselles, which was very commodious for the horsemen of the romans: and also for the barbarous people to put out at will their great number of fight men. So both armies failed not to meet according to appointment, but appeared ranged in battle, the one before the other. Catulus Luctatius the other Consul, had in his camp twenty thousand, Two and fifty thousand and three hundred men between Marius and Catulus. and three hundred soldiers: and Marius had in his camp two and thirty thousand fight men, which he placed in the two wings of the battle, shutting in Catulus with his men in the midst. As Sylla writeth it, who was present at the same: saying, that Marius did it of malice, for the hope he had to overthrow his enemies with the two wings of the battle, The romans battle. to the end that the whole victory should light upon his two wings, and that Catulus & his men in the midst should have no part thereof. For he could not so much as front the enemy, because that commonly when the front of a battle is of such a breadth, the two wings are ever stretched out before, and is made like the crescent of a moon, where the midst is thickest and farthest in. And it is written also in other stories, that Catulus himself accusing the malice of Marius, because he did so: spoke it to excuse his own dishonour. As for the CIMBRES, The battle of the Cimbres. the troops of their footmen coming out of their forts leisurely, did put themselves into a squadron, as broad as long, for in every side they occupied almost thirty furlong: but their horsemen which were fifteen thousand, marched before in sumptuous furniture. For they had helmets on their heads fashioned like wild beasts necks, and strange bevers or buffs to the same, & ware on their helmets great high plumes of feathers, as they had been wings: which to sight made them appear taller and bigger men than they were. Furthermore, they had good curases on their backs, and carried great white targets before them: and for weapons offensive, every man had two darts in his hand to bestow a far of, & when they came to hand strokes, they had great heavy swords which they fought withal near hand. But at that time they did not march directly in rank against the army of the romans, but turned a little on the right hand, meaning to enclose the romans between them and their footmen that were on the left hand. The ROMAN Captains found their policy strait, but they could not keep their soldiers back: for there was one that cried, the enemies fled, and immediately all the rest began to run after. In the mean time, the footmen of the barbarous people that were like to a sea before them, came forwards still: & then Marius having washed his hands, and lifting them up to heaven, promised, and vowed a solemn sacrifice unto the gods of a hundred oxen. Catulus also made a vow, lifting up his hands to heaven in like manner, that he would build a temple unto fortune for that day: and it is reported, that Marius having sacrificed, when they showed him the entrails of the beasts sacrificed: he cried out a loud, the victory is mine. But when they came to give the charge, Marius had a great misfortune happened him, powered upon him by god's justice, who turned his craft against himself, as Sylla writeth: for there rose very credibly so great a dust, A dust raised, that neither army could see one another. that both armies lost the sight one of an other. And hereupon Marius being the first that ran to begin the charge, and having placed his men about him, miss to meet with his enemies and being passed beyond their battle, wandered a great while up and down the field, whilst the barbarous people fought against Catulus. So that the greatest fury of the battle was against Catulus and his army: in the which, Sylla writeth he was himself, and sayeth, that the heat and the sun which was full in the CIMBRES faces, The sun full in the Cimbres faces. did the romans marvelous pleasure at that time. For the barbarous people being very hard brought up to away with cold (because they were borne and bred in a cold country, shadowed altogether with woods and trees as we have said) were to the contrary very tender against the heat, and did melt with sweeting against the sun, and gaped strait for breath, putting their targets before their faces: sort was also in the heart of summer, about the seven and twenty day of the month of julie, The field fought the 27. of july. that this battle was given, and this dust also made the romans the bolder, and kept them that they could not see the innumerable multitude of their enemies far from them. And every man running to set upon them that came against them, they were joined together in fight, before that the sight of their enemies could make them afraid. And furthermore, they were so good soldiers, and so able to take pains, that how extreme soever the heat was, no man was seen sweat nor blow, though they ran at the first to set upon them: & this hath Catulus Luctatius himself left in writing unto the praise of his soldiers. So were the most part of the barbarous people, and specially of the best soldiers, slain in the field. And because they should not open nor break their ranks, the foremost ranks were all tied & bound together with girdells, leather thongs, & long chains of iron: and they that fled, were chased & followed into their camp by the romans, where they met with horrible and fearful things to behold. For, their wives being upon the top of their carts, appareled all in black, slew all those that fled, without regard of persons: some their fathers, Horrible cruelty of women. other their husbands or their brethren, and strangling the little young babes with their own hands, they cast them under the cart wheels, and between the horse legs, and afterwards slew themselves. And they say, that there was a woman hanged at the end of a cart ladder, having hanged up two of her children by the necks at her heels. And that the men also, for lack of a tree to hung themselves on, tied slipping halters about their necks, unto the horns & feet of the oxen, and that they did prick them afterwards with goads to make them fling and leap so long, that dragging them all about, and treading them under fear, at the length they killed them. Now, though numbers were slain by this means, yet were there three score thousand of them taken prisoners, and the number of them that were slain, came to twice as many more. Prisoners 60. thousand. Men slain six score thousand. In this manner Marius' soldiers spoiled the camp of the CIMBRES: but the spoils of dead men that were slain in the field, with their ensigns and trumpets, were all brought (as it is said) unto Catulus camp, which was a plain testimony to show that Catulus and his soldiers had won the field. Strife rising thus between the soldiers of both camps about it, that the matter might be tried friendly between them: they made the Ambassadors of PARMA their arbitrators, who were by chance at that time in the army. Catulus Luctatius soldiers led the Ambassadors to the place where the overthrow was given, showing them the enemy's bodies pierced through with their pikes, which were easy to be known, because Catulus had made them grave his name upon their pikes. For all this, Marius went away with the honour of this great victory, as well for the first battle he wan alone, when he overthrew the TEUTONS and the AMBRONS: as for his great calling, having been Consul five times. Might overcometh right. And furthermore, the common people at ROME, called him the third founder of the city of ROME, thinking them selves now delivered from as great a danger, as before time they had been from the ancient GAULES. And every man feasting at home with his wife and children, offered the best dishes of meat they had to supper, unto the gods, and unto Marius: and would needs have him alone to triumph for both victories. But he would not in any case, but triumphed into the city with Catulus Luctatius, meaning to show himself courteous and moderate in so great prosperity: and peradventure also fearing Catulus soldiers, who were in readiness and prepared (if Marius would have deprived their Captain of that honour) to let him also of his triumph. And thus you see how he passed his fift consulship. After that, he made more earnest suit for the sixth consulship, than ever any other did for his first: seeking the people's goodwilles by all the fair means he could to please them, humbling himself unto them, not only more than become his estate and calling, but directly also against his own nature, counterfeiting a courteous popular manner, being clean contrary to his disposition. His ambition made him timorous to deal in matters of the state concerning the city. For that courage and boldness which he had in battle against the enemy, he lost it quite when he was in an assembly of people in the city: and was easily put out of his byase, with the first blame or praise he heard given him. And though they report, that on a time when he made a thousand CAMERINES free of the city of ROME, because they had done valiant service in the wars, that there were some that did accuse him, saying, that it was a thing done against all law: he answered them, that for the noise of the armour, he could not hear the law. Notwithstanding, it seemeth that in deed he was greatly afeard of the fury of the people in an assembly of the city. For in time of wars, he ever stood upon his reputation and authority, knowing that they had need of him: but in peace and civil government, because he would rather be the chiefest man than the honestest man, he would creep into the people's bosoms to get their favour and goodwill. And thus through his evil behaviour, he brought all the nobility generally to be his enemies. But he feared nor mistrusted none so much, as he did Metellus, for the great unthankful part he remembered he had played him: and the rather also, because he knew him to be a just & true dealing man, and one that was ever against these people pleasers and flatterers. Metellus against people pleasers. Marius therefore practised all the ways he could, to get Metellus to be banished ROME. Wherefore, to compass his intent, he fell in friendship with Glaucia, and one Saturninus, two of the most boldest, most desperate, and most hardbraind young men, that were in all ROME: who had all the rabblement of rogues and beggars, and such tumultuous people at their commandment, by whose means he made new popular laws, and caused the soldiers to be called home out of the wars, & mingled them with the people of the city in common assemblies, to trouble and vex Metellus. Moreover Rutilius, an honest and true writer, (howbeit an enemy unto Marius) writeth, that he obtained his sixth consulship by corruption of money, which he caused to be distributed amongst the tribes of the people: & that he bought it for ready money to put by Metellus, and to have Valerius Flaccus not for his fellow and companion in the consulship, Valerius Flaccus Consul with Marius the sixth time. but rather for a minister of his william. There was never ROMAN to whom the people granted the consulship six times, except it were unto Valerius corvinus only. Valerius corvinus six times Consul. But for him, they say that there was five and forty years between his first Consulship and the last. Where Marius since the first year of his consulship, continued five years together by good fortune one after an other. But in his last Consulship, he wan himself great hate and malice, because he did many fowl faults to please Saturninus withal: as amongst others, when he bore with Saturninus, who murdered Nonius his competitor in the Tribuneship. The law Agraria. Afterwards when Saturninus was chosen Tribune of the people, he preferred a law for distribution of the lands among the common people, and unto that law he had specially added one article: An article for the oaths of the Senate to confirm what the people should pass by voice. that all the Lords of the Senate should come openly to swear, that they should keep and observe from point to point that which the people by their voices should decree, and should not deny it in any jot. But Marius in open Senate, made as though he would withstand this article, saying, that neither he nor any other wise man of judgement would take this oath: Marius' double dealing. for said he, if the law be evil, than they should do the Senate open wrong to compel them by force to grant it, and not of their own goodwills. But he spoke not that, meaning to do as he said: for it was but a bait he had laid for Metellus only, which he could hardly escape. For, imagining that to tell a fine lie, was a piece of virtue, and of a good wit: To lie cunningly, Marius taketh it for a virtue. he was thoroughly resolved with himself, not to pass for any thing he had spoken in the Senate. And to the contrary also, knowing well enough that Metellus was a grave wise man, who esteemed that to be just and true (as Pindarus said) is the beginning and foundation of great virtue: he thought he would outreach him, making him affirm before the Senate that he would not swear, knowing also that the people would hate him deadly, if he would refuse afterwards to swear. And so in deed it happened. For Metellus having assured them then that he would not swear, the Senate broke up upon it. And shortly after, Saturninus the Tribune calling the Senators unto the pulpit for orations, to compel them to swear before the people: Marius went thither to offer himself to swear. Whereupon the people making silence, listened attentively to hear what he would say. But Marius not regarding his large promise & brags made before the Senate, said then, his neck was not so long, that he would prejudice the common wealth in a matter of so great importance: but that he would swear, and obey the law, if it were a law. This shifting subtlety he added to it, to cloak and cover his shame: and when he had said so, he took his oath. The people seeing him swear, were marvelous glad, and praised him with clapping of their hands: but the nobility hanging down their heads were ashamed of him, and were marvelous angry in their hearts with him, that he had so cowardly and shamefully gone from his word. Timorous policy causeth perjury. Thereupon all the Senate took their oaths, one after an other against their wills, because they were afraid of the people. Saving Metellus, whom, neither parents nor friends persuasion and entreaty could once move to swear, for any punishment that Saturninus had imposed upon them, which refused to take the oath, Metellus constant in virtue. but continued one man still according to his nature, and would never yield unto it, offering to abide any pain, rather than to be brought to consent to a dishonest matter unbeseming his estate. And thereupon went out of the assembly, and talking with them that did accompany him, told them, Metellus wise saying, touching well doing. that to do evil, it was too easy a thing: and to do good without danger, it was also a common matter: but to do well with danger, that was the part of an honest and virtuous man. Saturninus then commanded the Consuls by edict of the people, that they should banish Metellus by sound of trumpet, Metellus banishment. with special commandment, that no man should let him have fire nor water, nor lodge him privately nor openly. The common people, they were ready to have fallen upon him, and to have killed him: but the noble men being offended for the injury they had offered him, gathered together about him to save him, if any would offer him violence. Metellus himself was so good a man, that he would not any civil dissension should rise for his sake: and therefore he absented himself from ROME, wherein he did like a wise man. For said he, either things will amend, and the people then repenting themselves of the wrong they have done me, will call me home again: or else things standing as they do now, it shallbe best for me to be furthest of. But for his travail in his exile, how much he was beloved and honoured, and how sweetly he passed his time studying philosophy in the city of RHODES, shallbe declared more at large in his life. Now on the other side, Marius to recompense the pleasure Saturninus had done him, being driven to let him have his will in all things: did not foresee what an intolerable plague he brought unto the common wealth, giving the bridle to a desperate man, who every way, by force, by sword and murder, plainly sought to usurp tyrannical power, with the utter destruction and subversion of the whole common weal. And so bearing reverence of the one side unto the nobility, and desiring on the other side to gratify the common people: he played a shameful part, and showed himself a double dealing man. Marius' double dealing between the nobility and people. For one night the nobility and chiefest citizens coming to his house, to persuade him to bridle Saturninus insolency and boldness: at the self same time also Saturninus going thither to speak with him, he caused him to be let in at a back door, the noble men not being privy to his coming. And so Marius telling the nobility, and then Saturninus, Marius procureth sedition at Rome. that he was troubled with a looseness of his body, under this pretence whipped up and down, now to the one, then to the other, and did nothing else but set them further out one against an other, than they were before. Nevertheless, the Senate being marvelous angry with his naughty double dealing, and the order of knights taking part with the Senate, Marius in the end was compelled to arm the people in the market place, to suppress them that were up, and drove them into the Capitol: where for lack of water, they were compelled to yield themselves at the length, because he had cut of the pipes and conduits by the which the water ran unto the Capitol. By reason whereof, they being unable to continued any longer, called Marius unto them, and yielded themselves to him, under the assurance of the faith of the common people. But although Marius did what he could possible to his uttermost power to save them, No trust on the faith of the common people. he could not prevail, nor do them pleasure: for they were no sooner come down into the market place, but they were all put to death. Whereupon he having now purchased himself the ill will of the people and nobility both, when time came about that new Censors should be chosen, every man looked that he would have been one of the suitors: howbeit he sued not for it, for fear of repulse, but suffered others to be chosen of far less dignity and calling then himself. Wherein notwithstanding he gloried, saying that he would not sue to be Censor, because he would not have the ill will of many, for examining too straghtly their lives & manners. Again, a decree being preferred to repeal Metellus banishment, Marius did what he could possible by word and deed to hinder it: howbeit, seeing in the end he could not have his will, he let it alone. The people having thus willingly revoked Metellus banishment, Marius' heart would not serve him to see Metellus return again, Metellus return from banishment. for the malice he bore him: wherefore, he took the seas to go into CAPPADOCIA and GALATIA, Marius' journey into Cappadocia and Galatia. under colour to pay certain sacrifices to the mother of the gods, which he had vowed unto her. But this was not the very cause that made him to undertake this journey, for he had an other secret meaning in it. For his nature not being framed to live in peace, and to govern civil matters, and having attained to his greatness by arms, and supposing that his glory & authority consumed and decreased altogether living idly in peace: he sought to devise new occasion of wars, hoping if he could stir up the kings of ASIA, and specially Mithridates (who without his procurement was feared much, that one day he would make wars against the romans) that he should then undoubtedly without let of any man be chosen General to make wars with him, and withal also, that by that means he should have occasion to fill the city of ROME with new triumphs, and his house with the spoils of the great kingdom of PONTE, and with the riches of the king. Now Mithridates disposing himself to entertain Marius, with all the honour and courtesies he could possibly show him: Marius in the end notwithstanding would not once give him a good look, nor a courteous word again, but churlishly said unto Mithridates at his departure from him. Thou must determine one of these two, king Mithridates: Marius' proud words to Mithridates. either to make thyself stronger than the romans, or else to look to do what they command thee, without resistance. These words amazed Mithridates, who had heard say before that the romans would speak their minds freely: howbeit he never saw nor proved it before, until that time. After Marius was returned unto ROME, he built a house near unto the market place, because he would not (as he said himself) that such as came unto him should trouble themselves in going far to bring him home to his house: or else for that he thought this would be an occasion that diverse would come to salute him, as they did other Senators. Howbeit that was not the cause in deed, but the only cause was, for that he had no natural grace nor civility to entertain men courteously that came unto him, and that he lacked behaviour beside to rule in a common wealth: and therefore in time of peace they made no more reckoning of him, than they did of an old rusty harness or implement that was good for nothing, but for the wars only. And for all other that professed arms as himself did, no man grieved him so much to be called forward to office and state before himself, as Sylla did. For he was ready to burst for spite, to see that the noble men did all what they could to present Sylla, for the malice and ill will they bore him: and that Sulla's first rising and preferrment grew, by the quarrels and contentions he had with him. And specially when Bocchus king of NUMIDIA was proclaimed by the Senate, a friend and confederate of the ROMAN people he offered up statues of victories, carrying tokens of triumph, into the temple of the Capitol: and placed near unto them also, an image of gold of king jugurthe, which he delivered by his own hands unto Sylla. The cause of the dissension between Marius & Sylla. And this made Marius stark mad for spite and jealousy, and could not abide that an other should take upon him the glory of his doings: insomuch as he determined to pluck those images down, and to carry them away by force. Sylla on the otherside stomached Marius, and would not suffer him to take them out of the place where they were: so that this civil sedition had taken present effect, had not the wars of their confederates fallen out between, and restrained them for a time. For the best soldiers and most warlike people of all ITALY, and of greatest power, they all together rose against the romans, and had well near overthrown their whole Empire. For they were not only of great force, The war of the confederates. and power, and well armed: but their Captains also, for valiantness and skill, did in manner equal the worthiness of the romans. For this war fell out wonderfully, by reason of the calamity and misfortune that happened in it: but it wan Sylla as much fame and reputation, as it did Marius' shame and dishonour. For he showed himself very cold and slow in all his enterprises, still delaying time, either because age had mortified his active heat, and killed that quick ready disposition of body that was wont to be in him, being then above three score and five year old: or else as he said himself, because he was waxen gouty, and had ache in his veins & sinews, that he could not well stir his body, and that for shame, because he would not tarry behind in this war, he did more than his years could away withal. Notwithstanding, as he was, yet he wan a great battle, wherein were slain six thousand of their enemies: and so long as the wars endured, he never gave them advantage of him, but patiently suffered them sometime to intrenche him, and to mock him, and give him vile words, challenging him out to fight, & yet all this would not provoke him. It is said also, that Pompedius Silo, Siloes' stowts challenge and Marius' answer. who was the chiefest Captain of reputation & authority the enemies had, said unto Marius on a time: if thou be Marius, so great a Captain as they say thou art, leave thy camp, & come out to battle. Nay, said Marius to him again: if thou be a great Captain, pluck me out by the ears, & compel me to come to battle. another time when the enemies gave them occasion to give a great charge upon them with advantage: the romans were saint hearted, and durst not set upon them. Wherefore, after both the one and the other were retired, Marius caused his men to assemble, and spoke unto them in this sort. I can not tell which of the two I should reckon most cowards: you yourselves, or your enemies: for they durst not once see your backs, nor you them in the faces. In the end notwithstanding, he was compelled to resign his charge, being able to serve no longer for the weakness and debility of his body. Now, all the rebels of ITALY being put down, many at ROME (by the orators means) did sue to have the charge of the wars against Mithridates: and among them a Tribune of the people called Sulpitius, (a very bold and rash man) beyond all men's hope and opinion preferred Marius, and persuaded them to give him the charge of these wars, with title and authority of vice Consul. The people thereupon were divided in two parts: for the one side stood for Marius, and tother would have Sylla take the charge, saying, that Marius was to think now upon the hot baths at bay, to look to cure his old body, brought low with rheum and age, as himself said. For Marius had a goodly stately house in those parts near unto the mount of Misene, which was far more fine and curiously furnished, Mons Misenum. then become a Captain that had been in so many foughten battles and dangers. They say that Cornelia afterwards bought that fine house for the sum of seven thousand five hundred crowns, and shortly after also, Lucullus bought it again for two hundred and fifty thousand crowns: to so great excess was vanity and curiosity grown in very short time at ROME. Notwithstanding all this, Marius too ambitiously striving like a passioned young man against the weakness and debility of his age, Marius' ambition. never miss day but he would be in the field of Mars to exercise himself among the young men, showing his body disposed and ready to handle all kind of weapons, and to ride horses: albeit that in his latter time, he had no great health of body, because he was very heavy and sad. There were that liked that passing well in him, and went of purpose into the field to see the pains he took, striving to excel the rest. Howbeit those of the better sort were very sorry to see his avarice and ambition, considering specially, that being of a poor man become very rich, and of a right mean person a great estate, that he could not now contain his prosperity within reasonable bounds, nor content himself to be esteemed and honoured, quietly enjoying all he had won, and which at that present he did possess: but as if he had been very poor and needy, after he had received such great honour and triumphs, would yet carry out his age so stoutly, even into CAPPADOCIA, and unto the realm of PONT, to go fight there against Archelous, and Neoptolemus, lieutenants of king Mithridates. In deed he alleged some reasons to excuse himself, but they were altogether vain: for he said that he desired in person to bring up his son in exercise of arms, and to teach him the discipline of wars. That discovered the secret hidden plague, which of long time hath lurked in ROME, Marius specially having now met with a fit instrument, and minister to destroy the common wealth, which was, the insolent and rash Sulpitius: who altogether followed Saturninus doings, saving that he was found too cowardly amp; faint hearted in all his enterprises, and for that did Marius justly reprove him. But Sulpitius, because he would not dally nor delay time, had ever six hundred young gentlemen of the order of knights, whom he used as his guard about him, and called them the guard against the Senate. Sulpitius' guard of six hundred knights. Sulpitius' boldness. And one day as the Consuls kept their common assembly in the market place, Sulpitius coming in armed upon them, made them both take their heels, and get them packing: and as they fled, one of the consuls sons being taken tardy, was slain, Sylla being tother Consul, and perceiving that he was followed hard at hand unto Marius' house, ran into the same against the opinion of all the world: whereof they that ran after him not being ware, passed by the house. And it is reported that Marius himself conveyed Sylla safely out at a back door, and that he being scaped thus, went unto his camp. Notwithstanding, Sylla himself in his commentaries doth not say, that he was saved in Marius' house when he fled: but that he was brought thither to give his consent unto a matter which Sulpitius would have forced him unto against his will, presenting him naked sword on every side. And he writeth also, that being thus forcibly brought unto Marius' house, he was kept there in this fear, until such time as returning into the market place, he was compelled to revoke again the adiornement of justice, which he and his companion by edict had commanded. This done, Sulpitius then being the stronger, caused the commission & charge of this wars against Mithridates to be assigned unto Marius by the voice of the people. Therefore Marius giving order for his departure, sent two of his Colonels before to take the army of Sylla: who having won his soldiers hearts before, and stirred them up against Marius, brought them on with him directly towards ROME, being no less than five and thirty thousand fight men: who setting upon the Captains Marius had sent unto them, slew them in the field. In revenge whereof, Marius again in ROME put many of Sulla's friends and followers to death, and proclaimed open liberty by sound of trumpet, Marius' sedition. to all slaves and bondmen that would take arms for him: but there were never but three only that offered themselves. Whereupon, having made a little resistance unto Sylla when he came into ROME, he was soon after compelled to run his way. Marius was no sooner out of the city, Marius flieth from Rome. but they that were in his company forsaking him, dispersed themselves here and there being dark night: and Marius himself got to a house of his in the country, called Salonium, and sent his son to one of his father in law Mutius farms not far from thence, to make some provision for victuals. But Marius in the mean time, went before to OSTIA, where one of his friends Numerius had prepared him a ship, in the which he embarked immediately, not tarrying for his son, and hoist sail, having only Granius his wives son with him. In the mean time the younger Marius being at his father in law Mutius farm, stayed so long in getting of provision, in trussing of it up, and carrying it away, that broad day light had like to have discovered him: for the enemies had advertisement whether he was gone, whereupon certain horsemen were sent thither supposing to have found him. But the keeper of the house having an inkling of their coming, and preventing them also before they came, suddenly yoked his oxen to the cart which he loaded with beans, and hid this younger Marius under the same. And pricking the oxen forward with his goad, set out, and met them as he went towards the city, and delivered Marius in this sort into his wives house: and there taking such things as he needed, when the night following came, went towards the sea, & took ship, finding one cross sailed, bound towards AFRICA. Marius the son flieth into Africa. Marius the father sailing on still, had a very good wind to point alongst the coast of ITALY: notwithstanding, being afraid of one Geminius, a chief man of TERRACINE, who hated him to the death, he gave the mariners warning thereof betimes, and willed them to take heed of landing at TERRACINE. The mariners were very willing to obey him, but the wind stood full against them coming from the main, which raised a great storm, and they feared much that their vessel which was but a boat, would not brook the seas, besides that he himself was very sick in his stomach, and sore sea beaten: notwithstanding, at the length with the greatest difficulty that might be, they recovered the coast ever against the city of CIRCEES. In the mean time, the storm increased still, and their vitells failed them: whereupon they were compelled to land, and went wandering up & down not knowing what to do, nor what way to take. But as it falleth our commonly in such like cases of extremity, they thought it always the best safety for them, to fly from the place where they were, and to hope of that which they saw not: for if the sea were their enemy, the land was so likewise. To meet with men, they were afraid: and not to meet with them on tother side lacking utittells, was in deed the greater danger. Nevertheless, in the end they met with heard men that could give them nothing to eat, but knowing Marius, warned him to get him out of the way as soon as he could possible, because it was not long since that there passed by a great troop of horsemen that sought him all about. And thus being brought unto such perplexity, that he knew not where to bestow himself, and specially for that the poor men he had in his company were almost starved for hunger: he got out of the high way notwithstanding, and sought out a very thick wood where he passed all that night in great sorrow, and the next morning being compelled by necessity, determined yet to employ his body before all his strength failed. Thus he wandered on alongst the sea coast, still comforting them that followed him the best he could, & praying them not to despair, but to refene themselves to him, even until the last hope, trusting in certain prophecies which the Soothsayers had told him of long time before. For when he was but very young, and dwelling in the country, he gathered up in the lap of his gown, the airy of an Eagle, Marius' found an airy of Eagles. in the which were seven young Eagles: whereat his father and mother much wondering, asked the Soothsayers what that meant. They answered, that their son one day should be one of the greatest men in the world, and that out of doubt he should obtain seven times in his life the chiefest office of dignity in his country. And for that matter, it is said that so in deed it came to pass. Other hold opinion, that such as were about Marius at that time, in that present place, and else where, during the time of his flying: they hearing him tell this tale, believed it, and afterwards put it down in writing, as a true thing, although of troth it is both false and feigned. For they say, that the Eagle never getteth but two young ones: by reason whereof it is maintained also, that the Poet Musaeus hath lied, in that which he hath written in these verses. The Eagle lays three eggs, and two she hatcheth forth. How many eggs the Eagle layeth. But yet she bringeth up but one, that any thing is worth. Howsoever it was, it is certain that Marius many times during the time of his flying said, that he was assured he should come unto the seventh Consulship. When they were comen near now to the city of MINTURNES, about a two mile & a half from it, they might perceive a troop of horsemen coming by the sea side, and two ships on the sea that fell upon the coast by good hap. Wherefore they all began to run (so long as they had breath and strength) towards the sea, into the which they threw themselves, and got by swimming unto one of the ships where Granius was: and they crossed over unto the isle that is right against it called ENARIA. Now for Marius, who was heavy and sick of body, two of his servants holp to hold him up always above water, with the greatest pain and difficulty in the world: and at the last they laboured so thoroughly, that they put him into the other ship at the self same present, when the horsemen came unto the sea side, who cried out aloud to the mariners, to land again, or else throw Marius over board, and then to go where they would. Marius on tother side humbly besought them with tears, not so to do: whereby the masters of the ship in a short space were in many minds whether to do it, or not to do it. In the end notwithstanding, they answered the horsemen they would not throw him over the board: so the horsemen went their way in a great rage. But as soon as they were gone, the masters of the ship changing mind, drew towards land, and cast anchor about the mouth of the river of Liris, where it leaveth her banks, and maketh great marysses: & there Liris fl.. they told Marius he should do well to go a land to eat somewhat, and refresh his sea sick body, till the wind served them to make sail, which doubtless said they, will be at a certain hour when the sea wind falls and becomes calm, and that there riseth a little wind from the land, engendered by the vapours of the marysses, which will serve the turn very well to take seas again, Marius following their counsel, and thinking they had meant good faith, Marius' set a land, and forsaken of the mariners. was set a land upon the rivers bank: and there laid him down upon the grass, nothing suspecting that which happened after to him. For the mariners presently taking their ship again, and hoisting up their anchors, sailed strait away, and fled: judging it no honesty for them to have delivered Marius into the hands of his enemies, nor safety for themselves to have saved him. Marius' finding himself all alone, & forsaken of every man, lay on the ground a great while, and said never a word: yet at the length taking heart a little to him, got up once again on his feet, and painfully wandered up and down, where was neither way nor path at all, overthwart deep marisses and great ditches, full of water and mud, till he came at the length to a poor old man's cottage, dwelling there in these marisses, and falling at his feet, besought him to help to save and secure a poor afflicted man, with promise that one day he would give him a better recompense than he looked for, if he might escape this present danger wherein he was. The old man whether for that he had known Marius aforetime, or that seeing him (by conjecture only) judged him to be some great parsonage: told him that if he meant but to lie down and rest himself a little, his poor cabyne would serve that turn reasonably well: but if he meant to wander thus, to fly his enemies that followed him, he would then bring him into a more secret place, and farther of from noise. Marius prayed him that he would so much do for him: and the good man brought him into the marsh, Marine hidden in the marisses. unto a low place by the rivers side, where he made him lie down, and then covered him with a great deal of reed and bent, and other such light things as could not hurt him. He had not long been there, but he heard a great noise coming towards the cabin of the poor old man: for Geminius of TERRACINE had sent men all about to seek for him, whereof some by chance came that way, and put the poor man in a fear, and threatened him that he had received and hidden an enemy of the romans. Marius' hearing that, rose out of the place where the old man had laid him, and stripping himself stark naked, went into a part of the marsh where the water was full of mire and mud, Marius' taken. and there was found of those that searched for him: who taking him out of the slime all naked as he was, carried him into the city of MINTURNES, and delivered him there into the governors hands. Open proclamation was made by the Senate through all ITALY, that they should apprehended Marius, and kill him wheresoever they found him. Notwithstanding, the governors and magistrates of MINTURNES thought good first to consult thereupon amongst themselves, & in the mean time they delivered him into the safe custody of a woman called Fannia, whom they thought to have been a bitter enemy of his, for an old grudge she had to him, which was this: Fannia sometime had a husband called Tinnius, whom she was willing to leave for that they could not agree, and required her dower of him again, which was very great. Her husband again said, she had played the whore. The matter was brought before Marius in his sixth consulship, who had given judgement upon it. Both parties being heard, and the law prosecuted on either side, it was found that this Fannia was a naughty woman of her body, and that her husband knowing it well enough before he married her, yet took her with her faults, and long time lived with her. Wherefore Marius being angry with them both, gave sentence that the husband should repay back her dower, and that for her naughty life, she should pay four farthings. This notwithstanding, when Fannia saw Marius, Fanniaes' courtesy unto Marius. she grudged him not for that, and lest of all had any revenging mind in her towards him, but contrarily did comfort and help him what she could with that she had. Marius' thanked her marvelously for it, and bad her hope well: because he met with good luck as he was coming to her house, and in this manner. As they were leading of him, when he came near to Fanniaes' house, her door being open, there came as ass running out to go drink at a conduit: not far from thence: and meeting Marius by the way, looked upon him with a lively joyful countenance, first of all stopping suddenly before him, and then beginning to bray out aloud, and to leap and skip by him. Whereupon Marius strait conjecturing with himself, said, that the gods did signify unto him, that he should save himself sooner by water then by land: because that the ass leaving him, ran to drink, and cared not to eat. So when he had told Fannia this tale, he desired to rest, and prayed them to let him alone, and to shut the chamber door to him. But the magistrates of the city having consulted together about him, in the end resolved they must defer no longer time, but dispatch him out of the way presently. Now when they were agreed upon it, they could not find a man in the city that durst take upon him to kill him: One hired to kill Marius. but a man of armen of the GAULES, or one of the CIMBRES (for we find both the one and the other in waiting) that went thither with his sword drawn in his hand. Now, that place of the chamber wherein Marius lay was very dark, and as it is reported, the man of arms thought be saw two burning flames come out of Marius' eyen, and heard a voice out of that dark corner, saying unto him: O fellow, thou, darest thou come to kill Caius Marius? The barbarous GAUL hearing these words, ran out of the chamber presently, casting his sword in the midst of the flower, and crying out these words only: I can not kill Caius Marius. This made the MINTURNIANS afraid in the city at the first, but afterwards it moved them to compassion. So they were angry with themselves, and did repent them that they converted their counsel to so cruel and unkind a deed, against one that had preserved all ITALY: and to deny him aid in so extreme necessity, it was too great a sin. Therefore let us let him go, said they to themselves, where he will, and suffer him take his fortune appointed him elsewhere: and let us pray to the gods to pardon this offence of ours, to have thrust Marius naked and beggarly out of our city. For these considerations, the MINTURNIANS went all together to Marius where he was, The Minturnians suffered Marius to go his way with sefety. and stood about him, determining to see him safely conducted unto the sea side. Now though every man was ready, and willing to pleasure him, some with one thing, some with an other, and that they did hasten him all they could possible, yet they were a good while a going thither: because there was a wood called Marica, Marica Sylva. that lay right in their way between their city and the sea coast which they greatly reverence, & think it a scriledge to carry any thing out of that wood, that was once brought into it. On tother side, to leave to go through this wood, and to compass it round about, it would ask a marvelous long time. So they standing all in doubt what they should do, one of the ancientest men of the city, spoke aloud unto them, and said: that there was no say forbidden them, that went about so save Marius' life. Then Marius himself being the formest man, taking up some of the fardels which they carried with him, to pleasure him in the ship, went through the wood. All other things necessary being thus readily prepared for him with like goodwill, and specially the ship which one Bellaeus had ordained for him: he caused all this story to be painted in a table at large, which he gave unto the temple, out of the which he departed when he took ship. After he was departed thence, the wind by good fortune carried him into the isle of ENARIA, where he found Granius and some other of his friends, with whom he took sea again, and pointed towards AFRICA. Marius the elder flieth into Africa. But lacking water, they were compelled to land in SICILIA, in the territory of the city of ERIX: where by chance there lay a ROMAN Quaestor, who kept that coast. Marius' being landed there, scaped very narrowly that he was not taken of him: for he slew sixteen of his men that came out with him to take water. So Marius getting him thence with all speed, crossed the seas, until he arrived in the isle of MEANING, where he first understood that his son was saved with Cethegus, and that they were both together gone to Hiempsal king of the NUMIDIANS to beseech him of aid. This gave him a little courage, & made him bold to pass out of that I'll, into the coast of CARTHAGE. Now at that time, Sextilius a ROMAN Praetor was governor of AFRICA, unto whom Marius had never done good nor hurt, & therefore he hoped, that for pity only he might perhaps have help at his hand. Howbeit he was no sooner landed with a few of his men, but a sergeant came strait and said unto him: Sextilius, Praetor and governor of LIBYA, doth forbidden thee to land in all this province: otherwise he telleth thee, that he will obey the Senate's commandment, and pursue thee as an enemy of the romans. Marius' hearing this commandment, was so angry and sorry both, that he could not readily tell what answer to make him, and paused a good while, and said never a word, still eyeing the sergeant with grim look: until he asked him, what answer he would make, to the Praetor's commandment. Marius then fetching a deep sigh from his heart, gave him this answer. Thou shalt tell Sextilius, that thou hast seen Caius Marius banished out of his country, Marius' wise answer of surtimes inconstancy. sitting amongst the ruins of the city of CARTHAGE. By this answer, he wisely laid the example of the ruin and destruction of that great city of CARTHAGE, before Sextilius eyes, and the change of his fortune: to warn Sextilius that the like might fall upon him. In the mean time, Hiempsal king of the NUMIDIANS, not knowing how to resolve, did honourably entreat young Marius and his company. But when they were willing to go their way, he always found new occasion to stay them, and was very glad to see that he started not for any opportunity or good occasion that was offered: notwithstanding, there fortuned a happy mean unto them, whereby they saved themselves. And this it was. This Marius the younger being a sayer complexioned young man, it pitied one of the kings concubines to see him so hardly dealt withal. This pity of hers was a shadow to cloak the love she bore him: but Marius would not harken at the first to her enticements, and refused her. Yet in the end, perceiving that there was no other way for him to escape thence, and considering that she did all things for their avail, more diligently and lovingly then she would have done, if she had not meant further matter unto him, then only to enjoy the pleasure of him: he than accepted her love and lyndnesse, so as at the length she taught him a way how to fly, and save himself and his friends. Marius the younger es●apeth Hyempsals hands. Hereupon he went to his father, and after they had embraced and saluted each other, going alongst the sea side, they found two scorpions fighting together. Marius took this for an ill sign: whereupon they quickly took a fisher boat, and went into the isle CENCINA, which is no great distance of from firm land. They had no sooner hoist up anchor, but they saw the horse men which king Hiempsal had sent unto the place from whence they were departed: and that was one of the greatest dangers that Marius ever escaped. In the mean time there was news at ROME, that Silla made war against king Mithridates' lieutenants: and furthermore, that the Consuls being up in arms th'one against thorhel, Octavius wan the battle, Cinna driven out of Rome by Octavius. and being the stronger had driven out Cinna, who sought to have usurped tyrannical power, and had made Cornelius Merula Consul in his place: and that Cinna on tother side levied men out of other parts of ITALY, and made wars upon them that were in ROME. Marius' hearing of this dissension, thought good to return as soon as he could possible into ITALY. And assembling certain horsemen of the nation of the MAURUSIANS in AFRICA, & certain ITALIANS that had saved themselves there, unto the number of a thousand men in all: he took sea, & landed in a haven of Tuscan called TELAMONIUS, and being landed, proclaimed by sound of trumpet, liberty to all slaves and bond men that would come to him. So the labourers, heard men, and neareheardes of all that march, for the only name and reputation of Marius, ran to the sea side from all parts: of the which he having chosen out the stoutest and lustiest of them, wan them so by fair words, that having gathered a great company together in few days, he made forty sail of them. Furthermore, knowing that Octavius was a marvelous honest man, that would have no authority otherwise then law & reason would: and that Cinna to the contrary was suspected of Sylla, and that he sought to bring in change and innovation to the common wealth, he determined to join his force with Cinna. So Marius sent first unto Cinna, to let him understand that he would obey him as Consul, Marius joineth force with Cinna. and be ready to do all that he should command him. Cinna received him, and gave him the title and authority of Viceconfull, and sent him sergeants to carieaxes and rods before him, with all other signs of public authority. But Marius refused them, and said, that pomp become not his miserable fortune: for he ever went in a poor thread bore gown, and had let his hear grow still after he was banished, being above three score and ten year old, and had a sober gate with him, to make men pity him the more that saw him. But under all this counterfeit pity of his, he never changed his natural look, which was ever more fearful and terrible, then otherwise. And where he spale but little, & went very demurely & soberly: that showed rather a cankered courage within him, than a mind humbled by his banishment. Thus when he had saluted Cinna, and spoken to the soldiers: he than began to set things abroache, and made a wonderful change in few days. For first of all, with his ships he cut of all the victuals by sea, & rob the merchants that carried corn and other victuals to ROME: so that in a short space he was master purveyor for all necessary provision and victuals. After this he went alongst the coast, and took all the cities upon the sea side, and at the length wan OSTIA also by treason, put the most part of them in the town to the sword, and spoiled all their goods: and afterwards making a bridge upon the river of Tiber, took from his enemies all hope to have any manner of provision by sea. That done, he went directly towards ROME with his army, where first he wan the hill called janiculum through octavius fault: octavius negligence in defence of the city of Rome, against Cinna & Marius. who overthrew himself in his doings, not so much for lack of reasonable skill of wars, as through his unprofitable curiosity and strictness in observing the law. For when diverse did persuade him to set the bond men at liberty to take arms for defence of the common wealth: he answered, that he would never give bond men the law and privilege of a ROMAN citizen, having driven Caius Marius out of ROME, to maintain the authority of the law. But when Caecilius Metellus was come to ROME, the son of that Metellus Numidecus, that having begun the wars in LIBYA against king ●●gurthe, was put out by Marius: the soldiers forsook Octavius immediately, and came unto him, because they took him to be a better Captain, and desired also to have a leader that could tell how to command them, to save the city, and the common wealth. For they promised to fight valiantly, & persuaded themselves that they should overcome their enemies, so that they had a skilful & valiant Captain that could order them. Metellus misliking their offer, commanded them in anger to return again unto the Consul: but they for spite were unto their enemies. Metellus on tother side, seeing no good order taken in the city to resist the enemies, Octavius too much given to Southsaiere. octavius virtue and imperfection. got him out of ROME. But Octavius being persuaded by certain Soothsayers and CHALDEAN sacrificers, who promised him all should go well with him, tarried still in ROME. For that man being otherwise, as wise as any ROMAN of his time, and one that dealt as uprightly in his consulship, not carried away with flattering tales, and one also that followed the ancient orders and customs as infallible rules and examples, neither breaking nor omitting any part thereof: me thinks yet had this imperfection, that he frequented the Soothsayers, wise men, and astronomers, more than men skilful in arms and government. Wherefore, before that Marius himself came into the city, Octavius was by force plucked out of the pulpit for orations, octavius slain by Marius soldiers. Agreas' contrariety in astronomy. and slain presently by Marius' soldiers, whom he had sent before into the city. And it is said also, that when he was slain, they found a figure of a CHALDEAN prophecy in his bosom: and here is to be noted a great contrariety in these two notable men, Octavius and Marius. The first lost his life, by trusting to soothsaying: and the second prospered, & rose again, because he did not despise the art of divination. The state of ROME standing then in this manner, the Senate consulting together, sent Ambassadors unto Cinna and Marius, to pray them to come peaceably into ROME, and not to imbrue their hands with the blood of their citizens. Cinna sitting in his chair as Consul, gave them audience, & made them a very reasonable and courteous answer. Marius' standing by him, spoke never a word: but showed by his sour look that he would strait fill ROME with murder and blood. So when the Ambassadors were gone, Cinna came into ROME environed with a great number of soldiers: Cinna and Marius entry into Rome. but Marius stayed suddenly at the gate, speaking partly in anger, and partly in mockery, that he was a banished man, and driven out of his country by law. And therefore if they would have him come into ROME again, they should first by a contrary decree abolish and revoke that of his banishment, as if he had been a religious observer of the laws, and as though ROME had at that present enjoyed their freedom and liberty. Thus he made the people assemble in the market place to proceed to the confirmation of his calling home again. But before three or four tribes had time to give their voices, disguising the matter no longer, and showing plainly that he meant not to be lawfully called home again from exile: he came into ROME with a guard about him, of the veriest rascals, & most shameless slaves, called the BARDIO●IANS, Bardini, Marius caused great murder in Rome. who came to him from all parts: and they for the lest word he spoke, or at the twinkling of his eye, or at a nod of his head made to them, slew many men through his commandment, and at the length slew Ancharius a Senator (that had been Praetor) at Marius' feet with their sword, because only that Marius did not salute him when he came one day to speak with him. After this murder, they continued killing all them that Marius did not salute, and speak unto: for that was the very sign he had given them, to kill them openly in the streets before every man, so that his very friends were afeard of being murdered, when they came to salute him. Thus being a great number of men slain, Cinna in the end began to be satisfied, Marius' cruelty. and to appease his anger. But Marius anger and unsatiable desire of revenge increased more and more, so that he spared not one if he suspected him never so little: and there was neither town nor high way, that was not full of scouts & spies, to hunt them out that hid themselves and fled. Small trust of friends in adversity. Then experience taught them, that no friend is faithful, and to be trusted, if fortune especially frown never so little: for there were very few that did not betray their friends that fled to them for succour. And therefore do Cornutus' servants so much the more deserve praise, The faithfulness of Cornutus' servants to their master. who having secretly hidden their master in his house, did hung up the dead body of some common person by the neck, and having put a gold ring on his finger, they showed him to the BARDIOEIANS, Marius' guard, and buried him in stead of their own master, without suspicion of any man that it was a feigned thing: and so Cornutus being hidden by his servants, was safely conveyed into the country of GAUL. Mark Anthony the Orator had also found out a faithful friend, yet was he unfortunate. M. Antonius the Orator, betrayed by a taverner. This faithful friend of his, was a poor simple man, who having received one of the chiefest men of ROME into his house to keep him close there: he being desirous to make him the best cheer he could with that little he had, sent one of his men to the next tavern to fetch wine, and tasting the wine more curiously than he was wont to do, he called for better. The drawer asked him, why the new ordinary wine would not serve him, but he must needs have of the best and dearest: the foolish fellow simply answered him (telling him as his familiar friend) that his master did feast Mark Anthony, who was hidden very secretly in his house. He was no sooner gone with his wine, & his back turned, but the vile traitorous drawer ran unto Marius, who was set at supper when he came. The drawer being brought to him, promised him to deliver Mark Anthony into his hands. Marius' hearing that, was so jocund, that he cried out, and clapped his hands together for joy: and would have risen from the board, and gone thither himself in person, had not his friends kept him back. But he sent Annius one of his Captains thither with a certain number of soldiers, and commanded then to bring him his head quickly. So they went thither, and when they were come to the house which the drawer had brought them to, Annius tarried beneath at the door, and the soldiers went up the stairs into the chamber, & finding Anthony there, they began to encourage one an other to kill him, not one of them having the heart to lay hands upon him. For Anthony's tongue was at sweet as a Siren, The force of eloquence. and had such an excellent grace in speaking, that when he began to speak unto the soldiers, and to pray them to save his life: there was not one of them so hard hearted, as once to touch him, not not only to look him in the face, but looking downwards, fell a weeping. Annius perceiving they tarried long, and came not down, went himself up into the chamber, and found Anthony talking to his soldiers, and them weeping, his sweet eloquent tongue had so melted their hearts: but he rating them, ran furiously upon him, and struck of his head with his own hands. And Catulus Luctatius also, Catulus Luctatius killed himself. that had been Consul with Marius, and had triumphed over the CIMBRES with him, seeing himself in this peril, set men to entreat Marius for him: but his answer was ever, he must needs die. So Catulus locked himself into a little chamber, and made a great fire of charcoal to be kindled, and with the smoke thereof choked himself. Now after their heads were cut of, they threw out the naked bodies into the streets, and trod them under their feet: the which was not only a pitiful, but a fearful sight to all that saw them. But after all this yet, there was nothing that grieved the people so much, as the horrible lechery & abominable cruelty of this guard of the BARDIAEIANS, who coming into men's houses by force, after they had slain the masters, defiled their young children, and ravished their wives and maids, & no man would once reprove their cruelty, The Bardiaeians slain of their Captains for their cruelty. lechery, and unsatiable avarice: until Cinna and Sertorius in the end set upon them as they slept in their camp, and slew them every one. But in this extremity, as if all things had been restored unto their first estate, news came again from all parts to ROME, that Sylla having ended his war against king Mithridates, and recovered the provinces which he had usurped: returned into ITALY with a great power. This caused these evils and unspeakable miseries to cease a little, because the wicked doers of the same looked they should have wars on their backs ere it were long. Whereupon Marius was chosen Consul the seventh time. He going out of his house openly the first day of januarie, Marius' seventh Consulship. being the beginning of the year, to take possession of his consulship: caused one Sex●● Lucinus to be thrown down headlong from the rock Tarpeian, which seemed to be a great sign and certain token of the evils and miseries, that fell out afterwards the self same year upon them of their faction, and unto all the city beside. But Marius being sore broken with his former troubles, and his mind oppressed with extreme sorrow and grief, could not now at this last time of need pluck up his heart to him again, when he came to think of this new toward war that threatened him, and of the dangers, griefs, and troubles he should enter into, more great and perilous than any he had passed before. For through the great experience he had in wars, he trembled for fear when he began to think of it, considering that he had to fight, not with Octavius, nor with Merula, Captains of a company of rebels gathered together: but with a noble Sylla, that had driven him out of ROME before, and that came now from driving the puissant king Mithridates, unto the furthest part of the realm of PONT, and of the sea Euxinum. Thus, deeply weighing and considering the same, and specially when he looked back upon his long time of banishment, how vacabondlike he wandered up and down in other countries, and remembered the great misfortunes he had passed, and the sundry dangers he fell so often into, being pursued still by sea and by land: it grieved him to the heart, and made him so unquiet, that he could not sleep in the night, or if he slept, Marius' thoughts and fear. had fearful dreams that troubled him, and still he thought he heard a voice bussing in his ears. A lions very den, is dreadful to behold: Though he himself be gone abroad, and be not therein hold. But fearing most of all that he should no more sleep and take his rest, he gave himself to make unreasonable banquets, and to drink more than his years could bear, Devise to win sleep. seeking to win sleep by this means, to avoid care the better. But at the length there came one from the sea, that gave him certain intelligence of all: & that was an increase of a new fear unto him. And thus he being now extremely troubled, partly for fear of the thing to come, & partly also for the over heavy burden of his present ill, there needed but little more aggravation, to fall into the disease whereof he died, which was a plewrisie: as Posidonius the Philosopher writeth, who sayeth plainly that he went into his chamber when he was sick, and spoke unto him about matters of his Ambassade, for the which he came to ROME. Yet an other historiographer Caius Piso writeth, that Marius walking one day after supper with his friends, fell in talk of his fortune from the beginning of his life, telling them at large how often fortune had turned with and against him: concluding, that it is no wise man's part to trust her any more. So when he had done, he took his leave of them, and laid him down upon his bed, Marius the father's death. where he lay sick seven days together, and on the seventh day died. Some write that his ambition appeared plainly, by a strange raving that took him in his head during his sickness. For he thought that he made wars with Mithridates, and showed in his bed all his gestures and movings of his body, as if he had been in a battle, crying the self same cries out aloud, which he was wont to cry when he was in the extremest fight. The desire he had to have taken this charge in hand against Mithridates, was so deeply settled in his mind through extreme ambition and jealousy that possessed him: Marius' mad ambition. that being then three score and ten year old, after he had been the first man that ever was chosen seven times Consul in ROME, a note against the ambitious. and also after that he had gotten a world of goods and richesse together that might have sufficed many kings: yet for all this he died for sorrow, lamenting his hard fortune, as if he had died before his time, and before that he had done and ended that which he had desired. But this was clean contrary unto that the wise Plato did, when he drew near to his death. Plato's words at his death. For he gave God thanks for his fatal end and good fortune. First, for that he had made him a reasonable man, and no brute beast: secondly, a Greek and no barbarous man: and furthermore, for that he was borne in Socrates time. It is reported also, that one Antipater of THARSIS, calling to mind a little before his death the good fortune he had in his life time, did not forget among other things, to tell of the happy navigation he made, coming from his country unto ANTHES: which did witness that he put upon the file of his good accounts for a singular great grace, all favour fortune had showed him, and that he kept it in perpetual memory, being the only and most assured treasure a man can have, to keep those gifts that nature or fortune do bestow upon him. But contrariwise, unthankful fools unto God and nature both, do forget with time the memory of their former benefits, and laying up nothing, nor keeping it in perpetual memory, are always void of goods and full of hope, gaping still for things to come & leaving in the mean time the things present, though reason persuades them the contrary. For fortune may easily let them of the thing to come, but she can not take that from them which is already past: and yet they utterly forget the certain benefit of fortune, as a thing nothing belonging unto them, & dream always of that which is uncertain. And sure it chanceth to them by great reason. For, having gathered outward goods together, and locking them up before they have built and laid a sure grounded foundation of reason through good learning: they can not afterwards fill nor quench their unsatiable greedy covetous mind. Thus ended Marius his life, the seventeenth day of his seventh consulship, whereof all the city of ROME was not a little glad, and took heart again unto them, supposing they had then been delivered from a bloody cruel tyranny. But within few days after they knew it to their cost, that they had changed an old master taken out of the world, for a younger that came but newly to them: such extreme unnatural cruelties, & murders did Marius the younger commit, after the death of his father Marius, murdering in manner all the chiefest noble men of ROME. At the first, they took him for a valiant and hardy young man, whereupon they named him the son of Mars: but shortly after his deeds did show the contrary, and then they called him the son of Venus. In the end he was shut in, and besieged by Sylla in the city of PERUSIA, note that in Sulla's life following to appeareth, that Marius the younger was besieged in the city of Preneste, and not in Perusia as ye rend here. So as the city seemeth to be mistaken in one of these lives. where he did what he could possible to save his life, but all was in vain: & lastly, seeing no way to éscape, the city being taken, he slew himself with his own hands. The end of Caius Marius life. THE LIFE OF Lysander. IN the treasury of the ACANTHIANS, which is in the temple of Apollo at DELPHES, there is this inscription: Brasidas, and the ACANTHIANS, with the spoil of the ATHENIANS. That inscription maketh many men think, that the image of stone that standeth within the chamber by the door thereof, is the image of Brasidas howbeit in truth it is the lively image of Lysander himself, Lysander's image. made with a great bush of hear, & a thick long beard after the old ancient fashion. And where some say that the ARGIVES, after they were overcome and had left a great battle, did all of them shave themselves in token and sign of common sorrow: and that the LACEDÆMONIANS on tother side to show the joy of their victory, did all let their hears grow, that is not true. Not more than this is true which other do report of the BACCHIADES: who being fled from CORINTHE unto LACEDAEMON, the LACEDÆMONIANS found them so ill favouredly disguised and deformed, because their be●●● were all shaven, that thereupon they had a desire to let their hear and beards grow. For that was one of the ordinances of Lycurgus, Lycurgus the anchor of wearing long hear. The commodity of wearing long hear. Lysander's kindred. who said that the long bush of hear, maketh them that are naturally fair, the pleasant to look upon: and those that are ill favoured, mere ugly and fearful to see to. And furthermore, it is said that Aristoclitus, the father of Lysander, was not of the royal blood of the kings of SPARTA, though he came of the race of the Heraclides: and that his son Lysander was very meanly and poorly brought up, being as obedient to the laws and statutes of his country, as any other man was, showing himself always very strong and constant against all vanity and pleasure, saving only in matters of honour and courtesy, which they offer unto those that deserve well. The education of the Laconian children. For they think it no shame nor dishonesty in SPARTA, that the young men do suffer themselves to be overcome with that delight and pleasure: but do so bring up their children, that from their youth they would have them to have some taste and ceiling of honour, delighting to be praised, and sorry to be discommended. For they make no account of him that is not moved with the one nor the other, but take him to be of a base cowardly nature, that hath no manner of mind to do good. And therefore it is to be thought, that the ambition and stoutness that was bred in Lysander, proceeded of the laconical discipline and education he had, and not so much of his own nature. But in deed of his own nature he was a right courtier, Lysander's manners. & could tell how to entertain and flatter great states and nobility, far better than the common manner of the natural SPARTANS: and moreover for his private benefit, he could easily bear with the stoutness of greater men of authority than himself, which some judge to be a great point of wisdom, to know how to deal in matters of state. Aristotle in a place where he sayeth, that the greatest wits commonly are subject unto melancholy, (as Socrates, Plato, and Hercules were) writeth, Wise man he ever melancholy. that Lysander in his later age fell into the melancholy disease, Lysander a despisor of riches. but not in his youth. He had also this singular gift above all other, that in his poverty he always kept that honest modesty with him, as he would never be overcome nor corrupted with gold nor silver: and yet be filled his country with riches and covetousness, which lost him the reputation he had won, because himself made none account of riches nor getting. For bringing store of gold and silver into his country after he had overcomen the ATHENIANS, he reserved not unto himself one Drachimas only. And furthermore, when Dionysius the tyrant of SYRACUSE, had on a time sent goodly rich gowns out of SICILIA to his daughters: Lysander's words of Dionysuis liberality. he refused them, saying that he was afraid such gowns would make them fowler. Nevertheless, shortly after being sent Ambassador out of his country unto the same tyrant, Dionysius sending him two gowns, praying him to choose which of the two he would carry to his daughter: he answered, that she herself could best choose which was the fit, and so carried both with him. But now to come to his doings in warlike causes: the wars of PELOPONNESUS fell out marvelous long. For after the overthrow of the army which the ATHENIANS had sent into SICILIA, when every man thought they had utterly lost all their force by sea, and that by all conjecture they should soon after lose all by land also: Alcibiades returning from his exile to deal again in matters of the state, made an exceeding great change and alteration. For he set the ATHENIANS a float again, and made them as strong by sea as the LACEDÆMONIANS: who thereupon began to quake for fear, and to look eftsoons for a fresh war, perceiving that they stood in need of a greater power, and of a better Captain than ever they had before. Whereupon they made Lysander their Admiral, Lysander admiral for the Lacedæmonians by sea. who arriving in the city of EPHESUS, found them very well affected towards him, and marvelous willing and ready to take the LACEDÆMONIANS part: howbeit otherwise in very poor state, and ready almost to take up all the barbarous manners and fashions of the PERSIANS, because they did continually frequent them, being environed round about with the country of LYDIA, where the king of PERSIANS Captains were ever resident. Wherefore, having planted his camp there, Lysander enlargeth the city of Ephesus. he brought thither merchants ships out of all parts, and set up an arsenal or store house to build galleys in: so that in short space, by often recourse of merchants that began to trade thither, he quickened their havens, and set up their staple again for traffic of merchandise, and filled every private artificers house with an honest trade to make them rich by, so that ever after it grew in continual hope to come unto that flourishing state and greatness, in the which we see it at this present. Furthermore, Lysander being advertised that Cyrus, one of the great king of PERSIANS sons, was come unto the city of SARDIS, Sardis a city in Lydia. he went thither to speak with him, and to complain of Tisaphernes: who having commandment given him from the king to aid the LACEDÆMONIANS, and to help to expulse the ATHENIANS, and to drive them from the sea, seemed to deal but coldly and faintly against them, for the favour he bore to Alcibiades. For, furnishing the LACEDÆMONIANS very scantly with money, was an occasion that all their army by sea went to wrack. Cyrus' for his own part was very glad that he heard complaints of Tisaphernes, and that they spoke against him: because he was an ill man, and the rather for that he had himself a little odd grudge to him. Wherefore he loved Lysander marvelous well, as well for the complaints he made of Tisaphernes, as also for the pleasure he took in his company, because he was a man that could wonderfully please & delight noble men: by which means having won the favour of this young Prince, he did persuade, and also encourage him to follow this war. And when Lysander was upon his departure to take his leave of him, Cyrus feasted him, and afterwards prayed him not to refuse the offer of his liberality, and that was: that he would freely ask him what he would, assuring him he should not be denied any thing. Whereunto Lysander answered him. Sithence I see (Cyrus) you are so willing to pleasant us, I beseech you, and do also counsel you then to increase the ordinary pay of our mariners, one half penny a day: to the end that where now they have but three half pence, they may thenceforth receive two pence a day. Cyrus was glad to hear Lysander's bounty, and the increase that he would make, and caused ten thousand Darickes to be delivered him by mean whereof he added to the ordinary pay of the mariners, Lysander took money for pay of his soldiers. the increase of a half penny day. This liberality, within few days after, emptied all their enemies galleys of their men. For, the most part of their mariners & galley men went where they might have the best pay and such as remained behind, become very dull, lazy, and seditious, daily troubling their Captains and governors. Now though Lysander had drawn his enemy's men from them by this policy, and had done this great hurt, yet he durst not fight it out by sea, fearing the worthnes of Alcibiades: who was a valiant man, and had greater store of ships than he had, and besides that, was never overcome by land nor by sea, in any battle where he was General. So it chanced, that Alcibiades went out of the isle of SAMOS, unto the city of PHOCEA, which standeth upon firm land directly over against SAMOS, and leaving the whole charge of his fleet in his absence, with Antiochus his pilot: he being more hardy than wise, in scorn and derision of Lysander, went with two galleys only into the haven of EPHESUS, and went by the arsenal (where all their ships lay in dock) with great noise and laughing. This put Lysander in such a heat and chafe, that first of all he put a few galleys to the sea, and had him in chase with them. But afterwards, perceiving that the other Captains of the ATHENIANS came out one after an other to the rescue, he armed other galleys also: so that supplying still with a few on either side, at the length they came to a main battle, which Lysander wan, Lysander's victory of the Athenians by sea. & having taken fifteen of their galleys, he set up a token of triumph and victory. When the people of ATHENS heard the news of this overthrow, they were so angry with Alcibiades, that they discharged him presently of his charge: and the soldiers also that lay in camp in the isle of SAMOS, began to mislike him, and to speak ill of him. Whereupon he presently left his camp, and went into the country of CHERRONESUS in THRACIA. This battle was more Cherronesus a country in Thracia. spoken of then there was cause, by reason of Alcibiades reputation. Furthermore, Lysander causing the stoutest and boldest men of every city, above the common sort, to come to EPHESUS unto him: laid there secret foundations of great change and alteration, which he established afterwards in the governments of cities. For he persuaded his private frenders to make tribes amongst themselves to win them friends, and to practise to get the rule of their cities into their hands: promising them, that so soon as the ATHENIANS were overthrown, they themselves also should be delivered from subjection of their people, and every one of them should bear chief rule in their country. And this he performed to them all, and made every one of them prove his words true. For he preferred all them that had been his old friends, unto the best offices and charges: not sparing to do against all right and reason, so that they were advanced by it. And thus by this means, every man came to take his part, and they all sought and desired to gratify and please him: hoping, that what great matter soever fell out, they assured themselves in manner that they should obtain it of him, when he came to have the government in his own hands. And therefore they nothing rejoiced at Callicratidas coming, Callicratidas Lysander's successor in his office of admyraltie. plainness commended for a virtue, but liked as an old image of a god that had been excellent fair. The spirit of Lisander to Callicratidas. who came to succeed him in the office of the Admiral: neither afterwards also, when they saw by experience that he was as honest and just a man as could be. Neither did they like his manner of governing which was plain, and without any art or cunning. But they commended the perfection of his virtue, as they would have done the image of some demi god made after the old fashion, which had been of singular beauty. But in the mean time, they wished for Lysander, as well for the tender love and good will he bore to his friends and them, as also for the profit and commodity they got by him. So when Lysander took the seas to return home again, all they that were in the camp, were as sorry as could be possible, insomuch as the tears stood in their eyes: and he on tother side, studied to make them worse affected unto Callicratidas. For amongst many other things, he sent the rest of the money back again to SARDIS, which Cyrus had given him to pay the mariners: saying, that Callicratidas should go himself to ask it, if he would have it, and find the means to entertain his men. And lastly, when he was ready to embark, he protested before all them that were present, that he did deliver, leave, and assign over the army into his hands, commanding all the sea. But Callicratidas, to overcome his false ambition, and fowl boasting lie answered him again, and said. If that be true thou sayest, come then and deliver me the galleys in the city of MILETUM, as thou goest by, before the isle of SAMOS: for sith thou commandest all the sea, we shall not need to fear our enemies that are in SAMOS. Lysander thereto replied, that the army was no more at his commandment, and that he had the charge over them: and so departed thence, taking his course directly unto PELOPONNESUS, and left Callicratidas in great perplexity. For he had brought no money out of his country with him, neither would he compel the cities to furnish him with any, seeing that they were at that time too much troubled already. Then had he no other way but to go to the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA, to ask them money as Lysander had done. But he was the unmeetest man for it that could be possible: for he was of a noble and liberal nature, and thought it less dishonour & reproach unto the grecians, to be overcome by other grecians, Nothing esteemed with the Barbarians but money. then to go flatter the barbarous people, and seek to them that had gold & silver enough, but otherwise, no goodness nor honesty. In the end notwithstanding, making virtue of necessity, he took his journey towards LYDIA, and went directly to Cyrus' court: where at his first coming he willed them to let him understand, that Callicratidas the Admiral of the LACEDÆMONIANS would speak with him. One of the soldiers that warded at the gate, told him; my friend, sir stranger, Cyrus is not at leisure now, for he is set at dinner. Callicratidas answered him plainly again: Callicratidas patience. no force, I will carry here till he have dined. The barbarous PERSIANS hearing this, took him for some plain lout, and so he went his way the first time with a mock at their hands. But the second time when they would not let him come in at the gate, he fell in a rage, and returned back (as he came) to the city of EPHESUS, cursing and banning them that at the first had so much embased themselves, as to go sue to the barbarous people, teaching them to be proud and stately for their goods and riches: swearing before them all that were present, that so soon as he came to SPARTA again, he would do all that he could possible to pacify the grecians, & set them at peace one with another, to the end they might be fearful to the barbarous people, & also that they should meddle with them no more, nor need their aid to destroy one an other. But Callicratidas having the noble heart of a SPARTAN, and being to he compared in justice, valiancy, and greatness of courage, with the most excellentest grecians in his time, died shortly after in a battle by sea, which he lost upon the Isle's ARGINUCES. The death of Callicratidas. Wherefore, the confederates of the LACEDÆMONIANS seeing that their state was in declining, they all together sent an Ambassade unto SPARTA, by whom they made request to the counsel, that they would sand Lysander again for their Admiral, promising that they would do all things with better courage & goodwill under his conduction, than they would under any other Captain they could send them. So much did Cyrus also write unto them. But because there was an express law forbidding that one man should be twice Admiral, and beside, they being willing to grant the request of their confederates, made one Aracus their Admiral, but in effect gave Lysander the whole authority of all things. Who was marvelous welcome unto them, and specially unto the heads and rulers of cities, which long before had wished for his coming: because that by his means they hoped to make their authority greater, and altogether to take away the authority from the people. But they that loved plain dealing, and open magnahimitie in the manners of a governor and general, when they came to compare Lysander, with Callicratidas: they found that Lysander had a fine subtle head, Lysander crafty and deceitful. and did more in wars with his policy and subtlety, then by any other means. And moreover, that he estemediustice, when it fell out profitable: and took profit, for justice and honesty, not thinking that plain dealing was of better force than craft, but measuring the value of the tone and tother, by the profit that came out of them, and mocking of them that said that the race of Hercules should not make wars with craft and subtlety. For said he, when the lions skin A wise saying of Lysander. will not serve, we must help it with the case of a fox. And hereunto agreeth that, which they write he did in the city of MILETUM. For his friends and familiars to whom he had promised aid for destruction of the people's authority, and to drive their enemies out of the city: they having changed their minds, and being reconciled unto their adversaries, he openly made great show of gladness, and seemed as though he would help to agreed them together but secretly being alone, he took them up sharply, and told them that they were cowards to do it, and did procure them to the contrary, to set upon the people. And then when he understood that there was commotion among them in the city, he ran thither suddenly as it were to appease it. But when he was also comen into the city, the first he met with of them that would altar the state of government, The wicked dissembling and double dealing of Lysander. and take the authority from the people: he fell out withal, and gave them rough words, commanding with extremity that they should fellow him, as though he would have done some great punishment. And again, meeting with them on the contrary part, he willed them also that they should not be afraid, nor doubt that any man should do them hurt where he was. This was a wicked and malicious practice of him, to stay the chiefest of them that were most affected to the popular faction, to the end that afterwards he might, put them all to death as he did. For they that trusting to his words remained quiet in the city were all put to death. Moreover, Androclidas touching this matter, hath left in writing that which Lysander was wont to say: by the which it appeareth, that he made very little reckoning to be perjured. For he said, that children should be deceived with the play of kayles, and men with others of men, following therein Polycrates, the tyrant of SOMOS, Lysander regarded no perjury, following the example of Polycrates the tyrant of Somos. but without reason: for he was a lawful Captain, and the other a violent usurper of tyrannical power. Furthermore, it was not done like a true LACONIAN, to behave himself towards the gods none otherwise, then towards men, but rather worse, & more injuriously. For he that deceiveth his enemy, & breaketh his oath to him: showeth plainly that he feareth him, but that he careth not for God. Cyrus therefore having sent for Lysander to come to SA●DIS to him, Cyrus' liberality to Lysander's. gave him money largely, and promised him more: and because he would more honourably show the good will he had to gratify him, told him, that if the king his father would give him nothing, yet he would give him of his own. And furthermore, when all other means failed to help him with money, that rather than he should lack he would melt his own chair to make money of (which he sat in when he gave audience in matter of justice) being altogether of gold and silver. And to be short, when he was going into MEDIA to the king his father, he gave Lysander power to receive the taxes and ordinary tributes of the cities under his government, and made him Lieutenant of all his country. And lastly, bidding him farewell, prayed him that he would not give battle by sea unto the ATHENIANS, until he returned from the court: and that before his coming again he would have authority to levy a great number of ships, aswell out of PHOENICIA, as out of CICILIA. Wherefore whilst Cyrus was in his journey, Lysander not being able to fight with his enemies with like number of ships, Lysander's arts by sea. nor also to lie still and do nothing with so good a number of galleys, went and scoured the seas, where he took certain Islands, and rob also AEGINA and S●LAMINA. From thence he went & landed on the firm land in the country of ATTICA, and did his duty there unto Agis king of LACEDAEMONIA, who came purposely from the fort of Decelea to the sea side to see him, because their army by land also should see what power they had by sea, and how it ruled more by sea then they would. Nevertheless, being advertised that the fleet of the ATHENIANS followed hard after him, he took an other course to fly back again into ASIA by the Isles: and returning again, found all the country of HELLESPONT without men of war. So he laid siege before the city of LAMPSACUS, and did assault it with his galleys by sea: and Thorax being come thither also at the self same time in great haste with his army by land, gave th'assault on his side. Thus was the city taken by force, which Lysander left to the spoil of the soldiers. Now in the mean time the fleet of the ATHENIANS (which was a hundred and four score sail) came to an anchor before the city of ELEUNTE, in the country of CHERRONESUS: and news being brought them that the city of LAMPSACUS was taken, they came with all speed possible unto the city of SESTOS, where getting fresh acates and victuals, they coasted all alongst the coast unto a certain place called the goats river, directly over against the fleet of their enemies, which lay yet at anchor before the city of LAMPSACUS. Philocles cruel advice unto the Athenians. Now there was a captain of the ATHENIANES amongst other called Philocles he that persuaded the ATHENIANS to cut of the prisoners thumbs of their right hands that were taken in the wars, to th'end they should no more handle the pike, but only serve to pull the ower. Both the tone and the t'other rested that day, hoping to have battle without fail the next morning. But Lysander having an other meaning with him, commanded the masters and mariners notwithstanding, that they should have their galleys ready to give battle the next morning by break of day, because every man should get a board betimes, and should keep themselves in order of battle, Lysander's craft in marine fight. making no noise at all, attending what he would command them: and further, made the army by land also to be ranged in battle ray, by the sea side. The next morning at sun rising, the ATHENIANS began to row with all their galleys set in order of battle in a front. But Lysander, though he had his ships in order to fight, the proes lying towards the enemies before day, towed not for all that against them, but sending our pynnasies unto the first galleys, commanded them straightly that they should not stir at all, but keep themselves in order, making no noise, nor rowing against the enemy. Though the ATHENIANS also were retired in the night, he would not give the soldiers leave to come to land out of the galleys, before he had sent first two or three galleys to descry the fleet of his enemies: who brought him word that they had seen the ATHENIANS take land. The next morning they did the like, the third day, and the fourth also all in one sort: so that the ATHENIANS began to be bold of themselves, and to despise their enemies, imagining they lay thus close for fear of them, and durst not come forward. In the mean time, Alcibiades (who lay at that time in the country of CHERRONESUG, Alcibiades gave good advise to the Captains of the Athenians. in certain places which he had conquered) came riding to the camp of the ATHENIANS, to tell the Captains and generals of the army, the great faults they committed. First, for that they had cast anchor, and kept their ships in an open place, where there was no manner of succour, nor harbour to retire unto upon any storm: and worst of all, because that they were to fetch their victuals far of, at the city of SESTOS, unto which haven they should rather draw themselves unto, considering that they had but a little way to go, & also that they should have the city to back them, which would furnish them with all things necessary and beside that, they should be further of from their enemies, which were governed by one general only that did command them all, and were so well trained, that at a whistle they were ready strait to execute his commandment. Alcibiades persuasions to these Captains of the ATHENIANS were not only misliked, but furthermore there was one called Tydeus, that answered him very lewdly: that he had nothing to do to command the army, but other that had the charge of them. Alcibiades mistrusting thereby some treason, quietly went his way. The fift day, the ATHENIANS having made the same countenance to present battle unto their enemies, and retiring the same night as of custom very negligently, and in ill order, as men that made no reckoning of their enemies: Lysander sent again certain galliots to descry them, commanding the Captains of the same, that when they perceived the ATHENIANS had left their galleys and taken land, they should then return back with all possible speed they could, and being mid way over the straights, that they should lift up a copper target into the air, upon the top of a pike in the foredecke, A copper target lift up, the sign of battle by sea. for a sign to make all the whole fleet to row in battle. Now Lysander himself in the mean time went in person from galley to galley, persuading & exhorting every Captain that they should put their galliots, mariners, and soldiers in good readiness, to th'end that when the sign should be lifted up, they should row with all their might in battle against the enemies. Wherefore, so soon as the copper target was set up in the air, and that Lysander had made his trumpet sound out of the Admiral, for a token to hale out into the sea: the galleys immediately began to row for life in envy one of an other, and the footmen that were upon the land, ran with speed also to the top of a high cliff near unto the sea, to see what would be the end of his fight, because the distance from one side to the other in that place was not fully two miles, which they had soon cut over, and in a little space, through the great diligence & force of rowing with their owers. So Conon the chief Captain of the ATHENIANS perceiving from the shore this great fleet coming with a full force to assault them: Conon, Admiral of the Athenians. he than cried out to the soldiers that they should run to their ships, and being in a rage to see things in this danger, called some by their names, others he entreated, and the rest he compelled to take their galleys. But all his diligence was to no purpose, because the soldiers were wholly scattered here and there. For so soon as they were set a land out of their galleys at their return, some went to buy provision, other went a walking in the fields, some were set at supper in their cabins, and other were laid down to sleep, nothing mistrusting that which happened to them, through their captains ignorance and lack of experience. But when the enemies were ready to join and fall upon them with great cries and noise of owers, Conon having eight galleys, stolen secretly out of the fleet, and flying unto Euagoras, saved himself in the isle of CYPRUS. In the mean time, Lysander's victory of the Athenians. the PELOPONNESIANS falling upon the other galleys, took some of them empty, and broke the others as the soldiers began to come aboard upon them. And as for the men, some were slain by their ships as they ran unto them like naked men without weapon, and out of order, thinking to have saved themselves: other were killed in flying, because the enemies landed and had them in chase. And there were taken alive of them, three thousand prisoners with the Captains. Lysander moreover took all the whole fleet of their ships, Paralos, the holy galley of Athens. the holy galley excepted called Paralos, and the eight that fled with Conon: and after he had destroyed all the camp of the ATHENIANS, he fastened the galleys that were taken, unto the keel of his galleys, and returned with songs of triumph, with the sound of flutes and oboes, towards the city of LAMPSACUS, having won a great victory with little labour, and had cut of in a small time, the long continuing and most diverse war that ever was, and had brought forth so many sundry strange events of fortune, as are uncredible. For there had been infinite battles fought both by sea and land, and had altered many sundry times, and there was slain at that time more Captains, than in all the other wars of GREECE together: all which were at the length brought to end and determined, by the good wisdom and conduction of one only man. And therefore some thought, that this great overthrow was given by the gods, and said: that at the departure of Lysander's fleet out of the haven of LAMPSACUS, to get set upon the fleet of the enemies, they perceived over Lysander's galley the two fires, which they call the stars of Castor and Pollux: The stars of Castor, and Pollux. the one on the toneside of the galley, and the other on tother side. They say also, that the fall of the stone was a token, that did signify this great overthrow. For about that time, (as many hold opinion) there fell out of the air a marvelous great stone, A stone fell out of the element. in the place they call the goats river, which stone is seen yet unto this day, holden in great reverence by the inhabitants of the city of CHERRONESUS. It is said also that Anaxagoras did prognosticate, AEgos st. Anaxagoras opinion of the stars. . that one of the bodies tied unto the vault of the heaven, should be plucked away, and should fall to the ground by a sliding & shaking that should happen. For he said, that the stars were not in their proper place where they were first created, considering that they were heavy bodies, and of the nature of stone: howbeit that they did shine by reflection of the fire elementory, & had been drawn up thither by force, where they were kept by the great violence of the circular motion of the element, even as at the beginning of the world they had been stayed & let from falling down beneath, at that time when the separation was made of the cold and heavy bodies, from the other substance of the universal world. There is an other opinion of certain Philosophers, where there is more likelihood then in that. For they say, that those which we call falling stars, What falling stars be. be no fluxions nor derivations of the fire elementorie, which are put out in the air, in a manner so soon as they be lighted: nor also an inflammation or combustion of any part of the air, which by her to overmuch quantity doth spread upwards: but they are celestial bodies, which by some slackness of strength, or falling from the ordinary course of heaven, are thrown and cast down here beneath, not always in any part of the earth inhabited, but more ofter abroad in the great Ocean sea, which is the cause that we do not see them. Notwithstanding, Anaxagoras words are confirmed by Damachus, Damachus testimony of the fiery stone seen in the element. who writeth in his book of religion, that the space of three score and fifteen years together, before that this stone did fall, they saw a great lump of fire continually in the air like a cloud inflamed, the which tarried not in any one place, but went and came with diverse broken removings, by the driving whereof there came out lightnings of fire that cell in many places, and gave light in falling, as the stars do that fall. In the end, when this great body of fire fell in that part of the earth, the inhabitants of the country, after that they were a little boldened from their fear and wonder, came to the place to see what it was: and they found no manner of show or appearance of fire, but only a very great stone lying upon the ground, but nothing in comparison of the lest part of that which the compass of this body of fire did show, if we may so name it. Sure herein, Damachus words had need of favourable hearers. But again if they be true, than he utterly comuteth their arguments, another opinion of the stone that fell. that maintain that it was a piece of a rock, which the force of a boisterous wind did tear from the top of a mountain, and carried in the air, so long as this hurl wind continued: but so soon as that was down, and calm again, the stone fell immediately. Neither do we say that this lightning body, which appeared so many days in the element, was very fire in deed, which coming to dissolve and to be put out, did beget this violent storm and boisterous wind in the element, that had the force to tear the stone in sunder, & to cast it down. Nevertheless, this matter requireth better discourse in some other book than this. But now to our story. When the three thousand ATHENIANS that were taken prisoners at that overthrow, were condemned by the counsel to be put to death: Lysander calling Philocles, one of the Captains of the ATHENIANS, asked him what pain he would judge him worthy of, that gave the citizens so cruel & wicked counsel. Philocles being nothing abashed to see himself in that misery, answered him. Accuse not them that have no judge to hear their cause: Philocles' constancy, Captain of the Athenians. but since the gods have given thee grace to be conqueror, do with us, as we would have done with thee, if we had overcome thee. When he had said so, he went to wash himself, and then put on a fair cloak upon him, as if he should have gone to some feast: and went lustily the formest man to execution, leading his country men the way, as Theophrastus writeth. After this done, Lysander with all his fleet went by all the cities of the sea coast, where he commanded so many ATHENIANS as he found, that they should get them to ATHENS, letting them understand that he would not pardon a man of them, but put them all to death as many as he found out of their city. And this he did of policy to bring them all within the precinct of the walls of ATHENS, because he might so much the sooner famish them for lack of victuals for otherwise they would have troubled him sore, if they had had wherewithal to have maintained a long siege. But in all the cities as he passed by, if they were governed by the authority of the people, or if that there were any other kind of government, he left in every one of them a LACEDAEMONIAN Captain or governor, with a counsel of ten officers, of them that had been before in league and amity with him: the which he did as well in the cities that had ever been confederates and friends unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, as in them that not long before had been their enemies. So he went sailing all alongst the coasts, fair and softly making no haste, stablishing in manner a general principality over all GREECE. For he did not make them officers that were the richest, the noblest, or honestest men, but such as were his friends, out of those tribes which he had placed in every city: & to them he gave authority to punish, and reward such as they liked of, Lysander's cruelty. and would be present himself in person to help them to put those to death, whom they would execute, or otherwise expulse or banish their country. But this gave the grecians small hope of good or gracious government under the rule of the LACEDÆMONIANS. Wherefore, me thinks that Theopompus the comical Poet doted, Theopompus the Comical Poets saying of the Lacedæmonians. when he compared the LACEDÆMONIANS, unto taverners wines, saying: that they had given the grecians a taste of the sweet drink of liberty, and that afterwards they had mingled it with vinegar. For, the taste they gave the grecians of their government from the beginning, was very sharp unto them: because Lysander took the rule and authority of government out of the people's hands, and gave it unto a few of the boldest, and most seditious men in every city. Thus having spent a great time in this voyage, to make these alterations: he sent news before to LACEDAEMON, that he was coming with two hundred sail. He spoke also with the kings Agis and Pausanias, in the country of ATTICA, persuading himself that he should win the city of ATHENS at the first assault. But when he saw his expectation failed, & that the ATHENIANS did valiantly resist him: he returned once again with his fleet into ASIA, where he made an end of changing and altering the manner of government through every city in equal manner, stablishing a counsel of ten officers only in every one of them, & putting every where many citizens to death, and banishing many also. Among others, he drove all the SAMIANS out of their country, and restored again all them that had been banished before: and the city of SESTOS also, being yet in the ATHENIANS hands, he took it from them. And furthermore, he would not suffer the natural SESTIANS to devil there, but drove them away, and gave their city, their houses, and lands, unto ship masters, officers of galleys, and galley slaves, that had been in the wars with him. But therein the LACEDÆMONIANS were against him, and this was the first thing that they did forbidden him: for they restored the SESTIANS, against his will, unto their lands and goods again. But as the grecians were very much offended, to see the parts Lysander played: so were they all very glad again, to see these others which he afterwards did. For he restored the AEGINITES again to their lands and houses, who had been put form them a long time. He restored also the MELIANS, and the SCIONAEIANS to their lands again, which the ATHENIANS had gotten from them, and drove out the ATHENIANS. Furthermore, Lysander being advertised, that the citizens and inhabitants of ATHENS were pinched sore for lack of victuals, he returned again, The Athenians yield up Athensto Lysander. and came into the haven of PIRAEA: by means whereof he kept the city so strait, that he made them yield upon such conditions as he himself would. Howbeit there are certain LACEDÆMONIANS that say, Lysander wrote unto the EPHORES: the city of ATHENS is taken. And that the Ephori wrote again unto him: it is well that it is taken. But this is but a tale devised to make the matter seem better: for in deed the capitulations which the Ep●●ri sent unto him, were these. The Lords of the counsel of LACEDAEMON have thus dereed: that ye do raze the fortification of the haven of PIRAEA. That ye do overthrow also the long wall that joineth the haven to the city. That ye yield up and redeliver all the cities which ye do hold, The manner of peace offered by the Lacedæmonians to the Athenians. and content yourselves with your lives and country only. This doing, ye shall have peace, so that ye perform our demands. That ye shall receive those which are banished; & for the number of ships, ye shall dispose of them as we shall will you. The ATHENIANS agreed unto the articles contained in that bill, following the counsel of Theramenes, the son of Agnon. Who when a young orator called Cleomenes, did openly ask him in anger, if he were so bold to dare to do, or say, any thing contrary unto that, which Themistocles had done before time, to assent unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, that the wall which he built in despite of them, should by their commandment now be razed: he answered him openly again, young man, my friend, I do nothing contrary to Themistocles doings. For like as he heretofore did build the wall, A notable saying for the wall of cities. for the safety and benefit of all the citizens and people that were in ATHENS at that time; even so do we that are here now, for the self same cause pluck it down and raze it. And if it be true that walls do make cities happy, than it must needs follow that the city of SPARTA which never had any walls, should be the unfortunatest of all other. So Lysander having received all the ATHENIANS ships but twelve, & the walls of the city also to use them at his pleasure: on the sixteenth day of march (on which day in old time the ATHENIANS had won the battle by sea, within the strait of SALAMINA, against the king of PERSIA) he counseled them strait to change the form of their government. The people could not brook that motion, and were marvelously offended withal. Whereupon Lysander sent to declare unto them, that they had broken the articles of the peace made between them, for that their walls were yet standing, the ten days being expired in which they had promised to overthrow them: and therefore that he would once again refer it to the determination of the counsel, how they should be used, that had broken the articles and covenants of the first peace. Other say, that immediately he referred it unto the deliberation of the counsel of their confederates, that is to say: whether they should altogether destroy the city, and make the inhabitants thereof, slaves, and bondmen or no. In this counsel, it is reported that there was a THEBAN called Erianthus, Erianthus' cruel advise against the Athenians. whose opinion was, that they should utterly raze the city, & make the country a desert: so that it should never after serve for other thing, but for pasturage of beasts. But during this diet & counsel, there was a banquet made, whereunto all the Captains and chief officers of the army being bidden, there was a PHOCIAN, a singer of songs, that sang the entry of the Chorus to the tragedy of Electra, made by the Poet Euripides, which began in this sort. Electra noble Deign, and daughter to a king: Even Agamemnon, king of Greece, whose fame so wide did ring. I come now to your courts, which lie both wide and waste: By spoil of wars depopulate, destroyed, and disgrust. These words moved all the hearers with compassion, so that the most part of them thought it were too great a sin to destroy so noble a city, which brought forth so many famous wise men, & great persons. Wherefore Lysander, The sweet music so frened their cruel hearts, and moved them in pity. Lysander overthrew the walls of the city of Athens. when the ATHENIANS had submitted themselves altogether to his will, caused all the women players of pipes or shawms to come out of the city, and gathered all those together which he had in his own camp also, and with the sound of their instruments he made the walls and fortifications of the city of ATHENS to be pulled down to the very ground, and set all their galleys on fire, & burned them in the presence of the confederates of the LACEDÆMONIANS, who danced and played in the mean season with garlands of flowers on their heads, in token that that day was a beginning of their full and perfect liberty. Immediately after he changed also the state of the government, establishing a counsel of thirty Magistrates in the city, and other ten also in the haven of PIRAEA, having all equal and like authority: and therewithal made Callibius a gentleman of SPARTA Captain of the castle there, and left a good garrison of the LACEDÆMONIANS with him. Callibius Captain of the Castle of Athens. This Callibius one day lift up his staff he had in his hand to strike Autolycus withal, a strong made man to wrestle: whereupon Xenophon the Philosopher made his book in old time, called Conuivium. But Autolycus that was a cunning wrestler, Autolycus as cunning wrestler. having all the sleights of wrestling, suddenly tripped Callibius with his leg, and lifting him up at the arms end, cast him to the ground. Howbeit Lysander was not angry with Autolycus for it, but reproved Callibius, telling him that he should have remembered (if he had been wise) that he had the government over free men, and not of bond men. Notwithstanding, shortly after the thirty governors of the city, to satisfy Callibius, put this Autolycus to death. Autolycus pus to death. Lysander sent money to Sparta by Gylippus. When Lysander had done all these things, he took sea again, and went into the country of THRACIA, and sent by Gylippus before unto SPARTA (who had been Captain and general of the SYRACUSANE in SICILIA) all the gold and silver that was left in his hands, with all the presents besides which had been privately given him, and with the crowns also that had been presented him: which were marvelous in number as it is to be thought, for that many came to present him, considering the great power he had, and that in manner he was chief and sole prince of all GREECE. This Gylippus did rip the seams of every bag in the bottom where the money was, Gylippus rob part of the money be carried to Sparta. and took a good sum out of every of them: and afterwards sowed them up again, not thinking that there had been a border upon every bag, upon the which was declared, the number and kinds of gold and silver that were therein. Now when he was come to SPARTA, he hide the money he had stolen, under the house eavinge, and went delivered the bags he had brought, into the hands of the Ephori, showing them Lysander's scale, which he had set to every one of them. The Ephori having opened the bags, & told the money, found that the sum agreed not with the borders of the contents: and yet could not tell where the fault was. But a servant of Gylippus told them in dark words, saying: that under the tiles of his master's house there lay a great number of owls. Now the greatest part of the coin of gold and silver which was currant through GREECE, was stamped with the mark of an owl, The greekish coin was marked with an owl. Gyllippus banishment. by reason of the ATHENIANS. Thus Gylippus after so many noble exploits done in wars, committing so shameful & vile a deed, was banished out of his country of LACEDAEMONIA. But the wisest men of SPARTA, and so deepest judgement, fearing the power of gold and silver, and seeing by proof of Gylippus doings, that it had such power to make one of their chiefest men to fall through covetousness: Covetousness of money corrupted Gylippus, one of the chiefest men of Lacedaemon. they greatly blamed Lysander for bringing of it into LACEDAEMON, beseeching the Ephori that they would sand all this gold and silver out of SPARTA, as a plague, provocation, and wicked bait, to make them do evil: declaring unto them, that they should use no other money, but their own only. Whereupon they referred all, to the wisdom and determination of the counsel. Theopompus writeth, that Sciraphidas was he that did move the counsel of the Ephori in it. Howbeit Ephorus calleth him Phlogid●●, who was the first that spoke against it in the counsel, that they should not admit, nor receive into the city of SPARTA, any money of gold or silver: but should only content themselves with their own country iron coin, The iron money of Lacedaemonia. the which first of all, coming from the fire red hot, was quenechd with vinegar, to th'end they should be forged no more, nor employed unto any other use. For it was so eager and brittle by means of this temper, that they could no more convert it to any other purpose: and beside, it was very heavy and unhandsome to remove, considering that a great heap and quantity of it, was but of small value. And it seemeth they did use of old time, contain little iron money, and in some places copper money, called Obelisci, from whence the small pieces of money now extant are called Oboli, whereof six make a Drachma, so termed, for that it was as much as the hand could gripe. Nevertheless, at the earnest suit of Lysander's friends that stood against it, and held hard with him: it was decreed in the counsel, that the money should remain in the city, and ordained that it should be currant only but for that fairs of the common wealth. And if it were found, that any private man did either lock up, or keep any money, that he should suffer death for it: as if Lycurgus when he made his laws feared gold and silver, At what time the Lacedæmonians received gold and silver again. and not the covetousness and avarice which the gold and silver bringeth with it. The which was not taken away so much, prohibiting private men to have it: as it was engendered only by a common toleration of getting it. For, the profit which they saw it brought withal, made it to be esteemed and desired. For it was unpossible they should despise a thing privately for unprofitable, which they saw reckoned of commonly, as a thing very necessary: and that they should think it would not serve their turn privately, seeing it so commonly esteemed and desired. But we are rather to think, that private men's manners are conformed according to the common uses and customs of cities: then that the faults and vi●● of private men do fill cities and common weals with ill qualities. The ill life of the Magistrate, the cause of disorder in a common weal. And it is more likely, that the parts are marred & corrupted with an infection of the whole, when it falleth out ill: then that the parts corrupted should draw the whole unto corruption. For to the contrary, the faults of a part destroyed, which might be prejudicial unto the whole, are oftentime ●●●dressed and corrected by tother parts, whole and entire. But they that took this resolution in their counsel at that time, to have money in the common wealth: made fear of punishment, and of the law, to be the outward watchmen of citizens houses, to keep that no money should come in to them. But all this while they made no inward provision, to keep the entry of their souls from all passion & greedy desires of money: by to the contrary, they made them all to have a covetous desire to be rich, as if it were a great and honourable thing. But for that we have heretofore in other places reproved the LACEDÆMONIANS. And moreover Lysander caused a statue of brass to be made like himself of the spoil he had gotten of the enemies, to set it up in the city of DELPHES, and for every private Captain of the galleys in like case: and the two stars of Castor & Pollux in gold beside, which vanished away a little before the battle of Leuctres, and no man knew what become of them. Again, in the chamber of the treasury of Brasidas, and of the ACANTHIANS, there was also a galley made of gold and ivory, A galley of gold and ivory. of two cubits long, which Cyrus sent unto him after the victory he had won by sea, of the ATHENIANS. And furthermore, Alexandrides the historiographer borne at DEEPHES, writeth, that the self same Lysander had left there to be kept safe, a talent of silver, two & fifty Minas, and eleven pieces of gold called Stateres. But all this accordeth not with the which all the other historiographers writ, agreeing of his poverty. But Lysander being a●●● then, and of greater power than ever any GRECIAN was before him: carried a greater po●e and countenance than become his ability. For, as Duris writeth, he was the first of the grecians unto whom they did ever erect any altars, Lysander's honours and pride. and offer sacrifice unto as a god, and in honour of whom they did first sing any humnes: and at this day there is yet good memory of one which began in this manner. The noble captains praise, we mean to celebrated, Of Greece: that land which is divine, in every kind of state. Even be, which was both borne, and brought to high renown. Within the noble wealthy walls, of Sparta stately town. The SAMIANS by public decree ordained, that the feasts of juno, which were called in their city Heroea, should be called Lysandria. Lysander had ever one Chaerilus a SPARTAN Poet about him, to write and set forth all his doings in verse. another Poet called Antilocus, one day made certain verses in his praise: which pleased him so well, that he gave him his have full of silver. There were two other Poets, Antimachus COLO●●●ONIAN, and NICERAUS borne as HERACLEA, which did both write verses to honour him, striving whether of them should do best Lysander judged the crown and victory, unto Niceraus where with Antimachus was so angry, that he razed out all that he had written of him. But Plato who at that time was young, Plato's saving of the ignorant. Ignorance compared with blindness. & loved Antimachus because he was an excellent Poet, did comfort him, and told him that ignorance did blind the understanding of the ignorant, as blindness doth the fight of the blind. Aristonous an excellent player of the citerne, & one that had six times worth the prizes of the Pythian games: to win Lysander's favour, promised him, that if once he wan the prize of his art again, he would 'cause himself to be proclaimed Lysander's slave. Lysander's ambition, pride, and 〈…〉. This ambition of Lysander was very odious and grievous, only unto great persons, and men of his estate: but besides his ambition, in th'end he become very proud and cruel, through the 〈…〉 of his followers, and them that courted him: so that he exceeded in recompensing his friends, as also in punishing of his enemies. For, to gratify his friends and familiars, he gave them absolute power and authority of life and death in their towns and cities: and to pacific and appeease his anger where he once hated, there was no other way but death, without all possibility of pardon. And that he plainly showed afterwards in the city of MILETUM, where, fearing lest they would fly that took part with the people, & because he would have them appear that hid themselves: he gave his word, and swore that he would do them no hurt at all. The poor men gave credit to his word. Lysander broke his word & oath, and procured the deeds of eight hundred people 〈…〉. But so soon as they came out, and did appear, he delivered them all into the hands of their adversaries, (which were the chiefest of the nobility) to put them all to death: & they were no less than eight hundred men one without other. He caused great murders of people to also be done in other cities: for he did not only put them to death that had privately offended him, but numbers beside, only to satisfy and revenge the private quarrels, enmities and covetousness of his friends, whom he had in every plate. And therefore was Eteocles LACEDAEMONIAN greatly commended for his saying: Eteocles' words of Lysander. that GREECE could not abide two Lysander's. Theophrastus writeth also, that the very like was spoken of Alcibiades by Archestratus. Howbeit in Alcibiades there was nothing, but his insolency and vain glory that men misliked: but in Lysander, a severe nature, and sharp conditions, than made his power fearful & intolerable. Nevertheless, the LACEDÆMONIANS passed over all other complaints exhibited against him: saving when they heard the complaints of Pharnabazus, who purposely sent Ambassadors unto them, to complain of the wrongs and injuries Lysander had done him, spoiling and destroying the country under his government. Then the Ephori being offended with him, clapped up Thorax in prison, Thorax put to death for offending the law. one of his friends and Captains that had served under him: and finding that he had both gold and silver in his house contrary to the law, put him to death. And to himself they sent immediately that which: they call Scytala, (as who would say, the scroll written upon a round staff) commanding him that he should return immediately upon receipt thereof. The Scytala is in this sort. The Laconian Scytala what manner thing it is, and how used. When the Ephori do send a General, or an Admiral to the wars, they 'cause two litlerounde staves to be made of the like bigness and length, of which the Ephori do keep the tone, and tother they give to him whom they send to the wars. These two little slaves they call Soytales. Now when they will advertise their General secretly of matters of importance, they take a scroll of parchment, long and narrow like a leather thong, and wreath it about the round staff, leaving no void space between the knots of the scroll. Afterwards when they have bound them fast together, than they write upon the parchment thus rolled what they will, and when they have done writing, unfold it, and send it to their General, who can not else possibly read it to know what is written, (because the letters are not joined together, not follow in order, but are scattered here and there) until he take his little roll of wood which was given him at his departure. And then wreathing the scroll of parchment about it which he receiveth, the folding and wreaths of the parchment falling just into the self same place as they were first folded: the letters also come to join one with an other, as they aught to do. This little scroll of parchment also is called as the roll of wood, Scytala even as we commonly see in many places that the thing measured, is also called by the name of the measure. When this parchment scroll was brought unto Lysander, who was then in the country of HELLESPONT, he was marvelously troubled withal, fearing above all other things the accusations of Pharnabazus: so he sought means to speak with him before he departed. Hoping thereby to make his peace with him. When they were together, Lysander prayed him he would writ an other letter unto the Lords of SPARTA, contrary to his first, how that he had done him no hurt at all, and that he had no cause to complain of him: but he did not remember that he was a CRETAN, (as the common proverb sayeth) that could deceive an other CRETAN. For Pharnabazus having promised him that he would perform his desire, wrote letter openly, purporting the effect of Lysander's request but behind he had an other of contrary effect, so like on the out side unto the other, that by sight no man could discern those from the other. Lysander carrieth letters against himself. And when he came to put his seal, he changed the first with the last that was hidden, & gave it him. When Lysander came unto SPARTA, he went as the manner is, strait to the palace where the Senate kept, and gave his letters unto the ephors, thinking that by them he should have been cleared from all danger of the greatest accusations they could have burdened him withal: because that Pharnabazus was very well thought of of the Lords of LACEDAEMONIA, for that he did ever show himself willing and ready to help them in all their wars, more than any other of the kings lieutenants of PERSIA. The Ephori having read this letter, they showed it unto him. Then did Lysander plainly see, that the common proverb was true: That Ulysses was not subtle alone. Thereupon he went home to his house marvelously troubled. But within few days after returning to the palace again to speak with the Lords of the counsel, he told them that he must needs make a voyage unto the temple of jupiter Ammon, Lysander goeth to jupiter Ammon. to discharge certain sacrifices which he had vowed and promised to him before he had won the battles. Some say, that in deed jupiter Ammon appeared to him in a dream as he did besiege the city of the AP●●ODIANS, in the country of THRACIA, and that by his commandment he raised the siege, and charged them of the city, that they should thank jupiter Ammon, and do sacrifice unto him by reason whereof, they think that he meant good faith, when he sued for licence to make this voyage into LIBYA, to perform the vows which he had made. But the most part did certainly believe that he made sure to go this journey, for a cloak and colour only to absent himself, because he feared the ephors, and that he could not endure the yoke and subjection which he must abide remaining at home, neither could like to be commanded. And this was the true cause of his suit to go this voyage, much like unto a horse taken out of a fresh posture and goodly meadows, to bring him into a stable, & make him to be journeyed as he was before. Nevertheless, Ephorus writeth an other cause, the which I will recite hereafter. In the end, Lysander having hardly obtained licence, took ship, and crossed sail. But during his absence, the kings of LACEDAEMON remembering that he kept all the cities at his commandment, by means, of the friends he had in every city, whom he had made chief governors of the same, & that by their means he came in manner to be absolute prince over all GREECE they took upon them to redeliver the government of the towns and cities again into the hands of the people, and also to put down his friends whom he had established there. And hereupon fell out great insurrection again. For first of all, they that were banished from ATHENS, having surprised and taken the castle of Phyla upon the sudden, did set upon the thirty governors tyrants (whom Lysander had placed there) and overcame them in battle. Whereupon Lysander strait returned to SPARTA, & persuaded the LACEDÆMONIANS to refer the government to the number of a few, and to punish the insolency of the people. So by his procurement, they sent first a hundred talents unto the thirty tyrants for an aid to maintain this war, and appointed Lysander himself general. But the two kings of SPARTA envying him, and fearing lest he should take the city of ATHENS again: they determined that one of them would go. Whereupon Pausanias went thither immediately, who in appearance seemed to maintain the tyrants against the people: King Pausanias reconciled the Athenians with the Spartans. but in effect, he did his endeavour to appease this war, for fear lest Lysander by means of his friends and followers should once again come to have the city of ATHENS in his power, the which he might easily do. And thus having agreed the ATHENIANS again one with an other, and pacified all faction and commotion among them, he plucked up the root of Lysander's ambition. But shortly after, the ATHENIANS rebelling again against the LACEDÆMONIANS, Pausanias himself was reproved, because he yielded so much to the boldness and insolency of the people, which were bridled and restrained before, by the authority of the small number of governors: and to the contrary, they gave Lysander the honour to be general, who ruled not in this rebellion to please men's minds and to content them, neither with fond ostentation of glory, but severely, for the profit and commodity of SPARTA. It is true he would give great words, and was terrible to them that resisted him. As he answered the AEOIVES one day, who contended for their confines with the LACEDÆMONIANS, and seemed to allege the best reasons. Lysander's terrible words Even they (said he) that shall prove the stronger hereby, showing them his sword: shallbe they that shall plead their cause best for their confines. An other time, when a MEGARIAN had told his mind boldly enough in open counsel, he answered him: thy words (good friend) had need of a city, meaning thereby that he was of too mean a town to use so great words. And to the BOEOTIANS also, who were in doubt to profess themselves friends or enemies: he sent unto them, to know if he should pass through the country with his pikes upwards or downwards. And when the CORINTHIANS also were revolted from their alliance, he brought his army hard unto their walls: but when he saw his men were afraid, and made curtsy whether they should go to the assault or not by chance spying a hate coming out of the town ditches, he said unto theme Are ye not ashamed to be afraid to go and assault your enemies that are so cowardly and slothful, as hares do keep their forms at ease within the circuit of their walls? Now king Agis being deceased, The death of king Agis. he left behind him his brother Agesilaus, and his supposed son Leotychides. Lysander depriveth Leotychides of his kingdoms. Wherefore, Lysander that had loved Agesilaus aforetime, gave him counsel to stand for the right of the crown, as lawful heir and next of the blood, descending of the race of Hercules: because it was suspected that Leotychides was Alcibiades son, who secretly had kept Timea Agis wife, at what time he was banished out of his country, and came then to remain in SPARTA. And Agis self also, concluding by reckoning of the time of his absence, that his wife could not be with child by him: made reckoning of Leotychides, (and had openly showed it all the rest of his life time) that he did not acknowledge him for his son, until such time as falling sick of that disease whereof he died, he was carried to the city of HERAEA. And there lying in his death bed, at the humble suit of Leotychides himself, and partly at the instant request of his friends who were importunate with him: he did acknowledge Leotychides for his son in the presence of divers, whom he prayed to be witnesses unto the Lords of LACEDAEMON, of his acceptation and acknowledging of him to be his son. Which they all did in favour of Leotychides. For all that, Agesilaus took it upon him, by the support and maintenance of Lysander's favour. Howbeit, Diopithes a wise man, and known to be skilful in ancient prophecies, did great hurt to Agesilaus side, by an ancient oracle which he alleged against a defect Agesilaus had, which was his lameness. O Spartan people you, which bear high haughty hearts, And look a fit: take heed I say, look well unto your martes: Lest whiles you stand upright, and guide your state by grace, Some halting kingdom privily, come creeping in a pace. By that means might you move, great troubles, cark and care, And mischiefs heap upon your head, before you be ware. And plunged should you be, even over head and ears, With waste of wars, which here on earth doth perish many tears. Many by occasion of this oracle, fell to take Leotychides part: but Lysander declared unto them, that Diopithes did not construe the meaning of the oracle well. For God, said he, cared not whether he halted of one leg or not, that should come to be king of LACEDAEMON: but in deed, the crown and kingdom should halt and be lame, if bastards not lawfully begotten, should come to reign over the true natural issue and right line of Hercules. By these persuasions, Lysander with his great countenance and authority beside, Through Lysander's working, Agesilaus ● was made king. wan all men to his opinion: so that Agesilaus by this means was proclaimed king of LACEDAEMON. This done, Lysander began strait to counsel him to make wars in ASIA, putting him in hope that he should destroy the kingdom of PERSIA, and should come to be the greatest man of the world. Moreover, he wrote unto his friends in the cities of ASIA, that they should sand unto the LACEDÆMONIANS to require king Agesilaus for their general, to make wars against the barbarous people. Which they did, and sent Ambassadors purposely unto SPARTA to sue that they might have him: the which was no less honour procured unto Agesilaus by Lysander's means, then that he did, in making him to be chosen king. But men ambitious by nature, Ambition abideth no equals. being otherwise not unapt nor unfit to command, have this imperfection: that through the jealousy of glory, they do commonly envy their equals, the which doth greatly hinder them for doing any notable things. For they take them for their enemies, envying their virtue: whose service and means might help them to do great matters. Thus Agesilaus being chosen general of this enterprise, took Lysander with him in this journey, amongst the thirty counsellors which were given unto him to assist him: and made special choice of him, as by whose counsel he hoped most to be governed, and to have him nearest about him, as his chiefest friend. But when they were arrived in ASIA, they of the country having no acquaintance with Agesilaus, seldom spoke with him, or but little: and to the contrary, having known Lysander of long time, they followed him, and waited upon him to his tent or lodging, some to honour him, because they were his friends, others for fear, because they did mistrust him. Even much like as it falleth out oftentimes in the theatres, when they play tragedies there: that he that shall play the person of some messenger or servant, shallbe the best player, and shall have the best voice to be heard above all others: and to the contrary, that he which hath the royal band about his head, and the sceptre in his hand, a man doth scant hear him speak. Even so fell it out then: for all the dignity due unto him that commandeth all, was showed only unto the counsellor: and there remained to the king no more, but the royal name only of a king, without any power. Therefore me thinks that this undiscreet and importunate ambition of Lysander, did well deserve reproof perhaps, to make him only to be contented with the second place of honour next unto the king. But for Agesilaus again, through extreme covetousness and jealousy of glory, to cast Lysander altogether of, and to set so light by his friend and benefactor, that surely become not him neither. For first of all, Agesilaus never gave Lysander occasion to do any thing, Agesilaus pridie grudge to Lysander. neither did commit any matter of weight unto him, that might be honourable for him: but which is worst of all, if he perceived that he had taken any men's causes in hand, and that he did favour them, he did always send them back again into their country, denying their suit, without that they could obtain any thing they sued for, less than the meanest persons that could have come, extinguishing Lysander's credit by little, and little, and taking from him all authority by this means. Wherefore, Lysander perceiving how he was thus refused and rejected in all things, Lysander's wisdom. seeing that the countenance and favour which he thought to show unto his friends, fell out hurtful unto them: left of to solicit their matters any more, and prayed them to forbear to come unto him, or to follow him, but to go to the king, and unto those that could do them better pleasure than himself, and specially those that honoured them. When they heard that, many desisted to trouble him any more in matters of importance, but not to do him all the honour they could, and continued still to accompany him, when he went out to walk, or otherwise to exercise himself: the which did aggravate and increase Agesilaus anger more against him, for the envy he bore unto his glory. And where he gave very honourable charge & commission in the wars, oftentimes unto very mean soldiers to execute, or cities to govern: he appointed Lysander surveyor general of all the ordinary provision of victuals, Lysander surveyor of the victuals. and distributor of flesh. And then mocking the Jonians that did honour him so much: let them go now, said he, and honour my flesh distributor. Wherefore, Lysander seeing it high time to speak: went unto Agesilaus, and told him in few words after the LACONIAN manner: Truly Agesilaus, thou hast learned well to abase thy friends. In deed said he again, so have I, when they willbe greater than myself and to the contrary, they that maintain and increase my honour and authority, it is reason that I esteem of them. Yea marry, said Lysander, Lysander's talk with king, Agesilaus, after the Laconian manner of speaking. but perhaps I have not done as though sayst. Yet I pray thee give me such an office, as I may be lest hated, & most profitable for thee: though it be but in respect of strangers eyes that look upon us both. After this talk between them, Agesilaus sent him his Lieutenant into the country of HELLESPONT, where Lysander still keep this anger secret in his heart against him, but for all that, did not leave to do all that he could for the benefit of his master's affairs. As amongst many other things, he caused a PERSIAN Captain called Spithridates, to rebel against his master, who was a valiant men of his hands, and a great enemy of Pharnabazus, and had an army also which he brought with him unto Agesilaus. Now concerning this war, this was all that he did in that journey. Wherefore, he returned again to SPARTA not long after, with little honour, being marvelously grieved and offended with Agesilaus; and hating more than before, all the state and government of the city of SPARTA: Lysander seeketh innovation in the state of Sparta. by reason whereof, he determined to put that in practice, which he had long time thought upon, concerning the alteration of government, and his enterprise was this. Amongst the offspring and issue of Hercules, who were mingled with the DORIANS, and returned again into the country of PELOPONNESUS, the greatest number and chiefest of them, dwelled in the city of SPARTA: howbeit, all they that came of that race had no right of succession to the crown, saving two families only, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades. The other families, The Families of the kings of Lacedamon. albeit they were all for nobility of blood descended out of one self house, yet had they no more right nor interest unto the realm, than the residue of the people: for, the dignities that were attained unto by virtue, were given unto the inhabitants that could deserve them. Lysander then being one of those which was descended of the true race of Hercules, who notwithstanding had no interest in the crown: when he saw himself aloft, and called to great honour through his famous acts and merits, and that he had won many friends, and great credit and authority by dealing in matters of the state: it grieved him much, to see that they which were no nobler than himself, should be kings in that city, which he had increased by his virtue, and that he could not have so much power as to take from these two houses, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades, the prerogative that the kings should be chosen only out of one of those two houses, and to cast it upon the offspring of Hercules. Some say again, that he would not only have enlarged that prerogative unto the issue of Hercules, but unto all the natural SPARTANS also: because that Hercules race should not only desire this reward of honour, but even they also that followed his steps in virtue, which had made him equal with the gods in honour. For he doubted not, but if they would dispose the crown in this sort, that there was no man in the city of SPARTA that should sooner be chosen king then himself: whereupon he attempted first to persuade his citizens by very good reasons, & to bring this above the better, he conned an oration without book, penned by Cleon Halicarnasseus, made him for this purpose. But afterwards weighing with himself, that so great and strange a change as he would bring in, had need of some better and stronger help: he began to frame a devise as they say, to move the people by, much after the manner they use in tragedies, Lysander deviseth false oracles, & corrupted soathsayers with money. framing engines to bring some god to come down from heaven unto them, and this was his feigned invention. He devised certain oracles & prophecies, thinking that all Cleon's rhetoric would stand him in no stead, if first of all he did not fill the citizens hearts with some superstition & fear of the gods, that he might bring them afterwards more easily unto reason. And Ephorus sayeth, that he proved first to corrupt the Nun with money, that giveth all the oracles and answers in the temple of Apollo at DELPHES: and that afterwards, he would have won the Nun also of the temple of DODONE with money, by Pherecles' practice. And that he being rejected by them both, went lastly unto the temple of jupiter Ammon: and that there he spoke unto the priests, and offered them great store of money for the same purpose. But they were so offended with Lysander, that they sent men of purpose to SPARTA, to accuse him, that he would have corrupted them with money. The counsel clearing Lysander of this accusation, the LIBYANS his accusers at their departing said: we will one day judge more justly, than you my Lords of LACEDAEMON have done now, when you shall come to devil in our country of LIBYA: supposing there was an ancient prophecy that said, the LACEDÆMONIANS one day should come to devil in the country of LIBYA. But we shall do better to write the whole story at large of this practice, subtlety, and malicious devise, which was no matter of small importance, nor lightly grounded: but as in a mathematical proposition there were many great conjectures and presuppositions, & many long circumstances to bring it to conclusion, the which I will dilate from point to point, delivering that which an historiog●rap●ie and philosopher both hath written. There was in the marches of the realm of PONY, 〈…〉 man that said she was gotten with child by Apollo, the which many (as it is to be thought) would not believe at all, and many also did believe it: so that she being delivered of a go●● son, diverse noble men and of great estate were careful to bring him up, and to have him taught. This child, I know not whereupon, nor how, was named Silenus: and Lysander seeming the plat of his devise from thence, Lysander's feigned devise to possess the kingdom. added to all the rest of himself, to go on with his practice. Now he had many (and they no small men) that made his way to frame this jest, giving out a rumour of the birth of this child, without any suspicion gathered out of the intent of this rumour. And furthermore, they brought other news from DELPHES, which they dispersed abroad through the city of SPARTA, to wit: that the priests of the temple kept secret books of very ancient oracles, which they themselves durst not touch nor handle, neither might any man read them, unless he were begotten of the seed of Apollo, who should come after a long time, and make his birth appear unto the priests that kept these papers & that by some secret mark & token, which they had amongst them: & thereby being known for Apollo's son, he might then take the books, & read the ancient revelations & prophecies of the same. These things prepared in this sort, there was order taken that Silenus should come and ask for these books as though he were the son of Apollo: and that the priests which were privy to this practice, should make as though they did diligently examine him of every thing, and how he was borne. And that at the length, after they had seemed to know all, they should deliver these prophecies unto him, as if he had been in deed Apollo's son: and that he should openly read them in the presence of many witnesses. And among the rest of the prophecies, that he should read that specially, for the which this long paltry feigned drift was framed, touching the kingdom of LACEDAEMONIA: that it was better, and meerelier for the SPARTANS they should choose them for their kings, whom they found the meetest men of all their magistrates. But when Selenus was come of full age, and brought into GREECE of purpose to perform this practice, all the mystery was marred by the faint heart of one of the players and companions of Lysander, who holp him to countenance this devise: who when the matter should have taken effect, shroncke for fear, and let the mystery alone. This notwithstanding, nothing was bewrayed in Lysander's life time, till after his death. For he died, before king Agesilaus returned out of ASIA, being fallen into wars with BOEOTIA before his death, The wars of Boeotia. or rather having himself made GREECE to fall into wars. They do report it other way, and some lay the fault upon him, other upon the THEBANS, and other upon then both: and they burden the THEBANS withal, because they did utterly overthrow the common sacrifices which Agesilaus made in the city of AULIDE. divers causes s●●●●used of the beginning of these wars. And they say also, that Androides and Amphitheus did raise this war among the grecians, being before corrupted with money by the king of PERSIA to bring wars upon the LACEDÆMONIANS in GREECE: and began to invade and destroy the country of the PHOCIANS. Other say that Lysander was very angry with the THEBANS, because they only of all other their confederates did ask the tenth part of all the spoil which was won in the war against the ATHENIANS: and that they were not pleased that Lysander had sent the money away unto SPARTA. But above all Lysander did malice them most, because they were the first that made way for the ATHENIANS to be delivered from thop pression of thirty tyrants, whom he had established governors in ATHENS, and in whose favour (to make them to be dreaded the more) the LACEDÆMONIANS had ordained by a common edict: An edict against the banished men from Athens. that they that were banished and did flee from ATHENS, might lawfully be taken and apprehended in what place soever they fled unto, and that whosoever should resist or let them to do it, they should be proclaimed rebels, & open enemies unto the LACEDÆMONIANS. Again to contrary this edict, the THEBANS made an other very like, & meet for the glorious deeds of Bacchus and Hercules their ancestors, An edict made by the Thebans in favour of the banished men. for whom it was made that every house and city through the country of BOEOTIA, should be open for the ATHENIANS that would come thither, & that he that would not help a banished man from ATHENS, against him that would take him away by force, should be fined and amerced at a talon. And also if there were any soldiers that went unto ATHENS, through the country of BOEOTIA, that the THEBANS should not see nor hear it. This was no dissimulation to speak of, that they should ordain things with so gentle words, and so meet for the people of GREECE, and then that the deeds should not answer unto their edicts & proclamations. For Thrasybulus, and his fellows of the conspiracy, who kept the castle of Phyla, they departed from THEBES, with armour and money, and the THEBANS did help them to begin and practise their enterprise so secretly, that it was not discovered. These were the causes why Lysander was so earnestly bend against the THEBANS, & his choler being so extreme, by reason of his melancholines that grew daily upon him more and more through his age, he solicited the EPHORES so, that he persuaded them to send a garrison thither: and himself taking the charge of them, undertook the journey strait with his men. But afterwards they sent king Pausanias also with an army thither, who was to fetch a great compass about to enter into the country of BOEOTIA, by mount Cithaeron: and Lysander should go to meet him through the country of PHOCIDES, Lysander's journey unto Boeotia Cithaeron mons. with a great company of soldiers beside. Now as Lysander went, he took the city of the ORCHOMENIANS, who willingly yielded themselves to him as soon as he came thither. From thence he went to the city of LEBADIA, which he spoiled: & from thence he wrote unto king Pausanias, that departing from PLATEES, he should march directly to the city of ALIARTE, where he would not fail to meet him the next morning by break of day at the town walls. These letters were intercepted by certain scouts of the THEBANS, who met with the messenger that carried them. Thus the THEBANS having intelligence of their purpose, left their city in custody unto the ATHENIANS who were come to aid them: and departed out of THEBES about midnight, and marched all night with great speed, that they came to ALIARTE in the morning a little before Lysander, and put half their men into the city. Now for Lysander, he was determined at the first to keep his men upon a hill which is near to the city, and there to tarry the coming of king Pausanias. But afterwards, when he saw that the day was far spent, and that he came not, he could tarry no longer, but arming himself, after he had made an oration unto the confederates which he had brought with him, he marched on with his men in battle ray, longer than large, by the high way that went unto the city. In the mean season, the THEBANS that were left without the city, leaving ALIARTE on the left hand, did set upon Lysander's rearward of his army against the fountain called Cissusa: Cissusa sons. where the Poets feign that the nurses of Bacchus did wash him, when he came out of his mother's womb, because the water that cometh out of it (though it be very clear and sweet to drink) hath notwithstanding (I can not tell by what means) a colour like wine: and not far thence there grow great plenty of Styrap trees. The which the ALIARTIANS do allege, to prove that Radamanthus heretofore dwelled in that part, & do show his sepulchre there yet to this day, which they call Alea. And hard by that also, there is the monument of Alemena, which was buried (as they say) in that place, & was married to Radamanthus, after the death of Amphitryon. But the THEBANS who were within the city with the ALIARTIANS, stirred not until they saw that Lysander with the first of his troop was near unto the town walls: & then opening the gates on the sudden, they made a salie out upon Lysander, Lysander stain by the Thebans. & slew him with his soothsayer & a few other, because the most part of the vanguard fled, into the strength of the battle. Howbeit the THEBANS gave them not over so, but followed them so valiantly, that they broke their order, & made them all fly through the mountains, after they had slain three thousand of them in the field: so were there three hundred THEBANS also slain there, who followed their enemies so fiercely, till they recovered strait narrow ways, of great strength for them. These three hundred were in manner all those that were suspected in THEBES to favour the LACEDÆMONIANS secretly: wherefore, for the desire they had to take away this opinion from their citizens, they hazarded themselves to no purpose, & were cast away in this chase. King Pausanias heard news of this overthrow, going from PLATEES unto THESPIES, & went on further, marching still in battle ray towards ALIARTE, where Thrasybulus also arrived at the self same time, bringing the aid of the ATHENIANS from THEBES. And when Pausanias was purposed to sand to ask licence of the enemies to take away the bodies of their men which they had slain, to th'intent to bury them: the old SPARTANS that were in his army, misliking it much, at the first were angry in themselves. But afterwards they went unto the king himself, to tell him that he dishonoured SPARTA, to offer to take up Lysander's body by his enemies leave & 〈…〉 and that he should valiantly recover him by force of arms, and honourably bury him, after that he had overcome their enemies: or else if it were their fortune to be overthrown, that y●● it should be more honourable for them, to eye dead in the field by their Captain, then to ask leave to take up his body. To ask leave of th'enemy to bury the dead is dishonourable. But notwithstanding all these words of the old men, king Pausanias seeing that it was a hard matter to overcome the THEBANS in battle, now that they had gotten the victory, and furthermore, that the body of Lysander lay hard by the walls of ALIARTE, and that he could not come to take it away without great danger, although they should win the battle: he sent a herald to the enemies. And having made truce for certain days, he led his army away, and took up Lysander's body with him, and buried him after they were out of the confines of BOEOTIA, within the territory of the PANOPEIANS: where until this day his tomb remaineth upon the high way, Lysander's tomb. going from DELPHES unto the city of CHAERONIA. Thus Pausanias' camp being lodged there, it is said there was a PHOCIAN, who reporting the battle unto one that was not there, said that the enemies came to give a charge upon them, as Lysander had passed the Oplites. Thother wondering at that, there was a SPARTAN a very friend of Lysander's by, having heard all their talk, asked him what that was which he called Oplites: for that he had not heard that word named before. What? answered the PHOCIAN to him again. Even there it was where the enemies did overthrow the first of our men which were slain in the fields: for the river that runneth by the walls of the city, is called Oplites. Oplites A. destiny menitable. The SPARTAN hearing that, burst out of weeping for sorrow, saying: then I see it is impossible for a man to avoid his destiny. For Lysander aforetime had an oracle that told him thus. Lysander, take good heed, come not I thee advise: Near Oplites that rivers banks, in any kind of wise. Nor near the Dragon he, which is the earth her son, Who at the length will thee assault, and on thy back will run. Howbeit some take it, that this river of Oplites is not that which passeth by the walls of ALIARTE, but it is the river that runneth near unto the city of CORONEA, and falleth into the river of Phliarus, Phliarus A. Hoplia, Isomantus. Neochorus sl●e Lysander. hard by the city: and they say that in old time it was called Hoplia, but now they call it Isomantus. He that slew Lysander, was an ALIARTIAN called Neochorus who carried a Dragon painted upon his target: and this was that which the oracle of likelihood did signify. They say also, that in the time of the wars of PELOPONNESUS, the THEBANS had an oracle from the temple of Apollo Ismenias: which oracle did prophesy the battle which they wan by the castle of DELIUM, and the battle of ALIARTE also, which was thirty years after that. The effect of that oracle was this. When thou thy nets shalt spread, the wolves for to entrap: Beware thou come not near unto, a little hill by hap, Of Orchalide. Nor near, to any his confines: For there, the crafty foxes keep, their dens and privy mines. He calleth the territory that is about DELIUM, the uttermost confines, because BOEOTA doth confine there with the country of ATTICA: and the hill Orchalide which is now called Alopecon (to say the fox den) which lieth on that side of the city of ALIARTE, Orchalide ●●●s. that looketh towards mount Helicon. Helicon moons. Lysander being slain, the SPARTANS took his death so ill, that they would have condemned king Pausanias of treason by law: Pausanias' exile. who durst not abide the trial, but fled unto the city of TEGEA, where he ended the rest of his life within the sanctuary of the temple of Minerva. When Lysander was dead, Lysander's clean hands and poverty commended after his death. his poverty appeared to the world which made his virtue far more famous, than when he lived. For than they saw, that for all the gold & silver which had passed through his hands, for all his great authority & countenance that he had carried, and for all that so many cities & towns did come to honour him, & briefly, for all that he had so great & puissant a kingdom in manner in his hands: yet he did never enrich nor increase his house with so much, as one farthing. So writeth Theopompus, whom we should rather believe when he praiseth, than when he discommendeth: for commonly he taketh more delight to dispraise, then to praise any. It fortuned not long after, as Ephorus writeth, that the LACEDÆMONIANS and their confederates fell at variance together, whereupon Lysander's letters were to be seen that were in his house. King Agesilaus going thither to peruse them, amongst other writings, found the oration penned by Cleon Halicarnasseus which Lysander had prepared to persuade the SPARTANS to change their government, Lysander's counsel for altering of the kingdom. and to declare unto them that they should revoke the prerogative which the Eurytiontides and the Agiades had: that the kings of SPARTA could not be chosen but out of those two families, and to leave the prerogative at liberty, that the chiefest magistrates might be lawfully chosen kings of SPARTA. Agesilaus stood indifferent to have showed this oration openly to the people, that the SPARTANS might see what manner a citizen Lysander had been in his heart. But Lacratidas, Lacratidas wisdom forbearing to show extremity to the dead. a grave wise man, & precedent at that time of the counsel of the Ephori, Lysander honoured by the Spartans after his death. Singleness of life, late marriage, and ill marriage punished by the Lacedæmonians. would not suffer him saying, that he should not dig Lysander out of his grave again, but rather bury his oration with him, that was so passingly well, and eloquently penned to persuade. Yet notwithstanding, they did him great honour after his death: and amongst others, condemned two citizens in a great sum of money, that were made sure to two of his daughters while he lived, and refused to mary them which he was dead, seeing their father died so poor: because they sought to match in his house, supposing he had been rich, and forsook them afterwards for their father's poverty, when they saw he died a good and just man. Thus we see, that at SPARTA there was a punishment for them that did not marry, or that married too late, or that married ill: and unto this punishment were they most subject, that sought great matches for covetousness of goods. This is all we have to write of Lysander's life and acts. THE LIFE OF Sylla. LVcius Cornelius Sylla was of the race of the Patricians, Sulla's kindred. who be the noble men & gentlemen of ROME: & there was one of his ancestors called Rufinus, that obtained the dignity of Consul. He notwithstanding his consulship, wan more dishonour by defame, than he obtained honour by dignity of Consul. For they finding in his house above ten pounds worth of plate, contrary to the law at that time expressly forbidding it: he was expulsed the Senate, and lost his place there, after which dishonour once received, his issue never rose, nor yet recovered it. And Sylla himself had very little left Him by his father: so that in his youth he was feign to higher an other man's house, & sat at a small rent, as afterwards he was twisted in the teeth withal, when they saw him richer than they thought he had deserved. For when he gloried & boasted of the victory at his return from the wars of AF●●EI there was a noble man that said unto him: why, how is it possible thou shouldest be an honoured man, Sulla's honesty reproved, by means of his great wealth. that having nothing left thee by thy father, thou art now come to have so much? Now, though ROME had left her ancient justice and pureness of life, wherewith she brought up her people in former times, and that their hearts were poisoned with covetous desire of vain superfluous delights: yet notwithstanding, it was as fowl a reproach to them that did not maintain themselves in the poverty of their fathers, as unto them that did consume their patrimony, and bring all to nought which their parents had left them. But afterwards also when he carried the whole sway in ROME, and that he had put so many men to death: a free man being borne of the slaves enfranchised, & being ready to be thrown down the rock Tarpeian, because he had saved and hidden one of the outlaws and men proclaimed to be put to death, wheresoever they were found: cast it in Sulla's teeth, how that they had lived and dwelled together a long time in one self house, he having paid thousand Nummos for the rent of the uppermost rooms of the same house, & Sylla three thousand for all the nethermost rooms beneath. So that between both their wealths, there was but only two thousand and fifty Drachmas of ATHENS difference. And this is that we find in writing of his first wealth. As for his stature and person, Sulla's flavore. that appeareth sufficiently by the statues and images that were made for him, which yet remain. But for his eyes, they were like fire, and wonderful ●edde and the colour of his face withal, made them the more fearful to behold. For he was copper nosed, and that was full of white streaks here and there: whereupon they say that the surname of a Sylla was given him by reason of his colour. That is, because that Syl in latin, signifieth ochre, which becometh read when it is put to the fire, and therefore Syllaceus colour in virus●ia. signifieth purple colour. And there was a jester at ATHENS that finely mocked him in his verse: Syllace skeffing. Sylla is like a black Bery sprinkled with meal. It is not amiss to search out the naturalll disposition of this man by such outward marks and tokens. It is said also that he was so naturally given to mock & jest, that being a young man unknown, he would never be out of the company of players, fools, and tumblers, but still eating and tippling with them in dissolute manner. And afterwards also when he was in his chiefest authority, he would commonly eat and drink with the most impudent jesters and scoffers, and all such rakehells, as made profession of counterfeit mirth, & would shrine with the baddest of them to give the finest mocks: wherein he did not only a thing uncomely for his years, & dishonoured the maiestly of his office & dignity, but thereby also grew careless & negligent in matters of great importance, whereunto he should have taken good regard. For after he was once set at his table, he was not to be moved any more in matters of weight. Now, though from the table he was commonly found both very active, painful, and severe yet falling into such company by drinking, bousing, & making good cheer, he suddenly become an other manner of man. So that without all compass of modesty and judgement, he was too familiar and conversant with players, jesters, tumblers, and dancers: who when they had him in that vain, might do what they would with him. Sulla's voluptuousness. Of this rioting came (in mine opinion) his vice of lechery, whereunto he was greatly given, and easily drawn after love and pleasure: in such sort, as his grey hears could not restrain his voluptuous life. His unlawful lusting love began in his young years, with one Metrobius a common player, which stretched on increasing his amorous desire until his latter age. For at the first he loved Nicopolis a rich courtesan: and frequenting her company by often access, and besides that he spent the prime of his beauty and youth in feasting her with great delight and passing pleasure, she afterwards become in love with him, so that when she died, she made Sylla her heir of all she had. He was heir also unto his mother in law, who loved him as her own begotten son: and by these two good haps he was stepped up to pretty wealth. Afterwards being chosen Quaestor (to say treasurer) the first time that Marius was Consul, Sylla Quaestor. he emabarked with him in his journey into AFRICA, to war with king jugurthe. When he was arrived at the camp, he showed himself a man of great service in all other things, but in this especially, that he could wisely use the benefit of any occasion offered him, and thereby wan Bocchus king of the NUMIDIANS, to be his fast and faithful friend: whose Ambassadors, that scaped from a company of NUMIDIAN thieves he courteously entertained, The cause of Bocchus friendship unto Sylla. and having given them goodly presents, sent them back again with a safe convoy. Now concerning king Bocchus, he had of long time both hated and feared king jugurthe his son in law: insomuch, that after he was overcome in battle, and came to him for succour, Bocchius practised treason against him, and for this cause sent secretly for Sylla, desiring rather that jugurthe should be taken by Sylla, then by himself. Sylla broke this matter unto Marius, of whom having received a small number of soldiers to accompany him, (without respect of peril or danger) went and committed himself to the faith and fidelity of one barbarous king, to take an other ● considering also that the king whom he trusted was to unjust of his word, even unto his nearest friends and confederates. Now Bocchus having jugurthe and Sylla both in his power, and brought himself to that pinch that of necessity he must betray the one or the other: after he had taken good breath to resolve which of the two he should deal withal, in th'end went on with his first plat & devise of treason, and so delivered jugurthe into Sulla's hands. jugerthe delivered unto Sylla by king Bocchus. In deed Marius triumphed for taking of king jugurthe: but his evil willers, for the spite and grudge they bore him, did attribute the glory and honour of jugurthes taking wholly unto Sylla. Thenor of jugurthes taking ascribed unto Sylla. That secretly went to Marius' heart, and specially for that Sylla being high minded by nature (coming then but newly from a base, obscure, and unknown life to be known & well accepted of the people in ROME, and to east also what honorment) become so ambitious and covetous of glory, that he caused the story to be graven in a ring, which he did ever after use to wear & seal withal. Where king Bocchus was delivering of jugurthe unto Sylla, and Sylla also receiving jugurthe prisoner. These things misliked Marius much: but notwithstanding, judging that Sylla was not so much envied as himself, he took him with him unto the wars. Marius' his second, Consulship, made Sylla one of his lieutenants: and in his third consulship, he had charge under him of a thousand footmen, and did many notable and profitable exploits for him. Sulla's noble deeds under Marius. When Sylla was his Lieutenant, he took one Copillus, a general of the GAULES Tecto sages, And when he was Colonel of a thousand footmen, he brought the MARSIANE (a marvelous great country of people in ITALY) and persuaded them to remain good friends, and confederates of the romans. For this his good service, he found that Marius grew in great misliking with him, because from thence forth he never gave him any honourable charge, or occasion to show good service: but to the contrary, did what he could to hinder his rising. Wherefore, Sylla afterwards took Catulus Luctatu●● part, who was companion with Marius in his consulship. This Catulus was a very honest man, but somewhat slack and cold in marshall matters, which was the cause that in deed he did commit unto Sylla all the special service, and matters of weight in his charge: whereupon he gave him occasion not only to increase his estimation, but also his credit and power. Silla's doings under Catulus. For, by force or arms, he conquered the most part of the barbarous people which inhabited the mountains of the Alps: and Catulus camp lacking victuals, having commission, he made a marvelous great quantity of provision to be brought thither, insomuch, as Catulus camp being plentifully vittelled, they sent their store & surplusage unto Marius' soldiers, the which Sylla himself writeth, did much mislike Marius. And this is the first cause of their enmity. The which being grounded upon so light occasion, was followed with civil wars, great effusion of blood, and with incurable factions and dissensions: that it ended at the length with a cruel tyranny, and confusion of all the ROMAN state and Empire. This doth prove that Euripides the Poet was a wise man, and one that foresaw the ruins of common weals, when he counseled, and also commanded governors to lie ambition, Ambition is to be fled, as a mortal fury. as a most pestilent and mortal fury unto them that are once infected withal. Now Sylla thinking that the reputation he had gotten already in the wars, would have made his way open to prefer him to some honourable office in the city of ROME: he was no sooner returned from the wars, but he would needs prove the people's good wills unto him, and procured his name to be billed among them that sued for the praetorship of the city (that is to say, the office of the ordinary judge that ministereth justice unto the citizens) but he was rejected by the voice of the people. For the which he laid the fault upon the meaner sort, saying, that the communality knew well enough the friendship, he had with king Bocc●u●, and that therefore they hoping that if he were made AEdilis before he came to be Praetor, ●●● would make them see noble huntinges and great fightings of wild beasts of LIBYA. And that therefore they did choose other Praetors, and put him by his suit, in hope to compel hi● by this means to be first of all AEdilis. Howbeit it seemeth that he doth not confess the tro●● of his refusal, for his own act doth condemn himself: because the next year following he was chosen Praetor, Sylla chosen Praetor. partly for that he won the people with courtesy, and partly with mon●y. So he falling out with Caesar upon that occasion, in his angerthreatned him that he would use the power and authority of his office upon him. But Caesar smiling, answered him: thou hast reason to call it thine office, for in deed it is thine, because thou hast bought it. But ●●ter the time of his praetorship was expired, he was sent with an army into CAPPADOCIA; colouring his voyage thither with commission to restore Ariobarzanes into his kingdom against howbeit th'only cause of his journey was in deed to suppress king Mithridates a little, who took too many things in hand, and increased his power and dominion with a new signiory of no less greatness, then that which he had before. In troth he brought no great army o● of ITALY with him, but he was faithfully holpen by the confederates of the romans movery place, through whose aid he overthrew a great number of the CAPPADOCIANS, and afterwards also a greater number of the ARMENIANS, which came in like case to aid them so that he expulsed Gordius king of PHRYGIA out of CAPPADOCIA, and restored Ariobarzanes to his realm again. After which victory, Sylla remained by the river of Euphrates, and thither came unto him one Orobazus a PARTHIAN, Ambassador of the Arsaces, king of the PARTHIANS. Orobazus Ambassador from the king of the Parthians unto Sylla. Now these two nations, the romans, and the PARTHIANS, were never friends before: and that with other things showed the great good fortune Sylla had, that the PARTHIANS came first to him by his means to seek friendship with the romans. They say, that receiving this Ambassador Orobazus, he made three chairs to be brought out, the one for king Ariobarzanes, the other for Orobazus the Ambassador, and the third for himself, which he placed in the midst between them both, and sitting down in the same, gave audience unto the Ambassador: for which cause the king of PARTHIA afterwards put Orobazus to death. Some do commend Sylla for this act, for that he kept his state in such majesty among the barbarous people. Other do reprove his ambition in it, showing himself stately out of time, and to no purpose. We do read that a soothsayer of CHALDEA being in Orobazustraine, having diligently viewed and considered the physiognomy of Sylla, and all his other movings and gestures of mind and body, to judge not by the climate of the country, but according to the rules of his art what his nature should be: all well considered of, he said that Sylla one day must needs come to be a great man, and that he marveled how he could further it that he was not even then the chiefest man of the world. When Sylla was returned again to ROME, one Censorinus accused him of extortion, Sylla accused of extortion. that he had carried away a great sum of money with him, contrary to the law, out of one of their confederates country: howbeit he prosecuted not his accusation, but gave it over. In the mean time, the enmity begun betwixt him and Marius, kindled again upon a new occasion of king Bocchus ambition: who partly to creep further into the people's favour of ROME, and partly also for to gratify Sylla, gave and dedicated certain images of victory carrying tokens of triumph, unto the temple of jupiter Capitolin, and next unto them also the image of jugurthe, which he delivered into the hands of Sylla, being all of pure gold. This did so offend Marius, that he attempted to take them away by force: but others did defend the cause of Sylla. So that for the quarrel of these two, the city of ROME taking arms, had like to have brought all to ruin: Civil wars. had not the wars of the confederates of ITALY been, which of longtime did kindle and smoke, but at the length broke out into open flame and sedition for that time. In this marvelous great war which fell out very dangerous, by sundry misfortunes and great losses to the romans, Marius did no notable exploit: whereby it appeareth, that the virtue of warlike discipline hath need of a strong, and lusty, and able body. For Sylla to the contrary, having done notable service, and obtained many profitable victories, wan the fame and estimation among the romans, of a noble soldier, and worthy Captain: and among thenemies themselves, of a most fortunate man. Notwithstanding, Sylla did not as Timotheus ATHENIAN, the son of Conon had done: Who, when his adversaries and ill willers did attribute his noble deeds unto the favour of foretune, and did paint fortune tables, that brought him all the cities taken and snared in ne●● whilst he slept: he took in very ill part, and was marvelous angry with them that did it, saying, that they rob him of the glory that justly belonged unto him. Wherefore one day when this Timotheus was returned from the wars with the great victories, after he had openly acquainted the ATHENIANS with the whole discourse of his doings in his voyage, he said unto them: my Lords of ATHENS, Timotheus Athenians, would not tribune the glory of his doings to fortune. fortune hath had no part in all this which I have told unto you. Hereupon the gods it should seem were so angry with this foolish ambition of Timotheus, that he never afterwards did any worthy thing, but all went utterly against the hear with him: until at the length he came to be so hated of the people, that in th'end they banished him form ATHENS. But Sylla to the contrary, did not only patiently abide their words that said, he was a happy man, and singularly beloved of fortune: but also increasing this opinion, and glorying as at a special grace of the gods, did attribute the honour of his doings unto fortune, Sylla gave fortune the honour of all his doings. either for a vain glory, or for that he had in fancy, that the gods did prospero him in all his doings. For he wrote himself in his commentaries, that the enterprises which he hazarded most hotly, according to the sudden occasion offered, did better prospero with him, than those which by good advise he had determined of. Furthermore, when he said that he was a better borne unto the fortune, then to the wars: it seemeth that he confessed all his prosperity came rather by fortune, then by his worthiness. And to conclude, it appeareth that he did wholly submit himself unto fortune, acknowledging that he did altogether depend upon her: considering that he did attribute it to the special grace and favour of the gods, that he neue● disagreed with Metellus his father in law, who was a man of like dignity and authority as himself was. For where it was thought he would have been a great hinderer of his doings, he found him very courteous and gentle in his behalf, in all that they had to deal in together, by reason of the society of their office. And furthermore, in his commentaries which he dedicated unto Lucullus, he counseled him to think nothing more certain and assured, then that which the gods should reveal unto him, and command him in his nights dream. Sulla's belief in dreams. He writeth also that when he was sent with an army unto the wars of the confederates, A strange fight appeared to Sylla. the earth suddenly opened about LAVERNA, out of the which immediately came a marvelous bright flame of fire that ascended up to the element. The wise men being asked their opinions about the same, made answer: that a very honest, and also a marvelous fair man of complexion taking sovereign authority in his hands, should pacify all tumults and sedition which were at that time in ROME. Whereupon Sylla said it was himself whom the gods meant, because that amongst other things he had that singular gift of beauty, that his hear was yellow as gold: and he was not ashamed to name himself an honest man, after he had won so many notable great victories. Thus have we sufficiently spoken of the trust he had in the favour of the gods. And furthermore, Sylla strange of conditions. he seemed to be very contrary in his manners, and unlike to himself. For if he took away much in one place, he gave as much more also in an other. Some he preferred without cause: and others he put down without reason. He would be very gentle to them, of whom he would have oughta and unto those that sought of him, he would stand much upon his honour, and look for great reverence. Whereby men could hardly decern his nature, whether pride or flattery did more abound in him. And as for the inequality he used in punishing of them that had offended him sometimes he hanged up men for very small and light causes: Some other times again to the contrary, he patiently abode the most grievous offences in the world: and lightly pardoned and forgave such faults as were in no wife to be forgiven. And afterwards again would punish right small crimes, with murders, effusion of blood, and confiscation of goods. This judgement may be given of him: that by nature he had a malicious and a revenging mind: yet notwithstanding he qualified that natural bitterness with reason, giving place to necessary, and his benefit. For in this war of the confederates, his soldiers slew Albinus one of his lieutenants, beating him to death with staves and stones, being a man of good quality, and one that had been Praetor. This great offence he passed over with silence, using no manner of punishment, and turned it to a boast in the end, saying, that his men were the more obedient and diligent in any piece of service that was to be done, and that he made them amend 〈…〉 faults by worthy service. And furthermore, he did not regard them that he did reprove 〈…〉 but having determined with himself to destroy Marius, and to procure that he might be chosen general in the wars against king Mithridates, because that this war of the confederates was now ended: for this cause he flattered & curried favour with his soldiers that saved under him. Sylla chosen Consul. At this return to ROME from these wars of the confederates, he was ch●se● Consul with Q. Pompeius, being then fifty year old, and married with Cecilia a noble Lady; and Metellus daugther, who was then chief bishop of ROME, for which marriage the common people sang songs and ballads up and down ROME against him: Metellus chief bishop of Rome, a married. and many of the noble men envied him for it, thinking him unworthy of so noble a Lady, whom they thought worthy to be Consul, Sulla's wives. as Titus Levius saith. Now she was not his only wife, for he had a young wife before called Ilia, by whom he had a daughter. After her he married AElia, than a third called Caelia, whom he put away because she brought him no children. But notwithstanding she went honourably away from him with very good words of her, besides many other goodly rich gifts he gave her: howbeit shortly after he married Metella, which made the world● suspect that Caelia was put away for her naughtiness. Howsoever it was, Sylla did ever honour and love Metella: insomuch as the people of ROME afterwards making suit, that they that were banished for Marius' faction might be called home again: and being denied, and refused by Sylla, they cried out with open voice for Metella, praying her to help them to obtain their request. And it seemeth also that when he had taken the city of ATHENS, he dealt mi●cruelly with them, because that some of them had scoffed at Metella from the walls: howbeit that was afterwards. So Sylla making his reckoning at that time that the consulship was● small matter, in comparison of that which he looked for in time to come: was marvelous desirous to go against Mithridates. But therein Marius also, of a mad furious ambition and covetousness of glory stood against him, Marius' fond ambition. and sued to go that journey in like manner, being subject to those passions, which never waxeolde, as we may daily see by experience. For being now a heavy man, sickly of body, and broken in service abroad in the wars, from the which he came but newly home, and bruised moreover with age: did notwithstanding yet aspire to have the charge of the wars so far of beyond the seas. Wherefore, to obtain his purpose, whilst Sylla was gone a little unto the camp to give order for certain things that were to be done, he remaining in the city, did practise this pestilent mortal sedition, which alone did more hurt unto the city of ROME, than all the enemies that ROME ever had: the which the gods themselves had foreshowed by many signs and tokens. Wonderful signs seen before the civil wars. For fire took of itself in the staves of the ensigns, which they had much a do to quench. Three ravens brought their young ones into the high way, and did eat them up in the sight of many people, and afterwards carried the garbage they left of them into their nests. Rat's also having gnawn sorts jewels of gold in a church, the sextens setting a trap for them, a rat was taken full of young and kindled five young rats in the trap, of the which she ate up three. But more yet, on a fair bright day when there was no cloud seen in the element at all, men heard such a sharp sound of a trumpet, that they were almost all out of their wits, for fear of so great a noise. Whereupon the wise men and soothsayers of Tuscan being asked their opinion, The Tuscans opinion of eight worlds. told them: that this so strange and wonderful sign did pronounce the change of the world, and the departure out of this into an other life. For they hole opinion, that there should be eight worlds, all contrary one unto an other, in manners and fashions of life: unto every one of the which said they, God hath determined a certain time of continuance. Howbeit they all to came to end their course within the space of the revolution of the great year: and that when the one is ended, and the other ready to begin, there are seen such wonderful strange signs on the earth, or in the element. And such as have studied that science, do certainly know, as soon as men be borne, which are mere contrary unto the first in their lives & manners, and which are either more or less acceptable unto the gods, than those which lived informer age. For they say, that amongst great changes and alterations which are done in those places from one age unto an other, the science of divination, and foretelling of thing to come doth grow in reputation, and meeteth in their predictions, when it pleaseth God sand most certain and manifest signs, to know and foretell things to come. And in to contrariwise also in a another age it groweth too contempt, and to loseth her reputation, for that it is 〈…〉 he, and faileth to meet with the most part of her predictions, because she hath but obscure means, and all her instruments defaced, to know what should come. And these be the fables which the wisest soothsayers of TUSCAN reported abroad, & they specially, who seemed to have some singular speculation above others. But as the Senate were talking with the soothsayers of these wonders, being assembled together within the temple of the goddess 〈…〉, a sparrow came flying into the church in sight of them all, and carried a grasshopper in her hill, and parted it in the midst, and left one part within the temple, and carried tother away with her. Whereupon the wise men and interpreters of such wonders, said, that they doubted a commotion and rising of the dohtry men against the commons of the city, because the common people of the city do cry our continually like grasshoppers, and the husbandmen do keep themselves upon their lands in the country. Thus Marius grew great and very familiar, with Sulpitius, one of the Tribunes of the people, The wickedness of Sulpitius the Tribune. who in all kinds of wickedness and mischief that a man can reckon, would give place to no living creature: so that a man heed not to seek or demand any where for a worse than he, but the question is rather wherein he himself was not the worst of all others, For he was full replet with all kinds of cruelty, avarice, and rashness, and that so extremely, as he cared not what villainy and wickedness he openly committed, so that the same might turn to his profit. For he had set up a table in the open market place, where he sold freedom, making slaves and strangers 〈…〉 of ROME for their money: and for that purpose he entertained a guard of three thousand about him, besides a band of young gentlemen of the order of knights that attended always upon his person ready at commandment, whom he called the guard against the Senate. And furthermore, himself having passed a law by the voice of the people, that no Senator should borrow, nor owe, above two thousand Drachmas: it was found that at the hour of his death, he died three millions of Drachmas in debt. This man now like a furious raging beast, being left by Marius amongst the people, turned all things topsie turuey, by force of arms and main strength. Marius and Sulpitius sedition. He made also many wicked laws to pass by voice of the people, and amongst others, that one specially, whereby he gave Marius' commission to make wars against king Mithridates. For which extreme oppresions and dealings of Sulpitius, the two Consuls (Sylla and Quintus Pompeius) left of to hear public causes, and ceased the common course of law and justice. All law ceased for a time, by reason of Sulpitius oppressions and wicked laws. And as they were one day occupied about the adiornement of the law, in an open assembly in the market place, before the temple of Castor and Pollux: Sulpitius the Tribune came upon them with his soldiers, and slew many people, and among others, the Consul Pompeius own son, and the father himself being Consul, had much a do to save his life by flying. And Sylla the other Consul, was also pursued even into Marius' house, where he was compelled to promise', before his departure, presently to go and revoke that ornament of the law which he had before commanded. Thus Sulpitius having deprived Pompeius of his consulship, did not depose Sylla, but only took from him the charge had given him to make wars against Mithridates, and transferred that unto Marius. And sending 〈…〉 〈…〉 to the city of NO●A to receive the army that lay there, and to bring them unto Marius Sylla prevented them, and fled to the camp before them, and told the soldiers all what had passed, as it was in deeds who when they be and it, fell all to ●●●mule, and slew Marius colonels with stones Marius on the otherside put all Sylla's friends to death 〈…〉 took the spoil of their goods and houses: so was there nothing else but 〈…〉 from the camp roll ●a●●, and from ROME to the camp against. The Senate were in manner beside them selves not being able to govern as they would, but driven to obey Marius and Sulpitius commandments. Who being advertised that Sylla was consisting towards ROME, s●●●● strait two Praetors unto him, Brutus and Servilius, to command them as from the Senate, to approach no nearer. These two Praetors spoke a little to boldly unto Sylla: whereupon the soldiers fell to a mutiny in such sour, that they stood indifferent whether to kill them presently in the field or not, howbeit they broke their a ●●●s and bondells of nods which were carried before them, and took their out ple●●hes wherewith they ●●dre appareled as magistrates, from them, and sent them home thus shamefully handled and entreated. Upon their return now 〈…〉 their sad silence only, and themselves so stripped beside, of all their marks and 〈…〉 Praetoriall dignity, made all men then to judge that they brought no other news, been ●o●● as were the worst that possibly could be: and that there was no way then left to pacific and Addition, which was now altogether uncurable. Wherefore Marius and his followers began to make themselves strong by force and Sylla, with his companion Q. Pompeius, departed in the mean time from the city of NOLA, and brought six entire legions on wi●h him, Sylla marcheth towards Rome with six legions. Posthomius the divine, did prognosticate victory unto Sylla. who desired no other thing but to make haste to march to ROME ward. Howbeit Sylla stood in doubt 〈…〉 himself what to do, thinking of the great danger that might follow. Until such time as his soothsayer Posthumius having considered the signs & tokens of the sacrifices, which Sylla had made upon this determination, gave him both his hands, and bade him bind them hard and shut him up fast, until the day of battle should be passed: saying, that he was contented to suffer death, if he had not good success, and that out of hand, to his great honour. And it is said also, that the same night there appeared unto Sylla in a dream, the goddess Bellons, whom the romans do greatly honour, following therein the CAPPADOCIANS: and I know him whether it be the moon, Minerva, or Enyo the goddess of battles. So he thought, Sulla's vision on his dreams. that the coming to him did put lightning into his hand, commanding him that he should lighten upon his enemies, naming them one after an other by their proper names: and that they being stricken with his lightning, fell down dead before him, and no man knew what become ●● them. This vision encouraged Sylla very much, and having reported the same to Pomperius. 〈…〉 fellow Consul & companion, the next morning he marched with his army to ROME. When he was at PICINES, there came other Ambassadors unto him, to pray him in the name, us●●● Senate that he would not come to ROME in this heat and fury, declaring therewithal that the Senate would grant him all things that should be meet and reasonable. When Sylla had heard the message, he answered them, that he would camp there: and so commanded the marshals to divide the squadrons according to their manner. The Ambassadors believing the he would so have done in deed, returned again to ROME: howbeit them backs were at sooner turned, but Sylla strait sent Lucius Basillus, and Caius Muhurtius before to se●se 〈…〉 the gates of ROME, and the walls which were on the side of mount Esquilin, and he him 〈…〉 also in person with all possible speed marched after them. Basillus entered ROME, and wares the gate by force. But the common people unarmed, go them up strait to the top of the houses, and with tiles and stones stayed, and kept him, not only from entering any further but also drove him back again, even to the very walls of the city. In this hurly, burly ca●e Sylla himself to ROME, Sylla set the houses a fire in Rome. who seeing apparently: to what stare things stood, cried out to the men, and had them set fire on the houses: and himself taking a torch light in his hand showed them the way what they should do, appointing his archers and darters so whurled ●●●● stow their darts, and other fiery instruments, to the tops of the houses. Herein he wanted much overcome with unreasonable choler, passion, and desire of revenge. For, soeking only to plague his enemies, he took no regard to friends, to parents, or confederates, neither had he yet any manor of remorse, or pity: such and so fiery was his anger then, that he put no 〈…〉 of difference between those that had offended, and them that had done him no hurt at 〈…〉 this means was Marius driven into the city, unto the temple of the Earth, where he made open proclamation by sound of trumpet, that he would make free all the slaves that would come to his part. But forthwith came his enemies, see upon him, and press him so near that he was constrained utterly to fly and forsake the city. Then Sylla assembling the Senate, closed Marius, Marius and Sulpitius condemned to death. and certain others, together with Sulpitius' Tribune of the people, to be condemned to death. Eulpitius was betrayed by a slave of his own, whom Sylla made free according to his promise passed by public edict: but when he had made him free, he caused him to be thrown down headlong from the rock Tarpeian. And nor contented with this, Treason lustily rewarded. The ingrailtude of Sylla reproved. he proclaimed by promise a great sum of money to him that would kill Marius: A very ingrate and us thankful part, considering that Marius not many days before having Sylla in his own house, in his hands and custody, delivered him from peril, and set him in safety. Which if at that time he had not done, but had suffered Suspicion tiy have slain him: himself had Be●● sovereign Lord of the whole without all contradiction, and might have ruled all things at his own will and pleasure. But Sylla shortly after upon the like advantage, used no such manner of requital or gratuity towards him, which bred a secret misliking amongst the Senate howbeit the common people made open show of the evil will they bore unto Sylla, by rejecting one Nonius his nephew, and one Servius, who upon confidence of his favour, presented themselves to sue for certain offices. And besides the shame of this refusal, to spite him the more, they chose others in their steeds, whose honour and preferrment they right well knew that Sylla would not only mislike, but be much offended withal. Howbeit he wisely dissembling the matter, seemed to be very glad, saying, that by his means the people of ROME enjoyed a full & perfect liberty, that in such cases of election, they might freely do what themselves lifted. And to mitigate somewhat the people's evil will towards him he determined to choose Lucius Cinna Consul, Lucius Cinna Consul. who was of a contrary faction to him: having first bound him by solemn oath and curse to favour his doings & whole proceedings. Whereupon Cinna went up to the Capitol, Cinna swore to be Sulla's friend. and there holding a stone in his hand, did solemnly swear and promise, that he would be Sulla's faithful friend: beseeching the gods if he did the contrary, that he might be thrown out of ROME, even as he threw that stone out of his hand: and with those words, threw it to the ground before many people. But notwithstanding all these curses; Cinna was no sooner entered into his consulship, but presently he began to change and altar all. For amongst other things, he would needs have Sylla accused: and procured Verginius, one of the Tribunes of the people, to be his accuser. But Sylla left him with his judges, Sylla went against Mithridates. & went to make wars against Mithridates. And it is said, that about the time that Sylla took ship, and departed out of ITALY: there fortuned many tokens and warnings of the gods unto king Mithridates, who was at that present in the city of PERGAMUM. As amongst others, that the PARGAMENIANS to honour Mithridates withal, having made an image of victory, carrying a garland of triumph in her hand, which was let down from aloft with engines: so soon as she was ready to put the garland upon his head, the image broke, and the crown fell to the ground in the midst of the Theatre, and burst all to pieces. Whereby all the people that were present, were stricken with a marvelous fear, and Mithridates himself began to mislike this evil luck: although all things at that time fell out more fortunately, than he looked for. For he had taken ASIA from the romans, and BYTHINIA and CAPPADOCIA, Mithridates' power. from the kings which he had driven out: and at that time remained in the city of PERGAMUM, to divide the riches and great territories among his friends. As touching his sons: the eldest was in the realm of PONTUS, and of BOSPHORVS, which he inherited from his predecessors, even unto the deserts beyond the marisses of Maeotides, without trouble or molestation of any man. The other also, Ariarathes, was with a great army, in conquering of THRACIA and MACEDON. His Captains and lieutenants moreover, did many notable conquests in divers places, with a great power: amongst the which, Archelaus being Lord and master of all the sea, for the great number of ships he had, conquered the Isles CYCLADES, and all those beyond the head of Malea, and specially amongst others the isle of EUBOEA. And beginning at the city of ATHENS, had made all the nations of GREECE to rebel, even unto THESSALY, saving that he received some loss by the city of CHAERONEA. Where Brutius Sura, one of the lieutenants of Sentius governor of MACEDON (a man of great wisdom and valiantness) came against him, and stayed him for going any further, overrunning the whole country of BO●TIA, like a furious raging river. And setting upon Archelaus by the city of CHAERONEA, overthrew him in three several battles: repulsed, and enforce him to take the seas again. But as Brutius was following him in chase, Lucius Lucullies sent him commandment to give place unto Sylla, to follow those wars against Mithridates, according to the charge and commission in that behalf given him. Whereupon Brutius Sura went out of the country of BO●OTIA, and returned towards his general Sentius: notwithstanding his affairs prospered better than he could have wished, and that all GREECE were very willing to revolt, for the reputation of his wisdom and goodness. Howbeit the things that we before have spoken of, were the most notable matters that Brutius did in those parts. Sylla now upon his arrival, recovered immediately all the other cities of GREECE: who being advertised of his coming, sent presently to pray him to come to their aid, the city of ATHENS only excepted, which was compelled by the tyrant Aristion, to take part with Mithridates. Sylla thereupon with all his power went thither, Sylla befiegeth the city of Athens. besieged the haven of Piraea round, causing it to be battered and ass●●●ted on every side, with all sorts of engines and instruments of battery: whereas if he could have had patience but a little longer, he might have had the high town by famine, without purting himself in any manner of danger, the same being brought to such extreme death and scarcity of all kind of victuals. But the haste that he made to return again to ROME, set fear of the new change which he heard of daily from thence, compelled him to hazard this war in that sort with great danger, many battles, and infinite charge: considering also, that besides all other provision and furniture, he had twenty thousand mules and mulets la●●ring daily to furnish his engines of battery. And when all other wood failed him, because his engines were oftentimes marred after they were made, some breaking of themselves by reason of their weight, others consumed with fire thrown from the enemies: at the length he fell to the holy wood, and cut down the trees of the Academia, being better stored and furnished, than any other park of pleasure in all the suburbs of the city, & seld down, also the ●od of the park Lycaeum. And standing in need of a great sum of money to entertain this wars withal, he dealt also with the holiest temples of all GREECE, Sylla took the smells and roady money out of all the temples of Greece, and brought it to him to Athens. causing them to bring him from the temples of EPIDAURUM and OLYMPVs, all the richest and most precious jewels they had. He wrote moreover unto the counsel of the AMPHICTYONS holden in the city of DELPHES, to bring him the ready money they had in the temple of Apollo, for that it should be kept in better safety with him, than if it still remained there: promising beside, that if he should by occasion be compelled to use it, he would restore as much again unto them: and for this purpose he sent Caphis PHOCIAN, one of his very friends & familiars, and commanded him to weigh all that he took. So Caphis went unto DELPHES: but when he came thither, being afraid to touch the holy things, in presence of the counsel of the AMPHICTYONS, he wept, Caphis superstition for touching the holy things. that the tears ran down by his cheeks, as a man compelled to do such an act against his william. And when some that were present told Caphis that they heard the sound of Apollo's cithern in the temple: whether he believed it was so in deed, or because he would put this superstitious fear into Sulla's head, he wrote to him of it. But Sylla mocking him, sent him word, that he marveled he could not consider, that singing and playing of the cithern, were tokens rather of joy then of anger: and therefore that he should not fail to proceed further, and bring him those things which he commanded, for that (said he) Apollo did give them him. Now for the other jewels of the temple of Apollo, the common people knew not that they were sent unto Syllchia the silver ton, which only was that that remained of the offerings of the kings, the AMPEICTYONS were feign to break that in pieces, because it was so great & massy, that the beasts of draft could not draw it whole as it was. This act made them to remember the other ancient ROMAN Captains, as Flaminius, Manius Acilius, and Paulus AEmilius: of the which, the one having driven king Antiochus out of GREECE, and the rest also having overthrown the kings of MACEDON, they never once touched the gold and silver of the temples of GREECE but contrarily sent their offerings thither, and had them all in great honour and reverence. The commendation of the ancient Roman Captains, for ordering of their soldiers, and also for their modest expenses. But as to them, they were all Captains lawfully chosen and sent to their charges: their soldiers well trained, & obedient at commandment, void of rebellion, or any manner of mutiny. And for themselves, were kings in greames of courage and magnanimity of mind: but in expert of their persons, very spare and scant, without any lavish, but needful and necessary, proportioned by reason, and thinking more shame to flatter their soldiers, then fear their enemies. Now the Captains contrarily in Sulla's time, sought not their preferrment in the commonwealth by virtue, but by force, and having greater wars one with an other, then with strangers their enemies: were compelled to flatter their soldiers whom they should command, and to buy their pains & service, feeding them still with large & great expenses, to pleasest content them. Wherein they did not consider, that they brought their country into bondage, & made themselves slaves of the vilest people of the world, whiles that in the mean time they sought to command by all means possible those, which in many respects were far better than themselves. And this was the cause that both drove Marius out of ROME. & made him also to return again against Sylla. This self same cause made Cinna to kill Octavius, and Finsbris to stay Flartus: of which evils, Sylla was the very first and only author, Sylla the first man that spob. led all good service of soldiers, by overmuch liberty and sufferavoco. spending out of all reason, and giving the soldiers largely that served under him, to win their good wills the more, and thereby also to allure them. By reason whereof, Sylla had need of mountains of money, and specially at the siege where he was: both to make strangers traitors, and beside, to furnish and satisfy his own dissolute soldiers. For he had such an earnest desire to take the city of ATHENS, that he could not possibly be dissuaded from it. And either it was of a certain vain ambition he had to fight against the ancient reputation of that city, being then but a shadow to that it had been: or else of a very anger, for the mocks & gibes which the tyrant Aristion gave in his speeches from the walls, against him & Metella, to spite him the more withal. This tyrant Aristion was full of all cruelty & wickedness, having taken up all the worst qualities and greatest imperfections of king Mithridates, The wickedness of the tyrant Arision. & heaped them wholly together in himself: by reason whereof the poor city of ATHENS which had escaped from so many wars, tyrannies, & civil dissensions until that present time, was by him, as by an uncurable disease, brought unto all extremity. For a bushel of wheat was worth a thousand Drachmas, and men were driven for famine to eat feuerfew that grew about the castle: & they caused old shoes & old oil pots to be sodden, to deliver some savour unto that they did eat, whilst the tyrant himself did nothing all day long but cram in meat, & drink drunk, dance, mask, scoff & flout at the enemies, suffering the holy lamp of Minerva in the mean season to go out for lack of oil. And when the Nun of the same temple sent unto him for a quarter of a bushel of where, he sent her a quarter of a bushel of pepper. And when the counsellors of the city, the priests & religious came to the castle, holding up their hands, & beseeching him to take some pity of the city, & fall to composition with Sylla: he made them to be driven away, & scattered with slings. In the end, very late, & yet with great a do, he sent two or three of his quaffing companions unto Sylla, who when they were come to him, made no demand of composition for the town, but began to praise & magnify the deeds of Theseus of Eumolpus, & of the ATHENIANS against the MEDES. Whereupon Sylla made them this answer. My goodly orators, return you again with all your rhetoric: for the romans sent me not hither to learn nor to study, but to overcome & conquer those that are rebelled against them. In the mean time there were●e●taine spies in the city that heard old men talking together in a place called Ceramicus, blaming the tyrant because he kept no better watch on that side of the wall that was directly over against the Heptachalcon, which was the only place where the enemies might easiliest get up upon the walls. Those spies went strait unto Sylla, & told him what they had heard the old men say. Sylla tracted no time, but came to the place in the night to see it: & perceiving that it was to be taken, set the matter strait abroach. And himself writeth in his commentaries, that the first man that scaled the walls, was Marcus Teius: The grieve valianmes of Marcus Teius. who finding a soldier ready to resist him, gave him such a sore blow with his sword upon his head piece, that his sword broke in two, and yet notwithstanding that he saw himself naked & diformed of a sword, did not for all that give back, but stood still to it, & kept the place so long, till through him the city was taken, & all upon the talk of these old men. So Sylla caused the wall to be pulled down between the haven of Piraea, Athens taken by Sylla. & the holy haven: & having before made the breach very plain, entered into the city about midnight with a wonderful fearful order, making a marvelous noise with a number of horns, & sounding of trumpets, & all his army with him in order of battle, crying, to the sack, to the sack: kill, kill. For he had given them the town in spoil, and to put all to the sword. The soldiers therefore ran through the streets with their swords drawn, making an uncredible slaughter: so that to this day they be not acknown, nor do not declare what number of persons were slain, but to show the greatness of the murder that there was committed, the place is yet extant to be seen where the blood ran. For besides them that were slain through all the city, the blood of them only that were slain in the market stead, did wet all the ground of Ceramicus, The slaughter of the Athenians after the taking of the eisit. even unto the very place called Dipylon: and some say also, that it ran by the gates into the suburbs of the city. But if the multitude of the people that were slain in this sort were great, much more (or so many at the lest) it is said were those that slew themselves, for the sorrow & compassion they had to see their country in such pitiful state, supposing certainly that their city was now come to utter ruin & destruction. This opinion made the noblest men of the city to despair of their own safety, & feared to live any longer: because they thought they should find no mercy, no moderation of cruelty in Sylla. Notwithstanding, partly at the requests of Midias and Calliphon, who were banished men from ATHENS, and fell at Sulla's feet upon their knees: and partly also at the requests of the ROMAN Senators that were in his camp, who prayed him to pardon the body of the city, and the rather for that he had already quenched the thirst of his ravening mind sufficiently well, after that he had somewhat said in praise of the ancient ATHENIANS, he concluded in the end, to give the greater number unto the smaller, and the living to the dead. Sylla writeth himself in his commentaries, that he took the city of ATHENS on the very self day of the kalends of march, which cometh to agreed with the first day of the month that we call Anthesterion, Anthesterion March. on the which day by chance many things are done at ATHENS in memory of noah's flood, and of the universal destruction of the whole world that was in old time by rage of waters, falling out even in that very month. The time of noah's flood. When the city was thus taken, the tyrant Aristion fled into the castle, where he was besieged by Curio, whom Sylla left there of purpose about that matter. And after he had a great time kept it, at the last, constrained thereunto for lack of water, yielded. Aristion the tyrant yielded. The castle was no sooner given up, but immediately by god's providence, the weather miraculously altered. For the self same day, and at the very self instant that Curio carried the tyrant Aristion out of the castle: the element being very fair and clear, the clouds suddenly gathered together, & there fell such a marvelous glut of rain, that all the castle was full of water. Shortly after also, Sylla having gotten the haven of Piraea, The haven of Piraea won. Philoes' armoury burnt by Sylla. burned the greatest part of the buildings: amongst others was the arsenal and armoury, which Philo in old time had caused to be built, being of ● strange and wonderful edifice. In the mean time, Taxilles, one of the lieutenants of king Mithridates, coming from THRACIA and MACEDON, with a hundred thousand footmen, ten thousand horsemen, and four score and ten thousand carts of war all armed with scythes: Taxilles' army a hundred thousand footmen: Ten thousand horsemen: Four score & ten thousand carts with Sythes. sent unto Archelaus to join with him, lying yet at anchor in the haven of Munychi●, and not willing to leave the sea, nor come to fight with the romans, but seeking rather to draw these wars out in length, and to cut of all victuals from his enemies. Sylla understanding this drift better than himself, departed out of the country of ATTICA (a very barren soil, and in deed not able to keep him in time of peace) and went into BOEOTIA: wherein most men thought he committed great error, to leave ATTICA, which is a very hard country for horsemen, and to go into BOEOTIA, a plain champion: and so much the rather, because he knew well enough that the chiefest strength of the barbarous people consisted in their horsemen, and their armed carts with scythes. But to avoid famine, and lack of victuals as we have said, The force of the Barbarians consisted in horsemen and in their carts with Sythes. he was compelled to seek battle. Furthermore, he had an other cause also that made him afraid, and compelled him to go: and that was Hortensius, a famous Captain, and very valiant also, who brought him aid out of THESSALY, and the barbarous people lay in wait for him in his way, in the strait of Thermopyles. The strait of Thermopyles. Pqrnassus' hill. And these were the causes that made Sylla take his way into BOEOTIA. But in the mean time, Caphis that was our country man, deceiving the barbarous people, guided Hortensius an other way by mount Parnassus, and brought him under the city of TITHORA, The city of Tithora. which was not then so great a city as now at this present it is, but was a castle only, situated upon the point of a rock, hewn all about: whether the PHOCIANS in old time flying king Xerxes coming upon them, retired themselves for their safety. Hortensius' lodged there, and there did also both defend and repulse his enemies, so long as day light lasted: and when the night came on, got down through very hard stony ways, unto the city of PATRONIDE, Sylla & Hortensius met at Patronide. where he joined with Sylla, who came to meet him with all his power. Thus being joined together, they camped upon a hill that standeth about the midst of the plain of Elatea: The plain of Elatea. the soil was very good, and well replenished with great store of trees, and water, at the foot of the same. The hill is called Philobaeotus, Philobaeotus mont. the nature & situation whereof, Sylla doth marvelously commend. When they were camped, they seemed but a handful in the eye of their enemies: and no more were they in deed, for they had not above fifteen hundred horse, Their whole army together 1500. horse, 15000. footmen. and less than fifteen thousand footmen. Whereupon the other Captains their enemies, against Archelaus mind, brought out their bands into the field, and filled all the valley and plain thereabouts with horsemen, with carts, with shields and targets, so that the air was even cut a sunder as it were with the violence of the noise & cries of so many sundry nations, which altogether did put themselves in battle ray. The sumptuousness of their furniture moreover, was not altogether superfluous and unprofitable, but served greatly ● to fear the beholders. For the glistering of their harness, The brave armour and furniture of the Thracians & Macedonians, serving under Taxilles' king Mithridates' lieutenant. so richly trimmed and set forth with gold and silver, the colours of their arming coats upon their cuirasses, after the fashion of the MEDES and SCYTHIANS, mingled with the bright glistering steel and shining copper, gave such a show as they went and removed to and fro, that made a light as clear as if all had been on a very fire, a fearful thing to look upon. Insomuch as the romans durst not so much as once go out of the trenches of their camp, nor Sylla with all his persuasion could take away this great conceived fear from them: wherefore, (and because also he would not compel them to go forth in this fear) he was driven not to stir, but close to abide, (though it grieved him greatly) to see the barbarous people so proudly and villainously laugh him and his men to scorn. Howbeit the disdain & scoffing of his enemies, stood him to great good purpose afterwards. For they making now none account of him, kept small watch & ward, strayed up and down disorderly beside, Many commanders make disobediences soldiers. though otherwise they were not very obedient unto their Captains, being many commanders, and few good followers: by reason whereof, a small number kept in the camp, and all the rest of the great multitude enticed with the gain they made by spoiling and sacking of towns thereabouts, dispersed themselves many days journey from their camp. For it is said, that at that very time they destroyed the city of PANOPAEIA, sacked the city of LEBADIA, and spoiled the temple without commandment or licence of any of all their Captains to do it. In the mean while, Sylla seeing so many cities and towns spoiled and destroyed, took it both grievously, and also angrily: howbeit he suffered not his men to lie idly, but kept them in labour, to turn the course of the river of Cephisus, and to cast great trenches, not suffering any man to take ease or rest, but contrarily with great severity punished such as went faintly and lasely to work, Cephisus fl. Sulla's straightness to his soldiers. to th'end that being wearied with the pain they took after so many works, they would rather prove to hazard battle, as it fell out in deed. For the third day after they had begun thus to labour, as Sylla passed by them, they cried out unto him to lead them against their enemies. But his answer was unto them again: that those were but cries of men wearied rather with labour, A good policy to weary fear full soldiers with extreme labour, whereby to make them desirous to fight. then desirous to fight. Notwithstanding, if it be so in deed, and that you have so good a will to fight as you make show of: then I will said he, that you arm yourselves presently, and get you to yonder place, showing them therewithal where the castle of the PARAPOTAMIANS stood in old time, which then (the city being destroyed) was no more but the top of a stony mountain cut all about, and severed from the mount of Edylium by the breadth of the river of Assus that runneth betwixt, Edylium mont. Assus fl.. and which at the very foot of the same mountain falleth into the river of Cephisus, and both these rivers running in one, carrying a swift stream, do make the knap of the said hill very strong of situation to lodge a camp upon. And therefore Sylla seeing the soldiers of his enemy's camp, marching with their copper targets to take up that place to lodge in: to prevent them, and to get it before them (as in deed he did) he marched thither in all hast possible, & got it even with the earnest good will of all his soldiers. Archelaus being so repulsed from thence, turned his way towards the city of CHAERONEA. Whereupon certain of the CHAERONEANS that were in Sulla's camp, besought him that he would not forsake their city, and leave it to their enemy. Sylla desiring to gratify them therein, sent one of his Colonels Gabinius with a legion, and therewithal gave the CHAERONEANS leave to go thither, who did what they could possible to get into their city before Gabinius: Sylla sendeth Gabinius with a legion to aid Chaeronea. but that they could not, such was the diligence and honesty of the man, as he seemed more desirous of their safety, than they were themselves. Nevertheless, jubas doth not call the Colonel that was sent thither Gabinius, but Hircius. And thus was our city of CHAERONEA preserved from the danger it stood in at that time. In the mean time came very good news to the romans, both of oracles and prophecies, Oldeles' met propheths of victory unto Sylla. which promised them victory from the temple of LEBADIA, and the cave of Trophonius: of which prophecies, those country men make great mention. But Sylla in his tenth book of his commentaries writeth, that Quintus Titius, a man of quality & name amongst them that traffiked into the country of GREECE, came unto him after he had won the battle of CHAERONEA, to tell him that Trophonius gave him to understand, that shortly after he should have a second battle, and that he should yet again have an other victory in the same place. Saluenius aSouldiers. After him an other man of war called Saluenius, 〈…〉 him also what success he should have in the wars of ITALY, saying, that he knew it by revelation: and both these men agreed in the manner of the revelation. For they said, that they had seen a god, jupiter Olympias. in majesty, beauty, and greatness, like unto the image of jupiter olympia Sy●la having passed the river of Assus, went to lodge at the foot of mount Edylium, hard by Archelaus, who had placed and fortified his camp between the two mountains of Acontium, and of Edylium, Acotuim, Edylium mountains. joining to the city of the ASSIANS. The place where Archelaus camped, beareth his own name Archelaus unto this day. One day after Sylla had changed his lodging, he left Muraena in his camp with a legion, and two cohorts, to keep the enemies still occupied that were in great trouble, and he himself in the mean time went and sacrificed by the river of Cephisus. His sacrifice being ended, he marched towards the city of CHAERONEA, to take the force he had there under Gabinius, & to know the mountain also called Thurium, Thurium mons: alive Orthopagues. Morion fl. Apollo Thurial. which the enemies had taken. It is a knap of a mountain very steep and sharp of all sides, with a narrow point like a pineapple, by reason whereof we do call it Orthopagum. At the foot of the same runneth the river called Morion, and there is also the temple of Apollo surnamed Thurias: and they say that this surname of Thurias was given unto him of the name of Thuros, who was mother of Chaeron, Chaeron the founder of the city of Charonea. the founder and builder of the city of CHAERONEA. Other think, that the cow which was given to Cadmus for a guide, came to him in that place: which hath ever since kept the name, for that the Phoenicians call a cow, Thor. Now when Sylla came near unto CHAERONEA, the Colonel Gabinius whom he had sent thither with a garrison to defend the same, went to meet him with his men very well armed, wearing a laurel garland: and Sylla after he had saluted him, and his soldiers, made an oration unto them, exhorting them to do their duty in fight. And as he was in his oration, there came two citizens of CHAERONEA to him, one, his name was Omoloichus, and the other Anaxidemus, who promised him to drive the enemies from mount Thurium which they had taken, if he would but give them some small number of soldiers. For there was a little path way, which the barbarous peoples mistrusted not, beginning at a place called Petrochus, hard by the temple of the Muses, by the which they might easily go to the top of this mountain Thurium● so that following that path, it would bring them over the barbarous people heads, and they might easily kill them with stones, or at the lest they should drive them maugre their heads, down into the valley. Gabinius assuring Sylla that they were both very valiant men, and such as he might boldly trust unto, Sylla gave them men, and commanded them to execute their enterprise: and he himself in the mean season went and set his men in order of battle in the plain, Sylla ordereth his battle. dividing his horsemen on the wings, placed himself in the right wing, appointing the left unto Muraena, Galba & Hortensius his lieutenants, were placed in the tail with certain bands of the rearguard which they kept upon the hills, to watch and let that the enemies should not enclose them behind: because they perceived a far of that the enemies put forth a great number of horsemen and footmen light armed in the wings, to th'end that the poyms of their battle might the more easily bow and enlarge themselves, to compass in the romans on the back side. Now in the mean time, these two CHAERONEIANS whom Sylla had sent under Hircius their Captain, having compassed about the mountain Thurium, before the enemies were ware of them: suddenly came to show themselves upon the top of the mountain, which did so fear the barbarous people, that they began immediately to ●i●, one of them for the most part kill an other. There was no resistance, but flying down the mountain, fell upon the points of their own partisans and pikes, and one of them thrusting in an other's neck, tumbled headlong down the mountain together, having their enemies beside on their backs, which drove them from the hill, and struck them behind where they lay open unto them: Sylla drove Archelaus aid from the hill. so as they were slain a three thousand of them about this mountain Thurium. And as for them that sought to save themselves by flight, Muraena that was already set in battle ray, met with some, cut them of by the way, and slew them down right: The other fled directly to their camp, and came in great companies, thrusting into the battle of their footmen, put the most part of them quite out of order, & marvelously troubled their Captains before they could set them again in order: which was one of the chiefest causes of their overthrow. For Sylla went and gave a charge upon them in this trouble and disorder, and had quickly won the ground that was between both armies, whereby he took away the force of all their armed carts with scythes, which are then of greatest force, The force of the armed carts with Scythes consist in long course. when they have the longest course, to give them a swift and violent stroke in their chase: whereas when their course is but short, the blow is so much the weaker, and of less strength, even as arrows are, that a far of enter not deep into the thing they be shot at: as at that time it fell out with the barbarous people. For their first carts set forth so faintly, and came on with so feeble a force, that the romans sent them back, & easily repulsed them, with great slaughter and clapping of hands one to an other, as they commonly use in the ordinary games of horse running at ROME. When they had thus repulsed the carts, Sulla's conflict with Archelaus as Thurium. the battle of Sulla's footmen began to charge the barbarous people, who basin their pikes, stood close one to an other because they would not be taken: & the romans on tother side bestowed first their darts among them, and then suddenly drew out their sword in the heat they were in, and put a side the enemy's pikes, whereby they might come nearer to their bodies. There were fifteen thousand slaves in the front of the battle of the barbarous people, whom Mithridates Lieutenant had made free by open proclamation, Slaves made free by authority of the lieutenants in the field. and had divided them by bands amongst the other footmen. By occasion whereof there was a ROMAN Centurion, spoke pleasantly at that time, saying, that he never saw slaves before have liberty to speak and do like free men, but only at Saturn's feasts. Nevertheless, they against the nature of slaves, were very valiant to abide the shock, and the ROMAN footmen could not so readily break not enter into them, nor make them give back, because they stood very close one to an other, and their ranks were of such a length beside: until such time as the romans that were behind the first ranks, did so pelt them with their slings, hurling stones, bestowing their darts & arrows upon them, that in th'end they compelled them all to turn their backs, and ●ie a main. And when Archelaus did first thrust out the right wing of his army, supposing to enclose the romans behind: Hortensius strait ways caused the bands he had with him to run & charge upon the flanks. Which Archelaus perceiving, made the horsemen he had about him turn their faces forthwith, which were in number above two thousand: insomuch as Hortensius, being set upon with all his troop, was compelled to retire by little and little towards the mountain, perceiving himself far from the battle of his footmen, and environed round about with his enemies. Sylla seeing that, being in the right wing of his battle, and having not yet fought, went strait to the rescue of Hortensius. But Archelaus conjecturing by the dust which the horses raised, what the matter was: left Hortensius there, and with speed returned again towards the right wing of his enemies from whence Sylla was gone, hoping he had left it unfurnished of a sufficient Captain to command them. Taxilles on tother side, caused his copper targets also to march against Muraena: so as the noise they made on both sides, caused the mountains to ring again, wherewithal Sylla stayed, standing in doubt which way to take. At the last he resolved, to return to the place from whence he came, & sent Hortensius with four ensigns to aid Muraena: and himself with the fift in great speed, went towards the right wing of his army, the which was now already bickering, and joined with their enemies, fight hand to hand with Archelaus. By reason whereof, when Sylla as comen with his aid, they did easily distress them: and after they had broken their array, they chased them flying for life to the river, & unto the mountain Acontium. But Sylla notwithstanding forgot not Muraena, but went again to his relief: and finding that he on his side had also put the enemies to flight, Sylla●● victory of Mithridates lieutenants. followed with him the chase of them that fled. There was a marvelous slaughter made in that field of the barbarous people, and many of them supposing to have recovered their camp, were slain by the way: so as of all that infinite multitude of fight men, there escaped only ten thousand, who saved themselves by flying unto the city of CHALCIDE. Sylla for his part writeth, that he could make reckoning of no more but fourteen of his soldiers only that were slain, whereof there came two again to him the same night. Wherefore in the marks of triumph which he set up for tokens of that victory, he caused to be written on the top thereof, Mars, victory, and Venus: signifying thereby, that he had overcome in these wars as much by good fortune, as by force, policy or●●● shall discipline. These marks of triumph were set up for the battle which he wan ●●●e plain field, The field was won in the plain of Elatea. in that place where Archelaus began to fly, even unto the river of Molus. Molus fl.. 〈…〉 he set up an other also in the top of mount Thurium, where the barbarous people wonder upon behind: and there is written in Greek letters, that the valiant deeds of Omoloid●● and Anaxidamus, gave way to the winning of this victory. Sylla for the joy of this great wo●●e battle, caused musicans to play in the city of THEBES, where he builded a stage for all the musicans, near unto the fountain OEdipus, and certain noble grecians were appointed judges of that music, whom he caused to be sent for out of other cities, because he ●●●tally hated the THEBANS: insomuch as he took from them half their lands, which he consecrated unto Apollo Pythias, Apollo Pythias. and jupiter Olympias, jupiter Olympias. appointing that of the revenue thereof, they should redeliver and pay back the money which he had taken and carried away from one of their temples. Sylla after this having intelligence that Flaccus, Flaccus Consul went against Sylla. one of his enemies, was chosen Consul at ROME, and had passed the sea jonium with an army, under pretext to make w●●●● against king Mithridates, but in deed to make war with himself: took his journey towards TRESSALIE to meet him. But when he was in the city of MELITEA, there came newests him out of all parts, that there was a new and second army of the kings arrived, no less than the first, the which spoiled and destroyed all the country which he had left behind him. For Dorylaus, Dorylaus Mithridates general against Sylla. one of king Mithridates lieutenants, was arrived in the city of CHALCIDE with a great fleet of ships, having brought thither with him four score thousand fight men, the best trained, the best armed and appointed soldiers, that were in all his kingdom of PO●TVS in ASIA: and from thence went into BOEOTIA, had all that country at commandment, and sought to fight with Sylla, notwithstanding that Archelaus alleged many reasons to ●●●swade him from it: and furthermore, gave it out in every place, that so many thousands of soldiers could not have been cast away in the first battle, without some notable treason. Whereupon Sylla returned with all possible speed, & made Dorylaus know before many days passed over his head, that Archelaus was a wise man, and knew well enough the worthiness and valiant courage of the romans. And Dorylaus having had but a little proof only in certain light skirmishes which he made against Sylla, about TILPHOSSION in THESSALY: himself was the first that could say then, it was not for them to hazard battle, but rather to draw on the wars in length, and supplant the romans with charge & expense. And yet notwithstanding, the commodity of the great large plain that lieth all about ORCHOMENE, where they were encamped, gave great encouragement to Archelaus, who judged it a very fit place to g●●● battle in, specially because he was the stronger of horsemen in the field. For of all the pla●●● that are within the country of BOEOTIA, The goodly plain before the city of Orchomene. The river of Melas, and nature thereof. the greatest & largest of them, is the plain near to the city of ORCHOMENE: which is altogether without trees, and runneth out in length unto the marisses, where the river of Melas disperseth itself abroad. The head of the same river is not far from the city of ORCHOMENE, & that river only of all other rivers in GREECE from the very head whence it cometh, is navigable: and hath beside an other singular property, that it riseth & swelleth even in the longest summer days, as the river of Nilus doth, and bringeth forth the self same plants and trees, saving that they bear no fruit, neither are they so great as those of Egypt. This river hath no long course, because that the most part of the wa●●● runneth into lakes and marisses, covered with brambles and briers, and there is but a very li●●e part of it that falleth into the river of Cephisus, in the place where the reeds grow that they make good flutes withal. When they were camped one near to an other, Archelaus lay quietly and stirred not. But Sylla presently cast great trenches from one side to an other, to stop the way against their enemies, that they could not come into that great plain where they might have taken what ground they would for their men of arms, and have driven the romans into the marisses. The barbarous people not being able to endure that, so soon as their Captains had given them liberty, discharged with such a fury, that they did not scatter the● that wrought in Sulla's trenches, but put the most part of their guard also that stood in battle ray to defend them, in a marvelous fear, who also began to fly. Which Sylla perceiving, lighted strait from his horse, and taking an ensign in his hand, ran through the midst of his men that fled, until he came to his enemies, doth crying out, sayeth more ahead ●●●●y●●ol 〈…〉 soldiers, mine honour commandeth me to die here, and therefore 〈…〉 thy n●●●s ●●keth you where you forsook your Captain, Sulla's words to animate his soldiers. remember that you ●●nsever it what 〈…〉 uo●e. They were so ashamed at these words, than he made a hero 〈…〉 beside that ●●●e came two cohorts unto him from the right wing of his battle, who ●ndo● his leading gave such a hot charge upon their enemies, that they fled forthwith opo●la● That done, Syllabe ●e ●●red with his men, and made them dine: and thereupon by and by ●●●hem again 〈…〉 ●hes to enclose his enemy's camp, who then came out in better order than they did before! There was Diogenes. Diogenes slain. Archelaus wives son slain, fight valiantly before them also the right wing of their battle. And the bow men being pressed so near by the ROMAN, 〈…〉 their bows would do no good: look their arrows in their hands in stead of sword, and struck their enemies with them to force them to gave back, until such time as at the 〈…〉 they were all driven into their camp, where they passed that night in great sorrow, as well for the loss of them that were slain, as also for the number of those that were hurt. The next morning, Sylla leading his men again towards the camp of his enemies, went on still consigning his trenches: & certain of them being come out to skirmish with them, he see apoh●th●●n so lustily, that at the first charge he put them to flight. That brought such a fear ●● all the whole camp of the enemies, Syllae victory of Mithridates lieutenants as Orchomene. that nor a man durst abide any longer so as Sylla valiantly following on his victory, shuffled in among them as they fled, and in th'end took all together. Strait way all the marisses were filled with blood, and the lake full of dead bodies 〈…〉 until this present day they found there in that place many bows of the Barbarous people: mo●ty●●, pieces of rasses, and sword drowned in the mud of the marisses, notwithstanding that it is well near two hundred years a go since this battle was stricken. And thus much for the wars about the cities of CHAERONEA, and ORCHOMENE. Sylla ●●rev●●●ne ●trel●● Live in the famous battles at Chaeronea and at Orchomene. Now the wars being passed ●● this sort in GREECE, Cinna, and Carbo dealt very cruelly and unnaturally at ROME with the noble men and greatest persons: by reason whereof, many flying their tyranny, went to Sulla's camp, as unto the haven of their health and fullness of felicity, so that in short time Sylla had ●● assembly of a ROMAN Senate about him. Metella herself, his wife, having stolen away very hardly with her children, came to bring him news that his houses in the city and country both, were all burnt and destroyed by his enemies: praying him that he would go and help them that yet remained at ROME. Sylla upon hearing of these news, fell in great perplexity. For on the ●one side, it grieved him to see his country so miserably afflicted: and on the other side he knew not well how he might go, leaving so great in enterprise as that war was, and specially against a king of such might and power as Mithridates showed himself to be. And being in these dumps, there came one Archelaus a merchant to him, borne in the city of DA●LYM, who brought him a secret message from tother, Archelaus, king Mithridates' Lieutenant: the which pleased Sylla so well, that he desired that Archelaus & himself might inc●●e and talk together. So at the length they met by the sea side, needle unto the city of D●●●●● where there is a temple of Apollo Archelaus began to enter the talk with him, Talk betwixt Sylla and Archelaus at the meeting. declaring unto Sylla that he would wish him to leave the conquest of ASYA, & of the realm of PONV, ●nd to return into his country to the civil wars at ROME: and in so doing, the king would furnish him, not only with as much money, but with as many ships and men, as he himself would desire. Sylla upon this motion told him again: that he would with him to forsake Mithridates' service, and to make himself king, offering to proclaim him a friend and confederate of the romans, so that he would deliver him all his navy which then he had in his hands. Archelaus seemed much to abhor to hear● him speak of reason. But Sylla going on with his tale, replied again unto him: why Archelaus, said he, thou that ●●t a C●●●ABO●●●● and servant to a barbarous king, or his friend at the lest: hast tho●● is good a haste with then, that for all the benefits I offer thee, thou will not once cometh an ill act? And art thou indeed so bold to speak to me of reason; which am the romans 〈…〉 general, and Sylla? As if thou wert not he, that at the battle of CHAERONAE diddest save thyself by flying, with a small number left thee of six score thousand fight men, which thou before haddiest in thy camp: and that hide thyself two days together in the mastery of 〈…〉 leaving the fields of Bo●o ●●● with sudden capes of dead bodies, that no man could 〈…〉 se them. After this reply, Marchelaus altered his speech, and falling down at Syllue fu ●●e 〈…〉 bly besought him to end this war, and to make peace with Mithridates. Whereunto 〈…〉 answered, that he was very well contented withal And thereupon peace was concluded 〈…〉 Peace concluded betwixt Sylla & Archelaus in Mithridates' behalf upon conditions. sw●ue them under conditions that Mithridates should depart from ASYA the less, and from BA●●LAGO●●, that he should restore BATHYNIA unto Nicomedes, and CAPPADOCIAN vh●● Ariobarzanes, that he should pay two thousand talents to the romans, & give them th●● score and ten galleys, with all their furo●ure. And upon this, Sylla would also assure him the rest of his realm and would 'cause him to be proclaimed a friend of the romans. Thu● articles being passed by agreement betwixt ●tiom, Sylla taking his journey through THESSA●●● and MACEDON into the country of HELLESPONT, daried Archelaus with him, whom he had notably entreated. For Archelaus falling dangerously sick of a disease in the city of LAN●●●●● he stayed there for him, and was very careful to recover him, as if he had been one of the chiefest Captains and companions. And this was the cause that made Archelaus to be blamed for the battle of CHAERONEA, Archelaus suspected of treason. as if he had not faithfully fought it out, nor Sylla truly 〈…〉 it, but by treason. And again, Archelaus was the more suspected, because Sylla redelivered Mithridates all his servants and friends which he had prisoners, saving the tyrant Aristion that kept, ATHE●S, whom he poisoned, Aristion tyrant of Athens poisoned by Sylla. because he was Archelaus enemy: but specially, for the lands Sylla gave unto this CAPPADOCIAN. For he gave him ten thousand jugera, (or a●●●● of land) within the isle of EUBOEA, and gave him moreover the title of a friend of the 〈…〉 MANES for ever. But Sylla denieth all these things in his commentaries. In the mean time, Ambassadors came from king Mithridates unto Sylla, who told him that the king their m 〈…〉 did ratify and accept all the articles of peace, saving that he only prayed him he would 〈…〉 take the country of PAPHLAGONIA from him: and as for the galleys, Mithridates' exception to the conditions. he would not so much as once say he would promise' them. Sylla being offended herewith, angrily answered them again. Then Mithridates, as ye say, meaneth to keep PAPHLAGONIA still, and refuseth to g●●e the ships I demanded: where I looked that he would have humbly thanked me on his knees, if I left him his right hand only, with the which he put so many ROMAN citizens 〈…〉 death. But I hope to make him tell me an other tale, if I come once into ASIA: but now a● PERGAMUM, he speaketh his pleasure of this war which he hath not seen. The Ambassadors being afraid of his words, replied not again. Whereupon Archelaus spoke, and b●● sought him with tears in his eyes to be contented, and took him by the hand. By intrea●● in th'end he obtained of Sylla to send him unto Mithridates: Archelaus seen from Sylla to Mithridates. promising that he would either being him to agreed to all the articles & conditions of peace that he demanded, or if he could not, he would kill himself with his own hands. Upon this promise Sylla sent him away, and in the mean while entered with his army into the country of MEDICA: and after he had destroyed the most part thereof, returned back again into MACEDON, where Archelaus ●●ing returned from Mithridates, found him near unto the city of PHILIPPES, bringing him news that all should be well, howbeit that his master Mithridates prayed him he might speak with him in any case. Now, the matter that made Mithridates so earnest to speak with Sylla, was chiefly for Fimbria: who having slain Flaccus the Consul, being of the contrast faction unto Sylla, and certain of Mithridates lieutenants also, went himself against him to fight with him. Mithridates' fearing his coming, chose rather to make himself Sylla friend. Sylla & Mithridates meet at DARDAN. So Mithridates and Sylla met together in the country of TROADE, in the city of DARDAN: Mithridates being accompanied with a fleet of two hundred sail of ships with o●● at sea, with twenty thousand footeme●●, and thousand horse, and a number of armed abroad with scythes beside by land, Sylla having only but four ensigns of footmen; and two hundred horsemen, Mithridates went to Sylla, and offering to take him by the hand Sylla asked him first, The stoutness of Sylla. if he did accept the peace with the conditions which Archelaus had agreed ●nd Mithridates made him no answer. Sylla following on his tale, said unto him. It is for soters to speak first, that have request to make & for before conquerors, it is enough to hold their peace and hease what they will say. Mithridates excuseth himself to Sylla. Then began Mithridates to excuse himself, and so lay the con●●sion of the war, partly upon the ordinance of the gods that so had appointed it, & partly also upon the ROMANS themselves. Whereunto Sylla replied, that he had heard of long time that Mithridates was an eloquent Prince, Sulla's answer to Mithridates. and that he knew it now by experience, seeing that he lacked no comely words, to cloak his fowl and shameful deeds: but withal he sharply reproved him, and drove him to confess the cruelties he had committed. And afterwards asked him again, if he did confirm that which Archelaus had done. Mithridates' made answer that he did. Then Sylla saluted, embraced, and kissed him: and calling for the kings Nicomedes, Nicomedes king of Bythinia. and Ariobarzanes, Ariobarzanes king of Coppadocia. reconciled them together, and made Mithridates their friend again. In conclusion, after Mithridates had delivered Sylla three score and ten galleys, and five hundred bow men, he returned by sea into his realm of PONTUS. But Sylla hearing that his soldiers were angry with this peace made with Mithridates, because they could not abide to behold that king, whom they accounted for their most cruel and mortal enemy, (having in one self day caused a hundred and fifty thousand ROMAN citizens to be slain, A hundred & fifty thousand Romans slain in one day in Asia by Mithridates' commandment. that were dispersed abroad in divers places of ASIA) so to depart, and go his way safe, with the riches and spoils of the country, which he had bereft them of, and used at his pleasure, the space of forty years together: answered them in excuse of himself, that he was not able to make wars with Mithridates, & Fimbria both, if once they were joined together against him. And so Sylla departing thence, went against Fimbria, who then was encamped near to the city of THYATIRA, and lodged himself as near unto him as he conveniently might. Now whilst he was compassing in his lodging with a trench, Fimbriaes' soldiers came out of their camp in their coats without any armour or weapon, Fimbria camped as Thyatira. to salute Sulla's soldiers, and holp them very friendly to make up their trench. Which Fimbria seeing, and perceiving his soldiers minds so changed, of an extreme fear which he had of Sylla, at whose hands he looked for no mercy: killed himself in his own camp. Fimbria slain. Sylla hereupon condemned the whole country of ASIA the less, to pay the sum of twenty thousand talents amongst them, and presently also he undid many poor householders through his insolent soldiers, lying long upon their charge, Sylla very hardly inreated them of Asia. which he left in garrison there. For he ordained that every householder should give the soldier that lodged in his house, four Tetradrachmas a day, & should be bound to give him and his friends (as many as he would bring with him) their supper also: and that every Captain should have fifty Drachmas a day, a night gown for the house, and a garment to go abroad into the city when he thought good. When he had given this order, he departed from the city of EPHESUS with all his fleet, and in three days sailing arrived in the haven of Piraea at ATHENS, where he was received into the fraternity of the mysteries, and reserved for himself the library of Apellicon Teian: in the which were the most part of Aristotle and Theophrastus works, not then thought meet to come in every man's hands. And they say, that this library being brought to ROME, Tyrannion the grammarian found the means to extract a great part of them: and that Andronicus the RHODIAN having recovered the originals into his hands, put them in print, and wrote the summaries which we have at this present. For the ancient Peripatetic Philosophers were of themselves very wise and learned men, but they had not all Aristotle's works, Aristotle and Theophrastus' backs. nor Theophrastus amongst them, and yet those few they had, were not by them seen all whole and perfect together: because that the goods of Neleus SCEPSIAN (to whom Theophrastus left all his books by will) came to fall into the hands of mean ignorant men, who knew not the virtue and estimation of them. And furthermore, Sylla being at ATHENS had such a pain and numbness in his legs, and was so heavy withal, that Strabo calleth it a spice of the gout, that is to say, a feeling or entering thereinto, which then began to root and take hold of him. Upon which occasion he took the seas, Sylla went to the baths as Adipsum for the gout in his legs. & went unto a place called ADIPSUM, where there are natural hot baths: and there remained a while solacing himself all the day long with music, seeing of plays, and entertaining such kind of people. Upon a day as he was walking by the sea side, certain fisher men made him a present of fish, which pleased him marvelous well, & demanding of them whence they were: they answered him again, that they were of the city of ALES. What? of ALES said he: is there any of them yet left alive? speaking it, because that after the battle of ORCHOMENE when he followed the chase of his enemies, he had taken and destroyed three cities of BOEOTIA all at one self time, to wit ANTHEDON, LARYMNA, and ALES. The poor fisher men were so amazed with his words, that they stood still, and could not tell what to say. Sylla fell a laughing thereat, & bade them go their ways a gods name, and be not afraid, for they brought no small intercessors with them, which were worth the reckoning of. When Sylla had given them these words, the ALLEIANS went home with a merry heart, to gather themselves together again in their city. Sylla so passing through THESSALIA & MACEDON, came to the sea side, intending to go from the city of DYRRACHIUM unto BRUNDISIUM, with twelve hundred sail. The city of APOLLONIA is hard by DYRRACHIUM, and thereabouts is a park consecrated unto the nymphs, where in a fair goodly green meadow in many places there cometh out great bubbles of fire that flame continually: Bubbles of fire rising out of a meadow by Dyrrachium, A Satire taken sleeping, and brought to Sylla. and it is said that there was a Satire taken sleeping, even in the very self same form the painters and image gravers have set him out. He was brought unto Sylla, and being asked by all sorts of interpreters what he was, he made no answer that a man could understand: but only put forth a sharp voice like the neighing of a horse, or whynnying of a goat. Sylla wondering at it, abhorred him, and made him to be carried from him as a monstrous thing. Furthermore, when Sylla had embarked his men to pass the sea, he was afraid that so soon as they were landed in ITALY, they would shrink from him, and every man go home to his own. But they swore and promised first of themselves, that they would tarry and keep together, and by their wills would do no hurt in ITALY. Moreover, perceiving that he stood in need of money, they offered him of theirs, & every man to lend him as his ability served. But Sylla would none, yet thanked them for their goodwill: Sylla went against fifteen Generals, & four hundred and fifty ensigns. and after he had exhorted them to fight like valiant soldiers, he went against fifteen generals of armies of his enemies, who had four hundred and fifty ensigns of footmen well armed, as he himself writeth in his commentaries. But the gods promised him good fortune in his wars, by many sundry apparent signs. For in a sacrifice he made by TARENTUM, Sulla's return into Italy. after he was come a land, the liver of a certain beast sacrificed, was altogether fashioned after the manner of a crown or garland of laurel, out of the which did hung two bands or rolls. And a little before he went into CAMPANIA, near unto the mountain Epheum, Ephewn mons. there appeared two great goats in the day time fight together, even as two men do when they fight: which nevertheless was no matter of truth, but a vision only that appeared, and rising from the earth dispersed itself by little and little here and there in the air, and in th'end vanished quite away, as clouds which come to nothing. Shortly after, in the self same place, Marius the younger, and Norbanus the Consul, who brought two great armies against him, were overthrown by him, before he had set his men in battle, or had appointed any man his place where he should fight: Sylla overthrew the Consul Norbanus and Marius the younger near to the mountain Epheum. and this proceeded only upon the courage and life of his soldiers, whose goodwill to serve against them was such, as following this victory, he compelled the Consul Norbanus after he had slain six thousand of his men, to take the city of CAPVA for his refuge. This noble exploit, (as himself reported) was the cause that his men kept so well together, that they neither went home to their houses, not made any reckoning of their enemies, although they were many against one. And he saith furthermore, that in the city of SYLVIUM, there was a slave of one Pontius a citizen, who being inspired with a prophetical spirit, came to tell him from the goddess Bellona, that he should grow in strength, A slave foreshowed Sulla's victory, and the burning of the Capitol which fell out truly. & carry away the victory of these wars: howbeit that if he did nothye him the sooner, the Capitol at ROME should be burnt. And so it fell out the same day according to his words, being the sixteen day of the month called Quintilis, and now july. And furthermore also, Lucullus (one of Sulla's Captains) being near unto the city of FIDENTIA with sixteen ensigns only, against fifty ensigns of his enemies, knowing his men to be very well affected to serve, because the most part of them were naked & unarmed, was afraid to hazard the battle: and as he was even bethinking himself what was best to determine thereof, there rose a little wind out of a goodly meadow that blue a wonderful sort of flowers upon the soldiers on every part of them. A wind that blue flowers out of a meadow upon Lucullus soldiers by the city of Fidentia. These flowers stayed of themselves as they fell, some upon their targets, and others upon their moryans, without falling to the ground: so that it seemed to their enemies a far of, as if they had been garlands of flowers upon their heads. This made Lucullus soldiers more lusty a great deal, than they were before, and with this good will they determined to give a charge upon their enemies: whom they overthrew, slew eighteen thousand of them in the field, Lucullus victory as Fiden●a. & took their camp. This Lucullus was brother unto the other Lucullus, that afterwards overthrew the kings Mithridates, & Tigranes. Nevertheless, Sylla perceiving that his enemies lay round about him with many great puissant armies, thought good to use policy with force: & therefore practised with Scipio, one of the Consuls, to make peace with him. Scipio was willing to it: & thereupon were often meetings & assemblies of both sides. Now Sylla drove of the conclusion of the peace as long as he could, still seeking occasion of delay, Sulla's policy with Scipio. to th'end that his soldiers which were thoroughly acquainted with craft and subtlety as well as himself, might in the mean time corrupt Scipio's soldiers by repair into his camp: for they coming into Scipio's camp, being very conversant with them, strait corrupted some of them with ready money, other with promises, & other with fair flattering words, & many goodly tales they told them. At the length, after this practice had continued a while, Sylla coming near unto Scipio's camp with twenty ensigns only: all his men saluted Scipio's soldiers, & they resaluting them again, yielded themselves unto Sylla, Sylla wan 40 ensigns from Scipio by policy. so as Scip●o was left post alone in his tent where he was taken, but they afterwards let him go. So Sylla with his twenty ensigns, like unto the fowlers, that by their stales draw other birds into their nets, having gotten forty ensigns from his enemies by his craft, brought them away with him into his camp. There it was that Carbo laid of Sylla, Carboes' saying of Sylla touching the fox and lion. Marius the younger with 85. ensigns presenteth Sylla bartell by the city of Signium. Sulla's vision in his dream. that he had to fight with a fox & a lion both: but that the fox did him more hurt & mischief, than the lion. After this, Marius the younger having fourscore and five ensigns in his camp near unto the city of SIGNIUM, presented battle unto Sylla: who having very good desire to fight, and specially on that day, because the night before he had seen this vision in his dream, that he thought he saw Marius the father (who was deceased long before) warning his son that he should come to him. Sylla for this respect desired marvelously to fight that day: and thereupon caused Dolabella to come unto him, that was before lodged far from him. But the enemies stepped between him and home, and stopped his passage to keep him from joining with Sylla. Sulla's soldiers to the contrary, fought to keep the way open for him, with so great labour and pain, that they were all weary and overharried. And furthermore, there fell a marvelous great shower of rain upon them as they were busy, opening the way, that troubled them more, than the labour they had in hand. Whereupon the private Captains of the bands went to make Sylla understand it, and to pray him to deserre the battle until an other day: showing him how the soldiers wearied with labour, lay down upon their targets on the ground to take their case. Sylla perceiving this, was contented withal, though greatly in deed against his william. But when he had given the signal to lodge, and that they began to trench and fortify their camp: Marius the younger cometh a horse back marching bravely before all his company, hoping to have surprised his enemies in disorder, and by that means to have overthrown them easily. But far otherwise did fortune then perform the revelation which Sylla had in his foresaid dream: for his men falling in a rage withal, left their work in the trench where they wrought, stuck their darts upon the bank, ran upon their enemies with their sword drawn, and with a marvelous cry set upon them so valiantly, that they were not able to resist their fury, but suddenly turned their backs and fled, where there was a great and notable slaughter made of them. Marius' Marius' fled to Praenesta. their Captain fled to the city of PRAENESTE, where he found the gates shut: but they threw him down a rope from the wall, which he tied about his middle, and so was triced up by it. Yet some writers say, and Fenestella among other, that Marius never saw the battle: for being wearied with labour, and very sleepy, he lay under some tree in the shadow to rest a little, after he had given the signal and word of the battle, and slept so sowndly, that he could scant awake with the noise and fleeing of his men. Sylla himself writeth, that he lost at this battle but three and twenty men, slew twentiethowsande of his enemies, and took eight thousand prisoners. His lieutenants also had the like good success in other places, Pompeius, Crassus, Metellus, and Servilius: which without any loss of their men, or but with a very small, overthrew many great mighty armies of their enemies: Insomuch as Carbo, the head and chief of all the contrary faction, Carbo fled into Africa. and he that most maintained it, fled one night out of his camp, and went beyond the seas into AFRICA. The last battle that Sylla had, was against Thelesinus SAMNYTE, who coming like a fresh champion to set upon him, when he was already 〈…〉 tied, and had fought many battles, Thelesinus the Samnyte fa● Sylla in great danger. had almost slain him even at ROME gates. For Thelesinus having gathered together a great number of soldiers with one Lamponius LUCANIAN, marched with all speed towards the city of PRAENESTE, to deliver Marius the younger that was besieged there. But understanding that Sylla on the side, came in great haste also to meet him, and that Pomponius came behind him on the other side, & perceiving, moreover that the way was so shut up, that he could neither go forward nor backward: being a valiant soldier, and one that had been in many great foughten fields, most dangerously ventured to go strait to ROME. And so stolen away by night with all his whole power, and marching to ROME ward, had almost taken it at his first coming, for that there was neither watch nor ward kept: but he stayed happily ten furlongs from the gate Collina, bragging with him self, and believing that he should do wonders, for that he had mocked so many great Captains. The next morning betimes came diverse young noble men and gentlemen out of the city to skirmish with Thelesinus: who slew a great number of them, and among others one Appius Claudius a young gentleman of a noble house, and very honest. Whereupon (as you may easily imagine) the city trembled for fear, and specially the women, who fell a shrieking, and running up and down, as if they had been all taken. But in this great fear and trouble, Balbus (whom Sylla had sent) came first with seven hundred horse upon the spur, and staying but a little to cool and give them breath, bridled strait again, and went to set upon the enemies thereby to stay them. Soon after him came Sylla also, who commanded his men that came first, quickly to eat somewhat, and that done, put them strait in battle ray: notwithstanding that Dolabella and Torquatus persuaded him to the contrary, and besought him not to put his soldiers wearied with their journey, to so great and manifest a danger, and the rather, because the had not to fight with Carbo and Marius, but with the SAMNYTES and LUCANES, who were (both) warlike nations & good soldiers, and those besides that most deadly hated the ROMANS. But for all that, Sylla drove them back, and commanded his trumpets to sound the alarum, being almost within four hours of night: and this battle was sharper and more cruel, than any other that ever he fought before. The right wing where Crassus was, had the better much: but the left wing was very sore distressed, & stood in great peril. Sylla hearing thereof, and thinking to help it, got up upon a white courser that was both swift, and very strong. The enemies knew him, and there were two that lifted up their arms to throw their darts at him, whom he saw not: but his page gave his horse such a lash with his whip, Sulla's danger. that he made him so to gird forward, as the very points of the darts came hard by the horse tail, and stuck fast in the ground. Some say that Sylla had a little golden image of Apollo, which he brought from the city of DELPHES, and in time of wars beware it always in his bosom, which he then took in his hand, and kissing it, said: O Apollo Pythias, hast thou so highly exalted Cornelius Sylla, so fortunate hitherto through so many famous victories, and wilt thou now with shame overwhelm him wholly, even at the very gates of his own natural city among his country men? And so crying out to Apollo for help, thrust into the press among his men, entreating some, threatening others, and laying upon the rest & stay them. But for all he could do, all the left wing of his army was broken and overthrown by his enemies: Sylla fled. Lucretius Offella besieged Marius in Praeneste. In the end of Marius' life it is reported contrary, that Sylla besieged Marius the younger in Perusia, and not in Praeneste. and himself amongst them that fled, was compelled to recover his camp with speed, having lost many of his friends, and familiars. There were moreover many citizens slain and trodden under feet (both with horse and men) that came only to see the battle fought: so that they within the city thought themselves utterly undone. Lucretius of sella furthermore (he that besieged Marius in the city of PRAENESTE) had almost raised his siege, upon the words of them that fled and came thither from the battle, who wished him to remove with all speed possible, for Sylla was slain, and Thelesinus had taken ROME. Now about midnight came certain souldeirs from Crassus to Sulla's camp, & asked for meat for Crassus' supper, and his men's, who having chased his flying enemies whom he had overthrown, unto the city of ANTEMNA (which they took for refuge) had lodged his camp there. Sylla understanding that, & being advertised that the most part of his enemies were overthrown at this battle: went himself the next morning betimes unto ANTEMNA, where three thousand of his enemies sent to know if he would receive them to mercy, ado saved themselves in Antemna: and yielded to Sylla upon promise of life. if they yielded themselves unto him. His answer was, that he would pardon their lives, so as they would do some mischief to their fellows before they came to him. These three thousand hereupon trusting to his promise, fell upon their companions: and for the most part one of them killed an other. Notwithstanding, Sylla having gathered all those together that remained of his enemies, as well the three thousand, Sylla against the law of arms and his promise, caused six thousand men to be slain. as the rest, amounting in all to the number of six thousand men, within the show place where they used to run their horses: whilst he himself held a counsel in the temple of the goddess Bellona, & was making his oration there, he had appointed certain to set upon those six thousand, & put them to the sword every man. Great and terrible were the cries of such a number of men slain in so small a room, as many may easily conjecture: insomuch as the Senators sitting in counsel heard them very easily, and marveled what the matter was. But Sylla continuing on his oration which he had begun with a set steady countenance, without changing of colour, willed them only to harken what he said, & not to trouble themselves with any thing done abroad: for they were but certain offenders & lewd persons that were punished by his commandment. This was enough to show the simplest ROMAN in ROME, that they had but only changed the tryan, but not the tyranny. Now for Marius, had been ever of a churlish & severe nature even from his childhood, he never changed for any authority, but did rather harden his natural stubbornness. Where Sylla contrarily in the beginning, was very modest & civil in all his prosperity, & gave great good hope that if he came to the authority of a prince, he would favour nobility well, & yet love notwithstanding the benefit of the people. And being moreover a man in his youth given all to pleasure, delighting to laugh, ready to pity, & weep for tender heart: in that he become after so cruel & bloody, the great alteration gave manifest cause to condemn the increase of honour & authority, Honour changeth conditions. as th'only means whereby men's manners continued not such as they were at the first, but still do change & vary, making some fools, others vain & fantastical, & others extreme cruel & unnatural. But whether that alteration of nature came by changing his state & condition, Sylla the example. or that it was otherwise a violent breaking out of hidden malice, which then came to show itself, when they way of liberty was laid open: this matter is to be decided in some other treatise. So it came to pass, that Sylla fell to shedding of blood, Infinite murders committed in Rome by Sylla and his favourers. The boldness of Caius Metellus, to tell Sylla his cruelty in open Senate. & filled all ROME with infinite & unspeakable murders: for diverse were killed for private quarrels, that had nothing to do with Sylla at any time, who suffered his friends & those about him to work their wicked wills. Until at the length there was a young man called Caius Metellus, that was so bold to ask Sylla in open Senate, when all these miseries should end, and when they should know that all the mischiefs were finished, the which they daily saw. For said he, we will not entreat you to pardon life, where you have threatened death: but only to put them out of doubt, whom you have determined to save. Whereunto Sylla made answer, that he was not resolved whom he would save. Metellus replied, them tell us quod be, who they are that shall die. Sylla answered he would. Howbiet some say it was not Metellus, but Aufidius one of his flatterers, that spoke this last word unto him. Wherefore Sylla immediately without making any of the magistrates privy, Sulla's pros●iripsion. caused four score men's names to be set up upon posts, whom he would put to death. Every man being offended withal, the next day following he set up two hundred & twenty men's names more: & likewise the third day as many more. Hereupon, making an oration to the people, he told them openly that he had appointed all them to die, that he could call to remembrance: howbiet that hereafter he would appoint them that should die by days, as he did call them to mind. Whosoever saved an outlaw in his house, for reward of his kindness, he himself was condemned to die: not excepting them that had received their brothers, their sons, their fathers, nor mothers. And the reward of every homicide & murderer that killed one of the outlaws, was two talentes: though it were a slave that had killed his master, on the son that had slain the father. But the most wicked & unjust act of all was, that he deprived the sons, & sons sons of them whom he had killed, of all credit & good name, & besides that, had taken all their goods as confiscate. 〈…〉 And this was not only done in ROME, but also in all the cities of ITALY through out: & there was no remple of any god whatsoever, no altar in any body's house, no liberty of hospital, nor father's house, that was not imbrued with blood & horrible murder. For the husbands were slain in their wives arms, & the children in their mother's laps; and yet they which were slain for private hatred & malice, The murder of outlaws general through Italy. Quintus Aurelius, a quiet men that meddled not, slain for his house. were nothing in respect of those that were murdered only for their goods. And they that killed them might well say, his goodly great house made that man die, his goodly fair garden the other: and his hot bathe●● other. As amongst others, Quintus Aurelius, a man that never meddled with any thing, and lest looked that these evils should light upon him, and that only pitied those which he saw so miserably murdered: went one day into the market place, and reading the bill set up of the outlaws names, found his own name amongst the rest, and cried outalowde: alas the day that ever I was borne, my house of ALEA maketh me to be put to death. He went not fawe from the market place, but met with one that killed him presently. In the mean time, Mari●● the younger seeing he could by no means escape if he were taken, Marius the younger slew himself as Praeneste, being put all into one place together. slew himself. And Sylla coming to PRAENESTE, did first execute them by one and by one, keeping a certain form of justice in putting them to death: but afterwards as if he had no longer leisure to remain there, he caused them all to be put in a place together, to the number of twelve thowsand● men, whom he caused to be put to the sword every man, saving his host only, unto whom he said, that he showed him specially favour to save his life. But his host answered him stoutly again, that he would not be beholding unto him for his life, seeing he had slain all the re●t of his country men: and so thrusting in amongst the citizens, was willingly slain with them. They thought the act of Lucius Catiline also very strange, Lucius Catilinae slew his own brother. who had slain his own brother before the civil war was ended: and then prayed Sylla to put him in the number of the outlaws, as if his brother had been alive. Sylla performed his desire. Catiline thereupon to show his thankfulness for the pleasure Sylla had done him, went presently, and slew Marem Marius, who was of the contrary faction: and brought him his head for a present before all the people, in the midst of the market place where he was sitting. When he had so done, be went and washed his hands all bloodied in the hollowed font of the temple of Apollo, that was hard by. But beside so many murders committed, yet were there other things also that grieved the people marvelously. For the proclaimed himself Dictator, Sylla Dictator. which office had not been of six score years before in use, and made the Senate discharge him of all that was past, giving him free liberty afterwards to kill whom he would, and to confiscate their goods: to destroy cities, and to build up new as he listed: to take away kingdoms, and to give them where he thought good. And furthermore, he openly sold the goods confiscate, by the crier, sitting so proudly and stately in his chair of state, that it grieved the people more to see those goods packed up by them, to whom he gave and disposed them: then to see them taken from those that had forfeited them. For sometimes he would give a whole country, or the whole revenues of certain cities, unto women for their beauty, or unto pleasant jesters, minstrels, or wicked slaves made free: and unto some, he would give other men's wives by force, and make them to be married against their wills. For he desiring (howsoever it happened) to make alliance with Pompey the great, commanded him to put away his wife he had married: and taking AEmylia (the daughter of AEmylius Scaurus, & of Metella his wife) from the great Glabrio, caused him to marry her great with child as she was by Glabrio: but she died in childbed, in Pompeyis house. Lucretius Offella also that had brought Marius the younger to that distress at the city of PRAENESTE: suing to be Consul, Sylla commanded him to cease his. But he notwithstanding that express commandment, went one day into the market place, with great train of men following him that favoured his cause. Wither Sylla sent one of his Centurions that slew Offella before all the people: Lucretius Offella slain. himself sitting in a chair of estate in the temple of Castor and Pollux, and seeing from above the murder done. The people that were about Offella, laid hold of the murderer strait & brought him before Sylla. But Sylla bade them be quiet, that brought the Centurion with tumult, and that they should let him go, because he commanded him to do it. Furthermore as touching his triumph, it was a sumptuous sight to behold, for the rareness of the riches, and princely spoils which were showed at the same. But yet was it so much the better set out, and worth the sight, to see the banished ROMANS, who were the chiefest noble men of all the city of ROME, following his chariot triumphant wearing garlands of flowers on their heads, calling Sylla their father, and saviour: because that by his means they returned to their country, and recovered their goods, waives, and children. In the end of his triumph, he made an oration in open assembly of the people of ROME, in the which he did not only declare unto them (according to the custom) what things he had done, but did as carefully tell them also as well of his good fortune and success, as of his valiant deeds beside: and to conclude his oration, told them that by reason of the great ●auor fortune had showed him, he would from thenceforth be called by them, Felix, to say, happy, or fortunate. And he himself when he wrote unto the grecians, or that he had any thing to do with them: surnamed himself Epaphroditus, as who would say, a pleasant man, beloved and favoured of Venus. His tokens of triumph which are yet in our country, have this superscription. Lucius Cornelius Sylla Epaphroditus. And when his wife Metella had brought him two twins, Sulla's twins, named Faustus and Fausta. a son and a daughter: he named his son Faustus, signifying fortunate, and his daughter Fausta: because the ROMANS call Faustum that, which falleth out prosperously, and happily. To be short, he trusted so much unto his good fortune and doings, that notwithstanding he had killed and put so many men to death, and had made so great a change and innovation in the common wealth, Sylla leaveth his Dictatorshippe. yet of himself he left of his office of Dictator, and restored the people to the authority of election of Consuls again, without his presence at the election: and frequented the market place as a private man among the citizens, offering himself to every man that would ask him account of his doings past. It happened that a stout and rash enemy of his was Choose Consul against his will, Marcus Lepidus chosen Consul. called Marcus Lepidus, not for any devotion the people had to Lepidus, but only to gratify Pompey, who gave countenance and favour unto him. Sylla seeing Pompey come merry homewards from the election, and joyful that he had obtained his friends suit from all other suitors: took him a side, & told him. In deed thou hast great cause to rejoice, young man my friend, for thou hast done a goodly act: to choose Marcus Lepidus Consul, the veriest ass in all ROME, before Catulus the honestest man. But I tell thee one thing, thou hadst not need to sleep for thou hast strengthened an enemy, that will be thine own destruction. And Sylla proved a true prophet: for Lepides being bend to all cruelty immediately after, flatly fell at defiance with Pompey. Now Sylla consecrating the dimes of all his goods unto Hercules, Sylla feasted the people. made exceeding sumptuous feasts unto the ROMANS, the provision whereof was so unreasonable great, that every day they threw a great deal of meat into the river, Wine of forty years old & upward. and they drank wine of forty years old and above. During these feasts which continued many days, his wife Metella sickened, and died, and in her sickness the Priests and Soothsayers willed Sylla he should not come near her, nor suffer his house to be polluted and defiled with mourning for the dead. Whereupon Sylla was divorced from her in her sickness, and caused her to be carried into an other house, whilst she lived. And thus did Sylla curiously observe the superstition and ordinance of the Soothsayers: but yet he broke the law which he made himself, touching the order of funerals, sparing no cost at Metellaes' burial. Sylla broke his own laws he made. So did he also break an other order himself had made, touching the reformation of banquets: comforting his sorrow with ordinary feasts, full of all vanity and lasciviousness. Within a few months after, he had fencers games at the sharp: and the rooms of the Theatre being open and unsevered, men and women sitting together, it fortuned that there was a fair Lady, and of a noble house, that sat hard by Sylla, called Vaeleria: she was the daughter of Messala, and sister of Hortensius the orator, and had been divorced not long before from her husband. This Lady passing by Sylla behind him did softly put her hand on his shoulder, and took a hear from of his gown, and so went on to her place, and sat her down. Sylla marveling at this familiarity, looked earnestly upon her: it is nothing my Lord, Valeria, desirous to be partaker of Sulla's happiness. (quoth she) but that I desire with others to be partaker a little of your happiness. Her words misliked not Sylla, but contrarily he showed that she had tickled him with them: for he sent strait to ask her name, and inquired of what house she was, and how she had lived. But after many sly looks between them, they turned their faces one to an other upon every occasion, with pretty smile countenances: Sylla married Valeria, the sister of Hottensius the Orator. so that in the end, they came to promise' & contract marriage together, for the which Valeria was not to be blamed. For though she was as wise, as honest, and as virtuous a Lady as could be possible, yet the occasion that made Sylla marry her, was neither good nor commendable, because he was taken strait with a look and a fine tongue, as if he had been but a young boy: which commonly show forth the filthiest passions of the mind, to be so carried, and with such motions. Now, notwithstanding he had this fair young Lady in his house, he left not the company of women minstrels & tumblers, and to have pleasant jesters and musicans about him, with whom he would lie wallowing and drinking all the day long, upon little cowches made for the nonest. For, his companions that were in greatest estimation with him at that time, were these three: Roscius a maker of common plays, Sorex a prince of scoffers, and one Metrobius a singing man, whom he was in love withal while he lived, & yet did not dissemble his love, though he was past age to be beloved. This wicked life of his was cause of increasing his disease, the original cause whereof had a light foundation at the first. For he lived a great time before he perceived that he had an impostume in his body, Sulla's impostume turned to lice. the which by process of time came to corrupt his flesh in such some, that it turned all to louse: so that notwithstanding he had many men about him, to shifted him continually night and day, yet the lice they wiped away were nothing, in respect of them that multiplied still upon him. And there was neither apparel, linen, baths, washing, nor meat itself, but was presently filled with swarms of this vile vermin. For he went many times in the day into the bath to wash and cleanse himself of them, but all would not serve: for the changing of his flesh into this putriture wan it strait again, that there was no cleansing, nor shifting of him, that could keep such a number of lice from him. Some say, that in old time (amongst the most ancientest men, whereof there is any memory) Acastus the son of Pelias, died of the lousy evil: divers famous men that died of lice. and long time after also, the Poet Alcman, and Pherecides the divine: and so did calisthenes OLYNTHIAN in prison, and Mutius a wise lawyer. And if we shall make mention of those that are famous men, although it be not in any good matter: we find that a bond man called Eunus, he that was the first procurer of the wars of the bondmen in SICILIA, being taken and carried to ROME, died also of the same disease. Furthermore, Sylla did not only foresee his death, but he wrote some thing of it also: for he made an end of writing the two and twenty book of his commentaries, Sulla's commentaries contain 22. books. Sulla's son that was dead appeared to him in his dreams in ill favoured apparel. two days before he died. In that book he saith, that the wise men of CHALDEA had told him long before, that after he had lived honourably, he should end his days in the flower of all his prosperity. And there he saith also, that his son (who departed a little before his mother Metella) appeared to him in his sleep, appareled in an ill favoured gown, and that coming unto him, he prayed him he would go with him unto Metella his mother, thenceforth to live in peace and rest with her. But for all his disease, he would not give over to deal in matters of state. For ten days before his death he pacified a sedition, and tumult, risen among the inhabitants of the city of PVYLOLANUM (in Italian called POZZOLO) and there he gave them laws and ordinances, werby hey should govern themselves. And the day before he died, hearing that Granius who was in debt to the common wealth deferred payment of his money looking for his death: Granius strangled in Sulla's fight by his arm commandments. he 〈…〉 for him, and made him come into his chamber, and there caused his men to compass him about, and commanded them to strangle him in his fight. The passion of his anger was so vehement against him, that by the extreme straining of himself, he broke the impostume in his body, so as there gushed out a wonderful deal of blood: by reason whereof his strength failing him, he was full of pain and pangs that night, and so died, Sulla's death. leaving the two little children he had by Metella. For Valeria, was brought to bed of a daughter after his death, which was called Posthumia, because the ROMANS call those children that are borne after the death of their fathers, Posthumi. Posthumi. Now when Sylla was dead, many gathered about the Consul Lepidus to let that his body should not be honourably buried, as they were accustomed to bury noble men & men quality. But Pompey, though he was angry with Sylla, because he had give him nothing in his will, and had remembered all his other friends: yet he made some for love, some by entreaty, and others with threatening to let it alone, and accompanying the corpse in to ROME, gave both safety and honour unto the performance of his funerals. Sulla's funerals. And it is said also, that the ROMAN Ladies, amongst other things, bestowed such a quantity of perfumes & odoriferous matter towards the same: that besides those which were brought in two hundred and ten great baskets, they made a great image to the likeness of Sylla himself, and an other of a sergeant carrying the axes before him, all of excellent incense & cinnamon. When the day of the funerals came, fearing lest it would rain in the forenone, all the element doing so clowdly: they deferred to carry forth the body to be burnt, until past three of the clock in the afternone. And then rose there such a sudden boisterous wind, that it set all the stake of wood strait a fire, that the body was burnt at a trice, and the fire going out, fell a great shower of rain that held on till night: so that it seemed good fortune following him even to his end, did also help his obsequies after his death. His tomb is to be seen in the field of Mars, and they say that he himself made his own epitaph that is written upon it, Sulla's epitaph. which was: that no man did ever pass him, neither in doing good to his friends, nor in doing mischief to his enemies. THE COMPARISON OF Sylla with Lysander. NOw that we have at large also set forth the life of the ROMAN, let us come to compare them both together. In this they are both a like, that both of them grew to be great men, rising of themselves through their own virtue: but this only is proper to Lysander, that all the offices & dignities which he attained unto in the common wealth, were laid upon him through the people's good wills and consents. For he compelled them to nothing, neither usurped he any extraordinary authority upon them, contrary to law: for, as the common saying is: Where partiality, and discord once do reign: There wicked men are most esteemed, and rule with greatest gain As at that time in ROME, the people being corrupted, and the state of government utterly subverted and brought to naught: to day there rose up one tyrant, to morrow an other. And therefore we may not wonder if Sylla usurped and ruled all, when such fellows as Glaucia and Saturninus, did both banish and drive out of ROME such men as Metellus was: and where also in open assembly they slew Consuls sons in the market place, and where force of arms was bought & sold for gold and silver, with the which the soldiers were corrupted & where they made new laws with fire and sword, and forced men to obey the same. Yet I speak not this in reproach of him that in such troublesome times found means to make himself the greatest man: but to show that I measure not his honesty by the dignity he grew unto in so unfortunate a city, although he become the chief. The chief person is not always the honestest. And as touching him that came from SPARTA (at what time it flourished most, and was the best governed common weal) he in all great causes, and in most honourable offices, was reputed for the best of all bests, and the chief of all chiefs. Wherefore it happened, that the one resigned up the authority to his country men, the citizens, which they had given him, who also restored it to him again many and sundry times: for the honour of his virtue did always remain, and made him justly accounted for the worthiest man. Where the other being once only chosen general of an army, remained ten years continually in wars and hostility, making himself by force, sometime Consul, sometime vice Consul, and sometime Dictator, but always continued a tyrant. In ede Lysander attempted to change, and altar the state of government in his country, howbeit it was with greater lenity, and more lawfully than Sylla did. For he sought it by reason, and good persuasion, not by the sword: neither would he make a change of the whole at one self time as Sylla did, but sought only to reform the election of kings. The which thing according to nature, doubtless seemed very just: that he which was the best amongst good men, should be chosen king of that city, which was the chief over all GREECE, not for her nobility, but for her virtue only. For like as a good hunter doth not seek for the whelp of a good dog, but for the good dog himself: not a wise man of arms also, the colt that cometh of a good horse, but the good horse himself. Even so, he that taketh upon him to establish a civil government, committeth a fowl fault: if he look of whom his Prince should be borne, and not what the Prince himself should be, considering that the LACEDÆMONIANS themselves have deprived diverse of their kings from their crown and realm, because they were not Princely, but unprofitable, and good for nothing. Vice, although it be in a noble man, yet is it always ill of itself: but virtue is honoured for herself alone, and not because she is placed with nobility. Now for the wrongs and injuries they both committed, the one did work only to pleasure his friends, and the other to offend them to whom he was bounden. For it is certain, that Lysander did great wrongs to gratify his familiars: Lysander & Sulla's faults. and the most part of them whom he put to death, was to establish the tyrannical power of certain his friends. Where Sylla sought for spite to take away his army from Pompey, and the Admiralty from Dolobelle, which he himself given, & caused Lucretius Offella to be slain openly in his own sight, because he sought to be Consul, for recompense of the good service he had done: for which cruelty of his, causing his own friends to beslaine in such sort, he made every man a feared of him. Furthermore, their behaviours touching covetousness and pleasure doth show, that the intent of the one was the desire of a good Prince, and the other, that of a tyrant. For we do not find that Lysander, for all his great Princely authority, did ever use any insolency or lasciviousness in his deeds, but always avoided as much as a man might, the reproach of this common proverb: Lions at home, and Foxes abroad: He led such a true LACONIAN life, straightly reformed in all points. Where Sylla could never moderate his unlawful lusts, Lysander's temperance and moderate life. Sulla's licentious and prodigal life. neither for poverty when he was young, nor yet for age, when it came upon him. But whilst he gave laws to the ROMANS touching matrimonial honesty and chastity: himself in the mean time did nothing but follow love, and commit adultries, as Sallust writeth. By means whereof he so much impoverished ROME, and left it so void of gold and silver: that for ready money he sold absolute freedom unto the cities their confederates, yet was it his daily study to confiscate and take for forfeit, the richest and most wealthiest houses in all the whole city of ROME. But all this spoil and havoc was nothing in comparison of that which he daily cast away upon his jesters & flatterers. What sparing, or measure may we think he kept, in his gifts at private banquets: when openly in the day time (all the people of ROME being present to see him cell the goods which he had caused to be confiscate) he made one of his friends and familiars, to truss up a great deal of household stuff, for a very little price. And when any other had out bidden his price, & that the crier had cried it out a loud: then was he angry, and said: My friends, I have great wrong done me here, not to suffer me cell the spoil I have gotten at mine own pleasure, and dispose it as I list myself. Sulla's tyrannical saying. Where Lysander contrarily sent to the common wealth of SPARTA, with other money, the very presents that were given to himself. And yet I do not commend him in that deed. For, peradventure he did more hurt to SPARTA, bringing thither that gold & silver: then Sylla did to ROME, in wasting and consuming that he consumed. Howbeit I allege this only, for proof and declaration that Lysander was nothing covetous. They both have done that unto their city, which never any other but themselves did. For Sylla being a riotous and licentious man, brought his citizens notwithstanding to good order and government: and Lysander contrarily filled his city with vice, yet not infected withal himself. Thus were they both offenders, the one for breaking the law he commanded to be kept, and the other in making the citizens worse than he was himself: for he taught the SPARTANS to desire those things, which he above all things had learned to despise. And thus much concerning peace and civil government. Now for matters of war and battles fought, there is no comparison to be made of Lysander to Sylla, Sylla for ware to be preferred before Lysander. neither in number of victories, nor in hazard of battle. For Lysander wan only but two battles by sea, besides the taking of the city of ATHENS: which (though I grant him) being rightly considered, was no great exploit of war, howbeit it was a noble act, considering the same he won by it. And as for things which happened to him in BOEOTIA, hard by the city of ALIARTE: a man might say peradventure that he had ill luck. But yet me thinks also there was a fault in him, for that he stayed not for king Pausanias' aid (the which came from PLATHES immediately after his overthrow) and because he went in a gear in fury, and in a vain ambition to run his head against a wall: so that men of all sorts making a desperate sail out of ALIARTE upon him, slew him there to no purpose. far unlike to Cleombrotus that died at the battle of Leuctres, resisting his enemies that distressed his men: nor yet like Cyrus, nor Epaminondas, who to keep his men from flying, and to give them assured victory, received his deadly wound: for all these men died like noble kings, & valiant Captains. Where Lysander rashly cast himself away, to his great dishonour, by too much venturing: proving thereby, that the ancient SPARTANS did like wise men, to avoid the fight with walls. For the noblest and valiantest man that is, or possible can be, may easily be so slain, not only by the first soldier that cometh, but by every silly woman or child. As they say that the worthy Achilles was killed by Paris within the very gates of TROIA. Now to the contrary again, the victories that Sylla wan in set battles, and the thousands of enemies which he slew, are not easily to be numbered, beside also that he took the city of ROME twice, and the haven of ATHENS: not by famine as Lysander did, but by force, after he had by many great battles driven Archelaus out of firm land, into the main sea. It is to be considered also, against what Captains they made wars. For me thinks it was but a pastime, as a man might say, for Lysander to fight with Antiochus, a pilot of Alcibiades, or to surprise and deceive Philocles, a common orator at ATHENS, Much worse than two edged sword, his busy tongue did seem: Which prattled still, and honesty did never once esteem. And whom Mithridates (in my opinion) would not vouchsafe to compare with his horse-keeper, nor Marius with one of his sergeants or masebearers. But to leave a side the particular names of all other Princes, Lords, Consuls, Praetors, Captains, and Governors that made wars with Sylla: Sylla fought with men of greatest power and overcome them. what ROMAN Captain was there more to be feared, than Marius? what king living was there of such power as king Mithridates? And of Generals and lieutenants of armies in all ITALY, were there any ever more valiant, then Lamponius and Thelesinus: of the which Sylla drove the one away, and brought the other to obey him, and slew the two last? But the greatest matter of all that we have spoken of yet, in my opinion was, that Lysander did all his noble acts, with the aid of his whole country: where Sylla to the contrary did his, (being banished from his country) by his enemies. And at the self same time that they drove Sulla's wife out of ROME, that they overthrew his houses, and slew his friends also in ROME: he notwithstanding made wars in the mean time with infinite thousands of fight men in BOEOTIA, and ventured his person in manifold dangers, so that in the end he conquered them all to the honour & benefit of his country. Furthermore, Sylla would never stoop to king Mithridates, for any particular alliance he offered him, neither yield unto him for any aid of men, or money, to war against his enemies: but a thing most chiefly to be noted above the rest, he would not vouchsafe to speak to Mithridates, Sulla's magnanimity. nor to take him by the hand only, before he had spoken it with his own mouth, and faithfully promised, that he would forego ASIA, deliver him his galleys, and give up the realms of BYTHINIA and CAPPADOCIA unto their natural kings. This me thinks was the goodliest act that ever Sylla did, and proceeded of the greatest magnanimity, to have preferred the benefit of the common wealth in that sort, before his private commodity. For therein he was like unto a good greyhound that first pincheth the dear, and holdeth him fast, till he have overthrown him: and then afterwards followeth the recovery of his own private quarrel. And lastly, me thinks it is easily judged, what difference there was between their two natures, in that they did both towards the city of ATHENS. For Sylla having taken it, after the citizens had made fierce wars with him for the increase of king Mithridates' greatness: yet he left it free unto them, enjoying their own laws. Where Lysander to the contrary, seeing such a mighty state and Empire as that, overthrown from the great rule it bore, had no pity of it at all, but took away the liberty of popular government, whereby it had been governed of long time before: and established there very cruel and wicked tyrants. Plutarkes' judgement of Sylla and Lysander. And therefore in mine opinion, we shall not much serve from troth, if we give this judgement: that Sylla did the greater acts: and Lysander committed the fewer faults. And that we give to the one the honour of a continent and modest man: and to the other, the commendation of a valiant and skilful soldier. THE LIFE OF Cimon. PEripoltas the Soothsayer, Peripoltas & his posterity. he that brought king Opheltas out of THESSALY into the country of BOEOTIA, with the people which were under his obedience: left a posterity after him that long time flourished in that country, the more part of the which were ever resident in the city of CHAERONEA, because it was the first city that was conquered from the barbarous people whom they expulsed thence. All they that came of that race, were commonly men of great courage, and naturally given to the wars: who were so forward and adventurous in all dangers thereof (in the invasions of the MEDES into GREECE, & in the battles of the GAULES) that they were slain all of them, but only Damon (a little child left fatherless and motherless) surnamed Peripolias that escaped, who for goodly parsonage and noble courage excelled all the lusty youths of his time, The manners & lewd parts of Damon Peripoltas. though otherwise he was very rude, and of a severe nature. Now it fortuned, that when Damon was grown of full age, a ROMAN Captain of an ensign of footmen (lying in garrison for the winter season in the city of CHAERONEA) fell in great love with Damon: and because he could not reap the fruits of his dishonest love by no entreaty nor gifts, there appeared vehement presumptions that by force he went about to abuse him, for that CHAERONEA at that time (being my natural city where I was borne) was a small thing, and (being of no strength nor power) little regarded. Damon mistrusting the captains villainy, and detesting his abominable desire watched him a shrewd turn, and got certain of his companions (not many in number, because he might the more secretly compass his enterprise) to be a counsel with him, and take his part against the Captain. Now there were a sixteen of them in consort together, that one night blacked their faces all with soot, & the next morning after they had drunk together, by the break of day set upon this ROMAN Captain, that was making sacrifice in the market place, and slew him with a good number of his men: and when they had done, fled out of the city, which was strait in a great uproar for the murder committed. Thereupon they called a counsel, and in the market place condemned Damon and his confederates to suffer pains of death: hoping thereby to have cleared their innocency for the fact done to the romans. But the self same night, as all the magistrates and officers of the city were at supper together in the town house according to their custom: Damon & his followers stolen upon them suddenly, slew them all, & fled again upon it. It chanced about that time, that Lucius Lucullus being sent on some journey, Lucius Lucullus exam●nesh the truth of the murder. passed by the city of CHAERONEA with his army: & because this murder was but newly done, he stayed there a few days to examine the troth & original thereof. And found that the commons of the city were in no fault, but that they themselves also had received hurt: whereupon he took the soldiers of the ROMANS that remained of the garrison, & carried them away with him. In the mean time, Damon destroyed all the country thereabout, and still hovered near to the city, insomuch as the inhabitants of the same were driven in the end to sand unto him, and by gentle words and favourable decrees handled him so, that they intysed him to come again into the city: and when they had him amongst them, they chose him Gym●●iarchus, to say, a master of exercises of youth. But shortly after, as they were rubbing of him with oil in his stove or hot house, stark naked as he was, they slew him by treason. Damon slain by treason. And because that there appeared sprights of long time after in that place, & that there were heard groanings & sighings as our fathers told us, they caused the door of the hot house to be walled up: yet for all that, there are visions seen, and terrible voices and cries heard in that self place unto this present time, as the neighbour's dwelling by do testify. Now they that were descended of this Damon (for there are yet of his race in the country of PHOCIDES, near unto the city of STIRIS, who do only of all other both keep the language and manners of the AETOLIANS) are called ASBOLOMENI, signifying black, and besmered with soot: Asbolomeni, who they were, and why so called. because that Damon and his fellows did black their faces with foot, when they slew the ROMAN Captain. But the ORCHOMENIANS being near neighbours unto the CHAERONEIANS, and therefore their enemies, hired an informer of ROME, a malicious accuser, to accuse the whole city, (as if it had been one private person alone) for the murder of the ROMANS, whom Damon and his companions had slain. The indictment was drawn, Chaeronea indicted for the murder. and the case pleaded before the governor of MACEDON, for that the ROMANS did sand no governors at that time into GREECE: and the counsellors that pleaded for the city of CHAERONEA, relied upon the testimony of Lucius Lucullus, referring themselves to his report, who knew the troth, Lucullus called for a witness of the troth. & how it was. Thereupon the governor wrote unto him, and Lucullus in his letter of answer advertised the very troth: so was our city cleared of the accusation, which otherwise stoude in danger of utter destruction. The inhabitants of the city of CHAERONEA, for that they had escaped the danger by testimony of Lucius Lucullus, to honour him withal, they set up his image in stone in the market place, next unto the image of Bacchus. And we also that be living at this present, though many years be gone and passed sense, do notwithstanding reckon ourselves partakers of his forepast benefit. And because we are persuaded, that the image and portraiture that maketh us acquainted with men's manners and conditions, History, is a certain image of men's, manners and wisdom. is far more excellent, than the picture that representeth any man's person or shape only: we will comprehend his life and doings according to the troth, in this volume of noble men's lives, where we do compare and sort them one with an other. It shallbe sufficient for us therefore, that we show ourselves thankful for his benefit, and we think, that he himself would mislike for 〈…〉 of his true testimony, to be requited with a favourable lie told in his behalf. But like as when we will have a passing fair face drawn, and lively counterfeited, and that hath an excellent good grace withal, A pretty similitude. yet some manner of blemish or imperfection in it: we will not allow the drawer to leave it out altogether, nor yet too curiously to show it, because the 〈…〉 would deform the counterfeit, and the other make it very unlikely. Even so, because it is a hard thing (or to say better, peradventure impossible) to describe a man, whose life should altogether be innocent, and perfect: How to describe the life of a man. we must first study to write his virtues at large, and th●● by seek perfectly to represent the troth, even as the life itself. But where by chance we find certain faults and errors in their doings, proceeding either of passion of the mind, by necessity of the time or state of the common wealth: they are rather to be thought imperfections of virtue not altogether accomplished, than any purposed wickedness proceeding of vice, ●● certain malice. Which we shall not need too curiously to express in our history, but rather to pass them lightly over, of reverent shame to the mere frayelty of man's nature, which can not bring forth a man of such virtue and perfection, but there is ever some imperfection in him. And therefore, considering with myself unto whom I might compare Lucullus, I thought it best to compare him with Cimon, Cimon, & Lucullus in what things they were like. because they have been both valiant soldiers against their enemies, having both done notable exploits in wars against the barbarous people: and moreover, they have both been courteous & merciful unto their citizens, & were both the only men that pacified the civil wars and dissension in their country, and both the one & the other of them won notable victories of the babarous people. For there was never GRECIAN Captain before Cimon, nor ROMAN Captain before Lucullus, that had made wars so far of from their country leaving a part the deeds of Bacchus and of Hercules, and the deeds also of Perseus, against the AETHIOPIANS, the MEDES, and the ARMENIANS, and the deeds of jason also: if there remain any monument extant since their time, worthy of credit in these our days. Furthermore, herein they are to be likened together: that they never ended their wars, they only overthrew their enemies, but never overcame them altogether. Again, they may note in them a great resemblance of nature, for their honesty, courtesy and humanity, which they showed unto strangers in their country: and for the magnignificence and sumptuousness of their life and ordinary expense. It may be we do leave on some other similitudes between them: howbeit in the discourse of their lives they will easily appear. Cimon was the son of Miltiades and of Hegesipyle, Cimons' linadge. a THRACIAN woman borne, and the daughter of king Olorus, as we find written in certain poetical verses which Melanthius● and Archelaus have written of Cimon. The father of Thucydides the historiographer himself, Thucidydes' linadge. who was of kin also unto Cimon, was called in like manner Olorus, showing by the agreeing of the name, that this king Olorus was one of his ancestors, and did also possess mines of gold in the country of THRACIA. It is said moreover that he died in a certain place called the ditchie forest, where he was slain: howbeit that his ashes and bones were carried into the country of ATTICA, where his tomb appeareth yet to this day, amongst the tombs of them of the house and family of Cimon, near unto the tomb of Cimons' own sister called Elpinicè. Notwithstanding, Thucydides was of the village of ALIMUS, and Miltiades of the village of LACIA. This Miltiades Cimons' father, Miltiades died in prison. being condemned by the state to pay the sum of fifty talentes, was for non payment cast into prison, and there died: and left Cimon and his sister Elpinicè alive, both Orphans, and very young. Now, Cimon in his first young years had a very ill name and report in the city, Cimon defamed in his youth. being counted a riotous young man, & a great drinker, following his grandfather Cimons' fashions up and down, as he had also his name: saving that his grandfather for his beastliness was surnamed Coalemos, Coalemos, fool. as much to say as fool. Stesimbr●t●● THASIAN, who was about Cimons' time, writeth, that Cimon never learned music, nor any other of the liberal sciences accustomably taught to young noble men's sons of GREECE, & that he had no sharp wit, nor good grace of speaking, a virtue proper unto children borne in the country of ATTICA: howbeit that he was of a noble mind, and plain, without dissimulation, so that he rather lived PELOPONNESIAN like, then like an ATHENIAN. Cimons' conditions. For he was even such as the Poet Euripides described Hercules to be: A simple man he was, and could not well disguise: As honest eke in things of weight, as wit could well devise. This served fitly to be applied unto Stesimbrotus words written of him: but notwithstanding in his first young years he was suspected of incontinency with his sister, Elpinicè Cimons sister unchaste. who in deed otherwise had no very good name. For she was very familiar with the painter Polygnotus, who painting the TROJAN Ladies prisoners, upon the walls of the gallery, called the Plesianaction, and now Poecile: (to say, set out and beawtified with divers pictures) he drew (as they say) LAOPICES face upon Elpinices' picture. This painter Polygnotus was no common artificer nor hireling, Polygnotus the painter. that painted this gallery for money's sake, but gave his labour frankly to the common wealth, as all the historiographers that wrote in that time do witness: and as the Poet Melanthius also reciteth in these verses: At his own proper charge, great cost he hath bestowed: In decking up our temples here with gilted roofs embowed, For honour of the gods. And in our town likewise, He hath adorned the common place, with many a fine devise. Painting and setting forth, in stately show to see, The images of demi gods that here amongst us be. Yet some say that Elpinicè did not secretly company with her brother Cimon, Elpinicè being poor, had regard to match ccording to her state & calling. but lay with him openly as his lawful married wife, because she could not for her poverty have a husband of like nobility and parentage to herself. Howbeit, that a certain man called Callias, being one of the richest men of the city, did afterwards fall in fancy with her, and desired to marry her, offering to pay her father Miltiades fine of fifty talents, wherein he stood condemned a debtor to the state, so that he might have her to his wife. Cimon was contented, and upon that condition married his siste Elpinicè unto Callias. This notwithstanding, it is certain that Cimon was somewhat amorous, Cimon subject to lascivious life. and given to love women. For Melanthius the Poet in certain of his elegies, maketh mention for his pleasure of one Asteria borne at SALAMINA, and of an other called Muestra, as if Cimon had been in love with them. But undoubtedly, he loved his lawful wife Isodice marvelous well, the daughter of Euryptolemus, Megaetes son, and took her death very grievously, as we may conjecture by the elegies that were written unto him, to comfort him in his sorrow. Panaetius the Philosopher is of opinion, that Archelaus the Physician wrote those elegies: and sure it is not unlikely, considering the time in which they were written. But furthermore, Cimons' nature and conditions deserved great commendation. The praise of Cimons' conditions. For his valiantness he gave no place unto Miltiades, and for his wisdom and judgement, he was not inferior unto Themistocles: and it is out of all doubt that he was a juster and honester man, then either of them both. For he was equal with the best of either of both in the discipline of wars, and for the valiantness of a noble Captain: and he did much excel them both in the properties of a good governor, and in thadministration of the affairs of a city, when he was but a young man, and had no experience of wars. For when Themistocles at the coming in of the MEDES counseled the people of ATHENS to go out of the city, to leave their lands and country, and to ship into galleys; and fight with the barbarous people by sea in the strait of SALAMINA: as every man was wondering at his bold and venturous counsel, Cimon was the first man that went with a life and jollity through the street Ceramious; unto the castle, accompanied with his young familiars and companions, carrying a bit of a bridle in his hand to consecrated unto the goddess Minerva, signifying thereby, that the city had no need of horsemen at that time, but of mariners and seamen. And after he had given up his offering, he took one of the targets that hung upon the wall of the temple, and having made his prayer unto Minerva, came down to the haven, and was the first that made the most part of the citizens to take a good heart to them, and courageously to leave the land, and take the sea. Besides all this, he was a man of a goodly stature, as jon the Poet testifieth, Cimons' parsonage commended. and had a fair curled hear and thick, and fought so valiantly at the day of the battle, that he wan immediately great reputation, with the love and good will of every man. So that many were still about him to encourage him, to be lively and valiant, and to think thence forth to do some acts worthy of the glory that his father had gotten at the battle of MARATHON. And afterwards, so soon as he began to deal in matters of state, the people were marvelous glad of him, and were wearied with Themistocles: by means whereof Cimon was presently advanced and preferred, to the chiefest offices of honour in the city, being very well thought on of the common people, because of his soft and plain nature. Moreover, Aristides also did greatly further his advancement, because he saw him of a good gentle nature, and for that he would use him as a countrepease to control Themistocles craft and stoutness. Wherefore after the MEDES were fled out of GREECE, Cimon being sent for by the ATHENIANS for their general by sea, Cimon General for the Athenians by sea. when the city of ATHENS had then no manner of rule nor commandment, but followed king Pausanias and the LACEDÆMONIANS: he ever kept his country men and citizens in marvelous good order in all the viages he made, and they were readier to do good service, than any other nation in the whole army whatsoever. And when king Pausanias had practised with the barbarous people to betray GREECE, had written also to the king of PERSIA about it, and in the mean time dealt very cruelly and straightly with the confederates of his country, and committed many insolent parts by reason of the great authority he had, & through his foolish pride whereof he was full: Cimon far otherwise, gently entertained them whom Pausanias injured, King Pausanias through his insolency and pride, lost the Lacedæmonians all their rule of Greece. and was willing to hear them. So that by this his courteous manner, the LACEDÆMONIANS having no eye to his doings, he stolen away the rule and commandment of all GREECE from them, & brought the ATHENIANS to be sole Lords of all, not by force and cruelty, but by his sweet tongue, and gracious manner of using all men. For the most part of the confederates being no longer able to away with Pausanias' pride and cruelty, came willingly and submitted themselves under the protection of Cimon and Aristides: who did not only receive them, but wrote also to the counsel of the ephors at LACEDAEMON, that they should call Pausanias' home, for that he dishonoured SPARTA, and put all GREECE to much trouble and wars. And for proof hereof, they say that king Pausanias being on a time in the city of BYZANC●, sent for Cleonice, a young maiden of a noble house, to take his pleasure of her. Her parents durst not keep her from him, by reason of his cruelty, but suffered him to carry her away. The young gentlewoman prayed the grooms of Pausanias' chamber to take away the lights and thinking in the dark to come to Pausanias' bed that was a sleep, groping for the bed as softly as she could to make no noise, she unfortunately hit against the lamp, and overthrew it. The falling of the lamp made such a noise, that it waked him on the sudden, and thought strait therewithal that some of his enemies had been comen traitorously to kill him, whereupon he took his dagger lying under his beds head, and so stabbed it in the young virgin, Pausanias' killed the young Bizantine virgin. that she died immediately upon it. Howbeit she never let Pausanias take rest after that, because her spirit came every night and appeared unto him, as he would feign have slept, and spoke this angrily to him in verse, as followeth: Keep thou thyself upright, and justice see thou fear, For woe and shame be unto him, that justice down doth bear. This vile fact of his did so stir up all the confederates hearts against him, that they came to besiege him in BIZANTIUM under the conduction of Cimon, from whom notwithstanding he escaped, and secretly saved himself. And because that this maiden's spirit would been let him rest, but vexed him continually: he fled unto the city of HERACLEA, where there was a temple that conjured dead spirits, & there was the spirit of Cleonice conjured, ●o pray her to be contented. So she appeared unto him, & told him that he should be delivered of all his troubles so soon as he came to SPARTA: signifying thereby (in my opinion) the death which he should suffer there. divers writers do thus report it. Cimon being accompanied with the confederates of the grecians, which were come to him to take his part: was advertised that certain great men of PERSIA, & allied to the king himself, who kept the city of EIONE, upon the river of Strymon in the country of THRACIA, did great hurt and damage unto the grecians inhabiting thereabouts. Cimon journey and victory in Thracia. Upon which intelligence he took the sea with his army, and went thither, where at his first coming he vanquished and overthrew the barbarous people in battle: & having overthrown them, drove all the rest into the city of EIONE. That done, he went to invade the THRACIANS that dwelled on the other side of the river of Strymon, who did commonly victual them of EIONE: and having driven them to forsake the country, he kept it, and was Lord of the whole himself. Whereupon he held them that were besieged at EIONE so straightly from victuals, that Butes the king of PERSIABS' Lieutenant, dispayringe of the state of the city, set fire on the same, and burned himself, his friends, Butes burneth himself, city, and friends, for fear of Cimon. and all the goods in it. By reason whereof, the spoil taken in that city was but small, because the barbarous people burned all the best things in it with themselves: howbeit he conquered the country thereabouts, and gave it the ATHENIANS to inhabit, being a very pleasant and fertile soil. In memory whereof, the people of ATHENS suffered him to consecrated and set up openly three Hermes of stone, (which are four square pillars) upon the tops of the which they set up heads of Mercury: Statues of Mercury. upon the first of the three pillars, this inscription is graven. The people truly were, of courage stout and fierce, Who having shut the Medes fast up (as stories do rehearse) Within the walled town, of Eione that tide, Which on the stream of Strymon stands: they made them there abide The force of famine's pinch, and therewith made them feel, The dint of war so many a time, with trusty tools of steel, Till in the end despair, so pierced in their thought, As there they did destroy themselves, and so were brought to naught. Upon the second there is such an other. The citizens which devil, in Athens stately town, Have here set up these monuments, and pictures of renown. To honour so the facts, and celebrated the fame, Their valiant chieftains did achieve, in many a marshall game. That such as after come, when they thereby perceive, How men of service for their deeds, did rich rewards receive, Encoraged may be, such men for to resemble, In valiant acts, and dreadful deeds, which make their foes to tremble. And upon the third an other. When Mnestheus did lead forth of this city here, An army to the Trojan wars, (by Homer doth appear) He was above the rest, that out of Graecia went: A valiant knight, a worthy wight, a Captain excellent. To take in hand the charge, an army for to guide: And eke to range them orderly, in battle to abide. That praise of prowess than, (oh grave athenans) Is now no news to fill the ears of these your citizens. Since through the world so wide, the fame and worthy praise, For marshall feats, to you of yore hath judged been always. Now, though Cimons' name be not comprised in these inscriptions, yet they thought that this was a singular honour to him at that time: for neither Miltiades nor Themistocles had ever the like. For when Miltiades requested the people one day that they would licence him to wear a garland of olive boughs upon his head: there was one Sochares, Sochares Decelean, spoke against Miltiades request for the garland of olive boughs. borne in the town of DECELEA, that standing up in open assembly spoke against him, and said a thing that marvelously pleased the people, though in deed it was an unthankful recompense for the good service, he had done to the common wealth. When you have Miltiades, (said he) overcome the barbarous people alone in battle, then ask to be honoured alone also. But how was it then, that Cimons' service was so acceptable to the ATHENIANS? It was in mine opinion, because they had with other Captains fought to defend themselves and their country only: and that under the conduction of Cimon, they had assulted and driven their enemies home to their own doors, where they conquered the cities of EIONE and of Amphipolis, which afterwards they did inhabit with their own citizens, and wan there also the isle of SCYROS, Cimon wan the isle of Scyros. which Cimon took upon this occasion. The DOLOPIANS did inhabit it, who were idle people, and lived without labour or tillage, and had been rovers of the sea of a wonderful long time, using piracy altogether to maintain themselves withal: so that in the end they spared not so much as the merchants & passengers that harboured in their havens, but rob certain THESSALIANS that went thither to traffic. And when they had taken their goods from them, yet would they cast them in prison beside. Howbeit the prisoners found means to escape, & after they had saved themselves, repaired to the parliament of the AMPHICTYONS, which is a general counsel of all the states and people of GREECE. The counsel of the Amphictyons. The AMPHICTYONS understanding the matter, condemned the city of the SCYRIANS to pay a great sum of money. The citizens refused to be contributaries to the payment of the fine, & bade them that rob the merchants and had the goods in their hands, pay it if they would. And therefore, because there was no other likelihood, but that the thieves themselves should be driven to answer the fine, they fearing it, wrote letters unto Cimon, and willed him to come with his army, and they would deliver their city into his hands: the which was performed. And thus Cimon having conquered this Island, drove out the DOLOPIANS thence, & rid the sea AEORV● of all pirates thereby. That done, remembering that the ancient Theseus, the son of AEgeus, flying from ATHENS came into that Island of SCYROS, where king Lycomedes suspecting his coming had traitorously slain him. Cimon was marvelous careful to seek out his tomb, because the ATHENIANS had an oracle and prophecy, that commanded them to bring his ashes and bones back again to ATHENS, and to honour him as a demi god. But they knew not where he was buried, for that the inhabitants of the Island would never before confess where it was, nor suffer any man to seek it out, till he at the last with much a do found the tomb, Theseus' bones brought to Athens 400. years after his death by Cimon. put his bones aboard the Admiral galley sumptuously decked and set forth, and so brought them again into his country, four hundred years after Theseus' death. For this, the people thanked him marvelously, and thereby he wan exceedingly the ATHENIANS good wills: and in memory of him they celebrated the judgement of the tragical plays of the Poets. For when Sophocles the Poet, being a young man had played his first tragedy, Aphepsio● the precedent perceiving there was great strife and contention amongst the lookers on, Sophocles and AEschylus contention for victory. would not draw them by lots that should be judges of this play, to give the victory unto that Poet that had best deserved: but when Cimon & the other Captains were come into the Theatre to see the same, (after they had made their accustomed oblations unto the god, in honour of whom these plays were celebrated) he stayed, and made them to minister an oath unto ten, (which were of every tribe of the people, one) and the oath being given, he caused them to sit as judges to give sentence, which of the Poets should carry away the prize. This made all the poets strive and contend who best should do, for the honour of the judges: but Sophocles, by their sentence bore away the victory. But Aeschilus' (as they say) was so angry and grieved withal, that he tarried not long after in ATHENS, and went for spite into SICILIA, where he died and was buried near unto the city of GELA. AEschylus overcome by Sophocles, dwelleth in Sicilia, and dieth there. Cimon sang passing sweety. jon writeth that he being but a young boy, newly come from CHIO unto ATHENS, supped one night with Cimon at Laomedon's house, and that after supper when they had given the god's thanks, Cimon was entreated by the company to sing. And he did sing with so good a grace, that every man praised him that heard him, & said he was more courteous than Themistocles far: who being in like company, and requested also to play upon the cithern, answered them, he was never taught to sing nor play upon the cithern, howbeit he could make a poor village to become a rich and mighty city. After that done, the company discoursing from one matter to an other, as it falleth out commonly in speech, they entered in talk of Cimons' doings: and having rehearsed the chiefest of them, he himself told one, which was the notablest and wisest part of all the rest that ever he played. For the ATHENIANS and their confederates together, having taken a great number of barbarous people prisoners, in the cities of SESTOS and of BIZANTIUM the confederates to honour him withal, gave him the pre-eminence to divide the spoil amongst them. Cimons' cunning division of the spoil. Whereupon he made the division, and set out the bodies of the barbarous peole all naked by themselves, and laid the spoils and their apparel by themselves. The confederates found this distribution very unequal: but nevertheless Cimon gave them the choice to choose which of the two would, and that the ATHENIANS should be contented with that which they left. Herophytus Samian, gave Counsel to choose the spoil. So there was a SAMIAN Captain called Herophytus, that gave the confederates counsel rather to take the spoils of the PERSIANS, than the PERSIANS themselves, and so they did: for they took the spoil of the prisoners goods and apparel, and left the men unto the ATHENIANS. Whereupon Cimon was thought at that time of the common soldiers to be but an ill divider of spoil, because that the confederates carried away great store of chains, karkanets, and bracelets of gold, & goodly rich purple apparel after the PERSIAN fashion: and the ATHENIANS brought away naked bodies of men, very tender and unacquainted with pain and labour. But shortly after, the parents and friends of these prisoners, came out of PHRYGIA and LYDIA, and redeemed every man of them at a great ransom: so that Cimon gathered such a mass of ready money together by their ransom, as he defrayed the whole charges of all his galleys with the same, for the space of four months after, and left a great sum of money beside in the sparing treasure of ATHENS. Cimon by this means being now become rich, Cimons' liberality and hospitality. bestowed the goods which he had thus honourably gotten from the barbarous people, more honourably again, in relieving his poor decayed citizens. For he broke up all his hedges and enclosures, and laid them plain and open, that travelers passing by, and his own poor citizens, might take as much fruit thereof as they would, without any manner danger. And furthermore, kept a continual table in his house, not furnished with many dishes, but with meat sufficient for many persons, and where his poor country men were daily refreshed, that would come unto that ordinary: so as they needed not otherwise care to labour for their living, but might be the readier, & have the more leisure to serve the common wealth. Yet Aristotle the Philosopher writeth, that it was not for all the ATHENIANS indifferently, that he kept this ordinary table: but for his poor towns men only in the village of LACIA, where he was borne. Furthermore, he had always certain young men waiting on him of his household servants well appartelled, Cimons' charity. & if he met by chance as he went up and down the city, any old citizen poorly arrayed, he made one of these young men strip himself, and change apparel with the old man: and that was very well thought of, and they all honoured him for it. Moreover, these young men carried ever good store of money about them: and when they met with any honest poor citizen in the market place, or else where, knowing his poverty, they secretly gave him money in his hand, and said never a word. Which the Poet self Cratinus seemeth to speak of, in a comedy of his entitled the Archiloches. I am Metrobius the secretary, he, Which did myself assure (in age) well cherished to be: At wealthy Cimons' board, where want was never found, Whose distributions and his alms did to the poor abound. There thought I for to pass mine aged years away, With that right noble godly man, which was the grecians stay. Furthermore, Gorgias Leontine said, that Cimon got goods to use them, How Cimon used his good. and that he used them to be honoured by them. And Critias that was one of the thirty tyrants of ATHENS, he wisheth and desireth of the gods in his elegies, The gods of Scopas heirs, the great magnificence, And noble heart of Cimon he, who spared none expense: The glorious victories, and high triumphant shows, Of good Agesilaus king, good gods, o grant me those. The name of Lichas SPARTAN, hath been famous amongst the grecians: and yet we know no other cause why, saving that he used to feast strangers that came to LACEDAEMON on their festival day, The hospitality of Lichas Spartan. to see the sports and exercises of the young men dancing naked in the city. But the magnificence of Cimon, did far exceed the ancient liberality, courtesy, and hospitality of the ATHENIANS: for they of all other were the first men that taught the grecians through out all GREECE, how they should sow corn, and gather it to maintain themselves withal, and also showed them the use of wells, and how they should light and keep fire. Cimons' godly acts. But Cimon making an hospital of his own house, where all his poor citizens were sad and relieved, and permitting strangers that traveled by his grounds to gather such fruits there, as the time and season of the year yielded: he brought again (as it were) into the world, the goods to be in common amongst them, Cimon brought the golden world again. as the Poets say they were in the old time of Saturn's reign. And now, where some accused this honest liberality of Cimon. objecting that it was but to flatter the common people withal, and to win their good wills by that means the manner of life he led, accompanying his liberality, did utterly confute and overthrow their opinions that way of him. For Cimon ever took part with the nobility, and lived after the LACEDÆMONIANS manner, as it well appeared, in that he was always against Themistocles, who without all compass of reason increased the authority and power of the people: and for this cause he joined with Aristides, and was against Ephialtes, who would for the people's sake have put down and abolished Ariopagus court. And where all other governors in his time were extortioners, and bribetakers: (Aristides and Ephialtes only excepted) he to the contrary led an uncorrupt life in administration of justice, & ever had clean hands, whatsoever he spoke or did, Cimons' integrity and clean hands. Resaces' attempted to bribe Cimon. for the state and common wealth, and would therefore never take money of any man living. And for proof hereof, we find it written, that a noble man of PERSIA called Resaces, being a traitor to his master the king of PERSIA, fled on a time unto ATHENS: where being continually baited and wearied, with the common accusations of these tale bearers & pick thanks, that accused him to the people, he repaired at the length unto Cimon, & brought him home to his own door two bowls, th'one full of darickes of gold, and the other of darickes of silver, which be pieces of money so called, because that the name of Darius was written upon them. Darickes, whereof so called. Cimon seeing this offer, fell a laughing, and asked him whether of the two he would rather choose: to have him his friend, or his hireling. The barbarous noble man answered him, A noble saying of Cimon. that he had rather have him his friend. Then said Cimon to him again, away with thy gold and silver, and get thee hence: for if I be thy friend, that gold and silver shall ever be at my commandment, to take and dispose it as I have need. About that time began the confederates of the ATHENIANS to be weary of the wars against the barbarous people, desiring thenceforth to live quietly, and to have leisure to manure and husband their grounds, and to traffic also, considering that they had driven their enemies out of their country, and that now they did them no more hurt: by reason whereof they paid the money they were sessed at, but they would furnish no more men nor ships as they had done before. But the other Captains of the ATHENIANS compelled them to it by all the means they could, and prosecuted law against them that failed payment, condemning them in great fines, and that so cruelly, that they made the signiory and dominion of the ATHENIANS hateful unto their confederates. Howbeit Cimon took a contrary course to them: for he compelled no man, but was content to take money and void ships of them that would not, or could not serve in their persons, being very glad to suffer them to become slothful mongrells in their houses, by too much rest, and to transpose themselves from good soldiers which they had been, to labourers, merchants, and farmers, altogether altered from arms and wars, through the beastly slothful desire they had, to live pleasantly at home. And contrarily, causing a great number of the ATHENIANS one after an other to serve in galleys, The benefit of pains & service: and the discommodity of case and idleness. he so acquainted them with continual pains in his viages: that he made them in short space become Lords and masters over them, that gave them pay, and entertainment. For they began by little and little to flatter and fear the ATHENIANS, whom they saw trained continually in the wars, ever bearing armour, & carrying their weapons in their hands, becoming expert soldiers at their charge, by reason of the pay they gave them: so that in the end, they become subjects & contributaries as it were unto them, where before they were their friends & companions. So as there never was GRECIAN Captain that bridled more the cruelty and power of that mighty PERSIAN king, Cimon plagued the Persians. than Cimon did. For, after he had driven him out of all GREECE, he left him not so, but following him foot hot, as we commonly say, before the barbarous people could take breath, or give wise and direct order for their doings: he made so great speed, that he took some of their cities from them by force, and other some by practice, causing them to rebel against the king, and turn to the grecians side. Insomuch as there was not a man of war less for the king of PERSIA, in all ASIA, from the country of JONIA, directly down to PAMPHYLIA. And furthermore, being advertised that the kings Captains were upon the coast of PAMPHYLIA with a great army by sea, because he would fear them in such sort, that they should not brave any more to show themselves upon the sea, on this side of the Isles of the CH●LIDONIANS: he departed from the isle of GINDOS, and from the city of TRIOPIUM, with two hundred galleys, the which at the first had been excellently well made and devised by Themistocles, as well for swift sailing, as for easy turning. Howbeit Cimon made them to be enlarged, to the end they might carry the greater number of men of war in battle, to assault the enemies. And so went first against the PHASELITES, who were grecians borne, and yet notwithstanding would neither take the grecians part, nor receive their army into their havens: landed there, destroyed all the country, and then came and camped with his army hard at their walls. Chio an Isle. But the men of CHIO being ancient friends of the FASELITES, and in Cimons' army at that journey: did somewhat pacify his anger, and gave advertisement to them of the city of their doings by letters, which they tied to their arrows, and shot over the walls. Cimon wan the city of Faselia. So as in the end they procured their peace with condition, that the FASELITES should pay ten talents for a fine: and furthermore should also follow the army of the grecians, and from thenceforth fight with them, and for them, against the barbarous people. Now Ephorus saith, that the PERSIAN Captain that had charge of the army by sea, was called TITHRAUSTES, and the Captain of the army by land, PHERENDATES. But calisthenes weigheth, that Ariomandes the son of Gobrias, was the kings Lieutenant, having chief authority over the whole army that lay at anchor, before the river of Eurymedon, Ariomandes the kings Lieutenant of his whole army by sea, riding at ancher before the river of Eurymedon. & had no desire to fight, because they looked for a new supply of four score sail of the Phoenicians, that should come to them from CYPRUS. But Cimon contrarily, sought to fight before these galleys of the Phoenicians came to join with them, and put his galleys in order of battle, determining to give a charge, and compel them to fight, would they, or would they not. Which the barbarous people perceiving, drew nearer into the mouth of the river Eurymedon, because they should not compass them in behind, nor force them to come to battle against their wills. Which notwithstanding, when they saw the ATHENIANS come to set upon them where they lay, they made out against them, a fleet of six hundred sail, as Phanodemus declareth: Cimons' victory of the Persians both by sea and land. or as Ephorus writeth, three hundred and fifty sail only. But they did nothing worthy of so great a power, at the lest touching the fight by sea, but turned their prooes strait to the river: where such as could recover the mouth thereof in time saved themselves; flying to their army by land, which was not far from that place set also in order of battle. But the rest that were taken tardy by the way, they were slain, and their galleys sunk or taken: whereby we may know that there were a great number of them, for many were saved as it is likely, Cimon took two hundred sail prisoners at the battle fought by the river of Eurymedon. and many also were splitted to pieces, and yet the ATHENIANS took two hundred of them prisoners. In the mean season, their army by land came nearer to the sea side: which Cimon perceiving, stood in some doubt whether he should land his men or not, because it seemed a hard & dangerous thing unto him, to land in spite of his enemies: and to put forth the grecians already wearied with the first battle against the barbarous people, who were altogether whole, fresh, and lusty, and with all many in number against one. Nevertheless, perceiving that his men trusted in their force, besides the courage which the first victory gave them, and that they desired none other thing but to fight with the enemies: he put them a land while they were hot yet with the first battle. And so with great fury and loud cries they ran immediately against the barbarous people, who stood still & stirred not, & received their first charge very valiantly: by reason whereof, the battle grew sharp and bloody, insomuch as there were slain all the greatest personages & men of best account of all the ATHENIANS army. But the other fought it out so valiantly, that in the end they wan the field, Cimon overcame the battle of the barbarous people also by lands. and with marvelous difficulty made the barbarous people fly, whereof they slew a great number in the place, and took the rest prisoners with all their tents & pavilions, which were full of all sorts of riches. Thus Cimon like a valiant champion of the holy games, having in one self day won two victories, and having excelled the battle by sea also which the grecians had won within the channel of SALAMINA, with that which he wan then upon the land: and the battle which the GRECIANS wan by land before the 〈…〉 PLATEES, with that which he wan the day before on the sea: yet he was nor contented with all this. For, after two so famous victories obtained, he would once again fight for the honour of the tokens of triumph: and being advertised that the four score sail of the PHOENICIANS (coming too late to be present at the first battle by sea) were arrived at the hea●d Hydra, he sailed thither with all possible speed. Now the Captains of this sleet, knew 〈…〉 certainty of the overthrow of their chiefest army, but stood in doubt of it, and would not be persuaded that it was overthrown in that sort: and therefore were they so much the more afraid, when they descried a far of the victorious army of Cimon. To conclude, they 〈…〉 all their ships, & the greatest part of their men, which were either drowned or slain. The victory against the PERSIANS did so dawnte and pluck down the pride and lofty mind of the barbarous PERSIAN king, Cimon brought the king of Persia to condition of peace. as he made that condition of peace so much spoken of in ancient histories, in the which he promised and swore, that his armies thenceforth should come no nearer to the GRECIAN sea, than the carrere of a horse, and that he would sail no further forward, than the Isles CHELIDONIANS, and CYANEANS, with any galleys or other ship of war. Howbeit the historiographer calisthenes writeth, that it was no part of any 〈…〉 comprised within the condition of peace, but that the king kept it for the fear he had of this so great an overthrow: and that afterwards he kept so far from the GRECIAN sea, that 〈…〉 cles with fifty sail, and Ephialtes with thirty only, did sail beyond the Isles CHELIDONIC and no barbarous fleet ever came against them. Yet notwithstanding all this, amongst the common acts of ATHENS, which Craterus hath gathered together, the articles of this peace are found written at large, as a thing that was true in deed. And it is said, that for this occasion the ATHENIANS built an altar of peace, Callias sent Ambassador to take the oath of the king of Persia. and that they did Callias great honour, for that he was sent Ambassador unto the king of PERSIA to take his oath for confirmation of this peace So when all these spoils of the enemies were sold to them that would give most, there was so●● store of gold and silver in the sparing coffers of their treasury, that there was enough to ser●e their turn for any service they would employ it to, & besides that, they had sufficient to bu●●● up the side of the wall of the castle which looketh towards the south, this voyage and gr●●● spoil did so enrich them. And it is said moreover, that the building of the long walls th●● join to the city with the haven, which they call the legs, was built & finished afterward howbeit the first foundations thereof were built with the money Cimon gave towards it, Cimon was at the charge of certain common buildings. for that the work met with moorish and watery places, by mean whereof they were driven to fill up the mariffes, with force of flyntes & great logs, which they threw unto the bottom. It was he also that first did beautify and set forth the city of ATHENS, with places of liberal exercise and honest pastime, which shortly after were much esteemed. For he caused plane trees to be set in the market place: and the Academy which before was very dry and naked, he made it now a pleasant grove, and full of goodly springs which he brought into it, and made fine covered arbours to walk in, and goodly long smooth allies to run a good course in. On a time he had news brought him, that certain PERSIANS dwelling in CHERRONESUS, (to say a demi I'll of the country of THRACIA) would not be gotten out, but sent to the people of high THRACIA, to pray their aid to defend themselves against Cimon of whom they made but little account, because he was departed from ATHENS with a very few ships, who set upon them only with four galleys, and took thirteen of theirs. And so having driven the PERSIANS out of CHERRONESUS, Cimon drove the Persians out of Thracia. and subdued the THRACIANS, he conquered all the country of CHERRONESUS, from THRACIA unto his own country. And departing from thence went against them of the isle of THASOS, that had rebelled against the ATHENIANS: and having overcome them in battle by sea, he wan three and thirty of their ships, and besides that took their city by siege, and wan the mines of gold lying beyond the same to the ATHENIANS, with all the lands that belonged unto them. This conquest made his way open into MACEDON, and gave him great opportunity to have taken the best part thereof at that present time. But because he let it alone, and followed not that opportunity, he was suspected to have taken money, Cimon accussed and discharged. and to have been bribed by presents of king Alexander: whereupon, his secret enemies laid their heads together, and accused him. But Cimon to clear himself before the judges of this accusation, said unto them: I have practised friendship neither with the Jonians, not yet with the THESSALIANS, both which are very rich and wealthy people: neither have I taken their matters in hand, as some other have done, to receive both honour and profit by them. Cimon praiseth the temperate life of the Lacedæmonians. Stesimbrotus the historian. But in deed I am a friend to the LACEDÆMONIANS, for I confess I love them, and desire to follow their sobriety, and temperance of life, the which I prefer and esteem above any riches or treasure: although I am very glad notwithstanding to enrich our state and common wealth with the spoils of our enemies. Stessimbrotus reporteth this accusation, and saith: that his sister Elpinice went to Pericles house, (who was the sharpest and straightest accuser of his) to pray him not to deal so extremely with her brother: and that Pericles laughing on her, said, alas, thou art too old, Elpinicè, thou, now to overcome these matters. Yet for all that, when Cimons' cause came to hearing, he was a more gentle adversary, than any other of his accusers, and rose up but once to speak against him, and that for manners sake only: so that Cimon thereby escaped, and was cleared of this accusation. And furthermore, so long as he was present in ATHENS, he always kept the seditious people in obedience, who would ever cross and thwart the authority of the nobility, because they would have all the sway and rule in their own hands. But when Cimon was sent abroad any whither to the wars, than the common people having no body to gainsay them, turned, and altered the government of the city topsie turuey, and confounded all the ancient laws and customs which they had observed of long time, and that by the procurement and setting on of Ephialtes. For they took away all hearing of causes in manner from the court of * Areopagus was a village of Mars by Athens, where the judges called Areopagitae did sit to judge causes of murder, and other weighty matters concerning the common wealth. Democratia. rule of communality. Pericles in Cimons' absence reduceth the common wealth unto the state Democratia Optimacia the government of the nobility. Areopagus, & put all authority of matters judicial into the hands of the people, and brought the state of the city into a pure Democratia, to say: a common weal ruled by the sole and absolute power of the people, Pericles being then in great credit, who altogether favoured the people's faction. Wherefore Cimon at his return; finding th'authority of the Senate and counsel so shamefully defaced and trodden under foot, was marvelously offended withal, and sought to restore thancient state of judgement again as it was before, and set up the government of the nobility (called Optimacia) that was established in the time of Clisthenes. But than began his enemies again with open mouth to cry out upon him, reviving the old former naughty rumour that ran of him before, that he kept his own sister: & furthermore accusing him, that he did favour the LACEDÆMONIANS. And amongst other things there ran in the people's mouths the verses of the Poet Eupolis, which were made against Cimon. Not wicked man he was, but very negligent, And therewithal to wine much more, then unto money bend. He stolen sometimes away, at Sparta for to sleep: And left poor Elpinicè his wife, at home alone to weep. And if it be so, that being thus negligent & given to wine, he have gotten so many cities, and won such sundry great battles: it is out of doubt then that if he had been sober & careful, there had never been before him nor since any GRECIAN Captain, that had passed him in glory of the wars. Cimon followed the Lacedæmonians manner. In deed it is true, that from the beginning he ever loved the manner of the LACEDÆMONIANS: for of two twins which he had by his wife Clitoria, he named th'one of them Lacedaemonius, and tother Eleus, as Stesimbrotus writeth, saying that for that cause Pericles did ever twit them in the teeth with their mother's stock. Howbeit Diodorus the Geographer writeth, that both those two, and an other third called Thessalus, were borne of Isodice, the daughter of Euryptolemus, the son of Megacles. How soever it was, it is certain that Cimons' credit grew the greater, by the favour and countenance which the LACEDÆMONIANS gave him, who had hated Themistocles of long time, and for the malice they bore him, were glad that Cimon being but a young man, did bear more sway in ATHENS then he. Which the ATHENIANS perceived well enough, and were not offended withal at the beginning: because the goodwill of the LACEDÆMONIANS towards him, did bring them great commodity. For when the ATHENIANS began to grow of great power, and to practise secretly that the confederates of the GRECIANS should forsake the LACEDÆMONIANS to join with them: the LACEDÆMONIANS were not angry withal, for the honour and love they bore unto to Cimon, who did alone in manner manedge all th'affairs of GRAECE at that time, because he was very courteous unto the confederates, and also thankful unto the LACEDÆMONIANS. But afterwards when the ATHENIANS were aloft and of great power, and that they saw Cimon stuck not for a little matter with the LACEDÆMONIANS, but loved them more than they would have had him: they began then to envy him, because in all his matters he had to do, he ever highly praised and extolled the LACEDÆMONIANS before them. But specially, when he would reprove them of any fault they had committed, or that he would persuade them to do any thing: the LACEDÆMONIANS, said he, I warrant ye do not so. That, as Stesimbrotus saith, made him marvelously to be maliced of the people. But the chiefest thing they accused him of, and that most did hurt him, self out upon this occasion. The fourth year of the reign of Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus king of SPARTA, there fortuned the wonderfullest and most fearful earthquake in the city of LACEDAEMON, A marvelous great earthquake in Lacedaemon. Taygetum ●●n●. and thereabouts, that over was heard of. For the earth in many places of the country opened, and fell as into a bottomless pit. The mountain Taygetum shook so terribly, that points of rocks fell down from it. All the city was laid on the ground and overthrown, five houses only excepted, the rest being wholly destroyed. And it is said also, that a little before this earthquake came, the young men of that city were playing with the young boys exercising themselves stark naked under a great gallery covered over: & as they were sporting together, there started up a hare hard by them. The young men spying her, ran after the hare stark naked and oiled as they were with great laughter. They were no sooner gone thence, but the top of the gallery fell down upon the boys that were left, and squashed them all to death. And in memory of the same, the tomb where they were afterwards buried, is called unto this day Sismatias, as much to say, as the tomb of those which the earthquake had slain. But king Archidamus foreseeing strait upon the sudden the danger that was to come, by that he saw present, perceiving his citizens busy in saving their household stuff, and that they were running out of their houses: made the trumpeters to sound a hot alarum upon it, as if their enemies had come stealingly upon them to take the city, to th'end that all the inhabitants should presently repair unto him (setting all business apart) with armour and weapon. That sudden alarum doubtless saved the city of SPARTA at that time: Archidamus sudden policy saved the city. Ilotae slaves & bondmen to the Lacedaemonian. for the ILOTAE, which are their slaves and bondmen in the country of LACONIA, and the country clowns of little villages there abouts, came running armed out of all parts, to spoil and rob them upon the sudden, that were escaped from this earthquake. But when they found them well armed in order of battle, they returned back again as they came: and then began afterwards to make open wars upon them, when they had drawn certain of their neighbours unto their confederacy, & specially the MESSENIANS, who made hot wars upon the SPARTANS. Whereupon the LACEDÆMONIANS sent Periclidas unto ATHENS to demand aid: whom Aristophanes the Poet mocking, said. With visage pale and wan, he on the altar sat, In scarlet gown requiring aid, to succour their estate. Against whom Ephialtes also spoke very much, protesting that they should not aid nor relieve a city that was an enemy unto ATHENS, but rather suffer it to fall to the ground, and to spurn the pride and arrogancy of SPARTA under their feet. But Cimon (as Cricias saith) being more careful for the benefit of SPARTA, then for thenlarging and increasing of his country: brought it to pass by his persuasion, that the ATHENIANS sent him thither with a great power to help them. And furthermore jon rehearseth the very self words that Cimon spoke to move the people to grant his request. Cimon procured aid for the Lacedæmonians. For he besought them that they would not suffer GRAECE to halt, as if LACEDAEMON had been one of her feet, and ATHENS the other: not to suffer their city to loose an other city their friend, and subject to the yoke and defence of GRAECE. Having therefore obtained aid, to lead unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, he went with his army through the CORINTHIANS country: wherewith Lachartus a Captain of CORINTHE was marvelously offended, saying, that he should not have entered into their country with an army, before he had asked licence of them of the city. For said he, when one knocketh at a man's door or gate, yet he cometh not in, before the master of the house commandeth him. But ye CORINTHIANS (said Cimon to him again) have not knocked at the gates of the CLEONAEIANS, nor of the MEGARIANS, to come in, but have broken them open, and entered by force of arms, thinking that all should be open unto them that are the stronger. Thus did Cimon stoutly answer the CORINTHIAN Captain again, because it stood him upon, and so went on with his army through the country of CORINTHE. Afterwards the LACEDÆMONIANS sent again unto the ATHENIANS, to require aid against the MESSENIANS and the ILOTES, (which are their slaves) who had won the city of ITHOME. But when the ATHENIANS were come, the LACEDÆMONIANS were afraid of the great power they had brought, and of their boldness beside: wherefore they sent them back again, and would not employ them of all other their confederates that came to their succour, because they knew them to be men very tickle, desiring change and alterations. The ATHENIANS returned home, misliking much that they were sent back again: insomuch as ever after they hated them that favoured the LACEDÆMONIANS in any thing. And for the LACEDÆMONIANS sake therefore, taking a small occasion of offence against Cimon, they banished him out of their country for ten years: Cimon banished for 10. years. which was the full term appointed and limited unto them that were banished with the Ostracismon banishment. Now within the term of these ten years, the LACEDÆMONIANS fortuned to undertake the delivery of the city of DELPHES, from the servitude and bondage of the PHOCIANS, and to put them from the custody and keeping of the temple of Apollo, which is in the said city. Wherefore, to obtain their desire and purpose, they came to plant their camp near unto the city of TANAGRE in PHOCIDE, where the ATHENIANS went to fight with them. Cimon understanding this, although he was in exile, came to the ATHENIANS camp armed, with intent to do his duty to fight with his country men against the LACEDÆMONIANS, and so went into the bands of the tribe Oeneide, of the which he was himself. But his own country enemies cried out against him, and said, that he was come to none other end, but to trouble the order of their battle, of intent that he might afterwards bring them to the city self of ATHENS. Whereupon the great counsel of the five hundred men were afraid, and sent to the Captains to command them they should not receive him into the battle: so that Cimon was compelled to depart the camp. But before he went, he prayed Euthippus ANAPHLYSTIAN, and his other friends that were suspected as himself was, to favour the LACEDÆMONIANS doings: that they should do their best endeavour to fight valiantly against their enemies, to th'intent their good service at that battle might purge their innocency towards their country men: and so they did. For the ATHENIANS keeping the soldiers Cimon had brought with him, which were a hundred in all, they set them apart by themselves in a squadron, and fought it so valiantly and desperately, that they were slain every man of them in the field, leaving the ATHENIANS marvelous sorry for them, and repenting them that they had so unjustly mistrusted them as traitors to their country. Wherefore they kept not their malice long against Cimon, partly as I am persuaded, because they called his former good service to mind which he had done to their country aforetime, and partly also, because the necessity of the time so required it. For the ATHENIANS having lost a great battle before TANAGRE, looked for no other about the spring of the year, but that the PELOPONNESIANS would invade them with a great power: wherefore, they revoked Cimons' banishment by decree, Cimon called from exile. whereof Pericles self was the only author & procurer. So civil and temperate were men's enmities at that time, regarding the common benefit of their public state and weal: and so much did their ambition (being the most vehement passion of all other, and that most troubleth men's minds) give place, and yield to the necessities and affairs of the common weal. Now when Cimon was again returned to ATHENS, he strait pacified the war, & reconciled both cities together. And when he saw that the ATHENIANS could not live in peace, but would be doing still, and enlarge their dominions by war, for lukers' sake: to prevent them that they should not fall out with any of the GRECIANS, nor by scouring and coasting up and down the country of PELOPONNESUS, and the Isles of GRAECE, with so great a navy, should move occasion of civil wars amongst the GRECIANS, or of complaints unto their confederates against them: he rigged & armed out two hundred galleys to go again to make war in CYPRUS, & in EGYPT, because he would acquaint the ATHENIANS with the wars of the barbarous people, and thereby make them lawful gainers by the spoils of those their natural born enemies. But when all things were in readiness to depart, and the army priest to ship and sail away: Cimon dreaming in the night had this vision. Cimons' dream. It seemed unto him that he saw a bitch angry with him, and barking earnestly at him, & that in the midst of her barking, she spoke with a man's voice, and said unto him: Come hardily, spare not: for if thou come by me, My whelps, and I which here do stand, will quickly welcome thee. This vision being very hard to interpret, Astyphilus borne in the city of POSIDONIA, a man expert in such conjectures, and Cimons' familiar friend, told him that this vision did betoken his death, expounding it in this sort. The interpretation of the dream. The dog commonly is an enemy to him he barketh at. Again, nothing gladdeth our enemy more, then to hear of our death. Furthermore, the mingling of a man's voice with the barking of a bitch, signifieth nothing else, but an enemy of the MEDES: Cimons' death prognosticated. because the army of the MEDES is mingled with the barbarous people and the GRECIANS together. Besides this vision, as he did sacrifice to the god Bacchus, the Priest opening the beast after it was sacrificed, about the blood that fell to the ground, there assembled a swarm of ants, which carried the congealed blood of from the ground by little and little, and laid it all about Cimons' great toe, a great while together before any man marked it: Cimon at the last spied it by chance, and as he was looking of them to mark what they did, the minister of the sacrifice brought the beasts liver that was sacrificed, to show him, whereof the biggest end that they call the head was lacking, and this they judged for a very ill token. Notwithstanding, having all things ready for preparation of this journey, so as he could not well goebacke, he launched into the sea, and hoist sail, and sending three score of his galleys into EGYPT, sailed with the rest upon the coast of PAMPYTLIA. Where he wan a battle by sea of the king of PERSIA, overcoming the galleys of the Phoenicians and the CILICIANS, and conquered all the cities thereabouts, making the way very open to enter into EGYPT. For he had no small thoughts in his mind, but reached to high enterprises, and determined utterly to destroy the whole Empire of the mighty king of PERSIA, and specially for that he understood Themistocles was in marvelous credit and reputation amongst the barbarous people, because he had promised the king of PERSIA to lead his army for him, and to do him notable service whensoever he should have occasion to war with the GRECIANS. It is thought this was the chief cause that made Themistocles poison himself, The cause of Themistocles willing death. because he despaired that he could not perform that service against GRAECE which he had promised: assuring himself that it was no easy matter to vanquish Cimon courage, and good fortune, who lay at that time with his army all alongst the isle of CYPRUS, promising himself great matters at that instant. But in the mean season, Cimon sent certain of his men unto the oracle of jupiter Ammon, to ask him some secret question: for no man ever knew neither then nor since, for what cause he had sent them thither, neither did they also bring back any answer. For they were no sooner come thither, but the oracle commanded them strait to return: saying unto them, that Cimon was then coming to him. So Cimons' men receiving this answer, left the oracle, and took their journey back to the seawards. Now when they were comen again to the GRECIANS camp, which at that present lay in EGYPT, they heard that Cimon was departed this world: The death of Cimon. and reckoning the days sense his death, with the instant of their answer received by the oracle, that Cimon was then coming unto him: they knew strait that darkly he had signified his death unto them, and that, at that very time he was with the gods. He died at the siege of the city of CITIUM in CYPRUS, as some report, or else of a hurt he received at a skirmish, as other hold opinion. When he died, he commanded them that were under his charge, to return into their country again, and in no case to publish his death: which commandment was so wisely and cunningly handled, that they all came home safe, and not an enemy, nor any of their confederates that once understood any thing of it. So was the army of the GRECIANS governed and led by Cimon, though himself was dead, Cimons' death kept very secret. the space of thirty days, as Phanodemus writeth: But after his death, there was no GRECIAN Captain that did any notable thing worthy of fame against the barbarous people, Not famous act done by any Grecians to the barbarous people, after Cimons' death. because the Orators and governors of the chiefest cities of GRAECE stirred them up one against an other, and there was no man that would once step in as a mediator to make peace between them. And thus the GRECIANS now did one destroy and spoil an other by civil war amongst themselves: which happily gave the king of PERSIA leisure and time to restore himself again, and contrarily was cause of such utter ruin and destruction of the whole power and force of GRAECE, as no tongue can well express. In deed a long time after, king Agesilaus came with an army of the GRECIANS into ASIA, and began a small war against the lieutenants of the king of persia's governors of the lower countries of ASIA. But before he could do any notable exploit, he was called home again by occasion of new troubles and civil wars rising among the GRECIANS, and compelled to return into his country, leaving the treasurers of the king of PERSIA, raising of subsidies and taxes upon the cities of the GRECIANS in ASIA, although they were confederates of the LACEDÆMONIANS. Whereas in the time that Cimon governed, they never saw any of the kings sergeants at arms, or commissioner, that brought any letters patents or commandment from the king, or any soldier that durst come near the sea, by forty furlongs. The tombs which they call unto this present day Cimonia, do witness that his ashes and bones were brought unto ATHENS. Nevertheless, they of the city of CITIUM do honour a certain tomb, which they say is Cimons' tomb: Cimons' monuments at Athens. because that in a great dearth and barrenness of the earth, they had an oracle that commanded them, not to neglect Cimons, as the Orator Nansicrates writeth it, but to honour and reverence him as a god. Such was the life of this GRECIAN Captain. The end of Cimons' life. THE LIFE OF Lucius Lucullus. AS for Lucullus, Lucullus parents. his grandfather was a Consul, and so was Metellus (surnamed Numidirus, because of his conquest of NUMIDIA) his uncle by the mother's side. His father notwithstanding was convict of felony, for robbing the treasure of the state whilst he was officer: and Caecilia his mother was reported to have led an unchaste life. But for Lucullus self, before he bore office, or rule in matters of state: the first thing he touched and took in hand for the cause of his country was, thaccusation of Servilius the soothsayer (who before had accused his father) Lucullus accuseth Servilius the Soothsayer. for that he also had dealt falsely in his office, and deceived the common wealth. And this the ROMANS thought very well handled of him, insomuch as a pretty while after there was no other talk in ROME but of that matter, as though it had been a notable valiant act done by him. For otherwise, though privately they had no just occasion, yet they thought it a noble deed to accuse the wicked, The Romans thought it a noble deed to accuse the wicked. and it pleased them as much to see the young men put law breakers in suit, as to see a notable good course of a dog at a hare. Howbeit there followed such stir and banding upon this suit, that some were very sore hurt, and other slain in the market place: but in fine, Servilius was cleared and quite dismissed. Lucullus was very eloquent, Lucullus eloquence. well spoken, and excellently well learned in the Greek and Latin tongue: insomuch as Sylla dedicated unto him the commentaries of all his doings which himself had collected, as to one that could better frame a whole history thereof, and couch it more eloquently together in writing. For he had not only a ready tongue to utter that he would speak, and plead his matters with great eloquence, as other be seen to do, having matters of suit or open audience. Like tonny fish they be, which swiftly dive and doppe, Into the depth of Ocean sea, withouten stay or stop: But afterwards also when ye take them out of their common practice and pleadings, Then are they gravelled strait withouten grace or skill, Their eloquence lies then in dyke, and they themselves be still. For Lucullus had studied humanity from his youth, and was well learned in all the liberal sciences: but when he came to elder years, to refresh his wit (after great troubles) he fell to the study of Philosophy, Lucullus studied Philosophy in his latter time. which quickened the contemplative part of his soul, & mortified, or at the lest betimes bridled the ambitious and active part, specially after the dissension betwixt him and Pompey. But to acquaint you better with his learning yet, it is said, that when he was a young man, he laid a great wager with Hortensius the Orator, and Sisenna the historiographer (in jest as it were at the first, but afterwards it fell to good earnest) that he would writ the breviary of the wars of MARSICUM in verse or proof, in the Latin or Greek tongue, which soever fell to his lot: and I think his hap was to do it in prose in the Greek tongue, Lucullus book of the war of the Marsians, in Greek. because we find a little Greek story extant of the wars of the ROMANS against the MARSIANS. He dearly loved his brother Marcus Lucullus, as appeared by many manifest proofs: but the chiefest and most noted proof among the ROMANS was this. Himself was elder than his brother Marcus, and yet for all that would never sue to bear office in the common wealth, Lucullus love to his brother Marcus. nor accept any before his brother, but tarried always till he should be chosen, and let his own time pass over. This great courtesy to his brother so wan the people's hearts, as Lucius being absent, they chose him AEdilis, Lucius, & M. Lucul●us both chosen AEdiles. and his brother Marcus with him for his sake. He was in the flower of his youth in the time of the MARSIANS wars, wherein he did many wise and valiant deeds. The cause notwithstanding that moved Sylla to make choice of him, was rather for his constancy, & good courteous nature, then for any other respect. For when Sylla had once won him, he ever after employed him continually in his most weighty causes: as in a commission specially, he gave him to coin money. Sylla gave Lucullus commission to coin money in Peloponnesus. For in deed part of the money that Sylla spent in the wars against king Mithridates, was coined by Lucullus commandment within the country of PELOPONNESUS: whereupon they were called Lucullian pieces, and were currant a long time amongst the soldiers, to buy such things as they stood in need of, and never refused by any. Sylla being afterwards at ATHENS, the stronger by land, but the weaker by sea, so as his enemies cut of his victuals from him: sent Lucullus into EGYPT and LIBYA to bring him such ships as he found in those parts. It was in the deep of winter, and yet he spared not to sail with three brigantines of GREECE, and as many galliots of the RHODIANS, putting himself not only to the danger of the sea in so long a voyage, but of his enemies in like manner: who knowing themselves to be the stronger, went sailing every where with a great navy. But for all these dangers, he first arrived in the isle of CRETA, and wan their goodwilles. From thence went to the city of CYRENE, where he found the inhabitants turmoiled with civil wars, and continual oppressions of tyrants: from which troubles he delivered them, Lucullus giveth laws to the Cyreniā●. and gave them laws to establish government amongst them, putting them in remembrance of Plato's words spoken to their ancestors in old time, in the spirit of a prophecy. For when they prayed Plato to writ them laws, and to appoint them some form of government for their common wealth, he made them answer: it was a hard thing to give laws to so rich and fortunate people as they were. For to say truly, A notable saying of Plato. as nothing is harder to be ruled, than a rich man: so contrarily, nothing readier to receive counsel and government, than a man in adversity. This lesson framed the CYRENIANS at that time to be more civil and obedient to the laws Lucullus gave them. When he departed thence, he coasted towards EGYPT, where he lost the more part of his ships by pirates: but for his own person, scaping their hands, he was very honourably received in the city of ALEXANDRIA. For all the kings army came to meet him at sea, gallantly trimmed and appointed, as they were wont to welcome home the king when he returned from any voyage by sea: Lucullus journey into Egypt. and king ptolemy himself being very young at that time, gave him as honourable entertainment as he possible could. For amongst other honours that he did him, he lodged him in his court, and defrayed his ordinary diet, where never strange Captain was lodged before: and did not only spend the ordinary allowance in feasting of him which he used unto others, but commanded four times as much provision more to be made as he had before. Notwithstanding, Lucullus took no more than reasonable was for his person: nor yet would he receive any manner, gift although the king had sent him presents to the value of four score talents. And which more is, would not so much as go see the city of MEMPHIS, nor any other of the famous monuments and wonderful sights in EGYPT, saying: that it was for a man that traveled up and down for his pleasure, and had leisure withal, to see such things, but not for him that had left his Captain in the field, at the siege of the walls of his enemies. To conclude, this young king ptolemy would in no case fall in friendship with Sylla, A notable rich entered given Lucullus by king ptolemy. Lucullus doings under Sylla by sea. fearing lest he should thereby put himself into wars: but gave him men and ships 〈…〉 bring him into CYPRUS. And as he was ready to embark, the king bidding him farewell, and embracing him, gave him a goodly rich emerod set in gold, which Lucullus at the first refused until the king showed him his picture graven in it: Lucullus stratagem. and then accepted the gift, fearing lest the utter refusal might 'cause the king think he went away discontented, and should perhaps therefore lay an ambush by sea for him. Thus having gotten a certain number of ships together of the port towns thereabouts, over and beside such as the pirates and sea rovers had hidden, being part of their spoils, and bestowed with their receitors: went on with them into CYPRUS, where he understood that his enemies lay close in certain creeks under the foreland, watching to board him as he sailed by. Whereupon he unrigged and bestowed his ships in docks, and sent word to all the port towns thereabouts, that he was determined to winter there: and therefore willed them to provide him victuals & other necessary munition to be in readiness against the spring. But in the mean while, when he saw time convenient, he put his whole fleet again to the sea with all possible speed, went himself away, and in the day time carried a low sail, but in the night packed on all the cloth he could for life: so that by this crafty fetch, he wan RHODES, and lost not one ship. The RHODIANS they also furnished him with ships: & besides them, he so persuaded the GNIDIANS and the inhabitants of the isle of Co, that they forsook king Mithridates, and went to make wars with him against them of the isle of SAMOS. But Lucullus himself alone drove kings Mithridates men out of CHIO, restored the COLOPHONIANS again to liberty: and took Epigonus the tyrant prisoner, who had kept them in bondage. Now about that time, Mithridates was compelled to forsake the city of PERGAMUM, and to retire to the city of PITANE, within the which Fimbria kept him besieged very straightly by land. Fimbria besieged Mithridates in Pitane. Wherefore Mithridates having the sea open upon him, sent for his force and navy out of all parts, not daring to hazard battle against Fimbria, who was very valiant, of a venturous nature, & at that time moreover was himself a conqueror. Fimbria perceiving what Mithridates meant, and having no power by sea of his own: sent strait to Lucullus to request him to come with his navy into those parts to his aid, for thovercoming of this king, the greatest and most cruel enemy that ever the ROMAN people had. Because that so notable a pray, which they followed with such danger and trouble, should not escape the ROMANS, while they had him in their hands, and was come himself within their danger: and that therefore he should so much the more hearken unto it, because that if it fortuned Mithridates to be taken, no man should win more honour and glory by his taking, than he that had stopped his passage, and laid hands on him, even as he thought to have fled. And thereby should the praise of this noble victory run in equality between them both: the one that had driven him from land, and the other that had stopped his passage by sea. And furthermore, that the ROMANS would nothing regard all the famous battles and victories of Sylla in GRAECE, which he had won before the cities of CHAERONEA and ORCHOMENE: in comparison of taking the king. This was th'effect of Fimbriaes' message sent unto Lucullus, wherein there was nothing, in the which there was not great likely hood. For there is no man that can doubt of it, but if Lucullus would have believed him at that time (and have gone thither with his ships to stop the havens mouth of the city, in the which Mithridates was besieged, considering also that he was so near at hand) this war had taken end there, and the world beside had then been delivered of infinite troubles which fell out afterwards. But, whether Lucullus preferred the consideration and respect he had unto Sylla, whose Lieutenant he was, before all other due regard of private or common benefit: or that he detested and abhorred Fimbria as a cursed person, who not long before had through his wicked ambition imbrued his hands on the blood of his Captain: or else that it was through the secret providence and permission of the gods that he spared Mithridates at that time, to the end he might be reserved as a worthy enemy, against whom he might afterwards show his valour: howsoever it was, it so fell out that he hearkened not unto Fimbriaes' message, but gave Mithridates' time and leisure to fly, and finally to scorn all Fimbriaes' force and power. But Lucullus self alone afterwards overcame the kings army by sea, Lucullus would not aid Fimbria in besieging Mithridates. Neoptolemus king Mithridates' Lieutenant by sea. once near unto the head of Lectum, which is on the coast of TROADE: and an other time near unto the isle of TENEDOS, where Neoptolemus, Mithridates' Lieutenant by sea, lay in wait for him with a far greater number of ships than he had. And yet so soon as Lucullus had descried him, he sailed before all his navy being Admiral, in a galley of the RHODES, at five oars to a bank, whereof one Demagoras was master, a man well affected to the service of the ROMANS, and very skilful in battle by sea. And when Neoptolemus on the other side rowed against him with great force, commanding his pilot that he should so order his galley, that he might stem him right in the prow: Demagoras fearing the full meeting of the kings galley which was very strong and heavy, and furthermore well armed with points and spurs of brass before, durst not encounter her with his prow, but nimbly made his galley to wind about, & turned his poop towards him. Whereby the galley being low at that end, received the blow without hurt, considering that they hit upon the dead works, and those parts which are always above water. In the mean time Lucullus other ships were come, Lucullus put to flight Neoptolemus Mithridates Lieutenant by sea. who commanding his master to turn the beakehead of his galley forward, did many famous acts: so that he made his enemies fly, and drove Neoptolemus away. And departing from thence, went to seek out Sylla even as he was ready to pass over the seas, about CHERHONESUS: holp him to waft his army, and so passed him over with safety. Afterwards when peace was concluded, and that king Mithridates was comen into his realm and countries again, which lie upon the sea Maior: Sylla condemned the province of ASIA to pay the sum of twenty thousand talents for a fine, by reason of their rebellion. And for levying of this fine, left Lucullus there with commission to coin money: which was a great comfort and hearts ease unto the cities of ASIA, considering the extremity that Sylla had used towards them. For in so grievous and odious a commission unto them all, as that was: Lucullus did not only behave himself uprightly and justly, but also very favourably and courteously. For, as touching the MITYLENIANS that were openly in arms against him, he was very willing they should know their fault, and that for satisfaction of th'offence they had committed taking Marius' part, they should suffer some light punishment. And seeing that they were furiously bend to continue in their naughtiness, he went against them, and having overcome them in battle, compelled them to keep within their walls, and laid siege unto their city, where he used this policy with them. At none days he launched into the sea, in the view of all the MITYLENIANS, and sailed towards the city of ELEA: Lucullus stratagea●ia as the siege of the Mitylenians. howbeit in the night time secretly returned back, and making no noise, laid an ambush near unto the city. The MITYLENIANS mistrusting nothing, went out the next morning very rashly without order, & without any manner watch or ward, to spoil the camp of the ROMANS, supposing every man had been gone: but Lucullus coming suddenly upon them, took a great number prisoners, slew about five hundred such as resisted, and wan six thousand slaves, with an infinite quantity of other spoil. Now did the gods happily preserve Lucullus, that he was no partaker at that time of the wonderful miseries and troubles, which Sylla and Marius made poor ITALY suffer, even then when he was occupied in the wars of ASIA: and yet notwithstanding his absence, he was in as good credit and favour with Sylla, as any of his friends about him. Lucullus honoured of Sylla. For as we have said before, he dedicated his commentaries unto him, for the goodwill he bore him, and by his last will and testament appointed him Tutor unto his son, leaving Pompey out: which seemeth to be the first occasion of the quarrel and grudge that fell out afterwards between them, The first occasion of quarrel, bentwext Pompey and Lucullus. because they were both young men, and vehemently desirous of honour. Shortly after the death of Sylla, Lucullus was chosen Consul with Marcus Cotta, about the three score olympiad: and then they began to revive the matter again, that it was very needful to make wars against Mithridates, and specially Marcus Cotta, Lucullus, M. Cossa Consuls. who gave out that it was not ended, but only slept for a while. Wherefore, when the Consuls came to draw lots what provinces they should take charge of, Lacullus was marvelous sorry that the province of GAUL, lying between the Alps and ITALY, fell to his lot: because he thought it no country wherein any great exploits were to be done, and again, the glory of Pompey grieved him greatly, whose honour daily increased by the famous battles he won in SPAIN. So that it was most certain, that so soon as Pompey had ended the wars there, they would have chosen him general in the wars against Mithridates. Wherefore, when Pompey sent to ROME in earnest manner, to require money to make pay to his soldiers, writing to the Senate, that if they did not sand him money the sooner, he would leave Sertorius there, SPAIN behind him, and bring his army back into ITALY: Lucullus made all the means he could to have it quickly sent him, fearing lest he should return into ITALY upon any occasion, while he was Consul. For he thought that if he returned again to ROME with so great an army, he would easily do what him list: and the rather, because that Cethegus and he could not agreed, who at that time bore all the sway and rule at ROME, because he spoke and did all that pleased the common people, being a vicious liver, Cethegus a vicious liver. and dissolutely given, for which cause Lucullus hated him. But there was an other common Orator among the people called Lucius Quintius, Lucius Quintius, a seairious Orator at Rome. and he would have had all Sulla's: doings revoked and broken: a matter to altar even the whole state of the common wealth, and to turmoil the city of ROME again with civil dissension, which then lived quietly and in good peace. This Lucius Quintius Lucullus talked withal a part to persuade him, and openly reproved him with such words, that he was dissuaded from his evil purpose, & by reason ruled his rash ambition, handling it both wisely and as cunningly as he could possible (for the safety of the common wealth) because it was the beginning of a disease, from whence infinite troubles were like to grow. While these things were thus in hand, news came that Octanius the governor of CILICIA was dead. Strait whereupon many put forward themselves to sue for this charge, & to court Cethegus, as the only man who above all other might make any man officer whom he thought good. Now for Lucullus, he made no great reckoning of the government of CILICIA in respect of the country, but because CAPPADOCIA was hard adjoining to it, and persuading himself that if he could obtain the government thereof, they would give none other (but himself) the authority to make wars with Mithridates he determined to procure all the means he could, Lucullus ambition to make wars against king Mithridates. that none should have it but himself. And having proved sundry ways, was compelled in the end, against his own nature, to practise a mean neither comely nor honest, and yet the readiest way he could possibly devise to obtain his desire. There was a woman in ROME at that time called Praecia, Praecia a famous courtesan of Rome. very famous for her passing beauty, and also for her pleasant grace in talk and discourse, howbeit otherwise unchaste after courtesan manner. But because she employed the credit & favour of them that frequented her company, to the benefit and service of the common wealth, and of them that loved her: she wan the report (besides her other excellent commendable graces) to be a very loving woman, and ready to favour and further any good enterprise, and it wan her great fame and reputation. But after she had once won Cethegus, Cethegus ruled all Rome. (who ruled all the common wealth at his pleasure) and brought him to be so far in fancy with her, that he could not be out of her sight: then had she all the whole power & authority of ROME in her hands, for the people did nothing but Cethegus preferred it, and Cethegus did what ever Praecia would will him to. Thus Lucullus sought to come in favour with her, sending her many presents, and using all other courtesies he could offer unto her: beside that it seemed a great reward for so proud & ambitious a woman as she, to be sued unto by such a man as Lucullus was, who by this means came to have Cethegus at his commandment. For Cethegus did nothing but commend Lucullus in all assemblies of the people, to procure him the government of CICILIA who after it was once granted him, The government of Cilicia & the wars against king Mithridates were given to Lucullus. had then no need of the help neither of Praecia, nor yet of Cethegus. For the people wholly of themselves with one consent did grant him the charge to make war with Mithridates, because he knew better how to overcome him, than any other Captain, and because that Pompey was in the wars with Sertorius in SPAIN, and Metellus also grown too old, both which two were the only men that could deservedly have contented for this office with him. Nevertheless, Marcus Cotta his fellow Consul, made such suit to the Senate, that they sent him also with an army by sea, to keep the coasts of PROPONTIDE, and to defend the country of BYTHINIA. Thus, Lucullus having his commission, went into ASIA with one legion only, the which he levied a new at ROME: & when he was come thither, he took the rest of the strength he found there, which were men marred and corrupted altogether of long time, through covetousness and delicacy of the country. For amongst others, were the bands which they called the Fimbrian bands, men given over to self will, and very ill to be ruled by marshall discipline, because they had lived a long time at their own liberty, without all obedience to any man. They were those self soldiers that together with Fimbria, Fimbrian soldiers very dissolute and corrupted. slew their general Flaccus, Consul of the ROMAN people, and that afterwards betrayed Fimbria himself, and forsook him, leaving him unto Sylla, being mutineers, traitors, and wicked people: howbeit otherwise very vallyant, well trained, and painful soldiers. Notwithstanding, Lucullus in short time bridled their boldness meetly well, and reformed the others also, who before had never proved (in my opinion) what the value of a good Captain and General meant, that knew how to command: but were used to flattering leaders, that commanded the soldiers no more than they themselves liked of. Now concerning the state of the enemies, thus it was with them. Mithridates Mithridates' army against Lucullus. that in the beginning was very brave and bold (as these flourishing Sophisters commonly are) undertaking war against the ROMANS; with a vain unprofitable army, but passing fresh and sumptuous to the eye: but after that he was once foiled and overcome with no less shame than loss, when he came to make this second war, he cut of all superfluous pomp, and brought his army into a convenient furniture to serve for wars at all assays. For he put by the confused multitude of sundry nations, the fierce threatenings of the barbarous people in so many sundry tongues, and clearly banished also the rich graven armours with goldesmythes work, and set with precious stones, as things that more enriched the enemies that wan them, than gave strength or courage to those that ware them. And contrariwise, caused long stiff swords to be made after the ROMAN fashion, and great heavy shields, and brought to the field a marvelous number of horse, Mithridates' army. more ready for service, then rich in furniture. Then he joined six score thousand footmen together, appointed & set in order like unto the battle of the ROMANS, with sixteen thousand horse of service, besides those that drew his armed carts with siethes about, which were in all to the number of a hundred. And besides all this land preparation, he brought also a great number of ships and galleys together, which were not decked with goodly golden pavilions, as at the first, neither with stooves nor baths, nor with chambers and cabbons, curiously hanged for Ladies and gentlewomen: but furnished full of armour, artillery, and slings, and with money also to pay the soldiers. With all this army and preparation, he went first to invade BYTHINIA, where the cities received him very gladly, & not those only, but all the other cities of ASIA wholly: the which were fallen again into their former miseries and diseases, Asia fell know former miseries by the Roman usurers. by the cruelty of the ROMAN farmers and usurers, who raising taxes and impostes upon them, made them abide untolerable things. It is true that Lucullus drove them away afterwards, like the Harpyaes, which took the meat out of the poor men's mouths: howbeit at that time he did no more, but brought them to be more reasonable by the persuasions he used unto them, and qualified a little the inclination of the people unto rebellion, being every one of them in manner willing to revolt. Now Lucullus being busy about these matters, Marcus Cotta the other Consul (and his companion) supposing that the absence of Lucullus was a fit occasion offered him to do notable service, Cotta the Consul overcome by Mithridates in battle. prepared to fight with Mithridates. And although he had news brought him from sundry places, that Lucullus was with his army in PHRYGIA, and coming towards him: yet notwithstanding, imagining that he had the honour of triumph assured already in his hands, and because Lucullus should be no partaker of it, he advanced forwards to give battle. But Mithridates overcame him both by sea and by land: so that Cotta by sea lost three score of his ships with all the men in them, four thousand footmen by land, and was after with shame shut up and besieged in the city of CHALCEDON, remaining there hopeless to escape, but by Lucullus only aid and means. Howbeit there were in Lucullus camp, that were very earnest with him to leave Cotta, and to go further, assuring him that he should find the realm of Mithridates both without men of war, or any defence at all: so that he might easily be Lord of the whole. And these were the words of the soldiers that spited Cotta, because his foolish rashness and fond imagination had not only brought those men to the shambles to be slain and cast away, whom he had the leading of: but had let them also, that they could not overcome him, and end this war without blows, for that they were driven to go to his help. Howbeit Lucullus making an Oration unto them, The godly saying of Lucullus for the saving of a citizen. answered, that he had rather save the life of one ROMAN citizen, then win all that his enemies had in their power. And when Archelaus, (who had been Mithridates' Lieutenant in BOEOTIA in the first wars against Sylla, and now in this second war took part with the ROMANS) assured him that so soon as they saw him in the realm of PONTUS, they would all rise against Mithridates, and yield themselves unto him: Lucullus answered him thus, Lucullus arm. that he would not show himself more fearful, than the good hunters which never suffer the beast to recover his den. And when he had so said, he marched with his army towards Mithridates, having in all his camp thirty thousand footmen, and two thousand five hundred horse. When he came so near unto his enemies, that he might easily at eye discern all their host, he wondered at the great multitude of soldiers that were in their camp, and was in mind to give battle, supposing yet that the better way was to prolong time, and draw these wars out in length. But one Marius a ROMAN Captain, whom Sertorius had sent out of SPAIN unto Mithridates with a certain number of soldiers: came forwards, and provoked him to battle. Lucullus for his part did put his men also in a readiness to fight. But even as both battles were prepared to join, the element opened upon the sudden, without any show of change of weather discerned before, and they plainly saw a great flake of fire fall between both armies, A flame of fire fall between both armies, out of the element. in form and shape much like to a ton, and of the colour of molten silver. This celestial sign put both th'armies in such a fear, as they both retired, and fought not a stroke: and this wonderful sight fortuned (as it appeared) in a place of PHRYGIA, called Otryes. Now Lucullus afterwards considering with himself, that there was no riches nor provision so great in the world, that could suffice to victual so many thousands of people as Mithridates had in his camp any long time together, having his enemy's camp so lying before them: Lucullus politic consideration to dissipher the enemy. willed that one of the prisoners should be brought into his tent, and first of all he inquired of him, how many of them lay together in a cabin, than what corn he had left in their cabin. And when the prisoner had answered to all his demands, he returned him to prison, and sent for an other: then for a third, and questioned with them all as he had done with the first. Then comparing the store of their corn, and other proportion of victuals they had, with the number of men the same should maintain: he found that all would be spent in three or four days at thurmost. Whereupon he relied on his first determination, to delay time without hazard of battle. So he caused a marvelous deal of wheat to be brought into his camp out of evetis quarter, that the same being thoroughly vittelled, he might easily tarry the occasion which his enemy's necessity should offer him. Mithridates in the mean time, sought which way he might take the city of the CYZICENIANS, who had been overthrown before with Cotta at the battle of CHALCEDON, where they had lost three thousand men, and ten of their ships. And because that Lucullus should not understand of his enterprise, Mithridates' stolen away by night after supper, taking the opportunity of a dark rainy night, and marched thitherwards with such speed, that he was before the city of CYZICUS by break of day, Mithridates besiegeth Cyzicus. and pitched his camp, where the temple of the goddess Adrastia standeth, which is the goddess of fatal destiny. Lucullus receiving intelligence of Mithridates departure from his camp, followed him strait ways step by step, and being glad that he was not met withal of his enemies in disorder, lodged his army in a village called THRACIA, in a place of great advantage for him, and commodiously seated also upon the high ways, and through fare of the neighbours thereabouts, by the which they must come of necessity to vittel Mithridates' camp. Wherefore Lucullus wisely foreseeing what would follow: would not keep his purpose secret from his soldiers, but after he had well trenched and fortified his camp, called them to counsel, and there making an oration unto them, told them openly by manifest demonstration of assured hope, that ere many days passed, he would give victory into their hands, and that without loss of one drop of blood. In the mean season, Mithridates environed the GRECIANS round about by land, having divided his army into ten camps, & stopped up the mouth of the arm of the sea, which divideth the city from firm land, with his ships from one side to an other. Now the CYZICENIANS were valiant men, and determined to abide all extremity for the ROMANS sakes: but one thing only troubled them much, that they knew not what was become of Lucullus, neither could they hear any news of him, though his camp stood in such a place, where they might easily decern it from the city. But Mithridates soldiers deceived them, for showing them the ROMANS camp that lay above hard by them, said unto them: do ye see yonder camp there? They are the MEDES, and the ARMENIANS, whom Tigranes hath sent to the aid of Mithridates. The stratagem of Mithridates soldiers. These words put the CYZICENIANS in a marvelous fear, seeing such a multitude of enemies dispersed round about them: that when Lucullus should come to their aid, he could not well tell which way to pass. Yet at the length they heard of Lucullus approach, by one called Demonax, whom Archelaus sent unto them, but they would not believe him at the first, taking it for a tale, only to make them be of good courage, and valiantly abide the fury of the siege: until such time as a little boy of theirs, escaped from the enemies that before had taken him prisoner, was come again unto them. Of whom they enquired where Lucullus was: the boy laughed at them, thinking they ●easted to ask that question of him. But when he saw they were in good earnest, he showed them the ROMANS camp with his finger: then they believed it in deed, and were courageous again. There is a lake near unto the city of CYZICUS called Dascylitide, and it is navigable with convenient big boats. Lucullus took one of the greatest of them, put it in a cart, and so carried it to the sea, and there put as many soldiers in her as she could well carry, who by night entered into the city, the scout of the enemies never discoying them. This small supply did marvelously comfort the besieged CYZICENIANS: and it seemeth that the gods, delighting to see their noble courage, would further increase and assure the same, by many manifest tokens which they sent from heaven, and specially by one which was this. The day of the feast of Proserpina was at hand, and the citizens had never a black cow to offer in solemn sacrifice, as their ancient ceremonies required: so they made one of paste, & brought it hard unto the altar. A wonderful token of a cow that came to offer herself to the Cizicenians to be sacrificed. Now, the cow that was vowed to this sacrifice, & which they reered up of purpose to serve for that day, was feeding amongst the heard of the city in the fields, on tother side of the arm of the sea. But that day she kept alone from all the rest of the heard, and swam over the arm of the sea, and came into the city: where she went of herself unto the place of the sacrifice. Furthermore, the goddess Proserpina herself appeared unto Aristagoras in his dream, secretary of the state and common wealth of the CYZICENIANS, and said unto him: Aristagoras vision. I am come hither to bring the flute of LIBYA, against the trumpet of PONT, and therefore tell the citizens from me, that I will them to be of good courage. The next morning when the secretary had told them his vision, the CIZICENIANS marveled much at the goddesses words, and could not imagine what they meant. Howbeit at the break of day there rose a great whistling wind, that made the sea billows rise very high: and the king's engines of battery which were brought to the walls of the city to pluck them down (being wonderful works that one Niconides a THESSALIAN engineer had made and devised) began to make such a noise, and to break in pieces by the roughness of the wind, that a man might easily judge what would follow upon it. Then all at one instant, the southwind was become so vehement big, that in a moment it burst all these engines a sunder, and specially a tower of wood of the height of a hundred cubits, which the wind shook so vehemently, that it overthrew it to the ground. And it is said furthermore, that in the city of ILIUM the goddess Minerva appeared unto diverse in their sleep, all in a sweat, and showing part of her vail torn, as if she had been newly returned from giving aid unto the CYZICENIANS: in confirmation whereof, the inhabitants of ILIUM have a pillar yet unto this day, whereupon this matter is written for a perpetual memory. Now was Mithridates marvelous sorry for the breaking & loss of his engines, by means whereof, the CIZICENIANS had escaped the danger of assault, & of the siege in like manner, until he truly understood of the great famine that was in his camp, Extreme famine in Mithridates' camp. and the extreme dearth to be such, as the soldiers were compelled to eat man's flesh, which (his Captains abusing him) had for a time kept secret from his knowledge. But when he was informed of the troth in deed, he left of his vain ambition obstinately to continue siege: Proverb: He leapt on his belly with both his feet. knowing well that Lucullus made not wars with threats and bravery, but (as the common proverb saith) leapt on his belly with both his feet, that is to say, he did what he could possible to cut of all the victuals from him. And therefore one day when Lucullus was gone to assault a castle that troubled him very near unto his camp: Mithridates because he would not loose that opportunity, sent the most part of his horsemen to get victuals in BYTHINIA, with all his carts, and beasts of carriage, and his most unprofitable footmen. Lucullus hearing thereof, returned again the self same night unto his camp, and the next morning betimes being in the winter season, followed them by the track with ten ensigns of footmen only and all his horsemen. But the snow was so deep, the cold so terrible sharp and the weather so rough, that many of his soldiers not being able to abide it, died by the way. For all that he marched on still, till he overtook his enemies about the river of Rindacus, Rindacus fl.. where he gave them such an overthrow, that the very women came out of the city of APOLLONIA, and went to steal the victuals they had laden, and strip the dead, which were a marvelous great number, as a man may judge in such a case: and nevertheless there were taken six thousand horse of service, an infinite number of beasts for carriage, and fifteen thousand men beside, Lucullus overthrew Mithridates' horsemen. all which spoil he brought to his camp, and passed hard by the camp of his enemies. But I wonder much at the historiographer Sallust, who writing of this matter saith, that here was the first time that ever the ROMANS saw any camels. Me thinks it strange how he should think so, that they who long before had overcomen Antuchus the great under Scipio, and thothers that a little before had fought against Archelaus, near unto the cities of ORCHOMENE and CHAERONEA, should not have seen camels. But to return again to our matter. Mithridates' being feared with this overthrow, resolved with himself immediately to fly, with all the speed he could possibly make: and to entertain and stay Lucullus for a time behind him, determined to send Aristonicus his Admiral with his army by sea, into the sea of GRAECE. But as Aristonicus was ready to hoist sail, his own men betrayed him, and delivered him into the hands of Lucullus, with ten thousand crowns which he carried with him, r corrupt if he could part of the ROMANS army. Mithridates' hearing of this, fled by sea, Mithridates' fled by sea. leaving the rest of his army by land in the hands of his Captains, to be brought away by them as well as they could. Granicus fl. Lucullus overthroweth Mithridates footmen by the river of Granicus. Lucullus followed unto the river of Granicus, where he set upon them, and after he had slain twenty thousand of them, took an infinite number prisoners. And they say there died in that wars, what soldiers, what slaves, what lackeys, and other stragglers that followed the camp, about the number of three hundred thousand people. This done, Lucullus returned to the city of CYZICUS, where after he had spent some days, enjoying the glory due unto him, and received the honourable entertainment of the CYZICENIANS: he went to visit the coast of HELLESPONT, to get ships together, and to prepare an army by sea. And passing by TROADE, they prepared his lodging within the temple of Venus: where, as he slept in the night, it seemed to him he saw the goddess appear before him, which said these verses unto him. Lucullus dream. O Lion fierce, and stout: why sleepest thou so sound? Since at thy hand so fair a pray, is ready to be found. Herewith he rose incontinently out of his bed, being yet dark night, and calling his friends to him, told him the vision he had in his dream: and about that very time also there came some unto him from the city of ILIUM, that brought him news of fifteen galleys of king Mithridates, having five oars to every bank, that were seen in the haven of the ACHAIANS, and that sailed towards the isle of LEMNOS. Whereupon Lucullus took ship strait, went and took them every one: for at his first coming he slew the Captain called Isidorus, and went afterwards to the other mariners that lay at anchor on the coast side, who seeing him come, drew towards land with their ships, in purpose to run them all a shore, and fight above hatches, hurt many of Lucullus soldiers, because they could not compass them in behind, and for that also the place where they had laid their ships was such, as there was no way to force them before, their galleys floating in the sea as they did, and the others being fastened to the land as they were. Lucullus with much a do all this notwithstanding, found means in the end to put a shore certain of the best soldiers he had about him, in a place of the isle where they might easily land. These soldiers went strait and set upon the enemies behind, slew some of them even at their first coming, & compelled the rest to cut a sunder the cables that fastened the galleys to the banks. Lucullus overcame Mithridates' navy by sea. But when they thought to fly from land, the galleys bruised and broke one an other: and that worst of all was, ran upon the points and spurs of Lucullus galleys. And so many of them that stood above hatches were slain, the rest taken prisoners: amongst whom, Marius the ROMAN Captain was brought unto Lucullus, whom Sertorius had sent out of SPAIN unto Mithridates. He had but one eye, and Lucullus had commanded his men before they fought, not to kill any of his enemies that had but one eye: because Marius should not die so happy a death, as to be slain, but that he should die some shameful death, and be condemned by order of law. That done, Lucullus went in person with all the speed he could possible to follow Mithridates, hoping to find him yet upon the coast of BYTHINIA, where Voconius should have stayed him: for he had sent this Voconius before with a certain number of ships unto the city of NICOMEDIA, to stop him from flying. But he tarried so long in the isle of SAMOTHRACIA sacrificing to the gods of the same, and to be received into the fraternity of their religion, that he could never after come near Mithridates to stop him from flying: having already made sail with all the whole fleet, and hasting with all possible speed to recover the realm of PONTUS, before Lucullus could return from whence he went. But in sailing thitherwards, he met with such a terrible storm, that carried part of his ships so away, that they ran straggling to seek their fortune, and part of them split and drowned outright: so that all the coasts and rivers thereabouts, for many days after, were full of dead bodies and shippewrackes cast a shore by waves of the sea. Now for Mithridates own person, Mithridates in great danger upon the sea by tempest. he was in a ship of great burden, the which for her greatness could not sail near the shore, nor recover land, she was also very evil to be guided by the pilots in so boisterous a storm: the mariners beside were put out of all their skill and knowledge, and the ship herself moreover took in such store of water, and was so heavily charged withal, that they durst no more put her out to the sea. By reason whereof Mithridates was compelled to go aboard a little pinase of pirates, and to put himself and his life into their hands, by whose help in the end, (beyond all expectation, but not without great danger) he got to land, and recovered the city of HERACLEA in the realm of PONTUS. Now here is to be noted, that the great bravery Lucullus showed unto the Senate of ROME, fell out according to his imagination by the favour of the gods. For when the Senate had appointed for ending of these wars to prepare a great navy of ships, and therewithal had given order also for three thousand talents: Lucullus stayed them by letters that they should not do it, writing bravely unto them, that without all this charge and great preparation he would be strong enough to drive Mithridates from the sea, with the only ships he would borrow of their friends and confederates. And in deed, Lucullus ambition commendable. through the special favour of the gods, he brought it so to pass: for they say, that this terrible storm that destroyed the army of Mithridates, was raised up by Diana, being offended with the men of the realm of PONTUS, because they had destroyed her temple in the city of PRIAPOS, and had carried away her image. Now there were divers that counseled Lucullus to defer the rest of this war, until an other season: but notwithstanding all their persuasions, he went through the country of GALATIA and BYTHINIA to invade the realm of Mithridates. Lucullus journey into Pontus. In the which voyage, at the first beginning he lacked victuals, so that there were thirty thousand men of GALATIA following his camp, that carried every one of them a bushel of wheat on their shoulders: howbeit entering further into the country, and conquering the whole, there was such exceeding plenty of all things, that an ox was sold in his camp but for a Drachma, An ox bought for a Drachma. & a slave at four times as much. And of all other spoil there was such great store, that either they made no reckoning of it, or else they made havoc of it, because there was no man to cell it unto, every man having so much of his own. For they ran over all the country unto the city of THEMISCYRA, and to the valleys that lay upon the river of Thermodon, and stayed no where longer than they were a spoiling. Thereupon the soldiers began to murmur at Lucullus, The mutiny of Lucullus soldiers. because he assured all the cities upon composition, and never took any of them by force, nor gave them any means to enrich themselves by spoil: and yet said they, he would make us now go further, and leave AMISUS a great rich city which we might easily take by force, if it were but a little straightly besieged, and lead us into the deserts of the TIBARENIANS and the CHALDAEIANS to fight against Mithridates. Lucullus passed over all these complaints, and made no reckoning of them, because he would never have thought that they would have fallen into such mutiny and fury, as afterwards they did: and contrarily excused himself the more carefully to them that blamed & reproved him, for his long tarrying upon towns and villages that were not worth the reckoning, Lucullus oration & excuse to his soldiers. and suffering Mithridates in the mean time to gather a new force and army together at his pleasure. For, said he, that is the mark I shot at, and that maketh me linger time up and down as I do, wishing nothing more, then that he might once again make himself strong, and bring a second army to the field, that might embolden him to come eftsoons to the fight with us, and run away no more. Do you not see, said he, that at his back he hath an infinite number of desert countries, where it is unpossible ever to follow him by the track: and hard by him also the mount Caucasus, and many other unpassable places, which are sufficient not only to hide him alone, but infinite number of other princes and kings besides that would fly battle, and not come to fight? Furthermore, it is but a little way from the country of the CABIRENIANS unto the realm of ARMENIA, where Tigranes the king of kings inhabiteth, whose power is so great, that he driveth the PARTHIANS out of ASIA, and carrieth whole towns and cities of GRAECE unto the realm of MEDIA, who hath all SYRIA and PALESTINE in his hands, and hath slain and rooted out the kings and successors of the great Seleucus, and hath carried away their wives and daughters prisoners by force. This great and mighty king is allied unto Mithridates, for he married Mithridates daughter: and it is not likely that when Mithridates shall come and entreat him to help him in his distress, Tigranes, king of Armenia married Mithridates daughter. that Tigranes will con, refuse him, but rather we must think certainly that he will make wars upon us in his defence. And thus, in making haste to drive out Mithridates, we shall bring ourselves into great danger, to provoke a new enemy, even Tigranes against us, who of long time hath lurked fora just occasion to make wars with us: and he can have no honester cause to take arms, then to defend and keep a king his neighbour, and so near a kinsman, from utter destruction, and one that is compelled to seek upon him for succour. What need we then to provoke him to procure it, and teach Mithridates (which he purposeth not) to whom he should repair for aid, to make wars against ourselves, and prick him forward, or to say better, put him with our own hands into the way to go seek aid of Tigranes: which of himself he will never do, (thinking it a dishonour unto him) unless we drive him to it for very necessity. Is it not better for us to give him leisure and time, to gather a second force again of himself, and his own people, that we might rather fight with the COLCHIANS, TIBARENIANS, CAPPADOCIANS, and with such other people whom we have so many times overcome: then with the MEDES and ARMENIANS? With this determination Lucullus tarried a great while before the city of AMISUS, continuing this siege of purpose, without distressing them at all. Afterwards when winter was past, he left Murena there to continued the siege, and himself with the rest of his army went to meet Mithridates: Mithridates' camped as Cabira. who had planted his camp near unto the city of CABIRA, determining to tarry the ROMANS coming, having gathered together again a new army of forty thousand footmen, and four thousand horsemen, in the which he put his most confidence and trust, Mithridates' arms. Lycus fl.. so that he passed over the river of Lycus, & went and presented battle to the ROMANS in the plain field. There the horsemen skirmished, & the ROMANS had the worse: for there was one Pomponius a ROMAN taken, of great estimation, who was brought unto king Mithridates' hurt as he was. Mithridates asked him, if in saving his life, and healing his wounds, he would become his servant and friend. Strait tcplyed Pomponius, The constancy of a Roman soldier. Lucullus flieth Mithridates horsemen. with all my heart quoth he, so that thou make peace with the ROMANS: if not, I will ever be thine enemy. The king esteemed his courage much, and would do him no hurt. And as for Lucullus, he was afraid to come into the plain, because his enemy was the stronger of horsemen: and he doubted also on tother side to take his way by the mountain, because it was very high, uneasy to climb, and full of woods and forests. But as he stood thus doubtful, they took certain GRECIANS by chance that were fled, and hidden in a cave hard by, among the which there was an old man called Artemidorus, who promised Lucullus if he would believe and follow him, he would bring him into a sure strong place to lodge his camp, where was a castle above the city of CABIRA. Lucullus believed the old man's words, wherefore so soon as night came, he raised great fires in his camp, and went his way: and after they had passed certain strait and dangerous ways of the mountains, he came in the morning unto the place which Artemidorus had promised to bring him. Now the enemies were marvelously amazed when day light came, to see him there over them, in a place where if he list to fight, he might come upon them with advantage: and if he liked not to stir, it was unpossible to compel him. For he stood indifferent then to hazard battle or not. But in the mean season, they say certain of the kings camp by chance were a hunting the heart. The ROMANS perceiving that, fell upon them to cut them of by the way: and they began by this means one to charge an other in such sort, relief growing still from either side, as Mithridates' men grew the stronger. But the ROMANS seeing their men fly from the trenches of their camp above, were in such a rage, that they all ran in a cholter to Lucullus to pray him he would lead them to battle, and give them a signal to fight. Lucullus, because he would show them by experience how much the presence & eye of a good wise Captain in time of need was worth: commanded them they should not once stir, The fight of a General in a battle is of marvelous force. and he himself in person went down into the valley, where he commanded the first of his men he met withal flying, to stay, and return to the fight again with him. Which they presently did, and all the other in like case: and thus gathering them together again, did easily make their enemies return, that before had them in chase, and drove them back, fight with them even hard to their own fort. Afterwards upon his return again to his camp, he set his soldiers that fled, unto a certain piece of work to shame them withal, A politic devise of the Romans to punish cowardly soldiers. which the ROMANS are wont to use in such a case: & that is, that he made them dig a ditch of twelve foot long, being in their shirts, all untrussed, and their other companions present seeing them do it. Now there was in king Mithridates' camp, one Olthacus, prince of the DARDARIANS (which are certain barbarous people dwelling upon the marshes of Maeotin) a noble gentleman of his person, The Dardarians what people they be. vallyant, and skilful in wars, and a man of very good judgement to do any great enterprise as any that was in all the army, and furthermore a prince of great good grace and entertainment in company, knowing how to fashion himself with all men. This prince, being always at strife with other Lords of his country, and contending who should have the first place of honour and favour about the king: went unto Mithridates, & promised him that he would do him notable service, and that was, that he would kill Lucullus. The king was very glad of this promise, and praised him marvelously in secret: howbeit openly of purpose he did him many injuries, because he might have some colour to counterfeit anger and displeasure, and to give way for him to go yield himself unto Lucullus as he did, Lucullus was marvelous glad of him, Lucullus danger by Olthacus conspiracy. because he was one of the chiefest men of name in all his camp, and to prove him withal, gave him charge immediately: in the which he behaved himself so well, that Lucullus greatly esteemed his wisdom, and commended his diligence, in such sort that he did him this honour, to call him sometimes unto the counsel, and make him sit at his board. One day when this DARDARIAN prince Olthacus thought to have found fit occasion to execute his enterprise, Olthacus prince of the Dardarians. he commanded his footmen to be ready with his horse out of the trenches of the camp: and at none days when the soldiers took rest, and slept here and there in the camp, he went unto Lucullus tent, thinking to have found no body there to keep him from coming in, considering the familiarity Lucullus showed him, saying also he had matters of great importance to talk with him of: and sure he had gone in immediately unto him, if sleep that casteth away so many other Captains, had not at that time preserved & saved Lucullus that slept. Lucullus life saved by sleep. For one of the grooms of his chamber called Menedemus, who by good fortune kept the door of the tent, told him that he came in very ill time, because Lucullus being wearied with travel and lack of sleep, was but then newly laid down to rest. Olthacus whatsoever the other said to him, would not be so answered, but told him he would come in whether he would or not, for he must needs speak with him in a matter of great importance. Menedemus answered him again, that nothing could be of greater importance, nor more necessary, than the preservation of his master's life and health, who had need to take rest: and with these words, he thrust him back with both his hands. Olthacus was afraid then, and withdrew himself secretly out of the trenches of the camp, took his horseback and road strait to Mithridates' camp without his purpose he came for, which was 〈…〉 Lucullus. And thus it plainly appeareth, that occasion, and opportunity of time, even in 〈…〉 matters delivereth means, to save or destroy the life of man, like as drugs and medicines given unto the sick and diseased persons. Shortly after, Lucullus sent one of his Captain called Sornatius to get victuals, with ten ensigns of footmen. Whereof Mithridates being advertised, sent presently at his tail one of his Captains also, called Menander, unto whom Sornatius gave battle, and slew him with great slaughter of his men beside. And afterwards Lucullus sent an other of his lieutenants called Adrianus with a great company of soldiers, to get victuals into his camp more than he should need. Mithridates did not let slip this occasion, Lucullus victory of certain of Mithridates' Captains. but sent after him two of his Captains also called Menemachus and Myra●, with a great number of men, as well footmen as horsemen: all which were slain, two only excepted, that brought news back to Mithridates' camp: the which he sought to salve as well as he could, saying that the loss was much less than it was thought for, and that it formed through the ignorance and rashness of his lieutenants. But Adrianus at his return, passed by Mithridates' camp with great pomp and majesty, carrying a huge number of carts laden with corn and spoils he had won: which drove Mithridates' self into so great a despair, & all his people into such a fear and trouble, that he presently determined to remove thence. Whereupon, the nobility and such as had place of credit about him, began to sand before, Mithridates' noble men & familiars, cause of mutiny & overthrow of his whole army. and secretly to convey their stuff out of the camp, but utterly prohibiting others to do the same. The rest of the soldiers seeing the stoutness of the kings minions, began to set upon them with open force, not suffering them on the other side once to issue out of the camp. This mutiny grew to such a fury, that they overthrew their carriages and sumpter moils, and slew them presently down. Amongst others there was slain Dorylaus, one of the chiefest Captains of all their camp, who had nothing about him but a purple gown, for the which they killed him: & Hermaus the Priest of the sacrifices was trodden under foot, and smothered at the camp gate, by reason of the multitude of those that fled in so great disorder. Mithridates flieth. The king himself amongst others fled, but having never a one of his guard about him, nor any of the quiries of his stable to bring him a horse: Ptolemy, one of the grooms of his chamber, perceiving him in the company of them that fled, lighted of his own horse, and gave him the king, but even in manner too late. For the ROMANS that followed him were then even hard at his tail: and it was not for lack of speed they miss the taking of him, for they were very near him: but the covetousness of the soldiers was the loss of the pray they had so long sought for, Covetousness, the overthrow of soldiers. with so great pain and hazard of battles, and deprived Lucullus of the honour and reward of all his victories. For they were so near unto him, that if they had but followed Mithridates never so little further, they had out of doubt overtaken him, and his horse that carried him away. But one of the moils that carried his gold and silver (whether by chance, or of pretended policy of Mithridates, A stratageama of Mithridates. as a matter purposely abandoned to them that pursued him) was found in the midst of the high way betwixt him that fled, & the ROMANS that followed: who stayed there to rob the gold & silver, fight about it, that Mithridates by that means wan ground so far before them, as they could never after come near him again. And this loss was not all which the covetousness of the soldiers made Lucullus to loose. For, one of the chiefest secretaries of the king being taken, called Callistrates, whom Lucullus commanded to be brought unto him to his camp: they that had the charge of him, hearing tell that he had five hundred crowns in a girdle about him, for greediness of them, slew him by the way, and yet notwithstanding Lucullus suffered them to spoil and destroy the whole camp of their enemies. After Mithridates' flight, Lucullus took the city of CABIRA, and many other castles and strong places, where he found great treasure, and the prisons full of poor prisoners of the GRECIANS, & many Princes a kin unto the king himself, which were thought to be dead long before: and then seeing themselves delivered from this miserable bondage, by the grace and benefit of Lucullus, thought with themselves they were not only taken out of prison, but revived & turned again unto a second life. There was also taken one of king Mithridates' sisters called Nissa, whose taking fell out profitable for her because all Mithridates other wives and sisters, whom they placed further of, as out of all danger (and sent into a country of greatest safety, Mithridates slew his sisters and wives near unto the city of PHARMACIA) died pitifully, and were miserably slain. For Mithridates sent one of the grooms of his privy chamber unto them called Bacchides, to bring them word that they must all die. Amongst many other noble Ladies, there were two of the kings sisters, called Roxane & Statira, which were forty years old a piece, & yet had never been married: & two of his wives also whom he had married, both of the country of JONIA, the one called Berenicè, borne in the isle of CHIO, and the other Monimè, in the city of MILETUM. Monimé, she was very famous amongst the GRECIANS: for notwithstanding king Mithridates importunate dealing, being far in love with her, insomuch as he sent her fifteen thousand crowns at one time, yet she would never give care unto his suit, until such time as the marriage was agreed upon between them, and that he had sent her his diadem or royal band, and called her by the name and title of Queen. This poor Lady after the marriage of this barbarous king, had long lived a woeful life, bewailing continually her accursed beauty, that in stead of a husband, had procured her a master: and in stead of the matrimonial company which a noble woman should enjoy, had gotten her a guard and garrison of barbarous men, that kept her as a prisoner, far from the sweet country of GRAECE: in change whereof, she had but a dream and shadow of the hoped goods she looked for, having unfortunately left them within her own country she happily enjoyed before. Now when this Bacchides was come unto them, & had commanded them from the king to choose what manner of death they would, & which every one of them thought most easiest, and least painful: Monimé plucked of the royal band from her head, The courage of Monimé Mithridates wife. and tying it on a knot above her neck, hung herself, but the band not being strong enough, broke incontinently. Whereupon she cried out: O cursed and wicked tissue, wilt thou not yet serve me to end my sorrowful days? And speaking these words, cast it on the ground and spit upon it, and held out her throat to Bacchides to be cut a sunder. The other, Berenicé: she took a cup full of poison her mother being present, Monimé her throat was cut. who prayed her to let her have half, the which she did, and they drank it of between them. The force of the poison was strong enough: to kill the old mother weak with age, but not so quickly to destroy the daughter: because she had not taken that proportion which would have served her turn, but drew out the pains of her death in length, until such time as Bacchides hasting to dispatch her, she in the end did strangle herself. Berenicè strangled herself. As for the kings two sisters, Roxane & Statyra, which were virgins yet unmarried, they say, that one of them also drank poison, cursing & detesting the cruelty of her brother: howbeit Statira gave never an evil word, The courage of Statira Mithridates sister. nor was faint hearted or sorrowful to die, but contrarily did commend and thank her brother highly, that seeing himself in danger, had not yet forgotten them, but was careful to 'cause them die, before they should fall as slaves into the hands of their enemies, and before they could come to dishonour them, or do them villainy. These pitiful misfortunes went to Lucullus heart, who was courteous and gentle of nature: nevertheless he went on further, still following Mithridates at the heels unto the city of TALAURA. And there understanding that he was fled four days before unto Tigranes in ARMENIA, returned back again, having first subdued the CHALDEANS, and the TIBARENIANS, taken ARMENIA the less, and brought the cities, castles, and strong places unto his obedience. That done, he sent Appius Clodius unto king Tigranes, Appius Clodius sent unto Tigranes from Lucullus. to summon him to deliver Mithridates unto him & himself took his journey towards the city of A●●●●, which was yet besieged. The cause why this siege continued long, was the sufficiency and great experience of the Captain that kept it for the king, called Callimachus: who understood so well how all sorts of engines of battery were to be used, Callimachus governor of ●misus. and was so subtle beside in all in inuentio●● that might serve to defend a place besieged, as he troubled the ROMANS much in this attempt: but afterwards he was not only met withal, and paid home for all his labour, but also outreached by Lucullus for all his fineness. For where before he had always used to sound the retreat at a certain hour, & to call his men back from the assault, to rest them: one day he broke that order on the sudden, Lucullus w●● Amisus. and coming to assault the wall, at the first charge wan a piece of it, before those within could come in time to resist them, Callimachus seeing that, and knowing it was now unpossible to keep the city any longer, forsook it But before his departing he set the city a fire, Callimachus setteth fire of Amisus and flieth. either for the malice to the ROMANS, because he would not they should enrich themselves with the sack of so great a city: or else foe● policy of war to have the more leisure to save himself, and fly. For no man gave eye ●● them that fled by sea, because the flame was so great, that it dispersed itself even to the ●●y walls, and the ROMAN soldiers; they only prepared to spoil. Lucullus seeing the fire without, had compassion of the city within, Lucullus courtesy towards the city of Amisus. and would gladly have holpen it, and for the purpose prayed the soldiers quickly to quench it: but not a man would hearken to him, every one gaping after the spoil, making great noise with classhing of harness, and being very loud besides otherwise, till at the length enforced thereunto, he gave the city wholly to spoil, hoping thereby to save the houses from fire, but it fell out clean contrary. For the soldiers themselves in seeking all about with torches & links lighted, to see if any thing were hidden: they set a number of houses a fire. So as Lucullus coming into the city the next morning, and seeing the great desolation the fire had made, fell of weeping, saying unto his familiar friends about him: he had oftentimes before thought Sylla happy, howbeit he never wondered more at his good fortune, than that day he did. For, Sylla said he, desiring to save the city of ATHENS, the gods granted him that favour that he might do it: but I that would feign follow him therein, Lucullus gentle saying. and save this city, fortune thwarting my desire, hath brought me to the reputation of Mummius, that caused CORINTHE to be burnt. Nevertheless he did his best ●●●●●● at that time to help the poor city again. For touching the fire, even immediately after it was taken, by God's providence there fell a shower of rain as it was newly kindled, that quenched it: and Lucullus self before he left the city, made a great number of the houses which were spoiled by fire, to be built up again, and courteously received all the inhabitants that were fled, besides them he placed other GRECIANS there also, that were willing to devil amongst them, and increased the bounds and confines of the city which he gave them, one hundred and twenty furlongs into the country. This city was a colony of the ATHENIANS, who had built and founded it, in the time that their Empire flourished, and that they ruled the seas: by reason whereof, many flying the tyranny of Aristion, went to devil there, and were made side of the city, as the natural inhabitants of the same. This good hap fell upon them, that forsaking their own goods, they went to possess and enjoy the goods of other men● but the very citizens of ATHENS itself that had escaped from this great desolation, Lucullus clothed them well, and gave them two hundred Drachmas a piece, and sent them again into their country. Tyrannion the grammarian taken. Tyrannion the grammarian was taken at that time, whom Murana begged of Lucullus and Lucullus having granted him unto him, he made him free, wherein he delivery discourteously, and did much abuse Lucullus liberality and gift unto him. For in bestowing this prisoner upon him, who was a famous learned man, he did not mean Murana should take him for a bondman, whereby he should need afterwards to make him free. For seeming to make him free, and restore him to liberty: was no more but to take that freedom and liberty from him, which he had from his birth. But in many other things, and not in that only, Murana laid himself open to the world, that he had not all the parts a worthy Captain should have in him. When Lucullus departed from AMISUS, he went to visit the cities of ASIA, to th'end that whilst he was not now occupied with wars, they might have some refreshing of laws and justice. For, by reason that law was not executed of long time in ASIA, the poor country was so afflicted, and oppressed with so many evils and miseries: 〈…〉 man living would scant believe, nor any tongue can well declare. For, the extreme and horrible covetousness of the farmers, customers, and ROMAN usurers did not only devour in but also kept it in such bondage and thraldom, that particularly the poor fathers were driven to cell their goodly young sons and daughters in marriage, Lucullus relieveth Asia from extreme usury. to pay the interest and usury of the money which they had borrowed to discharge their fines withal: & publicly the tables dedicated unto the temples, the statues of their gods, and other church jewels: and yet in the e●●, they themselves were also judged to be bondmen & slaves to their cruel creditors, to● wea●e out their days in miserable servitude. And yet the worst of all was, the pain they put them to before they were so condemned: for they imprisoned them, set them on the rack, tormented them upon a little brazen horse, set them in the stocks, made them stand naked in the greatest heat of summer, and on the ise in the deepest of winter, so as that bondage seemed unto them a relief of their miseries, and a rest of their torments. Lucullus found the cities of ASIA full of such oppressions, but in a short time after he delivered them all that were wrongfully tormented. For first he took order, they should account for the usury that was paid monthly, That is after the ra●e of●● in the hundred for the yéare. Laws set down for usurers. the hundred part of the principal de● only, and no more. Secondly he out of all usuries that passed the principal. Thirdly, which was the greatest matter of all, he ordained that the creditor & usurer should enjoy the fourth part of the profits & revenues of his debtor. And he that joined usury with the principal, that is to say, took usury upon usury: should loose the whole. So that by this order, all debts were paid in less than four years, and the owner's lands and revenues set clear of all manner payments. This surcharge of usuries, came of the twenty thousand talents, wherein Sylla had condemned the country of ASIA: the which sum they had paid twice before unto the farmers and collectors of the ROMANS, who had raised it, still heaping usury upon usury, to the sum of six score thousand talents. Wherefore these collectors and farmers ran to ROME, and cried out upon Lucullus, saying, that he did them the greatest wrong that could be, and by means of money, they procured certain of the common counsellors to speak against him: which they might easily do, because they had diverse of their names in their books that dealt in th●ffaires of the common wealth at ROME. But Lucullus was not only beloved of those countries whom he did good unto, but was wished for and desired also of others, who thought the countries happy that might have such a governor. Appius Clodius, Lucullus wives brother. Now for Appius Clodius, whom Lucullus had sent before from PALAURA unto king Tigranes in ARMENIA, and whose sister at that time was Lucullus wife: he first took certain of the king's men for guides, who of very malice guided him through the high country, making him fetch a great compass about, by many days journeys spent in vain: until such time as one of his infranchesed bondmen that was borne in SYRIA, taught him the right way. Whereupon he discharged these barbarous guides, and leaving the wrong ways they had led him, Euphrates fl.. within few days passed over the river of Euphrates, and arrived in the city of ANTIOCH, surnamed EPIDAPMNE. Where he had commandment to abide Tigranes' return, who was then in the country of PHENICIA, where he subdued certain cities, & had some other yet to conquer. Appius in the mean time wan secretly divers of the princes and noble men, that obeyed this ARMENIAN king but for fear, by force, and against their wills, amongst whom was Zarbienus, Zarbienus king of Gordiaena. king of the province of GORDIAENA: & promised the aid of Lucullus also to many the cities that sent unto him, (which had not long before been subdued & brought into bondage) to whom nevertheless he gave in express charge, that for the time they should not once stir, Tigranes' pride and power. not altar any thing. For, the rule of these ARMENIANS was intolerable to the GRECIANS, and specially the pride and arrogancy of the king. Who, by reason of his great prosperity, was grown to such pride and presumption, that whatsoever men did commonly esteem best, & make most reckoning of, he would not only have it, and use it as his own, but also took it that all was made for him ●elfe whatsoever: and this great overweening grew, by reason of fortunes special grace and favour towards him. For at the beginning he had but very little, and yet with this little (which few made reckoning of) he conquered many great nations, and plucked down the power of the PARTHIANS as much as any man that ever was before him. He replenished the country of MESOPOTAMIA with GRECIAN inhabitants, which he brought by force out of CILICIA and CAPPADOCIA, compelling them to inhabit there. He made the ARABIANS change their manner of living, who are otherwise called the SCENITES, as much to say, as tent dwellers, because they are vagrant people that devil in no other houses but tents, which they ever use to carry with them, and brought them out of their natural country; and made them follow him, using them for his commodity in trade of merchandise. There were ever many kings in his court that waited on him: but amongst others, he had four kings that waited continually on his person, as his footmen? for when he road abroad any whether, they ran by his stroppe in their shirts. And when he was set in his chair of state to give audience, they stood on their feet about his chair holding their hands together, which countenance showed the most manifest confession and tokens of bondage that they could do unto him: as if they had showed thereby that they resigned all their liberty, and offered their bodies unto their Lord and master, more ready to suffer, The boldness of Appius Clodius, Lucullus Ambassador unto Tigranes. than any thing to do. Notwithstanding, Appius Clodius being 〈…〉 thing abashed nor feared with all this tragical pomp, when audience was given him: told king Tigranes boldly to his face, that he was come to carry king Mithridates away with him who was due to the triumph of Lucullus: & therefore did summon him to deliver that king into his hands, or else that he proclaimed wars upon himself. They that were present as this summons, knew well enough that Tigranes (although he set a good countenance of the matter openly with a faint counterfeit laughing) yet hearing these words so boldly & gallantly spoken out of this young man's mowth, was galled to the quick, and hit at the ha●●. For Tigranes having reigned, (or to say better tyrannically governed) five and twenty years space, had never heard any bold or frank speech but that. Notwithstanding, he answered Appius, that he would not deliver Mithridates: and if the ROMANS made wars with him, that he would defend himself. And being greatly offended that Lucullus in his letters gave him not the title, king of kings, but only king simply: in the letters he wrote back to Lucullus again, he did not so much as vowchesave to call him Captain only. But when Appius took his leave, Appius' abstinence from taking of gifts. he sent him goodly rich presents which he refused. Whereupon the king sent others again unto him, of the which Appius took a cup only, because the king should not think he refused aught of anger, or ill will: and so sending all the rest again unto him, made great haste to return to his Captain Lucullus. Now Tigranes before that time would not once see king Mithridates his so near kinsman, who by fortune of wars had lost so p●isant and great a kingdom, but proudly kept him under in fenny, marish, and unwholesome grounds, without any honour given unto him, as if he had been a very prisoner in deed: howbeit then he sent for him honourably, and received him with great courtesy. When they were near together in the kings palace, Tigranes and Mithridates meeting. they talked secretly one with an other, & excusing themselves, clearing all suspicions conceived between them, to the great hurt of their servants and friends, whom they burdened with all thoccasion of unkindness between them: amongst which number Metrodorus SCEPSIAN was one, a man excellently well learned, eloquent in speech, Metrodorus praise, and death. and one whom Mithridates so much loved and esteemed, that they called him the kings father. Mithridates at the beginning of his wars had sent him Ambassador unto Tigranes, to pray aid of him against the ROMANS. At which time Tigranes said unto him: ●●● what sayest thou to it Metrodorus: what advise wilt thou give me? Metrodorus either because he had regard unto Tigranes' profit, or else because he was loath Mithridates should escape, answered him again. As Ambassador, O king, I would wish you should do it: but as a counsellor, that you should not do it. Tigranes now reported this speech unto Mithridates, not the king he would have hurt Metrodorus for it, though in deed he presently put him to death upon it. Whereat Tigranes was heartily sorry, and repented him greatly to have told him so much, although he was not altogether the occasion of his casting away, having but only ●uiued Mithridates evil will before conceived against him. For he had borne him displeasure of a long time, as appeared amongst his secret papers and writings that were taken from him, where he had ordained that Metrodorus should be put to death: but in recompense thereof Tigranes buried his body honourably, sparing no cost at all unto the dead body of him, whom living he had betrayed. There died in king Tigranes' court also, an Orator called Amphicrates, Amphicrates an Orator of Athens, died in king Tigranes' court. if he deserve that mention should be made of him, for the city of ATHENS sake whereof he was borne: for it is said, that when he was banished out of his country, he fled into the city of SELEUCIA, Seleucia a city standing upon Tigris fl. A platter too little to hold a Dolphin in, p●●an. which standeth upon the river of Tigris. When the inhabitants of the same prayed him to teach them the art of eloquence in their country, he would not vowchesave it, but answered them proudly: that a platter was too little to hold a Dolphin in, meaning that their city was too small a thing to contain it. From thence he went unto Cleopatra, Mithridates' daughter, and king Tigranes' wife, where he was quickly suspected and accused so that he was forbidden to frequent the GRECIANS company any more, which grieved him so much, that he famished himself to death, and would eat no meat. And that man was also very honourably buried by the Queen Cleopatra, near unto a place called Sapha, as they call it in that country. Now when Lucullus had quieted all things in ASIA, and had established good la●●● among them, he was not careless also of games and pleasant pastimes, but while he was at leisure in the city of EPHESUS, he made many games, feasts, wrestlinges and fence plays at the sharp for joy of his victory, delighting all the cities of ASIA with them, the which in recompense thereof did institute a solemn feast also in the honour of him, which they called Lucullea, and did celebrated it with great joy, showing a true and no feigned friendship and good will towards him, which pleased him better, and was more to his contentation, than all the honour they could devise to give him. But after that Appius Clodius was returned from his Ambassade, and had told Lucullus that he must make wars with Tigranes: Lucullus went back again unto the realm of PONTUS, where he took his army which he had left in garrison, and brought it before the city of SINOPE to lay siege unto it, or rather to besiege certain CILICIANS that were gotten into the city in the behalf of Mithridates. But when they saw Lucullus come against them, they slew a great number of the citizens, and setting fire on the city, fled their way by night. Lucullus taketh Sinope in Pontus. Lucullus being advertised of it, entered the city, put eight thousand of the CILICIANS to the sword which he found there, and restored the natural citizens and inhabitants thereof to all that was theirs. But the original cause that made him to be careful to preserve the city, Lucullus dream. was this vision he had. He thought in his nights dream that one came to him, and said: go a little further Lucullus, for Autolycus cometh, who is desirous to speak with thee. This dream awaked him, but being awake could not imagine what the vision ment. It was the self same day on the which he took the city of SINOPE, where following the CILICIANS that escaped by flying, he found an image lying on the ground upon the sea side, which the CILICIANS would have carried away: but they were taken and followed so near, A statue made by Sthenis. that they had no leisure to ship it. This statue (as it is reported) was one of the goodliest and notablest works of Sthenis the Image graver. And some say that it was the image of Autolycus who founded the city of SINOPE. For Autolycus was one of the princes that went out of THESSALY with Hercules to go against the AMAZONS, Autolycus founder of the city of Sinope. and he was the son of Deimachus. And they report that at the return from this voyage, the ship in the which Autolycus was embarked, with Demoleon & Phlogius, made shipwreck upon a rock on the coast of CHERRONESUS, where she was cast away: howbeit that he & his men scaping with all their furniture, The Syrians why so called. came to the city of SINOPE, which he took from certain SYRIANS, who came (as they say) of one Syrus the son of Apollo, and of the nymph Sinope Asopus daughter. Lucullus understanding this matter, called a saying of Sylla to mind, which he wrote in his commentaries: that nothing is more certain, Sulla's note for dreams. nor that we may give more credit unto, then that which is signified to us by dreams. In the mean season he was advertised, that Tigranes & Mithridates were ready to come down into LYCAONIA, and CILICIA, because they might first enter ASIA. Lucullus marveled much at Tigranes' counsel, that sithence he was minded to war with the ROMANS, he did not use Mithridates' aid in his wars at such time, as when he was in his best strength and force: and that he did not then join his power with Mithridates, rather than suffer him to be destroyed and overthrown, and afterwards with a cold hope go now to begin a new war, hazarding himself with those, that could not help themselves. While these things paffed in this sort, Machares king Mithridates' son, that kept the realm of BOSPHORVS, Machares Mithridates son pusy●●b friendship of Lucullus. sent a crown of gold unto Lucullus, of the weight of a thousand crowns, praying him that he would name him a friend and confederate of the ROMANS. Whereupon Lucullus thought he was then at the very last end of his first war, and leaving Sornatius with six thousand men to keep the realm of PONTUS, he departed with twelve thousand footmen, and less than three thousand horsemen to go to the second wars. And herein all the world condemned him, Lucullus goeth against Tigranes with a small company. and thought it too rash and light a part of him to go with so small a company to fight with so many warlike nations, and to put himself unto the hazard of so many thousands of horsemen, in a marvelous large country, and of a wonderful length, environed round about with deep rivers, and mountains, covered with snow all the year through: so that his soldiers, which otherwise were no special well trained men, nor obedient to their Captain, The quarrelings counsellors at Rome, envy Lucullus prosperity. followed with an evil will, and did stubbornly disobey him. And on tother side, the common counsellors at ROME cried out on him continually, and openly protested before all the people, that out of one war he sowed an other, which the common wealth had nothing to do withal, and that he looked after none other thing 〈…〉 still to raise new occasions of wars, to the end he might always have armies at his 〈…〉 mandment, & never leave the wars, because he would make himself great with 〈…〉 and peril of the common wealth. These crying counsellors in the end obtained their purpose which was: to call home Lucullus again, and to subtitute Pompey in his place. But Lucullus for all that, marched on with his army with all the possible speed he could, so that he came in few days unto the river of Euphrates, Lucullus came to the river of Euphrates, & found it very high, and rough. the which he found very high and rough by reason of the winter season: which troubled him marvelously at that present, doubting lest it would hold him there a long time in finding out of boats, & making of posts and planks to build a bridge to pass over his army. But towards night the water began to fall a little, and in the night fell so much, The strange and sudden fall of the river of Euphrates from her great swelling. that the next morning the river was comen to her ordinary stream: and moreover, the country men themselves decerning certain little Islands that appeared unto them in the midst of the water course, and the river very calm as a marish round about them, did honour Lucullus as a god, because it was a thing they had never seen chance before, as though at his coming the river had suddenly yielded unto him, and was become ●●● to give him safe and easy passage. And because he would not lose that opportunity, he p●ssed over his army immediately: and was no sooner on tother side, but he met with a happy token of good luck, which was this. On tother side of the river, there was a certain number of kine consecrated to Diana Persica, Diana Persica. whom the barbarous people inhabiting beyond the river of Euphrates, do reverence and honour above all the other gods: and these kine they employ to none other use, but only to sacrifice them unto this goddess. They wander all about the country where they will, without any manner of tying, or shackling otherwise, having only the mark of the goddess, Cows consecrated to Diana Persica. which is a lamp printed upon their bodies, and they are not easy to be taken when one would have them, but with great a do. One of these consecrated kine, after that Lucullus army was passed over Euphrates, came to offer herself upon a rock which they suppose is hallowed or dedicated unto this goddess, bowing down her head, and stretching out her neck, like those that are tied short, as if she had comen even of purpose to present herself to Lucullus, A strange thing of a cow that came to offer herself to Lucullus to be sacrificed. The country of Sophene. to be sacrificed as she was. And besides her, he sacrificed a 〈…〉 also unto the river Euphrates, in token of thanks for his safe passage over. Lucullus the first day did nothing but encamp himself only, on the other side of the river: but the next morning, and the other days following, he went further into the country by the way of SOPHE●●, hurting none that came and yielded unto him, or that willingly received his army. For when his men would have had him to have taken a castle by force, where they said was great store of gold and silver: he showed them mownte Taurus a far of, and told them it is that which we must rather go to take. As for the things which be in this castle, they be kept for them that vanquish: Tigris fl.. and going on still with great journeys, passed over the river of Tigris, and so ●●● the realm of ARMENIA with a main army. Now for Tigranes, the first man that ventured to bring him news of Lucullus coming, had no joy of it: Tigranes slew the first messenger that brought the news of Lucullus approach. for he cut of his head for his labour. And therefore from thenceforth there durst no man say any thing unto him, until such time as he was at the last environed round with fire, which Lucullus arm had raised about him, before he could hear any thing thereof. For he was sporting and gauding with his familiars, hearing their flattering tales, that Lucullus in deed were a noble Captain, if he durst ●●●ry Tigranes coming down in the city of EPHESUS only, and how he would strait fly out of all ASIA, so soon as he might but hear tell of his coming against him with so triumphing an army of so many thousand men. And thus may we see, that like as all bodies and brains, are not a like strong nor able to carry much wine: so in like case all wits be not resolute and constant, never to do amiss, nor to serve from reasons bands in great prosperity. Howbeit in the end, Mithrobarzanes, one of Tigranes' familiars, was the next man that enterprised to tell him the troth: whose boldness had little better reward for his news, than the first that was beheaded. For Tigranes sent him immediately with three thousand horse, and a good number of footmen, Tigranes sendeth Mithrobarzanes against Lucullus. commanding him that he should bring Lucullus alive unto him, and that furthermore, he should march upon the bellies of his men. Now was Lucullus already camped with part of his army, & the other part coming after, when his scouts brought him news of the barbarous Captains approach: which at the first put him in fear, that if the enemy should come and assail them thus scattered in companies, & not ranged: in battle, and ready to fight, he might overthrow them whiles they were in disorder. And therefore be remained within his camp to fortify the same, Lucullus sendeth Sextilius against Mithrobarzanes. and sent Sextilius one of his lieutenants, with a thousand six hundred horse, and as many footmen (or a few more) as well naked as armed: commanding him to approach as near to his enemy as he could without fight, only to stay him there, until such time as he heard news that all his army was comen together into his camp. Sextilius went to do his commandment, but he was compelled to fight, (though against his will) Mithrobarzanes came so bravely & lustily to assail him. So was the battle stricken between them, Sextilius slow Mithrobarzanes and overthrew h● force. in the which Mithrobarzanes was slain valiantly fight, & all his men either broken or killed, few excepted, that only by flying saved themselves. After this overthrow, Tigranes forsook his great royal city of TIGRANOCERTA that he built himself, & went to mownt Taurus, where he assembled a great number of men out of all parts. But Lucullus would give him no leisure to prepare himself, The city of Tigranocerta. built by Tigranes. but sent Muraena on the one side to cut them of by the way, and to overthrow those that were assembled about him: and on the other side Sextilius to stop a great company of the ARABIANS that were coming to Tigranes, whom Sextilius set upon as they were ready to lodge, and overthrew them in manner every man. And Muraena following king Tigranes at the heels, spied an occasion to give the charge as he passed a long and narrow valley, in the bottom whereof the way was very ill, and specially for an army of such a length: & taking the opportunity, set upon the rearward, which Tigranes perceiving, fled strait upon it, making all his carriage to be thrown down in the way before the enemies to stay them. There were a great number of the ARMENIANS slain in this overthrow, and more taken. Those things having this success, Lucullus went to the city of TIGRANOCERTA, Lucullus besiegeth Tigranocerta. the which he besiegeth round. In that city were a marvelous number of GRECIANS that had been brought thither by force out of CILICIA, and many of the barbarous people also whom they had used in the like forcible manner, as they had done the ADIABENIANS, the ASSYRIANS, the GORDIAENIANS, and the CAPPADOCIANS, whose towns and cities Tigranes had destroyed, and compelled them to come and inhabit there. By reason whereof, this city of TIGRANOCERTA was full of gold and silver, of mettells, statues, tables and pictures, because every man (as well private, as Princes and Lords) studied to please the king, to enrich and beautify this city, with all kinds of furniture and ornaments fit for the same. And hereupon Lucullus straighted the siege as much as he could, persuading himself that Tigranes would never suffer, that it should be taken, but (though he had otherwise determined) yet for very anger would present him battle, thereby to enforce him to raise his siege. And surely he guessed right, had it not been that Mithridates had dissuaded him by express letters and messengers that he should in no case hazard battle, and persuaded him rather to cut of the victuals on all sides from the ROMANS with his horsemen. The self same counsel and advise did Taxiles (the Captain whom Mithridates sent) give him in his camp, Taxiles persuadeth Tigranes not to fight with the Romans. and prayed him very earnestly, that he would not prove the invincible force of the ROMANS. Tigranes patiently hearkened to their reasons at the first. But when the ARMENIANS were come, and all the force of the country beside, and the GORDIAENIANS, and that the kings of the MEDES and of the ADIABENIANS were comen also with all their power, and that on tother side there came a marvelous great host of the ARABIANS that devil upon the sea of BABYLON, and a multitude of the ALBANYANS from the CASPIAN sea, and of the IBERIANS their neighbours, besides a great company of free people living without a king, that devil by the river of Araxes, some coming freely to do him pleasure, other for their pensions and pay which he gave them: then was there none other talk neither at his table not in counsel, but of assured hope of victory, and of great brags and barbarous threatenings, so that Taxiles was in great danger of himself, because he was against the determination taken in counsel for giving of the battle. Now was it thought that Mithridates did envy the glory of king Tigranes, and therefore did thus dissuade him from battle. For which respect Tigranes would not so much as tarry for him, and because also Mithridates should have no part of the honour of his victory: but went into the field with all this great army, vaunting amongst his familiars as they report, that nothing grieved him but one, that he should fight with 〈…〉 lone, and not with all the other ROMAN Captains. The proud saying of Tigranes. Now this bravery was not so fond; not so far out of square, but that there was great likelihood of it when he saw so many sund●ie nations about him, so many kings that followed him, so many battles of armed footmen, and so many thousand of horsemen. Tigranes' whole army: two hundred three score thousand men. For he had in his army of bowmen and slings only, twenty thousand: five and fifty thousand horsemen, whereof seventeen thousand men of arms, armed from top to toe, as Lucullus himself wrote unto the Senate: and a hundred and fifty thousand armed footmen, divided by ensigns and squadrons: of pioneers, carpenters, masons, and such other kind of handy crafts men, to plain ways, to make bridges to pass over rivers, to stop streams, to cut wood, and to make such kind of works, of this sort of people, the number of five and thirty thousand, who followed in battle ray in there reward of the army, making their camp seem far greater, & by so much the more stronger. When Tigranes showed on the top of mownt Taurus, and that they might plainly see his whole army from the city, and that himself also might easily decern Lucullus army that besieged TIGRANOCERTA: the barbarous people that were within the city were so glad of this sight, that they made wonderful shouts of joy, and great clapping of hands, threatening the ROMANS from their walls, and showing them the army of the ARMENIANS. Lucullus in the mean time sat in counsel to consider what was to be done: wherein some were of opinion that he should raise his siege, and go with his whole army undivided against Tigranes. But others liked not that he should leave so great a number of enemies at his back, neither that he should raise his siege. Lucullus made them answer, that neither of them both did counsel him well, but both together did counsel him right. Whereupon he divided his army, and left Muraena at the siege of TIGRANOCERTA with six thousand men: and he with four and twenty cohorts (in the which were not above ten thousand armed footmen) and all his horsemen, with a thousand bow men and slings or thereabouts, went towards Tigranes, Lucullus arm against Tigranes. and camped in a goodly broad field by the rivers side. The ROMANS seemed but a handful to Tigranes' camp, so that for a while Tigranes parasyts made but a may game of them to sport withal. For some mocked them to scorn, other drew lots, and played away their part of the spoils, as if they had already won the field: and every one of the kings and Captains came and offered themselves to Tigranes, and besought him every man for himself, that he would give him the honour alone to lead this battle, & that it would please him to sit by in some place to see the sport. Tigranes then, because he would show that he could be as pleasant as the rest, spoke a thing known to every man. If they come as Ambassadors, quoth he, they are very many: but if they come as enemies, they be but few. And thus they played upon the ROMANS, and took their pleasure of them at that time: but the next morning by break of day, Lucullus brought all his men armed into the field, and put them in order of battle. Now the camp of the barbarous people lay on tother side of the river towards the East, and by chance the stream of the river turned suddenly towards the West, where there was a better ford to pass over. Wherefore Lucullus marching with his army by the rivers side, following the stream to meet with some ford, hasting to get over, Tigranes thought he had marched away, and called for Taxiles, and said unto him, laughing. Dost thou see Taxiles, those goodly ROMAN legions, whom thou praisest to be men so invincible: how they fly away now? Taxiles answered the king again. I would your good fortune (O king) might work some miracle this day: for doubtless it were a strange thing that the ROMANS should fly. They are not wont to wear their brave coats and furniture upon their armos, when they mean only but to march in the fields: neither do they carry their shields and targets uncased, nor their burganets bore on their heads, as they do at this present, having thrown away their leather cases and coverings. But out of doubt, this goodly furniture we see so bright and glistering in our faces, is a manifest sign that they intent to fight, and that they march towards us. Taxiles had no sooner spoken these words, but Lucullus in the view of his enemies, made his ensign bearer turn suddenly that carried the first Eagle, & the bands took their places to pass the river in order of battle. Then Tigranes secretly comen to himself, as out of drunkenness: cried out aloud twice, or thrice, come they then to us? But than was there no small stir and tumult, to put such a world of people into battle. The king Tigranes himself undertook to lead the middle battle, gave the left wing unto the king of the ADIAEENIANS, and the right unto the king of the MEDES: The ordering of Tigranes' battle. in the which were the most part of the complete armed men, who made the first front of all the battle. But as Lucullus was ready to pass the river, there were certain of his Captains that came unto him, to wish him to take heed that he fought not that day, because it was one of those which the ROMANS thought unfortunate, and call them Atri, Atri black or unfortunate days. to say, black: for upon one of those days, one Caepio was overthrown in a set battle with all his army by the CIMBRES. But Lucullus gave them a pretty answer again, which is not forgotten to this day: I will make this a happy day (said he) for the ROMANS. It was the sixteenth day of the month of October. And so with those words encoraging his men, passed over the river, and went himself the foremost man, and marched directly towards his enemy, Lucullus battle with Tigranes. armed with an anima of steel, Lucullus armour. made with scalloppe shells, shining like the sun, & upon that an arming coat fringed round about, holding his sword drawn in his hand: to let his men understand, that they must suddenly join with their enemies, and fight at the sword point, that were not acquainted to fight but a far of with shot and slings, and that he would so quickly win the distance of ground they had to march ere they could join, that they should have no leisure to shoot. And furthermore, perceiving that the strength of their men of arms (whereof they made so great account) was ranged in battle under a hill, the top whereof was very plain and even, and the way up the hill not passing four furlongs travail, and not very hard nor steep to climb: he sent thither certain horsemen of the THRACIANS and GAULES which he had in pay, and commanded them to give a charge on the flank to disorder them, & assay to cut their lances, with their sword. For all the strength of these men of arms consisteth in their lances, and they can do nothing for themselves, nor against their enemies, they are so heavily armed and loden● so as it seemeth they are locked up in their armour, as in an iron prison. And he himself therewithal taking two ensigns of footmen, strove also to gain the top of the hill, his soldiers following him hard at the heels with a notable courage, because they saw him the foremost man travailing a foot, and digging against the height of the hill. When he had gotten up to the top, he stayed a little in the highest place he could find, and then cried out with a loud voice: o companions, the victory is ours. And as he spoke those words, he led them against these men of arms, commanding them they should not meddle with throwing of their darts, but taking their sword in their hands they should strike at their thighs and legs, because they have no other parts of their bodies naked. Howbeit there was no need of such fight, for they tarried not the ROMANS, but with great crying out turned their horse heads immediately, and ran cowardly (them selves and their horses, heavy armed as they were) through the midst of the bands of their footmen, before they had stricken a stroke. Lucullus famous victory of Tigranes. And thus were so many thousands of men broken without any stroke stricken, or any man hurt, or one drop of blood seen to be spilled. But the great slaughter was, when they began to fly, or (to say better) when they thought to fly: for they could not fly, they ran so one upon an other's neck by reason of the marvelous length and breadth of their battles. Tigranes amongst the rest was one of the first that dislodged with a small company, & seeing his son running the same fortune, flying as himself did, Tigranes' flight. took of his diadem or royal band from his head, and gave it him weeping, commanding him to save himself as well as he could by some other way. Tigranes' diadem taken by Lucullus. But the young prince durst not put it on his head, but gave it to one of his trusty servants to keep, who by chance was taken and brought unto Lucullus: so that amongst the other spoil and prisoners, there was taken Tigranes' diadem. It is thought that there were slain at this overthrow, above a hundred thousand footmen, and very few of all the horsemen saved. On the ROMANS side, there were about a hundred hurt, and five slain. Antiochus the Philosopher speaking of this battle in a treatise he made of the gods, writeth that the sun never saw the like overthrow. And Strabo an other Philosopher in a certain abridgement he made of stories said, that the ROMANS were ashamed, and laughed at themselves that they had drawn their sword against such dastardly slaves. And Titus Li●ius declareth also, that the ROMANS were never in any battle with so small a number of fight men, against so great a multitude of enemies: for the conquerors were not in all the world the twentieth part (nothing like) of those that were overcome. Wherefore the oldest and best experienced Captains of the ROMANS did highly commend Lucullus, Lucullus praise. Two puysans kings overcome by contrary means. because he had overcome two of the greatest & most mighty Princes of the world, by two sundry contrary m●●●● the one by tract and delay, and the other by speed and swiftness. For he undermined and consumed Mithridates, by holding back, & delaying, at that time when all his strength was whole and to the contrary he destroyed Tigranes with great speed and haste. And thus did he that, which few Captains could ever do: that is, used delay of time to execute, and valiant expedition to win the victory. This was the cause why Mithridates made no haste to come to the battle, thinking still that Lucullus had used his wonted policy, to delay and give back always and therefore he came by small journeys unto Tigranes' camp. But meeting at the first with a few of the ARMENIANS that fled as he came on his way, like men that had been frayed, he strait mistrusted the overthrow: but afterwards meeting greater troops of them naked, & sore wounded, than he knew how the matter went. So he went to seek out Tigranes, whom he found alone, forsaken of his men, and in very poor estate, yet did not he requited Tigranes in adversity with that pride and disdain he had used him before in his misery: but lighted of his horse, to be wail with him their common misfortune, and gave him all his officers, and train of a king's court that followed him to serve him, comforting him, & exhorting him to pluck up his heart again, and to be courageous thenceforth. Hereupon they both levied a fresh the whole force & power they could from all the parts of their dominions. In the mean season, there fell out great sedition in the city of TIGRANOCERTA, between the GRECIANS and the barbarous people: for the GRECIANS, they would have yielded up the town into Lucullus hands. Whereupon, Lucullus giving an assault to the city at that very instant, Lucullus took Tigranocerta. wan it, & seized upon the king's treasure there, leaving all the rest to the spoil of the soldiers: in the which, besides all other riches, there was eight thousand talents in ready money. And yet besides all that, he gave of the spoil that was won ap●n the enemies, eight hundred Drachmas unto every soldier. And understanding that there were divers musicans, common players, minstrels, and such kind of people meet for feasts and sport, whom Tigranes had sent for thither from all parts, to dedicated the Theatre he had made in his city: he caused all them to serve at the sports and feasts of this victory. After the solempnization whereof, he sent the GRECIANS home again unto their country, and gave them money to defray their charges by the way, and the barbarous people also that were brought thither by force from their native countries. And so it fortuned, that by the desolation and destruction of a city forsaken, many others were built again, and stored with people: because those cities had thereby recovered their natural inhabitants again, who ever after did love & honour Lucullus, as their benefactor and founder. All other things prospered also, according to his virtue and merits. For Lucullus liked better the praise that came of bounty, Lucullus i●st●e and clemency. of justice, and of clemency: then that that came by force of marshall prows & chivalry. For in deeds of arms, he said his army partly deserved praise, and fortune also carried the best part away: but the praise of the other, were only due unto himself. Whereby he showed the valour of an excellent good man, well taught and trained up in virtue: and so reaped the fruit of his worthy deserts. For by those good parts, he wan the hearts of the barbarous people in such sort, that the kings of the ARABIANS came of good will to put themselves and their goods into his hands. So did the nation of the SOPHENIANS also yield themselves unto him. The GORDIAENIANS in like manner, they liked Lucullus so well, that they would willingly have forsaken their cities, houses & country, to follow him with their wives & children upon this occasion. Zarbienus king of these GORDIAENIANS, as we have recited before, had privily entered amity with Lucullus, by means of Appius Clodius, who could no longer away with the tyranny of Tigranes. This practice was bewrayed unto Tigranes, who put Zarbienus, Zarbienus king of the Gordiaenians slain by Tigranes. his wife, & children to death, before the ROMANS main army came into the country of ARMENIA. Howbeit Lucullus did not forget it, but passing through his realm, gave him very royal funerals. For having heaped up a huge pile of wood, sumptuously set out with cloth of gold and silver, & other rich spoils of Tigranes: he himself in person, would needs set it a fire, and made the funeral effusions and accustomed sprincklinges at burials, with his friends and kinsmen, doing him this honour, as to call him friend and confederate of the ROMAN people, & appointed also a great sum of money beside to erect a sumptuous tomb for him. For they found great store of gold and silver in the kings castle, and there was plenty of provision also of three hundred thousand bushels of wheat: the which did enrich his soldiers marvelously, and made Lucullus to be wondered at, that having received not one Drachma from the sparing coffers at ROME, he had notwithstanding made the war entertain itself. About the self same time also, the king of the PARTHIANS sent Ambassadors unto him to offer him his friendship and alliance: which Lucullus willingly accepted, and sent Ambassadors from him also of acceptation, who made report to Lucullus at their return, that the king of the PARTHIANS stood doubtful how to resolve which part he should take, and that secretly he sent unto Tigranes, to ask the realm of MESOPOTAMIA for his reward to aid him against the ROMANS. Lucullus being truly informed of the king of PARTHIAES' double dealing, determined to leave Tigranes and Mithridates, as two enemies wearied & overcome, & a little to prove the force & power of the PARTHIANS by making wars upon them, thinking it great honour unto him, if he might discomfit and overthrow three so mighty kings one after an other, like a valiant conqueror that had overcome three famous Captains together, and had passed through the countries of three of the greatest Princes under the sun, always a conqueror, and never conquered. Hereupon he wrote immediately unto Sornatius and other of his Captains which he had left to keep the realm of PONTUS, that they should repayne to him with all speed with the bands they had under their charge, for that he was determined to depart out of the country of GORDIAENA, to go against the PARTHIANS: Lucullus prepareth to go against the Parthians. Lucullus soldiers fall to mutiny. howbeit his purpose altered by occasion. For his lieutenants that had many times before found their soldiers mutinous, and rebelling at their commandments, knew plainly then their cankered stomachs & incorrigible disobedience. For they could not possibly get them from thence, by any compulsion or persuasions they could use: but contrarily they cried out, and told them plainly, that they would no longer tarry where they were, but would go home to their country, and leave the realm of PONTUS without guard or garrison at all. And further, that worst of all was, when these news were brought to Lucullus camp, they gave a full example of boldness to his soldiers there, to mutiny in such sort, having good will and disposition thereunto of themselves before. For their purses being full, and they acquainted with fineness; were become so dull and lazy, Full purses, & ease: maketh mutinous soldiers. that they could endure no pains nor hardness of wars, but desired to live in all idleness and ease. And hearing the report of their fellows stowtenesse, called them lusty lads, saying, they must needs take the like course, and do as they taught them, vaunting of their good service of long time done, which well deserved leave now to depart home with safety, and thenceforth take their rest. Lucullus hearing of this their talk, & many other their words worse, and fuller of sedition than these: broke of his enterprise against the PARTHIANS, and went again in the midst of summer to meet with Tigranes. But when he was come to the top of mount Taurus, it grieved him to see the fields so full of wheat yet standing, which came by the season of the year, and coldness of the air, being so slack and slow in all those parts. Nevertheless, he came down into the valley, and at two or three skirmishes overthrew the ARMENIANS, that ventured to abide his coming down. And ran over all the valley, and destroyed the whole country, without let or stop of any man, taking away the provision of corn that was made for. Tigranes' camp: whereby he straighted his enemies unto that need and necessity of victuals which himself feared, & yet ceased not to provoke them (by all other means) to come to battle. Sometime enclosing their camp with trenches about, as if he meant to famish them: sometime again destroying and spoiling the whole country before their face. But because they had so oft been discomfited, they would no more stir, nor once move against him. Lucullus perceiving that, Lucullus besiegeth Artaxata, the chief city of Armenia. in the end raised his camp, & went and laid siege unto ARTAXATA, the chief city of the kingdom of ARMENIA, in the which were Tigranes lawful wives & young children, hoping that Tigranes would rather hazard an other battle, then suffer that city to be lost. It is said that Hannibal of CARTHAGE (after king Antiochus was overthrown in battle by the ROMANS) went unto king Artaxes, Artaxes king of Armenia. whom he taught many necessary and profitable things for his realm: & amongst others, considering that one of the goodliest and pleasantest places of all his kingdom lay waste, and no reckoning made of it, drewea plat of a city, Hannibal builded Artaxata. brought the king thither, and caused it to be built and inhabited. The king liked his devise marvelous well, and prayed him to take the charge upon him to see the work finished. And thus was this noble and famous city built, and called after the king's name, Artaxata: and held ever after the reputation of the chiefest place of the whole realm of ARMENIA. Tigranes' being advertised that Lucullus went to say siege thereunto, could not endure it, but went with all his army to follow the ROMANS, and the fourth day came and camped hardly them: insomuch as there was but the river of Arsanias between them, Arsanias fl.. which the ROMANS of necessity must pass over to go to ARTAXATA. Lucullus having first sacrificed unto the gods, assuring himself of the victory, as if he had it already in his hands: made his army pass over in order of battle, Lucullus order of his army. putting twelve cohorts in the front, and the other behind, fearing lest the enemies having a great number of men of arms should enuironne them at their backs. They had against them also the MARDIAN bow men a horse back, and the IBERIANS with their lances, in whom Tigranes trusted more than in any other, as in the best soldiers he had in pay: and yet for all that they did no notable service. For when they had skirmished but a little with the horsemen of the ROMANS, they durst not tarry the legyonaries or footebands that came behind them, but dispersed themselves, some flying one way, some an other, which enticed the ROMAN horsemen to follow the chase. But when the men of arms that were about Tigranes' person, saw the horsemen so scattered abroad, they began strait to break upon the footmen. Lucullus seeing the great multitude of them, and how passingly they were armed and appointed, being somewhat afraid thereof: sent in haste to call in his horsemen that followed the chase, and in the mean time himself marched foremost, against these Lords and Sarrapes, Other do read in this place against the Astopatenians miou, which are people of Media. which were in the front before him with all the nobility of their host, whom he put in such a fear, that before he could come to hand strokes, they all turned tail and fled. There were three kings ranged in battle one hard by an other, Three kings ranged in battle. howbeit of the three, he that fled most shamefully and cowardly, was Mithridates' king of PONTUS, who had not the heart so much as to abide the cries of the ROMANS. The chase was very long: for it continued all night until such time as the ROMANS were wearied with kill, taking of prisoners, and packing up of all kinds of spoils. Titus Livius sayeth, that there were slain more men in the first battle: but greater personages in the second, and the chiefest of the enemies were all taken. After this battle Lucullus heart being big, Lucullus maketh Tigranes fly again. and fearing nothing, determined to go further into the country, even utterly to destroy this barbarous king. But in the time of the equinoctial autumn, (when the weather waxed more bitter than any man would in that season have thought) there fell out so great a cold, that for the most part it did nothing but snow: and if the element did any thing clear, then froze it so hard, that the horse could come by no water, the rivers were so extremely congealed with ise. And there could no man pass over by ford: for they did not so soon enter, but the ise brake, and cut the veins & sinews of the horse legs a sunder, they were so hard and thick withal. And furthermore, the country being full of trees, woods and forests, and the ways very narrow, not being able to pass by the fields, they were through wet with snow that fell upon them: & when they came to their lodging, than it was worse, for there were they constrained to lie in soft & moist places. And therefore the soldiers had followed but few days after this battle, but they refused to go any further. And first they sent their Colonel's and captains to entreat Lucullus to leave of this journey. Afterwards they gathered more boldly in troupes, and in the night time began to murmur and groin in their tents (which is a certain sign and token of a mutinous army, that hath a mind to rebel against their General) although that Lucullus used all gentle persuasions to win them with patience to abide this journey, at the lest, till time they might take the city of CARTHAGE in ARMENIA: to th'end they might there destroy the work and memory of the greatest enemy that ever the ROMANS had in this world, meaning Hannibal. But when he saw all this would not prevail, he brought them back again, & passed over mount Taurus an other way, and came down into the country called MYGDONIA, The country of Mygdonia. a very hot and fertile soil, where there is a great city, and marvelously replenished with inhabitants: who call it NISIBIS, Nisibis alias Antiochia, a city of Mygdonia. and the GRECIANS call it ANTIOCH, of MYGDONIA. In that city Gouras was Governor, who was Tigranes own brother: but for experience in engines of battery, and for sufficiency and skill in such matters, there was Callimachus also, he that so marvelously troubled Lucullus before at the siege of the city of AMISUS. Lucullus placing his camp before this city, besieged the same by all such means as might enforce it, and that so valiantly, that in very short time he took it by assault. And as for Gouras, who submitted himself to Lucullus mercy, Lucullus taketh Nisibis by assault. he was very courteously entreated. But for Callimachus, he would not once hear him speak, notwithstanding that he promised, if they would save his life, he would tell them of coffers full of great treasure hidden, which no man knew but himself only. But Lucullus commanded them to bring him with gives to receive the punishment he had justly deserved, for setting the city of AMISUS a fire, Callimachus did set the city of Amisus a fire. and taking from him the mean to show the GRECIANS his goodness, affection and liberality towards them. Until this present time, it might be truly said, that good fortune ever favoured & followed Lucullus in all his enterprises and affairs: Thalteration of Lucullus good fortune. but from that time forwards, it was quickly seen that the favourable blast of fortune failed him, he did all his things with so great pain, and all that he did fell out contrary unto him, and to very ill purpose. In deed he did ever show the valiancy, patience, and great courage that should be in a valiant General, or Lieutenant of an army. But his exploits and doings had never after that easy grace, nor shining glory they were wont to have: but to the contrary, he was like to have lost all that he had won before, through the misfortunes that fell upon him, and for the brawls and vain contention he had with his people to no purpose. But the worst was, that they make himself th'only author of all these evils, Lucullus cause of all his misfortune. because he could not, or would not entertain the goodwill of the multitude of his soldiers: thinking that whatsoever a General, or any other officer of state or calling doth to please and content them he hath under his charge, is to dishonour himself, and to give cause unto his soldiers to despise his authority. But that which made most against him was this: that he gave no estimation to gentlemen, and men of like quality to himself, but disdained them, Lucullus faults. and thought them unworthy to be equal with him. For these they say were his faults and imperfections, but otherwise that he wanted no virtues, nor natural gifts & good conditions that could be possibly wished for, or desired. For he was a tall gentleman, of goodly presence, well spoken, Lucullus virtues. wise and discreet, as well in matters of government, as in wars: and as well to persuade the people in peace, as to encourage his soldiers in war. The cause why Lucullus soldiers misliked with him. Sallust writeth of him, that his soldiers began to mislike with him, even from the first entry into these wars, because he made them lie out two winters together in the field, one after an other: the one before the city of CIZICUS, and the other before the city of AMISUS. And even as much did the other winters following vex and trouble them. For either they lay in their enemy's country, or else if they lay in their friends, yet he made them camp abroad in the field, and shroud themselves in their tents: Lucullus arm ever lay in the field, winter and summer. for Lucullus never entered with his army into any city or confederate town of GRAECE. Now if the soldiers of themselves misliked Lucullus, the counsellors at ROME that were his enemies, and envied his prosperity and glory, gave them yet greater occasions to mutiny against him. For they continually accused him to the people in their orations, that he drew out this war in length, purposely because he would always have occasion to rule, & means to get, having in his hands in manner all CILICIA, ASIA, BYTHINIA, PAPHLAGONIA, GALATIA, PONTUS, ARMENIA, and all the provinces and regions as far as to the river of Phasis: Phasis fl.. and yet he had not long before spoiled the Princely houses of Tigranes, as if he had been sent thither only to sack and spoil, and not to destroy & overcome those kings. And they say that it was Lucius Quintius, one of the Praetors, that spoke these words. It was he also that most moved the people to take order, that Lucullus should be called home, & other sent to succeed him in the charge & government of the countries he had subdued. By the self same mean, it was also ordained: that divers which were under his charge, should be dispersed with all for their oaths, and licensed to leave the wars when they thought good. But besides those & such like great causes, there was yet an other more dangerous plague, & that most overthrew Lucullus proceedings, passing all the other evils being put together: and that was Publius Clodius, Publius Clodius a wicked man. a wicked, licentious, and a harebrained man. He was Lucullus wives brother, and she was so light of her body, that Clodius her brother was accused of incontinency with her. This Clodius being at that time in Lucullus camp, carried not that estimation and credit he thought himself worthy of. For he took himself equal with the best, and would needs have been holden for chief: when in deed there were many of far better desert, he being noted both for a vicious and ill disposed person. Whereupon he began for spite to suborn the bands called FIMBRIANS, and to stir them up against Lucullus, Publius Clodius stirred up the soldiers against Lucullus. sowing sweet and pleasant words amongst the soldiers, which being wonted thereunto, looked still to be flattered. For they were those whom Fimbria had procured to kill the Consul Flaccus, and choose him in his steed for their Captain. By reason whereof they gave good care to Clodius words, and called him a noble Captain, and a lover of soldiers. For when he spoke unto them, he made as though he had pitied them, for that they should never see an end of their great pains and wars, but should miserably consume their days in fight continually, sometime with one nation, and sometime with an other: and that they wandered through all the countries of the world, receiving no worthy reward of so long and painful service, serving only to guard Lucullus carts & camels laden with plate and vessel of gold, and silver, and other precious stones. Where the soldiers that had served under Pompey, took now their ease at home in their country with their wives and children, and were landed men, dwelling in goodly fair cities, as rich burgesses and wealth citizens: and yet they had not driven Mithridates and Tigranes out of their kingdoms, into desert places unhabitable, nor had destroyed the Princely houses of ASIA, but only made a little war in SPAIN against those that were banished, & in ITALY against fugitive slaves. Shall we then said he, carry harness on our backs all the days of our life? Is it not better that we which are escaped until this present, reserve ourselves, our bodies & lives for that noble Captain, who esteemeth the greatest honour and glory he can achieve unto, is to make his soldiers rich that serve under him? Lucullus arm was so seduced and corrupted, with these mutinous and seditious accusations, that the soldiers would no longer follow him, neither against Tigranes, nor against Mithridates: who went presently out of ARMENIA into his realm of PONTUS, and began to conquer it again, whilst the ROMAN soldiers mutining against their General, remained idle in the province of GORDIAENA, excusing themselves by the winter season, & tarrying until Pompey or some other Captain should quickly come to raise the siege, and succeed Lucullus. Notwithstanding, when they understood that Mithridates had overthrown Fabius, one of Lucullus lieutenants, Mithridates' victory of Lucullus lieutenants. Mithridates overcame Triarius Lucullus Captain. and that he went against Surnatius & Triarius: they were then ashamed of themselves, and become contented to be led by Lucullus. But Triarius in a bravery, when he heard that Lucullus drew near, made haste to win the victory, as if it had been cock sure before Lucullus came: and was himself overthrown in a great battle, where some say there died above seven thousand ROMANS, amongst the which were a hundred and fifty centurions, & four and twenty Captains or Colonel's of a thousand men a piece, and yet beside, Mithridates took their camp also. Shortly after this overthrow, Lucullus came thither, who hide Triarius, whom the soldiers sought in their anger by all the means they could to kill. Now when Lucullus was come, he proved sundry means to procure Mithridates to battle: but Mithridates would not once stir abroad, because he looked for Tigranes that came down with a mighty power. Whereupon he determined again to go against Tigranes to fight with him, before Mithridates and he joined forces together. But as he was in his journey towards him, the FIMBRIAN bands began to rebel a new, The Fimbrian soldiers forsook Lucullus. and would not follow his ensigns, saying, and alleging of themselves, that by decree of the people they had leave to depart, and were discharged from their oath: and furthermore that Lucullus had no more to do to command them, considering that the government of the provinces which he had, was given unto others. Lucullus perceiving this, Lucullus forced to humble himself to his mutinous soldiers. did so humble himself unto them, supposing that way to win them, as there was no kind of uncomely humility but he submitted himself unto it: insomuch as he went into their tents to pray and entreat them one after an other, with water in his eyes, and with so great lowliness, as even to shake hands with them. But they fiercely rejected all his courtesies and fair entreaties, casting their pennyless purses before him, and angrily bade him fight with his enemies alone, since he had with the spoil of them all so well enriched himself alone. Nevertheless, at the intercession and earnest request of the other soldiers, these FIMBRIAN bands were compelled to promise', that they would yet tarry all that summer, The Fimbrian soldiers tarry out the summer, upon oldi● lon to depart when summer was done so that if no man in the mean time offered them battle, at the end of the term, they might go where they would. Lucullus was forced to accept this condition, or else to remain alone, & consequently to forsake the country of the barbarous people. With much a do thus he kept them together, but in such sort, as he durst no more venture to compel them to come to battle, contenting himself that they were willing only to stay with him, being forced to suffer Tigranes in the mean time to destroy and overrun the country of CAPPADOCIA, & Mithridates also to brag again, of whom he had before written to the Senate that he had utterly overcome him: insomuch as there came commissioners & deputies from ROME by his own procurement, to order the state of the realm of PONTUS with him, as of a kingdom already won to the ROMAN Empire. But when they were comen, they found him not master of himself, & that his own soldiers flouted him, and did him all the spite and injury they could. For they were so untruly towards their Captain, and did so much disdain him, that when the end of the summer was come, they armed themselves with armour and weapon, and drawing out their sword in mockery, challenged their enemies to battle which were gone out of the field: and after they had made the noise and eryes accustomed when they joined battle, and made as though they fought, hurling and swinging their swords in the air, they went from the camp, declaring openly that their time was expired, which they promised Lucullus to tarry. On tother side Pompey had written unto the other soldiers that were yet in camp, Pompey, Lucullus successor in Asia. to come unto him: for through the people's favour at ROME, the practices and flatteries of the common counsellors there, he was substituted General in Lucullus place. Which much misliked the Senate and nobility: for they thought Lucullus greatly wronged to have a successor sent, not to succeed him in troubles and dangers, but in honour and glory of triumph. And that they should compel him not only to resign up the office of a General to an other, but (for the good service he long time had done) the reward of his honour due for the same: and this also more misliked them, that were then about him. That so soon as Pompey was arrived in ASIA, Injuries offered Lucullus by Pompey. he took all power & authority from Lucullus, to punish or reward any man, for good or ill service done to the common wealth in those wars, & did moreover prohibit by public bills set up in every common place, that they should no more repair unto him, nor obey aught, that he, or any of the ten commissioners sent to dispose of the state of the provinces won by him, should command or ordain: and because Pompey came with a greater power and army than his, he was in some fear of him. Their friends thought good nevertheless they should meet together: and so they did incontmently, in a village of GALATIA, where at their first meeting they saluted each other very courteously, rejoicing together of the noble victories that either had won. Lucullus was the elder man, but Pompey of greater dignity, Lucullus and Pompey's mating. because he had been General of the ROMAN people in many wars, & had already triumphed twice. The bundles of rods which the sergeants carried before them, were wreathed about with law rell branches for the victories they had both achieved: but Pompey's bundles were withered away, because they had comen a long journey through hot and dry countries. Lucullus officers seeing theirs withered, courteously gave them of theirs fresh and new gathered: which Pompey's friends took for a sign of good luck. For to say truly, the things that Lucullus did in the time of his charge, were cause of the honour that Pompey afterwards wan. Howbeit in the end for all their talk, they were no whit the better friends: but departed th'one from tother more strange than they met. For Pompey by a plain edict, brake, revoked, and disannulled all Lucullus ordinances, Mislikinges between Pompey and Lucullus. and taking from him all his other soldiers, left him but only sixteen hundred to accompany his triumph, and yet they followed him with unwilling minds: such was Lucullus imperfection & maim, either by nature, or frowardness of fortune, that he lacked the chiefest thing a General should have, which was, to be beloved of his soldiers. Lucullus ●u● beloved of his soldiers. For if he had attained to that perfection, amongst many other his excellent virtues, and magnanimity, wisdom, judgement, & justice: the river of Euphrates had not been the uttermost confines of the Empire of ROME on ASIA side, but it had extended as far as the sea Hyrcane, yea even unto thutmost part of the world. For king Tigranes had already conquered the other nations that lie beyond that, saving the country of PARTHIA, which then was not so great nor strong, as it appeared afterwards in Crassus' time: nor so joined and knit together, but (what through civil dissensions amongst them at home, and foreign wars of their neighbours abroad) was so weak, that with great difficulty they could defend themselves from the ARMENIANS, that continually harried them out of their skins. But to take things rightly as they be in deed, me thinks that Lucullus did more hurt unto his country by other, than he did benefit the same by himself. For the tokens of triumph and victories which he wan in ARMENIA so near unto the PARTHIANS, the cities of TIGRANOCERTA and of NISIBIS which he had sacked and spoiled, the great treasure that he brought to ROME, and the diadem also of Tigranes, which was showed in triumph as a prisoner with the rest: moved Crassus with such a marvelous desire to pass into ASIA, Crassus' desire to conquer Asia upon sight of Lucullus triumph. See the life of Crassus what success he had. Lucullus return to Rome. as if all the barbarous people had been nothing but an assured spoil, and a purposed prey unto all those that would come to take them. But Crassus far otherwise, finding him self galled and troubled with the arrows of the PARTHIANS, knew then by proof, that Lucullus had not so much overcome his enemies for that they wanted skill, or were a cowardly people, as he had done through his wisdom and valiantness. But that shallbe seen hereafter. Furthermore, Lucullus being now returned to ROME, found first of all his brother Marcus, accused by one Gaius Memmius, for that he had done in his office of treasurer, in Sulla's time, and by his commandment, whereof he was cleared by sentence of the judges. But Memmius of spite turned his anger against Lucullus self, stirring up the people against him, and letting them understand that Lucullus had kept back and rob much part of the treasure, which should have comen to the common wealth, and that to work his feat the better, had prolonged these wars as he did: wherefore he persuaded them flatly to deny him the honour of his triumph. And truly Lucullus was in great danger to have lost it utterly: but that the noble men of the city, and they that were of greatest authority, intermeddled themselves with the tribes when they came to pass it by voices of the people, whom they entreated so much through suit and persuasion, that in the end, with much a do, the people suffered him to enter the city in triumph. So Lucullus made a triumphant entry, Lucullus triumph. not terrible nor troublesome for the long show or sight thereof, nor for the multitude of things that he brought thither with him, as many other Captains had done before him. For he caused the show place (which they call Circus Flaminius at ROME) to beset out and furnished chief with armour and weapons of the enemies to a marvelous number: and with the kings engines and inventions of battering pieces, which was a pleasant sight to behold. And in this show, there was a certain number of his men of arms bravely armed, ten carts of war armed with scythes that passed by, and three score of the chiefest friends and Captains of the two kings that were led prisoners through the city. And there were also drawn after them, a hundred and ten galleys all armed in the proves with strong spurs of copper, and a statue of Mithridates all of clean gold, six foot high, with a rich target set with precious stones. Besides all that, there were twenty cubberds as full of silver plate as could be, and thirty cubberds full also of golden vessel, armour and coin of gold, carried upon men's shoulders. After them followed eight mules laden with golden beds, and six and fifty other mules that carried silver bullion, & a hundred & seven other moils that carried silver coin, amounting to the sum of two hundred three score and ten thousand Sestertios. Furthermore, there were books of account carried also, wherein were particularly written the sums of money which Lucullus had delivered before unto Pompey for the war against pirates on the sea, & unto the treasurers and high treasures, to put into the sparing coffers of the common wealth at ROME. And afterwards in an article by itself, that he had given nine hundred and fifty Drachmas to every soldier by the poll. After the show of this triumph was ended, he made a general feast, in the which he feasted all the city and villages thereabouts, which the ROMANS call Vicos. And afterwards forsook his wife Clodia for her unchaste and wanton life, and married Seruilia Cato's sister: howbeit he wan nothing by thexchange, for he sped as evil with the second, as he did with the first. For, saving that she was not slandered with thin cest of her own brethren, otherwise she was as dishonest and unchaste as Clodia: Lucullus forsaketh Clodia and marrieth Seruilia Cato's sister, as unchaste as Clodia. and yet he bore withal a while for her brother's sake, but at the length grew weary of her, and put her away as he had done Clodia. Now when he had filled the Senate with a marvelous hope and expectation of him (who thought they had now got one to encounter and withstand Pompey's tyranny, and to uphold and maintain the authority of the nobility and Senate against the people, for that by his noble deeds he had achieved so great fame and reputation) he suddenly gave over all ●●●●●ges in th'affairs of the common wealth: Lucullus giveth over government of the common wealth. either because he saw it so best, being a hard thing now to keep it from ruin: or else (as other said) for that he felt himself sufficiently furnished with honour and wealth, and therefore determined from thenceforth to live quietly all at his ease, after so great pains, travails and troubles, the end whereof fell nor out over fortunately. And surely some were of his mind, and liked this great change of his marvelous well because he did not as Marius did, neither happened on the ill success and end that Marius had. For Marius after the notable victories which he brought from the CIMERUS, and after his valiant acts in wars which had won him great honour, yet would he not so leave of, when he might have been chronicled to his wonderful glory but of an unsatiable mind, and ambitious desire to rule and bear sway, (being withal a very old man) went and sorted himself amongst young men desirous of government, who brought him not only to commit many outrages, but made himself also to suffer greater cruelties. It is thought also that Cicero had ended his aged course more happily, if after he had quenched Catiline's conspiracy, he had 〈…〉 taken his case. And so had Scipio in like case, if when he had joined NUMANTTA unto CARTHAGE, he would then have quieted himself. And therefore, some say, that there is a certain revolution and time appointed, beyond the which no wise man should meddle any more with thaffairs of the common wealth: no more than a man whose youth & strength is gone and decayed, is any more fit to just, wrestle, or enter into such exercises of the body. But contrarily, Crassus and Pompey mocked Lucullus, because he gave himself so much to pleasure and pastime: as if to live pleasantly, & delicately did not worse become his age, then to command an army, or to govern th'affairs of a common weal. And for my part, reading Lucullus lives me thinks that I read an ancient comedy, the beginning whereof is tedious, & the latter end joyful. For at the beginning of his life, you find notable exploits done by him in wars, and great good government also in peace: but in the end they all turned into feasts, and banquets, and lacking little of masks and mommeries, dancing with torches, and all other such delights fit for young men. For I bring within the compass and reckoning of his finehes and pleasures, his sumptuous buildings, Lucullus buildings and pleasures. his stately walls and galleries, his hot houses and stoves, his tables and pictures, his statues also: and the great workmanship and curiosity he had beside of all other carts by him, gotten together out of all parts to his infinite charge, abusing therein the world of goods and treasure gotten and won in the wars, in time of his charge and office of General, and otherwise. Insomuch, that notwithstanding excess and superfluity hath ever since increased until this present time, yet they reckon the gardens Lucullus made, Lucullus gardens of great estimation. to be the most sumptuous and delicatest places that the Emperors have. And therefore Tubero the Stoic Philosopher, having seen these stately works which Lucullus had caused to be made near unto NAPLES, by the sea side, (where there are mountains cut through, light as day, and hanged upon vaults) and great ditches cast by force to make the sea pass and run through his houses, to keep fish therein, and lodgings also that he built in the sea itself: he called Lucullus, Xerxes the gown-man, Lucullus called Xerxes the gown-man. as if he would have said, Xerxes the ROMAN. For even so did Xerxes in old time 'cause the mountain Atho to be out in sunder, Xerxes' ●u● through the mountain Atho, & made ● channel for his ships to pass thorough. and a channel to be digged there to pass his ships through. He had also many other pleasant places within the territories of ROME, near unto THUSCULUM, where there were great large halls set upon terraces to see round about far of in the day time. And Pompey going thither sometime to see him, reproved him greatly, telling him that he had built a marvelous sayer summer house, but not to be dwelled in, the winter season. Lucullus laughing, answered him: do ye think me to have less wit and reason then storks or crane's, that I can not shifted houses according to the season? another time there was a Praetor of ROME, that making plays to show the people pastime, sent unto Lucullus to borrow certain purple cloaks to set forth his players: Lucullus made him answer, that he would 'cause his folks to look if he had any. And the next morning demanding of him, how many he should need: the other answered, that a hundred would serve his turn. Whereupon Lucullus told him again, he would furnish him with two hundred, if his case so required. And therefore the Poet Horace writing this story, addeth to a notable exclamation against superfluity, saying: that men think 〈…〉 poor house, where there is no more riches then necessary, and where there is not more than appeareth in fight, and that the master knoweth of. He was a vain man in his ordinary service at his board, not only in that his beds whereon he fed, were covered with rich 〈…〉 pettes of purple, and himself served in gold and silver vessel set with precious stones, Be●●●● there was dancing, music, plays, and other such like pastimes of ordinary but also for 〈…〉 he was continually served with all sorts of fine dainty dishes, Lucullus curiosity & excess in means and service. with works of pastry, banqueting dishes, and fruit curiously wrought and prepared, which only made him to be wondered at of men of simple understanding and mean condition. Therefore was Pompey marvelously esteemed, and specially for a word he spoke one day when he was sick, and that the Physician had willed him to eat of a thrush. For when his servants told him they were hard to come by in summer, but at Lucullus house where they brought them up all the year through: he would in no wise they should ask any of him, but said unto his Physician. What if Lucullus were not given to pleasure: could not Pompey live? And so willed them to get him some other such thing, as they might more easily come by. Cato was Lucullus friend & kinsman both, and yet he so much misliked his manner of living and ordinary expense: that one day a young man making a long and tedious Oration in open Senate (out of time, and to no purpose) touching mean, diet, sobriety, & temperance of life: Cato could no longer abide him, but rose up, and said unto him. What, wilt thou not leave babbling to us all day: thou that art rich as Crassus, that livest as Lucullus, and speakest as Cato? Cato's saying of Lucullus. Other affirm that these words were spoken thus, but that it was not Cato that spoke them: nevertheless it is certain, by the notable, sayings they have gathered of Lucullus, he did not only delight to live so delicately, but also he gloried in it. Some write that he feasted certain GRECIANS many days together in his house, that were come out of GRAECE to ROME: and that they being men brought up with the sobriety and simplicity of GRAECE, after they had been feasted there divers times, were ashamed, & refused to go thither any more, being afterwards entreated to come to Lucullus, supposing that he had made them this great cheer for their own sakes. Lucullus hearing of it, Certain sayings of Lucullus. told them: my Lords, I pray you refuse not to come to me for that. In deed I must needs grant that there is somewhat more than ordinary, to welcome you with all: but I tell you truly, the most pane is for Lucullus sake. another time when he supped all alone, and his men had laid but one board, and prepared but a reasonable supper for him, he was very angry with them, and called for his steward to know why he was served so: the steward answered him. My Lord, because I saw you send for no body, I thought this supper sufficient. What, said he again: knewest not thou that Lucullus should sup to night with himself? In fine, Lucullus far was commonly known through ROME, that there was no talk but of Lucullus noble housekeping. Whereupon, Cicero and Pompey being desirous to see the proof thereof, came one day to him in the market place seeing him at pleasure: (for Cicero was Lucullus very good friend, and Pompey also: and though there was some jar between them for matters of wars, he did not let for that to come unto him, and to speak gently one to an other) and Cicero after he had saluted him, asked him if he would be contented they should come and see him. O, said he, with all my heart: I pray you come to me. Well then, said Cicero, Pompey and I will come and sup with you to night, with condition that you provide no more than your ordinary. Lucullus told them again, they should then far but badly, and therefore it were better they tarried till to morrow. But they would none of that, not nor suffer him to speak with his men, for fear he should command them, to provide somewhat more than for himself. Nevertheless, at his desire, they suffered him only in their presence aloud to tell one of his men, that he would sup that night in Apollo: (for so was one of his most stately and sumptuous halls of his house called) and with that word only he finely deceived them both, Lucullus having divers hallos, had appointed every hall his certain ras● & charge of dies. and they never found him. For every hall had his certain sum and rate appointed for the charge and expense of every supper they made in them, and the ordinary furniture and service for the same. So that when his seruavantes had their watch word but in what hall he would sup, they knew strait what charge he would be at for his supper, & what orders should be observed therein. Now Lucullus 〈…〉 was to spend when he made any feast in the hall of Apollo, What Lucullus supper was in Apollo. fifty thousand pence, and that 〈…〉 day the supper was prepared according to that value: insomuch as Pompey marvelous how it could be possible that a suppor of so exceeding great charge could be so suddenly prepared. Insuch things therefore did Lucullus laiustily and riotously spend his goods, like spoils in deed gotten of slaves and barbarous people. But that specially which he bestowed upon books, was very commendable and honest expense. For he had gathered together a great number of notable histories, the use whereof was more honour to him, than the having of them. For his library was ever open to all corners, Lucullus library. and they suffered the GRECIANS to come into his goodly terraces & fair walks, or other pleasant places there abouts convenient to fl●●●d reason together, and never shut door against them: where learned men met commonly, l●●d oftentimes spent the whole day in conference together, as in the house of the Muses, being very glad when other matters were dispatched, they had so much leisure as but to go thicker. And Lucullus self would also many times be amongst them, in those terraces and pleasant walks, delighting much to talk with them: and he did ever help to dispatch them that had any business with him, and granted the thing they requested of him. To conclude, his house was a common receipt for all them that came from GRAECE to ROME. He loved all n●●●er of Philosophy, Lucullus loved Philosophy. and refused no sect of the same. But from his youth upward, he ever loved esteemed best the ACADEMIC sect, not that which they call the new ACADEMIC (although it flourished at that time through Carneades works, which Philo made such estimation) but the old ACADEMIC, Antiochus of Ascalon an eloquent to the●uian. which the Philosopher Antiochus of the city of ASCALON did defend and maintain at that time, being an eloquent rhetorician and well spoken, whom Lucullus sought to win by all means to make him his friend, and to have him in house with him: because he might inveigh against Philoes' hearers and followers, whose scholar Cicero among the rest was, that wrote a notable book against this old ACADEMIC sect. And in the same he reciteth Lucullus, maintaining the opinion of the old ACADEMICS: The opinion of the Academics. who hold, that a man may certainly know, and comprehend something, and called that Catalepsin: but Cicero defended the contrary. The book is entitled Lucullus: for they were (as we have rehearsed before) very good friends, and had both one self desire for government in the commonwealth. For Lucullus did not so withdraw himself from matters of state, that he would no more meddle at all, nor hear speak of them: but he betimes gave over all ambition & contention, as a thing of no small danger, & breeding great reproach and dishonour to Marcus Crassus, and Cato, Marcus Crassus, Cato, Lucullus, against Pompey. to be chief in authority. And these two were they that defended the Senate, and whom they raised up to withstand Pompey's greatness, being afraid of him, after that Lucullus had refused the chief place of authority. But otherwise, Lucullus would be in the market place at courts and common counsels, to pleasure his friends when they requested him: and would go to the Senate also, when there was occasion to break any new practice, or to overthrow Pompey's ambitious policy. Lucullus and Cato against Pompey. For he overthrew all the orders and constitutions that Pompey had made, after he had overcome the kings. Mithridates and Tigranes: and with the help of Cato hindered a distribution of money which Pompey had written for to ROME, to be bestowed amongst his soldiers. Whereupon Pompey fell in friendship, (or to speak more plainly, in conspiracy) with Crassus and caesar, Pompey, Crassus, Caesar, conspired together against the fla●e. by whose help and assistance, he filled ROME with arms and soldiers: and made the people by force to pass and confirm what he would have done, after he had violently expulsed Lucullus and Cato out of he market place. Whereat the noble men were much offended, and misliking the great wrong they had offered Lucullus & Cato, Pompey's followers suborned a * Cicero calleth him Lu●ius Vestius, howbeit it may be that he was a Brutianborne. BRUTIAN, and said he was taken lying in wait to kill Pompey. Whereupon the said BRUTIAN being examined by the Senate, named certain: but when he came before the people, he named Lucullus, saying that he had hired him to kill Pompey. But no man believed him. For they perceived openly in the market place, that he was procured by themselves falsely to accuse Lucullus, & Pompey's other adversaries. And this was proved more plainly within few days after, when they threw the body of this BRUTIAN dead in the midst of the street, out of the prison: who they say died of himself with sickness. Howbeit the marks being plainly seen of the halter wherewith they had strangled him, and the stripes appearing also which they had given him: did plainly show that they themselves did it, whom after they had suborned to accuse Lucullus, they slew in this manner. This was the cause why Lucullus did more than before absent himself from meddling in public caused but after, when he saw that they had so wickedly exiled Cicero, and found means also to con●●y Cato far enough of, under pretenced colour to send him with charge into the isle of CYPRUS: then he gave up altogether. Some write that a little before his death, he was not pea●● in his wits, Lucullus fell out of his wit● before his death. decaying through age little & little. Howbeit Cornelius Nepos saith, that it was not for age, nor sickness, that his wits did altar: but through poison which one of his slaves had given him, whom he had made free, called calisthenes: who gave it him, not of any evil intent, but because his master should love him the more, supposing that this poison had power to make him love him. But he troubled his wits so much with this poison, that Lucullus while he lived was feign to have his brother Marcus to oversee his goods. calisthenes poisoned Lucullus whereof he died. Notwithstanding this, when he was dead, he was as much bewailed and lamented of all the people, as if he had died in his best credit, and greatest prosperity. Lucullus death. For all the people ran to honour his funerals, and his body was carried to the place, by the young noble men of the city. The people would in any case have buried him within the field of Mars, as they had before buried Sylla. But because no man thought of it before, and also for that things necessary were not easily to be provided for the place: his brother Marcus besought the people they would be content his funerals might be at a town of his own, near unto the city of THUSCULUM, where his tomb was prepared, and he himself lived not long time after. For as Lucullus both in age, and honour, had not jest him far behind him: so did he not much in his death. For as a brother that had always dearly loved him, he could not then long live, and survive him. THE COMPARISON OF Lucullus with Cimon. Lucullus death blessed. NOthing (in my opinion) made Lucullus more happy, then to die when he did, before he saw the change & alteration of the common weal, which the fatal destinies plagued the ROMANS withal, with sedition & civil wars: and that he died in his country yet enjoying her liberty, but beginning then to fall to decay. And in that he was likest unto Cimon above all other things: who died whilst the GRECIANS were in good love and peace with other, and not in broil of discord and civil wars. In deed Cimon died in his camp, being General of his country, at the siege of the city of CITIUM in CYPRUS, not withdrawn to his home, as one wearied, living idly, or leading a voluptuous life in feasts and banquets, making that the end and reward of his wars, victories and triumphs: but as Plato said, (when he wisely blamed and reproved Orpheus, who promiseth perpetual drunkenness in the world to come, for reward of their virtue, that lived well in this life) merrily. And truly it is a great comfort and contentation of mind, for an old man feebled with age, and compelled by weakness, to withdraw himself from the world, as well in matters of government in peace, as in wars: and quietly to pass his time in study, where delight is joined with honest contemplation. But to finish his virtuous deeds, by referring them to pleasure as unto their only end, and moreover, to grow old by pleasure and vanity, solemnizing Venus' feast all the rest of his life, after he hath made such wars, & commanded such armies that me thinks a thing unworthy of an honest ACADEMIC, and altogether unmeet for one professing old. Xenocrates doctrine, but fit rather for a man given over altogether to Epicurus discipline. There is a wonderful thing to be considered of in these two men, that the one's youth was altogether vicious and reproachful, and thothers to the contrary, honest and virtuous. But he is the better that changeth for the better: & that nature is always more commendable, in whom vice decayeth, and virtue waxeth young: then that which by continuance of time showeth still the contrary. A good gift o● decay vice & to ●ncrease virtue. And furthermore, they both grew rich by one self mean: but they did not both a like use their riches. For it were to no purpose to compare the buildings of the wall that standeth south within the castle of ATHENS, which was built with the money Cimon brought thither: with the fine built chambers, and high raised turrets to gaze a far, & environed about with conduits of water, which Lucullus erected by NAPLES, with the spoils of the barbarous people. Neither is Cimons' table also of moderate fare & diet, but yet open to every man comparable to Lucullus board: which was sumptuously furnished, and showed the greatness of his Lord. For Cimons' board fed many mouths daily with a small charge: and Lucullus table exceeded in expense, to feed a few, with superfluous dainties. unless they will say, that time caused this difference between them. But who can tell, if Cimon had been at leisure to have withdrawn himself to quiet in age from government, and arms, he also would not have led a more sumptuous & dissolute life, given to all pleasure, than Lucullus did? For of his own nature he loved wine, banquets, and plays, and was also given to women, as we have told you before. But prosperity, and fortunate success of things do bring such delight to ambitious men of nature, and borne to great enterprises: that they make them forget to run after their other voluptuous vain desires. And therefore had Lucullus died abroad in the wars, whilst he commanded armies: there had not been that living man, how curious soever he had been to reprove other men's faults, that could have detected him of any reproachefull vice. And thus much for their manner of life. Now furthermore, touching the state of their wars: no doubt both the one and the other were excellent Captains, as well by sea as by land. And like as in games of prize and exercises of body which are showed in GRAECE, they that in one self day win the games at wrestling, and weapons both, are called by a strange custom, not conquerors only, but victors also, to honour them withal: even so me thinks that Cimon in like case having in one self day crowned GRAECE with two notable marks of triumph, for two battles he wan, the one by sea, and the other by land, Cimons' two victories obtained in one day. deserveth to have some place and preferment before other Captains. And moreover, Lucullus received the authority to command, of his country and common wealth: but Cimon gave his country both authority & ability to command. Lucullus found his country a commanding people to all their friends and confederates: through whose aid he overcame his enemies. And Cimon contrarily, found his country marching under an other's ensign, and through his vallantnes did so behave himself, that he made his city go before her confederates, and triumph over her enemies: Great difference betwixt Cimon & Lucullus. compelling the PERSIANS by force to give them the rule by sea, and persuading LACEDÆMONIANS willingly to give place unto them by land. Now if the chiefest thing that can be in an excellent Captain, is to make himself to be beloved of his soldiers, that they may delight to obey him: then was Lucullus despised of his soldiers, & Cimon esteemed and wondered at, even of the confederates themselves. For Lucullus was forsaken of his own men: and Cimon was followed by very strangers, for the confederates did join together with him. Lucullus returned home into his country, forsaken of those he carried out with him. Cimon returned again, commanding them that were sent out with him to obey others: and had at one time done for his country three notable things, & hard for them to have compassed: to wit, made peace with the enemies, given them authority & rule of their confederates, and joined friendship with the LACEDÆMONIANS. Both of them undertook to destroy great Empires, and conquest all ASIA. But neither of them both could bring their enterprise to pass. The one by reason of his death, which cut him of on the sudden being General, and when his affairs prospered best. The other can hardly be excused, that there was not a great fault in him: either in that he could not, or because he would not satisfy the complaints & griefs of his men, which caused them so much to hate and mislike him. And yet it might be said also, that in this fault he was like unto Cimon: who was oftentimes accused by his citizens, and at the length banished his country for the space of ten years, because that in ten years space (as Plato saith) they should no more hear him speak. For to say truly, it seldom times happeneth, that the grave wits of noble men do please the multitude, neither are they acceptable unto the common people: because they striving continually to reform them when they go awry, Grave magistrates resembled by similitude unto good Surgeons'. do grieve them as much, as surgeons do their patients when they bind up their sores with bands to cure them. For though by that binding they restore & bring to their natural places again the broken bones or members out of joint: yet put they the patient to great pain and grief. And therefore me thinks neither the one nor the other is to be blamed. Furthermore, Lucullus went a great deal further with his army, than ever Cimon did. For he was the first ROMAN Captain that passed over mount Taurus, and the river of Tigris with an army. He took and burnt almost in sight of both the kings, the royal cities of ASIA, TIGRANOCERTA, CABIRA, SINOPE, and NISIBIS. Towards the north, he went as far as the river of Phasis: towards the east, into MEDIA: and southward, even to the red sea, and unto the realms of ARABIA, subduing all unto the ROMAN Empire. And having overthrown all the power of these two mighty kings, he took from them all, but their persons only: who fled and hid themselves like wild beasts, in infinite deserts and unpassable forests. Wherein is easily discerned the difference betwixt the doings of the one, and of the other. For the PERSIANS, as if they had had no hurt nor overthrow at all by Cimon, fought a battle immediately after against the GRECIANS, & overthrew the greatest part of their army in EGYPT: where Mithridates and Tigranes, after Lucullus victories, did never any notable act. For the one finding himself altogether pulled down on his knees, and broken by the former battles: durst never once only show his army unto Pompey, out of the strength of his camp, but fled into the realm of BOSPHORVS, where he died. Mithridates' king of Pontus, died in the realm of Bosphorus. And Tigranes, he went and humbled himself on his knees, unarmed, and without weapon, unto Pompey: Tigranes' king of Armenia, submitteth himself to Pompey. and taking his diadem of from his head, laid it at his feet, not flattering him for the victories he had won, but for those which Lucullus had triumphed for. By reason whereof he scaped good cheap, & thought himself happy, when Pompey gave him only the mark and title of a king, the which before had been taken from him. He therefore is to be thought the more worthy Captain, & stoutest champion, that leaveth his enemy in weak estate for him that followeth, and shall fight afterwards with him. And furthermore, Cimon found the power of the king of PERSIA overharried, the pride and fierceness of the PERSIANS laid a ground, by many great battles they had lost before unto Themistocles, king Pausanias, & Leotychides, who had overthrown them: and going now again to fight a fresh with them, it was an easy thing to overcome the bodies of those, whose hearts were already vanquished. Where Lucullus to the contrary, assailed Tigranes, that had never been overcome, but bore a marvelous lofty mind with him, for the many great battles and conquests he had won. And for the multitude of enemies, there was no comparison between those that Cimon overthrew, & those that were ranged in battle against Lucullus. So that all things weighed and considered, it were hard to judge which of them two proved the worthiest man: for that it seemeth, that the gods did favour both the one and the other, telling the one what he should do, and the other what he should not do. And thus it appeareth by testimony of the gods, they were both good men, and that they both obtained everlasting glory. The end of Lucullus life. THE LIFE OF Nicias. I Have reason (as I think) to compare Nicias with Crassus, and the events that happened to the one in PARTHIA, with those that befell the other in SICYLE: yet am I to pray them that shall happen to read my writings, not to think me in entermeddling with those matters (in the describing and reporting whereof, Thucydides hath gone beyond himself, both for variety & liveliness of narration, as also in choice & excellent words) to have the like intent and opinion, that Timaeus the historiographer had. Who, hoping by the gravity & life of his words and reports, to darken the glory of Thucydides, The praise of Thucydides. and make Philistus (in comparison of himself) appear ignorant, & without any grace of historical narration● hath in his history of purpose sought occasion to enter into the describing of those battles by sea and by land, and the report of those speeches and orations, which are delivered by them with great judgement and eloquence. Wherein he cometh as near them whom he contends to pass, as doth the footman to the LYDIAN coach, as saith Pindarus: and beside showeth himself fond and of small judgement, or as Diphilus saith, A lubber laden with Sicilian grease. And in divers places, he falleth into Xenarchus follies. As where he saith, that he thinks it was an evil token for the ATHENIANS, that Nicias the Captain (whose name was derived of this word Nice, signifying victory) dissuaded their attempts against SICYLE: and that by the throwing down and mangling of the Hermes (to say, the images of Mercury) it was foreshowed that they should receive great overthrows by the General of the SYRACUSANS, called Hermocrates, the son of Hermon. And further, that it was not unlikely that Hercules did favour the SYRACUSANS, by reason of the goddess Proserpina, (protector and defender of the city of SYRACUSE) to requited her for that she gave him Cerberus the dog, porter of hell: and that he did malice the ATHENIANS beside, because they took the AEGESTAENS parts: (who came of the TROJANS, whom he much hated) for breaking their promise and saith with him, whose city himself had overthrown in revenge of the wrong that Laomedon king of TROY had offered him. Howbeit Timaeus shows as much wit and judgement, in delivering us such toys in an history: as he doth in correcting the style of Philistus, or in condemning and railing of Plato and Aristotle. Timaeus reproveth Plato and Aristotle. But in my fancy, this ambition & contention to write or to speak more clerkly than others, showeth always a base envious mind, like a scholar full of his school points. But when it striveth with things that are past all challenge & correcting, then is it extreme folly and madness. Sense therefore I may not pass over nor omit certain things, which Thucydides and Philistus have already set down, and especially those wherein they lay open Nicias nature and qualities, which the variety of his successes and fortune did cover. I must lightly touch them, and report so much as is necessary, & convenient, lest men condemn me, for sloth and negligence. And in the rest I have endeavoured to gather and propound things not commonly marked and known, which I have collected as well out of sundry men's works & ancient records, as out of many old antiquities: and of them all compiled a narration, which will serve (I doubt not) to decipher the man and his nature. Of Nicias therefore may be said that which Aristotle hath written of him: that there were three famous citizens of ATTHENS, very honest men, & which favoured the communality with a natural fatherly love: Nicias the son of Niceratus, Nicias equals. Thucydides the son of Milesus, and Theramenes the son of Agnon. But of the three, this last was of smallest account: for he is flouted as a forrenner borne in the isle of CEOS, and challenged beside for inconstant & inresolute in matters of state and government: and inclining sometimes to one faction, sometime to an other, he was called Cothurnus, a kind of buskin indifferently serving for both legs, and in old time was used of common players of tragedies. Of the other two, Thucydides being the elder, did many good acts in favour of the nobility against Pericles, who always took part with the inferior sort. Nicias that was the younger, had reasonable estimation in Pericles life time: for he was joined Captain with him, and oftentimes also had charge by himself alone without him. After Pericles death, the nobility raised him to great authority, to be as a strong bulwark for them, against Cleon's insolency & boldness: and with all, he had the love of the people, to advance and prefer him. Now this Cleon in troth could do much with the people, he did so flatter and dandle them, like an old man, still feeding their humour with gain: but yet they themselves whom he thus flattered, knowing his extreme courtousnes, impudence, and boldness, preferred Nicias before him, because his gravity was not severe nor odious, but mingled with a kind of modesty, that he seemed to fear the presence of the people, which made them thereby the more to love and esteem him. For being (as he was) of a fearful & mistrustful nature & disposition: Nicias, a timorous man. in wars he cloaked his fear with good fortune, which ever favoured him alike in all his journeys and exploits that he took in hand where he was Captain. Now being much afraid of accusers, this timorous manner of his proceeding in the city, was found to be popular, whereby he wan him the good will of the people: and by means thereof rose daily more and more, because the people commonly fear those that hate them, & advance them that fear them. The nature of the people. For the greatest honour nobility can do to the communality, is to show that they do not despise them. Now Pericles, who through his perfect virtue only, and force of his great eloquence ruled the whole state & common wealth of ATHENS, he needed no counterfeit colour, nor artificial flattering of the people, to win their favour and good wills: but Nicias lacking that, and having wealth enough, sought thereby to creep into the people's favour. And where Cleon would entertain the ATHENIANS with pleasant toys and devices, and could feed the people humour that way: Nicias finding himself no fit man to work by such encounter, crept into the people's favour with liberality, Nicias liberality & magnificence. with charges of common plays, and with such like sumptuousness, exceeding in cost and pleasant sports, not only all those that had been before him, but such also as were in his time. There yet remain monuments of his consecrating unto the gods as the image of Pallas in the castle of ATHENS, the gilt being worn of: and the chapel which is under the festival table of Bacchus: for he many times had the chief prize in Bacchus' dances, & never went away without some game. And touching this matter, there goeth a report that at certain plays whereof Nicias defrayed the charges, one of his men came forth upon the player's stage before the people, appareled like Bacchus: & being a goodly tall young man, without any hear on his face, the ATHENIANS took such pleasure to see him so attired, that they made a clapping of their hands a long time together for joy. Therewithal Nicias stood up, and told them, that it were a shame for him to leave the body of a man in bondage, that openly was esteemed as a god: and thereupon forthwith made this young slave a free man. Men write also of certain sumptuous and devout acts he did in the isle of DELOS, where the dancers and singers which the cities of GRAECE sent thither to sing rhymes and verses in the honour of Apollo, were wont before to arrive disorderly: and the cause was, for the numbers of people that ran to see them, who made them sing strait without any order, and landing in haste out of their ships, they left their apparel, and put on such vestments as they should wear in procession, and their garlands of flowers on their heads, all at one present time. But Nicias, being commanded to go thither to present the singers of ATHENS, landed first in the isle of RENIA, hard adjoining to the isle of DELOS, with his singers, his beasts for sacrifice, and with all the rest of his train, carrying a bridge with him, which he had caused to be made at ATHENS, upon measure taken of the channel, betwixt the one and tother I'll set out with pictures and tables, with gilding, with nosegays and garlands of triumph, and with excellent wrought tapestry: which in the night he set up upon the channel, being not very broad, and the next morning by break of the day caused his singers to pass over upon it singing all the way as they went in his procession so nobly set forth, even unto the very temple of Apollo. And when the sacrifice, the feast, and games that were to be played were finished, he gave a goodly palm tree of copper, which he offered up to Apollo, bought lands besides that cost him ten thousand Drachmas, which he consecrated also unto the god P●●●on of the Ile● and ordained, that the profits of the same should be yearly bestowed by the D●LIANS, upon an open sacrifice and feast, in the which they should pray to their god, for the health and prosperity of Nicias: and so caused it to be written and graven upon a pillar be left in DELOS, as a perpetual monument and keeper of his offering, and foundation. Afterwards, this copper palm tree being broken by winds, it fell upon the great image of the NAXIANS gift, and threw it down to the ground. Surely in this ceremony and act of his, there was a marvelous pomp, & great show of popular ambition: nevertheless, he that shall consider of his life and actions, may easily persuade himself that above all he did it of very pure zeal & devotion, and secondly, to give pleasure and pastime to the people. For by Thucydides report of him, he was one that feared the gods with trembling, and was wholly given to religion. We find written in one of the dialogues of Pasiphoon, that Nicias did sacrifice daily to the goddess, Nicias superstitions. and kept a soothsayer continually in his house, giving out abroad, that it was to counsel with him what should happen about the affairs of the common wealth: but in troth it was to inquire of his own business, and specially of his mines of silver. Nicias mines of silver. For he had many great mines about LAURION side, that were very profitable to him: but withal they digged with great danger, and he was driven continually to keep a marvelous number of slaves at work there. The most part of Nicias riches was in ready money, and thereby he had many cravers and hangers on him, whom he gave money unto: for he gave as well unto wicked people that might do mischief, as unto them that deserved reward, and were worthy of his liberality. Thus was his fear a rent to the wicked, Nicias for fear gave to the wicked. as his liberality was also a revenue to the good: and hereof the comical Poets do deliver us ancient testimony. For Teleclides speaking of a certain informer saith thus: Charicles did refuse to give one Mina for to stay, The bruting of his secret birth, conveyed close away: But Nice, the son of Nicerate, did willingly bestow, A brace of Minaze double told. And though I well do know The cause of his so doing, yet I will not him bewray: For why? The man is my good friend, and wise I dare well say. And he, whom Eupolis mocketh in his comedy entitled Maricas, bringing a plain simple man upon the stage, doth ask him: The informer. How long is it a go since thou didst speak with Nicias? The plain man. I saw him standing even right now upon the market place. The informer. This man affirms be saw him there. And wherefore should be say He saw him, but of some intent his lewdness to bewray? Now s●rs ye see how Nicias here is taken in the trip, For all his walking close in clouds to give the privy-slip. The Author O foolish folk, suppose ye that so good a man as he, In any fault or shameful fact will tardy taken be? And Cleon threatening in the comedy of Aristophanes, entitled the Knights, saith these words. The Orators if by the throat I take, Then sure I am, that Nicias straight will quake. Phrynichus self also telleth us glaunsingly, that he was so timorous and easy to be frayed, when he said speaking of an other man: A good stout man (I know full well) he was, And not a coward like to Nicias. Now Nicias being thus timorous of nature, and fearing to give any little occasion to the Orators to accuse him: Nicias wareness to offend. kept himself so warily, that he neither durst eat nor drink with any man in the city, nor yet put forth himself in company to talk, or pass the time amongst them, but altogether avoided such sports and pleasures. For when he was in office, he would never out of the counsel house, but still busied himself in dispatching causes, from morning till night, and was ever the first that came, and last that went away. And when he had no matter of state in hand, than was he very hardly to be spoken withal, and would suffer no access unto him, but kept close in his house: and some of his friends did ever answer them that came to his gate, and prayed them to pardon him, saying, that he was busy then about affairs of the common wealth. One Hieron, whom Nicias had brought up in his house, Nicias Hierons' school master. and had himself taught him both learning & music, was his greatest procurer and instrument to keep him from speech with any man, and brought him to this reputation of greatness and gravity. This Hieron (as it is reported) was the son of Dionysius Chalcus, of whom they find certain Poetical works at this day: who being Captain of a certain number of men that were sent to devil in ITALY, did build there the city of THURIES'. Dionysius Chalcus' founder of the city of Thuries. Hieron I say did serve his turn, and holp his secretly to inquire what he would understand of the Soothsayers, and gave out these words among the people: that Nicias led too miserable and painful a life, for the overgreat care he took to serve the common wealth: insomuch, as though he was in his hot house to wash him, or at his table at meat, his mind ran still of some matters about the common wealth, and to serve the state, did neglect his own private affairs: so that he scant began to sleep & take rest, when others commonly had slept their first sleep, and that he looked like no body. Furthermore, that he was grown crabbed and uncourteous, even to such as before had been his familiar friends. So that, said he, he loseth them together with his goods, and all for service of the common wealth: where others grow rich, and win friends, by the credit they have to be heard to the people, and can make merry among them, and sport with the matters of state which they have in their hands. Now in troth, such was Nicias life, Nicias life. that he might truly say that which Agamemnon spoke of himself in the tragedy of Euripides, called Iphigenie in AULIDE. In outward show of stately pomp all others I exceed, And yet the people's underling I am in very deed. And Nicias perceiving that the people in some things did serve their turns with the experience of them that were eloquent, & wiser than others, although they yet mistrusted their sufficiency, and had a special eye to them, plucking down their courage, by taking their authority from them: as for proof the condemnation of Pericles, the banishment of Damon, and the mistrust they had of Antiphon RHAMNUSIAN, and moreover by that they did unto Paches (that took the isle of LESBOS) who being brought before the judges in open counsel to give up an account of his charge, drew out his sword, and slew himself in presence of them all. Nicias I say, remembering these examples, sought ever to fly from these office●, which were either too great, or too small, and when he accepted any, had special regard to work surely, & to venture nothing. Whereby all his enterprises that he took in hand, as we may easily conjecture, prospered marvelous well: but yet he imputed nothing to his own wisdom, nor yet to his virtue and sufficiency, but thanked fortune ever for all, and praying diligently to the gods, contented himself to lessen his glory, and that only to avoid envy. As the event of things falling out even in his time do sufficiently witness unto us. For the city of ATHENS having sustained many great losses and overthrows, he was never a party, nor had aught to do in any of them. As once for example: the ATHENIANS were overcome in THRACIA by the CHALCIDONIANS, howbeit it was under the leading of Calliades & Xenophurs, who were their Captains. another time, the loss they had in AETOLIA under the charge of Demosthenes. Moreover at DELIUM, a city of BOEOTIA, where they lost a thousand men at one conflict, Hypocrates then being there General. And as touching the plague, the greatest number laid the fault there of to Pericles, who by reason of wars kept the men that came out of the country, within the walls of the city of ATHENS: and so by changing of a year, and their wonted manner of life, they fell into it. Now with none of all these great troubles and misfortunes, was Nicias ever burdened: Notable acts done by Nicias. but contrariwise he being Captain took the isle of CYTHERA, which the LACEDÆMONIANS inhabited, being an excellent place for f●●● to molest and destroy the country of LACONIA. He wan divers cities again that had rebelled in THRACIA, and brought them once more under the obedience of ATHENS. As his first coming, having shut in the MEGARIANS within their walls, he took the isle of MINOA: and at his departure thence, shortly after wan the haven of Nisea also. Furthermore, landing in the country of the CORINTHIANS, he overcame them that offered him battle, and slew a great number, and among others Lycophron the Captain. At this battle he chanced to forget to bury two of his men that were slain, whose bodies could not be found in gathering up of the rest: howbeit so soon as he heard of it, he caused all his fleote to stay, and sent an Herald to the enemies, to pray leave to fetch away those two bodies. The law of arms. Now, though by law of arms they that sent to ask leave to take away their dead to bury them, did thereby loose the honour of their victory, & were barred to set up any mark or token of triumph, because it seemed by the suit, that they which had them in their power were conquerors, and not the petitioners that made request for them, which otherwise needed not to have made demand of them: Nicias notwithstanding was contented rather to forsake the honour of his ●ictory, then to leave the bodies of two of his countrymen in the field without burial. So, after he had destroyed all the coast of LACONIA, and had overcomen certain LACEDAEONIANS that came against him in battle: he took the city of THYREA, which the AEOLNETES kept at that time, whom he brought prisoners unto ATHENS. And when the PELOPONNESIAN had prepared great armies both by sea and by land to besiege the fort of PYLE, the which Demosthenes the Captain had fortified: battle being given by sea, it chanced there remained four hundred natural citizens of SPARTA, within the isle of SPACTERIA. Now the ATHENIANS thought it a noble exploit of them, (as in deed it was) to take those four hundred alive: howbeit the siege was very sore, because they lacked water even in the middle of summer, and more forced to fetch a marvelous compass to bring victuals to their camp, which when winter should be once comen would be very dangerous, and almost an impossible thing to do. Whereupon, they then become sorry, and repented them much that they had sent away the Ambassadors of the LACEDÆMONIANS which came to them to treat of peace, and that they had (through Cleon's procurement) suffered them to depart in that sort without resolution taken: who was against them altogether, only to do Nicias a despite, being his enemy; & did earnestly solicit the matter the LACEDÆMONIANS requested. This was the cause why Cleon persuaded the ATHENIANS, to refuse their offer of peace. But when the people saw that this siege drew out in length, and that their camp suffered grievous wants and necessities than fell they out with Cleon, and he again burdened Nicias, saying that through his fear he would let the besieged SPARTANS escape, and that if he had been Captain, they should not have holden out so long. Thereupon the ATHENIANS said a loud to Cleon: and why dost not thou go thither yet to take them? Moreover Nicias self also rising up, openly gave him his authority to take this Pyle, and bade him levy as many soldiers as he would to go thither, and not to brag with such impudent words where was no danger, but to do some notable service to the common wealth. Cleon at the first shrunk back, being amazed withal, little thinking they would have taken him so suddenly at his word. But in the end, perceiving the people urged him to it, and that Nicias also was importunate with him: ambition so inflamed him, that he not only took the charge upon him, but in a bravery said, that within twenty days after his departure he would either put all the SPARTANS to the sword, or bring them prisoners unto ATHENS. The ATHENIANS hearing Cleon say so, had more lust to laugh a good, then to believe that he spoke: for it was their manner ever to laugh at his anger and folly. For it is reported of him, that the people on a time being solemnly assembled in counsel early in the morning, to hear what Cleon would say, A lest of Cleon. & having tarried long for him: at the length he came with a garland on his head, and prayed the assembly to dismiss the court till the next morning: for, quoth he, I shall not be at leisure to day, because I have sacrificed, and do feast also certain strangers my friends that are come to see me. So the people burst out in a laughing, and broke up th'assembly. This notwithstanding, fortune favoured him at that time, & he handled himself so well in this charge with Demosthenes, that he took all the SPARTANS that they besieged, within the time he had appointed, saving such as were slain: Cleon's victory of the Lacedæmonians. and having made them yield, brought them prisoners to ATHENS. This fell out greatly to Nicias shame and reproach. For it appeared not only a casting away of his shield, but worse then that, a voluntary forsaking of his province upon a base timorous mind, giving his enemy occasion thereby to do some noble exploit, depriving himself of his honourable charge. Wherefore Aristophanes mocketh him again, in his comedy of birds, saying: It is no time to sleep and linger still, As Nicias doth: without good cause or skill. Also in an other place of his comedy of plowmen he saith: I feign would follow husbandry. Who lets thee? Marry you. A thousand Dragmaze I will give to be discharged now Of office in the common weal. Content, so shall we have Two thousand Dragmaze just, with those that Nicias lately gave. But herein Nicias did great hurt to the common wealth, suffering Cleon in that sort to grow to credit & estimation. The immoderate liberty of Cleon. For after that victory, Cleon grew to so haughty a mind & pride of himself, that he was not to be dealt withal: whereupon fell out the occasion of the great miseries that happened to the city of ATHENS, which most grieved Nicias of all other. For Cleon amongst other things took away the modesty and reverence used before in public Orations to the people: he of all other was the first that cried out in his Orations, Cleon's lewd and light ieastures in his Orations. that clapped his hand on his thigh, threw open his gown, & flung up & down the pulpit as he spoke. Of which example afterwards followed all licentiousness, and contempt of honesty, the which all the Orators & counsellors fell into, that dealt in matters of state & common wealth, & was in the end the overthrow of all together. In that very time began Alcibiades to grow to credit, by practice in the state, who was not altogether so corrupt, neither simply evil: but as they say of the land of EGYPT, that for the fatness and lustiness of the soil, It bringeth forth both wholesome herbs, and also noisome weeds. Even so Alcibiades wit excelling either in good or ill, was the cause and beginning of great change and alteration: Alcibiades divers wit. For, it fell out, that after Nicias was rid of Cleon, he could not yet bring the city of ATHENS again to peace and quietness. For when the common wealth began to grow to some rest and reasonable good order, than was it again brought into wars, through Alcibiades extreme fury of ambition. And thus it began. The only peacebreakers and disturbers of common quiet generally throughout GRAECE, were these two persons, Cleon and Brasidas: for war cloaked the wickedness of the one, and advanced the valiantness of the other, giving to either occasion to do great mischief, and also opportunity to work many noble exploits. Cleon & Brasidas the two peacebreakers generally of all Graece. Now Cleon and Brasidas being both slain together at a battle fought by Armphipolis, Nicias strait perceiving the SPARTANS had long desired peace, and that the ATHENIANS were no more so hotly given to the wars, but that both the one & the other had their hands full, & were willing to be quiet: devised what means he might use to bring SPARTA and ATHENS to reconciliation again, and to rid all the cities of GRAECE also from broil and misery of war, that thenceforth they might all together enjoy a peaceable and happy life. The rich men, the old men, and the husbandmen, he found very willing to harken to peace: and talking privately also with divers others, he had so persuaded them, that he cooled them for being desirous of wars. Whereupon, putting the SPARTANS in good hope that all were inclined to peace, if they sought it: the SPARTANS believed him, not only for that they had found him at other times very soft and courteous, but also because he was careful to see that their prisoners of SPARTA, (who had been taken at the fort of Pyle) were gently entreated, and had made their miserable captivity more tolerable. So, peace was concluded between the SPARTANS and the ATHENIANS for a year, Nicias reconcileth the Spartans with the Athenians. during which abstinence, they frequenting one an other again, and beginning to taste the sweetness and pleasures of peace, and the safety of free access one to see an others friends that were staungers: began then to wish that they might still continued in peace and amity together, without effusion of blood of either party, and took great delight in their dances, to hear them sing such songs: And let my spear lie outgrowen, with dusty spiders webs. They did also with great joy & gladness remember him which said, that in peace no sound of trumpet, but the crowing of the cock doth wake them that be a sleep: and on the other side they cursed and took on with them that said it was predestined, the war should continued thrice nine years. And so, upon a meeting together to talk of many matters, they made an universal peace throughout all GRAECE. Now most men thought that surely all their sorrows and miseries were come to an end, and there was no talk of any man but of Nicias, saying: that he was a man beloved of the gods, who for his devotion towards them, had this special gift given him, that the greatest blessing that could come unto the world, was called after his name. For to confess a troth, every man was certainly persuaded that this peace was Nicias work, as the war was Pericles procurement, who upon light causes persuaded the GRECIANS to run headlong into most grievous calamities: and Nicias on the other side had brought them to become friends, and to forget the great hurts the one had received of the other in former wars. And even to this present day, that peace is called Nicium, as who would say, Nicias peace. Nicias peace. The capitulations of the peace were thus agreed upon: that of either side they should alike deliver up the cities, and lands, which each had taken from other in time of wars, together with the prisoners also: and that they should first make restitution, whose lot it was to begin. Nicias (according to Theophrastus' report) for ready money secretly bought the lot, that the LACEDÆMONIANS might be the first that should make restitution. And when the CORINTHIANS and BOBOTIANS that disliked of this peace, sought by the complaints they made, to renew the war again: Nicias then persuaded both the ATHENIANS and LACEDÆMONIANS, that they should add for strength unto their country, the alliance & peace offensive and defensive made between them, for a more sure knot of friendship, whereby they might be the better assured the one of the other, and also the more dreadful to their enemies that should rebel against them. These things went clean against Alcibiades mind: who besides that he was ill borne for peace, was enemy also unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, for that they sought to Nicias, and made none account of him, but despised him. Here was thoccasion that caused Alcibiades to prove from the beginning what he could do to hinder this peace, wherein he prevailed nothing. Yet shortly after, Alcibiades perceiving that the ATHENIANS liked not so well of the LACEDÆMONIANS, as they did before, and that they thought themselves injuried by them, because they had lately made league with the BOE OE without their privity, and had not wholly rendered up the cities of PANACTUM & AMPHIPOLIS according to the conditions articled between them: began then to enlarge and aggravate the people's complaints, and to make them offended with every one of them. And furthermore he procured Ambassadors from the city, of ARGOS to come to ATHENS, and so handled the matter, that the ATHENIANS made league offensive & defensive with them. While these matters were thus in hand, there came to ATHENS also Ambassadors from LACEDAEMON, Ambassadors sent from Spartan to Athens. with full power and authority to set all things at stay, and to compound all controversies: who having first spoken with the Senate, propounded things unto them bothery honest and reasonable. Whereupon, Alcibiades being afraid that they letting the people understand so much, should thereby bring them to yield to what they desired: he finely received the poor Ambassadors by this devise. Alcibiades craft and deceit. He promised upon his oath to help them in that they went about, so far forth as they would not confess themselves to have absolute power from the ephors: making them to believe it was the only way to bring their matters to pass. The Ambassadors giving credit to his words, relied upon him, and so for look Nacias'. Whereupon Alcibiades brought them before the people being set in counsel, and these demanded openly of them, whether they had full power and authority to accord all matters yea or no. Whereunto they made him answer with a loud voice, that they had not made unto them: began to call the counsel to witness, whether they did not in open Senate say the contrary, and so advised the people not to trust nor give credit unto such men, as was openly taken with so manifest a lie, & that in one self matter would one while say one thing, an other while an other. It boots not to ask whether the Ambassadors were much amazed to hear Alcibiades words: for Nicias himself witted not what to say to the matter, the suddenness of the cause did so confuse and grieve him, being a thing he least looked for. Now the people they were so moved beside, that they become indifferent whether to have sent for the Ambassadors of ARGOS presently to have made league with them or not: but there fell out an earthquake upon this matter, that greatly served Nicias turn, and broke up the assembly. The earthquake holp Nipias. The people meeting again in counsel the next morning, Nicias with all that he could do, or say, could scant withhold them from making league with the ARGIVES: and to get leave in the mean time to go to the LACEDÆMONIANS, promising he would make all well again. Thereupon, Nicias going to SPARTA, Nicias sent Ambassador unto Sparta. was received and honoured there like a noble man, and as one whom they thought well affected towards them: but for the rest, he prevailed nothing, and being overcomen by those that favoured the BOEOTIANS, returned again to ATHENS as he departed thence. Where he was not only ill welcomed home, and worse esteemed, he was also in danger of his person, through the fury of the people, that at his request & comsell had redelivered such men prisoners, and so great a number of them. For in deed, the prisoners which Cleon had brought to ATHENS from the fort of Pyle, were all of the chiefest houses of SPARTA, and their kinsmen and friends were the noblest men of the city. Notwithstanding, the people in the end did none other violence to him, saving that they chose Alcibiades their Captain, and made league with the ELIANS, and MANTINIANS (which had revolted from the LACEDÆMONIANS) and with the ARGIVES also: & sent pirates to the fort of Pyle, to spoil the country of LACONIA. Upon these occasions the ATHENIANS fell again into wars. Now when the quarrel and controversy was greatest between Nicias and Alcibiades, the Ostracismon (to wit, the banishment for a time) came in, The use of the Ostracismon. by the which the people banished for ten years any such of their citizens as they thought either of too great authority, or that was most envied for his wealth and substance. Alcibiades and Nicias were then not a little perplexed, considering their present danger, being sure that th'one of them two should not fail but be banished by this next banishment. For the people hated Alcibiades life, & were afraid of his valiantness as we have more amply declared in the description of his life. And for Nicias, his wealth made him to be envied, beside they misliked his strange manner of dealing, being no more familiar nor conversant with the people than he was, and compared him too stately: moreover they hated him also, because in many matters he had spoken directly against the thing the people desired, & had enforced them against their wills or against to that which was profitable for themselves. In fine to speak more plainly, there fell out grea● strife between the young men that would have wars, and the old men that covered peace, some desirous to banish Nicias, and some others Alcibiades: but Where discord reigns in realm or town, The wicked win the chief renown. And so fell it out then. For the ATHENIANS being divided in two factions, gave authority to certain of the most impudent & insolent persons that were in all the city: and among them was one Hyperbolus of the town of PERITHUS, Hyperbolus. a man of no behaviour nor value, why he should be bold: but yet one that grew to some credit & power, dishonouring his country, by the honour they gave him. Now Hyperbolus thinking himself free at that time from any danger of banishment, (having rather deserved the gallows) hoping that if one of them two were banished, he should match him well enough that remained behind: showed openly, that he was glad of their discord and variance, and busily stirred up the people against them both. Nicias and Alcibiades being acquainted with his wicked practices, having secretly talked together; joined both their factions in one: Nicias and Alcibiades joined tribes against Hyperbolus. whereby they brought it so to pass, that neither of them were banished, but Hyperbolus self for ten years. Hyperbolus banished for ten years. Which matter for the present time made the people very merry, though afterwards it grieved them much, seeing their ordinance of the Ortracismon blemished by the unworthiness of the person: which punishment was an honour unto him. For this banishment was thought a meet punishment for Thucydides, Aristides, and such like men of account as they, or their like: but for Hyperbolus, it was thought too great an honour, & too manifest an occasion of glory to be given to him, that for his wickedness had the self same punishment, which was to be inflicted upon the chiefest estates for their greatness. And the comical Poet Plato himself saith in a place, Although his lewd behaviour did deserve as much or more, Yet was not that the punishment he should have had therefore. The Ostracie devised was for men of noble same, And not for varlets, whose lewd life deserved open shame. After this Hyperbolus, there was never man banished with the Ostracismon. For himself was the last, as Hipparchus CHOLARGIAN, and nearest kinsman to the tyrant, was the first. The taking away of ten years banishment. Sure fortune is a very uncertain thing, & without conceit of reason. For had Nicias frankly put himself to the hazard of this banishment against Alcibiades, one of these two things must needs have happened him: either to have remained in the city with victory, his adversary being banished: or being convict by his banishment to have scaped those extreme miseries and calamities the which he afterwards fell into, besides the same he had won of a wise Captain, though he had been overcomen. I know notwithstanding that Theophrastus writeth, how Hyperbolus not Nicias, was banished through the dissension that fell betwixt Phae●x and Alcibiades: albeit most writers agreed with that I have told you before. Now the Ambassadors of the EGESTANS' and LEONTINES' being comen to ATHENS, to persuade the ATHENIANS to attempt the conquest of SICILIA: Nicias being against it, was overcome by Alcibiades craft & ambition. For he, before they were called to counsel, had already through false surmises filled the people's heads with a vain hope & persuasion of conquest. Insomuch as the young men meeting in places of exercise, & the old men also in artificers shops, and in their compassed chairs, or half circles where they sat talking together, were every one occupied about drawing the platform of SICILY, telling the nature of the SICILIAN sea, & reckoning up the havens and places looking towards AFRICA. For they made not their account that SICILY should be the end of their wars, but rather the storehouse and armory for all their munition and martial provision to make war against the CARTHAGINIANS, and to conquer all AFRIQUE, and consequently all the AFRIQUE seas, even to Hercules pillars. Now all their minds being bend to wars, when Nicias spoke against it, he found very few men of quality to stand by him. For the rich, fearing lest the people would think they did it to avoid charge, and the cost they should be at about these wars, they held their peace, though in deed not contented with all: yet would not Nicias leave still to counsel them to the contrary. But when they had past the decree in counsel for the enterprise of SICILY, and that the people had chosen him chief Captain, with Alcibiades and Lamachus, to follow the same: Nicias chosen Captain for the wars of Sicila. at the next session of the counsel holden in the city, Nicias rose up again, to see if he could turn the people from this journey with all the protestations he could possibly make, burdening Alcibiades, that for his own ambition and private commodity, he brought the common wealth into so far and dangerous a war. But all his words prevailed not. Himself before all others was thought the meetest man for this charge, partly because of his experience ●●● chiefly for that they knew he would handle their matters with greater safety, when his timorous foresight should be joined with Alcibiades valiantness, and with Lamachus softness, which in deed most confirmed the election. Now after the matter thus debated, Demostratus one of the Orators that most procured the ATHENIANS to undertake this enterprise stepped forth, and said. It were good that Nicias jest of, and set a side all these excuses and devices and preferred a decree, that the people should thoroughly authorize the Captains that were chosen, to set forward & execute what they thought good, as well here as there, and so persuaded the people to pass and authorize it. Signer●o fear the Athenians not to attempt the enterprise of Sicily. Yet it is said that the Priests objected many things to hinder the journey. But Alcibiades also having suborned certain soothsayers, alleged in● like case some ancient Oracles that said, the ATHENIANS should have great honour from SICILY: & further had enticed certain pilgrims, who said they were but newly come from the Oracle of jupiter Ammon, and had brought this Oracle thence, That the Athenians should take all the Syracusans. But worst of all, if any knew of contrary signs or tokens to come, they held their peace, lest it should se●me they entermeddled to prognosticate evil for affections sake, seeing that the signs themselves, which were most plain and notorious, could not remove them from th'enterprise of this journey. Statues mangled Athens. As for example, the hacking and cutting of the Hermes, and images of Mercury, which in one night were all to be mangled, saving one image only called the Hermes of Andocides, which was given & consecrated in old time by the tribe of the AEGEIDES, and was set up directly over against a citizen's house called Andocides. Furthermore, the chance that happened by the altar of the twelve gods: where a man leaping suddenly upon it, after he had gone round about it, cut of his genitories with a stone. And in a temple also in the city of DELPHES, where was a little image of Minerva of gold, set upon a palm tree of copper, which the city of ATHENS had given of the spoils won of the MEDES. upon that palm tree sat certain crows many days together, and never left pecking and jobbing at the fruit of it which was all of gold, until they made the same to fall from the tree. But the ATHENIANS said, that the DELPHIANS (whom the SYRACUSANS had subdued) had finely feigned this devise. There was a prophecy also that commanded them to bring one of Minerva's Nuns to ATHENS, that was in the city of CLAZOMENES. So they sent for this Nun called Hesychia, which is, rest: & it seemeth it was that which the goddess by this prophecy did counsel them unto, that for that time they should be quiet. Meton the Astronomer having charge in the army levied for the war of SICILY, The madness of Meton the Astronomer. being afraid of this prophecy, or otherwise misliking the celestial signs, and success of the journey: feigned himself mad, and set his house a fire. Others say he counterfeated not madness, but did one night in deed set his house a fire, and that the next morning looking ruefully on it, he went into the market place as a man brought to pitiful state, to sue to the people, that in consideration of his great misfortune happened him, they would discharge his son of the voyage, who was to take charge of a galley at his own cost, and ready to make sail, Moreover, the familiar spirit of wise Socrates that did use to tell him before what should happen: told him then that this journey would fall out to the destruction of ATHENS. Socrates told it ●o certain of his very familiar friends: and from them the rumour become common. And this also troubled a number of them, for the unlucky days on the which they did embark. For they were the very days on the which the women celebrated the feast and yereday of Adonis' death: and there were also in divers parts of the city, images of dead men carried to burial, and women following them, mourning & lamenting. So that such as did put any confidence in those signs, said they misliked it much, and that they were afraid lest the same signified, that all the goodly preparation of this army, (the which was set out with such pomp & bravery) would come to nothing. Now for Nicias, that he spoke against this war in open counsel, whilst they were deliberating upon it, and that he was not carried away with any vain hope, nor puffed up with the glory of so honourable a charge to make him change his mind therein surely he showed himself an honest man, wise, and constant. But when he saw plainly that he could by no persuasions remove the people from the enterprise of this war, neither yet by suit nor entreaty get himself discharged from being a Captain thereof, but that they would in any case make him one of the heads of the army: then was it out of time to be fearful, Nicias foolish faithfulness. and still giving back, turning his head so often like a child to look upon his galley behind him, and ever to be telling that no reason could be heard in determining of this journey. For in deed this was enough to discourage his companions, & to mar all at their first setting out: where, to say truly, he should suddenly have set upon his enemies, & have gone to it with a lusty courage, to have assayed fortune. But he took a clean contrary course. For when Lamachus thought good at their first coming to go strait to SYRACUSE, and to give them battle as near the walls as might be, & that Alcibiades on the other side was of opinion first of all to go about to win the cities that were in league with the SYRACUSANS, and after that they had made them rebel, then to go against the SYRACUSANS themselves. Nicias to the contrary spoke in counsel, Nicias counsel for invading the Syracusans. and thought it better to go on fair and softly, deserying the spastes of SICILY round about to view their galleys, and preparation, & so to return strait to ATHENS again, leaving only a few of their men with the EGESTANS', to help to defend them. But this from the beginning marvelously cooled the courage of the soldiers, and quite discouraged them. Shortly after also, the ATHENIANS having sent for Alcibiades to answer to certain accusations, Nicias remaining Captain with Lamachus (the other Captain in sight, but Nicias self in power and authority the Lieutenant general of all the army) still used delays, running up and down, and spending time so long in consultation, till the soldiers were left without both hope and courage: and the fear th'enemy had of them at their first coming to see so great an army, was now in manner clean gone. Yet Alcibiades being in the army, before he was sent for from ATHENS, they went with three score galleys to SYRACUSE, of the which they placed fifty in battle ray out of the haven, and sent the other ●enne into the haven to discover: which approaching near the city, caused an Herald to make open proclamation, that they were come thither to restore the LEONTINES to their lands and possessions, and took a ship of the enemies, in the which among other things they found tables, wherein where written the names of all the inhabitants of SYRACUSE, according to their tribes and houses. These tables were kept far from the city, in the temple of jupiter Olympian, but at that time they had sent for them to know the number of men of service, and of age to bear weapon. The same tables being taken by the ATHENIANS, and carried to the generals of the army, the soothsayers seeing this long roll of names, at the first misliked it, fearing lest the prophecy had been fulfilled, which promised them, that the ATHENIANS one day should take all the SYRACUSANS. Howbeit it is reported this prophecy came to pass in an other exploit, when calippus ATHENIAN having slain Dion, won also the city of SYRACUSE. Now when Alcibiades was gone from the camp, Nicias bore all the sway and commanded the whole army. For Lamachus, Lamachus valiant, bu● simple. though otherwise he was a stowre man, an honest man, and very valiant of his hands, and one that would not spare himself in time of need: nevertheless he was so poor and miserable, that even when he was in state of a General, & gave up an account of his expenses, he would not stick to put into his books, so much, for a gawne, and so much for a payer of pantofles. Where Nicias authority & reputation contrariwise was of an other manner of out, as well for other respects, as for his riches, and for the honour of many noble things which he had done before. As one namely which they tell of him that on a time being a Captain with others, and sitting in counsel with his companions in the counsel house at ATHENS, about the dispatch of certain causes, he spoke unto Sophocles the Poet, then present amongst them, and bade him speak first and say his opinion, being the oldest man of all the whole company. Sophocles answered him again in deed I confess I am the oldest man, but thou art the noblest man, and him whom every man regardeth best. So having at that time Lamachus under him, a better Captain & man of war then himself was yet by being so slow to employ the army under his charge by deferring of time still, and hovering about SICILY as far from his enemies as he could: he first gave the enemy's time and leisure to be bold without fear of him. And then going to besiege HYBLA, being but a polting little town, and raising the siege without taking of it: he fell into so great contempt with every man, that from thenceforth no man almost made any more reckoning of him. At last, he retired unto CATANA with his army, without any other exploit done, ●saying that he took HYCCAPA, a baggage village of the barbarous people, and where it is said 〈…〉 courtisane was borne, and that being then a young girl, she was sold among other perso●●, and afterwards carried into PELOPNNESUS. Lais the courtesan carried out of Sicily into Peloponnesus. And in fine, the summer being far spent, Nicias was informed that the SYRACUSANS had taken such courage to them, that they would come and enterprise the charge upon them first: and that their horsemen were approached already before his camp, to skirmish with them, ask the ATHENIANS in mockery, if they were come into SICILY to devil with the CATANIANS, or to restore the LEONTINES to their lands again. Hereupon with much a do, Nicias determined to go to SYRACUSE and because he would camp there in safety, Nicias notable strategeame. and at ease without hazard: he sent one of CATANA before to SYRACUSE, to tell them (as if he had been a spy) that if they would suddenly come and set upon the camp of the ATHENIANS & take all their carriage, he wished them to come with all their power to CATANA at a day certain which he would appoint them. For the ATHENIANS (said he) for the most part are within the city, wherein there are certain citizens, which favouring the SYRACUSANS, have determined so soon as they hear of their coming, to keep the gates of the city, and at the same time also to set the ATHENIANS ships a fire: and how there were also a great number in the city of this confederacy, that did but look every hour for their coming. And this was the noblest stratagem of war, that Nicias showed all the time he was in SICILY. For by this devise he made the SYRACUSANS come into the field with all their power, so that they left their city without guard: and he himself departing in the mean time from CATANA with all his fleet, wan the haven of SYRACUSE at his ease, Nicias winneth the haven of Syracuse. and chose out a place to camp in, where his enemies could not hurt him: in the which he was both the stronger, and might without let or difficulty set upon them with that, wherein he most trusted. The SYRACUSANS returning strait from CATANA, and offering him battle hard by the walls of SYRACUSE, he came out into the field, and overthrew them. There were not many of the SYRACUSANS slain at this battle, because their horsemen did hinder the chase: but Nicias breaking up the bridges upon the river, gave Hermocrates occasion to mock him. For, comforting & encoraging the SYRACUSANS, he told them Nicias deserved to be laughed at, because he did what he could that he might not fight, as if he had not purposely come from ATHENS to SYRACUSE to fight. This notwithstanding, he made the SYRACUSANS quake for fear: for where they had then fifteen Captains, they chose our three only, to whom the people were sworn, that they would suffer them to have full power & authority to command and take order for all things. The temple of jupiter Olympian was hard by the ATHENIANS camp, Nicias forbeareth to spoil the temple of jupiter. which they would gladly have taken, for that it was full of rich jewels and offerings of gold and silver, given unto the temple afore time. But Nicias of purpose still drove of time, and delayed so long, till the SYRACUSANS at last sent a good garrison thither to keep it safe: thinking with himself, that if his soldiers came to take and spoil the temple, his country should be nothing the richer by it, and himself besides should bear all the blame of sacrilege. So, having obtained victory without profit, (which ran strait through SICILY) within few days after he returned unto the city of NAXOS, where he lay all the winter, consuming a wonderful mass of victuals with so great an army, for the doing of things of small moment, upon certain SICILIANS that yielded to him. The SYRACUSANS in the mean time being in heart again, and courageous: returned to CATANA, where they spoiled and overran all the country, and burned the camp of the ATHENIANS. Herefore every man blamed Nicias much, because through his long delay, and protracting of time to make all things sure, he let slip sundry occasions of notable exployres, wherein good service might have been done. Yet when he would do a thing in deed, he did it so thoroughly as no man could take exception to his doings, for that he brought it to so good a pass: and once taking it in hand, he did execute it with all speed, though he was both slow to determine and a coward to enterprise. Now when he removed his army to return to SYRACUSE, Nicias besiegeth Syracuse. he brought it so orderly, & also with such speed & safety: that he was come by sea to THAPSUS, had landed & taken the sort of Epipolis, before the SYRACUSANS had any intelligence of it, or could possibly help it. For the choice men of the SYRACUSANS being set out against him, hoping to have stopped his passage: he overthrew them, took three hundred prisoners, & made their horsemen fly, which before were thought invincible. But that which made the SYRACUSE most afraid, and seemed most wonderful also to the other GRECIANS, was this that in a very short space he had almost environed SYRACUSANS with a wall, which was as much in compass about, as the walls of ATHENS, Nicias wall as the siege of Syracuse. and worse to perform, by reason of the woddy country, and for the sea also that beateth upon the walls, besides that there were divers marrisses hard by it● and yet (sick as he was of the story) he had almost finished it. And sure good reason it is that we attribute the fault of the not finishing of it, unto his sickness. For mine own part I wonder marvelously both of the care & diligence of the Captain, and of the valiantness and dexterity of the soldiers, which appeareth by the notable feats they did. For Euripides after their overthrow and utter ruin, made a funeral Epitaphe in verse, and saith thus. Eight t●●es our men did put the men of Syracuse to flight, So long as with indifferenoie the gods and use their might. But we find it written, that the SYRACUSANS were not only eight times, but many times more overthrown by them a time at length there was in deed, that both the gods and for tune sought against them, even when the ATHENIANS were of greatest power? Now Nicias in his own person was ever in the greatest and most weighty affairs, striving with his sickly body? Howbeit one day when his disease grew fore upon him, he was compelled to be lodged in his camp with a few of his men: & Lamachus in the mean time alone having charge of the whole army, sought with the SYRACUSANS, who then had brought a wall from the city, unto the wall with the which the ATHENIANS had purposed to have short them in, to keep that they should not compass it round. And because the ATHENIANS commonly were the stronger in these skirmishes, they many times over rashly followed the chase of their enemies that fled. As it chanced one day that Lamachus went so far; The death of Lamachus. that he was left alone to encounter a company of horsemen of the city, before whom Callictares marched formest, a valiant man of his hands, who challenged Lamachus hand to hand. Lamachus abode him, and in the conflict was first hurt: but he gave Callicrates also such a wound there withal, that they both fell down dead presently in the place. At that time the SYRACUSANS being the stronger side, took up his body, and carried it away with them; but they spurted cut for life to the ATHENIANS camp, where Nicias lay sick, without any gate or succour at all: nevertheless, Nicias rose with speed out of his bed, and perceiving the danger he was in, commanded certain of his friends to set the wood a fire which they had brought within the trenches of the camp, to make certain devices for battery, and the engines of timber also that were already made. That devise only stayed the SYRACUSANS, saved Nicias, and the strength of their camp, together with all the silver and carriage of the ATHENIANS. For the SYRACUSANS perceiving a far of, betwixt them and the strength of their camp, such a great name as rose up in the air: upon fight of it turned tail sraight, and made towards their city. Things falling out thus, Nicias being left fool Captain of the army without any companion, Nicias sole Captain of the whole army. in great hope notwithstanding to do some good: divers cities of SICILY yielded unto him, ships fraught with corn came out of every quarter to his camp, and many submitted themselves, for the good success he had in all his doings. Furthermore the SYRACUSANS also sent to purse with him of peace, being out of hope that they were able to defend their city any longer against him. Gylippus also a Captain of the LACEDAEMONTANS, coming to aid the SYRACUSANS, Gyllipus a Lacedaemonian, aideth the Syracusans. understanding by the way how the city of SYRACUSE was shut in with a wall round about, and in great distress: held on his voyage notwithstanding, not with any hope to defend SICILY (supposing the ATHENIANS had won the whole country) but with intent nevertheless to help the cities of ITALIA if he could possibly. For it was a common rumour abroad, that the ATHENIANS had won all; and that their Captain for his wisdom and good fortune was invincible. Nicias himself now contrary to his wonted wisdom and foresight, trusting altogether to the good success which he saw to follow him, but specially believing the reports that were told him of SYRACUSE, & the news that were brought him thence by some of themselves, which came secretly unto him persuading himself that within few days he should have SYRACUSE by composition took no care to withstand Gylippus coming hither, neither, sent any men to keep him from landing in SICILY By which negligence, Gylippus landed in a passenger, without Nicias knowledge: SOS●●● reckoning they made of him, and so much did they fond despise him: Gylippus being, 〈…〉 landed far from SYRACUSE, began to gather men of war together, before the SYRACUSANS themselves knew of his landing or looked for his coming: insomuch as they had already appointed the assembly of a counsel to determine the articles and capitula lions of peace, which they should conclude upon with Nicias. Moreover, there were some that persuaded they should do well to make haste to conclude the peace, before the enclosure of Nicias wall was altogether finished, which then lacked not much to perform, having all stuff for the purpose brought even ready to the place. But as these things were even thu●● doing, arrived one Gongylus at SYRACUSE, Gongylus a Corinthian. that came from CORINTHE with a galley. At which landing, the people upon the peer flocking about him, to hear what news: he told them that Gylippus would be there before it were long, and that there came certain other galleys after to their aid. The SYRACUSANS would hardly believe him until there came an other messenger also sent from Gylippus self of purpose, that willed them to aripe, and come to him into the field. Thereupon the SYRACUSANS being marvelously revived, went all straight& armed themselves. And Gylippus was no sooner come into SYRACUSE, Gylippus arrival at Syracuse. but he presently put his men in battle ray, to set upon the ATHENIANS, Nicias for his part had likewise also set the ATHENIANS in order of battle, and ready to fight. When both th'armies were now approached near each to other, Gylippus threw down his weapons, and sent a Herald unto Nicias to promise' them life and baggage to depart safely out of SICILY. But Nicias would make the Herald none answer to that message. Howbeit there were certain of his soldiers that in mockery asked the Herald, if for the coming of a poor cape and wand of LACEDAEMON, the SYRACUSANS thought themselves strengthened so much, that they should despise the ATHENIANS, which not long before kept three hundred LACEDÆMONIANS prisoners in irons, far stronger and more hear on their heads, than Gylippus had, and had also sent them home to their citizens at LACEDAEMON. And Timaeus writeth also, that the SICILIANS themselves, made no reckoning of Gylippus, neither then, nor at any time after. After, because they saw his extreme covetousness and misery: and then, for that he came so meanly appareled, with a thread bore cape, and a long bush of hear, which made them scorn him. Yet in another place he saith, that so soon as Gylippus arrived in SICILY, many came to him out of every quarter with very good will, like birds wondering at an owl. This second report seemeth truer than the first; for they swarmed about him, because in this cape & wand they saw the tokens of the majesty of the city & signory of SPARTA. Thucydides also saith, that it was Gylippus only that did all there. And much like doth Philistus self a SYRACUSAN confess, who was present then in prison & saw all things that were done. Notwithstanding, at the first battle the ATHENIANS had the upper hand, & slew a number of the SYRACUSANS, among the which Gongylus the CORINTHIAN was one. Gongylus the Corinthian slain. But the next morning following, Gylippus made them know the skill and experience of a wise Captain. For, with the self same weapons, with the same men, with the same horses, and in the same places, changing only the order of his battle, he overthrew the ATHENIANS: and fight with them still having driven them even into their camp, he set the SYRACUSANS a work to build up a wall overthwart, (with the very self same stones and stuff which the ATHENIANS had brought and laid there for the finishing of their enclosure) to cut of the other, and to keep it from going forward, that it joined not together. So, all that the ATHENIANS had done before until that present, was utterly to no purpose. Things standing in these terms, the SYRACUSANS being courageous again, began to arm galleys, and running up and down the fields with their horsemen and slaves, took many prisoners. Gylippus on tother side, went in person to and fro through the cities of SICILY, persuading and exhorting the inhabitants in such sort, that they all willingly obeyed him, and took arms by his procurement. Nicias seeing things thus fall out, Nicias good fortune changed. fell to his old trade again, and considering the change of his stage and former good luck, his heart beginning to faint; wrote strait to the ATHENIANS to sand an other army into SICILY, or rather to call that home which he had there, but in any case to give him leave to return, and to discharge him of his office, for cause of this sickness. The ATHENIANS were in different before he wrote, to sand aid thither: howbeit to envy the nobility bore unto Nicias good fortune, did ever 'cause some delay that they sent not until than, and then they determined to sand with speed. So Demosthenes was named to be sent away immediately after winter, a great navy. In the midst of winter, Euramedam word to Nicias, & carried him both money, & news, that the people had chosen some of them for his companions in the charge, which were already in service with him, to wit, Euthydemus and Menander. Euthydemus and Menander chosen Captains with Nicias. Now Nicias in the mean time being suddenly assailed by his enemies both by sea and land: though at the first he had fewer galleys in number than they, yet he budged divers of theirs and sunk them. But by land again, he could not hide his men in time, but use Sylipus as the first onset had taken a fort of his called Plemmyrion, within the which lay the store, and tackle for many galleys, & a great mass of ready money which was wholly lost. Besides, in the same conflict also were many men slain, and many taken prisoners. Yet further, the greatest matter of weight was, that thereby he took from Nicias the great commodity he had to bring his victuals safely by sea to his camp. For while the ATHENIANS keep this fort; they might at their pleasure bring victuals without danger to their camp, being contened with the same: but when they had lost it, than it was hard for them so to do, because they were ever driven to fight with the enemies, that lay at anchor before the fort Furthermore the SYRACUSANS did not think that their army by sea was overthrown, because their enemies the stronger, but for that their men had followed the ATHENIANS disorderedly and therefore were desirous once again to venture, in better sort and order than before. But Nicias by no means would be brought to fight again: saying, that it were a madness looking for such a great navy & a new supply as Demosthenes was coming withal, rashly to fight with a fewee number of ships than they, and but poorly furnished. But contrarily, Menander, and Euthydemus, newly promoted to the state of Captains with Nicias, being pricked forwards with ambition against the two other Captains (Nicias and Demosthenes that was then coming, desired to prevent Demosthenes in performing some notable service before his arrival, & thereby also to excel Nicias doings. Howbeit, the cloak they had to cover their ambition withal was, the honour & reputation of the city of ATHENS, the which (said they) were shamed and dishonoured for ever, if they now should show themselves afraid of the SYRACUSANS, who provoked them to fight. Thus brought they Nicias against his will to battle in the which the ATHENIANS were slain and overcome, by the good counsel of a CORINTHIAN Pilot called Aviston. For the left wing of their battle (as Thucydides writeth) was clearly overthrown and they lost a great number of their men. Whereupon Nicias was wonderfully perplexed; considering on the one side that he had taken marvelous pains, whilst he was fool Captanine of the whole army: and on tother side, for that he had committed a foul fault, when they had given him companions. But as Nicias was in this great despair, they descried Demosthenes' upon a peer of the haven, Demosthenes' arrival at Syracuse. with his fleet bravely set out and furnished, to terrify the enemies. For he had three score and thirteen galleys, and in them he brought five thousand footmen well armed and appointed, and of darters, bowmen, and hurlers with slings about three thousand, and the galleys trimmed and set forth with goodly armours, numbers of ensigns, and with a world of trumpets, howboyes, and such marine music, and all set out in this triumphant show, to fear the enemies the more. Now thought the SYRACUSANS themselves again in a peck of troubles, perceiving they strove against the stream, and consumed themselves to no purpose, whemby that they saw there was no likelihood to be delivered from their troubles. And Nicias also rejoiced, that so great aid was come, but his joy held not long. For so soon as he began to talk with Demosthenes of the state of things, Demosthenes' rashness. he found him bend forthwirth to set upon the SYRACUSANS, and to hazard all with speed, that they might quickly take SYRACUSE, and so dispatch away home again. Nicias thought this more hast then good speed, and feared much this fool hardiness. Nicias counsel unto Demosthenes. Whereupon he prayed him to attempt nothing rashly, nor desperately: and persuaded him that it was their best way to prolong the war against the enemies, who were without money, and therefore would soon be forsaken of their confederates. And beside, if they came once to be pinched for lack of victuals that they would then quickly seek to him for peace, as they had done afore time. For there upon many within SYRACUSE that were Nicias friends, who wished him to abide time: for they were weary of war, and waxed angry also with Gylippus. So that if they were but straighted a little more with want of victuals, they would yield strait. Nicias delivering these persuasions somewhat darkly, and keeping somewhat also from utterance, because he would not speak them openly: made his colleagues think he spoke it for cowardines, and that he returned again to his former delays to keep all in security, by which manner of proceeding he had from the beginning killed the hearts of his army, for that he had not at his first coming set upon the enemies, but had protracted time so long, till the courage of his soldiers was cold and done, and himself also brought into contempt with his enemies. Whereupon the other Captains (his colleagues and companions with him in the charge) Euthydemus and Menander, stuck to Demosthenes' opinion: whereunto Nicias was also forced against his will to yield. So Demosthenes the self same night taking the footmen, Demosthenes' rashness. went to assault the fort of Epipolis where, before his enemies heard any thing of his coming, he slew many of them, and made the rest flee that offered resistance. But not content with this victory, he went further, till he fell upon the BOEOTIANS. They gathering themselves together were the first that resisted the ATHENIANS, basin their pikes with such fury and loud cries, that they caused the former to retire, and made all the rest of thassailants afraid and amazed. For the foremost flying back, came full upon their companions: who taking them for their enemies, and their flight for a charge, resisted them with all their force, & so mistaking one an other, both were wounded and slain, and the hurt they meant unto their enemies, did unfortunately light upon their own fellows. For this multitude meeting thus confusedly together, what through their great fear, & what for that they could not discern one an other in the night, the which was neither so dark that they could not see at all, nor yet so clear, as they might certainly judge by sight what they were that met them: (for then the moon declined a pace, and the small light it gave was diffused with the number of men that ran to & fro) the fear they had of the enemy, made them mistrust their friends. All these troubles and disadvantages had the ATHENIANS, and beside, the moon on their backs, which causing the shadow to fall forward, did hide their number, and glistering of armour: and contrarily, the enemy's targets, glaring in their eyes by the reflection of the moon that shone upon them, increased their fear, and making them seem a greater number and better appointed than they were in deed. At last, thenemies giving a lusty charge upon them on every side, after they once began to give back and turn tail: The slaughter of the Athenians as Syracuse. some were slain by their enemies, others by their own company, and others also broke their necks falling from the rocks. The rest that were dispersed abroad in the fields, were the next morning every man of them put to the sword by the horsemen. So, the account made, two thousand ATHENIANS were slain, and very few of them escaped by flight, that brought their armours back again. Wherefore Nicias that always mistrusted it would thus come to pass, was marvelously offended with Demosthenes, and condemned his rashness. But he excusing himself as well as he could, thought it best to embark in the morning betimes, and so to hoist sail homewards. For, said he, we must look for no new aid from ATHENS, neither are we strong enough with this army to overcome our enemies and though we were, yet must we of necessity avoid the place we are in, because (as it is reported) it is always unwholesome for an army to camp in, and then specially most contagious, by reason of the automne and season of the year, as they might plainly see by experience. For many of their people were already sick, and all of them in manner had no mind to tarry. Nicias in no case liked the motion of departing thence, because he feared not the SYRACUSANS, but rather the ATHENIANS, for their accusations & condemnation. And therefore in open counsel he told them, that as yet he saw no such danger to remain: and though there were, yet that he had rather die of his enemy's hands, than to be put to death by his own countrymen. Being therein of a contrary mind to Leo BIZANTINE, The courage of Leo Bizantine. who after that said to his citizens. I had rather suffer death by you, than to be slain with you. And furthermore, as for removing their camp to some other place, they should have leisure enough to determine of that matter as they thought good. Now when Nicias had delivered this opinion in counsel, Demosthenes having had ill luck at his first coming, durst not contrary it. And the residue also supposing that Nicias stuck not so hard against their departure, but that he relied upon the dust and confidence he had of some within the city: they all agreed to Nicias. But when news came that there was a new supply come unto the SYRACUSANS, and that they saw the plague increased more and more in their camp: then Nicias self thought it best to depart thence, and gave notice to the soldiers to prepare themselves to ship away. Notwithstanding, when they had put all things in readiness for their departure, without any knowledge of sthenemy, or suspicion thereof: the moon began to eclipse in the night, The eclipse of the moon. and suddenly to loose her light, to the great fear of Nicias and divers others, who through ignorance and superstition quaked at such sights. For, touching the eclipse and darkening of the sun, which is ever at any conjunction of the moon, every common person than knew the cause to be the darkness of the body of the moon betwixt the sun and our sight. But the eclipse of the moon itself, The eclipse of the moon not known of long time. to know what doth darken it in that sort, and how being at the full it doth suddenly loose her light, and change into so many kind of colours; that was above their knowledge, and therefore they thought it very strange, persuading themselves that it was a sign of some great mischiefs the gods did threaten unto men. For Anaxagoras, Anaxagoras the first that wrote of the eclipse of the moon. the first that ever determined and delivered any thing, for certain and assured, concerning the light and darkness of the moon: his doctrine was not then of any long continuance, neither had it the credit of antiquity, nor was generally known, but only to a few, who durst not talk of it but with fear even to them they trusted best. And the reason was, for that the people could not at that time abide them that professed the knowledge of natural Philosophy, & inquired of the causes of things: for them they called then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as much to say, as curious inquirers, and tattler of things above the reach of reason, done in heaven and in the air. Because the people thought they ascribed that which was done by the gods only, unto certain natural and necessary causes, that work their effects not by providence nor will, but by force, and necessary consequences. For these causes was Protagoras banished from ATHENS, The Athenians do persecute the Philosophers. and Anaxagoras put in prison: from whence Pericles had much a do to procure his delivery. And Socrates also, Socrates' put to death for Philosophy. though he did not meddle with that part of Philosophy, was notwithstanding put to death for the suspicion thereof. In fine, the doctrine of Plato being received and liked, as well for his virtuous life, as also for that he submitted the necessity of natural causes unto the controlment & disposition of divine power, as unto a more excellent and supreme cause: took away all the ill opinion which the people had of such disputations, and gave open passage and free entry unto the Mathematical sciences. And therefore Dion, Dyon very skilful in natural causes. one of Plato's scholars and friends, an eclipse of the moon chancing even at the very same time that he was weighing up his anchors to sail from ZACYNTHE, to make war with the tyrant Dionysius: being nothing afraid nor troubled therewithal, made sail notwithstanding, and when he came to SYRACUSE, drove out the tyrant. But than it fell out unfortunately for Nicias, who had no expert nor skilful soothsayer: for the party which he was wont to use for that purpose, and which took away much of his superstition, called Stilbides, was dead not long before. For this sign of the eclipse of the moon (as Philochorus saith) was not hurtful for men that would fly, but contrarily very good: for said he, things that men do in fear, would be hidden, and therefore light is an enemy unto them. But this notwithstanding, their custom was not to keep themselves close above three days in such eclipses of the moon and sun, as Autoclides self prescribeth in a book he made of such matters: where Nicias bore them in hand, Nicias ignorant of natural causes. that they should tarry the whole and full revolution of the course of the moon, as though he had not seen her strait clear again, after she had once passed the shadow and darkness of the earth. But all other things laid a side and forgotten, Nicias disposed himself to sacrifice unto the gods: until such time as the enemies came again as well to besiege their forts, and all their camp by land, as also to occupy the whole haven by sea. For they had not only put men aboard into their galleys able to wear armour, but moreover young boys into fisher boats and other light barks, with the which they came to the ATHENIANS, and shamefully reviled them, to procure them to fight: among the which there was one of a noble house, called Heraclides whose boat being forwarder than his companions, was in danger of taking by a galley of the ATHENIANS, that rowed against him. Pollichus his uncle being afraid of it, launched forward with ten galleys of SYRACUSE for his rescue, of the which himself was Captain. The other galleys doubting also lest Pollichus should take hurt, came on likewise a main: so that there fell out a great battle by sea, The Syracusans overcome the Athenians by sea. which the SYRACUSANS wan, and slew Eurymedox the Captain, and many other. This made the soldiers of the ATHENIANS so afraid, that they began to cry out, it was no longer tarrying there, and that there was none other way but to depart thence by land. For after the SYRACUSANS had won that battle, they had strait shut up the haven mouth. Nicias could not consent to such a retire. For, said he, it would be too great a shame for them to leave their galleys and other ships to the enemy, considering the number not to be much less than two hundred: but he thought good rather to armed hundred and ten galleys with the best & valiantest often their footmen, and darters, than were in the army, because the other galleys had spent their owers. And for the rest of the army, Nicias forsaking their great camp and walls (which reached as far as the temple of Hercules) did set them in battle ray upon the peer of the haven. Insomuch, that the SYRACUSANS which until that day could not perform their wonted sacrifices unto Hercules: did then send their Priests and Captains thither to do them. The soldiers being embarked into the galleys, the Priests and Soothsayers came and told the SYRACUSANS, that undoubtedly the signs of the sacrifices did promise' them a noble victory, The soothsayers do promise' victory to the Syracusans. so that they gave no charge, but only stood upon their defence: for so did Hercules ever overcome, defending, when he was assailed. With this good hope the SYRACUSANS rowed forward, and there was such a hot and cruel battle by sea, as had not been in all this war before: the which was as dreadful to them that stood on the shore to behold it, as it was mortal unto them that fought it, seeing the whole conflict, and what alteration fell out beyond all expectation. For the ATHENIANS did as much hurt themselves by the order they kept in their fight, and by the ranks of their ships, as they were hurt by their enemies. For they had placed all their great ships together, fight with the heavy, against thenemies that were light and swift, which came on on every side of them, whurling stones at them which were made sharp to wound how ever they lighted: whereas the ATHENIANS only casting their darts, and using their bows and slings, by means of their rowing up and down could not lightly am to hit with the head. The Athenians again overcome on the sea by the Syracusans. That manner of fight, Aristo a CORINTHIAN (an excellent ship master) had taught the SYRACUSANS, who was himself slain valiantly fight, when they were conquerors. The ATHENIANS thereupon being driven to fight, having sustained a marvelous slaughter & overthrow, (their way to fly by sea being also clearly taken from them) and perceiving moreover that they could hardly save themselves by land: were then so discouraged, as they made no longer resistance, when their enemies came hard by them and carried away their ships, before their faces. Neither did they ask leave to take up their dead men's bodies to bury them, taking more pity to forsake their diseased and sore wounded companions, than to bury them that were already slain. When they considered all these things, they thought their own state more miserable than theirs, which were to end their lives with much more cruelty, than was their misery present. So they being determined to depart thence in the night, Gylippus perceiving the SYRACUSANS through all the city disposed themselves to sacrifice to the gods, and to be merry, as well for the joy of their victory, as also for Hercules' feast: thought it bootless to persuade them, and much less to compel them, to take arms upon a sudden, to set upon their enemies that were departing. Howbeit Hermocrates devising with himself how to deceive Nicias, Nicias deceived by Hermocrates. sent some of his friends unto him with instructions, to tell him that they came from such as were wont to sand him secret intelligence of all things during this war: and willed him to take heed not to depart that night, lest he fell into the ambushes which the SYRACUSANS had laid for him, having sent before to take all the straits and passages, by the which he should pass. Nicias being overreached by Hermocrates craft and subtlety, stayed there that night, as though he had been afraid to fall within the danger of his enemy's ambush. Thereupon, the SYRACUSANS the next morning by peep of day, hoist sail, got the straits of Nicias passage, stopped the rivers mouths, & broke up the bridges: and then cast their horsemen in a squadron in the next plain fields adjoining, so that the ATHENIANS had no way left to escape, and pass, by them, without fight. At last notwithstanding, having stayed all that day and the next night following, they put themselves in journey, The miserable state of the Athenians departing from Syracuse. and departed with great cries & lamentations, as if they had gone from their natural country, and not out of their enemy's land: as well for the great distress and necessity wherein they were, (lacking all things needful to sustain life) as also for thextreme sorrow they felt to leave their sore wounded companions and diseasedkinse men and friends: behind them, that could not for their weakness follow the camp, but especially for that they looked for some worse matter to fall to themselves, than that which they saw present before their eyes to be happened to their fellows. But of all the most pitiful sights to behold in that camp, Nicias extreme misery. there was none more lamentable nor miserable, than the person of Nicias self: who being tormented with his disease, and waxed very lean and pale, was also unworthily brought to extreme want of natural sustenance, even when he had most need of comfort, being very sickly. Yet notwithstanding his weakness and infirmity, he took great pains, and suffered many things, which the soundest bodies do labour much to overcome and suffer: making it appear evidently to every man, that he did not abide all that pains for any respect of himself, or desire that he had to save his own life, so much as for their sakes in that he yielded not unto present despair. For where the soldiers for very fear & sorrow hur'st out into tears & bitter wailing: Nicias also showed, that if by chance he were forced at any time to do the like, it was rather upon remembrance of the shame and dishonour that came into his mind, to see the unfortunate success of this voyage, instead of the honour and victory they hoped to have brought home, than for any other respect. But if to see Nicias in this misery, did move the lookers on to pity yet did this much more increase their compassion, when they remembered Nicias words in: his orations continually to the people, to break this journey, & to dissuade them from th'enterprise of this war. For than they plainly judged him not to have deserved these troubles. Yet, furthermore, this caused the soldiers utterly to despair of help from the gods, when they considered with themselves, that so devout and godly a man as Nicias (who left nothing undone that might tend to the honour and service of the gods) had no better success, than the most vile and wicked persons in all the whole army. All this notwithstanding, Nicias strained himself in all that might be, both by his good countenance, his cheerful words, & his kind using of every man: to let them know that he fainted not under his burden, nor yet did yield to this his misfortune and extreme calamity. And thus traveling eight days journey out right together, notwithstanding that he was by the way continually set upon, wearied, and hurt: yet he ever maintained his bands, and led them whole in company until that Demosthenes, Demosthenes' taken of the Syracusans. with all his bands of soldiers was taken prisoner, in a certain village called POLYLELIOS: where remaining behind, he was enuirroned by his enemies in fight, and seeing himself so compassed in, drew out his sword, and with his own hands thrust himself thorough, but died not of it, because his enemies came strait about him, and took hold of him. The SYRACUSANS thereupon: went with speed to Nicias, and told him of Demosthenes' case. He giving to credit to them, sent presently certain of his horsemen thither to understand the troth: who brought him word that Demosthenes and all his men were taken prisoners. Then he besought Gylippus to treat of peace, Nicias moveth treaty of peace. to suffer the poor remain of the ATHENIANS to depart out of SICILY with safety, and to take such hostages for the sure payment of all such sums of money the SYRACUSANS had disbursed by means of this war, as should like himself: which he promised he would 'cause the ATHENIANS to perform & satisfy unto them. Howbeit the SYRACUSANS would in no wise harken to peace, but cruelty threatening & reviling them that made motion hereof, in rage gave a new onset upon him, those fiercely then ever before they had done. Nicias being then utterly without any kind of victuals, did notwithstanding hold out that night, & marched all the next day following (though the enemies dares still flew about their ears) until he came to the river of Asinarus, Nicias army overcome at the river of Asinarus. into the which the SYRACUSANS did forcibly drive them. Some others of them also dying for thirst, entered the river of themselves, thinking to drink. But there of all others was the most cruel slaughter of the poor wretches, even as they were drinking: until such time as Nicias falling down flat at Gylippus feet, said thus unto him. Nicias words yielding himself unto Gylippus. Since the gods have given thee (Gylippus) victory, show mercy, not to me that by these miseries have won immortal honour and ●●● but unto these poor vanquished ATHENIANS: calling to thy remembrance, that the●● tunes of war are common, and how that the ATHENIANS have used you LACEDÆMONIANS courteously, as often as fortune favoured them against you. Gylippus beholding Nicias and persuaded by his words, Gylippus showeth mercy to Nicias. took compassion of him, (for he knew he was a friend unto the LACEDÆMONIANS at the last peace concluded betwixt them, and furthermore thought it great honour to him, if he could carry away the two Captains or generals of his enemy's prisoners) showed him mercy, gave him words of comfort, and moreover commanded beside that they should take all the residue prisoners. But his commandment was not known in time to all: insomuch as there were many more slain than taken, although some private soldiers saved divers notwithstanding by stealth. Now the SYRACUSANS having brought all the prisoners that were openly taken into a troop together, first unarmed them, then taking their weapons from them hung them up upon the goodliest young trees that stood upon the rivers side in token of triumphet The Syracusans enter into the Syracuse with triumph. And so putting on triumphing garlands upon their heads & having trimmed their own horses in triumphant manner, & also shorn all the horses of their enemies: in this triumphing sort they made their entry into the city of SYRACUSE, having gloriously ended the most notable war that ever was amongst the GREECE'S one against an other, and attained also the noblest victory that could be achieved, and that only by force of arms and valiancy. So at their return, a counsel and assembly was holden at SYRACUSE by the citizens and their confederates: in the which; Eurycles one of the orators, (a practiserin public causes) first made petition, that the day on the which they had taken Nicias, might for ever thenceforth be kept holy day, without any manner of work or labour, but only to do sacrifice to the gods: Asinarus feast. and that the feast should be called, Asinarus feast, after the name of the river where the overthrow was given. This victory was had the six and twenty day of the month of july. And as touching the prisoners, that the confederates of the ATHENIANS and their slaves should be openly sold by the drum: and that the natural ATHENIANS which were free men, and their confederates of the country of SICILY, should be clapped in iron, & laid in prison, the Captains only excepted, whom they should put to death. The Captains of the Athenians condemned to die. The SYRACUSANS confirmed this decree. And when the Captain Hermocrates went about to persuade them that to be merciful in victory, would be more honour unto them, than the victory itself they thrust him back with great tumult. And furthermore, when Gylippus made sure that for the Captains of the ATHENIANS, he might carry them alive with him to SPARTA: he was not only shamefully denied, but most vilely abused, so lusty were they grown upon this victory, beside also that in the time of the war they were offended with him, & could not endure his strait severe LACONIAN government. Timaeus saith moreover, that they accused him of covetousness and theft, which vice he inherited from his father. Gylippus, a covetous man. For Cleandrides his father was convict for extortion, and banished ATHENS. Cleandrides condemned for extortion. And Gylippus self having stolen thirty talents out of a thousand which Lysander sent to SPARTA by him, and having hid them under the cusinges of his house, being bewrayed, was compelled with shame to fly his country, as we have more amply declared in the life of Lysander. So Timaeus writeth, that Nicias & Demosthenes were not stoned to death by the SYRACUSANS, as Thucydides and Philistus report, but that they killed themselves, upon word sent them by Hermocrates (before the assemble of the people was broken up) by one of his men whom the keepers of the prison let in unto them: howbeit their bodies were cast out at the jail door, for every man to behold. I have heard there is a target at this present to be seen in a temple at SYRACUSE, which is said to be Nicias target, Nicias and Demosthenes slew themselves. covered all over with gold and purple silk, passing finely wrought together. As for the other prisoners of the ATHENIANS, the most of them died of sickness, and of ill handling in the prison: where they had no more allowed them to live withal but two dishefulls of barley for their bread, and one of water for each man a day. In deed many of them were conveyed away, and sold for slaves: and many also that scaped unknown as slaves, were also sold for bondmen, whom they branded in the forehead with the print of a horse, who notwithstanding besides their bondage endured also this pain. But such, their humble patience and modesty did greatly profit them. For either shortly after they were made free men, or if they still continued in bondage, they were gently entreated, and beloved of their masters. Some of them were saved also for Euripides sake. For the SICILIANS liked the verses of this Poet better, than they did any other GRECIANS verses of the midst of GRAECE. For if they heard any rhymes or songs like unto his; they would have them by heart, & one would present them to an other with great joy. And therefore it is reported, that divers escaping this bondage, and returning again to ATHENS, went very lovingly to salute Euripides, & to thank him for their lives: Euripides verses saved many of the Athenians lives. and told him how they were delivered from slavery, only by teaching them those verses which they remembered of his works. Others told him also, how that after the battle, they scaping by flight, & wandering up and down the fields, met with some that gave them meat & drink to sing his verses. And this is not to be marveled at, weighing the report made of a ship of the city of CAUNUS, that on a time being chased in thither by pirates, thinking to save themselves within their ports, could not at the first be received, but had repulse: howbeit being demanded whether they could sing any of Euripides songs, and answering that they could, were strait suffered to enter, and come in. The news of this lamentable overthrow, was not believed at the first, when they heard of it at ATHENS. For a stranger that landed in the haven of PIRAEA, went and sat him down (as the manner is) in a barber's shop, & thinking it had been commonly known there, began to talk of it. The barber hearing the stranger tell of such matter, before any other had heard of it: ran into the city as fast as he could, and going to the governors told the news openly before them all. The magistrates thereupon did presently call an assembly, and brought the barber before them: who being demanded of whom he heard these news, could make no certain report. Whereupon being taken for a forger of news, that without ground had put the city in fear and trouble: he was presently bound, and laid on a wheel, whereon they use to put offenders to death, and so was there tormented a great time, until at last there arrived certain men in the city, who brought too certain news thereof, and told every thing how the overthrow came. So as in fine they found Nicias words true, The Athenians do torment the bringer of the news of their overthrow. Nicias foreshowed the miseries of the Athenians. which now they believed, when they saw all those miseries light fully upon them, which he long before had prognosticated unto them. The end of Nicias life. THE LIFE OF Marcus Crassus. Marcus Crassus' kindred, & youth. MArcus Crassus was the son of a Censor, who had also received the honour of triumph: but himself was brought up in a little house with two other of his brethren, which were both married in their fathers & mother's life time, and kept house together. Whereupon it came to pass, that he was a man of such sober and temperate diet, that one of his brethren being deceased, he married his wife by whom he had children. For women, he lived as continent a life, as any ROMAN of his time: notwithstanding, afterwards being of riper years, he was accused by Plotinus to have deflowered one of the Vestal Nuns called Licinia. But in troth the cause of that suspicion grew thus. Licinia had a goodly pleasant garden hard by the suburbs of the city, wherewith Crassus was marvelously in love, and would feign have had it good cheap: and upon this only occasion was often seen in speech with her, which made the people suspect him. But foras much as it seemed to the judges that his covetousness was the cause that made him follow her, he was cleared of thincest suspected, but he never jest following of the Nun, till he had got the garden of her. The ROMANS say there was but that only vice of covetousness in Crassus, Crassus' covetousness. that drowned many other goodly virtues in him: for mine own opinion, me thinks he could not be touched with that vice alone without others, since it grew so great, as the note of that only did hide and cover all his other vices. Now to set out his extreme covetous desire of getting, naturally bred in him, they prove it by two manifest reasons. The first, his manner and means he used to get: and the second, the greatness of his wealth. Crassius riches. For at the beginning he was not left much more worth, then three hundred talentes. And during the time that he dealt in the affairs of the common wealth, he offered the tenths of all his goods wholly unto Hercules, kept open house for all the people of ROME, and gave also to every citizen of the same as much corn as would keep him three months: & yet when he went from ROME to make war with the PARTHIANS, himself being desirous to know what all he had was worth, found that it amounted to the sum of seven thousand one hundred talentes. But if I may with licence use evil speech, writing a troth: How Crassus came by his goods. I say he got the most part of his wealth by fire and blood, raising his greatest revenue of public calamities. For when Sylla had taken the city of ROME, he made portesale of the goods of them whom he had put to death, to those that gave most, terming them his booty, only for that he would the nobility, and greatest men of power in the city should be partakers with him of this iniquity: and in this open sale Crassus never jest taking of gifts, nor buying of things of Sylla for profit. Furthermore, Crassus perceiving that the greatest decay commonly of the buildings in ROME came by fire, and falling down of houses, through the overmuch weight by numbers of stories built one upon an other: bought bondme that were masons, carpenters, and these devisers and builders, & of those he had to the number of five hundred. Afterwards, when the fire took any house, he would buy the house while it was a burning, and the next houses adjoining to it, which the owner's fold for little, being then in danger as they were, and a burning: so that by process of time, the most part of the houses in ROME came to be his. But notwithstanding that he had so many slaves to his workmen, he never built any house from the ground, saving his own house wherein he dwelleth saying, Crassus' saying of builders. that such as delighted to build, undid themselves without help of any enemy. And though he had many mines of silver, many ploughs, and a number of hinds and plowmen to follow the same: yet all that commodity was nothing, in respect of the profit his slaves and bondmen brought him daily in. As readers, seriveners, gold smiths, bankers, receivers, stewards of household, carvers, and other such officers at the table, taking pains himself to help them when they were learners, and to instruct them what they should doe● and to be short, he thought the greatest care a good householder aught to have, was to see his slaves or servants well taught, Crassus' care about servants. being the most lively cattle and best instruments of a man's house. And surely therein his opinion was not ill, at the lest if he thought as he spoke: What belongeth to good husbandry, and in whom it consists. that all things must be done by servants, and his servants must be ruled by him. For we see that the art and skill to be a good husband, when it consisteth in government of things without life or sense, is but a base thing, only tending to gain: but when it dependeth upon good order and government of men, me thinks then it is to know how to govern well a common wealth. But as his judgement was good in the other, so was it very bad in this: Crassus' judgement who was a rich man. that he thought no man rich, and wealthy, that could not maintain a whole army with his own proper goods. For the war (as king Archidamus was wont to say) Archidamus saying of war. is not made with any certainty of expense and therefore there must no sufficiency of riches be limited for the maintenance of the same. But herein Marius and he differed far in opinion: who having allowed every ROMAN fourteen acres land (called with them, jugera) understanding that some were not pleased, but would have more, made them this answer. The gods forbidden any ROMAN should think that land little, which in deed is enough to suffice for his maintenance. This notwithstanding, Crassus was courteous to strangers, for his house was open to them all, and he lent his friends money without interest: but when they broke day of payment with him, than would he roundly demand his money of them. So, his courtesy to lend many times without interest; did more trouble them, than if he had taken very great usury. In deed when he had any man to come to his table, his fare was but even ordinary, without all excess: Crassus' fa●●● at his bo●●de. but his fine and cleanly service, & the good entertainment he gave every man that came to him, pleased them better, than if he had been more plentiful of diet and dishes. As for his learning and study, he chief studied eloquence, Crassus' eloquence. and that sort specially that best would serve his turn to speak in open presence: so that he become the best spoken man in ROME of all his time, and by his great industry and diligent endeavour excelled all them that even by nature were most apt unto it. For some say, he had never so small nor little a cause in hand, but he always came prepared, having studied his case before for pleading: and oftentimes also when Pompey, Caesar, and Citero refused to rise, and speak to matters, Crassus would defend every cause if he were requested. And therefore was he generally beloved & well thought of, because he showed himself painful, & willing to help every man. Likewise was his gentleness marvelously esteemed, because he saluted every body courteously, and made much of all men: for, whom so ever he met in the streets that spoke to him as he passed and saluted him, were he never so mean, he would speak to him again, and call him by his name. It is said also he was very well studied in stories, and indifferently seen in Philosophy, specially in Aristotels works, which one Alexander did read unto him, a man that become very gentle and patient of nature, by using of Crassius company: for it were hard to say, whether Alexander was poorer when he came to Crassus or made poorer while he was with him. Of all his friends he would ever have Alexander broad with him, and while they were abroad, would lend him a hat to cover his head by the way: but so soon as they were returned, he would call for it again. O wonderull patient of a man? to see that he making profession of Philosophy as he did, the poor man being in great poverty, did not place poverty in things indifferent. But hereof we will speak not hereafter. Cinna and Marius being now of greater power, and coming on directly towards ROME, every man suspected strait their coming was for no good to the common wealth, but as appeared plainly, for the death and destruction of the noblest men of ROME. For it so fell out in deed, that they slew all the chief men they found in the city, among whom Crassus father & his brother were of the number, and himself being at that time but young, escaped the present danger only by flight. Crassus flieth Marius and Cinna. Furthermore, Crassus hearing that they laid wait to take him, & that the tyrants sought him in every place, took three of his friends in his company, and ten servants only, and fled into SPAIN with all possible speed, where he had been with his father before, and had got some friends when he was Praetor, and ruled that country. Nevertheless, seeing every body afraid, and mistrusting Marius' cruelty as if he had been at their doors, he durst not bewray himself to any man, but went into the fields, and hide him in a great cave being within the land of one Vibius Pitiacus by the sea side, from whence he sent a man of his to this Piciacus, to feel what good will he bore him, but specially for that his victuals began to fail him. Vibius' hearing that Crassus was safe, and had scaped, become very glad of it: Vibius' courtesy ●●to Crassus. and understanding how many persons he had with him, and into what place he was gotten, went not himself to see him, but called one of his slaves (who was his receiver and occupied that ground for him) & bringing him near the place where Crassus was, commanded him every night to provide meat for supper, to bring it ready dressed to this road whereunder was the cave, & make no words of it, neither be inquisitive for whom it was, for if he did, he should die for it: & otherwise, for keeping the thing secret as he commanded, he promised to make him a free man. Crassus' came. This cave is not far from the sea side, & is closed in round about with two rocks that meet together, which receive a soft cool wind into them. When ye are entered into the cave, it is of a great height within, and in the hollowness thereof are many other caves of great receipt one within an other, and besides that, it neither lacketh light nor water: for there is a well of passing good water running hard by the rock, and the natural rifts of the rocks also receiving the light without, where they meet together, do sand it inward into the cave. So that in the day time it is marvelous light, and hath no damp air, but very pure and dry, by reason of the thickness of the rock, which sendeth all the moistness and vapour into that springing well. Crassus' keeping close in this cave, Vibius' receiver brought victuals thither daily to relieve him, and his company, but saw not them he brought it to, nor could understand what they were: and yet they saw him plainly, observing the noure & time of his coming when he brought the same. He provided them no more than would even necessarily serve their turn, and yet plenty sufficient to make good cheer withal: for Vibius was bend to entertain Crassus as honourably as he could possible, in so much as he considered he was a young man, and therefore reason would he should offer him some occasion to take such pleasure and delight as his youth required. For to relieve his necessity only, he thought that rather a part of fear, than any show of love towards him. One day he took two fair young damsels, and brought them with him to the sea side: and when he came to the cave, showed them where they should get up, and bade them not be afraid. Crassus' at the first, when he saw the young wenches, was afraid he had been betrayed: yet he asked them what they were, and whom they sought. They being instructed by Vibius what they should say, answered, that they sought their master that was hidden there. Then Crassus knew this was Vibius' mirth to show him courtesy: so he received them into his cave, and kept them as long as he lay there, letting Vibius understand by them what he lacked. Fenestella writeth, that he saw one of them when she was an old woman, and that he had heard her tell him this tale many a time with great delight. In fine, Crassus (after he had lain hidden in this cave eight months) understanding that Cinna was dead, came out: and so soon as he made himself to be known, there repaired a great number of soldiers unto him, of whom he only chose two thousand five hundred, and with them passed by many cities, and sucked one called MALACA, as divers do write, but he flatly denied it, and stoutly contraried them that affirmed it. And afterwards having gotten ships together, went into AFRICA, Crassus' voyage into Africa. to Metelluss Pius, a man of great fame, and that had already gotten a great army together. Howbeit he carried not long with Metellus, but jarring with him, went unto Sylla, who welcomed and honoured him as much, as any that he had about him. Sylla afterwards arriving in ITALY, intending to employ all the young nobility he had in his company, gave every one of them charge under him, and sent Crassus into the country of the MARSIANS, Crassus' sent by Sylla into the country of the Marsians. to levy men of war there. Crassus' desiring certain bands of Sylla to aid him, being driven to pass by his enemies: Sylla answered him angrily again. I give thee thy father, thy brother, thy friends and kinsmen to aid thee, whom they most wickedly have slain and murdered, and whose deaths I pursue with hot revenge of main army, upon those bloody murderers that have slain them. Crassus' being nettled with these words, departed thence presently, and stoutly passing through his enemies, levied a good number of soldiers: & was ever after ready at Sulla's commandment in all his wars. Here began first (as they say) the strife and contention betwixt him and Pompey. The emulation be●●●●● Crassus and Pompey. For Pompey being younger than Crassus, and borne of a wicked father in ROME, whom the people more hated than ever they did man: came yet to great honour by his valiancy, & by the notable acts he did in the wars at that time. So that Sylla did Pompey that honour many times, which he seldom did unto them that were his elders, not yet unto those that were his equals: as to rise up when he came towards him, to put of his cap, to call him Imperator, Sylla called Pompey Imperator. as much as Lieutenant general. And this galled Crassus to the heart, although he had no wrong in that Pompey was taken before him, because he had no experience in matters of war at that time, and also because these two vices that were bred in him, misery and covetousness, drowned all his virtue and well doing. For at the sack of the city of TUDER, which he took, Crassus' took the city of Tuder. he privily got the most part of the spoil to himself, whereof he was accused before Sylla. Yet in the last battle of all this civil war (which was the greatest and most dangerous of all other) even before ROME itself, the wing that Sylla led, was repulsed and overthrown: The valiantness of Crassus. but Crassus that led the right wing, overcame his enemies, followed them in chase till midnight, sent Sylla word of his victory, and demanded victuals for his men. But then again he ran into as great defame, for buying, or begging the confiscate goods of the outlaws appointed to be slain, for little or nothing. And it is said also, that he made one an outlaw in the country of the brutians, without Sulla's privity or commandment, only to have his goods. But Sylla being told of it, would never after use him in any open service. Surely this is a strange thing, that Crassus' self being a great flatterer of other, & could creep into any man's favour: was yet himself easy to be won through flattery, of any man that would seek him that way. Furthermore, it is said of him that he had this property: that though himself was as extremely covetous as might be, yet he bitterly reproved and utterly misliked them that had his own humour of avarice. Pompey's honour that he attained unto daily, by bearing great charge and rule in the wars, did greatly trouble Crassus: Crassus envieth Pompey. both because he obtained the honour of triumph before he came to be Senator, and also for that the ROMANS commonly called him, Pomperus Magnus, to say, Pompey the great. The Romans called Pompey, the great. Crassus' being in place on a time when one said that saw Pompey coming, see, Pompey the great is come. And how great I pray ye, said he scornfully? howbeit despairing that he could not attain to match him in the wars, he gave himself unto the affairs of the city: and by his pains and industry of pleading, and defending men's causes, by lending of money to them that needed, and by helping of them that sued for any office, or demanded any thing else of the people, he attained in the end to the like estimation and authority that Pompey was come unto, by his many noble victories. Crassus' industry and cause of rising in the common wealth. And there was one notable thing in either of them. For Pompey's fame & power was greater in ROME, when himself was absent: and contrary wise when he was there present. Crassus oftentimes was better esteemed than he. Pompey carried a great majesty and gravity in his manner of life, would not be seen often of the people, but kept from repairing to open places, and would speak but in few men's causes, and that unwillingly: all to keep his favour and credit whole for himself, when he stood in need to employ the same. Where Crassus' diligence was profitable to many because he kept continually in the market place, and was easy to be repaired unto by any man that required his help, daily following those exercises, in devouring himself to pleasure every man: so that by this easy access and familiarity, for favour and good will, be grew to exceed the gravity and majesty of Pompey. But as for the worthiness of their person, their eloquence of speech, & their good grace & countenance: in all those (it is said) Pompey and Crassus were both alike. And this envy and emulation never carried Crassus away with any open malice and ill william. For though he was sorry to see Pompey and Caesar honoured about him: yet the worm of ambition never bred malice in him. Not, though Caesar when he was taken by pirates in ASIA (as he was once) and being kept prisoner cried out aloud: O Crassus, what joy will this be to thee, when thou shalt hear I am in prison. This notwithstanding, they were afterwards good friends, as it appeareth. For Caesar being ready on a time to departed out of ROME for Praetor into SPAIN, and not being able to satisfy his creditors that came flocking all at once about him, to stay & arrest his carriage: Crassus in that time of need forsook him not, but become his surety for the sum of eight hundred and thirty talentes. In fine, Three factions at Rome. all ROME being divided into three factions, to wit, of Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus (for as for Cato, the estimation they had of his fidelity was greater, than his authority: and his virtue more wondered at then practised) insomuch as the gravest and wisest men took part with Pompey. The liveliest youths, and likeliest to run into desperate attempts, they followed Caesar's hope. Crassus' keeping the midst of the stream, Crassus' inconstancies. was indifferent to them both, and oftentimes changed his mind and purpose. For in matters of government in the common weal, he neither showed himself a constant friend, nor a dangerous enemy: but for gain, was easily made friend or foe. So that in a moment they saw him praise and reprove, defend and condemn, the same laws, and the same men. His estimation grew more, through the people's fear of him: than for any good will they bore him. As appeareth by the answer that one Sicinius (a very busy headed man, and one that troubled every governor of the common weal in his time) made to one that asked him, why he was not busy with Crassus amongst the rest: and how it happened that he so scaped his hands? Sicinius proverb. O, said he, he carries hay on his home. The manner was then at ROME, if any man had a cursed bullock that would strike with his horn, to wind hay about his head, that the people might beware of him when they met him. The commotion of fencers, which some call Spartacus war, The war of the bondmen, called Spartacus war. their wasting and destroying of ITALY came upon this occasion. In the city of CAPVA, there was one Lentulus Batistus, that kept a great number of fencers at unrebated foils, whom the ROMANS call Gladiatores, whereof the most part were GAULES and THRACIANS. These men were kept locked up, not for any fault they had committed, but only for the wickedness of their master that had bought them, and compelled them by force, one to fight with an other at the sharp. On a time two hundred of them were minded to steal away: but their conspiracy being bewrayed, three score and eighteen of them entered into a cook's house, and with the spits and kitchen knives, which there they got, went quite out of the city. By the way they fortuned to meet with carts laden with fencers' weapons, that were brought from CAPVA going to some other city: The wit and behaviour of Spartacus, the chief Captain of the bondemens war. those they also took by force, and arming themselves therewith, got them then to a strong place of situation. Where amongst themselves they chose three Captains, and one Spartacus a THRACIAN borne (and of those countrymen that go wandering up and down with their herds of beasts never staying long in a place) they made their General. This Spartacus was not only valiant, but strong made withal, and endned with more wisdom and honesty, than is commonly found in men of his state and condition: and for civility and good understanding, a man more like to the GRECIANS, than any of his co●●●●emen commonly be. It is reported, that when Spartacus came first to ROME to be sold for a slain, there was found as he slept, a snake wound about his face. His wise seeing it, being his 〈…〉 country woman, & a wise woman beside, possessed with Bacchus' spirit of divination: said plainly that it did signify, that one day he should be of great power, much dread, and have very good success. This same woman prophetess was then with him, and followed him likewise when he fled. Now first they overthrew certain soldiers that came out of CAPVA against them, thinking to take them: and stripping them of their armour & weapons, made them glad to take the sensers' weapons, which they threw away as vile & unseemly. After that, the ROMANS sent Clodius Praetor against them, with three thousand men. Clodius a Roman Praetor, sent against Spartacus with 3000 men. Who besieged them in their sort, situate upon a hill that had a very steep and narrow ascent unto it, and kept the passage up to them: all the rest of the ground round about it, was nothing but high rocks hanging over, & upon them great store of wild vines. Of them the bondmen cut the strongest stirppes, and made thereof ladders, like to these ship ladders of ropes, of such a length and so strong, that they reached from the top of the hill even to the very bottom: upon those they all came safely down, saving one that tarried above to throw down their armour after them, who afterwards by the same ladder saved himself last of all. Clodius the Preator overcome of Spartacus. The ROMANS mistrusting no such matter, these bondmen compassed the hill round, assailed them behind, & put them in such a fear with the sudden onset, as they fled upon in every man, and so was their camp taken. Thereupon divers herdmen and sheapherds that kept cattle hard by the hill, joined with the ROMANS that fled, being strong and hardy men: of which some they armed, and others they used as scouts and spials to discover. upon this overthrow was sent an other Captain from ROME, called Publius Varinus, against these bondmen: Publius Varinus Praetor, sent against Spartacus. who first overcame Furius, The Lieutenant of Varinus in battle, & two thousand of his men: & after that again they slew one Cossinius, and overthrew a great army of his, being joined with P. Varinus, as his fellow & counsellor. Spartacus having intelligence that Cossinius was bathing himself at a place called the salt pits, had almost taken him tardy, having much a do by flight to save himself: notwithstanding, Spartacus wan all his carriage at that time, and having him hard in chase, took his whole camp with great slaughter of his men, among whom Cossinus self was slain. Spartacus having thus now in sundry battles and encounters overcome the Praetor himself, P. Varinus, and at the length taken his sergeants from him that carried the axes before him, and his own horse whereon he road himself: Spartacus victory of P. Varinus. was grown then to such a power, as he was dreaded of every man. Yet all this notwithstanding, Spartacus wisely considering his own force, thinking it not good to tarry till he might overcome the power of the ROMANS marched with his army towards the Alps, taking it their best way after they had passed them over, every man to repair home to his own country, some into GAUL, the rest into THRACIA. But his soldiers trusting to their multitude, and persuading themselves to do great things: would not obey him therein, but went again to spoil and overrun all ITALY. The Senate of ROME being in a great perplexity, not only for the shame and dishonour that their men should be overcome in that sort by slaves and rebels, but also for the fear & danger all ITALY stood in beside: sent both the Consuls together, Gellius and Lentulus, Gellius and Lentulus, both Consuls, sent against Spartacus. as unto as difficult and dangerous a war, as any that could have happened unto them. This Gellius one of the Consuls, setting suddenly upon a band of the GERMANS, which in a bravery and contempt as it were, dispersed themselves from their camp, put them to the sword every man. Lentulus, his colleague and fellow Consul on tother side, compassed in Spartacus round with a great army: but Spartacus charged his lieutenants that led th'army, gave them battle, overthrew them, and took all their carriage. Hereupon, marching on still with his army towards the Alps, Cassius the Praetor, and Governor of GAUL about the Po, came against him with an army of ten thousand men. Spartacus joined battle with him, and overcame him. Cassius' overcomen by Spartacus. Cassius having lost a great number of his men, with great difficulty saved himself by flying. The Senate hearing of Cassius overthrow, were marvelously offended with the Consuls, and sent commandment unto them, to leave of the war: and thereupon gave the whole charge thereof unto Marcus Crassus, Crassus' sent against Spartacus. who was accompanied in this journey with many noble young gentlemen of honourable houses, both for that he was marvelously esteemed, & also for the good will they bore him. Now went Crassus from ROME, and camped in ROMANIA, tarrying Spartacus coming, who was marching thither ward. He sent Mummius one of his lieutenants with two legions, Mummius, Crassus' Lieutenant. to fetch a compass about to entrap the enemy behind, straightly commanding him to follow Spartacus rearward, but in no ease to offer him skirmish nor battle. But Mummius notwithstanding this strait commandment, seeing some hope given him to do good, set upon Spartacus, who gave him the overthrow, Mummius overthrown by Spartacus. slew numbers of his men, and more had slain, saving that certain of them saved themselves by flight, having only lost their armour and weapons. Hereupon Crassus was grievously offended with Mummius, and receiving his soldiers that fled, gave them other armour and weapons but yet upon sureties, that they should keep them better thenceforth, than they had before done. Now Crassus of the five hundred that were in the first ranks, and that first fled, them be divided into fifty times ten, and out of every one of those he put one of them to death as the lot fell out: renewing again the ancient discipline of the ROMANS to punish cowardly soldiers, The Romans manner of punishing cowardly soldiers. which of long time before had not been put in use. For it is a kind of death that bringeth open shame withal, and because it is done in the face of the camp, it maketh all the residue afraid to see the terror of this punishment. Crassus' having done execution in this sort upon his men, led his army against Spartacus: who still drew back, until he came to the sea side through the country of the Lucanians, where he found in the strait of the Far of MESSINA, certain pirates ships of CILICIA, and there determined to go into SICILIA. And having put two thousand men into SICILY, he then revived the war there of the slaves, which was but in manner newly ended, and lacked small provocation to begin it again. But these pirates having promised Spartacus to pass him over thither, & also taken gifts of him, deceived him, & broke their promise. Whereupon Spartacus returning back again from the sea side, went & camped within a little I'll of the RHEGIANS. Crassus' coming thither to seek him, and perceiving that the nature of the place taught him what he should do: determined with a wall to choke up the bar or channel entering into this little Island, both to keep his men occupied from idleness, Crassus' wonderful trench and wall. & his enemies also from victual. This was a marvelous hard and long piece of work, notwithstanding, Crassus finished it beyond all men's expectation in a very short time, and brought a trench from one side of the sea to the other overthwart this bar, which was three hundred furlongs in length, fifteen foot broad, and so many in height: and upon the top of this trench built a high wall, of a marvelous strength, whereof Spartacus at the first made light account, and laughed at it. But when pillage began to fail him, & traveling all about the isle for victuals, perceiving himself to be shut in with this wall, and that there was no kind of victuals to be had within all the compass of the isle: he than took the vantage of a rough boisterous night, the wind being very great, when it snewed exceedingly, set his men a work, and filled up a piece of the trench (being of a small breadth) with earth, stones, and boughs of trees, whereupon he passed over the third part of his army. Crassus' at the first than become afraid, lest Spartacus would have taken his way directly toward ROME: but he was soon put out of that fear, when he heard they were fallen out together, and that a great number of them rebelling against Spartacus, went & camped by themselves by the lake of LUCANIA, A wonderful nature of the water of the lake of Lucania. which water by report hath this variable property, that at certain times it changeth and becometh very sweet, and at some other times again so salt and brackish, as no man can drink it. Crassus' going to set upon them, drove them beyond the lake, but could kill no great number of them, nor follow them very far: because Spartacus came presently to the rescue with his army, who stayed the chase. Crassus' had written letters before to the Senate, to call Lucullus home out of THRACIA, & Pompey out of SPAIN, whereof he then repented him, & made all the possible speed he could to end this war, before either of them came thither: knowing, that which of them so ever came to his help, to him would the people give the honour of ending this war, and not to himself. Wherefore he first determined to assail them that had revolted from Spartacus, and camped by themselves who were led by Caius Canicius, and an other called Castus. So Crassus sent six thousand footmen before to take a hill, Ambush laid by Crassus. commanding them to lie as close as they could, that their enemies might not discover them: and so they did, and covered their morions & headpieces as well as might be, from being seen. Nevertheless they were discovered by two women doing sacrifice for the safety of their army: and thereupon were all in great hazard of casting away, had not Crassus been, The valiantness of Spartacus soldiers. who came in time to their aid, and gave the enemies the cruelest battle that ever they fought in all that war. For there were slain of the slaves at that battle, twelve thousand and three hundred, of which, two only were found hurt in the backs, and all the rest slain in the place of their ranks, valiantly fight where they were set in battle ray. Spartacus after this overthrow, drew towards the mountains of Petelie, Spartacus retired to the mountains of Petelie. whither Quintus, one of Crassus' lieutenants, and Scrofa his treasurer followed him, still skirmishing with his rearward all the way: yet in fine, Spartacus turned suddenly upon them, made the ROMANS fly that still harried his men in that sort, and hurt Scrofa Crassus' treasurer, so sore that he hardly escaped with life. But the vantage they had of the ROMANS by this overthrow, fell out in the end to the utter destruction of Spartacus. For his men thereby, being the most of them fugitive bondmen, grew to such a stoutness and pride of themselves, that they would no more fly from fight, neither yet would they any longer obey their leaders and Captains: but by the way as they went, they compassed them in with their weapons, and told them, that they should go back again with them whether they would or not, and be brought through LUCANIA against the ROMANS. All this made for Crassus as he wished, for he had received news that Pompey was coming, and that divers were suitors for him at ROME to be sent in this journey, saying, that the last victory of this war was due to him, and that he would dispatch it at a battle, as soon as he came thither. Crassus therefore seeking occasion to fight, lodged as near the enemy as he could, and made his men one day cast a trench, which the bondmen seeking to prevent, came with great fury, and set upon them that wrought. Whereupon fell out a hot skirmish, and still supplies came on of either side: so that Spartacus in the end perceiving he was forced unto it, put his whole power in battle ray. And when he had set them in order, & that they brought him his horse he was wont to fight on: he drew out his sword, and before them all slew the horse dead in the place, saying: The noble courage of Spartacus. if it be my fortune to win the field, I know I shall have horse enough to serve my turn: and if I chance to be overcomen, then shall I need no more horses. After that, he flew in among the ROMANS, thinking to attain to fight with Crassus, but he could not come near him: yet he slew with his own hands two ROMAN Centurions that resisted him. In the end, all his men he had about him, forsook him and fled, so as Spartacus was left alone among his enemies: Spartacus slain. who valiantly fight for his life, was cut in pieces. Now though Crassus' fortune was very good in this war, and that he had showed himself a noble and valiant Captain, venturing his person in any danger, yet he could not keep Pompey from the honour of ending this war: for the slaves that scaped from this last battle where Spartacus was slain, fell into Pompey's hands, who made an end of all those rebellious rascals. Pompey here upon wrote to the Senate, that Crassus had overcomen the slaves in battle, but that he himself had pulled up that war even by the very roots. After this Pompey made his entry into ROME, Pompey's triumph for Spain. and triumphed for his victory of Sertorius, and the conquest of SPAIN. Crassus also sued not for the great triumph, neither thought he the small ovation triumph a foot, which they granted him, any honour unto him, for overcoming a few fugitive bondmen. But for this small triumph, whereby it was called Ouatio, how much it differeth from the great triumph: see Marcellus life, Ouatio see Marcellus life. where we have at large discoursed thereof. Now Pompey being called to be Consul: Crassus, though he stood in good hope to be chosen Consul with him, did yet notwithstanding pray his friendship and furtherance. Pompey was very willing to help him, and was ever desirous to make Crassus beholding to him: whereupon he dealt friendly for him, and spoke openly in th'assembly of the city, that he would no less thank the people to appoint Crassus his companion & fellow Consul with him, then for making himself Consul. Crassus' made Consul with Pompey. But notwithstanding they were both Consuls together in office, their friendship held not, but were ever atiarre, & the one against the other. So by means of their disagreement, they passed all the time of their consulship, without any memorable act done: saving that Crassus made a great sacrifice to Hercules, and kept an open feast for the people of ROME of a thousand tables, Crassus' great feasting of the people of Rome. and gave to every citizen corn to find him three months. But in the end of their Consulship, at a common counsel holden, there was a knight of ROME called Onatius Aurelius: (a man not greatly known, for that he had no dealings in the state, and kept most in the country) who getting up to the pulpit for orations, told the people what a vision he had seen in his dream. The dream of Onatius Aurelius. jupiter, said he, appearing to me this night, willed me to tell you openly, that ye should not put Crassus & Pompey out of their office, before they were reconciled together. He had no sooner spoken the words, but the people commanded them to be friends. Pompey sat still, and said never a word to it. But Crassus rose, and took Pompey by the hand, & turning him to the people, told them aloud: my Lords of ROME, I do nothing unworthy of myself, to seek Pompey's friendship and favour first, Crassus and Pompey made friends. since you yourselves have called him the great, before he had any heart upon his face, & that ye gave him the honour of triumph, before he was Senator. And this is all that Crassus did of any account in his Consulship. Crassus' Censor with Catulus. When he was Censor also, he passed it over without any act done. For he reformed not the Senate, mustered not the men of war, nor took any view or estimate of the people's goods: although Luctatius Catulus was his colleague and fellow Censor, as gentle a person as any of that time that lived in ROME. Now Crassus at the first entry into his office of Censor, going about a cruel and violent act, to bring EGYPT to pay tribute to the ROMANS, Catulus did stoutly withstand him: whereby dissension falling out between them, they both did willingly resign their office. In that great conspiracy of Catiline, which in manner overthrew the whole state and common wealth of ROME, Crassus was had in some jealousy and mistrust: Crassus' suspected for Catiline's conspiracy. because there was one of the confederates that named him for one of them, howbeit they gave no credit unto him. Yet Cicero in an oration of his, doth plainly accuse Crassus & Caesar, as confederates with Catiline: Crassus and Caesar confederates with Catiline. howbeit this oration came not forth till they were both dead. And in the oration he made also, when his office and authority of Consul ceased, he said: that Crassus came one night to him, & showed him a letter touching Catiline, certainly confirming the conspiracy then in examination. For which cause Crassus ever after hated him: Crassus' Cicero as enemy. and that he did not openly revenge it, the let was by mean of his son. For Publius Crassus much favouring eloquence, and being given to his book, bore great good will unto Cicero: in such sort, that upon his banishment he put on changed garments as Cicero did, and procured many other youths to do the like also, and in fine, persuaded his father to become his friend. Caesar now returning to ROME from the province he had in government, intended to sue for the consulship: and perceiving that Pompey & Crassus were again at a jar, thought thus with himself, that to make the one of them his friend to further his suit, he should but procure tother his enemy: and minding therefore to attain his desire with the favour of them both, sought first the means to make them friends, Caesar reconciled Crassus and Pompey together. & persuaded with them, that by their controversy th'one seeking thothers undoing, they did thereby but make Cicero, Catulus, and Cato, of the greater authority, who of themselves were of no power, if they two joined in friendship together: for making both their friends and factions one, they might rule the state and common wealth even as they would. Caesar having by his persuasion reconciled Crassus and Pompey, Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, all three joined in friendship. joining their three powers in one, made themselves unvincible, which afterwards turned to the destruction of the people and Senate of ROME. For he made them not only greater than they were before, the one by the others means: but himself also of great power through them. For when they began to favour Caesar, he was strait chosen Consul without any denial: and so behaved himself in the Consulship, that at the length they gave him charge of great armies, and then sent him to govern the GAULES: which was, as a man may say, even themselves to put him into the castle that should keep all the city in subjection: imagining that they two should make spoil and good booty of the rest, sithence they had procured him such a government. Now for Pompey, the cause that made him commit this error was nothing else, but his extreme ambition. But as for Crassus, besides his old vice of covetousness rooted in him, he added to that a new a varice and desire of triumphs and victories, which Caesar's fame for prows and noble acts in wars did thoroughly kindle in him, that he being otherwise his better in all things, might not yet in that be his inferior: which fury took such hold as it never left him, till it brought him unto an infamous end, and the common wealth to great misery. Thus Caesar being come out of his province of GAUL unto LUCA, divers ROMANS went thither to see him, and among other, Pompey and Crassus. Pompey and Crassus did meet with Caesar at Luca. They having talked with him in secret, agreed among them to devise to have the whole power of ROME in their hands: so that Caesar should keep his army together, and Crassus and Pompey should take other provinces and armies to them. Now to attain to this, they had no way but one: that Pompey and Crassus should again sue the second time to be Consuls, and that Caesar's friends at ROME should stand with them for it, sending also a sufficient number of his soldiers to be there at the day of choosing the Consuls. Thereupon Pompey and Crassus returned to ROME to that end, but not without suspicion of their practice: for there ran a rumour in the city, that their meeting of Caesar in LUCA, was for no good intent. Whereupon, Marcellinus and Domitius asked Pompey in open Senate, if he meant to make suit to be Consul. Pompey answered them: Pompey's stout answer. peradventure he did, peradventure he did not. They ask him again the same question: he answered, he would sue for the good men, not for the evil. Pompey's answers were thought very proud & haughty. Howbeit Crassus answered more modestly, Crassus' modest answer. that if he saw it necessary for the common wealth, he would sue to be Consul: if not, that he would nor stand for it. Upon these words, some were so bold to make suit for the consulship, as Domitius among other. But afterwards Pompey and Crassus standing openly for it, all the rest left of their suit for fear of them, Domitius only excepted: whom Cato so prayed and entreated, as his kinsman and friend, that he made him to seek it. For he persuaded him, that it was to fight for the defence of their liberty, and how that it was not the consulship Crassus and Pompey looked after, but that they went about to bring in a tyranny: & that they sued not for the office, but to get such provinces and armies into their hands as they desired, under colour and countenance of the Consulship. Cato ringing these words into their ears, & believing it certainly to be true as he said, brought Domitius as it were by force into the market place, where many honest men joined with them, because they wondered what the matter ment that these two noble men should sue the second time to be Consuls, and why they made suit to be joined together, and not to have any other with them, considering there were so many other worthy men, meet to be companion with either of them both in that office. Pompey made himself and Crassus Consuls by force. Pompey fearing he should be prevented of his purpose, fell to commit great outrage and violence. As amongst other, when the day came to choose the Consuls, Domitius going early in the morning before day, accompanied with his friends to the place where the election should be: his man that carried the torch before him was slain, by some whom Pompey had laid in wait, & many of his company hurt, and among others, Cato. And having thus dispersed them, he beset a house round about whether they fled for succour, and enclosed them there, until they were both chosen Consuls together. Pompey and Crassus Consuls the second time. Shortly after they came with force to the pulpit for orations, and drove Cato out of the market place, & slew some of them that resisted & would not fly. They also then prolonged Caesar's government of the GAULES for five years more, and procured for themselves by decree of the people, the countries of SYRIA and SPAIN. Again, when they drew lots together, SYRIA fell to Crassus, Crassus' had the government of Syria. and SPAIN to Pompey. Every man was glad of their fortune. For the people on the one side were loath Pompey should go far from ROME: & himself also loving his wife well, was glad he had occasion to be so near her, that he might remain the most of his time at ROME. But Crassus of all other rejoiced most at his hap, that he should go into SYRIA: and it appeared plainly that he thought it was the happiest turn that ever came to him, for he would ever be talking of the journey, were he in never so great or strange company. Furthermore, being among his friends and familiars, he would give out such fond boasts of it, as no young man could have made greater vaunts: which was clean contrary to his years and nature, having lived all his life time as modestly, and with as small ostentation as any man living. But then forgetting himself too much had such fond conceits in his head, as he not only hoped after the conquest of SYRIA, and of the PARTHIANS, but flattered himself that the world should see all that Lucullus had done against king Tigranes, and Pompey against king Mithridates, were but trifles (as a man would say) to that he intended. For he looked to conquer the BACTRIANS, the INDIANS, and the great Ocean sea toward the East, though in the decree passed by the people there was no mention made of any wars against the PARTHIANS. Now every man saw Crassus' ambition and greedy desire of honour: insomuch as Caesar self wrote unto Crassus out of GAUL, commending his noble intent and forwardness, and wished him to go thorough therewith. But Atteius one of the Tribunes being bend against Crassus to withstand his departure: Atteius the Tribune, against Crassus' departure. (having divers other confederates with him to further his purpose, who much misliked that any man of a bravery and lustiness should make war with any nation or people that had no way offended the ROMANS, but were their friends and confederates) Crassus fearing this conspiracy, prayed Pompey to assist and accompany him out of the city, because he was of great authority and much reverenced of the people, as it appeared then. For, though multitudes of people were gathered together of purpose to let Crassus of his departure, and to cry out upon him: yet when they saw Pompey go before him, with a pleasant smile countenance, they quieted themselves, and made a lane for them, suffering them to pass on, and said nothing. This notwithstanding, Atteius the Tribune stepped before them, and commanded Crassus he should not depart the city, with great protestations if he did the contrary. But perceiving Crassus still held on his way notwithstanding, he commanded them one of the officers to lay hold of him, & to arrest him: howbeit the other Tribunes would not suffer the officer to do it. So the sergeant dismissed Crassus. Then Atteius running towards the gate of the city, got a chafing-dish with coals, & set it in the midst of the street. When Crassus came against it, he cast in certain perfumes, and made sprinckelinges over it, pronouncing horrible curses, and calling upon terrible and strange names of gods. The ROMANS say that those manner of curses are very ancient, Observations of cursings among the Romans. but yet very secret, and of so great force: as he that is once cursed with that curse can never escape it, nor he that useth it doth over prospero after it. And therefore few men do use it, and never but upon urgent occasion. But then they much reproved Atteius, for using of these dreadful ceremonies and extreme curses, which were much hurtful to the common wealth, although he for his countries sake, had thus cursed Crassus. Crassus' journey into Syria. Crassus' setting forward notwithstanding, sailed on, and arrived at BRUNDISIUM, when winter storms had not left the seas, and he had lost many of his ships howbeit he landed his army, and marched through the country of GALATIA. There he found king Deiotarus, Deiotarus, king of Galatia. a very old man and yet building a new city: and to taunt him prettily, said unto him. What, O king, begin you to build now in the afternone? To whom the king of the GALATIANS again smiling made answer. And truly Sir Captain, you go not very early (me thinks) to make war with the PARTHIANS. For in deed Crassus was three score and upward, and yet his face made him seem elder than he was. But to our story again. Crassus' being comen into the country, had as good luck as he looked for: for he easily built a bridge upon the river of Euphrates, Crassus passeth over the river of Euphrates. and passed his army over it without any let or trouble. So entering into MESOPOTAMIA, received many cities, that of good will yielded themselves unto him. Howbeit there was one city called ZENODOTIA, whereof Appolonius was tyrant, where Crassus lost a hundred of his men: thereupon he brought his whole army thither, took it by force, sacked their goods, and sold the prisoners by the drum. The Greeks called this city ZENODOTIA, Zenodotia taken by Crassus. and for winning of the same Crassus suffered his men to call him Imperator, to say, sovereign Captain: which turned to his shame and reproach, and made him to be thought of a base mind, as one that had small hope to attain to great things, making such reckoning of so small a trifle. Thus when he had bestowed seven thousand of his footmen in garrison, in those cities that had yielded unto him, and about a thousand horsemen he returned back to winter in SYRIA. Thither came his son Publius Crassus to him out of GAUL from julius Caesar, Publius Crassus came to his father in Syria. who had given him such honours, as generals of ROME did use to give to valiant soldiers for reward of their good service: and brought unto his father's thousand men of arms, all choice men. This me thinks was the greatest fault Crassus committed in all his enterprise of that war. For when he should presently have gone on still, and entered into BABYLON and SELEUCIA, (cities that were ever enemies unto the PARTHIANS) he tracted time, & gave them leisure to prepare to encounter his force when he should come against them. Again they found great fault with him for spending of his time when he lay in SYRIA, Great faults committed by Crassus. seeming rather to lead a merchant's life, than a chieftains. For he never saw his army, nor trained them out to any marshall exercise, but fell to counting the revenue of the cities, and was many days busily occupied weighing of the gold and silver in the temple of the goddess Hierapolis. And worse than that: he sent to the people, princes, and cities about him, to furnish him with a certain number of men of war, and then he would discharge them for a sum of money. All these things made him to be both ill spoken of, & despised of every body. The first token of his ill luck that happened to him, came from this goddess Hierapolis, whom some suppose to be Venus, other say juno, and others, that she is the mother and chief cause that giveth beginning of moisture to every thing that cometh forth and hath a being, and taught men the original cause also of every good thing. For as Crassus the father, & son both, were coming out of the temple: Crassus the younger fell first on his face, The first signs of Crassus ill lurk. and the father afterwards upon his son. Likewise as he was gathering his garrisons together, calling them out of the cities into the field, there came Ambassadors unto him from Arsaces, king of the PARTHIANS: This name of Arsaces, or Arsacides, was common to all the kings of the Parthians. who delivered him their message in few words, and told him, that if this army he brought came from the ROMANS to make war with their master, then that he would have no peace nor friendship with them, but would make mortal wars against them. Further, if it were (as he had heard say) that Crassus against the people's minds of ROME, for his own covetous desire, and peculiar profit was come in a jollity to make war with the PARTHIANS, and to invade their country: Ambassadors of the Parthians sent to Crassus. then in that respect Arsaces would deal more favourably, in consideration of Crassus' years, and was contented also to suffer his men to depart with life and goods, whom he took rather to be in prison, than in garrison within his cities. Thereto Crassus courageously answered, that he would make them answer in the city of SELEUCIA. Therewith Vagises, one of the eldest Ambassadors fell a laughing, and showing Crassus the palm of his hand, Vagises' words, showing Crassus the palm of his hand. told him thus: hear will sooner grow in the palm of my hand, Crassus, than you will come to SELEUCIA. In this sort the Ambassadors took their leave of Crassus, and returned to their king Hyrodes, Hyrodes, king of the Parthians. telling him he was to prepare for war. In the mean space, certain of Crassus' soldiers whom he had left in garrison in the cities of MESOPOTAMIA, having scaped marvelous dangerously and with great difficulty: brought him news of importance, having themselves seen the wonderful great camp of the enemy & their manner of fight in the assaults they made to the cities where they lay in garrison. And, as it falleth out commonly among men escaped from any danger making things more fearful and dangerous than they be in deed: they reported that it was unpossible by flying to save themselves, if they did follow in chase: neither to overtake them also, if they fled. And further, that they had such kind of arrows as would fly swifter, than a man's eye could discern them, and would pierce through any thing they hit, before a man could tell who shot them. Besides, for the horsemen's weapons they used, that they were such, as no armour could possibly hold out: and their armours on tother side made of such a temper and metal, as no force of any thing could pierce them thorough. The ROMANS hearing these news, fell from their former stoutness and courage, being borne in hand before, that the PARTHIANS differed nothing at all from the ARMENIANS and CAPPADOCIANS, whom Lucullus had overcome and spoiled so often, that he was weary withal: and they had already made account, that their greatest pains in this war, was but the tediousness of the journey they had to make, and the trouble they should have to follow those men that would not abide them. But then contrary to expectation, they looked to come to strokes, and to be lustily fought withal. Hereupon, divers Captains and head officers that had charge in the army (among whom Cassius the treasurer was one) Cassius' treasurer under Crassus. advised Crassus to stay, and to deliberate in counsel to know whether he were best to go on, or to remain where he was. The soothsayers themselves did partly let Crassus understand, Crassus' forewarned by the Soothsayers of his ill success. that the gods showed no good tokens in all their sacrifices, and were hardly to be pacified. But Crassus gave no ear to them, neither would hear any other that told him as much, but only listened to them that counseled him to make haste. Yet Crassus' chiefest comfort and encouragement, was of Artabazes king of ARMENIA, who came to his camp with six thousand horse, which were but only the kings cornet and guard. Artabazes, king of Armenia, came to Crassus' camp. Again he promised him other ten thousand horsemen all armed and barbed, and thirty thousand footmen which he kept continually in pay, and counseled Crassus to enter the PARTHIANS country upon ARMENIAES' side: because his camp should not only have plenty of victuals, which he would sand him out of his country, but for that he should also march in more safety, having a country full of mountains and woods before him very ill for horsemen, which was the only strength and force of the PARTHIANS. Crassus' coldly thanked Artabazes for his good will, & all his noble offer of aid: yet told him he would take his journey through MESOPOTAMIA, where he had left many good soldiers of the ROMANS. And thus departed the king of ARMENIA from him. But now as Crassus was passing his army upon the bridge he had made over the river of Euphrates, there fell out sudden strange & terrible cracks of thunder, Wonderful signs and tokens to Crassus. with fearful flashes of lightning full in the soldiers faces: moreover, out of a great black cloud came a wonderful storm and tempest of wind upon the bridge, that the marvelous force thereof overthrew a great part of the bridge, and carried it quite away. Besides all this, the place where he appointed to lodge, was twice stricken with two great thunder claps. One of his great horse in like case, being bravely furnished and set out, took the bit in his teeth, and leapt into the river with his rider on his back, who were both drowned; and never seen after. They say also, that the first Eagle & ensign that was to be taken up when they marched, turned back of itself, without any hands laid upon it. Further it fortuned that as they were distributing the victuals unto the soldiers, after they had all passed over the bridge, the first thing that was given them, was salt, and water lintels, which the ROMANS take for a token of death and mourning, because they use it at the funerals of the dead. After all this, when Crassus was exhorting his soldiers, a word scaped his mouth that troubled the army marvelously. For he told them that he had broken the bridge which he had made over the river of Euphrates, of purpose, because there should not a man of them return back again. Where in deed when he had seen that they took this word in ill part, he should have called it in again, or have declared his meaning, seeing his men so amazed thereat: but he made light of it, he was so wilful. In the end he made ordinary sacrifice for the purging of his army: and when the Soothsayer gave him the intrells of the beast that was sacrificed, they fell out of his hands. Crassus' perceiving that the standers by were troubled withal, fell a laughing, and told them, you see what age is: yet shall you not see my sword fall out of my hand. So having ended his sacrifice, he began to march forward into the country by the rivers side, with seven legions of footmen, Crassus' army was fifty thousand men. and little lack of four thousand horse, and in manner as many shot and slings lightly armed. There returned to him certain of his skoutes that viewed the country, and told him there was not an enemy to be seen in the field: howbeit that they had found the track of a marvelous number of horse, which seemed as they were returned back. Then Crassus first of all began to hope well: and his soldiers also, they fell to despise the PARTHIANS, thinking certainly that they would not come to battle with them. Yet Cassius his treasurer ever persuaded him the contrary, and thought it better for him to refresh his army a little in one of the cities where he had his garrison, until such time as he heard more certain news of the enemies: or else that he would march directly towards SELEUCIA by the rivers side, which lay fit for him to victual himself easily by boats that would always follow his camp, & should be sure besides that the enemies could not environ him behind, so that having no way to set upon them but before, they should have none advantage of them. Crassus' going about then to consult of the matter, there came one Ariamnes unto him, a Captain of the ARABIANS, Ariamnes, a Captain of the Arabians. a fine subtle fellow, which was the greatest mischief and evil, that fortune could sand to Crassus at that present time, to bring him to utter ruin and destruction. For there were some of Crassus' soldiers that had served Pompey before in that country, who knew him very well, and remembered that Pompey had done him great pleasures: whereupon they thought that he bore great good will to the ROMANS. But Ariamnes had been laboured at that time by the king of PARTHIAES' Captains, & was won by them te deceive Crassus, and to entice him all he could, to draw him from the river and the woddy country, & to bring him into the plain field, where they might compass him in with their horsemen: for they meant nothing less than to fight with the ROMANS at the sword point. This barbarous Captain Ariamnes coming to Crassus, Ariamnes deceiveth Crassus. did highly praise and commend Pompey, as his good Lord and benefactor (for he was an excellent spoken man) and extolled Crassus' army, reproving him that he came so slowly forward, tracting time in that sort as he did, preparing himself as though he had need of armour and weapon, and not of feet and hands swift & ready against thenemies: who (for the chiefest of them) had of longtime occupied themselves to fly with their best movables, towards the deserts of SCYTHIA & HYRCANIA. Therefore if you determine (said he) to fight, it were good you made haste to meet them, before the king have gathered all his power together. For now you have but Surena and Sillaces, two of his lieutenants against you, Surena and Sillaces, Arsa●es lieutenants. whom he hath sent before to stay you that you follow him not: and for the king himself, be bold, he meaneth not to trouble you. But he lied in all. For king Hyrodes had divided his army in two parts at the first, whereof himself took the one, and went to spoil the realm of ARMENIA, to be revenged of king Artabazes: and with the other he sent Surena against the ROMANS, not for any contempt he had of Crassus (for it was not likely he would disdain to come to battle with him, Surena sent against Crassus. being one of the chiefest noble men of ROME, and to think it more honourable to make war with king Artabazes in ARMENIA) but I think rather he did it of purpose to avoid the greater danger, and to keep far of, that he might with safety see what would happen, and therefore sent Surena before to hazard battle, and to turn the ROMANS back again. For Surena was no mean man, Surena what he was. but the second person of PARTHIA next unto the king: in riches, reputation, valour, and experience in wars, the chiefest of his time among all the PARTHIANS, and for execution, no man like him. Surena, Surenaes' court and train. when he did but remove into the country only with his household, had a thousand camels to carry his sumpters, and two hundred coaches of Curaisans, a thousand men of arms armed at all pieces, and as many more beside lightly armed: so that his whole train & court made above ten thousand horse. Further, by the tenure of that land he had by succession from his ancestors, his office was at the first proclaiming of any king, to put the royal crown or diadeame upon the kings head. Moreover, he had restored king Hyrodes that then reigned, to his crown, who had been before driven out of his realm: and had won him also the great city of SELEUCIA, himself being the first man that scaled the walls, and overthrew them with his own hands that resisted him. And though he was under thirty years of age, yet they counted him a wise man, Surena a young man, but very wise. as well for his counsel, as his experience, which were the means whereby he overcame Crassus. Who through his rashness and folly at the first, and afterwards for very fear and timorousness, which his misfortune had brought him unto, was easy to be taken and entrapped, by any policy or deceit. Now this barbarous Captain Ariamnes having then brought Crassus to believe all that he said, and drawn him by persuasion from the river of Euphrates, unto a goodly plain country, meeting at the first with very good way, but after with very ill, because they entered into sands where their feet sunk deep, and into desert fields where was neither tree nor water, nor any end of them that they could decern by eye, so that not only extreme thirst, and miserable way marvelously amazed the ROMANS, but the discomfort of the eye also, when they could see nothing to stay their sight upon: that, above all the rest, wrought their extreme trouble. For, neither far nor near any sight of tree, river, brook, mountain, grass, or green herb appeared within their view, but in troth an endless sea of desert sands on every side, round about their camp. Then began they to suspect that they were betrayed. Again, when news came that Artabazes king of ARMENIA, Artabazes sent an Embassage unto Crassus. was kept in his country with a great war king Hyrodes made upon him, which kept him that he could not according to his promise come to aid him, yet that he wished him to draw towards ARMENIA, that both their armies being joined together they might the better fight with king Hyrodes, if not, that he would always keep the woddy country, marching in those valleys and places where his horsemen might be safe, and about the mountains: Crassus was so wilful, Crassus' wilfulness. as he would write no answer to it, but angrily told the messenger, that he had no leisure then to hearken to the ARMENIANS, but that afterwards he would be revenged well enough of Artabazes treason. Cassius his treasurer was much offended with Crassus for this answer: howbeit perceiving he could do no good with him, and that he took every thing in evil part, he said unto him, he would tell him no more. Notwithstanding, taking Ariamnes this Captain of the ARABIANS a side, he rebuked him roundly, and said: O thou wretch, what cursed devil hath brought thee to us, and how cunningly hast thou bewitched & charmed Crassus: that thou hast made him bring his army into this endless desert, and to trace this way fit for an ARABIAN Captain of thieves, than for a General and Consul of the ROMANS? Ariamnes being crafty & subtle, speaking gently unto Cassius, did comfort him, and prayed him to have patience, and going and coming by the bands, seeming to help the soldiers, he told merrily: O my fellows, I believe you think to march through the country of Naples, and look to meet with your pleasant springs, goodly groves of wood, your natural baths, and the good inns round about to refresh you, and do not remember that you pass through the deserts of ARABIA and ASSYRIA. And thus did this barbarous Captain entertain the ROMANS a while: but afterwards he dislodged betimes, before he was openly known for a traitor, and yet not without Crassus' privity, whom he bore in hands, that he would go set some broil and tumult in the enemy's camp. It is reported that Crassus the very same day came out of his tent not in his coat armour, of scarlet, (as the manner was of the ROMAN Generals) but in a black coat: howbeit, remembering himself, he strait changed it again. It is said moreover, that the ensign bearers when they should march away, had much a do to pluck their ensigns out of the ground, they stuck so fast. But Crassus scoffing at the matter, hastened them the more to march forward, compelling the footmen to go as fast as the horsemen, till a few of their scouts came in, whom they had seen to discover: who brought news how the enemies had slain their fellows, and what a do they had themselves to scape with life, and that they were a marvelous great army, & well appointed to give them battle. This news made all the camp afraid, but Crassus' self more than the rest, so as he began to set his men in battle ray, being for haste in manner besides himself. At the first following Cassius' mind, Crassus' army against the Parthians. he set his ranks wide, casting his soldiers into; square battle, a good way a sunder one from an other, because he would take in as much of the plain as he could, to keep the enemies from compassing them in, and so divided the horsemen into the wings. Yet afterwards he changed his mind again, and straited the battle of his footmen, facioning it like a brick, more long than broad, making a front, and showing their faces every way. For there were twelve cohorts or ensigns imbattelled on either side, & by every cohort a company of horse, because there should be no place left without aid of horsemen, and that all his battle should be a like defended. Then he gave Cassius the leading of one wing, his son Publius Crassus the other, and himself led the battle in the midst. In this order they marched forward, till they came to a little brook called Balissus, where there was no great store of water, but yet happily lighted on for the soldiers, for the great thirst and extreme heat they had abidden all that painful way, where they had met with no water before. There the most part of Crassus' Captains thought best to camp all night, that they might in the mean time find means to know their enemies what number they were, and how they were armed, that they might fight with them in the morning. But Crassus yielding to his sons and his horsemen's persuasion, who entreated him to march on with his army, and to set upon the enemy presently: commanded, that such as would eat, should eat standing, keeping their ranks. Yet on the sudden, before this commandment could run through the whole army, he commanded them again to march, not fair and softly as when they go to give battle, but with speed, till they spied the enemies, who seemed not to the ROMANS at the first to be so great a number, neither so bravely armed as they thought they had been. For, concerning their great number, Surena had of purpose hid them, Sureness stratagem, for the hiding of his great army. with certain troops he sent before: and to hide their bright armours, he had cast cloaks and beasts skins upon them. But when both the armies approached near th'one to tother, & that the sign to give charge was lift up in the air: first they filled the field with a dreadful noise to hear. Crassus' battle with the Parthians. For the PARTHIANS do not encourage their men to fight with the sound of a horn, neither with trumpets nor how boys, but with great kettle drums hollow within, The Parthians kettle drums. & about them they hung little bells & copper rings, and with them they all make a noise every where together, and it is like a dead sound, mingled as it were with the braying or bellowing of a wild beast, & a fearful noise as if it thundered, knowing that hearing is one of the senses that soon moveth the heart & spirit of any man, & maketh him soonest besides himself. The ROMANS being put in fear with this dead sound, the PARTHIANS strait threw the clotheses & coverings from them that hide their armour, & then showed their bright helmets and cuirasses of Margian tempered steel, that glared like fire, & their horses barbed with steel and copper. And Surena also, General of the PARTHIANS, The person of Surena. General of the Parthians described. who was as goodly a parsonage, and as valiant, as any other in all his host, though his beauty somewhat effeminate, in judgement showed small likelihood of any such courage: for he painted his face, and ware his hear after the fashion of the MEDES, contrary to the manner of the PARTHIANS, who let their hear grow after the fashion of the TARTARS, without combing or tricking of them, to appear more terrible to their enemies. The PARTHIANS at the first thought to have set upon the ROMANS with their pikes, to see if they could break their first ranks. But when they drew near, and saw the depth of the ROMANS battle standing close together, firmly keeping their ●ancke ●● then they gave back to, making as though they fled, & dispersed themselves. But the ROMANS h●rneled when they found it contrary, & that it was but a devise to enuironne them on every side. Whereupon Crassus commanded his shot and light armed men to assail them, which they did: but they went not far, they were so beaten in with arrows, and driven to ●●● to their sorde of the armed men. And this was the first beginning that both scared and troubled the ROMANS, when they saw the vehemency and great force of the enemy's shot, which broke their armours, and ran thorough any thing they hit, were it never so hard or soft. The PARTHIANS thus still drawing back, The Parthians fought veryr●ng. shot all together on every side nor a forehand, but an aduenture● for the battle of the ROMANS stood so near together, as if they would, they could not miss the kill of some. These bo wi●● drew a great strength, & had big strong bows, which on the arrows from them with a wondered force. The ROMANS by means blichese bows were in hard state. For if they kept their ranks, they were grievously wounded: again if they felt them, and sought to run upon the PARTHIANS to fight at hand with them, they saw they could do them but little hurt, and yet were very likely to take the greater harm themselves. For as fast as the ROMANS came upon them, so fast did the PARTHIANS fly from them, The manner of the Parthians fight. and yet in flying continued still their shooting: which no nation but the S●●●●D●●S could better do than they, being a matter in deed most greatly to their advantage. For by their fight they best do save themselves, and fight still, they thereby shun the shame of that their flying. The ROMANS still defended themselves, and held it out, so long as they had any hope that the PARTHIANS would leave fight, where they had spent their arrows, or would join battle with them. But after they understood that their were a great number of camels lodenn with quivers full of arrows, where the first that had bestowed their arrows fetched about to take new quivers than Crassus seeing no end of their shot began to faint, and sent to Publius his son, willing him in any case to charge upon the enemies, and to give nan onset, before they were compassed in on every side. For it was on Publius' side, that one of the wings of the enemy's battle was nearest unto them, and where they road up and down to compass them behind. Whereupon Crassus' son taking thirteen hundred horsemen with him (of the which, a thousand were of the men of arms whom julius Caesar sent) and five hundred shot, with eight enfignes of footmen having targets, most near to the place where himself then was: ●he put them but in breadth, that wheling about they might give a charge upon them that road up & down. But they seeing him coming, turned strait their horse and fled, either because they met in a marrisse, or else of purpose to begin this young Crassus, enticing him thereby as far from his father as they could. Publius Crassus seeing them fly, cried out, these men will not abide us, and so spurted on for life after them: so did Censorinus and Megabacchus with him (the one a Senator of ROME a very eloquent man, The praise of Censorinus & Megabacchus. the other a stout courageous valiant man of war) both of them Crassus well approved friends, and in manner of his own years. Now the horsemen of the ROMANS being trained out thus to the chase, their footmen also would not abide behind, nor show themselves to have less hope, joy, and courage, than their horsemen had. For they thought all had been won, and that there was no more to do, but to follow the chase: till they were gone far from the army, and then they found the deceit. For the horsemen that fled before them, suddenly turned again, and a number of other's beside came and set upon them. Whereupon they stayed, thinking that the enemies perceiving they were so few, would come and fight with them hand to hand. Howbeit they set out against them their men at arms with their barbed horse, & made their light horsemen wheel round about them, keeping non order at all: who galloping up and down the plain, whurled up the sand hills from the bottom with their horse feet, which raised such a wonderful dust, that the ROMANS could scarce see or speak one to an other. For they being shut up into a little room, and standing close one to an other, were sore wounded with the PARTHIANS arrows, The miserable fight of the Romans against the Parthians. and died of a cruel lingering death, crying out for anguish and pain they felt: and turning and tormenting themselves upon the sand, they broke the arrows sticking in them. Again, striving by force to pluck out the forked arrow heads, that had pierced far into their bodies through their veins & sinews: thereby they opened their wounds wider, and so cast themselves away. Many of them died thus miserably 〈…〉 tired: and such as died not, were not able to defend themselves. Then when Publius Crassus prayed and besought them to charge the men at arms with their barbed horse, they showed him their hands fast nailed so that targets with arrows, & their feet likewise shot 〈…〉 and raised to the ground: so as they could neither fly, nor yet defend themselves. Thereupon himself encouraging his horsemen, went and gave a charge, and did valiantly set upon thenemies, but it was with too great disadvantage, both for offence, and also for defence. For himself and his men with weak & light staves, broke upon them that were armed with 〈…〉 races of s●●cke, or stiff leather jacks. And the PARTHIANS in contrary manner with migh●● strong pikes gave charge upon these GAULES, which were either warmed, or else but lightly armed. Yet those were they in whom Crassus most trusted, having done wonderful 〈…〉 of war with them. For they received the PARTHIANS pikes in their hands, & took them about the middells, and threw them of their horse, where they lay on the ground, and could not storre for the weight of their harness: and there were divers of them also that lighting from their horse, lay under their enemy's horse bellies, & thrust their sword into them. That horse flinging & bounding in the air for very pain threw their masters under feet, & their enemies one upon an other, & in the end fell dead among them. Moreover, ever came 〈…〉 and thirst did marvelously cumber the GAULES, who were used to abide neither of both: and the most part of their horse were slain, charging with all their power upon the men at armed of the PARTHIANS, and so ran themselves in upon the points of their pikes. At the length, they were driven to retire towards their footmen, & Publius Crassus among them, who was very ill by reason of the wounds he had received. And seeing a sand hill by chance not fa● from them, they went thither, & setting their horse in the midst of it, compassed it in round with their targets, thinking by this means to cover and defend themselves the better from the barbarous people: howbeit they found it contrary. For the country being plain, they in the formest ranks did somewhat cover them behind, but they that were behind, standing heir than they that stood formest (by reason of the nature of the hill that was highest in the midst) could by no means save themselves, but were all hurt alike, as well the one as the other, bewailing their own misery and misfortune, that must needs die without revenge, or declaration of their valiancy. At that present time there were two GRECIANS about Publius Crassus, Hitronymus, and Nitomachus, who dwelled in those quarters, in the city of CARR●● they both counseled P. Crassus to steal away with them, Carres a city of Mesopotamia. and to fly to a city called ISCHNES', Ischnes', a city. that was not far from thence; and took the ROMANS part. But P. answered them, that there was no death so cruel as could make him forsake them, that died for his sake. When he had so said, wishing them to save themselves, he embraced them, & took his leave of them and being very sore hurt with the shot of an arrow through one of his hands, commanded one of his gentlemen to thrust him through with a sword, & so turned his side to him for the purpose. The death of Publius Crassus. It is reported Censorinus did the like. But Megabacchus slew himself with his own hands, and so did the most part of the gentlemen that were of that company. And for those that were left alive, the PARTHIANS got up the sand hill, and fight with them, thrust them through with their spears and pikes, and took but five hundred prisoners. After that, they struck of Publius Crassus' head, & thereupon returned strait to set upon his father Crassus, who was then in this state. Crassus' the father, after he had willed his son to charge the enemies, and that one brought him word he had broken them, & pursued the chase: & perceiving also that they that remained in their great battle, did not press upon him so near as they did before, because that a great number of them were gone after the other for rescue: he than began to be lively again, and keeping his men close, retired with them the best he could by a hills side, looking ever that his son would not be long before that he returned from the chase. But Publius seeing himself in danger, had sent divers messengers to his father, to advertise him of his distress, whom the PARTHIANS intercepted and slew by the way: and the last messengers he sent, scaping very hardly, brought Crassus' news, that his son was but cast away, if he did not presently aid him, and that with a great power. These news were grievous to Crassus in two respects: first for the fear he had, seeing himself in danger to loose all: and secondly for the vehement desire he had to go to his sons help. Thus he saw in reason all would come to naught, and in fine determined to go with all his power, to the rescue of his son. But in the mean time the enemies were returned from his sons overthrow, with a more dreadful noise and cry of victory, than ever before: and thereupon their deadly sounding drums filled the air with their wondered noise. The ROMANS then looked strait for a hot alarm. But the PARTHIANS that brought Publius Crassus' head upon the point of a lance, coming near to the ROMANS, showed them his head, and asked them in derision, if they knew what house he was of, and who were his parents: for it is not likely (said they) that so noble and valiant a young man, should be the son of so cowardly a father, as Crassus. The sight of Publius Crassus head killed the ROMANS hearts more, than any other danger they had been in at any time in all the battle. For it did not set their hearts a fire as it should have done, with anger, and desire of revenge: but far otherwise, made them quake for fear, & struck them stark dead to behold it. Yet Crassus' self showed greater courage in this misfortune, than he before had done in all the war beside. Crassus' oration to his soldiers wi●● his bore was full of sorrow. For riding by every band he cried out aloud. The grief and sorrow of this loss (my fellows) is no man's but mine, mine only; but the noble success and honour of ROME remaineth still unvincible, so long as you are yet living. Now, if you pity my loss of so noble and valiant a son, my good soldiers, let me entreat you to turn your sorrow into fury: make them dearly buy the joy, they have gotten: be revenged of their cruelty, and let not my misfortune fear you. For why ● aspiring minds sometime must needs sustain loss. Lucussus overcame not Tigranes, nor Scipio Antio●hus, but their blood did pay for it. Our ancestors in old time lost a thousand ships, yea in ITALIS divers armies and chieftains for the conquest of SICILIA: yet for all the loss of them, at the length they were victorious over them, by whom they were before vanquished. For the Empire of ROME came not to that greatness it now is at, by good fortune only, but by patience and constant suffering of trouble and adversity, never yielding or giving place to any danger. Crassus' using these persuasions to encourage his soldiers for resolution, found that all his words wrought he none effect: but contrarily, after he had commanded them to give the shout of battle, he plainly saw their hearts were done, for that their shout rose but saint, and not all alike. The PARTHIANS on the other side, their shout was great, and lustily they range it out. Now when they came to join, the PARTHIANS archers & horseback compassing in the ROMANS upon the wings, shot an infinite number of arrows at their sides. But their men at arms giving charge upon the front of the ROMANS battle with their great lances, compelled them to draw into a narrow room, a few excepted, that valiantly, and in desperate manner ran in among them, as men rather desiring so to die, than to be slain with their arrows, where they could do the PARTHIANS almost no hurt at all. So were they soon dispatched, with the great lances that ran them through, head, wood and all, with such a force, as a oftentimes they ran through two at once. Thus when they had fought the whole day, night drew on, and made them retire, saying they would give Crassus that nights respite, to lament and bewail his sons death: unless that otherwise he wisely looking about him, thought it better for his safety to come and offer himself to king Arsaces' mercy, then to tarry to be brought unto him by force. So the PARTHIANS camping hard by the ROMANS, were in very good hope to overthrow him the next morning. The ROMANS on the other side had a marvelous ill night, making no reckoning to bury their dead, nor to dress their wounded men, that died in miserable pain: but every man bewailed his hard fortune, when they saw not one of them could esc 〈…〉 if they tarried till the morning. On the other side, to depart in the night through that desert, their wounded men did grieve them much. Because, to carry them so away, they knew it would let their flight: and yet to leave them so behind, their pitiful cries would give the enemy's knowledge of their departure. Now, though they all thought Crassus the only author of their misery, yet were they desirous to see his face, and to hear him speak. But Crassus went a side without light, Crassus' an example of fortune's inconstancy. and laid him down with his head covered, because he would see no man, showing thereby the common sort an example of unstable fortune: and the wise men, a good learning to know the fruits of ill counsel, and vain ambition, that had so much blinded him, as he could not be content to command so many thousands of men, but thought (as a man would say) himself the meanest of all others, and one that possessed nothing, because he was accounted inferior unto two persons only, Pompey, and Caesar. Notwithstanding, Octavius, one of his chieftains, and Cassius the treasurer, made him rise, and sought to comfort him the best they could. But in the end, seeing him so overcome with sorrow, and out of heart, that he had no life nor spirit in him: they themselves called the Captains and Centurions together, and sat in counsel for their departure, and so agreed that there was no longer tarrying for them. Crassus' flying. Thus of their own authority at the first they made the army march away, without any sound of trumpet or other noise. But immediately after, they that were left hurt and sick, and could not follow, seeing the camp remove, full a crying out and tormenting themselves in such sort, that they filled the whole camp with sorrow, and put them out of all order, with the great moan and loud lamentation: so as the formest rank that first dislodged, fell into a marvelous fear, thinking they had been the enemies that had come and set upon them. Then turning often, and setting themselves in battle taye, one while loading their beasts with the wounded men, an other while unloading them again, they were left behind, saving three hundred horsemen that scaped, who came about midnight to the city of CARRES. Ignatius their Captain called to the watch on the walls, and spoke in the Latin tongue. Who answering, he willed them to tell Coponius, Governor of the town, Coponius Governor of Cars in Mesopotamia. that Crassus had fought a great battle with the PARTHIANS, and said no more, neither told what he was: but road on still, till he came to the bridge which Crassus had made over Euphrates. Yet this word Ignatius gave to the watch to tell Coponius, served Crassus turn very well. For Coponius thought by this great haste of his, and the short confused speech be made, passing on his way, that he had no good news to tell them: wherefore he strait armed his soldiers, and understanding that Crassus was returning back, went to meet him, and brought him & his army into the city of CARRES. The PARTHIANS knew well enough of the removing of the ROMANS camp, but yes would not follow them in the night, but the next morning entering into their camp where they lay, slew all that were left behind, which were about four thousand men: and riding after them that were gone, took many stragglers in the plain. Among them there was Barguntinus, one of Crassus' lieutenants, who strayed in the night out of the army with four whole ensigns, and having lost his way, got to a hill, where the PARTHIANS besieged him, slew him & all his company, though he valiantly there defended himself: yet twenty of them only escaped, The valiantness of twenty Romans. who with their sword drawn in their hands, running forward with their heads, thrust in among the thickest of the PARTHIANS: They wondering at their desperation, opened of themselves, & suffered them to march on towards the city of CARRES. In the mean time false news was brought to Surena, how Crassus with all the chiefest men of his host was fled, & that the great number that were received into the city of CARRES were men of all sorts gathered together, and not a man of any quality or estimation. Surena thereupon thinking he had lost the honour of his victory, A stratagem of Surena. yet standing in some doubt of it, because he would know the troth, that he might either besiege the city of CARRES, or pursue after Crassus: sent one of his interpreters to the walls of the city, charging him to call for Crassus, or Cassius, & to tell them that Surena would parley with them. The interpreter did as he was commanded. Word was brought to Crassus, and he accepted parlance. Shortly after also, thither came certain soldiers of the ARABIANS from the camp of the PARTHIANS, who knew Crassus and Cassius very well by sight, having divers times bfee●e them in their camp before the battle. These ARABIANS seeing Cassius upon the walls, told him, that Surena was contented to make peace with them, and to let them go safely, as his masters good friends, so that they would surrender MESOPOTAMIA into the king of PARTHIAES' hands, and how they thought that was the best way for both parties, rather than to be enforced unto it by extremity. Cassius thought this a good offer, and told them, that they must appoint the day & place, where Crassus and Surena should mere to talk together of the matter. The ARABIANS made answer they would do it: and so departed. Surena hearing this, was glad he had them at such advantage, where he might besiege them. The next day he brought all his army before the city of CARRES. There the PARTHIANS marvelously 〈…〉 the ROMANS, and told them, they must deliver them Crassus and Cassius bound 〈…〉 〈…〉, if they would have any grace or peace with them. The ROMANS were marvelously offended that they were thus deceived, and told Crassus, that it was no boot any longed to look for aid of the ARMENIANS, but presently to fly: howbeit to keep it secret in any wise from any of the CARRENIANS, till the very hour of their departure. Yet Crassus' self had told it to Andromachus, the veriest traitor and villain in all the city, whom he had chosen to be his guide. This traitor Andromachus advertised the enemies in every point, Andromachus treason to Crassus. of their purpose and departure. But because the PARTHIANS do never use to fight in the night, & that is was a hard matter to bring them to it, and again that Crassus departed in the night time: The Parthians do no●refight by night. Andromachus was afraid lest the ROMANS would win such ground before the PARTHIANS, as they could not possibly overtake him the next day. Therefore of purpose he sometime brought them one way, other while an other way, and at the last, brought them into a great bog or marisse, full of deep holes and ditches, and where they must needs make many turns and returns before they could get out again, and yet very hardly. Whereupon, some in the army began to mistrust, that Andromachus meant no good to turn and toss them up and down in that sort, and therefore would follow him no more: insomuch as Cassius among others, returned towards the city of CARRES again, from whence they came. And when his guides (who were ARABIANS) counseled him to tarry there, till the moon were out of the fague of Scorpio, he answered them: Cassius' gentle answer in the straights. I fear the sign of sagittary more. So as soon as he could, he took his way towards ASSYRIA with five hundred horsemen. And other of the army also having faithful guides, recovered a country of the mountains, called Sinnaca, and retired into a safe place before the break of day: and they were about five hundred men, whom Octa●●i●● a noble man had in charge. But the day state upon Crassus, hunting up & down yet in the marisse, in whose ill favoured places, into the which Andromachus that traitor had of purpose brought him, having with him four ensigns of footmen all with targets, & very few horsemen, and f●● sergeants that carried the axes and rods before him: with whom 〈…〉, with much a 〈…〉 & great labour, he got into the right way, when the enemies were almost upon him, and that he was within twelve f●●long of joining with Octavius. There in hast he had gotten a hall, which was not so steep for horsemen, neither of such strength as the other hittes were, called Si●●●ns, yet under them, and joining to them by a long hill that tormeth alongst the plain, so as Octavius plainly saw the danger Crassus was in. There upon he first ran down the hills with a few of his men that followed him: but after also come all the rest, saying they were cowards and if they should carry behind. At their coming they gave such a hot onset upon the PARTHIANS, that they made them give back from that hill: and compassing Crassus in the midst of them, covering him round with their targets, they spoke nobly, The worthiness of the Roman soldiers to their chieftain. that never arrow of the PARTHIANS should touch the body of their General, before they were slain one after antother, and that they had fought it out to the last man in his defence. Hereupon Surena p●●oci●ing the PARTHIANS were not so courageous as they were wont to be, and that if might come upon them, and that the ROMANS did once recover the hi● mountains they could never possibly be never withal again he thought cunningly to be guide Crassus once more by this devise use ●● let certain prisoners go of purpose, another stratagem of Surena. before whom he made his men 〈…〉 out this speech. That the king of PARTHIA would have no mortal urge with the ROMANS: but 〈…〉 se, herscher desired their friendship, by showing them so 〈…〉 not, as to use Crassus very corteously. And to gone co●lo 〈…〉 this 〈…〉, he called his 〈…〉 fight, and going himself in person towards Crassus, with the chiefest of the 〈…〉 of his host, in 〈…〉, his how 〈…〉: he held at this right hand, and called Crassus' talk with him of peace, and said unto him. Surenaes' crafty speech to Crassus. Though the ROMANS had felt the 〈…〉 it was against his will, for he could do no less but defend himself very willing and desirous to make them cast of his mercy & 〈…〉, and to 〈…〉 make peace with them, and to let them go safely where they would. 〈…〉 Round 〈…〉 Crassus' were glad of Surenaes' words. But Crassus that had been 〈…〉 〈…〉 h●s and devices considering also no cause apparent to make them 〈…〉 would not harden to it, but first consulted with his friends. He without 〈…〉 they tried out on him to go, and fell at words with him, saying: 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 though they were all slain, and that himself had no●●he heart only to come down and talk with their enemies that were unarmed. Crassus' proved first to pacify them by fair means, persuading them to bear a little patience but till night, which was at hand, and then they might safely depart at their pleasure, and recover the mountains and strait passages, where their enemies could not follow them: and pointing them the way with his finger, he prayed them not to be faint hearted, nor to despair of their safety, seeing they were so near it. But in the end Crassus perceiving they fell to mutiny, and beating of their harness did threaten him if he went not, fearing than they would do him some villainy: went towards the enemy, and coming back a little, said only these words: Crassus' words to the Romans going to his death. O Octavius, and you Petronius, with all you ROMAN gentlemen that have charge in this army: you all see now how against my will I am enforced to go to the place I would not, & can witness with me, how I am driven with shame and force Yet I pray you if your fortunes be to escape this danger, that ye will report wheresoever you come, that Crassus was slain, not delivered up by his one soldiers into the hands of the barbarous people, as I am: but deceived by the fraud & suttiltie of his enemies. Octavius would not tarry behind on the hill, but went down with Crassus: but Crassus sent a way his officers that followed him. The first that camen from the PARTHIANS unto Crassus were two mongrel GRECIANS who dismounting from their horse saluted him, and prayed him to send some of his men before, and Surena would show them, that both himself and his train came unarmed towards him. Crassus thereto made them answer, that if he had made any account of his life, he would not have put himself into their hands. Notwithstanding he sent two brethren before, called the ROSCIANS, to know what number of men, and to what end they met so many together. These two brethren came no sooner to Surena, but they were stayed: and himself in the mean time kept on-his way a horse back, with the noblest men of his army: Now when Surena came near to Crassus: Surenaes' craft to Crassus. why, how now (quoth he) what meaneth this? a Consul and Lieutenant general of ROME a foot, and we a horse back? Therewithal he strait commanded one of his men to bring him a horse. Crassus' answered Surena again. In that, they neither of both offended, following the use and manner of their country, when any meeting is made for treaty of peace. Surena replied: As for the treaty of peace, that was already agreed upon between the king Hyrodes, and the ROMANS: howbeit that they were to go to the river, and there to set down the articles in writing. For you ROMANS, said he, do not greatly remember the capitulations you have agreed upon. With those words he gave him his right hand. As Crassus was sending for a horse: you shall not need, said Surena, for look, the king doth present you this. And strait one was brought him with a stee●● saddle richly gilded, upon the which his gentlemen mounted Crassus immediately, and following him behind, lashed his horse to make him run the swifter. octavius seeing that, first laid hand on the bridle, than Petronius Colonel of a thousand footmen: and after them, all the rest of the ROMANS also gathered about Crassus to stay the horse, and to take him from them by force, that pressed him on of either-side. So they thrust one at an other at the first very angrily, and at the last fell to blows. Then Octavius drew out his sword, and slew one of the barbarous noble men's horse-keepers: and an other came behind him, and slew Octavius. octavius slain. Petronius had no target, and receiving a blow on his cuirasses, lighted from his horse, and had no hu●e and on the otherside came Pomaxathres, one of the PARTHIANS, and slew Crassus. Crassus' slain. Some say notwithstanding, that Pomaxathres slew him not, but an other, yet that he cut of his head & his hand after he fell dead to the ground. But all these reports are rather conjectures, than any certainty. For as for them that were there, some of them were slain in the field fight for Crassus, and other saved themselves by flying to the hill. The PARTHIANS followed them, and told them that Crassus had paid the pain he had deserved: and for the rest, that Surena bade them come down with safety. Then some of them yielded to their enemies: and other dispersed themselves when night came, and of them very few scaped with life. Other being followed and pursued by the ARABIANS, were all put to the sword. So as it is thought there were slain in this overthrow, The number of the Romans that were slain and taken. about twenty thousand men, and ten thousand taken prisoners. Surena had now sent Crassus' head and his hand unto Hyrodes, the king his master, into ARMENIA: and gave out a brute as far as the city of SELEUCIA, that he brought Crassus to live, & that he had prepared a sight to laugh at which he called his triumph. Sureneth triumph of Crassus. Among the Romans prisoners there was one called Caius Pacianus, who was very like Crassus, him they clothed in woman's apparel of the PARTHIANS, and had taught him to answer, when any called him Crassus, or Lord captain. Him they put a horse back, and had many trumpets before him and sergeants upon camels backs, that carried axes before them, and bundles of rods, and many purses tied to the bundle of rods, and ROMANS heads newly cut of tied to the axes: and after him followed all the strumpets & women minstrels of SELEUCIA who went singing of songs of mockery and derision, of Crassus' womanish cowardliness. Now for these open shows, every one might see them; but besides that sight, Surena having called the Senate of SELEUCIA together; laid before them Aristides books of ribaldry, Aristides books entitled the Milesians. entitled the Milesians, which was no fable, for they were found in a ROMANS farthel or truss, called Rustius. This gave Surena great cause to scorn and despise the behaviour of the ROMANS, which was so far out of order, that even in the wars they could 〈…〉 in from doing evil, and from the reading of such vile books. Then the Senators of SELEUCIA found that AEsope was a wise man, AEsope wise saying. who said that every man carried a sack on his neck and that they put other men's faults at the sacks mouth, and their own towards the bottom of the sack. When they considered that Surena had put the book of the lasciviousness of the MILESIANS at the sacks mouth, and a long tail of the PARTHIANS vain pleasures and delights in the bottom of the sack, carrying such a number of carts laden with naughty packs in his army as he did, which seemed an army of ermites' and field mice. The description of Sureness army. For in the vanguard and foremost ranks, all appeared terrible and cruel, being only lances, pikes, bows, and horse: but all they ended afterwards in the rearward with a train of harlots, instruments of music, dancing, singing, banqueting, and rioting all night with Courtesans. I will not deny but Rustius deserved blame: but yet withal, I say, that the PARTHIANS were shameless to reprove these books of the vanities of the MILESIANS, considering that many of their kings, and of the royal blood of the Arsacides, were borne of the IONIAN and MILESIAN courtesans. Things passing thus in this sort, king Hyrodes had made peace & league with Artabazes king of ARMENIA, who gave his sister in marriage unto Pacorus king Hyrodes son, & made great feasts ode to an other: in the which were many Greek verses song. Hyrodes self understanding well the Greek tongue, and Artabazes was so perfect in it, that he himself made certain tragedies, orations, and stories, whereof some are yet extant at this day. The same night Crassus' head was brought, Crassus' head brought to Hyrodes. the tables being all taken up, jason a common player of interludes (borne in the city of TRALLES) came before the kings, & recited a place of the tragedy of the BACCHANTS of Euripides, telling of the misfortune of Agave, who struck of his sons head. And as every man took great pleasure to hear him, Sillaces coming into the hall, after his humble duty first done to the king, delivered him Crassus' head before them all. The PARTHIANS seeing that, fell a clapping of their hands, and made an outcry of joy. The gentlemen hushers by the kings commandment, did set Sillaces at the table. jason casting of his apparel representing Pentheus' person, gave it to an other player to put on him, & counterfeiting the BACCHANTS possessed with fury, began to rehearse these verses, with a ieasture, tune, and voice, of a man mad, and beside himself. Behold, we from the forest bring a stag now newly slain. A worthy booty and reward beseeming well our pain. This marvelously pleased the company: and specially singing these verses afterwards, where the Chorus both asked, and answered himself. Who struck this stag? None else but I thereof may brag. Pomaxathres hearing them dispute about the matter, being set at the table with others, rose strait, and went and took the head himself, to whom of right it belonged to say those words, and not unto the player that spoke them. King Hyrodes liked this sport marvelously, and rewarded Pomaxathres according to the manner of the country in such a case: and to jason he also gave a talon. Such was the success of Crassus' enterprise and voyage, much like unto the end of a tragedy. But afterwards, Hyrodes cruelty, and Surenaes' fowl perjury and craft, were in the end justly revenged upon them both, See the reward of craft and perjury. according to their deserres. For king 〈…〉 envying Surenaes' glory, put Surena to death. And Hyrodes fell into a disease that become dropsy, after he had lost his son Pacorus, who was slain in a battle by the ROMANS. The miserable end of king Hyrodes and Surena. Ph●●●● his second son, thinking to set his father forwards, gave him drink of the juice of A●●●tum. The dropsy received the poison, and one drove the other out of Hyrodes body, and set him a foot again. Phreates perceiving his father to amend upon it, to make short wor●● with his own hands strangled him. Hyrodes strangled by his son. THE COMPARISON OF Crassus with Nicias. Nicias and Crassus richesse. But now to proceed to the comparison: first, Nicias goods were more justly gotten, and with less reproach, than Crassus' wealth: for otherwise a man can not give any great praise to mineral works the which are wrought by lewd and ill disposed barbarous fellows him in irons, and toiled to death in unwholesome and pestilent places. But being compared unto Crassus' buying of confiscate goods at Syllia hands, and ungentle manly bargains of houses a fire, or in damage thereof: surely Nicias trade will appear the better way of getting. For as openly did Crassus avow usury, as tillage. And again for other faults, wherewith Crassus many times was burdened, and which he stoutly denied: as, that he took money of men having matters before the Senate at ROME, to win favour for their side: and that he preferred matters to the prejudice of the confederates of the ROMANS, only for his private profit: and therefore curried favour with Ladies, & generally sought to cloak all fowl offenders: of all these faults, was Nicias never so much as once suspected. For he the contrary, mocked of every body, because for fear he maintained wicked doers by gifts: which perhaps would not have becomed Pericles, nor Aristides, and yet was meet for Nicias, who was borne a timorous natured man, and never had courage in him. Whereof Lycurgus the Orator did vaunt afterwards to the people, being accused that he redeemed detractors with money: I am glad, said he, that having dealt thus long in affairs of the state, Lycurgus' saying. it is found I have rather given than taken. And now touching expenses: Nicias was thought the better and more civil citizen. For his charge and cost was, in dedicating some goodly image to the gods, or in making of public plays or pastimes to recreate the people. But all the money he spent that way, and all that he was worth beside, was nothing comparable, and but a small part of that Crassus bestowed in an open feast he made at ROME: feasting so many thousands at one time, and did find and maintain them also for a certain time after. Now I can not but wonder at those men, that deny vice to be an inequality and disagreement of manners, repugnant in itself, seeing men may honestly spend that which is naughtily gotten. Thus much for their goods. For Nicias doings in the common weal, Nicias and Crassus acts in the common wealth. he did nothing maliciously, cruelly, nor unjustly, neither any thing of self will or stomach, but rather dealt plainly and simply. For he was deceived by trusting of Alcibiades, and never came to speak before the people, but with great fear. Crassus, on tother side was reproved for his unconstancy and lightness, for that he would easily change friends or enemies: and he himself denied not, that he came to be Consul the second time by plain force and cruelty, having hired two murderers to kill Cato and Domitius. And in the assembly the people held for dividing of the provinces, many men were hurt, and four were slain in the market place: and more than that, Crassus himself (which we have forgotten to write in his life) gave one Lucus Aunalius so sore a blow on the face with his fist, for speaking against him, that he sent him going with blood about his ears. But as Crassus in those things was very fierce and cruel: so Nicias womanish behaviour on tother side, and faint heart in matters of the common wealth, humbling himself to the meanest and most vile persons, deserveth great reproach. Where Crassus in this respect showed himself assuredly of a noble mind, not contending with men of small account, as with Cleon, or Hyperbolus, but would give no place to Caesar's fame and glory, nor yet to Pompey's three triumphs, but sought to go even with them in power and authority: and had immediately before exceeded Pompey's power, in the dignity of Censor. For Magistrates, and Governors of the common weal, should make themselves to be honoured, The duty of Governors & Magistrates. but not envied, kill envy by the greatness of their power. But if it were so that Nicias preferred quietness, and the safety of his person above all things else, and that he feared Alcibiades in the pulpit for orations, the LACEDÆMONIANS in the fort of Pyle, and Perdiccas in THRACIA: he had liberty & scope enough to repose himself in the city of ATHENS, & might have forborn the dealing in matters, & (as Rhethoricians say) have put a hood of quietness upon his head very well. For doubtless, concerning his desire to make peace, it was a godly mind in him, and an act worthy of a noble person, to bring that to pass he did, appeasing all war: wherein Crassus certainly was not to be compared to him though, he had joined all the provinces to the Empire of ROME, that reach unto the Caspian sea, and to the great Ocean of the INDIANS. But on the other side also, when one hath to deal with people that can discern when a man ruleth according to equity and justice, and that he seeth he is in the prime of his credit and authority: he must not then for lack of courage suffer wicked men to step in his room, nor give occasion to prefer such to authority in the common weal, as are unworthy for that place and countenance: neither should allow such any credit, as are altogether of no credit nor trust, as Nicias did: who was the only occasion that Cleon, being before but a prattling Orator, was chosen General. Neither do I also commend Crassus, for that in the war against Spartacus, he made haste to give him battle, more rashly then safely or considerately. For his ambition spurred him forward, because he was afraid lest Pompey's coming should take from him the glory of all that he had done in that war: as Mumius took from Metellus thonour of the winning of CORINTHE. But besides all this, Nicias fact therein was without the compass of reason, and can no way be excused. Nicias fearfulness. For he did not resign his honour & office of General to Cleon his enemy, when there was hope of good success, or little peril: but fearing the danger of the journey, he was contented to save one, and took no care beside for the common wealth. Which Themistocles showed not, in the time of the war against the PERSIANS. Themistocles and Cato's virtue. For he, to keep Epicydes an Orator (a man of no reckoning beside his eloquence, and extremely covetous) from being chosen General of ATHENS, lest he should have overthrown the common weal: secretly bribed him with money to leave of his suit. And Cato also, when he saw the state of ROME in greatest danger, sued to be Tribune of the people for the common wealths sake. And Nicias in contrary manner, reserving himself to make war with the city of MINOA, or with the isle of CYTHERA, or with the poor unfortunate MELIANS: if there fell out afterwards occasion to fight against the LACEDÆMONIANS, then away went his captains cloak, and he left the ships, the army, and munition to the charge and government of Cleon's rashness and small experience of war, when the necessity of the service required the wisest and most expert Captain. The which he did not, despising the means to make him honoured: but it was a plain drawing back, at time of need, to defend his country. Wherefore, afterwards he was compelled against his will to be General, to make wars in SICILIA with the SYRACUSANS: because the people thought he was not so earnest to dissuade the journey, for that he thought it not 〈…〉 for the common wealth, but because through his sloth and cowardliness he would make his country loose so good an opportunity to conquer SICILY. Yet was this a great testimony of his honesty and trust they had in him: Nicias honesty. who though he ever hated war, & did fly from the offices of honour and charge in the common wealth, his countrymen notwithstanding did always choose him, as the most experienced person, and meetest man of the city. Now Crassus in contrary manner desiring nothing else but to be General, could never attain to it, but in the war of the bondmen, and yet was it for lack of an other: (for Pompey, Metellus, and both the Lucullus were then abroad in the wars) although he was otherwise of great estimation and authority. Howbeit it seemeth to me, that his friends that loved him best, thought him (as the comical Poet saith) A good man any way else, but in wars. His ambition notwithstanding & covetous desire of rule, did nothing benefit the ROMANS. For the ATHENIANS sent Nicias to the war against his will: The diversity betwixt Nicias and Crassus. but Crassus led the ROMANS thither against their wills. So that the common wealth fell into misery by the one, and the other through the common wealth was brought into misery: and yet therein there is rather cause to praise Nicias, than to blame Crassus. For Nicias like a wise man, & a Captain of great experience, could never so much as be brought to think they should conquer SICILY: and therefore dissuaded his countrymen from the journey, & would give no place to the vain hope of the people of ATHENS. But Crassus taking upon him to make wars with the PARTHIANS, as though it had been an easy matter to overcome them, found himself deceived, yet did he aspire to great things. For as julius Caesar had conquered & subdued to the Imperial crown of ROME, all the countries of the West parts, to say, the GAULES, the GERMANS, and ENGLAND: even so did Crassus desire to go towards the East parts, to conquer all to the great west sea of the INDIANS, and to subdue all the regions of ASIA, whereunto Pompey and Lucullus aspired, being both very noble personages, and such as ever courteously behaved themselves to all men: notwithstanding, provoked thereunto with the like desire that Crassus had. For when the charge of the wars in the East parts was assigned to Pompey, by decree & order of the people: the Senate utterly misliked it, and were against it all they could. When news were brought to ROME that julius Caesar in battle had overthrown and slain three hundred thousand GERMANS: Cato persuading with the Senate, was yet still of this mind, that Caesar should be delivered into the hands of his enemies whom he had overcomen, for to be pu●isned: thereby to turn the sharp revenge and wrath of the gods from ROME, upon him only, that was the unjust breaker of the peace. This notwithstanding, the people making none accounted of Cato's persuasions, made common feasts & processions fifteen days together, and open sacrifices to the gods with great joy through the city, to thank them for this famous victory. How glad may we think would they have been, and how many days would they have feasted and sacrificed, if Crassus had written from BABYLON of his victory, and that he had conquered all the realms of the MEDES, of the PERSIANS, of the HYRCANIAMS, of SUSE, and of the BACTRIANS, and that he had made new governments and provinces to the Empire of ROME? If a man will needs do wrong and injustice, As Euripides saith to them, that can not live in peace, and be contented with their own he must not then stick at trifles, (as rasing of a castle of Scandia, or of a city of MENDA, or chase of the AEGINETES being out of their own natural country, and hiding themselves like birds without nests, in an other birds hole) but must dearly cell the wrong he doth, and not lightly contemn justice, as a thing of small account. For they that will commend the intent of Alexander the great in his voyage, for the conquests he made in the East, and do dispraise Crassus' voyage: do not well to judge of the beginning, by the events and success of the end. For executing of their offices, Nicias did many noble exploits. Nicias acts commended. For he overthrew his enemies in divers battle, and had almost taken the city of SYRACUSE: and sure they can not justly blame him for all the misfortunes that chanced in the war of SICILIA, but partly the plague was a cause of it, and partly also the envy of those towards him that remained at ATHENS. Where as Crassus ran into so many errors, Crassus' by his folly, bleamished the happiness of the Romans. and committed such foul parts in all his voyage, that he gave fortune no leisure to do him good: so that I wonder not so much that his folly was overcome by the power of the PARTHIANS, as that it could overcome the good fortune of the ROMANS. Sithence it so falleth out them, that they both came to 〈…〉 unfortunate end, Nicias prognosticating before what things should happen by art and rule of divination, and Crassus contrarily disdaining to observe any thing: sure it falleth out hard in judgement, which of them two proceeded with most safety. Yet according to the best approved opinions, a fault committed of fear is more excusable, then of rashness and folly to break any ancient law or custom. For their deaths, Crassus' end deserved least reproach. Crassus' death more commendable than Nicias end. For he against his will did yield himself, and was neither bound nor mocked, but only persuaded by his friends, and through his enemy's fraud and treason most traitorously deceived: where Nicias, cowardly, and dishonourably hoping to save his life, trusting to the mercy of his enemies, made his death more infamous. THE LIFE OF Sertorius. Peradventure it is not to be marveled at, if in long process of time (fortune altering her effects daily) these worldly events fall often out one like an other. For whether it be that the variety of things are infinite, fortune hath store of matter apt enough to work to likeness: or be it that worldly matters be comprehended within determinate number: of necessity one thing must fall out like an other, Why chalices of necessity happen one like an other. since they proceed from one cause, tied to the same means it before did use. But because men do delight to compare such chances together, as they have seen or heard to have happened so like, as if they had been done of purpose, th'one by the example of the other: (as that of two men being both named Attis, both of them comen of noble houses, th'one in SYRIA, and the other in ARCADIA, both the one and the other were slain with a wild boar. That of two called Actaeon, the one was torn a pieces by his dogs, the other by his lovers. That of the two famous Scipios CARTHAGINIANS were first overcomen by the one, and afterwards utterly destroyed by the other. That the city of TROY was first taken by Hercules, for the horses that Laomedon had promised him: the second time by Agamemnon, by means of the great wooden horse: and the third time by Charidemus, by means of a horse that fell within the gate, & kept the TTROYANS that they could not shut it in time. And that of two sweet smelling plants, JOS, and SMYENA, two cities were named, the one signifying the Violet, and the other Myrrh: it is supposed that the Poet Homer was borne in the one, and that he died in the other,) The towns where Homer was borne and died. we may also add to this example, that amongst the ancient Captains, the greatest warriors, and that have done the noblest exploits by wit and warlike stratagems, had but one eye: Four famous Captains, that had but one eye a peace. as Philip, Antigonus, Hannibal, and Sertorius also, whom we write of at this present. Whom we may truly report to have been more chaste, than Philip: more faithful to his friend than Antigonus: more courteous to his enemies than Hannibal: and for wisdom and judgement to give place to none of them, but in good fortune to them all. The praise of Sertorius. The which, though she showed her spite more to him, than to his enemies that were all great men: yet in experience he was equal with Metellus, in prows and valiancy with Pompey, and in fortune with Sylla. So that being banished his country, a stranger in an other realm, & having to govern a barbarous nation, he notwithstanding maintained wars for a time, against the power of the ROMANS. Me thinks therefore, that of all the GRECIAN Captains I can liken none so well unto him, as Eumenes the CARDIAN. For both of them knew how to command, both were very valiant & politic in wars, both were banished men out of their country, both were Captains over strangers, and both of them were traitorously and villainously slain by them, through whom they had before overcomen their enemies. Now for Sertorius, The paretage of Sertorius. he came of worshipful parents, and was borne in the city of NURSIA in the country of the SABINES. His father left him a very child with his mother, who carefully brought him up, and whom he singularly loved and reverenced. Her name as they say was Rhea. Rhea the mother of Sertorius. His first rising and beginning grew by pleading matters in law, which he could handle very well: insomuch as being a young man he came to ROME, and wan some name by his eloquence. Sertorius eloquent. Howbeit, the honour and estimation he achieved afterwards by his valiant acts, made him employ all his study and ambitious care, to arms and wars. The first time of his soldierfare was, Sertorius first soldierfare. when the CIMERES & TEUTONS invaded GAUL with a mighty army: where, when the ROMANS had been overcome under the leading of Caepio, his horse being slain under him, and himself hurt, he notwithstanding swam over the river of Rone, with his corselet, & target upon him, breaking the fury and rage of the river with meet strength, so able and lusty a body he had to break all pains and hardness. The second time that these barbarous CIMBRES returned with an infinite number of fight men, and with proud and dreadful threats, the ROMANS were then so afraid, that they thought him a stout man that had but the courage to keep his rank, and obey his Captain. At that time was Marius' General of the ROMAN army, and then did Sertorius undertake to go and discover thenemies camp. Sertorius soldierfare under Marius. And for the purpose, appareled himself like a GAUL, and learned the common words and phrases of their language, to salute one an other when they met, and in this sort went among them: and having partly by sight and report learned that he sought for, he returned to Marius, who then gave him such honourable reward, as was due to his desert. All the time of the wars after, he did such valiant acts and deeds of arms, that his Captain had him in great estimation, and committed the chiefest matters to his charge. Whereupon, the wars being ended with the TEUTONS and CIMBRES, Sertorius was sent into SPAIN, under Didius the Praetor, with charge of a thousand footmen, Sertorius, Colonel, of a thousands footmen. with whom he wintered in the city of CASTULO, in the marches of the CELTIBERIANS: Castulo, a city of the Celtiberians. where the soldiers finding plenty of victuals, fell to gluttony and drunkenness, and committed great insolency, being overcome with wine. Insomuch as the barbarous people of the city grew to such a misliking and disdain of them, that they sent one night to their next neighbours the GYRISAENIANS for aid, and as they came by the ROMANS lodgings, slew a great number of them. Sertorius hearing the noise, went immediately out of the city with a few of his men, & gathering them together also that fled one after an other to save themselves, went round about the walls of the city, and finding the gate open where the GYRISAENIANS came in, there entered he also: who being more careful than they had showed themselves, left the gates, & all the parts of the city well guarded, & then put all to the sword within that were of age to carry weapon: Now when he had executed this revenge, he commanded all his soldiers to leave of their own apparel and weapons, Sertorius stratagem. and to take like these of the barbarous people whom they had slain, and to follow him to the city of the GYRISAENIANS, from whence they came that had on such a sudden assailed them in the night. The GYRISAENIANS seeing the garments and weapons of their supposed men far of, thinking certainly they had been they: opened their gates, and a number of people went out, at to meet their friends and citizens, whom they thought had happily sped of their purpose. Thus were a marvelous number of them slain by the ROMANS, even hard at the gates of their city: and the rest putting themselves to Sertorius mercy, he sold for slain. After this exploit, Sertorius wan great fame through all SPAIN, and returning to ROME, was made. Questor or Treasurer general of GAUL, on this side of the mountains, by the river of Po●. Sertorius, treasurer General of Gaul, above the Po●. Milan, ●●. A happy chance for ROME: for even at that very present time fell out the wars of the confederates and allies of ITALY, called the MARSDANS' war, in the which he had commission to priest soldiers, and to make armour. And therein he showed such diligence and expedition for quick dispatch of that service, in respect of the long delay and ●●oless●●●ga●d other young men had of the same before: that he won the name to be a careful 〈…〉 his change, and one that afterwards would achieve great enterprises. Furthermore, when he came to be a Captain himself, he would not let to venture his person as valiantly, as any other private soldier whatsoever, but did marvelous acts with his own hands, over 〈…〉 greatest perils and conflicts: insomuch as at the length he lost one of his eyes in fight. Sertorius lost one of his eyes by fight. Whereof he was nothing ashamed, but continually glory in it: for others, said he, do not always carry the marks about them of their valiant service, but leave them otherwhiles at home, as their chains, ca●conets, javelins, and crowns, given them by their Captains for testimony of their valiancy: howbeit that he always carried the marks about him (wheresoever he went) of his service, so that such as saw the blemish of his eye, did therewithal witness his valiantness and courage. The people also did honour him as become them. For when he came into the Theatre, they welcomed him with clapping of their hands, and great praised, which the ROMANS did scantly use unto their oldest Captains, and which were most honoured for their great and noble service. Nevertheless, when he fued to be Tribune, he was rejected by 〈…〉 practise who hindered him: whereupon grew as it seemeth, that grudge & malice which he ever after bore unto Sylla. The occasion of Sertorius malice unto Sylla. For after that Marius was fled being overcomen by Sylla, & that Sylla was gone out of ITALY to make war with Mithridates, and that of the two Consuls, Octavius took part with Sylla, and Cinna tother Consul (which sought change and alteration) was gathering men together to set up Marius' faction, that was in manner under footee Sertorius took his part, Sertorius took part with Cinna. because he saw that Octavius was but a slow and lither man, and did not beside trust any of Marius' friends. So was there a cruel conflict between them, even in the market place within the city self, where Octavius had the upper hand: And Cinna & Sertorius scaped by flying, having lost few less than ten thousand men in this only ouerthrow●. Nevertheless, afterwards through practice and policy, they got those soldiers together again that were dispersed here and there through ITALY, so as in short time they made their power equal with octavius force. Marius also being advertised of the same, took the sea incontinently, and returned into ITALY out of AFRICA, and came to Cinna to serve as a private soldier, under his Captain and Consul. Now they all liked well that Marius should be received, saving Sertorius, Sertorius dissuaded Cinna to receive Marius. who was against him all he could ●fearing that either his credit and estimation should diminish, Cinna having a worthier Captain than himself to serve him, ●● else that Marius cruelty and severity (who pardoned none offence) would ●arre all together●● having no stay in his anger, but bend utterly to all kind of cruelty to his enemies, if Cinna fortuned to have the victory. And thereunto he added this further: that now they had the victory in manner in their hands, if they once received Marius unto them, he would rob them of all the honour of ending this war, and being also in authority, he was neither to be trusted, nor commanded. Whereunto Cinna answered thus: that he thought the words he had alleged to be true, howbeit that he was ashamed, and beside, could not see with honesty how he might refuse Marius, or sand him back, sithence he had purposely sent for him, to commit part of the charge of these wars unto him. Sertorius again replied. Sure I thought Marius had come of his own good will unsent for, & therefore (as for the best in mine own opinion) I gave advise not to receive him: but sithence it is so that you sent for him before, and that he is now comen upon your commandment, you were much to blame to ask counsel whether you should now receive him or not. And therefore you must needs accept his service, that is comen upon your word: for, the bond of your promise past you, doth now cut of all counsel or other resolution. Thereupon Marius was called for: and when he came, they divided their whole army into three parts, and then began to charge upon their enemies of all hands, so as they obtained victory. Howbeit Cinna and Marius committed as horrible cruelty in this victory, as could possibly be showed: insomuch as the ROMANS thought all the miseries they had endured in time of this war nothing, and but a play as it were, in respect of the great calamities they cell into afterwards. Now Sertorius on tother side never caused man to be slain for any private malice or quarrel he had with any person, Sertorius temperance. neither did he hurt any man when he had overcomen, but was much offended with Marius' insolency & cruel murders: and when he had good opportunity to speak with Cinna a part, he did qualify him the best he could, and made him more mild and tractable through his persuasion. In fine, Sertorius seeing Marius guarded with a great number of bondmen for lack of other soldiers in this war, whom he used as executioners of his slaughter and butchery, always attending about his person as a guard, and suffering them also to make themselves rich, partly with that he gave them, or commanded them to spoil, and partly also with that they violently took without his commandment of their own masters, kill them when they had done, ravishing their mistresses, & defiling their children: he could no longer abide such wickedness and villainy, but made them all to be slain in their camp where they lay together, Sertorius slew Marius' guard of bondmen. being no less than four thousand persons. Afterwards, when he saw that the elder Marius was dead, and that soon after Cinna was slain, the younger Marius his son (against his counsel, and contrary to the laws of ROME) had by force made himself Consul: and that Carbo, Scipio, and Norbanus (which had been overcomen by Sylla) were comen out of GR●ECE to ROME wards, partly through the cowardliness of their Captains, and partly also because they were betrayed and sold of their own men: and further, considering therewithal, that his person could do no good in those affairs, which waxed worse and worse, by means of th'authority of such as had lest wit and understanding, and specially also seeing Sylla camp hard by Scipio, making much of him, and feeding him with hope of a good peace, whilst underhand he wan his soldiers from him, notwithstanding that he was certainly warned and told of it before: Sertorius then utterly despairing of ROME'S prosperity and welfare, departed from ROME, to go towards SPAIN, Sertorius went into Spain. thinking that if he could get the first possession and government of that realm, it would at the lest be a refuge and receipt for all those of their tribe, that should chance to be banished out of their country. Howbeit in his voyage thitherward, he met with foul and rough weather: and passing through a country of mountains, the barbarous people inhabiting the same, demanded tribute of him, for licence to pass through their territories. Thereat the soldiers of his company were marvelously offended, saying that it were too much shame and dishonour for a Proconsul of ROME, to pay tribute to vile barbarous people. Notwithstanding, Sertorius passed not for the shame they said it would to be him, but answered them thus: that he bought time, which thing he should most reckon of, than aspireth to haughty enterprises, and so pleased the barbarous people with money. And thus he made such speed, as he quickly recovered SPAIN, which he found greatly replenished with people, and specially of young men able to wear armour. But now Sertorius perceiving that they had been hardly dealt withal before, through the insolency, pride, and covetousness of the ROMAN Governors, whom they ordinarily sent from ROME, and that therefore they hated all manner of government: first of all sought to win the good wills of all the whole countrymen one and other. Of the noble men, by being familiar and conversant with them: and of the common people, by easing them of their tax and subsidies. But that which bred him most love of all men generally was this: Sertorius courtesy to the spaniards. that he dispensed with them for lodging of soldiers, and receiving of any garrison within their cities, compelling his soldiers to set up their tents, and to make their cabins without the suburbs of great cities to winter there, & causing also his own pavilion to be first set up, and lay in it himself in person. This notwithstanding, he pleased not these barbarous people in all things to win their favour: for he armed all the ROMAN citizens of age to carry weapon, that dwelled in SPAIN, and made them make all sorts of engines for battery, and a number of galleys beside, so that he had all the cities at commandment, being very courteous to them in matters of peace, but in warlike munition, very dreadful to his enemies. After Sertorius understood that Sylla kept ROME, and that the most part of the tribe of Marius & Carbo was utterly overthrown, mistrusting that it would not be long before they sent some Captain with a great army against him: he sent julius Salinator betimes to keep the mountains Pirenei, with six thousand men well armed. Immediately after Caius Annius also came thither, sent by Sylla: who seeing no possibility to distress Salinator in a place of such advantage, was driven to stay at the foot of the mountain, not knowing what to determine. But by misfortune, one Calphurnius surnamed Lanarius, traitorously slew Salinator: whereupon his soldiers forthwith forsook the top of the mountains, and by this means Annius had easy passage with his army which was very great, and overthrew them that resisted his further coming on into the country. Sertorius finding himself not strong enough to fight with him, marched away with three thousand men unto the city of new CARTHAGE, and there took sea: from thence he coasted over into AFRICA, Sertorius flieth out of Spain into Africa. and fell with the coast of the MAURUSIANS, where his soldiers landed immediately for fresh water, dispersing themselves without keeping any order. Thereupon the barbarous people gave a charge upon them, & slew numbers of them: insomuch as Sertorius was driven to embark again, and to take his course towards SPAIN, where he was kept from landing. Then was he driven to take certain pirate's boats of the CILICIANS, and to sail towards the isle of PITYUSA, The I'll of Pityusa. where he landed in despite of Annius garrison, and put them to distress. But shortly after came Annius thither himself with a good number of ships, and five thousand fight men in them. Him Sertorius determined to abide, and to fight withal by sea, though he had but small barks, purposely made for swift sailing, & of no strength for fight. But now the West wind rising very big, did swell the sea in such sort, that it cast the most part of Sectorius ships (being weak and very light) upon rocks in the sea, and himself with a few being kept from land by his enemies, and from the sea by storm was driven to ride ten days together at anchor, working still for life against the danger of the surging waves & boisterous winds, which continued rough all that time: yet in the end when it calmed again he weighed anchor, and ran into certain desolate Isles, where was no water to be had. Then hoisting sail from thence, he passed the straight of Gilbratar, and turning on his right hand, landed upon coast of SPAIN, lying towards the great Western sea, a little above the mouth of the river of Baetis, the which falling into the sea Atlanticum, gave name in old time to that part of SPAIN, which was called HISPANIA BAETICA. There certain sailors met with him that were newly arrived from the Isles of the Ocean Atlanticum, which the ancients called, the fortunate islands. The fortunate Islands. These two Islands are not far one from an other, being but a little arm of the sea between them, and are from the coast of AFRICA only ten thousand furlongs. They have rain there very seldom, howbeit a gentle wind commonly that bloweth in a little silver dew, which moisteth the earth so finely, that it maketh it fertile and lusty, not only to bring forth all that is set or sown upon it, but of itself without man's hand it beareth so good fruit, as sufficiently maintaineth the inhabitants dwelling upon it, living idly, and taking no pains. The weather is fair and pleasant continually, & never hurteth the body, the climate and seasons of the year are so temperate, and the air never extreme; because the winds that blow upon that land from the other side of the coast opposite to it, as the North & Easterly wind coming from the main, what with their long coming, and then by dispersing themselves into a wonderful large air & great sea, their strength is in manner spent and gone before their coming thither. And for the winds that blow from the sea (as the South and Westerly) they sometime bring little showers with them which commonly do but moist the ground a little, and make the earth bring forth all things very trimmely: insomuch as the very barbarous people themselves do faithfully believe, that there are the Elysian fields, The Elysian fields. thabode of blessed creatures, which Homer hath so much spoken of. Sertorius hearing report of these Islands (upon a certain desire now to live quietly out of tyranny & wars) had strait a marvelous mind to go dwell there. But when the pirates of CILICIA (who were no men of peace, but given altogether to spoil & pillage) heard that: they by & by forsook Sertorius, & went into AFRICA, to restore Ascalius the son of Iphtha to his realm of MAURITANIA again. Sertorius quailed not for all their departure from him, but determined to aid them that made war against Ascalius, and all to th'end that his soldiers seeing matter of new hope and means to be employed, should not so leave him, being faced afterwards to be discharged of very necessity. The MAURUSIANS being very glad of his arrival, he presently went on with his enterprise, overcame Ascalius in battle, and besieged the city whereinto upon the overthrow of his army he was fled for refuge. Sylla being advertised thereof, sent Paccianus thither with an army to aid Ascalius. Sertorius gave him battle, slew him in the field, and won the rest of his army, which yielded unto him: then took he the city of TINGIS, Sertorius won the city of Tingis. whereinto Ascalius was fled with his brethren. The LIBYANS write that Antaeus is buried there. But Sertorius giving no credit to the tales of the barbarous people of that country, by reason of the greatness of the tomb they showed: made it to be broken open round, and finding there the body of a man (as they say) of three score cubits long, he marveled at it, and so finishing his sacrifice to honour the memory thereof, caused the tomb to be well closed up again. Antaeus' tomb and greatness. By this act he did greatly increase the honour of Antaeus' memory, which the city did unto him, and thereby comfirmed the country men's report of Antaeus. For the TINGIANS do report, that after Antaeus' death, his wife Tinga lay with Hercules; and had a goodly son by him called Sophax, who was king of that country, and there built this city, giving it his mother's name. Furthermore, it is said also that this Sophax had a son called Diodorus, who conquered the most part of AFRICA with an army of the GRECIAN OLBIANIANS and MYCENIANS, which Hercules brought thither, to inhabit those parts. We were willing to embrace the occasion offered us to speak of this matter as we went, for the honour of juba, juba, of a kings stock. the noblest historiographer that ever came of royal blood: for it is thought his ancestors were lineally descended from Sophax and this Diodorus. Sertorius as conqueror now, having the whole country in subjection, did in no wise hurt them that yielded unto him, & put trust in him, but restored them their goods, cities, and government again, contenting himself with that they offered him of their good wills. But then standing doubtful what way to determine: the Lusitanians sent Ambassadors unto him, to entreat him to be their chieftain. Sertorius was sent for by the Lusitanians to be their Captain. For they stood in great need of a worthy parsonage, and a man expert in wars to defend them against the fury of the ROMANS: and therefore they only trusted him, hearing of his honourable behaviour by them that were conversant with him. Whose qualities as we find written, were these. He was never greatly moved, with fear nor joy: but as he was a resolute man without fear in most danger, so was he most temperate in greatest prosperity. Sertorius virtues and qualities. In valiantness inferior to no Captain of his time, and very quick of execution in every imminent danger. For where any present exploit was to be done, any strong place of a advantage to lodge or fight in to be taken, or that he was to pass over any river, or scape any instant danger, where it stood upon speedy execution, and to show some stratagem or policy in time and place to supplant the enemy: in those matters he passingly excelled. Furthermore, he was both bountiful in rewarding good service, and merciful in punishing of offenders: Sertorius bounty and clemency. but this notwithstanding, the fowl murder he did in his latter days upon certain young children that were pledges with him (which doubtless was an act of great cruelty and anger that could not forgive) doth manifestly prove, that he was neither merciful nor courteous of nature: but that he many times did finely counterfeit it, when both the time and the wars did so require it. But for mine opinion, sure I am persuaded that no misfortune can have power to make perfit virtue, grounded upon good reason, to work in any sort contrary to itself: neither do I think it impossible also, but that men's good wills and gentle natures being injured without cause, may peradventure change their natural dispositions. Which then proved true in Sertorius, who finding fortune contrary unto him, & his good hap changed into ill, grewed so crabbed and fierce of nature, that he would take cruel revenge of them which had villainously betrayed him. But now to our matter where we left. Sertorius departed out of AFRIQUE upon the Lusitanians offer, who chose him for their General, giving him absolute power and authority: and so soon as he arrived, he strait levied men of war, and with them subdued the people of SPAIN fronting upon their marches, of which the more part did willingly submit themselves, upon the brute that ran of him to be merciful and courteous, and a valiant man beside in present danger. Furthermore, he lacked no fine devices & subtleties to win their good wills: as among others, the policy and devise he had of the hind, Sertorius feigned lie of the hind. which was this. There was a poor man of the country called Sparius, who meeting by chance one day with a hind in his way that had newly calved, flying from the hunters: he let the dam go not being able to take her, and running after her calf took it, which was a young hind, and of a strange hear, for she was all milk white. It chanced so, that Sertorius was at that time in those parts, who was always very glad when any man offered him such manner of presents: as fruits, fowl, or venison, & would make very much of them that brought them to him, and also reward them well for the same. So, this poor man presented Sertorius with his young hind, which he gladly received, and which with time he made so came, that she would come to him when he called her, and follow him where ever he went, being nothing the wilder, for the daily sight of such a number of armed soldiers together as they were, nor yet afraid of the noise and tumult of the camp. Insomuch as Sertorius by little & little made it a miracle, making the simple barbarous people believe that it was a gift that Diana had sent him, by the which she made him understand of many and sundry things to come: knowing well enough of himself, that the barbarous people were men easily deceived, and quickly caught by any subtle superstition, besides that by art also he brought them to believe it as a thing very true. For when he had any secret intelligence given him, that the enemies would invade some part of the countries and provinces subject unto him, or that they had taken any of his forts from him by any intelligence or sudden attempt: he strait told them that his hind spoke to him as he slept, and had warned him both to arm his men, and put himself in strength. In like manner if he had heard any news that one of his lieutenants had won a battle, or that he had any advantage of his enemies, he would hide the messenger, and bring his hind abroad with a garland and collar of nosegays: and then say it was a token of some good news coming towards him, persuading them with all to be of good cheer, and so did sacrifice to the gods, to give them thanks for the good tidings he should hear before it were long. Thus by putting this superstition into their heads, he made them the more tractable and obedient to his will, insomuch as they thought they were not now governed any more by a stranger wiser than themselves, but were steadfastly persuaded that they were rather led by some certain god: and so much the more because that his deeds confirmed their opinions, seeing his power so daily to increase beyond the hope and expectation of man. For with two thousand five hundred soldiers, Sertorius army. which he called ROMANS (although the most of them in deed were AFRIKANS; which came over with him out of AFRICA into SPAIN) & four thousand Lusitanians, with seven hundred horsemen also, he made war against four great Captains of ROME, The army of this Romans led by four Captains. which had the leading of six score thousand footmen, two thousand archers and slingmen, with a world of cities and countries beside. Where Sertorius at the first had not above twenty at the most●● and yet with this small power to maintain this war withal, he did not only conquer great countries and many goodly cities, Sertorius victories. but took some of the captains prisoners also, whom the ROMANS sent against him. Of which company Cotta was one, whom he overthrew in battle by sea, not far from the city of MELLARIA. He also overcame Fidius in battle, being governor of SPAIN BAETICA, by the river of Baetis, where he slew two thousand ROMANS. By his treasurer likewise he overcame Lucius Domitius, Proconsul of the other province of SPAIN. And an other time he discomfited Toranius an other Captain, one of Metellus lieutenants, whom he slew in fight with all his army. And Metellus self, being taken at that time for one of the most expert men of war, and chiefest Captains among the ROMANS: him he put also so often to distress, that Lucius Lollius was feign to come out of GAUL NARBON●●SIS (now languedoc) to aid. And they were furthermore driven to send Pompey the great, with all speed from ROME, with a new army. Because Metellus knew not what course to take, having to fight with a most valiant man, & one whom he could never either bring to any set battle, nor yet entrap in the plain field, (so easily could he cast himself into all kind of forms) by reason of the dexterity and swiftness of his spanish soldiers being lightly armed. Where he clean contrary, This place may well be taken two ways, and either of both allowable: & according to the other is might be said, to lead Roman citizens to the wars, fight like valiant men. was wont to fight a pitched field, without removing a foot, and to lead an army heavy armed, which could keep their ranks, and fight steadely could overthrow their enemies with handstrokes, and march upon their bellies. But to climb up the mountains, and to be continually (as they were) charged in the rearward with these men armed as light as the wind, and to pursue them in chase that fled still, and never kept place: it was unpossible for them to do it, and much less to abide hunger and thirst, to live without a kitchen and fire, and likewise to lie on the bore ground without tents or pavilions, as Sertorius soldiers did. Furthermore Metellus being grown an old man, (having spent all his youth in service of the wars, and taken & suffered great pains and troubles, giving himself now to quiet and pleasure) was matched with Sertorius, being then even at this best age, and lustiest of body, besides that nature had made him both strong, active, and temperate withal. Sertorius warlike virtues. For he was never given to his belly, nor to be a great bibber, when he was at most quiet, and out of wars, he was likewise acquainted with pains and hardness from his youth, could away with long journeys, watch many days and nights without sleep, eat little, and content himself with any meat that came to hand. And had he never so little leisure, he would continually be on horseback, riding a hunting up and down the fields, which made him very ready and expert to know how to wind himself out of danger when he was distressed, and contrarily also to compass in his enemy upon any advantage: and beside, to see where he might enter, and where not. For this cause was Metellus driven (who was still desirous to fight) to abide the losses and discommodities which they suffer that be vanquished: and Sertorius on tother side refusing battle, and flying before him, had all the vantage of him that they have, which chase their enemies whom they have overcomen. For he cut of his victuals on every side, took away his water, and kept him in from foraging. When he thought to march further forward, Sertorius stayed him. And when he lay still in his camp, Sertorius came and gave him alaroms, & drove him to dislodge. If Metellus laid siege to any place, Sertorius strait besieged him for want of victuals. So that his soldiers were even weary of altogether. whereupon, when Sertorius challenged the combat of Metellus: o, well said, cried all the soldiers, let Captain fight against Captain, and ROMAN against a ROMAN. Howbeit Metellus refused him, and the soldiers laughed him to scorn. Nevertheless he did but smile or them, and therein showed himself a wise man: for as Theophrastus saith, a Captain must die as a Captain, not like a private soldier. Furthermore, Metellus considering that the LANGOBRITES (who gave great aid unto Sertorius in all services) were easy to be taken for lack of water (having but one only well in all their city) and that whosoever did besiege the same, Metellus practiseth to besiege the Langobrites, and to take their city, for lack of water. should strait be master of all the spring heads of the suburbs about it, hoping thereby to make the city yield unto him within two days at thutmost: he commanded his soldiers to victual themselves for five days only. But Sertorius, having intelligence thereof, gave good direction and speedy order to prevent him. Sertorius finely deceived Metellus, at the siege of the Langobrites. For he caused two thousand goats skins to be filled with water, and promised round sums of money for every skin brought thither. Many SPANIARDS and MAURUSIANS strait took upon them th'enterprise. Thereupon Sertorius choosing the lustiest men among them, sent them away through the mountain, commanding them withal, that when they delivered their goats skins with water unto the citizens, they should 'cause them forthwith to put out all their idle people, that the water might last them the longer which defended the city Metellus receiving advertisement hereof, was much aggrieved withal, because his soldiers victuals were well near spent, which they had brought according to his commandment: and therefore he sent Aquinus one of his Leiutenaunts, with six thousand men to get victuals, Sertorius having intelligence of his purpose, presently laid an ambush for his return in a valley full of wood, and bestowed there three thousand men to set upon the rearward, whilst he himself gave charge on the vanguard. Thus made he Aquinus fly, slew the most part of his men, and took the rest prisoners. Sertorius overthew Aquinus. Howbeit Aquinus self the Captain having lost his weapons and horse, by flying recovered Metellus camp: who thereupon was driven with shame to raise his siege, being mocked of all the SPANIARDS. For these valiant deeds, was Sertorius wonderfully beloved and honoured of all the barbarous people, and specially because he had made them good soldiers, brought them from their former rude & beastly fight, and had taught them to be armed after the ROMAN fashion, to keep their ranks when they sought, to follow, their ensign, and to take the signal and word of the battle: insomuch as he made them then appear a goodly army, well taught and trained, being before a confused multitude of thieves and robbers. Furthermore, he divided great store of gold and silver among them, Sertorius taught the Spaniards the manner of the Romans. showing them how they should gild their headpieces, set out their shields and targets with fine workmanship, and also bravely apparel themselves with rich cloaks and sleeveless cassocks upon their armour, teaching them to be fine, and furnishing them with money, whereby he marvelously wan the hearts of the barbarous people. Yet did he further bind them unto him, by that he did unto their children. For he sent generally for all the noble men's young sons, through all the countries and provinces subject unto him: and brought them to the goodly city of Osca: The city of Osca. where he provided them of schoolmasters to teach them the Greek and Latin tongue: beating their parents in hand, that it was to no other end, but to make them (when they came to be men) meet to be employed in the service of the common weal, albeit in deed it was but a fine devise of him, Sertorius subtle policies. to have them as Hostages for their faith and loyalty towards him. Then were the fathers of these children glad men to see their sons appareled like ROMANS, in fair long gowns guarded with purple, to go civilly to the schools: that Sertorius paid for their learning: and that oftentimes he went thither to appose them, to see how they profited: and how he gave rewards unto them that were the best scholars, hanging jewels about their necks, which the ROMANS caLL Bulla. Insomuch, that they having a custom at that time in SPAIN, that such as were about the Prince or their chieftain should die with him when he died, that custom of voluntary vow to die with their Lord, being called by the barbarous people, devotion: The Spaniards devotion. there were very few of their followers and familiars that would vow to die with other Captains, but on tother side, thousands commonly followed Sertorius having vowed to lose their lives with him. And for proof hereof it is reported, that when his army on a time was overthrown by a certain city of SPAIN, the enemies eagerly pursuing him: the SPANIARDS not regarding their own lives to save his, The Spaniards love to Sertorius. took him up on their shoulders, and so passed him from man to man upon them, till they put him into the city, who being safe & out of danger, they then looked by running to save themselves the best they could. Thus was Sertorius not only beloved of the SPANIARDS, but of other soldiers also that came out of ITALY. For when Perpenna Vento, Perpenna joined with Sertorius. being of the same faction, arrived in SPAIN full of money, & with a good number of soldiers, intending to make war in his behalf against Metellus: his soldiers fell out with him, and had none other talk in his camp but of Sertorius. The which spited Perpenna to the heart, being proud & stately by means of his wealth and estate, coming of a noble house. News being come that Pompey was passed over the mountains Pyrenei, the soldiers armed themselves, and plucked up their ensigns that were fast in the ground, and cried out upon Perpenna to lead them to Sertorius, threatening him that if he would not, they would leave him alone, and seek them a Captain, that could both save himself and them. So was Perpenna forced against his will to follow their minds, and to lead the three and fifty ensigns he had with him, to join with Sertorius force. Thus become Sertorius army very great, and specially after all the cities on this side the river of Ebrus had yielded unto him. Ebrus f●. For than came soldiers to him out of all parts, howbeit they were a rash confused multitude of Omnigatherum together, having no reason nor patience to abide time, but cried out in fury, to set upon their enemies. This troubled Sertorius much, seeking first to quiet them by reason and persuasion. But when he saw they fell to mutiny, and would needs have their wills, and both without reason and all good order would so go set upon their enemies: he gave them the head, and let them go as they would knowing well enough they would pay for their folly, but yet took such order and direction, as they should not utterly be cast away, hoping after that to have them the mo●● obedient unto him. And in deed they had their payment as he conjectured: notwithstanding he went to rescue them, & so brought them safe into his camp. Now to take away the fe 〈…〉 perplexity from them, which this overthrow perhaps had stricken into them: immediately after he caused his whole army to assemble, as purposing to use some speech unto them 〈◊〉 which time he caused two horses to be brought and set in the mids among them, A fine devise of Sertorius to teach men the benefit of time and perseverance. though 〈…〉 old and feeble jade, and tother a goodly lusty horse, which besides other things, had a marvelous fair thick tail. Behind the old lean jade, he set a lusty tall fellow: and behind the goodly horse also, he placed a little wearish man, & seeming to sight to have but small strength Now upon a sign given them which he had made them privy to, the strong man took the lean horse by the tail with all his might, as if he would have plucked it of by the stump: and the other wearish man fell to plucking of hear by hear from the great horse tail. So when the strong man had tugged and sweat a great while in vain at the lean horse tail, thinking ●● have pulled it of, and in th'end did nothing else but make the lookers on laugh: and that the wearish wretch on tother side in a short space, (& at ease) had left the great horse tail wi●● never a hear on it: Sertorius then rising up, spoke in this sort to his soldiers. Do ye not for (my friends and companions) said he, Sertorius words to his soldiers, declaring thin●on● of his devise. how time and perseverance exceedeth force? and that things unlikely at the first to be overcome by force, are yet in time, by little and little obtained. For continuance overcometh all things, and there is no force nor power, but processed time consumeth and bringeth to naught, being a most certain help to them, that can 〈…〉 opportunity, and abide time: as in contrariwise hast and rashness is as dangerous an enemy as may be, to them that do things of a head without regard. By these common devices where with Sertorius daily acquainted the barbarous people, he taught them to abide the opportunity of time. But of all the stratagems he used in war, that only exceeded all other, which he showed unto a people called the CHARACITANIANS. The Characitanians what people they be. The people do devil on the other side of the river of Tagus, Tagus fl.. and have neither cities nor villages for their common abode, but other great high hill, full of hollow caves and deep holes among the rocks, looking towards the North. At the foot of this mountain the valley is a great slimy ground and so rotten, their is not able to bear a man, but being trodden on, crummeth like white lime, & turneth ●●●duct under his feet. And therefore, by means of the same, when those people were afraid of any enemies, or that they had conveyed the goods they had rob & stolen from their neighbours into those caves, they thought themselves safe, if they were once gotten into them: for it was unpossible to compel them to come out. Now it chanced that Sertorius flying from Metellus, came and encamped hard by this hill which these barbarous people inhabited, who made no reckoning of him, imagining Metellus had overthrown him. But Sertorius being in a rage with them, and because he would show that he fled not: took his horse back the new morning, and road as near to the hill as he could, to view the nature and situation of the place: and when he saw there was no way to bring a man into it, he fretted, and walked up and down, vainly threatening them to no purpose. Yet going and coming to and fro, ●e perceived the wind raised a great dust, of that brittle earth we have spoken of, and carried it fell into the CHARACITANIANS holes, the mouths whereof as we said before, lay full upon the North. This Northern wind, which some call Caecias, is the only wind of all other that most keepeth in that quarter, and riseth from the moors and mountains thereabouts, which he continually covered with snow, and then in the heart of summer is nourished and enforced by the melting of the ice and snow, and so bloweth a jolly cool wind, which refresheth the barbarous people and beasts all the day long. Sertorius marking this with himself, Sertorius wonderful devise against the barbarous people, called the Characitanians. and understanding by the inhabitants thereabouts, that this wind blew commonly among them: commanded his soldiers to gather a great quantity of this light brittle earth together, & to raise a mount of it, right against the other hill. The barbarous people made a mockery of it at the first, thinking Sertorius would have made a mount to have fought with them upon it: howbeit he went on with his work till night came, and then brought his soldiers back again into his camp. The next morning by break of day there was a pretty little wind stirring, that only blew of the top of his forced mount, & the highest part of that mass of earth, as chaff when they winnow corn: and as the sun began to have any power, the North wind also rose, which soorthwith filled all the hill with dust. And withal, came Sertorius soldiers who threw down the hill to the bottom, which they laid gathered the day before, and broke all those dry clots of clay in pieces. The horsemen on tother side, they still wan●●●ged their horses up and down in it, to raise up the greater dust, which the wind carried as soon as it rose, and blew into the caves of these barbarous people, full in their faces, through their holes and cities of the rocks. So they having no other ve●tes nor air any way, but there where the wind blew in upon them: it did so blindfold their eyes, and filled their caves with such a hot stuffing air, that they were almost choked with all, not able to take breath. For when they should draw their breaths, this stuffing air and dust came in at their mouths so fast, that they had much a do to hold our two days, and on the third yielded themselves unto Sertorius mercy: the which thing did not so much increase his power, as it wan him honour, by policy to have won such an unlikely conquest, which by force could never have been gotten, and where to fight was matter impossible. So long therefore as he made war with Metellus alone, he commonly had the advantage of him, because Metellus was an old man and heavy, & could not resist Sertorius lusty youth, that led a light army, like rather to a company of thieves and robbers, than to an army of men of war. Sertorius deeds against Pompey. But afterwards when Pompey was come over the mountains Pyrenei, and that both of them being encamped each before other, and that Pompey had showed him all the stratagems and policies of war possible ●oo a good Captain to devise, & he the like unto Pompey: and found that Sertorius had the better of him, both in laying his ambushes, & also in foreseeing to entrap him then grew the same's of Sertorius to be so great, that even in ROME itself he was thought to be the noblest Captain, & of best conduction of any man in his time. Yet was Pompey at that time of great fame and reputation, which afterwards also waxed greater, by the noble acts he did under Sylla, who gave him the surname of Pompey the great, for that he had deserved honour of triumph, before his beard was grown. So, when he was comen thus into SPAIN, divers towns and cities subject unto Sertorius, were half in mind to yield unto Pompey: but afterwards they shared again, upon the chance that happened unto the city of LAURON, beyond all expectation. For Sertorius being gorre to lay siege to it, Sertorius goeth to lay siege to the city of Lauron. Pompey in haste went thither with his army to raise the siege. Near unto the city there was a little hill very commodious to lodge a camp in, and also to distress them of the city: whereupon th'one made hast to get it, and tother to keep him from it. Notwithstanding, Sertorius was the first man, and got the hill: and Pompey came even as he had taken it, who was very glad it had so fallen out, thinking to have made Sertorius sure at that time, being kept in on the one side with the city of LAURON, and with his army on the other. Thereupon he sent unto the citizens, and bade them care for nothing, more than to stand upon their walls at their pleasure, to see Sertorius straightly besieged, who thought to have besieged them. This message being brought to Sertorius, he smiled at it, and said, that he would teach Sulla's young scholar (for so in mockery he called Pompey) that a wise Captain should rather see behind then before him: Sertorius worthy saying of a Captain. and therewithal he showed the LAURONITANS six thousand footmen well armed, which he had left in his camp when he came to take the hill where he was, to th'end that if Pompey came by chance to assail him, they should give a charge upon his rearward. Pompey having found this too late, durst not offer Sertorius battle, fearing to be compassed in behind and on tother side he was ashamed to forsake the LAURONITANS, whom he was driven in th'end to see utterly spoiled and destroyed before his eyes, and durst not once stir to help them. The barbarous people of the contrary part seeing no hope of aid by him, yielded strait unto Sertorius, who did not only pardon them, but also suffered them to go whether they would. Howbeit he burned the city, for no anger or cruelty (being a Captain that never showed cruelty in anger) but to shame Pompey withal, Sertorius burned the city of Lauron in Pompey's sight. and to stop their mouths that made such account of him: and that this brute might run among the barbarous people, that Pompey himself being present, and might in manner have warmed him by the fire that burned a goodly city of his confederates, neither durst nor could help them. In deed Sertorius in continuance of this war 〈…〉 much loss and great hurt, Sertorius of himself invincible. howbeit it was always through the fault of his Lieutenant 〈…〉 as touching himself, he was never overthrown, nor those he led. And yet he ever 〈…〉 more honour in recovering of those battles which his Captains lost, than his enemies did that had put them to the worse. As in the battle he wan against Pompey, by the city of SUCRON and in an other he wan against Pompey and Metellus both, by the city of TV●OI●. And as for the overthrow of SUCRON, it is thought it came through Pompey's ambition, making the more haste for fear Metallus should be partaker of the honour of his victory: and that was the thing Sertorius looked for, to fight before Metellus came to join with him, and therefore he fought the battle with Pompey towards night, supposing the darkness of the night would trouble his enemies much, be a help to save themselves if they were overcome, and also to chase the enemies if so it happened they had the upper hand, because they were strangers, and knew not the country. When both battles came to give charge, Battle betwixt Sertorius & Pompey. Sertorius at the first was not directly against Pompey, but against Afranius, who led the left wing of Pompey's battle, and himself was in the right wing of his own battle. Howbeit Sertorius being advenised that the left wing of his own army against the which Pompey fought, was in such distress is they gave back, and could abide no longer, if they were not presently aided: strait left the leading of the right wing, which he assigned over to other of his Captains, and ran with all speed possible unto the left wing, which were then even as good as flying. And first he gathered them together again which had turned their backs, and after put those also in good order that were yet a fight: and so having encouraged them both with his words, and the presence of his person, he gave a new charge again upon Pompey, more courageously than before, (who thinking he had already won the field, was then a chase such as fled) and cache so fiercely upon him, that he put all the whole army of the ROMANS to flight: insomuch as Pompey himself escaped kill in the field very hardly being sore hurt, & saved by a strange mean. For the AFRIKANS of Sertorius having taken Pompey's horse (which was richly trapped with harness of gold and other precious furniture) falling out among themselves, Pompey fled Sertorius at Sucron. and fight for division of the same: in the mean time let Pompey go, and never followed after him. Afranius again on tother side, whilst Sertorius was gone to help the other wing of his battle, made them fly all that stood before him, & followed kill of them even into the trenches of their camp, entering in amongst them that fled, and spoiled the camp being dark night, knowing nothing of Pompey's overthrow, neither could he withdraw his men from spoil. Sertorius also coming thither upon the instant, finding Pompey's men in disorder, slew a number of them: and the next morning betimes armed his men again, and brought them out into the field, to fight once more with Pompey. But receiving intelligence that Metellus was at hand, he sounded the retreat, and dislodged from the place he encamped, saying: had not that old woman comen, Sertorius mock to Pompey. I would have whipped that young boy to ROME with rods. Now was Sertorius very heavy, that no man could tell him what was become of his white hind: for them by all his subtlety and finesse to keep the barbarous people in obedience was taken away, and then specially, when they stood in need of most comfort. But by good hap, certain of his soldiers that had lost themselves in the night, met with the hind in their way, and knowing her by her colour, took her, and brought her back again. Sertorius hearing of her, promised them a good reward, so that they would tell no living creature that they brought her again, and thereupon made her to be secretly kept. Then within a few days after, he came abroad among them, and with a pleasant countenance told the noble men and chief Captains of these barbarous people, how the gods had revealed it to him in his dream, that he should shortly have a marvelous good thing happen to him: and with these words sat down in his chair to give audience. Whereupon they that kept the hind not far from thence, did secretly let her go. The hind being loose, when she had spied Sertorius, ran strait to his chair with great joy, and put her head betwixt his legs, & laid her mouth in his right hand, as she before was wont to do. Sertorius also made very much of her, and of purpose appeared marvelous glad, shewing such tender affection to the hind, as it seemed the water stood in his eyes for joy. The barbarous people that stood there by & beheld the same, at the first were much amazed therewith: but afterwards when they had better bethought themselves, for joy they clapped their hands together, and waned upon Sertorius to his lodging with great and joyful shouts, saying, and steadfastly believing, that he was a heavenly creature, and beloved of the gods: whereupon they were marvelously pleased in their minds, and certainly hoped that their affairs should prospero daily better and better. Another time having straighted his enemies with scarcity of victuals, in the territory of the Saguntines, he was by force compelled to fight against his will, for that they sent great troops of men to sorrage the country, Sertorius slew Memmius, Pompey's Lieutenant. to get victuals. upon then counter it was valiantly fought of either side, where Memmius was slain, (the valiantest Captain Pompey had) courageously fight in the midst of the battle. Sertorius finding himself the stronger, followed his first wing, making great slaughter of those that withstood him, until he came unto Metellus self, who tarried his coming, defending himself more valiantly than was either hoped, or looked for, in a man of his years: insomuch as he was at the last hurt with a partisan. Which was such a dishonour to the ROMANS, not unto them only that saw it, but unto such also as heard of it, Shame turned into anger. that being all ashamed to forsake their Captain, and turning their shame into anger against their enemies: they covered Metellus round about with their shields and targets, & getting him out of the press and fury of the fight, gave such a fierce onset, as they drove the SPANIARDS to fly. Thus fortune changing the victory, Sertorius to give his scattered men time to save themselves, and leisure also for a new supply (which he caused to be presently levied) to come at their pleasure: fled of purpose into a city of the mountains of strong situation, and there setting a good face of the matter repaired the rampers, and fortified the gates, thinking nothing less than to abide there to be besieged, Sertorius bisieged of Pompey. but only to lay a bait for his enemies, coming to besiege the city, hoping they should easily win it, and in the mean time left pursuing of the barbarous people which had thereby good leisure given them to save themselves. Furthermore, they took no order to suppress the new supply that was coming to Sertorius, who had sent out his Captains to the next cities & shires adjoining, to leanie men, with express commandment, that when they had mustered a convenient number together, they should send them unto him, as they did. So when he understood of their coming, he easily passed through his enemies to meet them, and with them suddenly came back again, and harried his enemies worse than before: sometime cutting their victuals from them by land, through his ambushes and continual subtle policies, being quickly in every place whether they thought to go, with his light army: and on the sea also with certain pirates pinnese, with the which he scoored all the coast upon the sea side. By this means, both the Captains his enemies were compelled to sever themselves far one from the other, insomuch as Metellus went to winter in GAUL, Pompey remained in SPAIN, (in great scarcity of all things for lack of money) to winter in the territories of the VACCEIANS, and wrote to the Senate at ROME, that he would return with his army into ITALY, if they sent him not money out of hand, for that he had spent all his own daily fight for the defence of ITALY. Thus it was certainly thought at ROME, that Sertorius would be in ITALY before Pompey: because he had through his valiancy and great skill brought two of the most famous Captains of their time, to great extremity and distress. Then did Metellus show how much he feared Sertorius, Metellus feared Sertorius. and how he thought him a great and dreadful enemy. For he proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that if any ROMAN could kill him, he would give him an hundred silver talents, and twenty thousand jugera of land: and if he were a banished man, he promised he should be restored to his country and goods again, buying his death by treason, whom he could not overcome by force. And furthermore, being his chance once to win a battle of Sertorius, Metellus made himself be called Imperator. he was so jocund and proud for this victory, that he would needs therefore be called Imperator, to say, Prince, or sovereign Captain: and was contented the people should set up altars and do sacrifices unto him in every city where he came. Metellus verity. And it is furthermore reported of him, that he wore garlands of flowers on his head, and would be bidden to dissolute banquets, sitting at the table in a triumphing rob: and they made images of victory go up and down the hall, moved by certain secret engines carrying triumphs of gold, and crowns and garlands of triumph, and dancers of goodly young boys and fair girls following of them, with songs of triumph in his praise. Wherein doubtless he deserved to be laughed at, showing himself so much carried away with joy and vain glory, for one overthrow given unto him, whom himself was wont to call syl 〈…〉 gitive, and the remnant of the banished men of Carbo. On tother side, Sertorius noble co●age was easily discerned, Sertorius noble mind. first, for that he called the banished men which were escaped from ROME, and comen to him, Senators: and having them about him, called them the Senate, making some of them treasurers, others Praetors, directing and ordering all things according to the manner of his country. And in this also, that making wars with the soldiers of the cities of SPAIN, and defraying the same at their own charges, yet he never gave them any authority, so much as in word, but ruled them always with ROMAN officers and Captains: saying still, Sertorius honourable respect unto his country. that he fought for the liberty of the people of ROME, and not to increase the glory and power of the SPANIARDS, to the hurt and dishonour of the ROMANS. For to say truly of him, he ever loved his country well, and longed much to be sent for home again: and yet in his greatest troubles, Sertorius mind greatest in adversity. when things thwarted him most, than was his mind greatest, yielding to manner of show or appearance to his enemies, of any faint heart or discouragement in him. Again, when he was in best prosperity, and had most advantage of his enemies, he sent unto Metellus and Pompey both, letting them understand that for his part he was contented to lay arms aside, and to live at home like a private man, so that he might be lawfully restored and called home by edict: Sertorious affection to his country. and that he had rather be counted the meanest citizen in ROME, then being a banished man out of his country, to be called Emperor of the world. And it is said, that one of the chiefest causes which made him desire so much to be called home again, was the tender love he bore unto his mother (that had brought him up from the time of his father's death) upon whom he cast all his love and delight: insomuch as after that his friends in SPAIN had sent for him to come to be their Captain, and that he had been a while among them, receiving news that his mother was departed out of the world, it so struck him to the heart, that he had almost died for sorrow. Sertorius natural love to his mother. For he lay seven days together continually on the ground weeping, & never gave his soldiers the watch word, nor would be seen of any of his friends until that the other noble men and Captains of his own estate, came to him to his tent, and were so importunate of him by entreaty and persuasion, that they got him out of his tent to show himself to his soldiers, to speak to them, & to take order for his affairs which prospered very well. By these signs many have judged, that he was of a courteous and pitiful nature, and that naturally he was given to be quiet and peaceable: howbeit, that he was forced of necessity to take charge of men of war, because he could not otherwise live quietly nor safely, being pursued by his enemies, which would never let him rest, and thereupon entered into war, for his own guard and safety. The treaty self he made with king Mithridates argued his noble mind. For when Mithridates whom Sylla had overcomen, was recovered again (like a wrestler that being overthrown getteth up on his feet to try an other fall with his enemy) and took upon him to invade ASIA: Sertorius fame was then so great, that he was spoken of through the world, by merchants coming from the West, who blew abroad the report thereof all the East parts over, even into the realm of PONT, like to merchandises which they went to seek for in strange countries. Whereupon Mithridates being persuaded by the vain vaunts of his favoured courtiers, who compared Sertorius to Hannibal, and himself unto king Pyrrus, saying that the ROMANS being set upon by them both, could not withstand two such excellent natures, & great powers together, when the noblest Captain of the world should be joined with the greatest and most puissant Prince that ever was: sent thereupon his Ambassadors into SPAIN unto Sertorius, Mithridates' sent Ambassadors unto Sertorius in Spain. with full power and commission to promise' him money and ships towards the maintenance and charge of this war, in recompense whereof he desired that Sertorius would redeliver him the possession of ASIA again, the which he had surrendered up unto the ROMANS upon the peace made betwixt him and Sylla. Sertorius hereupon called his counsel together (which he termed the Senate) to consult upon this matter. And when they were all of opinion that he should accept Mithridates offers, and were exceedingly glad of the same, considering that they asked them nothing but a tide in the air, and a name of things which were not in their power, offering them therefore things present, whereof they had greater need, yet would Sertorius never agreed thereunto. Notwithstanding, thus much he granted Mithridates, Sertorius noble 〈…〉 to 〈…〉 their da●●● requests. that he should enjoy OHPPADOCIA & DITN●NIA, which had ever been countries subject unto kings; & whereunto the ROMANS had never any right, excepting this specially: that he would never suffer him to usurp any country, unto the which the ROMANS had any just title, and the which he had lost in wars by force of arms unto Fimbria, & had afterwards also willingly surrendered by agreement made betwixt him and Sylla. For he said he would enlarge the Empire of ROME through his victories, but not impair or hurt it by his conquests. Sertorius worthy saying. For, a valiant man (said he) should cover to conquer with honour, but in no wise desire life with dishonour. His answer being reported unto king Mithridates, did much amaze him: and some have written, that he then said unto his familiars. What would Sertorius command us then, if he sat among the in the Senate at ROME, who being an exile now, and remaining in the furthest part of the world by the sea Atlanticum, doth take upon him to bound the certain confines of our kingdom, threatening us also with wars, if we attempt any thing against ASIA? All this notwithstanding, they were agreed upon oaths taken between them, Sertorius league with Mithridates. that Mithridates should enjoy the countries of C●●PADOCIA and BYTHINIA, and that Sertorius should sand him one of his Captains with aid of men of war, and that upon performance thereof, the king should give him the sum of three thousand talents, and forty ships of war. So Sertorius sent thither one of his Captains called Marcus Marius, M. Marius sent unto Mithridates. a Senator of ROME, who fled to him for succour: with whom Mithridates distressed certain cities of ASIA. And when Marius entered into them, with his sergeants carrying the bundles of rods and axes before him, as before a Proconsul of the ROMANS: Mithridates gave him the upper hand, King Mithridates gave M. Marius' Proconsul, the upper hand. as his better and followed after him. Furthermore, Marius did set certain cities at liberty, and wrote unto others, declaring unto them, that Sertorius of his grace and goodness did release them of their tax and customs they paid: so that poor ASIA which had been oppressed by the covertousnes of the treasurers and farmers of the ROMANS, and also by the pride and insolency of the soldiers which lay in garrison among them, began to have some hope of change, & to desire th'alteration of government, which Sertorius offered. But on tother side, the Senators of ROME that were in SPAIN as banished men in Sertorius army, and of the like dignity and estate that himself was of, they hearing say that all was well again at ROME, and persuading them selves that they should be strong enough for their enemies, having no cause to fear any more danger: began then to envy Sertorius greatness and authority, but Perpenna specially among other, The envy of Perpenna unto Sertorius. who by reason of his nobility being puffed up with a vain presumption and ambitious self will, practised to make himself chief of all the army, and to that end threw forth amongst his friends and familiars such kind of seditious words. The seditious words of Perpenna, against Sertorius. What cursed fortune (quoth he) my friends doth daily haunt us worse than other, making us that were unwilling to obey Sylla (commanding at this day both land and sea at his will) to choose rather to forsake our lands and country? And now being come hither in hope to live at liberty, we willingly make ourselves slaves, becoming Sertorius guard for defence of his person in his exile: who to requited us withal, payeth us with fair words, calling us the Senate, whereat every man laugheth to hear us so called, and in fine we must abide this dishonour to be at his commandment, and drudge and take as much pains, as the SPANIARDS and Lusitanians do themselves. hereupon the more part of them being carried away with these mutinous words, durst not yet show themselves in actual rebellion against Sertorius, being afeard of his authority: howbeit secretly under hand they overthrew his doings, by showing extreme cruelty unto the barbarous people, by pretext of justice, imposing great payments upon them, giving it out it was Sertorius commandment. By which their lewd practices, many cities revolted against him, and put themselves into his enemy's hands: and they daily also raised new mutinies and rebellions upon him. Furthermore, those whom he sent to pacify the tumults did handle themselves in such sort, that where they should have quieted the grudges and rebellions of the people, they set them farther out, and procured new tumults. Sertorius slew the Spaniards sons. Hereupon was Sertorius gentle nature and former goodness so altered, that he committed a most cruel act upon all the noble men's children of that land, which he brought up at school in the city of OSCA: for some of them he put to death, and others he sold as slaves. The treason of Perpenna & his accomplices against Sertorius. Thus Perpenna having many associates in his wicked conspiracy against Sertorius, brought into his confederacy also one called Manlius, who had chiefest charge in all the army. This Manlius loved a young boy exceedingly, & because he would let him know he loved him well, he told him on a time the whole plat of this conspiracy, willing him not to reckon any more of others love but of his, and to love him only: for he should see him a great man before it were long. The young boy loving an other better than him, called Aufidius, went & revealed unto him all that Manlius had told him. Aufidius marveled to hear the boy made privy to it, seeing himself also was of the confederacy, and knew not yet that Manlius was one of them. And when the boy also named Perpenna, Gracinus, & some other whom Aufidius knew well to be of counsel, he was worse afraid than before, but yet seemed to make little of it, and told the boy: for that matter it was nothing, and counseled him not to credit Manlius' words, who was but a vain man, and boasted of that which was not true, and did it only but to deceive him. This notwithstanding, departing thence, he went forthwith unto Perpenna, and told him how their practice was discovered, declaring further what danger they were in, if it were not speedily put in execution. All the confederates agreed it was true that he said, The treason devised against Sertorius. & thereupon they devised this treason. They had suborned a messenger to bring counterfeit letters to Sertorius, feigning in the same that one of his lieutenants had won a great battle, in the which he had slain a marvelous number of his enemies. Sertorius being very glad of the good news, made sacrifice unto the gods to give them thanks. Whereupon, Perpenna taking the present opportunity invited Sertorius to supper to him, and all other his friends that were present (every one of the conspiracy with him) and was so importunate with Sertorius, Sertorius modesty as his table. that in the end he promised him to come. Now Sertorius did ever use great modesty at the board, and would suffer no dissolute talk nor light parts at his meat, and had acquainted them also that used his table, to talk of grave and wise matters, and yet one to be honestly merry with an other, without any playing or uncomely talk. In the midst of supper, they that sought occasion of quarrel, began to speak lewd words, counterfeiting to be drunk, and to play many vile parts of purpose to anger Sertorius. Whereupon Sertorius, whether it was that he could not abide to see those villainous parts, or that he mistrusted their ill will towards him by fumbling of their words in their mouths, and by their unwonted irreverent manner showed unto him: fell backwards upon the bed where he sat at meat, seeming no more to mark what they did or said. Perpenna at that instant took a cup full of wine, & making as though he drank, let it fall of purpose. The cup falling drown made a noise, The murder of Sertorius. and that was the sign given among them. Therewithal Antonius that sat above Sertorius at the table, stabbed him in with his dagger. Sertorius feeling the thrust, strove to rise: but the traitorous murderer got up on Sertorius breast, & held both his hands. And thus was Sertorius cruelly murdered, not able to defend himself, all the conspirators falling upon him. Sertorius death being blown abroad, the most part of the SPANIARDS sent Ambassadors immediately unto Pompey and Metellus, and yielded themselves unto them: and Perpenna with those that remained with him, attempted to do some thing with Sertorius army and preparation. But all fell out to his utter destruction and ruin, making the world know that he was a wicked man, who could neither command, nor knew how to obey. For he went to assail Pompey, Perpenna taken by Pompey. who had overthrown him strait, and was in the end taken prisoner. And yet in that instant of his calamity, he did not use himself like a valiant minded man, and one worthy to rule: for, thinking to save his life, having Sertorius letters and writings, he offered Pompey to deliver him all Sertorius letters sent him from the chiefest Senators of ROME, written with their own hands, requesting Sertorius to bring his army into ITALY, where he should find numbers of people desirous of his coming, and that gaped still for change of government. Pompey's wisdom in burning Sertorius letters. But here did Pompey show himself a grave and no young man, delivering thereby the city of ROME from great fear and danger of change and innovation. For he put all Sertorius letters and writings on a heap together, and burned them every one, without reading any of them, Perpenna & his conspirature put to death by Pompey. or suffering them to be read. And moreover, he presently put Perpenna to death, fearing he should name some, which if they were named, would breed new occasion of trouble & sedition. And as for the other conspirators, some of them afterwards were brought to Pompey, who put them all to death: and the rest of them fled into AFRICKS' where they were all overthrown by them of the country, and not a man of them scaped, but fell unfortunately upon th'edge of the sword, Aufidius only except, Manlius companion in love. Who, either because he was not reckoned of, or else unknown, died an old man in a pelting village of the barbarous people, poor, miserable, and hated of all the world. THE LIFE OF Eumenes. DVris the Historiographer writeth, that Eumenes was borne in the city of CARDIA in THRACIA, Eumenes' parentage. being a carriers son of the same country, (who for poverty earned his living by carrying merchandises to and fro) and that he was notwithstanding honestly brought up, as well at school, as at other comely exercises. And furthermore, how that he being but a boy, Philip king of MACEDON chancing to come through the city of CARDIA, where having nothing to do he took great pleasure to see the young men of the city handle their weapons, How Eumenes came to preferrment by the kings of Macedon. & boys to wrestle: and among them, Eumenes showed such activity, and performed it with so good a grace withal, that Philippe liked the boy well, and took him away with him. But sure their report seemeth truest, which write that Philippe did advance him for the love he bore to his father, in whose house he had lodged. After the death of Philippe, Eumenes continued his service with king Alexander his son, where he was thought as wise a man, & as faithful to his master, as any: and though he was called the chancellor or chief secretary, yet the king did honour him as much as he did any other of his chiefest friends & familiars. For he was sent his Lieutenant general of his whole army, against the INDIANS, and was Perdiccas' successor in the government of his province, Perdiccas being preferred unto Hephaestions' charge after his death. Now because Neoptolemus (that was one of the chief Squires for the body unto the king) after the death of Alexander told the Lords of the counsel of MACEDON, that he had served the king with his shield and spear, and how Eumenes had followed with his pen and paper: the Lords laughed him to scorn, knowing that besides many great honours Eumenes had received, the king esteemed so well of him, that he did him the honour by marriage to make him his kinsman. For the first Lady that Alexander knew in ASIA, was Barsine Artabazus daughter, by whom he had a son, & called his name Hevenles: & of two of her sisters he married the one of them called Apama unto ptolemy, & her other sister also called Barsine, he bestowed upon Eumenes, Barsine, the wife of Eumenes. when he distributed the PERSIAN Ladies among his Lords and familiars to marry them. Yet all this notwithstanding, he often fell in disgrace with king Alexander, & stood in some danger by means of Hephaestion. For Hephaestion following Alexander's court on a time, having appointed Euius a phiphe player a lodging, which Eumenes servants had taken up for their master: Eumenes being in a rage, went with one Mentor unto Alexander, crying out that a man were better be a phiphe & a common player of Tragedies, than a soldier, sithence such kind of people were preferred before men of service that ventured their lives in the wars. Alexander at that present time was as angry as Eumenes, & roundly took up Hephaestion for it: howbeit immediately after having changed his mind, he was much offended with Eumenes, because he thought him not to have used that frank speech so much against Hephaestion, as of a certain presumptuous boldness towards himself. And at an other time also, when Alexander was sending Nearchus with his army by sea to clear the coasts of the Ocean, it chanced the king was without money: whereupon he sent to all his friends to take up money in priest, and among others, unto Eumenes, of whom he requested three hundred talentes. Eumenes lent him but a hundred, and said he had much a do to get him so much of all his tenants: Alexander said nothing to him, neither would he suffer them to take his hundred talents: but commanded his officers to set Eumenes' tent a fire, because he would take him tardy with a lie, before he could give order to carry away his gold and silver. Thus was his tent burnt down to the ground, before they could make shift to save any thing: the which Alexander repented afterwards, and was sorry it was burnt, because all his letters and writings were burnt withal. Howbeit, after the fire was quenched, they found in niggots of gold and silver mingled together, above a thousand talentes, and yet Alexander took none of it away: but more than that, he sent unto all his lieutenants, Captains, and Governors of countries, wheresoever they were, that they should sand him copies of all the letters which they before had sent unto him, because all those which he had were burnt, and commanded Eumenes to take them again. After that, Eumenes and Hephaestion fell at variance again, by reason of a gift that was given him, insomuch as very fowl words passed betwixt Hephaestion and him: yet did not the king give Eumenes any ill countenance at that time. Notwithstanding, shortly after Hephaestion was dead, the king taking his death grievously whom he loved so dearly, gave no good countenance (and was very brief beside) unto those whom he knew bore any grudge unto Hephaestion whiles he lived, & that he thought were glad of his death, but specially unto Eumenes of all other, whose malice towards Hephaestion was known to him well enough: insomuch as he would oft twit him withal, remembering him of the injuries he had offered Hephaestion. But Eumenes being very wise, and one that could take his time, procured his help by the self same mean that did him hurt: and devised (to further Alexander's desire, seeking to honour Hephaestions' funeral with all pomp possible) new inventions to set forth the same, of more magnificence than had before been seen, sparing for no cost, laying on money bountifully, to make him a rich and stately tomb. Again, when Alexander was dead, there fell out great variance betwixt the MACEDONIAN footmen, and the noble men that had been nearest about him: and in that quarrel, Eumenes in good will stuck to the Lords, but in words he seemed a neuter and friend to both parts saying, it was not for him being a stranger to thrust himself into the quarrels of the MACEDONIANS. And when the other Lords were departed from Babylon, Eumenes tarrying behind pacified the greatest part of the soldiers, and made them more tractable and ready to agreed with the Lords. Whereupon, after the Lords and Captains had consulted together, and taken order for those contentions, they divided the government of the provinces among them which they called Satrapa's: in which partition Eumenes had CAPPADOCIA, PAPHLAGONIA, Eumenes' made Governor of the countries of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. and all that coast upon Mare Ponticum, unto the city of TRAPEZUNTE, the which at that time was not subject to Thempire of MACEDON, for Ariarathes kept it them as king. Howbeit it was said, that Leonatus and Antigonus would put him in possession of it, with a great and puissant army, and make him Governor there. Yet afterwards Antigonus made none account of Perdiccas letters unto him, putting him in the head of great imaginations to conquer all, despising all other. And Leonatus also came down into PHR●●IA, and undertook the journey of this conquest for Eumenes sake. But when he was in journey thitherwards, Hecataeus, tyrant of the CARDIANS, went to him to his army, & prayed him rather to go help Antipater and the other MACEDONIANS, which were besieged in the city of LAVIA. So Leonatus being willing to take sea, and go thither, went about to persuade Eumenes also to like of it, and to reconcile him with Hecataeus: for they were not friends one with an other, by reason of a quarrel that Eumenes father had with this Hecataeus, about the government of their city. Besides that, Eumenes had many times complained of him openly unto king Alexander, saying, that he was a tyrant, and besought the king that it would please him to serte the CARDIANS at liberty. And therefore Eumenes refusing that journey against the GRECIANS, alleging that he was afraid of Antipater, who had been his enemy of long time, doubting that for the old grudge he bore him, & also to gratify Hecataeus, he would put him to death: Leonatus then revealed himself and his purpose to him, and how he made as though he would pass over the sea to aid Antipater, where in deed his meaning was to take the kingdom of MACEDON. Thereupon he showed him letters sent him from Cleopatra, willing him to come to the city of PELLA, and there she would marry him. When Eumenes was made privy to his purpose: either because he feared Antipater, or else for that he had no great good opinion of Leonatus, knowing him to be a fond man, and very rash and unconstant in his doings, he stolen away from him by night, with those few men he had (being about three hundred horsemen, and two hundred footmen well armed) taking all his gold with him, which amounted to the sum of five thousand talentes, and fled with them unto Perdiccas, unto whom he bewrayed all Leonatus intent and mind: whereupon he was immediately of great credit about him, and called to counsel. Shortly after, Perdiccas brought him into CAPPADOCIA, with a great army which he himself did lead. Where Ariarathes was taken prisoner, and Eumenes established Governor of the country, who delivered the charge of the great cities unto his friends, and left them there Captains of garrisons which he appointed, placing every where, judges, Receivers, Governors, and all such other officers necessary as he thought meet, Perdiccas meddling with nothing at all. Notwithstanding, Eumenes went away with Perdiccas again, as well to wait upon him, as also because he would ever be about the kings. But Perdiccas thinking with himself that he alone could well enough perform th'enterprise he went about, and considering also that the realm he left behind him stood needful of a wise and skilful Governor, whom he might trust with the safety of his state: when they were in CILICIA, returned Eumenes back again, under colour to sand him to his government, but in deed to keep the realm of ARMENIA in obedience, the which confined upon the fronters of his country whereof he was Governor, because Neoptolemus did under hand practise some alteration. Now though Neoptolemus was a proud and insolent person, yet Eumenes still devised to hold him in, and kept him from attempts, by gentle and fair words. Furthermore, perceiving also that the regiment of the MACEDONIAN footmen were grown exceeding stow● & insolent: he for a strength & defence against them, set up a company of horsemen, & to bring it to pass, released all the countrymen from paying of tribute or tax, being meet to serve a horseback, and bought a great number of horse of service, which he gave amongs them that were about him, in which he put his most trust and affiance, making them courageous, by honours and gifts he gave to them that served well, and so by continual exercise and often removing them from place to place, made them very ready and serviceable. Thus were the noble men of MACEDON, some much amazed, some others very glad when they saw how by this diligence Eumenes had in so short a time gotten about him such a number, as six thousand three hundred horsemen. About that time, Craterus and Antigonus having subdued the GRECIANS, came on with their army into ASIA to overthrow Perdiccas' greatness and power: and news also, that shortly they would invade CAPPADOCIA. Whereupon Perdiccas being otherwise occupied in wars, fight against ptolemy, made Eumenes his Lieutenant general, and gave him commission and full authority over all his soldiers that were for him, either in CAPPADOCIA, or in ARMENIA: and wrote letters unto Neoptolemus and Alcetas, commanding them by the same that they should be obedient unto Eumenes, and suffer him to order all matters according to his discretion. Now for Alcetas, he flatly answered, that he would not be at this war: for the MACEDONIANS under his charge were ashamed to take arms against Antipater, and moreover they would not fight against Craterus, but contrarily were bend to receive him for their Captain, so much good will they bore him. Neoptolemus on tother side, was as ready to play the traitor, and to do Eumenes a shrewd turn, as Alcetas was. For being sent for by Eumenes to come to him, where he should have obeyed him, he set his men in battle ray to fight with him. There did Eumenes reap the first fruit of his wise foresight of the horsemen, which he had set up to make head against the footmen of the MACEDONIANS. For when his own footmen were broken and overthrown, he overcame Neoptolemus, and put him to flight with his horsemen, and took all his carriage. Then he made them march in order of battle against the MACEDONIANS, who were dispersed every where, following the chase of his footmen, whom they had overthrown. Thus coming upon them in this disorder, he drove them to throw away their weapons, and to yield unto him: and moreover, every man to take his oath to serve him faithfully in this war, wheresoever he would lead them. Now Neoptolemus gathering a few together that fled, went with them unto Craterus and Antipater: who sent unto Eumenes to pray him to take their part, with condition that he should not only enjoy the countries and provinces still which he had in government, but furthermore that they would give him others unto them, and make him stronger than ever he was: besides that by thacceptation of th'offer, he should be taken for Antipater's good friend, where before he was ever reckoned his enemy. Whereunto Eumenes made answer: that having always been Antipater's enemy, he could not of a sudden become his friend, specially seeing him use his friends as enemies: howbeit otherwise that he was very willing to make Craterus peace with Perdiccas, and to restore him again to his favour, upon reasonable & indifferent conditions. And furthermore, that if he meant to assail him, that then he would aid him so long as he had any breath in his body, and would loose his life before he would break his promise. This answer being brought unto Antipater, they fell to consult at leisure what was to be done. In the mean space, Neoptolemus that fled upon his overthrow, was come unto them: who told them how the battle was fought, and besought them both very instantly, (but Craterus chief) to give him aid if it were possible. For the MACEDONIANS were so far in love with him, that if they did but see his hat, and hear him speak, they would all arm themselves and follow him. For, to speak a troth, Craterus was had in great estimation among the MACEDONIANS: insomuch as after Alexander's death, he was more desired of the common soldiers, than any other Captain, remembering how often he had for their sakes incurred Alexander's disgrace and displeasure, bicuase he went about to persuade him to leave the king of persia's manner, whereunto Alexander by little and little gave himself: and also for that he maintained and defended the customs of the country of MACEDON, the which every man through pride and excess began to forsake and contemn. At that time therefore Craterus sent Antipater into CILICIA, and he himself with Neoptolemus, went against Eumenes with the best part of his army, hoping to take him tardy and altogether unprovided, supposing he would give himself to pleasure and pastime, after so late a victory. But Eumenes like a wise and vigilant Captain had taken such order, that he heard news time enough of his enemies coming, and had thereupon prepared his men in readiness to resist him. Yet was not this the chiefest point of his skill in war. Eumenes' skill in war. For he looked so precisely to his doings, that he did not only keep his enemies from knowledge of any thing that he did, but making his men also to kill Craterus in battle, before they knew against whom they should fight, and to keep also so dreadful an enemy from their knowledge: that of all others showed the passing skill of an expert Captain. And to work this feat the better, this was his policy. First, he made a rumour to be spread in his host, how Neoptolemus & Pigres were again comen against him, with certain horsemen of all sorts gathered together, CAPPADOCIANS and PAPHLAGONIANS. And when he thought to have removed in the night, a great desire of sleep came upon him, in the which he had a marvelous strange dream. Eumenes' dreams. For it seemed unto him that he saw two Alexanders preparing to fight one with an other, either of them leading a battle of footmen, ranged after the MACEDONIAN fashion: who coming to give charge th'one upon the other, came the goddess Minerus to aid the one, and Ceres likewise to aid the other. Then him thought that after they had fought a long time together, he whom Minerus aided was overthrown, and that Ceres had gathered ears of corn and made a crown of them, to give him that had won the field. Hereupon Eumenes persuaded himself that this dream made for him, and promised him victory, for that he fought for a fertile country of corn, where was great plenty of it. For all the fields were sown with corn in every place, that it was a pleasure to behold it, showing the benefit of long peace, to see all the corn fields how green they looked. But when he understood that the enemies had given their soldiers for the signal of battle, Minerus and Alexander: then was his first imagination confirmed more than before. Whereupon, he gave Ceres and Alexander for signal of the battle to his soldiers, and commanded every man to make them a garland of wheat ears to wear on their heads, and that they should wreathe flowers and nose gayes about their pikes, He was in a mind many times to make his trustiest Captains privy against whom they should fight, and not alone to trust himself withal, to keep so necessary a thing as that secret: yet in fine, he kept his first resolution, thinking it the safest way, not to commit this danger, but to himself. Now when he came to give battle, he would place never a MACEDONIAN directly against Craterus, but set two companies of men of arms that were strangers against him, the which Pharnabazus (Artabazus son) and Phoenix Tenidian did load. Then he specially commanded, that so soon as they saw the enemies before them, they should give charge, giving them no leisure to speak nor retire, neither to harken to any Herald or trumpet that they should sand unto them: for he feared much that the MACEDONIANS would turn against him, if they once came to know Craterus. Battle betwixt Eumenes and Craterus. Now for himself, he led the right wing of his battle, with a troop of three hundred men at arms, the chiefest men of all his army, where he should meet full with Neoptolemus front. When they had passed a little hill that stood between both battles, Eumenes horsemen following his commandment, ran with full career to set upon their enemies. Craterus seeing that, was amazed withal, and banned and cursed Neoptolemus that had deceived him in that sort, informing him that the MACEDONIANS would turn of his side, if they might but once see him: notwithstanding, he prayed them that were about him, to show themselves like valiant men that day, and therewithal fiercely set spurs to his horse to meet with his enemies. The encounter was very cruel on either side, and their slaves being broken, they fell strait to their sword: but that day did not Craterus dishonour the memory of Alexander, for he slew many of his enemies round about him; valiantly repulsed them that did assail him, and many times overthrew them. Yet in fine, one of the men of arms of THRACIA gave him such a blow on the side, that he turned him of his horse, and when he was down, many passed over him. But Goryas, one of Eumenes Captains knowing him, lighted from his horses, and appointed men about him to guard him: Craterus death. howbeit it was too late, for he was drawing on, and even in the very pangs of death, Eumenes and Neoptolemus on tother side, which had been mortal enemies of long time, being a fire with an old malice, they sought up and down th'one for the other. So at the two first courses they could not one light upon tother, but at the third meeting, when they knew one an other, than they set spurs to their horse, their sword drawn, and with great cries gave charge upon each other. And their horses met so fiercely together, as if two armed galleys had not with their prows: and both the Captains laying the bridells in their horse necks, closed together, and with both hands strived to pluck of each others headpeace, and to rend their polrons from their shoulders. Whilst they were thus tearing each other, their horses ran from them, and they fell to the ground, one holding the other fast as if they had wrestled together. Neoptolemus got up first: but as he rose, Eumenes cut the ham of his leg, & raised himself up withal. Neoptolemus staying himself upon one knee, his other leg being very sore hurt, defended himself on the ground the best he could, from Eumenes that was on his feet, but he could give him no deadly wound: nevertheless himself had a blow on the neck, that laid him flat on the ground. Then Eumenes inflamed with choler against him, went about to strip him, and fell a reviling of him, and being in that furious mood, remembered not that Neoptolemus had his sword yet, who hurt him under his cuirasses, even about his groin, not far from his privy parts: howbeit the wound made Eumenes worse afraid, then there was cause of hurt, for that Neoptolemus strength was gone before the stroke came, Neoptolemus slain. dying presently upon it. Eumenes having stripped him found himself very ill, (by reason of his wounds) on his arms and legs, which had many afore gash: notwithstanding, he got up on his horse again, and road towards the other wing of his battle, thinking his enemies had been fight still. But there being told that Craterus had his deaths wound, he went strait to the place where he lay, and found him yet alive, nor past knowledge. Then Eumenes lighted from his horse, and wept, and taking him by the right hand, accursed Neoptolemus that had brought him to that pitiful state, and had also forced him to be in battle against one of his dearest friends, to make him the instrument of his utter undoing. This second battle Eumenes wan ten days after the first battle obtained. Eumenes' victory of Craterus and Neoptolemus. which got him great honour, for that he had discomfited one of his enemies through wisdom, and the other by valiantness. But yet this bred him much ill will, not only of his enemies, but of his friends also that took his pane, when they bethought them, that he being a stranger, had with the weapons and power of the MACEDONIANS themselves, slain the greatest and most famous Captain among them. Now if Perdiccas had been so happy, as to have lived and received thadvertisement of Craterus death: no doubt he had been the greatest person of all the MACEDONIANS. But as ill luck would have it, within two days after that Perdiccas was slain in a mutiny of his men in EGYPT, news came to his army of Eumenes victory, and also of the death of Craterus. Whereupon the MACEDONIANS were so offended with Eumenes, that in continently they condemned him to die, & gave Antigonus and Antipater commission to execute the revenge. When Eumenes passing by mount Ida (where the king kept a race and breed of horses) had taken away with him as many horses as he would, and had sent letters of advertisement thereof to the kings riders: Antipater, as it is reported, smiled, and in mockery said, that he marveled to see Eumenes great care, to think that he should either give or receive any account of this kings goods. So Eumenes thought good to fight in the great plains of LYDIA, especially near unto the chief city of SARDIS, Sardis, the chief city of Lydia. because he was the stronger in horsemen, and for that he would make Cleopatra see the power of his army. Howbeit, being entreated by her (who feared blame of Antipater) he went further into high PHRYGIA, and wintered in the city of CELAENES. But there Polemon, Alcetas, and Docimus, fell in contention with him for leading of the army, saying, that they had as much right to lead the army as he. Eumenes answered them, truly here is even the common saying up and down: desperate men regard no danger. Now Eumenes having promised his soldiers pay within three days, to keep his promise, sold them all the farms & castles of that country, together with the men and beasts of the same, whereof the province was fully replenished. Thereupon his lieutenants of the bands having bought certain of them, went and took them perforce, through Eumenes' engines of battery which he suffered them to carry with him: and having taken them, they went and divided the spoil, paying every soldier rateably his wages due. This devise brought him again in favour among his soldiers. For certain papers being found in his camp cast abroad by his enemies, promising great offices, and a hundred talents beside to any man that killed Eumenes: the MACEDONIANS that served under him were so offended with all, that they presently set down an order, that from that time forward a thousand of the best soldiers among them (which also had charge under them) should always guard his person, keeping watch every night about him, as fell out by turns one after an other. Whereunto they all agreed: & Eumenes gave them those honours and rewards, which the kings of MACEDON were wont to give unto their friends, and which they gladly received. For through their grant he had authority to give purple cloaks and hats to whom he thought good, which was the honourablest gift the king of MACEDON could give. It is true that prosperity maketh simple men high minded, whereby they seem (though they be not) very honourable, but specially when fortune hath raised them to honour & wealth. But in deed he that is of a noble mind & stout courage is best discerned in adversity: The constancy of Eumenes in adversity. for he never yieldeth to any troubles, as appeareth by Eumenes. For when he had lost a battle among the ORCYNIANS, in the realm of CAPPADOCIA, through the treason of one of his soldiers; he being pursued, yet none gave the traitor any leisure to fly to his enemies for safety, but took him, & trussed him up. And after he had fled for a time, he turned his horse head upon a sudden, and leaving his enemy's side hand of him that had him in chase, he closely stolen by them without their knowledge, & held on iornying so long, until he came to the self same plain, where the battle was fought. There he camped, and gathering up the dead bodies, (the Captains by themselves, and the soldiers apart) he burned them with the doors, gates, and windows of all the villages & towns thereabouts that he could get together: and in steed of tombs for them, he raised up great heaps of earth. Insomuch as Antigonus coming thither immediately after, he wondered much at his valiantness & invincible courage. Eumenes' stratagem. Removing thence, he met with Antigonus carriage, & might easily without danger have taken a number of prisoners, as well free as bond, & have gotten all the riches & treasure which they had spoiled in so many sundry wars, towns, and countries: howbeit he was afraid that if his soldiers were laden with that spoil, it would make them more heavy to march, and unable to fly, but specially more tender to abide to run from place to place a long time together, being the only mean wherein he trusted to come to end this war. For he made accounted that Antigonus in the end would be weary of following him so long a time, & therefore that he would turn some other way. Moreover he perceived, that it was unpossible for him by his authority to keep the MACEDONIANS from taking 〈…〉 apray, as offered itself unto them: whereupon he commanded them to stay a while, & bait their horse first, and then that they should go strait to spoil the enemy's carriage. But in the mean time he secretly sent a messenger to Menander (who had the charge and conduct of all the carriage) to will him to fly with all speed out of the plain, and to get him to the hanging of a hill nor far from thence, and safe from horsemen, where they could not be environed, and there to fortify himself: sending him word also, he sent him this advertisement, for the old friendship & acquaintance that had been between them afore. Menander hearing what danger he was in, made his men truss up their carriage strait. Thereupon Eumenes openly sent certain light armed men to discover, & to bring him news: and therewithal commanded them to arm, and bridle their horses, as if he had meant to have led them against the enemies. His scouts were now returned, and told him that it was unpossible either to distress or take Menander, for that he was fled into a place of such strength, & therefore he was not to be come by. Eumenes seemed to be very sorry for it, howbeit he led his army from thence notwithstanding Menander afterwards reported this matter to Antigonus, & the MACEDONIANS that were in his army, who did greatly commend Eumenes, & after that loved him better than ever they did before: because that having their children in his hands whom he might have made slaves, & wives also whom he might have defiled, he spared them al. Howbeit Antigonus to put them out of this humour, told them, ye are deceived, my friends: for it was not for your sakes, nor yet to pleasure you, that Eumenes took not your wives, your children, & your goods, but only for the fear he had to have shackles on his heels, to let him from speedy flying. So Eumenes departing from thence, fled still before Antigonus, & wandering up & down, did himself wish his soldiers to get them somewhere else, either in deed for that he was careful of them, or for that he was unwilling to have such a number about him, being too few to fight a battle, and too many to hide his flying. In fine, he went to a strong place of situation called Nora, in the confines of LYCAONIA & CAPRADOCIA, with five hundred horsemen, and two hundred footmen well armed. And when he was comen thither also, he gave every one leave to departed that asked him licence, because they could not have abidden the discomodity of the place; which was very strait, & the lack of necessary victuals which they must needs have wanted, if the siege did continued long: & thus departed from them with very good words and loving countenance. Shortly after came Antigonus before the sort, but would not besiege it, before he sent for Eumenes to come to him upon his word. Eumenes answered him, that Antigonus had many of his friends about him, that after him might come to be the heads of his tribe, & that himself on tother side had not a noble man for whom he fought. And therefore if Antigonus would have him come and speak with him, that he should send him one of his chiefest friends in hostage. Again Antigonus being earnest with him, and telling him it was reason he should come to him, for that he was the better man, and of greater power: Eumenes answered him, I will acknowledge none better than myself, so long as I can hold my sword in my hand. In the end, Antigonus (according to Eumenes' request) sent his own nephew Ptolemy into the fort, and then came Eumenes out. At their meeting they both embraced and saluted each other, as friends of old acquaintance and familiarity: and so fell in talk of divers matters: Eumenes' talk with Antigonus, and magnanimity. but all this while Eumenes never once made request to depart in safety, neither yet demanded pardon, but only desired the confirmation of his charge & government, and the he might be restored to that which was given him. They that were present at their meeting marveled much at Eumenes, & greatly commended his stoutness. Now whilst they were thus in talk together, the MACEDONIANS came out of all parts of the camp, to see what manner of man Eumenes was: because that after the death of Craterus there was no talk among the MACEDONIAN soldiers, of any Captain, but of Eumenes. Nevertheless, Antigonus fearing they would do Eumenes some mischief, commanded them aloud to give back, and made stones to be thrown among them to keep them of him. All this notwithstanding he was fain in the end to put them of with his guard, and to take Eumenes in his arms, and had much a do to deliver him safely into his fort again. After this imparlance, Antigonus compassed this fort of Nora round about with a wall, and left a sufficient number of men to continue the siege, and so went his way with the rest of his army. In the mean time Eumenes remained besieged within this fort, Eumenes' besieged in the fort of Nora. where there was plenty of wheat, water, and salt, but of no other thing that was good to eat, nor sweet of taste, to sustain them with their bread. Yet with such as he had, he kept them in good liking that were in house with him. For he made them energy one after an other sit at his board with him, and withal did fashion out that manner of diet, with a certain life and familiarity of pleasant devices to entertain them at their meat. For besides that he sought to show them as pleasant a countenance as he could, yet naturally he had a sweet fair face, not looking like a man of war, that all the days of his life had been train up in it: Eumenes' parsonage and pleasantness. but like a fresh youth, being of such a constitution of body, that the excellentest workman that ever was could not better set out all the parts and proportion of a man, than were naturally to be seen in him. His speech was not harsh nor churlish, but very mild, and pleasant, as appeareth by the letters he wrote. Now for the siege, there was nothing that more annoyed the besieged, than the narrowness of the fort wherein they were, which was not above two furlongs compass about, and their houses so little and narrow, that they could scant turn them in them: and did eat and drink without any manner of exercise for themselves, Eumenes' industry in the siege for marshall exercise. or their horse. Now Eumenes to take away the sluggishness that graweth by idleness, (a thing most hurtful to them that are acquainted with travel and pains) to keep them in breath, and to make them the lighter to fly, if occasion were offered: put his men into the longest & widest hall he had in his house, (being fourteen cubits long to walk up and down in) and taught them first of all to march fair and softly, and then by little & little to hasten their pace. For the horses he had, them he made to be girt before, one after an other, & then did softly trise them up with long pulleys fastened to the beams: their hindmost feet standing on the ground, & their foremost being aloft. The horses being trised up in this manner, their riders came with loud cries behind them, & some with whips in their hands to lash them, that the horse being mad withal, yerked out behind, & sprang forward with his foremost legs to much the ground, that they did but even raze it a little, so as every vain and sinew of them were strained by this means, that they blue, and were all of a some withal, so good an exercise to them it was, as well to put them in breath, as to keep their legs suppling to run. After that, they had their oats very clean picked & dressed, that they might digest them the soon, Antigonus having long continued this siege, news came unto him that Antipater was dead in MACEDON, & that the realm was in a great broil, through the factions of Cassander & Polyperchon, Antigonus, whose head was strait full of great imaginations, greedily covering with himself the whole kingdom of MACEDON: thought good to make Eumenes his friend, that through his help he might attain his desired purpose. Thereupon he sent Hyeronemus unto him to treat of peace, and gave him the form of the oath which he would have him swear unto him. When Eumenes had seen it, he would not be sworn in that manner, but corrected it, & said: that he did refer himself to the judgement of the MACEDONIANS which kept him besieged, to judge which of those two forms were most meetest: that which Antigonus had sent him, or the same which he had corrected. For in Antigonus form of oath, there was a little mention only made at the beginning of the blood royal, but in all the rest following, he bond Eumenes particularly to himself. But Eumenes in his form of oath, did first of all put Olympias the mother of king Alexander, and the kings his sons afterwards: and for the rest, he swore he would be friend of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, not of Antigonus only, but of the kings, and of Olympias. The MACEDONIANS being at the siege before Nora, did better like the form of Eumenes oath, than they did that of Antigonus. So having given Eumenes his oath, & made him swear according to that form: they raised their siege, and sent also unto Antigonus to take his oath. All this accomplished, Eumenes redelivered the CAPPADOCIANS their hostages, (which he had kept in Nora with him) and they that came for them, gave him in their stead, horse of war, beasts of carriage, tents and pavilions. Thus he began to gather his men again together, which were dispersed abroad after his overthrow, so that in few days he was above a thousand horsemen, with whom he fled, fearing yet Antigonus, and he did wisely. For Antigonus had not only commanded them to shut him up again straighter than he was before: but besides that wrote sharp letters and very angrily unto the MACEDONIANS, which had accepted the correction of the oath. Whilst Eumenes wandered up & down flying still, he received letters from certain in MACEDONIA (fearing Antigonus' greatness) and specially from Olympias: which sent unto him to come into MACEDON, to take the charge and government of her young son Alexander, whom they sought to put to death. Furthermore, he likewise received letters from Polyperchon and from king Philippe, This was Aridaus, the son of Philippe father of Alexander, whom they had surnamed Philippe. Eumenes, made king philip's Lieutenant of his army. Argyraspides Alexanders soldiers, so called, for their silvered shields. Eumenes to temperance. Eumenes fairred devise. who commanded him to make war with Antigonus with his army he had in CAPPADOCIA, and to put in his purse of the kings, five hundred silver talents (which had been taken from him before) which were in the city of CYNDES, and beside, to defray the charges of the wars, as much as he thought meet. And therewithal also they wrote unto Antigenes and Teutamus, the two Captains of the Argyraspides: to wit, the soldiers with the silver shields, or shields silvered, which were of the old bands of Alexander's army. These two Captains having received these letters, did use Eumenes with very good words, & showed him great countenance: yet a man by their looks might easily conjecture that they envied him, for either of them both thought themselves men sufficient, and worthy to command Eumenes, not to aid him. Howbeit Eumenes behaved himself very wisely. For as touching their envy, he pacified that, because he took not the money which he was commanded to take for his own use, for that he had no need of it. And as for their ambition and presumption, disdaining to be commanded by him, though they could neither tell how to commanded nor obey: he did reclaim them, by a superstition he laid before them, which was this. He made them believe that Alexander did appear to him in his sleep, and that he showed him a pavilion sumptuously set out in the state and magnificence of a king, in the which was a royal throne: and told him, that if they would keep their council place in that pavilion, he would be present among them, and aid them in all their councils and conduct of their wars, so that they would always begin by him. He easily persuaded Antigenos and Teutamus to believe that which he spoke, who would not go to him to consult of any matters: neither did he think it honourable for himself to be seen to go to other men's gates. Wherefore with all their consents they incontinently set up a goodly rich pavilion, which was called Alexander's pavilion and there they kept their councils and assemblies for dispatch of all their weightiest causes. After this, they went towards the high countries and met with Peucestas on the way, (Eumenes very great friend) who joined with them, and other great peers of the realm, with all their power beside. This did greatly strengthen the army of the noble men of MACEDONIA, as touching the number of men, and their brave armours and furniture: but for their own persons, because they had no man to command them since the death of Alexander, they were grown self-willed by dissolute liberty, and effeminate in their manner of life: and moreover they had gotten a tyrannical fierceness, nourished & increased by the vanities of the barbarous people. So that many of them being then together, could not be quiet one with an other, but shamefully flattered the old bands of the MACEDONIAN soldiers, giving them money, and making them banquets and feasts of sacrifices. And thus in short time, of a camp they brought it to be a dissolute tavern, where the noble men got the soldiers favour that they might be chosen chieftains of all the army: like as the common people's voices are bought in free cities (where the people do rule) to be preferred to honourable states and offices of the common wealth. Now Eumenes found strait that these peers of the realm disdained one an other, howbeit that they all feared and mistrusted him, and sought but for opportunity to kill him. Wherefore to prevent this, Eumenes' wilienesse to mind himself out of danger. he made as though he had occasion to occupy money, and so borrowed a great sum of them especially, whom he knew most hated him: to the end that from thenceforth they should no more distrust, but trust him, standing in fear to loose the money they had lent him. And thereof followed a strange thing: for other men's money and goods, was the safety of his life. For where others give money to save their lives, he by taking of money saved his own life. Now for the soldiers of the MACEDONIANS, whilst they saw they were without danger of enemies to make them afraid, they still hung upon them that gave them, being desirous to be made generals: and came every morning to their uprising to wait upon them, and follow them wheresoever they went. But when Antigonus was come to camp hard by them with a great and puissant army, and that their case required then a valiant Captain and skilful leader: not the soldiers alone, but all the peers and states beside, (which in peace did brave it out) did then willingly (without motion made) submit themselves unto Eumenes, to be at his commandment. For when Antigonus assayed all the ways he could to pass over the river of Pasitigris, Pasitigris fl.. the peers which were laid in divers places to let him from passing over, heard nothing of it, so that there was none but Eumenes only that resisted him, and fought with him: Eumenes' battle with Antigonus, and victory. where he slew such a number of his men, that he filled the river with them, and took four thousand of them prisoners. Again, when Eumenes was sick, these old bands did more plainly show, what opinion they had of him, and of others: to wit, that they could banquet them, and make them good cheer at their houses, yet that Eumenes only of all other was worthiest to be their Captain, and to command them. For Peucestas having feasted them in the kingdom of PERSIA, and given every soldier a murton to sacrifice, thought he had won great favour & credit among them. But shortly after, as the army marched against their enemies, Eumenes by misfortune fell dangerously sick, & therefore would needs be carried in a litter far from the camp, to be out of the noise, because he could talk no rest. But they had not gone far, before they saw their enemies, which having passed over certain little hills between them, were coming down into the valley. When the soldiers saw the glistering of the gilt armours of their enemies, Antigonus' soldiers armed with gilt armours. that glared in the sun, and the good order they marched withal in battle ray, the Elephants with the towers upon their backs, and the men at arms with their purple coats upon their armours: (which was the apparel they wore when they went to fight with their enemies) than the formest stayed upon it, and cried out, willing them to sand for Eumenes to lead them, for they would else go no further if they had not him for their General. And there withal they raised their pikes, & laid down their shields at their feet, calling from one to an other to stay, & to their private Captains also: and told them plainly, that they would not stir a foot from thence, nor fight at all, unless Eumenes were among them to lead them. Eumenes hearing of it, came to them with great speed, hastening his slaves and littermen to bring him thither: and then opening his litter on every side, he held out his right hand to the soldiers, and told them he was very glad of the good opinion they had of him. The soldiers also so soon as they saw him, saluted him in the MACEDONIAN tongue, and took up their shields, clapping them against their pikes with a great shower, bidding their enemies come when they would, they should be fought withal, now that their Captain was among them. Antigonus on tother side, being informed by certain prisoners which his soldiers had taken in skirmish, that Eumenes was fallen very sore sick, and by reason thereof was carried in a litter: thought now he should have no great a do to discomfit the rest of the army, and therefore made all possible speed he could to fight. But when he came so near, that he might easily see the order and countenance of his enemies, who were set in such good order of battle, that it could not any ways be amended: he was much amazed withal, and paused a great while, and in the mean time spied Eumenes litter a far of, carried from one end of the battle to the other, whereat he laughed out allowed, Antigonus mock to Eumenes. as his manner was, and turning himself to his friends, said. See, said he, I believe it is that litter that maketh war with us, and doth offer us battle. But with those words, he sounded the retreat, & brought his men back again into his camp. When this fear was a little passed over, the MACEDONIANS fell to their old trade again, the peers to flatter the soldiers, and the soldiers to wax brave and stout against their Captains: so that when they came to take their garrisons for the winter time, they divided in manner among them the whole country of the GABENIANS, the first from the last being lodged almost a thousand furlong of. Which Antigonus understanding, determined to set upon them, they mistrusting nothing. And so went suddenly towards them, by a shorter way than that he had already comen, but the worse way a great deal, and where no water was to be had: in hope that if he met them thus dispersed asunder, their Captains could not readily assemble them all together. But while he was in this his journey, in the desert crooked way, he was so overtaken, and with such boisterous winds and extreme bitter cold, that his soldiers could go no further, but were forced to tarry still, to provide them present remedy against the fury of the time. Now the only remedy they had, was to make numbers of fires: and by them their enemies knew of their coming. For the barbarous people inhabiting the mountains towards the desert, being amazed to see such a number of fires in the valley, sent presently with speed upon two camels light laden, to advertise Peucestas, who being nearest unto the mountain was so scared with these news, that he was at his wits end, not knowing what to do. For, seeing his other companions as much afraid as himself, he fled upon it, and carried all them with him which he met in his way. But Eumenes quieted this great fear, assuring them that he would stay the sudden attempt of their enemies, and that they should come three days later than they looked for: Eumenes' stratagem against Antigonus. which they believed. Then did Eumenes send messengers into every quarter to all the Captains, commanding them speedily to put their men in readiness, and to meet him at a certain place which he appointed. Himself in the mean time went with other Captains to choose fit ground to lodge a camp, the which might easily be seen from the top of the mountains, which they must pass that come from the desert: & there fortified the same with trenches, and divided it out into quarters, making fire in every place, such a distance of one from an other, as they use commonly to make in a camp. It was no sooner done, but Antigonus came to the top of the mountains, and saw these fires a far of, which grieved him much: for he thought that his enemies had long before known of his coming, and that they came against him. Being afraid therefore lest his enemies would compel him to fight, coming fresh upon him, his own men being weary and done with the pains they had abidden, coming through that desert country: he took his way to lead back his army, not then nearest way by the which he came, but through the country richly inhabited and replenished with great cities and good towns, to refresh his overwearied people. Yet seeing he had none alaroms given, nor any skermishes offered him, (as they use commonly when both armies are near together) and that the valley men told, him that they had seen none other army but his, saving that round about there was store of fires: then he strait mistrusted that it was one of Eumenes' stratagems of war, wherewith he had deceived him. And therewithal he was in such a rage, that he went strait to the place where he thought to find him, determining no more to steal upon him, but to put all to the hazard of a battle. But in the mean time, the most part of the host was gathered about Eumenes, for the great estimation every man had of his wisdom and sufficiency: insomuch that they agreed and ordained, that he only as their Lieutenant general should command the whole army. This spited the two Captains of the Argyraspides, Antigenes & Teutamus, Envy the companion of virtue. who bore him such an inward grudge, that from that time forth, they practised his death: & assembling together with many of the states & particular Captains, they sat in council to know when, & in what sort they should kill him. Eumenes' death conspired. Howbeit the most voices assembled in this council, were whole of opinion, that they should take the benefit of his service in leading the battle, & that immediately after they should put him to death. This being thus resolved upon, Eudamus Captain of the Elephants, and an other called Phaedimus, went secretly and told Eumenes what they had concluded upon in the assembly against him, not for any good will that they bore him, or for that they sought to pleasure him, but only because they were afraid to lose the money they had lent him. Eumenes gave them great thanks, and commended their fidelity, and then reported it unto his best friends, and told them: you see how I am environed with a troop of wild and brutish beasts. Eumenes tare all his friends letters to keep them out of trouble. That done, he made his will, and tare all the letters and writings that had been sent him, because he would not have them suffer for him after his death, that had sent him secret advertisements. Afterwards when he had disposed of all his private matters in this sort, he stood in a doubt whether he should loose the battle giving his enemies the victory, or whether it were better for him to fly into CAPPADOCIA, through MEDIA and ARMENIA. Howbeit he resolved of nothing before his friends. But when the mischief he was in had put divers thoughts into his head, in fine he determined to fight, and did set his army in battle ray, persuading the GRECIANS as well as the barbarous people to stand to it like men. And as for the old soldiers of the MACEDONIANS, they so little needed exhortation, that they themselves did exhort Eumenes to be of good courage, saying: that their enemies would never abide them, because they were all the oldest shoulders, and of greatest experience, that had been in all the conquests of king Philippe, and of his son Alexander, and that it was never heard that they had been overthrown in any set battle, The old band of the Macedonians, were every man 60 year old and most about. Eumenes' conflict with Antigonus. the most of them being three score and ten years old, and the youngest no less than three score. Whereupon, when they ran with great fury to give charge upon their enemies, they cried out aloud speaking to the soldiers of the MACEDONIANS that were under Antigonus: Ah wretches, come ye to fight with your fathers? And so assailing them with a lusty courage, and in a rage withal, in a short space overthrew the squadron of their enemies, & slew the most part of them in the field. Thus was Antigonus army clean overthrown on that side: but on tother side where his men of arms were, through Peucestas cowardliness (that handled himself very ill at that battle) he had the upper hand, and wan all their carriage, through his foresight in the greatest fury of the battle, and the strength of the place where the battle was sought. For it was a marvelous great plain of length, neither too deep, nor yet to hard underfoot, but covered over with a small fine sand, much like to the dry sand the sea casteth up, & leaveth upon the shore. This sand being scattered abroad by riding and going to & fro of so many thousands of men and horses during the time of the battle foughten, had raised such a mighty dust and white smoke in the element, as if they had stirred or tempered white lime together, which troubled their sight so sore, as they could see nothing before them: in respect whereof Antigonus might easily lease all their carriage, themselves being never a whit the wiser. The battle being came to this pass you have heard, Teutamus sent presently unto Antigonus, to pray him to redeliver them their carriage again, which he had taken & carried into his camp. Antigonus made him answer, that he would not only redeliver the goods unto the ARGYRASPIDES, but would moreover use them with all the favour he could, so far forth as they delivered Eumenes into his hands. Eumenes' bestrayed by the Argyraspides. Whereupon the ARGYRASPIDES took presently a wicked resolution, to deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. And with that determination they came near unto him, not making any countenance as though they would lay hands on him, but rather seeming to guard and defend his person as their manner was some of them lamenting that their goods were gone: others telling him that he cared not now that he had won the battle: and others accusing the noble men of cowardliness, saying, that the fault was in them that they had not the whole victory. But infine, one of them having spied his time, flew to him, and took his sword out of his hand: the others strait laid hold of him, and bound both his hands behind him with his own girdle. Antigonus' understanding it, sent Nicaner thither to take him out of their hands, and to bring him to him. Then Eumenes having made request unto them to suffer him to speak, as they brought him through the bands of these old MACEDONIAN soldiers: it was granted him with condition, that he should make no motion unto them to turn from that they were determinated to do, but to tell them of things, which (as he said) tended greatly to their benefit. Whereupon silence being made, he go up upon a little hillock, and there spoke unto them, putting forth his hands being bound. The oration of Eumenes to the trailors Argyraspides his soldiers. O wretched and faithless men, the wickedest that ever MACEDON bred. What so great triumph, or victory, hath ever Antigonus won of you, having sought it such infinite ways: and you yourselves do now put into his hands, delivering him your Captain bound and manacled? Will not this be to your great shame, that being masters of the field, you will grant the honour of the victory unto your enemy, only for a little covetousness of money and paltry stuff which you have lost? And yet is not this all, but the worst behind: to sand your Captain as you do to pay the ransom of your baggage. For myself, though now they lead me bound, yet do I remain free unovercome, vanquish her of mine enemies, & sold by them that should be my friends. Well, yet this request I only make unto you, in the name of jupiter, protector of arms, and for the honour of the gods, (unto whom all vowed oaths aught faithfully to be kept) I pray and conjure you, to kill me yourselves in this place. For all cometh to one end. To be slain in Antigonus camp by the hands of mine, own enemies, will ever be counted your deed: and you may be assured he will not be angry withal, for he only desireth Eumenes' death, and not his life. If you will needs hold your hands from this attempt, unlose yet one of minie only: that shall suffice to do the seat. And if for fear ye will not put a sword in my hand, throw me bound yet hands and feet unto wild, beasts: which if ye perform, then do I discharge you of your oath taken between both my hands, which ye have sworn unto your Captain, as holily and perfectly performed. upon this speech of Eumenes, all the rest of the army had a compassion of him, that they wept for tender affection. But the ARGYRASPIDES cried out to carry him away, and not to give ear to his preaching: and that it was a good deed to punish this wicked CHERRONESIAN, according to his deserts, considering that he had turmoiled the MACEDONIANS with endless war and battle. And moreover, that it were too much shame that the worthiest soldiers that ever served king Philippe & Alexander, so painfully in all their wars, should for recompense of their service in their old age be turned a begging, their wives having now lain three nights with their enemies. With those words, they violently drove him on towards Antigonus camp, who seating lest the multitude of people that ran to see him, would smother him in the press, because every man ran out of the camp: he sent thither ten of the strongest Elephants h●● had, and a good number of men of arms of the MEDES and PARTHIANS, to made way for him in the press. When Eumenes was now come into Antigonus camp, his heart would not serve him to see him in that miserable state, for that they had once been familiarly acquainted together. Whereupon, such as had him in their custody, came to Antigonus to ask him, how he would have him kept. Antigonus' answer for the keeping of Eumenes being prisoner. Who answered them: like a Lion, or an Elephant. Yet within a while after he took pity of him, and discharged him of his weightiest irons, and sent one of his household servants to him to see him well used, and suffered his friends to come & bring him any thing he lacked. Thus did Antigonus defer many days, before he would determine aught of Eumenes, hearing every man speak, and pondering their purposes and several opinions. Nearebus' CRETAN, and his own son Demetrius spoke for Eumenes, and made suit to save his life, contrary to all the other Lords and Captains that were about Antigonus, who would in any case have him die. Eumenes standing in these terms, asked his keeper Onomarthus one day, The noble mind of Eumenes. what Antigonus meant, that having his enemy in his hands, he did not quickly tid him out of his pain, or nobly deliver him? Onomarchus chuslishly answered him again, that the time was passed now to show his courage, as though, he feared not death: and that he should have showed is in the field at the battle. So help me jupiter (quoth he) so have I done, and if thou believest not me, ask them that set upon me: for I never met with man yet more strong than myself. Onomarchus replied again: sith now therefore thou hast found a stronger than thyself, why then canst thou not abide his pleasure? In fine, when Antigonus bade resolved of his death, he commanded them to give him no more meat: and thus taking his susteaunce from him, The head of Eumenes. Eumenes was three days a dying. In the mean time came such news, that suddenly the camp removed: and therefore before their departure, a man was sent to Eumenes to dispatch him out of his pain. Antigonus licenced his friends to take his body and burn it, and then to gather his ashes and bones to sand them to his wife & children. Eumenes being slain in this manner, The just reward of treason. the gods appointed none other judges to revenge the disloyalties and treason of the ANGYRASPIDES and their Captains, for betraying of Eumenes, but Antigonius self: who detesting them as cruel murderers, and perjured persons to the gods, appointed thyrtius Governor of the province of ARACHOSIA, to kill them every mother's son what way he could, that none of them might ever see MACEDON again, nor the greekish sea. THE COMPARISON OF Eumenes with Sertorius. HEre have we set down the things worthy memory of Eumenes and Sertorius. Now to compare them together, in this they were both alike: that they being strangers in a strange country, and banished out of their own had always been Captains of divers nations, and chieftains of great and warlike armies. But this was proper to Sertorius, that all those of his faction gave him the chiefest place of authority, as the most sufficientest man among them, and worthiest to command: where Eumenes having many that contended against him for the chief rule and conduction of the army, through his noble deeds, The government of Eumenes and Sertorius. obtained the chief place and authority in the same. So that they obeyed the one, desiring to be governed by a good Captain: & for their own safety gave place to the other, seeing themselves unable to command. For Sertorius being a ROMAN, governed the SPANIARDS and Lusitanians: and Eumenes a CHERRONESIAN, the MACEDONIANS. Of the which, the SPANIARDS of long time had been subject of the Empire of ROME: and the MACEDONIANS at that time had subdued all the world. Furthermore, Sertorius being then of great estimation for that he was a Senator of ROME, and had had charge of men of war before, came to the dignity & estate to be chieftain of a great army. Where Eumenes came with small reputation, disdained for that he was but a secretary: and when he began to come forwards, had not only less means to prefer him then Sertorius had, but greater lets & impediments also, to hinder his rising and estimation. For many openly stood against him, and secretly conspired his death: and not as Sertorius, whom no man contraried from the beginning, until his latter end, when certain of his companions secretly conspired against him. Therefore Sertorius end of all his dangers, was to overcome his enemies: where Eumenes' greatest dangers came through his victories, which he wan of his own men, through the malice of them that envied his honour. Now for their deeds of arms, The deeds & condition of Eumenes and Sertorius compared. they are both in manner alike: but on tother side for their conditions, Eumenes naturally loved war and contention: and Sertorius embraced peace & quietness. For, Eumenes that might have lived in safety with honour, if he would but have given place to his betters, and forsaken the wars: liked better with the danger of his life to follow martial feats, with the greatest personages of MACEDON, and in the end so came to his death. Sertorius contrarily being unwilling to come in trouble, was forced for the safety of his person to take arms against them, that would not let him live in peace. For had not Eumenes been so ambitious and stout to strive against Antigonus for the chiefest place of authority, but could have been contented with the second, Antigonus would have been right glad thereof: where Pompey would never so much as suffer Sertorius to live in rest. So, the one made voluntary war only to rule, and the other against his will was compelled to rule, because they made wars with him. Whereby it appeareth that Eumenes naturally loved war, preferring the covetous desire of a better estate, above the safety of his life: and the other as a right soldier, used the wars only for a mean to save his life by valiant defence of arms. Furthermore, the one was slain, mistrusting no treason against him and the other, looking every hour for present death threatened him. Whereof the one argued a noble mind, not to mistrust them whom he thought his friends: and the other showed a saint heart, Sertorius death more honest, than the death of Eumenes. being taken when he meant to fly. So Sertorius death dishonoured not his life, suffering that of his own companions, which his deadly foes could never make him suffer. The other having no power to avoid his destiny before he was taken, and having sought means to live being in prison and captivity: could neither patiently nor manfully abide his death. For, begging life at his enemy's hands, he gave him his heart with his body, who before had but his body in his power. THE LIFE OF Agesilaus. ARchidamus the son of Zeuxidamus, having honourably reigned in LACEDAEMON, left two sons behind him: Agis which he begat of that noble Lady Lamprido, The parentage of Agesilaus. & Agesilaus a great deal younger, which he had by Eupolia, Melisippidas daughter. So the kingdom falling by succession unto Agis the elder, the younger son Agesilaus remaining a private person, was brought up after the LACONIAN manner, The instruction of Agesilaus. which was a strait kind of life but withal it taught children how to obey. Whereof it is thought the Poet Simonides calleth SPARTA, Damasimbrotos: to wit, making men civil: for that by continuance of custom, it frameth the citizens to be obedient to the laws, as much, or more, than any other city that ever was in the world, taming them from their childhood, as they do young colts. The law dispenser's with the heirs apparent to the crown, Agesilaus learned to obey before he came to command. from that strait subjection & hard life: but Agesilaus had that excellency in him above all others of his estate, that he came to the dignity and honour to command, having from his youth learned to obey. The which undoubtedly was the cause, that he knew better than any other king, how to please and bear with his subjects, helping his royal estate & princely behaviour, grafted in him by nature, with that courtesy and familiarity which he had attained by education. At that time when he went in company with the boys which were brought up together, Lysander fell in love with him, The modesty of Agesilaus. wondering at the modesty of his wit. For having better spirit, and being more constant in his opinion, than any of the other children, striving ever to excel in all things, with such a vehemency he took all travels in hand, that it was unpossible to overcome him, much less to compel him. He was on tother side so mild & gentle, that every courteous word wrought in him better obedience, than any fear could do: because it grieved him more to be reproved, then to take upon him any pain or labour. Agesilaus laments. And for the deformity of his leg, the one being shorter than the other, in the flower of his youth, through his pleasant wit, he used the matter so pleasantly and patiently, that he would merrily mock himself: which manner of merry behaviour did greatly hide the blame of the bleamish. Yea further, his life & courage was the more commendable in him, for that men saw that notwithstanding his lameness, he refused no pains nor labour. Of his person we have drawn no counterfeit, because he would not in my wise have it drawn, and did expressly command by his will, that they should neither draw his picture, nor make any mould or image of his body. How beit we find that he was of small stature, whereby his presence promised no great matters to them that beheld him. Yet for that he was ever merry and pleasant, and never pensive nor troublesome in word nor look, even to the last end of his life he was better loved, than the most fair creature that lived. Notwithstanding, the Ephori (as Theophrastus writeth) did condemn king Archidamus in a sum of money because he married a little woman: saying that he would beget them demi kings, no kings in deed. In the time that his eldest son Agis reigned king, Alcibiades committeth adultery with king Agis wife. Alcibiades being banished ATHENS, fled out of SICILY into LACEDAEMON, and had not long remained in SPARTA before they suspected him, that he kept king Agis wife, called Timea for which cause Agis would not acknowledge the child she brought to be his son, saying that Alcibiades had begotten him. But Timea cared not much for it, as Duris writeth: for otherwhile as she fate amongst her women, softly she called him Alcibiades, not Leotychides. On tother side they report, that Alcibiades himself said, it was for no hurt he meant to any man, that he lay with Queen Timea, but only for the desire he had that some of the kings of LACEDAEMON should be begotten of his seed. Nevertheless at the length he was driven to forsake LACEDAEMON, mistrusting king Agis, who ever after doubted of the child, & thought him a bastard: until such time as being on his death bed, Leotychides falling on his knees, wept, and so behaved himself, that Agis before many witnesses, said he did acknowledge him for his son. This notwithstanding, when king Agis was dead, Agesilaus created king, through Lysander's means. Lysander that had then overcomen the ATHENIANS by sea, & was more in credit & authority in the city of SPARTA, than any other: practised to put the crown upon Agesilaus head, saying, that Leotychides had no interest unto it, because he was a bastard. The like did divers other citizens say of him, which loved Agesilaus virtue, and liked him passingly, for that he had been brought up from his childhood among them. But on the contrary part also, there was a Soothsayer or wizard in SPARTA, called Diopithes, that had a number of old prophecies without book, & was accounted a very skilful man touching prophecies and divinations. He maintained that it was not lawful for any lame man to be king of SPARTA: A lame king. and for proof thereof he told this ancient oracle before the counsel. As stately as thy stomach is oh Sparta take good heed, And stand upon thy guard, and look about thee I thee reed. For halting one day down will cast thine Empire to the ground, By mean of wares and troubles great that shall enclose thee round. Lysander replied against it, saying, that if the SPARTANS were afraid of this oracle, they should rather beware of Leotychides. For the gods cared not, if any man lame of a foot aspired to be king: but rather if he were a bastard, and not lineally descended of the race of Hercules. For that, said he, were to make the kingdom halt. Agesilaus furthermore alleged, that the god Neptune himself had witnessed, that Leotychides was a bastard: for he drove Agis by an earthquake, to run out of his wives chamber, and that ten months after that, and more, Agesilaus proclaimed king, & Leotychides a bastard. Leotychides was borne. So was Agesilaus upon these allegations not only proclaimed king of SPARTA, but he had given him moreover, as lawful heir, all his brother Agis goods, and Leotychides rejected as a bastard. Notwithstanding, considering that his parents by his mother's side were very poor, (yet honest men) he left them the moiety of all the goods: by which act, Agesilaus wan all their good wills, where else they had envied him for his succession in the kingdom. And (as Xenophon saith) by obeying his country, he grew to such power that he might do whatsoever he would. The Ephori and Senators at that time bore all the sway and government of the common wealth, the ephors office changing yearly, the other being for life: Ephori were certain officers authorised to cō●o●le the kings insolency and injustice if any were by them used. the which Ephori were only ordained to bridle the insolency of the kings, for that they should not (as we have more amply written in Lycurgus' life) have absolute power in their hands. Upon this occasion, the kings that succeeded in the government, had (as it were) by inheritance, a present grudge and malice against them. This notwithstanding, Agesilaus took a contrary course to all his predecessors. For where others presently quarreled with the Ephori and Senators, Agesilaus did honour and reverence them, and would never dispatch any matter without their privity, but was always ready to go when they did sand him. When he was set in his chair of state to give audience, if any of the Ephori chanced to come in, he would rise up unto them: and at the election of any new Senator, he would for honours sake present him a gown, and an ox. And thus cunningly seeming to honour and increase the dignity of the Senators, winning their good wills, he made his power great, & the realm much greater. Furthermore, his behaviour towards the rest of his countrymen was such, as his enmity was less faulty than his friendship. For he did never hurt his enemies without just cause, Agesilaus, an uprighter enemy, than a friend. but he aided his friends even in unjust causes. And whereas he thought it a shame not to honour enemies, when they had done well: he could not find in his heart to rebuke his friends when they did amiss, but rather gloried in succouring & helping of them in their evil doings. For he thought it no shame to serve his friends turn, howsoever it were. Again, when any of his adversaries offended, he was as sorry for it as any man, and as ready to bear with it if he were entreated: whereby he alured and wan the hearts of all men. The Ephori seeing that, and fearing his power, punished him in money for that he made the common love of his country private to himself. For, as natural Philosophers hold opinion, that if contention and strife were taken out of nature, it would come to pass that the heavenly bodies should stand still, and also that the generation of all things should be at a stay, by reason of the mutual agreement between the world and them: even so, the lawmaker of LACEDAEMON seemeth to have allowed ambition & strife in the common wealth, Whether attention among the nobility be profitable in a common wealth. as a spur to virtue, by procuring always some contention and emulation among great persons. And his reason was that this base and effeminate favour, in winking one at an other, when men are to be rebuked, aught not of right to be called by the name of concord. And sure some think that Homer also saw the same, for he would never else have made Agamemnon to have rejoiced to see Ulysses and Achilles at great words together, if he had not been of opinion, that envy and contention among great men, were very available for the common wealth. Yet is not this thus simply to be allowed: for contentions are hurtful to cities, where they are violent: and do bring great dangers with them. Now when Agesilaus was entered into his kingdom of LACEDAEMON, news were brought him out of ASIA, that the king of PERSIA prepared a great navy to conquer the LACEDÆMONIANS signory by sea. Lysander being glad of this occasion, longing to be sent again into ASIA to secure his friends whom he had left there as Governors & Lieutenants of cities & provinces (of the which, some of them were driven away by their citizens, others also put to death for abusing of their authority & ruling overcruelly:) persuaded Agesilaus go into ASIA, to make war upon this barbarous king, far from GRAECE, before his army were gathered together. And to compass this the easilier, he wrote unto his friends in ASIA that they should sand unto SPARTA, to require Agesilaus for their Captain, and so they did. Thereupon Agesilaus going to the assembly of the people, accepted the charge, with condition that they would give him thirty Captains of the SPARTANS to be counsellors & assistants to him in these wars, two thousand free ILOTES, & six thousand of the confederates of LACEDAEMON. All this was immediately granted through Lysander's friendship towards him, Agesilaus journey into Asia. and he was sent away strait with the thirty Captains which he had requested: of the which Lysander was the chiefest, not only for his riches and authority, but also for the good will he bore unto Agesilaus who thought himself more beholding to him for procuring him this charge, than for his friendship he showed him in bringing him to be king. Now Agesilaus army being assembled at the haven of Geraeste, himself with certain of his friends went unto the city of AULIDE, Agesilaus dream in Aulide. where in his sleep he dreamed that one said unto him: O king of the LACEDÆMONIANS, thou knowest that never none but Agamemnon, & now thyself, was chosen General of all GREECE, considering therefore that thou commandest the same people he did, that thou makest wars with the self same enemies, departing from the self same place to go thither, it is reason that thou make the self same sacrifice unto the goddess, the which he made at his like departure. Agesilaus strait upon this vision, remembered that Agamemnon though the persuasion of the Soothsayers did sacrifice his own daughter in the same place. Yet this made him not afraid, but the next day he told it to his friends, and said he would sacrifice that unto the goddess, which he thought would please her well enough, and that he would not follow that cruel devotion of this ancient Captain Agamemnon. And with that, he brought a hind crowned with a garland of flowers, and commanded his Soothsayer to sacrifice her: and would not suffer him to have the honour to do the sacrifice, that was appointed for the same purpose by the Governors of BOEOTIA, according to the custom of that place. The Governors of BOEOTIA understanding it, were much offended, and sent their officers to will Agesilaus not to do any sacrifice there, contrary to the law and custom of their country. The officers that were sent, performed their commission: and finding that the beast was slain, & the quarters of it upon the altar, they took and flung them of the altar every way. This vexed Agesilaus being ready to embark, and departed thence in choler against the THEBANS, and mistrusted much his good success by this unlucky prediction, which seemed to prognosticate unto him, that he should not prevail according to his desire. Furthermore, when he was arrived at EPHESUS, he presently misliked the honour he saw done unto Lysander, Lysander's glory diminished. and the great train that waited on him. For all the countrymen there repaired continually to his house, that when he came abroad, they all followed him whensoever he went: as though Lysander had in deed been in authority to do what he would, and that Agesilaus only had but the name to be general, so appointed by the law of LACEDAEMON. For in troth there was never GRECIAN Captain in those parts that had won him such estimation, nor that was more feared than he: nor there was never man that was more beneficial to his friends, neither also that was more hurtful to his enemies. All these things being fresh in memory, the countrymen of that country perceiving the simplicity of Agesilaus, and how he was given to please the people, and carried no great majesty nor countenance with him, and observing in Lysander that wonted roughness and sharp speech wherewith they had been acquainted before: every man obeyed him, and nothing was done but what he commanded. This first to all made the other SPARTANS angry, for that it appeared they were come as it were to serve Lysander, and not as to counsel the king: but after that, Agesilaus Agesilaus grudge unto Lysander. himself also grew miscontented, although of his own nature he was not envious nor sorry to see others honoured besides himself. Yet being a man ambitiously given, and of a noble courage, fearing if he should do any noble exploit in his war, that they would impute it unto Lysander, for the great estimation he was of: he first began to deal in this sort with him. First he contraried all his counsels: and what matters soever he preferred, which he was desirous should have taken effect, Agesilaus would none of that, but took some other in hand. Furthermore, if any of Lysander's followers came to make sure to him for his favour, perceiving that they did lean unto Lysander: he sent them away without any thing done for them. In like case also in matters of judgements, if Lysander were against any, they were sure to have the matter pass on their side. On the contrary part also, if Lysander bore good will to the party, and favoured the cause to gratify him: they hardly escaped from setting a fine of their heads. Agasilaus continuing these shows ordinarily of purpose, not by chance to one or two, but indifferently to all: Lysander looking into the cause, dissembled not with his friends, but told them plainly that it was for his sake they had those repulses and wrongs, and therefore did counsel them to wait upon the king, and those that had more credit them himself. Now Agesilaus supposed he gave that advise to make every man to malice him: wherefore, to despite him the more, he made him distributor of his victuals, (& having done so) some say that he spoke these words in open presence to many: See the life of Lysander. now let them go and honour my flesh distributor. Lysander being grieved withal, said unto the king: my Lord, you know how to oppress your friends. And to do I, said Agesilaus, how to keep them under, that would be greater than myself. It may be yet, replied Lysander, I have not done as your grace doth say: yet if you so conceive of me, put me I beseech you in some place of charge or office, where I may do you good service without offence. After this talk between them, Agesilaus sent him into HELLESPONT, where by practice he took prisoner a noble man a PERSIAN, called Spithridates, out of Pharnabozus province whereof he was Governor, and brought him to Agesilaus with a great sum of gold and silver, and near about two hundred horsemen with him. All this notwithstanding, he forgot not his grudge to Agesilaus, but being offended still, sought opportunity and means to defeat the two houses of the privilage of the kingdom, and to bring it in common to all the other houses of SPARTA: and surely he had made great broil (in my opinion) in the city of SPARTA, had he not been prevented by death, in a journey he made into BOEOTIA. Thus we see, Ambitious heads are very dangerous in a common wealth. that ambitious minds observing no mean, are in a common weal oft-times more hurtful than beneficial. For though Lysander was in deed intolerable, to show himself so ambitious, and out of time: yet was not Agesilaus ignorant neither, that there were divers other means less reproachful to punish such a noble man, that offended only by greediness of honour. But to tell you my opinion, they were both blinded with one self passion: the one not to know his Prince's power, & the other not to bear with his friends imperfection. Now Tisaphernes at the first being afraid of Agesilaus, Agesilaus deeds in Asia, and the falsehood of Tisaphernes. made league with him, colourably letting him understand that the king would be content to set the cities of GRAECE in ASIA at liberty. Notwithstanding, when he thought he had gathered force sufficient to fight with him, he proclaimed war. Agesilaus was very well content withal: for the expectation was great of him through all GRAECE, that he would do some noble exploit in this journey. Moreover he thought himself dishonoured for ever, that the ten thousand GRECIANS which were returned back from the furthest part of ASIA, even unto the sea Maior (under the conduct and leading of Xenophon their Captain) had overcome the king of persia's army as often as they listed themselves: and that he which was the Lieutenant general of the LACEDÆMONIANS (who at that time commanded both sea and land) should not do some deed worthy memory among the GRECIANS. Presently therefore to revenge Tisaphernes perjury by just deceit, he made a countenance as though he would first invade the country of CARIA. Whereupon, this barbarous person Tisaphernes, gathered all his power together. But Agesilaus on a sudden returned back again, and entered into PHRYGIA, took there many cities, and wan great spoil, making his men see by experience, that to infringe & break a league made & anowed by oath, was a sacrilege, and contemning of the gods. On tother side also, that to be guide his enemies, it was not only just and honourable: but also profitable and pleasant. Now Agesilaus being weaker in horsemen than his enemy, and finding the livers of the beasts which he had sacrificed, without heads, returned into the city of EPHESUS, and there gathered horsemen together, letting the richmen understand (which would not themselves in person) that he did dispense with their persons, so that they did set out a horse and man furnished for service in their place. Many of them took that course, & by this means Agesilaus within fewdayes had levied a great number of men of arms, Agesilaus crafe. in stead of footmen that could do small service. For they that were unwilling to go to the wars, did hire them that were willing to serve in their place: and such also as would not serve a horseback, did give them pay that were desirous to serve in their steads. In this he wisely followed king Agamemnon's example, who did dispense with the person of a rich coward for going to the wars, by taking a good mate of him. Then Agesilaus had commanded them that sold the prisoners by the 〈…〉 taken in the wars, that they should strip them naked, & so cell them: which they did. And sundry persons willingly bought their spoils and raiment, but they scorned their bodies, because they saw them white skinned, soft, and delicate: so that few men would our bid the price for them, for that they thought those men unprofitable and good for nothing. Agesilaus also being present at this sale of purpose, said thus unto his men. See, my friends, quoth he these be the men against whom ye are to fight, and here be the spoils for the which ye shall fight. Time being come now to put himself into the field, and to invade his enemy's country again, he gave it out that he would enter LYDIA, not meaning to deceive Tisaphernes again, but Tisaphernes deceived himself. For he being deceived before by Agesilaus, gave no credit to this second rumour, but persuaded himself that doubtless Agesilaus meant then to enter into CARIA, & the rather for that it was a woddie country, very ill for horsemen, in the which he was the weaker. This notwithstanding, Agesilaus invading (as he had given it out) the champion country, in the which stood SARDIS, the capital city of LYDIA: Sardis, the chief city of Lydia. Tisaphernes was compelled to come to rescue it in haft, and being come thither with great speed with his horsemen, he stolen upon many of his enemies whom he found straggling out of order, spoiling the country, & put the most of them to the sword. Agesilaus having intelligence of this, imagined with himself that the footmen of his enemy could not yet be arrived, & considering also that he had his army whole about him: thought it best forthwith to bid him battle, rather than to delay time any longer. Thereupon he thrust in among the horsemen his light armed footmen, and commanded them strait to charge the enemy, whilst he caused the heavier armed men to follow at their heels, as they did. But the barbarous people fled upon it immediately: and the GRECIANS lustily following the chase, took their camp, Agesilaus victory of Tisaphernes. & made great slaughter of them that fled. After this field foughten, they had leisure enough not only to spoil & overrun the kings country at their pleasure, but also to see the revenge taken of Tisaphernes, that was a vile man, and a cruel enemy to the GRECIANS. For the king of PERSIA made an other his Lieutenant immediately in his room, called Tithraustes: who struck of Tisaphernes head, and sent unto Agesilaus to pray him to take peace with them, and to offer him store of gold and silver to depart out of his country. Thereto Agesilaus answered, that for peace, it was not in him to make it, but in the LACEDÆMONIANS: and that for his own part, it was an easier manner to enrich his soldiers, than himself. And furthermore, that the GRECIANS thought it dishonour to them, to take any gift of their enemies, other than spoils. This notwithstanding to gratify Tithraustes somewhat, for that he had taken revenge of a common enemy of all the GRECIANS: for the sum of thirty talents given him to defray his charges, he withdrew his army out of LYDIA, and went into PHRYGIA. In his journey he received from the counsel of LACEDAEMON, the Scytala, or scroll of parchment wreathed about, advertising him that the citizens had made him also their General by sea, as he was by land. Agesilaus only of all men obtained this honour, Agesilaus made General of all the Lacedæmonians navy. who without comparison was of all other the worthiest man of fame in his time, as Theopompus witnesseth: and yet gloried rather to be commended for his virtue, than for the greatness of his authority. In this notwithstanding he was to be blamed, when he made choice of one Pisander his wives brother, to be Lieutenant of the navy, & forsook other Captains of better experience and elder years: seeking rather to please his wife, and to advance one of his kin, than to regard the weal and safety of his country. Afterwards he led his army into Pharnabazus country which he had in charge, where he found not only plenty of all sorts of victuals, but gathered together also a wonderful mass of money. From thence he went into the realm of PAPHLAGONIA, and made league there with king Cotys: Cotys king of Paphlagonia, become Agesilaus friend. who for his virtue and constant fidelity, was very desirous of his friendship. The like did Spathridates, forsaking Pharnabazus, and came unto Agesilaus: and after he was come to him, he never went from him, but always followed him wheresoever he went. Spithridates had a young son that was passing fair, called Megabetes, (of whom Agesilaus had great liking) and likewise a fair young woman to his daughter, of age to be married, whom Agesilaus caused king Cotys to marry. So, taking of king Cotys a thousand horsemen and two thousand footmen light armed, he returned back into PHRYGIA, and there destroyed Pharnabazus country which he had in government, who durst not meet him in the field, nor trust to his holds, but still fed from him, carrying all his chiefest things with him, flitting from place to place until that Spithridates, accompanied with Erippidas the SPARTAN, followed him so near, Agesilaus drove Pharnabazus out of his temes. that he took his camp, and all his treasure in it. But there did Erippidas show himself so hard and cruel, overstraightly searching our part of the spoil that had been imbeaceled, compelling the barbarous people to deliver it again, ransacking every corner for it: that Spithridates was so offended withal, that on a sudden he took the PAPHLAGONIANS with him, and went back unto the city of SARDIS. This more grieved Agesilaus, than any thing that happened to him in all his journey: for that he had lost so valiant a man as Spithridates, and such a number of good soldiers as he carried away with him. Moreover, he was afraid lest they would detect him of miserable covetousness, a thing which he ever was careful to avoid, not only in his own person, but also to keep all his countrymen from it. But besides these known causes, the love he bore to Spithridates son pinched him nearly: though when the boy was with him, he strived with his own nature to subdue that naughty affection and desire he had of him. For when Megabates on a time came to make much of him, & to kiss him: Agesilaus turned his face from the boy. The boy being ashamed of the repulse, durst no more come so familiarly, but saluted him aloof of. Agesilaus then repenting him that he had not suffered Megabates to kiss him, made as though he marveled why he did not kiss him as he was wont to do. Then answered some of his familiars about him: yourself, O king, is in fault, because you durst not tarry, but were afraid to kiss so fair a boy. For if he knew your mind, he would come again, so that you turned your face no more away. When Agesilaus had heard them, he paused a while, and said never a word, but in fine answered them: It shall nor need you say any thing to him, for it would do me more good I could refuse such an other kiss again, then if all that I see before me were gold. Thus was Agesilaus disposed when Megabates was with him: but in his absence he did so love him, that I dare scantly say, that if the boy had come again into his presence, he would have refused a kiss at his hands. After that, Pharnabazus sought to speak with him, and one Apollophanes a CYZICENIAN brought them together, that was a friend unto them both. Agesilaus was the first that met at the place appointed with his friends, and tarrying for Pharnabazus coming, he laid him down upon the deep grass in the shadow, under a fair great tree. Pharnabazus also came thither, The meeting of Agesilaus and Pharnabazus. & they spread soft skins long heard, and tapestry excellently wrought of divers colours, for him to sit on upon the ground. But being ashamed to see Agesilaus laid on the bore ground in that sort, he also lay down by him, though he had upon him a marvelous rich gown, of excellent tissue & passing colour. Now when they had embraced one an other, Pharnabazus began first to speak, and lacked no good persuasions & just complaints, for that he having been (as he was) a friend unto the LACEDÆMONIANS in the war against the ATHENIANS, was then spoiled and sacked by them. Agesilaus then finding that the SPARTANS that were about him at that meeting, hung down their heads for shame, not knowing how to answer him, considering that Pharnabazus had iniuty offered him: began to speak in this manner. Heretofore when we were friends with the king (my Lord Pharnabazus) we have used his goods like friends, Agesilaus words unto Pharnabazus. but now that we are his enemies, like enemies we use them: and sense we see that thou wilt needs be a slave of his, marvel not though we hurt thee for his sake. But when thou shalt like rather to be a friend of the GRECIANS, than a slave to the king of PERSIA: then make account, that all these soldiers, this armour, our ships, and all we are to defend thy goods and liberty against him, without which, nothing that is honest can be looked for of mortal men. Thereupon Pharnabazus told him his mind plainly: surely, said he, if the king do send hither any other Captain to be his Lieutenant, be sure I will then take your part strait. But on tother side, if he make me his Lieutenant in this war trust to it, I will do him the best service I can against you. This answer passingly pleased Agesilaus, who taking him by the hand, and rising up with him, said unto him. I would wish (my Lord Pharnabazus) having so noble a mind as thou hast, that thou were rather our friend, than an enemy. So Pharnabazus departing from thence with his men, his son being left behind, ran to Agesilaus, and smiling told him. King Agesilaus, I will make thee my friend: and therewith gave him a dart he had in his hand. Agesilaus took it of him, and liking well the beauty of the young youth, and the courtesy he had offered him, looked about him if any man in his company had any proper thing that he might bestow on him. At the last he spied his secretary Adeus horse, which had a rich caparisson on: he strait took it from him, and gave the horse & furniture to this lively youth Pharnabazus son, who never after forgot it. For it chanced afterwards that being driven out of his country by his brethren, and flying into PELOPONNESUS, Agesilaus made very much of him, and did not stick to further him in his love abroad. For he had a great fancy and liking to a boy of ATHENS, whom they brought up in wrestling, one day to play for the best games. But when he was grown a big man and strong, and that he came to offer himself to be billed with them that should wrestle at the games olympical, being in some peril to be utterly refused: this PERSIAN that loved him, went unto Agesilaus, and besought his help, that this wrestler might not receive the foil to be rejected. Agesilaus being desirous to pleasure him, performed his request with some difficulty. Thus Agesilaus in all things else was a strait observer of the law: Agesilaus to his friends, was without respect a friend. but in his friends causes to be strait laced in matters of justice, he said that was but an excuse for them that would do nothing for their friends. To this effect, they find a letter of his written unto Idrian, Prince of CARIA, for the delivery of his friend. If Nicias have not offended, let him go: if he have offended, then pardon him for my sake. Agesilaus letter in the behalf of his friend. But howsoever it be, let him go. This was Agesilaus manner in the most part of his friends causes. Notwithstanding, occasions fell out oftentimes, that he rather inclined to the benefit of the common wealth. As appeared one day when he was driven to remove in haste on a sudden, and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly: the sick man calling him by his name as he was going his way, besought him that he would not forsake him. Agesilaus (as Hieronymus the Philosopher reporteth) turned back again, and said: Other read to have pity, and to be wise. Agesilaus saying. O how hard is it both to love, and to be wise. Now had Agesilaus spent two years in this war, and was spoken of throughout ASIA, being marvelously commended to the king himself, for his great honesty, his continency, his courtesy and plain dealing. For when he road out into the country with his own train only, he would ever lie in the holiest temples of the gods; Agesilaus virtues. because he would the gods themselves should be witnesses of his private doings, whereas commonly we are loath that men should see what we do. Furthermore, amongst so many thousand soldiers as were in his camp, there could hardly be found a worse mattrisse, then that himself did lie upon every night. And as for heat and cold, he could as easily away with either of both, as if by constitution of body he had been borne to abide any weather and season. But above all, it was a pleasant sight to the GRECIANS that dwelled in ASIA, when they saw the great Lords, the kings lieutenants of PERSIA, (which before were proud, cruel, rich, and given to all lust and pleasure) to honour and fear a man that went up and down in a poor cape, being afraid of every short word that he spoke like a LACONIAN: insomuch as many of them called to mind Timotheus the poets verses, who said, As Mars hath no mercy, so Greece scorneth gold. Now all ASIA being up and in garboil, they willingly yielding to him in every place, after he had taken order with the cities, & had established the liberty of their common weal, without any bloodshed, or banishment of any person: he determined to go further, into the land, and transporting the wars from the sea coasts of GRAECE, to fight with the king of PERSIA in proper person, and with the wealth & happiness of the ECBATANIANS and the SUSIANIANS, and by that means to take his leisure from him, who sitting still before, made the GRECIANS make war one with an other, by force of money, corrupting the Governors of every city. In the mean time came Epycidas LACONIAN unto him, and brought him news how SPARTA was grievously troubled with wars, Agesilaus sent for one of Asia. enforced on them by the other GRECIANS: & that therefore the Ephori did sand for him home, and commanded him to return to defend his country. Ah wretched Greece, how cruel slaughters hast Thou brought upon thee, for to lay thee west? For how should a man otherwise call this envy, treason, and civil conspiracy among the GRECIANS? Who overthrew their good fortune that made them happy before, turning their wars against the barbarous people, out of GRAECE, and now to bring it against themselves. I am not of Demaratus opinion the CORINTHIAN, that said the GRECIANS delight was taken from them, which saw not Alexander the great sitting in Darius royal throne but rather I would think they should have wept, to have left this honour unto Alexander and the MACEDONIANS, fond losing so many famous Captains of GRAECE; at the battles of LENOTRES, of CORONEA, of CORINTHE, and of ARCADIA. Nevertheless, Agesilaus never did better act in his life, Agesilaus obedience to his country. nor ever showed better example of obedience and justice due to his country, than he did in his return home. For scythe Hannibal that began to have ill success in his wars, being in manner driven out of ITALY, thought never (but compelled) to return again into his country, to obey his countrymen, which called him home to defend the war the ROMANS made at their own doors: and that Alexander the great also being sent for home upon the like occasion did not only refuse to return into MACEDON, but made a jest at it, when news was brought him of the great battle which his Lieutenant Antipater had fought with king Agis, saying, me thinks when I hear these news, whilst we are overcoming of king Darius here, there hath been a battle of rats fought in ARCADIA. Sigh then (I say) these two famous Captains have made so little account of their country, may we not think the city of SPARTA blessed to have had such a king, that so much reverenced his country and obeyed the law as receiving only a little scrolle of parchment commanding him to return, he forsook a world of goods and wealth that he quietly enjoyed (with assured hope and certainty of more) and embarked forthwith, leaving all the allies and confederates of his country very sorrowful, for that he had given over so noble an enterprise, which he had so happily begun? Yes sure. Nay furthermore, he passed not for the saying of Demostratus PHAEACIAN, who said, that the LACEDÆMONIANS in public matters were the worthiest men, and the ATHENIANS in private causes. For as he had showed himself a good king and an excellent Captain to the common wealth: so was he always courteous privately to his familiar friends. And because the PERSIAN coin was stamped on the one side, with the print of an archer: Agesilaus being ready to depart, Agesilaus dark speeches. said, that ten thousand archers drove him out of ASIA. For so much was brought unto THEBES and ATHENS, and distributed among the Orators and Governors there, who through their Orations made both those great cities to rise, and make war against the SPARTANS. In his return, Agesilaus having passed the strait of HELLESPONT, took his way through the country of THRACIA, and never entreated barbarous king nor people to suffer him to pass, but only sent unto them to know whether they would be should pass through their countries as a friend, or an enemy. All countries and nations else received him very honourably to their power, save the people called the TROCHALIANS, unto whom king Xerxes himself gave presents that he might pass friendly through their country: who sent unto Agesilaus to demand a hundred silver talents, and a hundred women to suffer him to pass through their country. But Agesilaus laughing them to scorn, answered again: why, how chanceth it that they came not themselves to receive them? Agesilaus despising & deceiving the barbarous people, returned home through their countries. So therewithal he marched forward against these barbarous people who were ranged in battle ray to stop his passage: howbeit he overthrew them, and slew a great number of them in the field. The like demand he made unto the king of MACEDON, whether he should pass through his country as a friend, or an enemy. The king made him answer, he would consider of it. Well, let him think of it, quod Agesilaus: we will go on in the mean time. The king then wondering at his great boldness, and fearing lest he would do him some hurt as he went: sent to pray him that he would pass through his country as a friend. Now it chanced so that the THESSALIANS at that time were in league with the enemies of the LACEDÆMONIANS: therefore as he passed through their country, he did spoil and forage it as his enemy's country, and sent Xenocles and Scytha to the city of LARISSE, hoping to persuade them to take part with the LACEDÆMONIANS. These two Ambassadors were retained there as prisoners. The SPARTANS were marvelously offended withal: and thought good that Agesilaus should besiege LARESSE with his army. But he answered them, he would not loose one of those men, to win all THESSAINE and therefore found means that he redeemed them again by composition. Peradventure this is not to be marveled at in Agesilaus, that news being brought him on a time, that in a great battle fought by the city of CORINTHE, where were many worthy and valiant Captains slain of the enemies, and but few of the SPARTANS: he seemed not to rejoice at it, but rather to fetch a grievous sigh, saying. O poor GRAECE, how unfortunate art thou to have slain with thine own hands so many valiant Captains of thine own people, as joining together, Agesilaus overcome the Pharsalians. might at one field have overcome all the barbarous people. The PHARSALIAN● harying and troubling the rearward of Agesilaus army, he put forth five hundred horsemen which gave them so lusty a charge, that he overthrew them by force. For this victory, be set up tokens of triumph upon the mountain called Narthacium, Narthacium mens. and this victory pleased him above all the rest, because with the small number of horsemen which he had gotten together of himself, he had overthrown the glory & pride of the enemy's horsemen in battle, whereof they had vaunted many years before. Thither came Diphridas one of the ephors unto him, sent of purpose from SPARTA, to command him immediately to invade BOROTIA with his army. Now though Agesilaus intended some other time with a greater power to enter BOEOTIA, yet because he would not disobey the counsels commandment of SPARTA: he told his men strait, that the battle for the which they returned out of ASIA, was at hand, and therefore he sent for two companies of them which lay in camp by CORINTHE. The LACEDÆMONIANS that were at SPARTA, to honour Agesilaus for that he had obeyed their commandment so readily: proclaimed in the city, that as many young men as were desirous to go aid the king, should come and enter their names. Notwithstanding, they only chose but fifty of the valiantest among them, and sent them unto him. In the mean time, Agesilaus passed through the country of THERMOPYLES, and coasting over the land of PHOCYDE, confederates to the LACEDÆMONIANS, he entered into BOEOTIA, and camped by the city of CHAERONEA: where immediately after his arrival, he suddenly saw the son eclipsed, The eclipse of the sun. and darkened in the fashion of a new moon. Even withal, came the news of the death of Pisander unto him, Pisander, General of the 〈…〉 slain in battle. who was slain in a battle which he lost by sea, fight against Pharnabazus and Conon, hard by the isle of GNIDOS. The Island of Gnidos. These news were very heavy unto him, both for respect of the person his kinsman whom he lost, as also for the great loss that happened to the common wealth. Nevertheless, fearing his soldiers would be discouraged with the news, and become faint hearted, being ready to join battle: he commanded them that came from the sea, to brute abroad a contrary tale to that they told him, and he himself to make good their speech, came out among them, with a garland of flowers on his head, and did sacrifice to the gods, as thanking them for the good news, sending to every one of his friends a piece of flesh sacrificed, as he commonly used to do, in any public cause of joy. Then marching forward, he strait discovered his enemies far of, Agesilaus battle with the Thebans. and they likewise him: & thereupon put his men in battle ray, and gave the left wing unto the ORCHOMENIANS, leading himself the right wing. The THEBANS of tother side, placed themselves in the right wing of their army, and gave the left unto the ARGIVES. Xenophon being at that battle on Agesilaus side, writeth that he never knew of the like field fought. At the first onset, the conflict was not great between both, neither held long, because the THEBANS broke the ORCHOMENIANS strait, and Agesilaus the ARGIVES. But when either side understood that the left wings of their battles were in great distress, and that they turned their backs: they returned suddenly again. And where Agesilaus might easily have had the victory without any danger, if he had suffered the squadron of the enemies to pass by him, and afterwards to have charged them in the rearward: of a noble courage to show his valiantness, he gave charge upon the vanguard, to have honour in overcoming them. The THEBANS on the other side no less valiantly received him, & fought lustily on all hands: but the cruelest fight was about Agesilaus person, with the fifty young men that were sent to guard him, who showed themselves very valiant. Agesilaus was fore hurt, notwithstanding their valiant resistance, his armour being passed thorough with their pikes & swords in sundry places: whereupon they environed him round amongst them, & kept him from the enemies, kill a great number of them, & many of themselves also being killed. In fine, finding the THEBANS too strong in the vanguard they were forced to do that which they refused at the first: and opening themselves, gave them passage thorough them. So when they were passed them, the SPARTANS perceiving how loosely and disorderly they marched, as thinking themselves out of all danger, followed them, and gave charge upon their flank. But all this could not make the THEBANS fly: for they rejoicing for their victory at this battle, retired fair and softly unto the mountain Helicon. Helicon mens. But Agesilaus, notwithstanding he was very sore hurt, The worthiness of Agesilaus. with many a grievous wound, would not go into his pavilion to be dressed before he had been first at the place where the battle was fought, and had seen his men that were slain brought away in their armours. As many of his enemies as were fled into the temple of Minerva Itonian, The temple of Minerva Itonian. which was not far from thence: (where also were set up tokens of triumph offered unto her long time before by the THEBANS, when they had overcomen the army of the ATHENIANS, under the conduct of Sparton their Captain, and had slain also Tolmides their Captain in the field) he commanded his men they should let them go where they would. The next morning by break of day, Agesilaus desirous to see if the THEBANS had any courage to come down to fight again: commanded his soldiers to put garlands upon their heads, and his musicans to sound their shawms or pipes, whilst he did set up a token of triumph as victorious. Moreover, his enemies sending to him to ask leave to take away their dead men, he granted them truce for the time, and thereby confirmed his victory. After that, being carried to the city of DELPHES, where the Pythian games were played, he made a solemn procession and common sacrifice unto Apollo, and offered him the tenth part of all his spoils which he had brought out of ASIA, which amounted to the summer of an hundred talentes. This thing done, he returned into his country, where he was greatly honoured and esteemed of all his citizens and country men, for his orderly life and noble behaviour: The constancy of Agesilaus. for he was no changeling, but the self same man in state & condition that he was before he took his journey. He transformed not himself into strangers manners, as commonly other Captains do, that return out of a far country where they have made wars: neither did he scorn his country fashions, or showed himself disobedient to the laws thereof, but always kept and observed them, without any manner of alteration in his meat or drink, in washing or bathing, in his wives apparel, in his armoury, or any way else in his household stuff, as if he had never passed over the river of Eurotas. Yet further, he left his old gates standing that were of so great continuance, that they were thought to be those which Aristodemus had set up. Xenophon also sayeth, that his daughter's Canathrum was nothing more sumptuous than any others were. A Canathrum in LACEDAEMON, Canathrum, what it is. is a kind of coach or charet after the likeness of griffin's, hearts, or goats: upon the which they carried young wenches in solemn processions in the city. Xenophon wrote not what was the name of this daughter of Agesilaus: and Dicaearchus also was much offended, that they neither knew Agesilaus daughters name, nor yet the mother of Epaminondas. Yet we find in the LACONIAN Chronicles, that Agesilaus wives name was Cleora, Cleora, the wife of king Agesilaus. one of his daughters called Apolia, and the other Prolyta. Apolia, and Prolyta Agesilaus daughters. Moreover, Agesilaus spear is seen to this day in the city of SPARTA, even like unto others, and no manner of difference. Now Agesilaus perceiving certain citizens of SPARTA to stand upon their reputation, and esteeming themselves above others, because they kept horse in their stable: persuaded his sister Cynisca to sand her coach and coach horses to the Olympian games to run for the best prize, only to let the GRECIANS see that it was no act of any virtue, but simply of riches and cost. Furthermore having Xenophon the Philosopher about him, Xenophon, great about Agesilaus. whom he loved and made great account of, he persuaded him to sand for his sons to LACEDAEMON, that they might be brought up there, where they should learn the noblest science that men could possibly learn, to wit: to obey, and to command. When Lysander was dead, marg The practice of Lysander about alteration of government. Agesilaus at his return out of ASIA, found a great ●action and conspiracy raised by his means against him in SPARTA: and because it might appear what manner of citizen Lysander was when he lived, he was likely to have openly showed and declared an Oration which he found among his writings (the which the Orator Cleon Halitarnasseus had written for him, and Lysander should have cunned without book, to have spoken in open assembly) that was to stir innovation, and in manner have made a change of the whole government of the common wealth of LACEDAEMON. The wise counsel of a Senator at Sparta. Howbeit there was a grave counsellor that having read the oration, and doubting the apparent reasons and persuasions alleged, told him, that he would wish him not to pluck up the dead again out of his grave, but rather to bury this oration together with his body. Agesilaus liked the counsel, The policy of Agesilaus to win his enemies. and proceeded no further. And for them that either were, or had been his enemies, he did them no hurt openly: but found the means to make some of them to be sent as Lieutenant of army, or otherwise to have charge in the wars. In fine, he made it openly known, what covetous and wicked men they had been in their charges: so that when they were accused of it before the counsel, he would then help & entreat for them. By this means he made them again his friends, where they had been his enemies: insomuch as in the end, he had not one enemy at all. For the other king Agesipolis his colleague, Agesilaus, & Agesipolis, kings of Lacedaemon. whose father had been banished: he being a very young man, and of gentle nature, meddled not greatly with government of the common wealth. Nevertheless, he so behaved himself unto Agesilaus, that he made him his very good friend: for both the kings when they were in the city, did eat together in one hall. Then Agesilaus knowing that Agesipolis (as himself) was given to love, would ever minister talk to him of the goodly young boys of the city, enticing him to love some one of them, which he himself did love: and therein he was both his companion and helper. For in these LACONIAN loves there was no manner of dishonesty offered, but a true affection and honest regard to frame the boy beloved unto virtue and honest conditions: as we have more amply declared in the life of Lycurgus. Agesilaus by this means having the whole authority (above all men in the city) in his hands: made his half brother Teleutias General by sea, Teleutias, Agesilaus half brother, made General of the army by sea. and himself with the army by land went to besiege the city of CORINTHE, where with his brother's help by sea he took the long walls of the same. The ARGIVES which kept CORINTHE at that time, at Agesilaus arrival there were solemnisinge the feast of the Isthmian games: who made them fly, even as they came from sacrificing unto the god Neptune, driving them to leave all their preparation and solemnity. Then divers banished men of CORINTHE that were in his army, besought him that he would keep these Isthmian games. But he denied them, yet was contented they should themselves solemnize them, and so himself remained there, during the time of the feast, for their safety. Afterwards when Agesilaus was gone thence, the ARGIVES returned, and did celebrated the Isthmian games: and there weresome of them which having won the game at the first, did also win it at the second time: and others that were victors before, were this second time overcome. Whereupon Agesilaus said, that the ARGIVES showed themselves rank cowards, that esteeming so much (as they did) these plays and sacrifices, they durst not once offer to fight with him for defence of the same. For himself, touching such like sports and games, he ever thought it good to keep a mean, & not to be too curious. For he was contented to honour such solemn assemblies and common feasts with his presence, as were commonly used in SPARTA, & took great pleasure to see the sports between the young boys and girls of SPARTA: howbeit touching the games, he seemed not to be acquainted with some of them, wherein others had great delight. As we read, that Callipides an excellent stage player (wonderfully esteemed of among the GRECIANS for a singular man in that art) meeting Agesilaus on a time, at the first did his duty to him, and then arrogantly thrust himself among them that walked with him, thinking the king would have made much of him: but perceiving he made no countenance to him, in the end he asked him: O king Agesilaus, do you not know me? Agesilaus looking upon him, Certain Apothegms of Agesilaus. answered: what, art not thou Callipides the stage player? And so made no further account of him. another time being desired to hear a man that naturally counterfeited the nightingalls voice: he would not hear him, saying, I have oftentimes heard the nightingale itself. another time also when Menecrates the Physician (having by good fortune cured a desperate disease) called himself jupiter, and arrogantly usurped that name, presuming in a letter he wrote unto Agesilaus, to subscribe it in this manner, Menecrates jupiter, unto king Agesilaus; greeting: Agesilaus wrote again unto him, Agesilaus unto Menecrates * Meaning that he was not well in his wits to be so presumptuous. health. So, whilst Agesilaus was in the territory of CORINTHE (where he had taken the temple of juno) beholding his soldiers foraging & spoiling the country round about: Ambassadors came to him from THEBES, to pray him to make peace with the THEBANS. But he that always hated the THEBANS, and besides that thought it then very requisite for the good success of his doings, to make light of it: seemed as he neither heard nor saw them that spoke unto him. But even at that very instant, as by divine revenge to cry quittance, there fell a great mishap upon him. For before the Ambassadors were gone from him, he had news that one of their bands called the mothers, were slain every man by Iphicrates: which was the greatest loss that they in long time before had sustained. For they lost a great number of valiant soldiers, all natural LACEDÆMONIANS: who being well armed every man, were slain by naked or light armed hirelings. Thereupon Agesilaus went strait into the field with hope to save them, or at the lest to be revenged. But receiving certain intelligence by the way that they were all slain, he returned again to the temple of juno from whence he came, and then sent for the Ambassadors of the BOEOTIANS, to give them audience. But they, to requited his former disdain unto them, made no manner of speech of peace, but only requested him to suffer them to enter into CORINTHE. Agesilaus being offended, answered them: if it be to see your friends triumph of their victory, ye may safely do it to morrow. Thereupon the next morning taking the Ambassadors with him, he destroyed the CORINTHIANS country, even to the walls of their city. And when he had made the Ambassadors see, that the citizens of CORINTHE durst not come out into the field to defend their country: he gave them leave to departed. Then taking the remain of that band that was overthrown, which by flight had escaped: he brought them into LACEDAEMON again, always removing his camp before day, and never encamped till dark night, because the ARCADIANS (their mortal enemies) should not rejoice at their loss. After this voyage, to gratify the ACHAIANS, he entered in with them into the country of ACARNANIA, Agesilaus overcome the Acarnanians. & brought great spoils from thence, after he had overcomen them in battle. Moreover, when the ACHAIANS besought him to remain with them all the winter, to keep their enemies from sowing of their ground: he made them answer he would not. For, said he, they will be afraid of war the next year, when all their fields shall be sown with corn: and so in deed it came to pass. For the army returning again, they made peace incontinently with the ACHAIANS. About that time, Pharnabazus and Conon, with the king of PERSIENS' army, being Lords of the sea without let of any, destroyed and spoiled all the coast of LACONIA. Moreover, the city of ATHENS did rear up her walls again by help of Pharnabazus money, wherewith he had furnished them. Thereupon the LACEDÆMONIANS thought good to make peace with the king of PERSIA, and to that end sent Antalcidas Ambassador unto Tiribazus, Antalcidas peace. most shamely and cruelly betraying to the king, the GRECIANS inhabiting in ASIA, for whose liberty Agesilaus had made wars with him before. So, it was Agesilaus hap not to be foiled with any part of his shame: for Antalcidas that was his enemy, sought all the means he could to conclude this peace, for that he saw war did daily increase the authority, honour, and fame of Agesilaus. Notwithstanding, he answered one then, that reproved him for that the LACEDÆMONIANS did favour the MEDES: not, said he, they do not so, but the MEDES do play the LACEDÆMONIANS. Nevertheless, threatening war to all the GRECIANS, which would not agree to the conditions of this peace: he compelled them to yield unto that the king of PERSIA liked. But surely he did this chief for respect of the THEBANS, to th'end that they being enforced by the capitulations of the peace, to set the country of BOEOTIA at liberty again, should be so much the weaker. This plainly appeared soon after by that that followed. For Phoebidas having committed a fowl act, Phoebidas possesseth the castle of Cadmea. in open peace to take the castle of the city of THEBES, called Cadmea, offending thereby all the other GRECIANS (and the SPARTANS themselves also not being very well pleased withal, and those specially which were Agesilaus enemies) Phoebidas being asked in great anger, at whose commandment he had done that sudden enterprise: to lay all the suspicion of the fact upon him: Agesilaus for Phoebidas discharge, letted not openly to say, that the quality of the fact was to be considered of, whether it were profitable for the common wealth or not: and that it was well done of him, the thing falling out profitable for his country to do it of his own head without commandment. All this notwithstanding, he was wont to say in private talk, that justice was the chiefest of all virtues, Agesilaus praise of justice. and therefore that valiantness without justice was of no validity, and that if all men were just, valiantness were of no estimation. And to them that told him, the great king will have it so: Why, said he, and wherein is he better than myself, if he be not juster? judging very wisely therein, that they should esteem a king (whether he were of great or small power) by his justice, as by the beam of princely balance. When peace was concluded, the king of PERSIA having sent him a private letter desiring his friendship, Agesilaus refused it, saying: that common friendship was enough betwixt them, and that they should need none other, so long as that was kept. But this notwithstanding, when it came to the point of performance, he went from his first good opinion, and gave place to his will & ambition, specially against the THEBANS, at that time when he did not only save Phoebidas, but also procured the city of SPARTA to take the fault upon them which he had committed, and to justify it, by keeping the castle of Cadmea still, and making Archias and Leontidas Governors of the city of THEBES, by whom Phoebidas came by the castle of Cadmea, and possessed it. Thereupon every man thought strait, that Phoebidas was he that had put the matter in execution, & that Agesilaus gave the counsel to do it: as things falling out afterwards, did manifestly prove the suspicion true. For, after that the THEBANS had driven the garrison of the LACEDÆMONIANS out of the castle of Cadmea, and restored their city again to liberty, burdening them that they had traitorously slain Archias and Leontidas (who in deed were tyrants, though in name Governors) he made war with them: and Cleombrotus, reigning then king with him after Agesipolis death, was sent before into BOEOTIA with an army, Agesilaus was dispensed with by law for going any more to the wars, by reason of his age, for that he was forty year old from the first growth of hear on his face, & therefore went not that journey: being ashamed that the THEBANS should now see him fight to revenge the tyrants deaths, who had but a little before taken arms for the banished men, against the PHLIASIANS. At that time there was a LACONIAN called Sphodrias, Sphodrias practise to take the haven of Pir●a at Athens. of the contrary faction unto Agesilaus, and was then Governor in the city of THESPIES, a valiant and stout man of his hands, but ever fuller of vain hope, than of good judgement. He desiring fame, and supposing that Phoebidas came to dignity and great estimation through his valiant enterprise at THEBES: persuaded himself that he should win much more honour, if of himself he took the haven of Piraea suddenly stealing upon the ATHENIANS by land, cutting them of by that means from all trade by sea. It was thought commonly that this was a practice devised by Pelopidas and Gelon, Governors of BOEOTIA, who had alured certain men to feign themselves very devout and friendly to the LACEDÆMONIANS. These men praising and extolling Sphodrias to his face, put him in the head that they knew none so worthy as himself alone, to take in hand so noble an enterprise. Thus by their persuasions they trained him on to this attempt, which for vileness was nothing inferior unto that treacherous winning of the castle Cadmea at THEBES: although it was attempted with less hardiness and diligence. For day was broken when he was yet in the plain of Thriasium, where he made account to have been at the walls of Piraea by night. Furthermore it is reported, that the men he brought with him seeing certain fires from the temples of the city of Eleusin, were all afraid and amazed: yea he himself also fainted perceiving he was discovered, and so returned back with shame and dishonour to the city of THESPIES, without any exploit done, saving only a little spoil taken, Sphodrias accused of treason. Thereupon accusers were strait sent from ATHENS unto SPARTA, who upon their arrival found that they needed not to accuse him, for that the counsel and Governors of the city had already sent for him to come unto them, to condemn him of high treason. But he durst not return to SPARTA, fearing the fury of his countrymen, thinking in deed that they would seem as though the wrong had been done to them, because it should not be thought that they had caused it to be done. This Sphodrias had a son called Cleonymus, a very fair boy, with whom Archidamus (Agesilaus son) was far in love: who then was marvelous sorry to see this boy he loved, in so great danger to loose his father, & yet durst not be seen to help him, because Sphodrias was one of Agesilaus adversaries. Notwithstanding, Cleonymus making his moan to him with the tears in his eyes, and praying him to pacify his father Agesilaus (whom they feared above all men else) Archidamus followed his father three or four days together, and durst not break the matter to him: in fine, the day of the next session being at hand, when judgement should be given of Sphodrias, Home Sphodrias was saved from death. he boldly ventured to tell him, how that Cleonymus had prayed him to be an humbler suitor to him touching his father's fact. Agesilaus understanding that his son loved Cleonymus, would not withdraw him from loving of him, because the boy even from his childhood gave always good hope that one day he would sure make as honest a man as any other whatsoever: neither made he any countenance to his soon, as though he would do any thing at his suit, but only answered him, for that, he would do as become him in such a case. Whereupon, Archidamus being bashful, jest coming any more to Cleonymus, where before he would see him oftentimes in a day. This made Sphodrias friends despair of his life more than before, until Etymocles, one of Agesilaus familiars talking with them, told them that for the fact itself, Agesilaus thought it a shameful deed, and as much misliked it as might be: but for Sphodrias self, that he took him for a valiant man, & saw that the common wealth had need of men of such service. This was Agesilaus common talk to please his son, when any man came to speak to him of Sphodrias accusation. Insomuch that Cleonymus found strait that Archidamus had dealt as faithfully and friendly for him as might be, and then Sphodrias friends also took heart again unto them, to solicit his cause, and to be earnest suitors for him. Agesilaus among other had this special property, that he loved his children dearly: Agesilaus cockering his children too much. and a tale goeth on him, that he would play with them in his house when they were little ones, and ride upon a little cock horse, or a reed, as a horseback. Insomuch as a friend of his taking him one day with the manner, playing among his children: he prayed him to say nothing, till he had little children himself. In fine, Sphodrias was quit by his judges. The ATHENIANS understanding it, sent to proclaim war with the LACEDÆMONIANS. Whereupon Agesilaus was much reproved, bicuase that to please the fond affection of his son, he had hindered justice, & brought his city to be accused among the GRECIANS for such grievous crimes. Agesilaus perceiving that king Cleombrotus his companion went with no very good will to make war with the THEBANS, Agesilaus journey into Boeotia. he breaking the order set down for leading of the army, which was kept before, went to the wars himself in person, & so invading BOEOTIA he both received and did great hurt. Whereupon Antalcidas seeing him hurt one day, now truly (said he) the THEBANS have paid you your deserved hire, Antalcidas saying. for teaching them against their wills to be soldiers, that neither had will nor skill to fight. For in deed they say the THEBANS become better soldiers and warriors than they were before, being daily trained and exercised in arms, through the continual invasions of the LACEDÆMONIANS. Lo, this was the reason, why the old father Lycurgus in his laws called Rhetra, Rhetra, of Lycurgus. did forbidden them to make war too often with one self people, because that by compulsion they should not be made expert soldiers. For this cause did the confederates of LACEDAEMON hate Agesilaus, saying, that it was not for any known offence to the state, but for very spite & private malice of his own, that he sought to undo the THEBANS in this manner: and that to follow his humour, they consumed themselves going yearly to the wars one while this way, an other while that way, without any necessity at all, following a few LACEDÆMONIANS, themselves being always the greater number. Then it was, that Agesilaus desiring to make them see what number of men of war they were, used this devise. Agesilaus subtle devise to show the weakness of the allies. On a time he commanded all the allies to sit down together one with an other by themselves, & the LACEDÆMONIANS also by themselves. Then he made a herald proclaim that all pottemakers should stand up on their feet. When they were up, he made him cry to the braziers to rise also. After them in like manner, the carpenters: then the masons, & so consequently all occupations one after an other. So that at the length the confederates obeying the proclamation, were all in manner on their feet. The LACEDÆMONIANS, not one of them rose: because all base mechanical crafts were forbidden them to occupy. Then Agesilaus laughing at them, lo, my friends said he: do ye not see now that we bring more soldiers to the field, than ye do? At his return from this journey of THEBES, passing by the city of MEGARA, as he went up into the counsel house within the castle, there suddenly took him a great cramp in his left leg, that swelled extremely, and put him to great pain, Agesilaus cell suddenly sick of a dangerous disease. men thinking that it was but blood which had filled the vain: a Physician of SYRACUSE in SICILY being there, strait opened a vain under the ankle of his foot, which made the pain to cease: notwithstanding there came such abundance of blood, that they could not staunch it, so that he sounded often, & was in great danger of present death. In fine a way was found to stop it, and they carried him to LACEDAEMON, where he lay sick along time, so that he was past going to the wars any more. The SPARTANS in the mean time received great overthrows both by sea and land, and among other, their greatest overthrow was at the battle of Leuctres, where the THEBANS overcame and slew them in plain battle. Then the GRECIANS were all of one mind to make a general peace, and thereupon came Ambassadors and the Deputies from all the cities of GRAECE, & met at LACEDAEMON to that end. One of these Deputies was Epaminondas, Epaminondas the Theban, sent Ambassador unto Lacedaemon. a notable learned man, and a famous Philosopher, but as yet unskilful in wars. He seeing how the other Ambassadors curried favour with Agesilaus, only he of the rest kept his gravity to speak freely, and made an Oration, not for the THEBANS alone, but for all GRAECE in general, declaring to them all, how wars did only increase the greatness & power of the city of SPARTA, and contrarily did minish and decay all other cities and towns of GRAECE: and for this cause, that he did counsel them all to conclude a good and perfect peace indifferently for all, to the end it might continue the longer, when they were all alike. Agesilaus perceiving then that all the GRECIANS present at the assembly gave him good ear, and were glad to hear him speak thus boldly of peace: asked him openly, The strife betwixt Agesilaus and Epaminondas for the liberty of Boeotia. if he thought it meet and reasonable, that all BOEOTIA should be set clear at liberty again? Epaminondas presently & boldly again asked him: if he thought it just and requisite to set all LACONIA clear again at liberty? Agesilaus being offended therewith, stood upon his feet, and commanded him to answer plainly, whether they would set all BOEOTIA at liberty or not? Epaminondas replied unto him with the self speech again, and asked him whether they would set all LACONIA at liberty or not. That nettled Agesilaus so, that (besides he was glad of such a cloak, for the old grudge he ever bore unto the THEBANS) he presently put the name of the THEBANS out of the bill of those, which should have been comprised within the league, and cried open wars upon them in the market place. For the rest, he licenced the other Deputies and Ambassadors of the people of GRAECE to depart, with this conclusion: that they should lovingly take order among themselves for the controversies betwixt them, if they could peaceably agreed together, and they that could not fall to such agreement, that then they should try it by wars, for that it was a hard thing to take up all quarrels among them. King Cleombrotus by chance was at that time in the country of PHOCIDE with his army, unto whom the Ephori wrote that he should forthwith spoil the THEBANS country: and therewith also they sent to all their confederates to come and aid them, which had no great fancy to the journey, and were loath to make war with them, but yet durst not refuse to go, nor disobey the LACEDÆMONIANS. And notwithstanding that there were many signs presaging ill luck, as we have written in the life of Epaminondas, and that Prethous LACONIAN was against the enterprise of this war all that he could: Agesilaus would needs forward, hoping he had now found opportunity to be revenged of the THEBANS, sith all GRAECE besides was in peace and at liberty, themselves only exempted from treaty of peace. If there had been no other thing in it but the very shortness of time, that made it manifest enough that this war was begun in a gear, without any manner of reason. For the general peace amongst the GRECIANS was concluded at SPARTA the fourteenth of May, and the LACEDÆMONIANS were overcome at the battle of Leuctres the fifteen of june: so as there was but twenty days between them. The Lacedæmonians slain at the battle of Leuctres, Cleombrotus king of the Lacedæmonians slain. There were slain a thousand LACEDÆMONIANS with their king Cleombrotus, and the choicest of the valiantest SPARTANS about him. Amongst them was also slain that goodly young man Cleonymus, Sphodrias son, of whom we spoke before: who having been beaten down thrice at the king's foot, three times got up again, but at the length was slain, valiantly fight against the THEBANS. Cleonymus, the son of Sphodrias, slain at king Cleombrotus foot. This great overthrow chancing to the LACEDÆMONIANS unlooked for, and withal so glorious a victory unto the THEBANS, as GRECIANS fight with GRECIANS had never the like: the vanquished city of SPARTA notwithstanding deserved no less honour and commendation for her fortitude and worthiness, than did the victorious city of THEBES. For as Xenophon writeth, Xenophons' saying. that as amongst good men even in table talk, and in their sports & mirth there falleth out over some thing of wit worth the noting and bearing away: even so in like case, no less, but rather more, aught noble men's words to be weighed, and their countenances marked as well in adversity as in prosperity. At that time by chance there was a common feast day in the city of SPARTA, which was full of strangers that came to see the dances & sports of them that showed naked in the Theatre, The constancy and fortitude of the Spartans. when as the messengers arrived that brought the news of the battle lost at LECUTRES. The Ephori knowing then that the rumour strait ran all about, that they were all undone, and how they had lost the signory and commandment over all GRAECE: would not suffer them for all this to break of their dance in the Theatre, nor the city in any thing to change the form of their feast, but sent unto the parents to every man's house, to let them understand the names of them that were slain at the battle, they themselves remaining still in the Theatre to see the dances and sports continued, to judge who carried the best games away. The next morning when every man knew the number of them that were slain, and of those also that were escaped: the parents and friends of them that were dead, met in the market place, looking cheerfully of the matter, and one of them embraced an other. On tother side, the parents of them that scaped, kept their houses with their wives, as folk that mourned. If any of them also had occasion to go abroad out of their houses, for any matter of necessity: ye should see him look so heavily and sad, that he durst not talk with you, lift up his head, nor look ye in the face. Besides all this, even amongst the women there was greater difference. The fortitude of the Spartan women. For the mothers of them that kept their sons which came from the battle, were sad and sorrowful, and spoke not a word. Contrarily, the mothers of them that were slain, went friendly to visit one an other, to rejoice together. Now when the people saw that their confederates began to forsake them, and did daily look that Epaminondas glorying in his victory, would invade PELOPONNESUS: then they began to be pricked in conscience about the oracles of the gods, thinking that this misfortune came to their city, for that they had thrust out of the kingdom a man perfect in limbs, to place an impotent person, being specially warned by the gods to beware of that above all things. This notwithstanding, they had him in such veneration for his valiantness, and his authority was such thereby, that they did not only use him in war, as their king and sovereign Captain: but in civil causes also wherein there rose any question, they ever used his counsel and advise. As they did, when they durst not punish them (according to the penal laws) that fled from the battle, whom they call at SPARTA Tresantas, (being a great number of them, Tresantas be cowards, or faint hearted men. and men of the noblest houses and of greatest power within the city) lest they should move some stir or commotion among them. (For by law, they can bear no office in the common wealth. It is shame and reproach to give them any wives, and also to marry any of theirs. Punishment at Sparta, for cowardly soldiers. Whosoever meeteth them may lawfully strike them, and they must abide it, and not give them a word again. They are compelled to wear poor tattered cloth gowns patched with cloth of divers colours: and worst of all, to shave the one side of their beards, and the other not.) Whereupon, finding the danger great to deal with them, to execute the law according to the infamy they deserved, specially then standing in need of a great number of men of war: they referred themselves altogether unto Agesilaus, to take such order in it as he thought good. But Agesilaus then, without changing or altering any thing of the law, said in open assembly of LACEDAEMON: that for that day they should let the law alone, notwithstanding, that afterwards it should stand in force. By this policy he kept the law inviolate, and saved also the honour of those poor men: and withal, to put these youths again in heart, being amazed with this fear, he led the army into the country of ARCADIA, and would give no battle, but only took a small city of the MANTINIANS, and foraged the country. This again did a little revive the city of SPARTA with some hope, to make that it should not utterly despair. But shortly after, Epaminondas invaded the country of LACONIA, Epaminondas invadeth Laconia with three score & ten thousand men. with forty thousand footmen well armed, besides an infinite number of others light armed, and naked people, that followed his camp for the spoil: so that in all, there were about three score and ten thousand fight men that came in with him to invade LACONIA. It was well near six hundred years sith the DORIANS possessed LACEDAEMON, and in all that time till then they never saw enemies in their country that durst invade them: but then they sacked & burnt all that came in their way, even unto the river of Eurotas, and hard adjoining unto SPARTA, and no man durst come out to resist them. For Agesilaus (as Theopompus writeth) would not suffer the LACEDÆMONIANS to go out to fight against such a tempest and fury of war, but having fortified the midst of the city, and guarded every end of the streets with soldiers, he patiently bore all the brags and threats of the THEBANS, which challenged him out to fight, and bade him come into the field to defend his country, that only was the cause of all these their calamities, having himself procured this war. If this went to Agesilaus heart, no less grievous were these troubles to him that rose within the city. As the cries and running toe and fro of the old men, which were mad to see that they did before their eyes: and of silly women also, which no ground nor place could hold, but ran up and down, as 'straught of their wits, to hear the noise the enemies made, and to see the fire which they raised all the fields over. Much more sorrowful also did this make him, when as he bethought himself, that entering into his kingdom at such time as the city of SPARTA was in the greatest prosperity that ever it was, he now saw his honour eclipsed, and the glory of his kingdom overthrown: and the rather, for that himself had often avaunted, that LACONIAN women had never seen the smoke of any enemy's camp. Certain witty answers. And as they say of Antalcidas one day, that he answered an ATHENIAN that contended with him about the valiantness of one an others nation, alleging for himself, that the ATHENIANS had often driven the LACEDÆMONIANS from the river of Cephesus. It is true, said the LACONIAN: but we did never drive you from the river of Eurotas. The like answer made a mean man of SPARTA, to one of the ARGIVES that cast him in the teeth, there are divers of your LACONIANS buried in the country of ARGOLIDE: so are there none of yours, said he, buried in LACONIA. It is reported, that Antalcidas being one of the Ephori at that time, did secretly send his children into the isle of CITHAERA, fearing lest the city of SPARTA should be taken. Agesilaus perceiving that the enemies forced to pass over the river, to enter the city: he stood to defend the middle part of the city, being the highest place of the same, and there had his men set in order of battle. Now at that time, by chance the river of Eurotas was swelled greater than of ordinary, by reason of the snow waters that fell abundantly: which troubled more the THEBANS with the coldness, than roughness of the same, in passing it over. Some showing Agesilaus how Epaminondas marched foremost before his battle, he beheld him a great while, and his eye was never of him, saying never a word but this only: O, what a noble fellow is that? Epaminondas having done all that he could possible to give the LACEDÆMONIANS battle, even within the city self of SPARTA, that he might there have set up some tokens of triumph, he could never entice Agesilaus to come out of his fort: wherefore he was driven in the end to depart thence, Conspiracies at Lacedaemon under Agesilaus. and so went to destroy all the rest of the country. There fell out a conspiracy of two hundred men in SPARTA, who of long time had had an ill meaning with them, and took that quarter of the city where the temple of Diana stood, called Issorium, Issorium the temple of Diana. a place of strong situation, and ill to distress. hereupon the LACEDÆMONIANS in fury would strait have set upon them. But Agesilaus fearing great mutiny and stir upon it: commanded that no man should stir: and himself unarmed, in a poor gown went thither, crying out to them that had taken that strength: A fine devise to apprehend the traitors. Sirs, ye have not obeyed my commandment. This is not the place I appointed you to assemble in, neither all of you in one place: for I willed you to disperse yourselves, some one way, some an other way, showing them the quarters of the city. The traitors hearing these words, were glad, as thinking that their intent was not bewrayed: and so leaving that strength, went into those parts of the city that he had showed them. Agesilaus then bringing others thither, possessed the fort of Issorium, and took fifteen of those conspirators, and put them to death the next night following. Howbeit then there broke out an other conspiracy far greater than the first, of the SPARTANS themselves which were secretly gotten together into a house, to make some sudden stir and garboil, and to punish them in so great a trouble, it was hard: on tother side to neglect it, the conspiracy was over dangerous. Agesilaus having consulted with the Ephori, did put them all to death, without any judgement of law, never SPARTANS before them suffering death, without due order of law. Again, whereas divers of their neighbours, & of the Ilotes themselves, (whom they had billed in their bands for soldiers) stolen away, and ran to their enemies, which did much discourage them that remained: he warned his men that they should every day go to their couches where they lay, and that they should take away their armour that were fled, and hide it, because they should not know the names of them that were fled in this sort. Now for the departure of the THEBANS, some say that they went out of LACONIA by reason of the winter that came on, The departure of the Thebans out of Laconia. whereupon the ARCADIANS discharged their bands, and every one departed his way in disorder. Others also hold opinion, that they continued there three months together, during which time they destroyed the most part of the country. Theopompus writeth notwithstanding, that the Captains of the THEBANS having determined to depart, there came one Phrixus a SPARTAN unto them, sent from Agesilaus, who brought them ten talents that they should depart out of their country. Thus had they money given them to defray their charges homewards, to do that, which they themselves had long before determined to have done. And yet do I wonder, how it is possible that all other historiographers knew nothing of this, and that Theopompus only could tell of it. All do acknowledge truly, that Agesilaus only was the cause that the city of SPARTA was saved: Agesilaus saved the city of Sparta. who leaving his ambition and self will, being passions borne with him, did wisely foresee their safety. Nevertheless, after this great overthrow, he could never raise SPARTA again to her former greatness. For like as a whole body, which having acquainted itself continually with a moderate diet, with the lest disorder doth surfeit presently, and so putteth all in danger: even so Lycurgus having framed a perfect state of government in the common wealth of SPARTA, to make her citizens live in peace and amity together: when they did enlarge it by great kingdoms and realms, the which the good lawmaker thought unmeet to continued happy life: they were strait overthrown and all went to wrack. By this time Agesilaus was grown old, and could no more go to the wars for very age: but his son Archidamus, with the aid which Dionysius the tyrant of SYRACUSE sent unto them, wan a battle against the ARCADIANS, called the tearless battle: The tearless battle of Archidamus, overcoming the Arcadians. for there died not one of his men, and they slew a great number of their enemies. This victory plainly showed the great weakness and decay of the city of SPARTA. For in former times it was so common a thing unto them to overcome their enemies in battle, that they did sacrifice nothing else to the gods in token of thanks, within the city, but a poor cock: and they that had fought the battle made no boast of it: neither did they that hard the news rejoice greatly at it. The Lacedæmonians were not won● to reioyes much at any victory. For when they had won that great battle at the city of MANTINAEA, which Thucydides describeth: the Ephori only sent the messenger that brought the news for reward, a piece of powdered meat, and no other thing. But then, when news was brought of this victory, and that they understood Archidamus came home victorious: neither man nor woman could keep the city, but the father himself went first of all to meet him, with the tears in his eyes for joy, and after him all the other Magistrates and officers of the city, and a swarm of old folk both men & women came down to the rivers side, holding up their hands to heaven, & thanking the gods, as if their city had redeemed and recovered her shame and lost honour, and began now to rise again, as before it did. For until that time, some say, that the husbands durst not boldly look their wives in the faces, they were so ashamed of their great losses and miserable estate. Now the city of MESSINA being by Epaminondas re-edified and replenished with people, Messina restored against by Epaminondas. he called home again out of all parts, the natural inhabitants of the same. The SPARTANS durst not fight with him (not to hinder his purpose) though it spited them to the hearts, and were angry with Agesilaus, for that in his reign they had lost all that territory, which was as great as all LACONIA self, and that for goodness and fertility compared with the best parts of all GRAECE, the which they had quietly possessed many years before. And this was the cause why Agesilaus would not agreed to the peace, which the THEBANS sent to offer him: and all because he would not relinquish that in words, which the enemies kept in deeds. Therefore being wilfully bend once more to fight with them, he went not only without recovering the thing he looked for, but had in manner also lost the city of SPARTA by a warlike stratagem, in the which he was deceived. For the MANTINIANS being newly revolted again from the alliance of the THEBANS, and having sent for the LACEDÆMONIANS: Epaminondas receiving intelligence that Agesilaus was departed from SPARTA with all his power to aid the MANTINIANS, Epaminondas second journey unto Sparta. marched away secretly by night from TEGEA, without the privity of the MANTINIANS, and went strait to SPARTA, the which he had almost surprised on the sudden (going an other way than Agesilaus came,) being in manner without men to defend it. Howbeit a THESPIAN called Euthynus, as calisthenes saith, (or as Xenophon writeth, a CRETAN,) brought Agesilaus news of it: who dispatched a horseman strait to advertise them of the city of SPARTA, and marching forward himself to return, stayed not long after before he arrived. He was no sooner come, but incontinently also came the THEBANS, who passing over the river of Eurotas, gave assault to the city. Then Agesilaus perceiving that there was no more place nor time of security as before, Agesilaus repulsed Epaminondas from Lacedaemon. but rather of desperation and courage: he valiantly defended it more than an old man's years could bear. Thus, through courage and desperate mind, whereto he was never brought before, neither did ever use it, he put by the danger, and saved the city of SPARTA from Epaminondas hands, setting up marks of triumph for repulsing of the enemies, and making the women and children of SPARTA to see the LACEDÆMONIANS how honourably they rewarded their nurse and country for their good education: but Archidamus chiefly of all other, The fortitude of Archidamus. fought wonderfully that day, running into every part of the city, with a few about him, to repulse the enemies wheresoever the danger was greatest. It is said also that at that time there was one Isadas the son of Phaebidas, that did marvelous strange things to behold, both in the face of his enemies, as also in the sight of his friends. He was of goodly parsonage, and at that time in the prime of his youth: and being stark naked, and unarmed, The valiantness of Isadas a Spartan. his body nointed with oil, having in one hand a borestaffe, and in the other a sword, in this manner he went out of his house, and ran amongst them that fought, killing and overthrowing his enemies that withstood him, and was not once hurt, either for that the gods preserved him for his manhoodes sake, or else because men thought him more than a man. The Ephori immediately gave him a crown, in honour and reward of his valiantness: Isadas rewarded & amerced. but withal they set a fine on his head to pay a thousand silver Drachmas for his rash attempt, to hazard himself in battle, unarmed for defence. Shortly after they fought an other great battle before the city of MANTINAEA. There Epaminondas having overthrown the first ranks of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and courageously distressing the rest, valiantly following the chase: there was one Anticrates a LACONIAN, who receiving him (as Dioscorides writeth) slew him with his boarspear. The death of Epaminondas. The LACEDÆMONIANS to this day notwithstanding, do call the offspring of this Anticrates, Machariones: Machariones, why so called. as much to say, as swordmen, as though he had slain him with a sword. The LACEDÆMONIANS did esteem this Anticrates so much, for that deadly stroke he gave (because they were afraid of Epaminondas while he lived) that they gave him that slew him, great honours & dignities, and discharged all his offspring & kindred from payment of subsidy and common contributions, which privilege one Callicrates, a kinsman of this Amicrates, enjoyed even in our time. After this battle and death of Epaminondas, the GRECIANS having taken peace generally amongst them, Agesilaus would needs exclude the MESSENIANS from being sworn to this peace, saying: that they need not swear, because they had no city. Now, forasmuch as all the GRECIANS else did receive them as amongst the number, & took their oath unto this peace: the LACEDÆMONIANS broke of from this general peace, and none but they only made war, in hope to recover the MESSENIANS country, and all through the allurement of Agesilaus, who for this cause was thought of the GRECIANS a cruel and unsatiable man for wars, to deal so craftily, and all to break this general league. Agesilaus greedy of wars. Again, he brought himself in discredit with all men, being compelled to make his city bore of money, borrowing of them still, and raising sundry contributions amongst them: whereas in deed it had been his best way to have ended all those miseries, having so happy an occasion offered at that time, & not to have lost so great an Empire of so many towns and cities, both by sea and land, and all to plague his country, to win the land and riches of the MESSENIANS. But yet was this most shame unto him of all other, when he gave him self unto one Tachos, a Captain of the EGYPTIANS, every man thinking it a shameful part of him, that such a parsonage as he (reputed the chiefest man of all the GRECIANS, and the which had filled the world with report of his fame and glory) should for money let out his person to hire, and the glory of his name, unto a barbarous person, a traitor and rebel to his king and master, to become a mercenary Captain and soldier to do him service. And moreover, he being now four score years of age and upwards, his body all mangled with wounds, though he had undertaken this honourable charge for the recovery of the liberty of the GRECIANS, yet had his ambition deserved some blame: for noble acts have their time, yea rather the good and ill do nothing differ from other, but in mean and mediocrity. But Agesilaus had no regard of all this, and thought no manner of shame in service, specially for benefit of the common wealth, but persuaded himself that it was a dishonour to him to live idly in a city and do nothing, till death should come and make his summones: thereupon therefore he levied men of war through all GRAECE with the money Tachos sent unto him, and with them took sea, having thirty SPARTANS counsellors and assistants to him, as he had in his first journey. Now Agesilaus being arrived in EGYPT, all the chief Captains and Governors of king Tachos came to the sea shore, and honourably received him: and not they only, but infinite numbers of EGYPTIANS of all sorts (that were marvelous desirous of him, for the great fame that went abroad of Agesilaus) came thither from all parts to see what manner of man he was. But when they saw no stately train about him, but an old graybeard laid on the grass by the sea side, a little man that looked simply of the matter, and but meanly appareled in an ill favoured thread bore gown: Agesilaus divided of the Egyptians. they fell a laughing at him, remembering the merry tale, that the mountains should bring forth, and was delivered of a mouse. Besides all this, they wondered when they saw men being him presents to welcome him, that he took meal, calves, and geese, and such gross things: and refused all confections, perfumes and other delicacies, praying them that offered those dainty things to him, Agesilaus despised all dainty things. to give them to the ILOTES his slaves. Theophrastus writeth, that he delighted marvelously in the rush Papyrus, and liked the garlands they made of them, for their fineness and the handsomeness, the which he carried home with him when he departed thence. Having spoken at that time with Tachos, who was assembling his army to go on his journey: he was not made chieftain general, as he looked he should have been, but was appointed only Colonel of all the strangers, Chabrias General of all the army by sea, and the chief of all the rest was Tachos himself in person. This at the first grieved Agesilaus to the heart, being driven whether he would or not, to bear with the vanity and pride of this Egyptian. So he sailed with him into PHENICE, against the Phoenicians, embasing himself against his noble disposition and mind, and gave him place, until he saw time of revenge. It chanced that one Nectanebos a nephew of this Tachos, having the leading of part of this army, rebelled against him, and being chosen king by the EGYPTIANS, he sent unto Agesilaus, and prayed him to come and take his part. The like he did also unto Chabrias, and prayed him to join with him, promising great rewards unto them both. Tachos understanding that, besought them both that they would not forsake him. Chabrias for his part also did likewise entreat: Agesilaus, and persuade him what he could, to continue friendship with Tachos, Agesilaus answered him, for thee, Chabrias, thou camest of thine own good will, and therefore mayest do what thou thinkest good: but so is it not with me. For I am sent hither a Captain by my country, to serve the EGYPTIANS, and therefore it were no honesty for me to make war with them, whom I am sent to serve and aid: were it not that they themselves which sent me, do now command me the contrary. This answer being made, he sent certain of his men to SPARTA to accuse Tachos, and to commend Nectanebos. Both they also for their parts sent to entreat the counsel of LACEDAEMONS the one as being always their friend and confederate, and the other promising to be their faithful friend thenceforth. The LACEDÆMONIANS having heard the requests of both, answered them openly, that Agesilaus should consider of this matter: and wrote secretly to him, that he should do what he thought best for the common wealth of SPARTA. So Agesilaus taking with him the mercenary soldiers which he had brought out of GRAECE, went unto Nectanebos, Agesilaus forsaketh Tachos, & goeth unto Nectanebos. cloaking his departure, that it was for the benefit of his country, to bewray a wicked thing: but in deed taking away the vizard to benefit his country, they might by a better name rightly have termed it treason. Howbeit the LACEDAEMONANS placing the chiefest ppoynt of honour, to consist in the benefit of their country: did acknowledge nothing to be justice, but that which they thought might serve for the advancement of the glory of SPARTA. Tachos seeing himself forsaken thus by his mercenary strangers, fled. But now on the other side, there rose an other King in the city of MENDES, against this Nectanebos, who having levied to the number of a hundred thousand fighting men, came to fight with Nectanebos. But he thinking to encourage Agesilaus, told him, that in deed they went a great number of men of all sorts together, and specially men of handy craft, and therefore that they were not to be feared, because they knew not what war meant. But Agesilaus answered him again: it is not their number that I fear, but their rudeness and unskillfullnesse, which is hardest of all to deceive. In whom stratagems take most effect. For warlike stratagems do most prevail against men that have greatest fear and experience: and therefore they foresee one thing rather than an other. But men of no judgement nor experience, neither fear danger, nor have forecast, and therefore do give him no more advantage that seeketh to deceive them, than the wrestler by slight is able to overthrow him, whom he can not stir nor remove. Afterwards the MENDESIAN king himself sent unto Agesilaus, to win him if he could Nectanebos then began to be afraid. For when Agesilaus counseled him to try it by battle as soon as he could, and not to prolong this war against ignorant men that had no skill to fight, but yet for their overmultitude, might intrenche him round about, and prevent him in divers things: then he began to fear and suspect him more, and thereupon retired into a great city well walled about, and of great strength. Agesilaus being offended that he mistrusted him thus, took it inwardly: but being ashamed to turn again unto the third, and also to depart without any exploit done, he followed him, and enclosed himself within those walls. The enemies pursuing him hard, came unto the city, and began to entrench it round, to keep him in. Then the EGYPTIAN Nectanebos fearing a long siege, determined to give them battle. Thereto the hired GRECIANS gave consent, as desiring no better match, and the rather also for that there was but small store of corn within the city. But Agesilaus persuading the contrary, would in no wise consent to it: whereupon the EGYPTIANS thought worse of him then before, and plainly called him traitor to their king. Howbeit he did patiently bear all their accusations, expecting time to perform an exploit he intended, which was this. The stratagem of Agesilaus against the Egyptians. The enemies had cast a deep trench without, to compass them in. When this trench drew near to end, and that both ends lacked not much of meeting, tarrying till night came on, he commanded the GRECIANS to arm, and to put themselves in readiness: then he came unto the EGYPTIAN, and said unto him. Lo here is an excellent occasion presented to save thee, which I would not acquaint thee withal till I saw it brought to the perfection I looked for, fearing lest otherwise we should have lost it. Now sith the enemies themselves have with their own hands given us the way to save ourselves by this trench they have cast, the which as much as is finished thereof doth hinder their great multitude to help themselves, and that which is yet left unfinished doth give us opportunity to fight with them of even hand: determine to show thy valour, and following us, save they self and thy people. For the enemies which we shall assail before us, shall never be able to abide us: and the other by means of the trench which defendeth us on our side, can no way hurt us. Nectanebos hearing his words, wondered at his great wisdom, and so thrusting in among the GRECIANS, did assail the enemies: the which were soon overthrown and put to flight, as many as durst resist, and make head against them. Agesilaus having won Nectanebos again to trust him, he once again deceived his enemies with the like subtlety wherewith he had first beguiled them, and which they knew not how to avoid. For one while he made as though he fled, and enticed them to follow him: suddenly again he would turn this way and that way. In fine, he brought all this great multitude into a strait sluice, walled about of either side, with great broad ditches full of running water: so that when they were even in the midst of it, he suddenly stopped their passage with the front of his battle, which he cast to the breadth of the sluice, and thus made his number of fight men equal with the multitude of his enemies, which could neither compass him in behind, nor flank him on the sides. They having in this sort made some small resistance, in the end turned their backs and fled, and left a great number slain in the field: the residue after that last overthrow forsook their Captains, and fled stragglingly here and there. Thus the affairs of this EGYPTIAN king after that time had good success, and was quietly established in his kingdom, making much of Agesilaus: and doing him all honour possible, prayed him to tarry with him all that winter. Howbeit he would needs hasten home to his country, which was in war with others, knowing that his city of SPARTA was without money, because they were driven to give pay unto strangers. Thereupon Nectanebos in th'end took his leave of him very honourably, The liberality of king Nectanebos unto Agesilaus. presenting him a gift (besides all other honours he did him) of two hundred and thirty silver talents in ready money, to defray the charges of the war in his country. Howbeit the sea being rough in the winter quarter, he died by the way, The death of Agesilaus. having notwithstanding recovered land with his ships in a desert place of the coast of LYBIA, which was called the haven of Menelaus, after he was four score & four year old: of the which he had reigned one and forty years king of SPARTA, The reign of Agesilaus. and thirty years thereof and more he was always taken and reputed for the greatest person, and in manner chieftain general of all GRAECE, until the battle of Leuctres. Now the LACEDÆMONIANS having a custom to bury the dead bodies of their citizens that died out of their country, in the same place where they departed: (the bodies of their kings excepted) the SPARTANS which were at that time about Agesilaus, anointed his body with wax for lack of honey, Agesilaus body nointed with wax for lack of honey. and carried him home to SPARTA in this manner. His son Archidamus succeeded him in the kingdom, whose issue successively reigned continually after him, unto the time of Agis (who was the fift king in succession after Agesilaus) whom in deed Leonidas put to death, because he sought to restore the LACEDÆMONIANS ancient discipline and form of life. The end of the life of Agesilaus. THE LIFE OF Pompey. The father of Pompey hated in Rome. THe ROMANS seem to have loved Pompey from his childhood, with the self affection that Frometheus in the tragedy of AEschylus appeareth to have borne unto Hercules, after that he was delivered by him: when he said, So great a hate I bore not to the father, But that I love the son of him much rather. For the ROMANS never showed more bitter hate against any other Captain, than they did unto Strabo Pompey's father. Strabo, the father of Pompey. Truly so long as he lived, they feared his greatness obtained by arms, for in deed he was a noble Captain: but being stricken with a thunderbolt, and dead, they took him from the bear whereon his body lay as they carried him to burial, and did thereto great villannie. Contrariwise, The Love of the Romans unto Pompey. never any other ROMAN (but Pompey) had the people's earnest goodwilles so soon, nor that in prosperity and adversity continued longer constant, then unto Pompey. One only cause procured the father's hate, and that was: an unsatiable and greedy desire of money. But Pompey his son, was for many occasions beloved. As, for temperance of life, aptness to arms, eloquence of tongue, faithfulness of word, and courtesy in conversation: so that there was never man that requested any thing with less ill will than he, nor that more willingly did pleasure any man when he was requested. For he gave without disdain, and took with great honour. The favour of Pompey. Furthermore, being but a child, he had a certain grace in his look that won men's good wills before he spoke: for his countenance was sweet, mixed with gravity, & being come to man's state, there appeared in his gesture and behaviour, a grave & princely majesty. His hear also stood a little upright, and the cast and soft moving of his eyes, had a certain resemblance (as they said) of the statues and images of king Alexander. And because every man gave him that name, he did not refuse it himself: insomuch as there were some which sportingwise did openly call him Alexander. Whereupon Lucius Philippus a Consul, was not ashamed to say openly in an oration he made in Pompey's favour, that it was no marvel if he being Philip, did love Alexander. It is reported also, Flora the courtesan loved Pompey. that when Flora the courtesan waxed old, she much delighted to talk of the familiarity which she had with Pompey being a young man: telling that after she had lain with him, she could not possibly rise from him, but she must needs give him some sweet quip or pleasant taunt. She would tell also how one of Pompey's familiars and companions called Geminius, fell in love with her, and was a marvelous earnest suitor to obtain her good will: and that she answered him stately, she would not, for the love she bore to Pompey. Geminius thereupon broke the matter to Pompey himself. Pompey desirous to pleasure him, granted the request: howbeit Geminius after that, would not come near Flora, nor speak unto her, albeit it appeared that he yet loved her. But Flora took this not courtesan like, for she was sick a long time for very grief of mind, and the thought she took upon it. All this notwithstanding, it is said that this Flora had then such same for her passing grace and beauty, Flora the courtesan, was passing sayer. that Cecilius Metellus setting forth and beautifying, the temple of Castor and Pollux, with goodly tables and pictures: among the rest, he caused her picture to be lively drawn for her excellent beauty. Furthermore Pompey, against his nature, dealt very hardly and uncourteously with the wife of Demetrius, his franchised bondman (who while he lived was in great credit with him, and dying, left her worth four thousand tallentes) fearing to be taken with her beauty which was very singularly fair, lest he should be thought in love with her. Now, though herein he seemed to be very circumspect, and to cast the worth; yet could he not thus scape the detracting tongues of his ill willers: for they did accuse him, that to please and content his wives, he would let pass and wink at many things, that was against the profit of the common wealth? To prove his sober and temperate dies, The temperance of Pompey in dies. and how he was contented with common meats: a word (they say) he spoke when he was very sick, and could taste no meat, is specially noted. For, to bring his stomach to him again, his Physician willed him to eat a thrush. So seeking all about to get him one, there was no thrush to be bought for money, for they were out of season. Notwithstanding, one told him that he should not miss of them at Lucullus house, for he kept them up all the year through. Why, what then, said he: If Lucullus riot were not, should not Pompey live? Therewithal, letting his physicians counsel alone, he made them dress such meat as was every where common. But of that we will speak more hereafter. Now Pompey being a young man, and in the field with his father, that was in arms against Cinna: there lay with him in his tent a companion of his, called Lucius Terentius, The treason of Lucius Terentius against Pompey. who being bribed with money, had promised Cinna to kill him, and other confederators also had promised to set their captains tent a fire. This conspiracy was revealed unto Pompey as he sat at supper, which nothing amated him at all, but he drank freely, and was merrier with Terentius then of custom. So when it was bed time, he stolen out of his own tent, and went unto his father to provide for his safety. Terentius thinking the hour come to attempt his enterprise, rose with his sword in his hand, and went to Pompey's bed where he was wont to lie, and gave many a thrust into the matteresse. After he had done that, all the camp strait was in an uproar for the malice they bore unto their Captain, and the soldiers in all haste would needs have gone and yielded to their enemy, beginning already to overthrow their tents, and to truss away bag and baggage. The Captain for fear of this tumult, durst not come out of his tent: notwithstanding Pompey his son ran amongst the mutinous soldiers, and humbly besought them with the tears in his eyes, not to do their Captain this villainy, and in fine threw himself flatling to the ground overthwart the gate of the camp, bidding them march over him, if they had such a desire to be gone. The soldiers being ashamed of their folly, returned again to their lodging, and changing mind, reconciled themselves with their Captain, eight hundred only excepted, which departed. But immediately after that Strabo, Pompey's father, was departed out of the world, Pompey being his heir, was accused for the father, Pompey accused for robbing the common treasure. to rob the common treasure. Howbeit he confessed, and avowed, that it was Alexander one of his father's enfranchised bondmen that had stolen the most part of it, and brought him in before the judges. Notwithstanding, he was accused himself, for taking away the toils and arming cords of hunter's nets, and books, that were taken at Asculum. He confessed the having of them, and that his father gave him them when the city was taken: howbeit that he had lost them sense; when Cinna returned unto ROME with his soldiers, who breaking into his house by force, spoiled him of all that he had. His matter had many days of hearing before definitive sentence, in which time Pompey showed himself of good spirit and understanding, more than was looked for in one of his years: insomuch he wan such fame and favour by it, that Antistius being Praetor at that time, and judge of his matter, fell into such a liking with him, that secretly he offered him his daughter in marriage. Then that matter being by friends broken to Pompey, he liked of the match, & the parties were secretly assured. This was not so closely conveyed, but the people perceived it, but the care and pains Antistius took to favour his matter. Insomuch, when the judges gave judgement, and cleared him: all the people together, as if they had been agreed, cried out with one voice, Talassio, Talassio, being the usual and common cry they used of old time at marriages in ROME. The cause of the cry of Talassio at marriages in Rome. This custom by report of ancient folk came up in this manner. At what time the chiefest peers and Lords of ROME did ravish the SABINES daughters, which came to ROME to see common sports played: there chanced a few rascals (as hoggeherdes or neatherdes) to carry away a goodly fayen woman. They fearing she should be taken from them, cried out in the streets as they went, Talassio, as if they would have said, she is for Talassius. This Talassius was a young gentleman well known, and beloved of most men: so that such as heard him but named only, did clap their hands for joy, & cried out with them, Talassio, commending the choice they had made for him. So, hereof they say came this custom, that ever since they have cried this word. Talassio unto them that are newly married, because the marriage of that fair young maid proved fortunate, and happy unto Talassius. And this me thinks soundeth nearest to the troth of that they report of this wedding cry of Talassio. Shortly after this judgement given, Pompey married Antistia. Pompey married Antistia. After that, going unto Cinnaes' camp, they wrongfully accused him for somewhat, whereupon he being afraid, secretly stolen away. Now when they could not find him in Cinnaes' camp, there ran strait a rumour abroad, that Cinna had put him to death. thereupon, they that of long time had maliced Cinna, did set upon him for this occasion. But he thinking to save himself by flying, was strait overtaken by a private Captain that followed him with his sword drawn in his hand. Cinna seeing him, fell down on his knees before him, and took his seal from his finger wherewith he sealed his letters, which was of great price, and offered it him. Tush, said the Captain, I come not to seal any covenant, but to chastise a villain and cruel tyrant: and therewithal thrust his sword thorough him, The death of Cinna. and slew him presently. Cinna being slain in this sort, Carbo succeeded him, and took the government in hand, being a more cruel tyrant than the first. Shortly after came in Sylla, being wished for, and desired of the most part of the ROMANS, for the grievous oppressions and miseries they endured, that they thought themselves happy to change Governor for their city was brought into such misery, as hoping no more to see ROME recover her lost liberty, they desired yet a more tolerable bondage. Now Pompey at that time was in a place of ITALY called PICENUM (now the marches of ANCONA) where he had certain inheritance, but much more, great love and good will of the cities for his father's sake. He seeing that the noblest men of ROME forsook their houses and goods, to fly from all parts unto Sulla's camp, as unto a place of safety: would not go to him as a fugitive and cast away to save himself, without bringing him some power to increase his army, but would honourably go thither with an army, as he that meant first to do himself pleasure. So he felt the good will of the PICENTINES, who willingly took his part, Pompey's first Captainshippe under Sylla. and rejected them that were sent by Carbo. Among them there was one Vindius, that stepping forth, said: that Pompey which came from school the last day, must now in haste be a Captain. But they were so offended with his speech, that they strait dispatched him, and killed him out of hand. After that time, Pompey was chieftain of an army at 23. years of age. Pompey being but three and twenty year old, tarrying to receive no authority from any man, took it upon him himself, & causing a tribunal to be set up in the midst of the market place of AUXIMUM, The city of Auximum. a great populous city: he commanded the two brethren called the Ventidiaus (being the chiefest men of the city, and they that for Carboes' sake withstood his doings) without delay forthwith to avoid the city, and so began to levy men, and to appoint Captains, sergeants of bands, Centeniers, and such other officers as appertain to marshal discipline. Then he went to all the other cities of the same marches, and did the like. They that took part with Carbo, fled every man, and all the rest willingly yielded unto him: whereby in short space he had gotten three whole legions together, munition to entertain them, carts, and all manner of beasts for carriage. Pompey goeth unto Sylla. In this sort he took his journey towards Sylla, not in haste, as a man afraid to be met with by the way, but by small journeys, staying still where he might hurt his enemy; causing the cities every where as he came to revolt from Carbo. Nevertheless, three Captains of the contrary part, Carixna, Calius, and Brutus, all three did set upon Pompey together, not all in a front, nor of one side, but in three several places they compassed him with their armies, thinking to have made him sure at the first onset. This nothing amazed Pompey, but putting his force together in one place, he first marched against Brutus, having placed his horsemen (among the which he was himself in person) before the battle of his footmen. Now the men of arms of the enemy which were GAULES, Pompey victories of the Marians. coming to give charge upon him, he ran one of the chiefest among them through with his lance, and slew him. The other GAULES seeing him slain, turned their backs, and broke their own footmen: so that at length they all fled for life. Thereupon the Captains fell out among themselves, and some fled one way, some an other way, the best they could. Then the towns round about, thinking that they were dispersed for fear: came all in to Pompey, and yielded themselves. Afterwards Scipio the Consul coming against Pompey to fight with him, when both battles were in manner ready to join: before they came to throwing of their darts, Scipio's soldiers saluted Pompey's men, and went on their side. So Scipio was driven to fly. And in fine, Carbo himself having sent after him divers troops of horsemen: by the river of Arsis: Pompey made towards them, and did so fiercely assail them, that he drove them into such places, as was almost impossible for horsemen to come into. Whereupon, they seeing no way to scape, yielded themselves, horse and armour, all to his mercy. Sylla all this while heard no news of these overthrows: wherefore, as soon as he understood of it, fearing lest Pompey should miscarry, being environed with so many Captains of his enemies, he made haste to match towards him for to aid him. Pompey understanding of his approach, Pompey joined with Sylla. commanded his Captains to arm their men, and to put them in battle ray, that their General might see them bravely appointed when he should present them unto him: for he looked that Sylla would do him great honour, & in deed he did him more honour, than Pompey looked for. For, when Sylla saw him a far of coming towards him, and his army marshaled in so good order of battle, and such goodly men, that so bravely advanced themselves, being courageous for the victory they had obtained of their enemies: he lighted a foot. When Pompey also came to do his duty to him, and called him Imperator: (as much as Emperor, or sovereign Prince) Sylla resaluted him with the self name, Pompey called Imperator of Sylla. beyond all men's expectation present, little thinking that he would have given so honourable a name, unto so young a man as Pompey, who had not yet been Senator: considering that he himself did contend for that title and dignity, with the faction of Marius and Scipio. Furthermore, The honour Sylla did unto Pompey. the entertainment that Sylla gave him every way, was answerable to his first kindness offered him. For when Pompey came before him, he would rise and put of his cap to him, which he did not unto many other noble men about him. All this notwithstanding, Pompey gloried nothing the more in himself. Wherefore when Sylla would strait have sent him into GAUL, because Metellus that was there, was thought to have done no exploit worthy of so great an army as he had with him: Pompey answered him again, that he thought it no reason to displace an ancient Captain that was of greater same and experience than himself. Yet if Metellus of himself were contented, and would entreat him: that he would willingly go and help him to end this war. Metellus was very glad of it, and wrote for him to come. Then Pompey entering GAUL, Pompey went to aid Metellus in Gaul. did of himself wonderful exploits, and did so revive Metellus old courage and valiantness to fight, which now began to faint, like boiling copper that being poured upon the cold and hard copper, doth melt and dissolve it, as fast or faster, than fire itself. For like as of a wrestler, who hath been counted very strong, and the chiefest in all games, having ever burn the price away where he hath wrestled, they never record among them his childish victories and wrestlinges, as things of no account: even so I am afraid to speak of the wonderful deeds that Pompey did in his childhood, Wonderful victories of Pompey. because they are obscured, in respect of the infinite great wars and battles which he had won afterwards. For I am afraid that whilst I should go about particularly to acquaint you with his first beginnings, I should too lightly pass over his chiefest acts and most notable enterprises, which do best declare his natural disposition and singular wit. Now when Sylla had overcome all ITALY, and was proclaimed Dictator: he did reward all his lieutenants and Captains that had taken his part, and did advance them to honourable place & dignity in the common wealth, frankly granting them all that they requested of him. But for Pompey, reverencing him for his valiantness, & thinking that he would be a great stay to him in all his wars: he sought by some means to ally him to him. Metella his wife being of his opinion, Pompey put away his wife Antistia ● and married AEmylia, the daughter of Metella, Sulla's wife. they both persuaded Pompey to put away his first wife Antistia, and to marry AEmylia the daughter of Metella, and of her first husband, the which also was an other man's wife, and with child by her husband. These marriages were cruel and tyrannical, fit for Sulla's time, rather than agreeable to Pompey's nature and condition: to see AEmylia, this new married wife taken from her lawful husband, to marry her great with child, and shamefully to forsake Antistia, who not long before had lost her father, and for respect of her husband that did put her away. The death of Antistius. For Antistius was murdered within the very Senate house, being suspected to take part with Sylla for his son in law Pompey's sake: and her mother voluntarily put herself to death, seeing her daughter received such open wrong. By these apparent causes; these unfortunate marriages fell out into a miserable tragedy, by means of the death of AEmylia, who shortly after miserably died with child in Pompey's house. Then came news to Sylla, that Perpenna was gotten into SICILY, and that he had made all that Island at his devotion, as a safe place to receive all Sulla's enemies: that Carbo also kept the sea thereabouts with a certain number of ships: that Domitius also was gone into AFRICA: and divers other noble men that were banished, that had scaped his proscriptions and outlawryes, were all in those parts. Against them was Pompey sent with a great army. Howbeit he no sooner arrived in SICILY, Pompey sent from Syllainto Sicily. but Perpenna left him the whole Island, and went his way. There he favourably dealt with all the cities, which before had abidden great trouble and misery, and set them again at liberty, the MAMERTINES only excepted, which dwelled in the city of MESSINA. They despising his tribunal and jurisdiction, alleged the ancient order & privilege of the ROMANS, set down in times passed amongst them. But Pompey answered them in choler: Law must give place to army. what do ye prattle to us of your law, that have our swords by our sides? It seemeth also that Pompey dealt too cruelly with Carbo in his misery. For sith he must needs die, as there was no remedy but he should: than it had been better they had killed him when he was taken. For than they would have imputed it to his malice, that so had commanded it. But Pompey after he was taken, made him to be brought before him that had been thrice Consul at ROME to be openly examined, and he sitting in his chair of state or tribunal condemned him to die in presence of them all: to the great offence and misliking of every one that was present. So Pompey bade them take him away, and carry him to execution. When Carbo came to the scaffold where he should be executed, The death of Carbo. and seeing the sword drawn that should strike of his head: he prayed thexecutioners to give him a little respite and place to untruss a point, for he had a pain in his belly. Caius Opius also (one of julius Caesar's friends) writeth, that he dealt very cruelly in like manner with Quintus Valerius. The death of Q. Valerius. For Pompey, said he, knowing that he was excellently well learned, as any man could be, and few like unto him when he was brought unto him, he took him a side, and walked a few turns about: then when he had questioned with him, and learned of him what he could, he commanded his guard to carry him away, and to dispatch him. Howbeit we may not give too light credit to all that Opius writeth, speaking of julius Caesar's friends or foes. For Pompey in deed was compelled to make away the greatest personages of Sulla's enemies that fell into his hands, being notoriously taken: but for the rest, all those that he could secretly suffer to steal away, he was contented to wink at it, and would not understand it: and moreover did help some beside to save themselves. Now Pompey was determined to have taken sharp revenge of the city of the HIMERIANS, which had stoutly taken the enemy's part. But Sthenis, one of the Governors of the city, craving audience of Pompey, told him he should do them wrong and injustice, if he should pardon him that committed all the fault, and should destroy them that had not offended. Pompey then ask him, what he was that durst take upon him to father the offence of them all. Sthenis answered strait, The bold speech of Sthenis. that it was himself that had persuaded his friends, and compelled his enemies to do that which they did. Pompey being pleased to hear the frank speech & boldness of this man, first forgave him the fault he had committed, and consequently all the other HIMERIANS. Pompey understanding that his soldiers did kill divers men in the high ways, he sealed up all their sword, Pompey sealed up his soldiers sword. & whose seal soever was broken, he was well favouredly punished. Pompey being busy about these matters in SICILY, received letters & commission from Sylla and the Senate, to depart thence immediately into AFRICA, to make war upon Domitius, with all his power, who had levied already more men of war, than Marius had, not long before, when he came out of AFRICA into ITALY: and had there overthrown all the ROMANS doings, being become of a fugitive outlaw, a cruel tyrant. Pompey thereupon having speedily put himself in readiness to take the seas, Pompey's journey into Ms●icke under Sylla, against Domitius. left Memmius his sister's husband Governor of SICILY: and so himself embarked, & hoist sail with six score galleys, and eight hundred other ships or bottoms, to transport their victuals, munition, money, engines of battery, and all other carriage whatsoever. After he was landed with all his fleet, part at UTICA, and part at CARTHAGE: there strait came to him seven thousand soldiers from the enemies, & yielded themselves, besides seven whole legions that he brought with him. They say moreover, that at his arrival, he had a pleasant chance happened unto him to be laughed at: for it is reported, that certain of his soldiers stumbled on a treasure by chance, and got thereby a great mass of money. The residue of the army hearing that, thought sure that the field where this treasure was found, was full of gold and silver, which the CARTHAGINIANS had hidden there long before in time of their calamity. Pompey hereupon, for many days after, could have no rule of his soldiers, neither could he choose but laugh, to see so many thousand men digging the ground, and turning up the field: until in the end they wearied themselves, and came and prayed him then to lead them where he thought good, for they had paid well for their folly. Domitius came to Pompey with his army set in battle ray. Domitius camped by Pompey with his army. Howbeit there was a certain quamyre before him that ran with a swift running stream, very ill to get over: besides that, from the very break of day it had poured down and reigned so fast, and was so great a wind withal, that Domitius thinking all that day they should not fight, commanded his people to truss away, and remove. Pompey on th'otherside, finding this an excellent fit occasion for him, suddenly made his men to march, and passed over the valley. The enemies perceiving that, being altogether out of order: were maruelosly amazed, and in that hurly burly would have made resistance. But they were neither all together, nor yet evenly set in battle ray, and had beside the wind beating the rain full in their faces. So did the storm much hurt unto the ROMANS also, for they could not one see an other: insomuch as Pompey himself was in great danger of being killed by one of his own soldiers, who not knowing him, asked him the word of the battle, and he was somewhat long before he answered him. In fine, when he had overthrown his enemies with great slaughter: (for they say, that of twenty thousand of them, Pompey's victory of Domitius. there were but three thousand saved) Pompey's soldiers saluted him by the name of Imperator. But he answered them, that he would not accept the honour of that name, so long as he saw his enemy's camp yet standing: and therefore, if it were so they thought him worthy of that name, that first they should overthrow the trench and fort of the enemies, wherein they had entrenched their camp. The soldiers when they heard him say so, went presently to assault it. There Pompey sought bore headed, to avoid the like danger he was in before. By this means they took the camp by force, and in it slew Domitius. Domitius slain. After that overthrow, the cities in that country came and yielded themselves, some willingly, and others taken by force: as also they took king jarbas, Pompey took king jarbas. that had fought for Domitius, and his realm was given to Hiempsall. But Pompey, being desirous further to employ his power, and the good fortune of his army, went many days journey into the main land, and still conquered all where he came, making the power of the ROMANS dreadful unto all the barbarous people of that country, the which made but small account of them at that time. He said moreover, that the wild beasts of AFRICA also should feel the force and good success of the ROMANS: and thereupon he bestowed a few days in hunting of Lions and Elephants. For it is reported, that in forty days space at the uttermost, he had overcome his enemies, subdued AFRICA, Pompey's conquests at 24. years of age. and had established the affairs of the kings and kingdoms of all that country, being then but four and twenty year old. So when he returned unto the city of UTICA, letters were brought from Sylla, willing him to discharge all his army, and to remain there with one legion only, tarrying the coming of an other Captain that should be sent to succeed him in the government of that country. This commandment, grieved him not a little, though he made no show of it at all: but his soldiers showed plainly that they were offended. The love of the soldiers unto Pompey. For when Pompey prayed them to depart, they began to give out broad speeches against Sylla, and told directly that they were not determined (whatsoever become of them) to forsake him, and they would not that he should trust unto a tyrant. Pompey seeing that he could not persuade them, by any reason to be quiet, rose out of his chair, and retired into his tent weeping. But the soldiers followed him, and brought him again to his chair of state, where he spent a great part of the day, they entreating him to remain there & command them, and he desiring them to obey Sylla, and leave their mutinies. But in fine, seeing them importunate to press him to it, he swore he would kill himself, rather than they should compel him: yet they scant left him thus. Hereupon it was reported unto Sylla, that Pompey was rebelled against him. Sylla when he heard that, said to his friends: well, than I see it is my destiny, in mine old days to fight with children. He meant so, because of Marius the younger, who had done him much mischief, and had beside put him in great danger. But afterwards understanding the troth, and hearing that all generally in ROME were determined to go and meet Pompey, and to receive him with all the honour they could: because he would go beyond them all in show of good will, he went out of his house to meet him, and embracing him with great affection, welcomed him home, and called him Magnus, Pompey called Magnus, by Sylla. to say great, and commanded all them that were present to give him that name also. This notwithstanding, some say, that it was in AFRICA this name was first given him by a common cry of all his whole army, and that afterwards it was confirmed by Sylla. In deed it is true that Pompey himself being sent Proconsul into SPAIN long time after that, was the last that subscribed all his letters and commissions with the name of Pompey the great: for this name than was so commonly known and accepted, as no man did envy it. And therefore rightly is the wisdom of the ancient ROMANS, The wisdom of the Romans commended for rewarding foreign and home service. to be both commended & had in admiration: which did not only reward service in the field with such honourable names & titles, but civil service and good government also in peace at home. For there were two whom the people at ROME called Maximi, to say, very great: of the which Valerius was the one, for that he made peace and agreement betwixt the people and Senate. The other was Fabius Rullus, for that he put from the Senate certain bondmen enfranchised, who through their riches and favour had obtained that place. After that, Pompey required the honour of triumph, but Sylla denied it, alleging that none could enter in triumph into ROME, Valerius and Rullus called Maximi, in Rome. but Consuls or Praetors. For sith Scipio the first who in SPAIN had overcome the CARTHAGINIANS, never desired this honour of triumph, being neither Consul nor Praetor: much less should he stand upon demand of triumph into ROME, when that through his young years he was not yet a Senator: and beside, it would purchase him envy of his honour and greatness. These reasons did Sylla allege against Pompey, and told him plainly that if he were bend to stand in it, he would resist him. All this blanked not Pompey, Pompey's slowt answer unto Sylla. who told him frankly again, how men did honour the rising, not the setting of the sun: meaning thereby, how his own honour increased, and Sulla's diminished. Sylla heard him not very perfectly what he said, but perceiving by their countenances that stood by, that they wondered at it, he asked what it was he said. When it was told him, he marveled at the boldness of so young a man, and then cried out twice together, let him then triumph a God's name. Pompey not being Senator, triumpheth against the law. Many being offended therewith, Pompey (as it is reported) to anger them more, would needs be brought in in triumphant chariot drawn with four Elephants: for he had taken many of them from those kings and Princes which he had subdued. Howbeit the gate of the city being too narrow, he was driven to leave the Elephants, and was contented to be drawn in with horses. Now his soldiers that had not all things as they looked for, and which was promised them, going about to trouble and hinder his triumph: he said he passed not for it, & that he would rather let alone all his preparation of triumph, than once to yield to flatter them. Whereupon, there was a famous man at that time called Servilius, who at the first was one of the chiefest against Pompey's triumph, who said openly: now I know that Pompey in deed is great, & deserveth triumph. Being evident enough, that if he would, he might then have easily been made Senator: he sued not for that, but as they say, sought honour by a stranger mean less honourable. For if he had been made Senator so young, it had not been so great a matter: but to have such honour before he was Senator, that was marvelously to be noted. But this wan him the more favour and good will still amongst the common people: for they were glad when after his triumph they saw him in company amongst the ROMAN Knights. On tother side it spited Sylla to see him come so fast forward, and to rise to so great credit: notwithstanding, being ashamed to hinder him, he was contented to keep it to himself, until that Pompey by force & against Sulla's will, had brought Lepidus to be Consul, Marcus Lepidus created Consul. by the help and good will of the people that furthered his desire. thereupon Sylla seeing Pompey returning overthwart the market place from the election, with a great train of followers to honour him, he said unto him: O young man, I see thou art glad of this victory, and so hast thou cause, for it is a goodly thing out of doubt to have had such favour of the people, as for thy sake to have made Lepidus Consul (the vilest person of all men) before Catulus the honestest man of the city. But I will tell thee one thing, see that thou sleep nor, and look well to thy business, for thou hast advanced a dangerous enemy to thyself. Now the chiefest thing wherein Sylla discovered most his ill will unto Pompey, Sylla fallow from the love of Pompey. was in his last will and testament: for he gave legacies unto every one of his friends, and some of them he made tutors & overseers of his son, but he made no mention of Pompey at all. This notwithstanding, Pompey took it well enough. And where Lepidus and some other would have kept Sulla's body from burial in the field of Mars, and that his funerals should not be openly solemnized: he contrariwise brought him very honourably and safely to the ground. Shortly after Sulla's death, his words of prophecy unto Pompey concerning Lepidus, proved true. For Lepidus usurping the authority which Sylla had before, not colourably, Lepidus moveth civil war. but openly entered strait in arms, stirring up again those of Marius' faction, whom Sylla could not be revenged of, and which lay lurking a long time, spying for occasion to rise again. True it is that his colleague, and fellow Consul Catulus (whom the best and soundest part of the people followed) was thought a marvelous honest man, both just and modest: howbeit, a better Governor in peace, than a good man of war, insomuch as time required Pompey's skill and experience. So Pompey stood not doubtful which way he would dispose himself, but took part strait with the nobility and honestest men, & was presently chosen Captain of their army against Lepidus: who had already won the greatest part of ITALY, and with an army under the conduct of Brutus, kept GAUL on this side the mountains, called GALLIA CISALPINA. And for the rest, Pompey easily overcame it: howbeit he lay a long time before MODONA, besieging of Brutus. In the mean season Lepidus came to ROME, & being hard at the walls demanding the second Consulship, made them afraid in the city with the great numbers of men he had about him, gathered together of all sorts. Howbeit this fear was cooled strait, by a letter which Pompey wrote to ROME, advertising how he had ended this war without any bloodshed: for Brutus, either betraying his army, or being betrayed of it yielded himself unto Pompey, who gave him a certain number of horsemen that conducted him to a little town upon the river of Poe: where the next day after, Geminius being sent by Pompey, slew him. But hereof Pompey was greatly blamed, for that he had written letters to the Senate from the beginning of the change, how Brutus had put himself into his hands: and afterwards wrote letters to the contrary, which burdened him for putting of him to death, This Brutus was father of that Brutus, Brutus the father, slain by Pompey. which afterwards with the help of Cassius slew julius Caesar: howbeit he showed not himself so like a coward, neither in wars nor in his death, as his father did. As we have declared more at large in his life. Furthermore, Lepidus being driven to forsake ITALY, fled into SARDINIA, where he died (as it is reported) of a sickness that he had, not for any sorrow or grief of his own affairs, The death of Lepidus. but for a letter that was brought him which went to his heart, knowing thereby that his wife had played the harlot. There remained at that time Sertorius in SPAIN, who was an other manner of warrior than Lepidus, & that kept the ROMANS in great awe: for that all the fugitives of the late civil wars were fled to him, as from the last disease of the wars. The valiantness of Sertorius in Spain. He had already overthrown many inferior Captains, & was now wrestling with Metellus Pius, that in his youth had been a noble soldier, but now being old, made wars but slowly, and would not courageously take present occasions offered him, which Sertorius by his nimbleness and dexterity took out of his hands. For he would ever hover about him, when he thought lest of him, like a Captain rather of thieves then of soldiers, and would still lay ambushes in every corner, and round about him: where the good old man Metellus had learned to fight in battle ray, his men being heavy armed. hereupon Pompey keeping his army always together, practised at ROME, that he might be sent into SPAIN to aid Metellus. But Catulus, notwithstanding that he commanded him to disperse his army, Pompey still kept them together by colour of new devices, and was continually about Rome in arms, until that by Lucius Philippus means he had obtained the government of that country. They say that one of the Senators marveling to hear Philip propound that matter to the Senate, asked him: how now Philip, dost thou then think it meet to sand Pompey Proconsul (to say, for a Consul) into SPAIN? Not truly said Philip, not Proconsul only, but pro Consulibus: (to say, for both the Consuls) meaning, that both the Consuls for that year were men of no value. Now when Pompey was arrived in SPAIN, Pompey's journey into Spain against Sertorius. men began strait to be carried away, (as the manner is commonly where new Governors be) with the hope of a thing that they had not before. Thereupon Sertorius gave out proud and bitter words against Pompey, saying in mockery, he would have no other weapon but rods to whip this young boy, if he were not afraid of this old woman: meaning Metellus the old man. But notwithstanding these gallant brags, he stood better upon his guard, and went stronger to fight than he did before, being afraid of Pompey. For Metellus was very dissolute of life (which no man would have judged in him) and was given over too much to riot and pleasure: Metellus given to royt & pleasure. howbeit they saw in him: marvelous sudden change both of his pomp & glory which he used before, as also the cutinge of of his superfluous expense. That thing, besides that he did honour Pompey greatly by it, won him also much more the good will of the people, when they saw that he drew himself down to a straighter life. And this was no great pain to him, for of his own dispositions was a grave man, & temperately given for his desires. In this war fortune changed diversly, as it is commonly seen in wars: but nothing grieved Pompey more than Sertorius winning of the city of LAURON. Sertorius won the city of Lauron in the fight of Pompey. For he thinking to have shut him in, & had given out some glorious words of the matter: wondered when he saw himself strait compassed in, that he could not stir out of the camp where he lay, and was driven beside to see the city burnt before his face. This notwithstanding, afterwards at a set battle by the city of VALENTIA, he slew Herennius and Perpenna, Pompey slew Herennius & Perpenna. both notable soldiers and Sertorius lieutenants, and with them ten thousand men. This victory so encouraged Pompey, Battle betwixt Pompey and Sertorius. that he made haste to fight with Sertorius alone, because Metellus should have no part of the honour of the victory. So they both met by the river of Sucron, Sucron fl.. about sun set, both fearing Metellus coming: the one that he might fight alone, and the other with one alone. In fine, the victory fell out doubtful in the end of the battle: for either of their wings had the upper hand. Between the two Captains, Sertorius had the greater honour: for he alone overcame all them that stood before him. And as for Pompey, there was a great man of arms that being a foot, came and set upon him, and having both their sword in their hands, they both lighted upon their hands, but not both in one sort: for Pompey's hand was but a little hurt, and the man of arms had his hand clean cut of. Then Pompey's men fell upon him, all his own fellows on that side being fled from him: notwithstanding, beyond all hope, he saved himself after a strange sort, by casting up his horse among his enemies, that was richly trapped with gilt harness, having a caparison of great value: and in the mean time, while they were busy dividing this booty among them, and fight for it: be scaped their hands. The next morning by break of day, both of them again brought their bands into the field, to confirm the victory, which either of them supposed they had gotten. But Metellus came to Pompey at that present time, whereupon Sertorius went his way, and dispersed his army: for his camp was easily broken, & suddenly gathered again together. For Sertorius would sometime wander the fields alone, and at an other time again he would have a hundred and fifty thousand fight men together in the field, like a vehement stream that sometime is dried up, and that suddenly again is all of a flood. Pompey after this battle going to welcome Metellus, when they came near one an other, he commanded his sergeants and officers to put down their bundle of rods and axes which they carried before him, to honour Metellus withal, who was a better man than himself. But Metellus would not suffer them, The modesty of Pompey & Metellus. but showed himself equal with him in that, and in all things else, not respecting his seniority, nor that he had been Consul, & Pompey not, saving when they camped together, Metellus gave the watch word to all the camp. Notwithstanding, commonly they camped a sunder, for their enemy that was so flitting from place to place, and was seen in so sundry places in so short time, compelled them to be a sunder to foresee the worst, drawing them suddenly from one purpose to an other: so that in fine, cutting them of from victuals every way, spoiling their country, and keeping the sea side, he drove them both out of the provinces of their charge which they had in SPAIN, and did compel them to go some other where, for lack of victuals. Pompey in the mean time having spent the most part of his goods in this war, sent to ROME for money to pay his soldiers, threatening the Senate, that if they sent him no money, he would return with his army into ITALY. Lucullus then being. Consul, though Pompey's enemy, procured they should sand him money: for he practised to be sent Captain against king Mithridates, and therefore was afraid to give Pompey only occasion to return, who desired nothing more than to leave Sertorius, to bend his force against Mithridates, whose overthrow should be more honourable to him, and also less dangerous. In the mean space, Sertorius died, being betrayed by those whom he thought his friends, among the which Perpenna was the chief man, that after Sertorius death would needs counterfeit his doings, having the same means, the same furniture, and the same power that he had: howbeit he lacked his wit, and skill to employ them. Pompey therefore marching directly towards him, and finding how ignorant Perpenna was in his affairs: he laid a bait for him of ten cohorts which he sent to pray in the fields, commanding them to disperse themselves abroad as far as they could, one from an other. Perpenna strait took the occasion, and gave them charge, and had them in chase. But Pompey tarrying him at the ford, was ready for him with all his army set in order: he gave him battle, obtained the victory, and ended all this war, because the most of the Captains were slain in the field, and Perpenna the chief of all taken prisoner, Pompey overcame Perpenna, and slew him. whom he presently put to death. But herein Pompey was not to be condemned of ingratitude nor oblivion (as some do burden him) of Perpennaes' friendship showed him in SICILY, but rather deserved praise to have determined so wisely for benefit of the common wealth. For Perpenna having in his custody all Sertorius writings, he showed letters of the greatest noble men of ROME, (which were desirous of change of government) willing him to return into ITALY. Pompey upon sight of these letters, fearing lest they would breed greater sedition & stir in ROME, then that which was already pacified: put Perpenna to death as soon as he could, and burned all his papers and writings, not reading any letter of them. Then Pompey remaining in SPAIN a certain time, Pompey burnt Sertorius letters: the like also did julius Caesar when he overcame Pompey. till he had pacified all commotions and tumults, marvelously out of order: he brought his army back again into ITALY, and arrived there when the war of the bondmen and fencers led by Spartacus, was in greatest fury. Upon his coming therefore, Crassus being sent Captain against these bondmen, made haste to give them battle, which he won, and slew twelve thousand, three hundred of these fugitive slaves. Notwithstanding, fortune meaning to give Pompey some part of this honour, five thousand of these bondmen escaping from the battle, fell into his hands. Whereupon, he having overcome them, Pompey overcame the rest of the bondmen. wrote unto the Senate that Crassus had overcome the fencers in battle, and that he had plucked up this war by the roots. The ROMANS receiving Pompey's letters, were very glad of this news for the love they bore him. But as for the winning of SPAIN again, and the overthrow of Sertorius, there was no man, although it were in sport, that ever gave any man else the honour, but unto Pompey only. For all this great honour and love they bore unto Pompey, yet they did suspect him, and were afraid of him, because he did not disperse his army, that he would follow Sulla's steps, to rule alone by plain force. hereupon, as many went to meet him for fear, as there were that went for good will they bore him. But after he had put this suspicion quite out of their heads, telling them that he would discharge his army after he had triumphed: then his illwillers could blame him for nothing else, but that he was more inclined to the people then to the nobility, and that he had a desire to restore the Tribuneshippe of the people, which Sylla had put down, only to gratify the common people in all he could: the which in deed was true. For the common people at ROME never longed for thing more, than they did to see the office of the Tribune set up again. Yea, Pompey himself thought it the happiest turn that ever came to him, to light in such a time, to do such an act. For, had any other man prevented him of that, he could never have found the like occasion possibly to have requited the people's good wills unto him, so much as in that. Now therefore, his second triumph and first consulship being decreed by the Senate: that made him nothing the greater, or better man. And yet was it a show and signification of his greatness, the which Crassus (the richest man, the eloquentest and greatest person of all them that at that time dealt in matters of state, and made more estimation of himself then of Pompey and all the rest) never durst once demand: before he had craved Pompey's goodwill. Pompey was very glad of his request, and had sought occasion of long time to pleasure him: and thereupon made earnest suit unto the people for him, assuring them he would as much thank them for making Crassus his colleague and fellow Consul, as he would, for making himself Consul. Pompey and Crassus first consulship. All this notwithstanding, when they were created Consuls, they were in all things contrary one to an other, and never agreed in any one thing while they were Consuls together. Crassus' had more authority with the Senate, but Pompey had more credit with the people. For he restored them the office of the Tribune, and passed by edict, that the Knights of ROME should have full power again to judge causes civil and criminal. It was a pleasant sight also to the people, when he came unto the Censors in person, to pray that he might be dispensed with for going to the wars. For it was an ancient custom in ROME, The custom of the Knights in Rome. that the Knights of ROME having served a certain time in the wars appointed by their order, should bring their horse in the midst of the market place before the two Censors, declaring every Captain under whom they had served, in what journeys and countries they had been, and having also delivered account of their good behaviour and service, they then prayed to be dismissed from the wars. Pompey as a Knight of Rome, sueth to be discharged from the wars. Now if it appeared that they had done good service, there were they honourably rewarded: or otherwise openly shamed and punished. At that time, Gellius and Lentulus the two Censors, being honourably set in their tribunal or judgement seat, taking view of all the ROMAN Knights that mustered before them, Pompey submitteth to the Censors. to be seen and examined: they marveled when they saw Pompey coming at the further end of the market place, having all the marks of a Consul borne before him, and himself leading his horse in his hand by the bridle. When Pompey came nearer, and that they saw it was he, he commanded his sergeants that carried the axes before him, to make room for him to pass by the bars with his horse, where the Censors sat. Then the people flocked about him, wondering and rejoicing, being very silent. The Censors themselves also were marvelous glad to see him so obedient to the law, and did him great reverence. In fine, the elder of the Censors, did examine him in this sort. Pompey the great, I pray thee tell me if thou hast served so long time in the wars, as the law doth appoint? Then answered Pompey aloud: yes verily that I have, and under no other Captain then myself. The people hearing that answer, made an open shout for joy, they were so glad to hear it: and the Censors themselves came from their judgement seat, and went to accompaine Pompey home to his house, to please the great multitude of people that followed him, clapping of their hands, with great signs of joy. At the end of their consulship, when misliking increased further betwixt Pompey and Crassus, there was one Gaius Aurelius, of the order of Knighthood, who till that time never spoke in open assembly, but then got up into the pulpit for orations, and told the people openly: how jupiter had appeared to him in the night, and had commanded him to tell both the Consuls from him, that they should not leave their charge and office, before they were reconciled together. For all these words Pompey stirred not. But Crassus first took him by the hand, and spoke openly to him before the people. My Lords, I think not myself dishonoured to give a place to Pompey, sith you yourselves have thought him worthy to be called, the great, before he had any hear of his face, and unto whom you granted the honour of two triumphs before he came to be Senator. When he had said his mind, they were made friends together, Pompey and Crassus made friends. and so surrendered up their office. Now for Crassus, he held on his former manner of life which he had begun. Pompey as near as he could gave over to pled men's causes any more, & began little and little to withdraw himself from frequenting the market place, and matters of judgement, coming seldom abroad, & when he did, he had always a great train following him. It was a rare thing also to see him any more come out of his house, or talk with any man, Pompey pride and glory. but he was ever accompanied with a great number, & he rejoiced to himself, to see that he had always such a train with him: for that made him to be honoured the more, & gave him greater counternaunce to see him thus courted, thinking it dishonour to him to be familiar with mean persons. For men that rise by arms, are easily despised, when they come to live like private citizens: because they can not fashion themselves to be companions with the common people, (who citizen like use a common familiarity together) but look to be their betters in the city, as they are in the field. Yea and contrarily, they that do acknowledge themselves to be their inferiors in wars: will think fowl scorn if they be not their superiors in peace. And by this means when they have a noble warrior among them that followeth public causes (which hath triumphed for many victories and battles he hath obtained) they obscure his glory, and make him an underling unto them: whereas they do not otherwise envy any soldiers, that are contented equally to give them place and authority, as plainly appeared shortly after by Pompey himself. By such an occasion, the power of pirates on the sea took beginning in the country of CILICIA, The beginning of the pirates war. which was not reckoned of at the first, because it was not perceived, until they grew bold & venturous in king Mithridates' wars, being hired to do him service. And afterwards the ROMANS being troubled with civil wars, one fight with an other even at ROME gates, the sea not being looked to all this while: it set them a gogge, and made them go further than ever they did before. For they did not only rob & spoil all merchant ventures by sea, but rifled also all the Islands & towns upon the sea coast: The power & insolency of the pirates in Cilicia. insomuch as then there joined with them, men of great wealth and nobility, & of great wisdom also, & entered into their fellowship, as into a commendable faculty. Now they had set up arsenals or store houses in sundry places, they had sundry havens and beacons on the land, to give warning by fire all alongst the sea coast, & those well kept & watched: moreover, they had great fleets of ships, ready furnished with excellent good galliots of oars, skilful pilots & mariners, their ships of swift sail, & pinnaces for discovery, but withal so gloriously set out, that men less hated their excess, than feared their force. For the poops of their galliots were all guilt, the coverings of the same all of purple silk, delighting only to make a glorious show of their pillage. All the sea coast over, there was no sight of any thing but music, singing, banqueting, and rioting, prizes of Captains, and men of great quality, & ransoms of a thousand prisoners: & all this was to the shame & dishonour of the ROMANS. Their ships were about a thousand in number, The pirates navy, a thousand ships. & they had taken above four hundred towns. They had spoiled & destroyed many holy temples that had never been touched before. As the temple of the twins in the isle of CLAROS, the temple of Samothrecia, the temple of Earth in the city of HERMION, & the temple of AEsculapius in EPIDAURUM: the temples of Neptune in ISTHMOS, TAENARIA, & CALABRIA: & the temples of Apollo in ACTIUM, in the isle of LEUCADES: the temples of juno in SAMOS, in ARGOS, & in LUCANIA, They had also many strange sacrifices & certain ceremonies of religion amongst themselves, in the mount Olympus, & among other, the mystery of Mithres, which is the sun: & remaineth yet in being unto this day, being first showed by them. But besides all these insolent parts and injuries they did the ROMANS upon the sea, they went a land, and where they found any houses of pleasure upon the sea coast, they spoilt & destroyed them: & on a time they took two ROMAN Praetors, Sextilius, & belinus, being in their purple robes, with their sergeaunts & officers attending on them, & carried them quite away. another time also they stolen away the daughter of Antonius (a man that had received honour of triumph) as she went a walking abroad in the fields, & she was redeemed for a great sum of money. But you the greatest spite & mockery they used to the ROMANS, was this. That when they had taken any of them and that he cried he was a citizen of ROME, and named his name: The pirates scorning of the Romans, when they were taken. then they made as through they had been amazed, and afraid of that they had done. For they clapped their hands on their thighs, and fell down on their knees before him, praying him to forgive them. The poor prisoner thought they had done it in good earnest, seeing they humbled themselves as though they seemed fearful. For some of them came unto him, & put shoes on his feet: others clapped a gown on the back of him after the ROMAN fashion, for fear, (said they) lest he should be mistaken an other time. When they had played all this pageant, & mocked him their bellies full: at the last they cast out one of their ship ladders, and put him on it, & had him go his way, he should have no hurt: and if he would not go of himself, than they cast him over the board by force, and sent him packing. These rovers and sea pirates had all the sea Mediterraneum at commandment: insomuch there durst not a merchant look out, nor once traffic that sea. And this was the only cause that moved the ROMANS, (fearing scarcity of victuals, and a great dearth) to sand Pompey to recover the signory again of the sea from these pirates. The first man that moved it might be decreed, that Pompey should not be only Admiral, or General by sea, but should have absolute power to command all manner of persons as he thought good, without any account to be made of his doings in his charge: was Gabinius, Pompey's friend. Gabinius law for Pompey's authority against the pirates. The sum to this decree gave him full power and absolute authority of all the sea from Hercules pillars, and of the main land, the space of four hundred furlong from the sea. (For the ROMANS dominions at that time in few places went further than that: notwithstanding, within that compass were many great nations & mighty kings.) Furthermore, it gave him power to choose of the Senate fifteen lieutenants, to give unto every one of them, several provinces in charge, according to his discretion: and also to take money out of the treasure, of the General receivers of the state, to defray the charges of a fleet of two hundred sail, with full power beside to levy what men of war he thought good, and as many galliots and mariners as he listed. This law when it had been read once over among them, the people confirmed it with very good william. Yet the noble men and chief of the Senate thought that this authority did not only exceed all envy, but also that it gave them apparent cause of fear, to give such absolute power unto a private person. Whereupon, they were all against it but Caesar, who favoured the decree, not so much to pleasure Pompey, as the people, whose favour he sought. The noble men fell marvelously out with Pompey: and at the length one of the Consuls was very hot with him, and told him he looked to follow Romulus' steps, but peradventure he would come short of that end he made. Thereupon the people thought to have killed him. After that, Catulus stood up to speak against this edict. The people at the first heard him quietly, because he was a worthy man. Then he began without any show of envy, to speak many goodly things in the praise of Pompey, and in fine, advised the people to spare him, and not to venture in such dangerous wars (one after an other) a man of so great account, as they aught to make of him. If ye chance to lose him, said he: whom have you then to put in his place? The people than cried out: yourself. Then perceiving that he lost his labour, seeking to turn the people from their determination: he left it there, and said no more. Roscius rose next after him to speak, but he could have no audience. When he saw that he could not be heard, he made a sign with his fingers, that they should not give Pompey alone this authority, but join an other with him. The people being offended withal made, such an outcry upon it, that a crow flying over the market place at that instant, was stricken blind, & fell down amongst the people. At the voice of the people, a crow flying fell down. Whereby it appeareth, that fowl falling out of the air to the ground, do not fall for that the air is broken or pierced with any force or fury: but because the very breath of the voice (when it cometh with such a violence, as it maketh a very tempest in the air) doth strike & overcome them. Thus for that day, the assembly broke up, and nothing past: and at the day appointed when this decree should pass by voices of the people, Pompey went abroad into the country. There being advertised that the decree was passed for the confirmation of his charge, he returned again that night into the city, because he would avoid the envy they would have borne him to have seen them run out of all parts of the city unto him, to have waited on him home. The next morning he came abroad, and sacrificed to the gods: and audience being given him at an open assembly, he handled the matter so, that they gave him many things beside to enlarge his power, almost doubling the preparation set down and appointed at the first decree. Pompey's preparation against the pirates. For he ordained that the common wealth should arm him five hundred ships, & they levied for him six score thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen, and chose beside four and twenty Senators, which had every one of them been Generals of armies, and two general treasurers also. While things were thus a preparing, the price of victuals fell by chances which rejoiced the people so much, that they stuck not to say, that the name of Pompey only had already ended this war. This notwithstanding, he divided all the sea between the lands into thirteen regions, and in every of them he appointed a certain number of his ships, and moreover, one of his lieutenants over them. Thus having dispersed his power all abroad, he brought all the pirate's ships that were in a fleet together, within his danger: and when he had taken them, he brought them all into a dock. Now for them that had dispersed themselves betimes, or that otherwise could scape his general chase: they fled all into CILICIA, as bees into the beehive, against whom he would needs go himself in person with three score of his best ships. Howbeit he cared not though he went not before he had scoored all the Tuscan sea, the coasts of LYBIA, SARDINIA, SICILY, and of CORSICA, of all these thieves which are wont to keep thereabouts: and this he did within forty days space, taking infinite pains, both himself and his lieutenants. Now when one of the Consuls called Piso did all the best he could to hinder Pompey's preparation, and had discharged his ower men, for that he envied Pompey's prosperity: Pompey sent his ships before to make towards ITALY to arrive at the city of BRUNDUSIM. He in the mean time, went through TEUSCANE to ROME, where, so soon as his coming was known, all the people ran out to meet him, as if he had been absent a long time: and that which made the people more joyful to see him, was the sudden change of victals unlooked for, that daily came to the town out of all parts. But Piso went near to be deprived of his consulship: The courtesy of Pompey unto Piso. for Gabinius had the decree written, and ready to present to the people. But Pompey would not suffer it. So, having gently brought all to pass as he desired, he went unto the city of BRUNDISIUM, and there took sea, and hoist sail. Now though his hasty voyage, and shortness of time made him pass by many good cities without coming into them: notwithstanding, he would not so pass by the city of ATHENS, but landed there, and after he had sacrificed to the gods, returned to embark again. At this going out of the city, he read two writings that were made in his praise, the one within the gate which said thus. The humblier that thou dost thyself as man behave, The more thou dost deserve the name of god to have. And the other writing was without the gate, which said: We wished for thee, we wait for thee, We worship thee, we wait on thee. Now because Pompey having taken certain of these rovers by sea that kept together, did use them gently when they required pardon, and having their ships and bodies in his power, did them no hurt at all: their other companions being in good hope of his mercy, fled from his other Captains and lieutenants, and went and yielded themselves, their wives and children into his hands. Pompey pardoned all them that came in of themselves, and by that means he came to have knowledge of the rest, and to follow them where they went, whom he took in the end: but knowing that they deserved no pardon, they hide themselves. Yet the most part, and the richest of them, had conveyed their wives, children and goods, and all other their family unmeet for wars, into strong castles and little towns upon mount Taurus: and such men as were able to carry weapon, embarked, and lay before a city of CORACESIUM, where they tarried Pompey, and gave him battle, first by sea, and there were overcome, and afterwards they were besieged by land. Howbeit shortly after, they prayed they might be received to mercy, and thereupon yielded their bodies, towns, and Islands which they had fortified, and were hard to have taken and worse to have approached. Thus was this war ended, The victory of Pompey upon the pirate. and all the pirates in less than three months driven from the sea wheresoever they were. He wan also a great number of other ships, besides four score and ten galleys armed with copper spurs. And touching the men whom they had taken, (who were in number above twenty thousand persons) he did not only consider whether he should put them to death, but also thought it no wise part on tother side to let them go at liberty, to gather force again, being so great a number of them as in deed they were, and all poor men and soldiers. Therefore, weighing with himself, that man by nature is ●●● borne a wild or savage beast, but contrarily becometh a brute beast changing nature, wh● he falleth to vice: and again is made tame and civil in time, changing place and manner of life: (as brute beasts that being wild by nature do also become gentle and tractable, with gentler usage by continuance) he determined to draw these pirates from the sea into thupland, and to make them feel the true and innocent life, How men are tamed. by dwelling in towns, and manuring the ground. Some of them therefore he placed in certain small towns of the CILICIANS, that were scant inhabited, & were very glad of them, giving them land to keep them with. The city of the SULTAN'S also, that not long before had been destroyed by Tigranes the king of ARMINIA, being desirous to replenish that again, he placed many of them there. He bestowed divers also in the city of DYMA in the country of ACHAIA, which at that time lacked inhabitants, and had great store of very good land. Now therefore his enemies reproved him greatly: and for that he did in CRETA, they that were his best and greatest friends misliked him. For Metellus that gentle person, Pompey lewd fact against Metellus. (a cozen to that Metellus which was his colleague, and made wars in SPAIN with him against Sertorius) was sent Praetor into CRETA, before Pompey was chosen General against the pirates. This CRETA, next unto CILICIA, was even a second den of pirates. Metellus finding there a great number of these thieves, took many of them, and put them to death, even all that came to his hands. Then, such as had scaped from him, being straightly besieged, sent unto Pompey to pray him of pardon, and to take them to mercy: declaring unto him, that the isle of CRETA was within the precinct of his charge, because all parts of that region from the sea came just within the compass limited him on the land. Pompey pardoning them upon their submission, wrote unto Metellus, & commanded him to leave of his war, and therewithal charged all the cities, that they should not obey Metellus commandments. After that he sent Lucius Octavius, one of his lieutenants, who entered into the towns Metellus besieged, and fought for the pirates. This made Pompey not only hated & envied, but derided also: for that under his name he had protected such vile thieves, that had neither God nor law, and given them his authority to save their lives, for a little envy and emulation he bore unto Metellus. And therefore they rightly reprove Achilles, Achilles' dishonest fact. and say that he showed not the part of a wise man, but of a young fool besides himself, for desire of glory, making a sign to the GRECIANS, forbidding them to strike at Hector, to th'end that as Homer said: Lest he too late should to the battle run, When others had the honour of it won. But Pompey's fact was worse than this. For he fought for the common enemies of the world, and only to deprive a ROMAN Praetor of triumph, who had done great good service to have destroyed them. This notwithstanding, Metellus left not of his war for Pompey's letters, but having taken the pirates by assault, he put them to death: and afterwards having done Octovius open shame through his camp, he let him go. When news came to ROME, that the pirates war was brought to good end, & that Pompey having no other service in hand, went visiting the cities up & down: one Manilius a Tribune of the people, put forth an other decree unto them of this effect. That Pompey taking all the army Lucullus had, Pompey appointed Lucullus successor. & the provinces under his government, with all BYTHINIA, which Glabrio kept: should go make war upon the kings Tigranes and Mithridates, keeping in his hands notwithstanding all his jurisdiction and army by sea, in as royal manner as he had it before. In fine, this was even to make one man Monarch and absolute Prince, of all the ROMAN Empire. For by this second decree, he had all these countries not named in his former commission, added to amplify his authority, as PHRYGIA, LYCAONIA, GALATIA, CAPPADOCIA, CILICIA, high COLCHIDA and ARMENIA, with all the armies and forces with the which he had overcomen those two mighty kings. Then the Senate stuck not so much at the injury that was offered unto Lucullus, depriving him of the honour of his doings, to give it to an other, that should rather succeed him in honour of triumph, then in danger of wars, knowing that they did him too manifest injury, & showed themselves too unthankful: but that which most grieved them, was to see Pompey's power established in a plain tyranny. hereupon therefore, one of them persuaded and encouraged an other, stoutly to withstand this edict, and not to suffer their liberty to be lost in this sort. Notwithstanding, when the day came that the decree should pass, they were so afraid to anger the people, that their hearts failed them, & none durst speak against it but Catulus only: The boldness of Catulus in dissuading Manilius law. that earnestly inveighed against the passing of it a long time together, & greatly blamed the people. At the length, perceiving he had won never a man to take his part, he oftentimes cried out to the Senate, that they should look to seek out some mountain or high rock to retire safely unto, to defend their liberty, as their ancestors had done in old time before them. All this prevailed not, for the decree passed by the voices of all the tribes, as it is reported. And thus was Pompey in his absence made Lord almost of all that, which Sylla by force of arms and great effusion of blood (having made himself Lord of ROME) had before in his power. When Pompey had received letters from ROME, Pompey's great dissimulation. advertising him what the people had passed in his behalf: some say that at the receipt of them (in the presence of his familiar friends that were about him, and rejoiced with him for congratulation) he knit his brows, and clapped on his thigh, as though it grieved him marvelously to have such great offices & charge said upon him, one in the neck of an other, and burst forth in these words. O gods, shall I never see an end of such a world of troubles as I have? Had it not been better for me to have been a mean man borne and unknown, then thus continually to be in war with armour on my back? What, shall I never see the time, that breaking the necks of spite and envy against me, I may yet once in my life live quietly at home in my country, with my wife & children? When Pompey spoke those words, his familiar friends could not abide to see his deep dissimulation, knowing that besides his natural ambition and covetous desire to rule, he was glad in his heart that he had this charge, for the contention that was betwixt him and Lucullus: Quarrel betwixt Pompey and Lucullus. which his deeds forthwith bewrayed. For he presently sent out precepts into every quarter, commanding all sorts of soldiers to come to him immediately, & made also all the Princes and kings within precinct of his charge to come unto him, and going through the countries, altered and changed all that Lucullus had established before. Furthermore, he did release the penalties enjoined them, and took from them also the gifts that Lucullus bestowed of them. In fine, this was all his purpose and desire: to make them that honoured Lucullus know, that he had no further power & authority to do any thing. Lucullus finding himself hardly handled by Pompey, the friends of either side thought good they should meet & talk together: which came so to pass, for they met in the country of GALATIA. Pompey and Lucullus meeting in Galatia. And because they both were great Captains of the ROMAN armies, and had done many famous acts, they had their sergeants & officers that carried the bundles of rods before them, wreathed about with laurel boughs. When they met, Lucullus came out of a close & woddy country, all covered with green tree●, and Pompey on tother side had passed through a great sandy plain, where no tree was growing. Thereupon Lucullus sergeants seeing the laurel boughs dry and withered away, which Pompey's sergeants carried, they gave them of their green and fresh boughs to beautify the rods and axes. This was a plain token that Pompey came to take Lucullus honour from him. In troth Lucullus had been Consul before Pompey, & so was he also older man than he: yet the dignity of Pompey was greater, because he had triumphed twice. At their first meeting, their entertainment & discourse was with great ceremony and courtesy as might be, one highly praising the others deeds, rejoicing at each others good success: but at parting, they fell to hot words together, Pompey upbraiding Lucullus avarice, and Lucullus Pompey ambition, so that their friends had much a do to part them. Lucullus departing thence, divided the lands in GALATIA, which he had conquered, and bestowed them & other gifts, on such as he thought good. Pompey on tother side camping hard by him, specially commanded the people in every part to obey him in nothing whatsoever he did: and beside, he took all his soldiers from him, leaving him only sixteen hundred, which he supposed were such, as for disdain and ill will they bore him, would do him but small service. Furthermore, to bleamish the glory of his doings, he told every body Lucullus had fought with the pomp & shadow only of these two kings, and that he had left him to fight with all their whole force and power, Mithridates being then prepared for wars, with shields, sword, and horses. Lucullus for revenge on the other side said, that Pompey went to fight but with a shadow of war, like a cowardly buzzard that prayeth upon dead bodies, which others have slain: & to cut a sunder the remain of this war ended by an other, as he had done before, attributing the honour of the overthrow of Sertorius, Lepidus, and Spartacus, to himself, where in deed Metellus, Crassus, and Catulus did overcome them. And therefore it was no marvel, that he sought the glory and honour to triumph for the kingdoms of PONTUS and ARMENIA: sith that through his subtle practices he had obtained triumph for a few slaves and fugitives. Lucullus being now gone his way, Pompey sent good garrisons unto all the coasts upon the sea, from the province of PHOENICIA, unto the realm of BOSPHORVS. That done, he took his journey by land towards Mithridates, Pompey's journey against Mithridates. who had in his camp thirty thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen, and yet durst not offer battle, but camped first upon a mountain of great strength, and hard to get up on: notwithstanding shortly after, he forsook it for lack of water. He was no sooner gone thence, but forthwith Pompey took it. Who, conjecturing by the nature of the plants and trees in that place which were very green, and also by divers holes he found, that for reason thereabouts should be some springs: he commanded them to dig wells in every corner, so that in a very short time all his camp had water enough, and he wondered at Mithridates, that he could not find that out in all the time he lay there. In th'end, he went and camped round about Mithridates, and entrenched him with a wall within his own camp: who after he had abidden the siege five and forty days, fled away with all the choice of his army, unknowing to Pompey, having first slain all the sick and impotent persons within his camp. After that, Pompey found him an other time by the river of Euphrates, & went and lodged hard by him. But fearing that Mithridates would pass over the river before he could prevent him in time, he raised his camp again, & marched away at midnight. About that time, they say, that Mithridates saw that in a dream, Mithridates' dream. which did prognosticate what should happen. He thought, that having the wind in the poop of his ship, he was under sail, in the midst of the sea of Mare Bosphorum, and that he was marvelous glad of it, and rejoiced with them that failed with him, thinking himself certainly past all danger: yet suddenly again, that all this joy left him, and that he floated up and down the waves of the sea, upon a little piece of the ship that was broken, trusting to the mercy of the winds. As he was troubled with this ill favoured dream, certain of his familiars came to him and told him, that Pompey was come so near, that there was no shift, but they must needs fight to defend their camp. Thereupon, his Captains strait began to put his men in battle ray, ready to fight. Pompey understanding they prepared to make defence, was in doubt to venture his men to fight in the dark, thinking it better to compass them in to keep them from flying, & then in the morning to set upon them more easily, his men being the better soldiers. But Pompey's old Captains were so earnestly in hand with him to persuade him they might fight, that in the end he was contented they should give charge. Now it was not so dark but they could somewhat see, for the moon that was very low and upon her setting, gave light enough to discern the body of a man: yet because the moon was very low, the shadow which gave out further far than their bodies, came almost even to their very enemies, which did let them that they could not certainly judge what space of ground was between them, but imagining that they were hard by them, they cast their darts at the ROMANS, but they hurt never a man, for their bodies were a great way from them. The ROMANS perceiving that, ran upon them with great cries. But the barbarous people durst not abide their charge they were so afraid, but turned their backs, and ran away for life, so that they were slain down right. Pompey overthrew Mithridates. Thus were there ten thousand of the barbarous people slain and more, and their camp also taken. As for Mithridates himself, at the beginning of thonset, he made a lane among the ROMANS with eight hundred horsemen, and passed clean through them. But incontinently his men dispersed upon it, some one way, some an other way, so that he was left alone but with three persons only, whereof Hypsicratea was one of the number, Hypsicratea, Mithridates, concubine, otherwise called Hypsicrates, for his valiantness like a man. which had ever been valiant and had a man's heart: whereupon, for that cause Mithridates called her Hypsicrates. She at that time being arrayed like a man of arms of PERSIA, and mounted also on a horse after the PERSIAN manner, was never weary with any long journey the king made, nor never left to wait upon his person, and to look to his horse: until such time as the king came to a strong castle called Inora, where was great store of gold & silver, and the kings chiefest treasure. Then Mithridates took of his richest apparel he had there, & gave it amongst them that were about him at that time, and a deadly poison beside to every one of his friends to carry about them, because they should not (unless they would themselves) fall into their enemy's hands alive. From thence he thought to take his journey into ARMENIA, unto king Tigranes. Howbeit Tigranes sent to let him, and further proclaimed by trumpet, that he would give a hundred talentes to him that could kill him. Thereupon, passing by the head of the river of Euphrates, he fled through the country of CHOLCHIDE. In the mean time, Pompey invaded the country of ARMENIA, at the request of Tigranes the younger, who was revolted against his father, and went to meet with Pompey at the river of Araxes, Araxes fl.. which hath his beginning almost about the head of Euphrates: but it runneth towards the East, and falleth into Mare Caspium. So they both together marched on further into the country, receiving such towns as yielded unto them. But king Tigranes (that not long before had been consumed and destroyed by Lucullus) understanding that Pompey was of a mild and gentle nature, he received his garrisons into his strongest forts and royal houses, and went himself with his friends and kinsmen to meet Pompey, & to yield himself unto him. Tigranes yieldeth himself unto Pompey. When he came hard to his camp, being a horse back, there came out two sergeants of Pompey's, & commanded him to light and go in a foot, for there was never man seen a horse back within the ROMANS camp. Tigranes did not only obey them, but further plucked of his sword and gave it them: and in fine, when he came almost to Pompey, taking of his royal hat from his head, he would have laid it at Pompey's feet, Tigranes' laid his diadem at Pompey's feet. & falling down most shamefully on the ground, embased himself to embrace Pompey's knees. But Pompey himself prevented him, and taking him by the hand, made him to sit down by him on the one side of him, and his son on the other. Then he said unto them both: as for the other losses you have sustained heretofore, you must thank Lucullus for them, who hath taken from you, SYRIA, PHOENICIA, CILICIA, GALATIA, and SOPHENA: but for that you have left you till my coming. I will let you enjoy it, paying to the ROMANS a fine of six thousand talents for the injury you had done them, provide also, that your son have the kingdom of SOPHENA for his part. Tigranes' accepted the conditions of peace. The ROMANS then saluted him king. He was so glad thereof, that he promised to give every soldier half a Mina, every Centener ten Minas, and to every Colonel of a thousand men a talon. His son was very angry withal: insomuch as Pompey sending for him to come to supper to him, he answered again, that was not the friendship he looked for at Pompey's hands, for he should find many other ROMANS that would offer him that courtesy. Pompey for his answer, clapped him up as a prisoner, Tigranes' son a prisoner. and kept him to be led in triumph at ROME. Shortly after, Phrates king of PARTHIA sent Ambassadors to Pompey to demand this young Prince, Ambassadors sent from the king of Parthia unto Pompey. that was his son in law: and to tell him that the river of Euphrates must be the uttermost confines of his conquests. Pompey answered again, that Tigraneshad more right to his son, than the father in law: and as for limiting of his borders, that he would do it with justice. So, leaving Afranius in ARMENIA to keep the country, Pompey passed by other nations which inhabit about mount Caucasus, Caucasus mont. having Mithridates in chase: of which nations, two of the chiefest and of greatest power, are the ALBANIANS and IBERIANS. Albani, and Iberes: what me●●● of people. The IBERIANS do stretch out unto mount Moschium, & to the realm of PONTUS. The ALBANIANS lie towards the East, and Mare Caspium. These men first suffered Pompey to pass through their country, upon his sending to them. But winter having stolen upon the ROMANS while they were there, & they busily occupied about Saturn's feasts: the barbarous people having levied above forty thousand fight men in one camp together, came & passed over the river of Cyrnus. Cyrnus fl.. (This river cometh from the mountains of the IBERIANS, and receiving the river of Araxes into it, which passeth through ARMENIA, disperseth itself into twelve several mouths, and so falleth into Mare Caspium. Some notwithstanding hold opinion, that Cyrnus receiveth not the river of Araxes into it, but that it runneth by itself, & falleth into the same sea, 〈…〉 unto the mouths of the other.) Pompey might if he had would have kept them for coming over the river, yet did he suffer them quietly to pass over. When they were all over, he went against them, Pompey overthrew the Albanians. overcame them in battle, and slew a great number of them in the field. Afterwards he pardoned their king, submitting himself unto Pompey by his Ambassadors, and made peace with him. Then from thence he went against the IBERIANS: who were no less in number, than the ALBANIANS were at the first, and also better soldiers, and were resolutely bend to do good service unto Mithridates, and to drive out Pompey. Pompey overcame the Iberians. These IBERIANS were never subject to the Empire of the PERSIANS, nor of the MEDES, and scaped also from being subject to the MACEDONIANS, for that Alexander never stayed in the country of HYCANIA whom also Pompey overcame in a great & bloody battle, having slain nine thousand in the field, and taken ten thousand prisoners. From thence he went into the country of COLONIDA. There Servilius met him by the river of Phasis, Phasis fl.. with the fleet of ships with the which he kept all Mare Ponticum. Now to follow Mithridates further, who had hid himself amongst a people that were neighbours unto the straights of BOSPHORVS, and the ma●isses Maeotides, he found it a hard piece of work. Furthermore also, he had news that the ALBANIANS were rebelled again, The Albanians rebel against Pompey. which drew him back to be revenged of them. Thereupon he passed again over the river of Cyrnus, with great pain and danger, because the barbarous people had made a strong defence a great way alongst the river side, with a marvelous number of great trees, field and laid a cross one over an other. Furthermore, when he had with great difficulty passed thorough them, he fell into an evil favoured country, where he should travel a great way before he could come to any water. Thereupon he caused ten thousand goats skins to be filled with water, and so went forward to meet with his enemies, whom he found by the river of Abas, Abas fl.. being six score thousand footmen, and twelve thousand horsemen, but all (or the most of them) ill armed with wild beasts skins. Their Chieftain was Cosis, the kings own brother. He, when the battle was begun, flew upon Pompey, and threw a dart at him, and hurt him in the flank. Pompey on tother side, Pompey slew Cosis, the kings brother of the Albanians. ran him through with his lance on both sides, & slew stark dead. Some say also, that there were certain amazons at this battle, The Amazons. which fought of the barbarous people's side, coming from the mountains that run alongst the river of Thermodon. For, after the overthrow given, the ROMANS spoiling the dead, found targets, and buskinnes of the AMAZONS, but not a body of a woman among them. They also do inhabit on the side of the mountain Caucasus, that looketh towards Mare Hyrcanium, and do not border upon the ALBANIANS: but the GELE, and the LELEGES are between them, Gele and Leleges, people that do company with the Amazons. with whom they company two months only every year meeting together, by the river of Thermodon, Thermodon fl.. and all the rest of the year, they live a part by themselves. After this last battle, Pompey going to invade the country of HYRCANIA, as far as Mare Caspium, he was compelled to go back again for the infinite number of deadly venomous serpents which he met with, being come within three days journey of it. So he returned back again into ARMENIA the less, and there received presents which were sent unto him from the kings of the ELYMIANS and the MEDES, and wrote very courteously unto them again: howbeit he sent Afranius with part of his army against the king of the PARTHIANS, who had invaded the country of GORDIENA, and harried and spoiled the king of Tigranes subjects. Notwithstanding, he drove him out, and followed him unto A●BELITIDE. Furthermore, all the lemans and concubines of king Mithridates being brought unto Pompey, he would touch none of them, but sent them all home again, to their parents and friends, because the most of them were either the daughters of Princes, of noblemen, & of Captains. Notwithstanding, Stratonice that of all the rest of his lemans, Stratonice, Mithridates chief harlot. had most credit about Mithridates, unto whom he had left all the charge of his castle, where the greatest part of his treasure of gold and silver lay, was a singer's daughter, who as they said, was not rich, but an old man. She having song one night before Mithridates, being at supper, he fell in such fancy with her, that he would needs have her lie with him the same night, and the old man her father went home offended, because the king would not so much as give him one good word. But the next morning when he rose, he marveled to see the tables in his house full of plate of gold and silver, and a great company of serving men, grooms of chamber & pages, and that they had brought him marvelous rich apparel, & a horse ready as the gates bravely furnished, as the king's familiars did use when they went abroad into the city: he thought it was done in mockery, to have made sport with him, and therefore would have run his way, had not the serving men kept him, and told him that they were a great rich man's goods that died of late, which the king had bestowed on him, and that all this he saw, was but a little portion in respect of the other goods and lands he gave him. So the old man believing them, at the length did put on this purple gown they brought him, and got up a horse back, & riding through the streets, cried, all this is mine, all this is mine. Certain laughing him to scorn for it, he told them: masters, ye may not wonder to hear me thus cry out, but rather, that I throw not stones at them I meet, I am so mad for joy. Such was Stratonices birth and parentage, as we have told you. She did then deliver this castle into Pompey's hands, and offered him many goodly rich presents: but he would take none of them, other than such as served to adorn the temples of the gods, and to beautify his triumph, and left all the rest with Stratonice herself, to dispose as she thought good. In like manner also, the king of the IBERIANS, having sent him a bedstead, a table, and a chair of clean gold, praying him to take it as a remembrance from him: he delivered it over unto the Treasorers' custody, Pompey's abstinence from taking of gifts. to be accountable for it unto the state. In an other castle called Coenon, he found certain secret letters sent from Mithridates, which pleased him marvelously to read, because thereby he plainly understood the kings nature and inclination. For in them were mentioned that he had poisoned (besides many other) Ariarathes his own soon, and Alcaus the SARDIANIAN, Mithridates' remembrances. because he had won the bell, at the horse race before him. There was also interpreting of dreams, that either himself or his wives had dreamt, and also love letters betwixt Moni●e and him. Theophanes writeth also, that there was found an oration of Rutilius, in the which he enticed and persuaded Mithridates to put all the ROMANS to death that were in ASIA. Howbeit in reason men think, that this was a shameful lie, maliciously devised by Theophanes, who hated Rutilius, because he was but a counterfeit to him: or peradventure to gratify Pompey, whose father Rutilius in his histories describeth to be as wicked a man as ever lived. Rutilius, an historiographer. Thence Pompey departed towards the city of AMISUS. There his ambition brought him to commit such facts, as he himself did condemn before in Lucullus: for that his enemy being yet alive, he took upon him to establish laws, to give gifts, and distribute such honours, Pompey's fa●e. as Captains that had obtained victory were wont to do, when they had ended all war and trouble. For he himself (Mithridates being yet the stronger in the realm of BOSPHORVS, and having a great puissant army about him) did all that which he reproved an other for, appointing provinces, and giving out gifts to every man according as he deserved, to gratify twelve barbarous kings, with divers other Princes, Lords and Captains, that came to him thither. Writing also to the king of PARTHIA, he disdained to give him that title, which others were wont to do in the direction of their letters, calling him king of kings. Furthermore, he had a wonderful great desire to win SYRIA, and to go through the country of A●●●IA, even unto the red sea, because he might enlarge his conquests and victories every way, even unto the great sea Oceanum, that compasseth all the whole earth. For in LIBYA, he was the first ROMAN that conquered all in the great sea. On tother side, in SPAIN he enlarged thEmpire of ROME, and brought the confines thereof unto Mare Atlantieum. And thirdly, having lately the ALBANIANS in chase, he came almost unto Mare Hyrcanium. Thus be put himself in journey, intending his circuit unto the red sea, specially because he saw Mithridates so ill to follow, & worse to overcome by force when he fled, Pompey's journey into Syria. then when he fought any battle: and that made him say, that he would leave a sharper enemy behind him, than himself: and that he meant, famine. For he appointed soldiers with sufficient number of ships, to lie in wait for the merchants that sailed to the country of BOSPHORVS, to carry them any victuals or other merchandises, prohibiting them upon pain of death that should attempt it. Then he went forward with the best part of his army; and in his way, found the bodies of dead ROMANS which Mithridates had overthrown under the leading of Triarius their Captain, and were yet unburied. So he caused them all to be taken up, and honourably buried. Lucullus having forgotten, or otherwise neglected to do it, in my conscience that was the chiefest cause why his men did hate him. Pompey brought Syria into the form and government of a province. Pompey now having by Afra 〈…〉 〈…〉 the ARABIANS, dwelling about mount Amanus, went himself in person into SYRIA, and made a government and province of it, being won to the ROMAN empire, for that it lacked a lawful king: and conquered all Jewry also, where he took king Aristobulus, and builded certain cities there, and delivered others also from bondage, which by tyrants were forcibly kept, whom he chastised well enough. Howbeit he spent the most part of his time there, deciding of controversies, pacifying of contentions and quarrels by arbitrement, which fell out betwixt the free cities; Princes and kings; and sent of his friends into those places where he could not come himself. For on a time when he was chosen arbitrator betwixt the PARTHIANS and the ARMENIANS, touching the title of a country which both parties claimed: he sent three commissioners thither to judge definitively betwixt them both. If Pompey's fame and renown were great, no less was his virtue, Pompey's virtues. justice, and liberality, which in deed did hide many faults, his friends and familiars about him did commit. For truly he was of so g●●●● a nature, that he could neither keep them from offending, nor yet punish them when they had offended. Notwithstanding, he did use them so well that complained unto him, or that had to deal with him in any matter: that he made them contented, patiently to bear their covetousness & strait dealing. One of his chiefest familiars about him whom he loved best, The power & insolency of Demetrius, Pompey's enfranchised bondman. was called Demetrius, a bondman infanchised, who otherwise was very discrete in his doings, but being somewhat too bold of his good fortune: of him they make this mention. Cato the Philosopher being at that time a young man, yet of good judgement and of a noble mind, in Pompey's absence went to see the city of ANTIOCH. Now for himself, his manner was always to go a foot, & all his friends besides that did accompany him to honour him, were a horseback. He perceiving a far of, a great sort of people coming towards him all in w●●●, and of one side of the street little children, and on the other boys; round about them as in a ring: at the first he was angry withal, thinking they had done it for his sake to honour him, that they made this procession, which he in no wise would have had done. Thereupon he commanded his friends to light from their horses, and to go a foot with him. But when they came near to the gate of the city, the master of the ceremonies that led this processions, having a garland on his head, and a rod in his hand, came unto them, and asked them: where they had left Demetrius, and when he would come? Cato's friends laughed to hear this question: Cato's exclamation against Demetrius, Pompey's enfranchised bondman. then said Cato, alas poor city, and so passed by it. Notwithstanding, Pompey himself was cause that Demetrius had the less ill will borne him, than otherwise he should have had: because they saw how boldly he would use Pompey, and how well he would take it without offence. It is reported, that when Pompey oftentimes had bidden some to dinner or supper; while he was entertaining and welcoming of them, and would tarry till they were all comes Demetrius would be set at the hoard, and presumptuously have his head covered even to the very ears. And furthermore, before he returned into ITALY out of this journey, he had already purchased the goodliest houses of pleasure and fairest walks that were about ROME, and had sumptuous gardens also, the which the people commonly called Demetrius gardens: though his master Pompey was but meanly housed till his third consulship. Howbeit afterwards, he built that famous stately Theatre, Pompey's Theatre. called Pompey's Theatre, and joined unto that also an other house, as a penthouse to his Theatre, far more sumptuous and stately than the first, and yet no more than needed. Insomuch as he that was owner of it after him, when he came into it, he marveled, and asked where abouts it was, that Pompey dined & supped. These things are reported thus. Now, the king of the ARABIANS, that dwelled also at the castle called Petra, having never until that time made any account of the ROMANS army, was 〈…〉 greatly afraid of them, and wrote unto Pompey, that he was at his devotion, The king of Arabia Petrea, submitted himself to Pompey. to do what he would command him, Pompey thereupon to prove him, whether he meant as he 〈…〉 brought his army before this castle of Petra. Howbeit this voyage was not liked of many men, because they judged it was an occasion found out to leave following of Mithridates, against whom they would have had him rather have bend his force, being an ancient enemy to ROME, and that began to gather strength again, and prepared (as they heard say) to lead a great army through SCYTHIA and PANNONIA into ITALY. But Pompey thinking he should sooner minish his power by suffering him to go on with wars, then that he should otherwise be able to take him flying: would not toil to follow him in vain. And for these causes he would needs make wars in other places, and linger time so long, that in the end he was put by his hope. For when he was not far from the castle of Petra, & had lodged his camp for that day: as he was riding and managing his horse up and down the camp, posts came stinging to him from the realm of PONTUS, and brought him good news, as was easily to be discerned a far of by the heads of their javelinings, which were wreathed about with laurel boughs. The soldiers perceiving that; flocked strait about him: but Pompey would make an end of his riding first, before he read these letters. Howbeit they crying to him, and being importunate with him, he lighted from his horse, and returned into his camp, where there was no stone high enough for him to stand upon to speak unto them, and again, the soldiers would not tarry the making of one after the manner of their camp, which men of war do make themselves, with great turns of earth, laying one of them upon an other: but for haste & earnest desire they had to hear what news there was in the letters, they laid together a heap of saddells one upon an other, and Pompey giving up of them, cold how Mithridates was dead, Mithridates' death. and had killed himself with his owned hands, because his son Pharnaces did rebel against him, and had won all that which his father possessed: writing unto him, that he kept it for himself and the ROMANS. Upon these news, all the camp ye may imagine, made wonderful joy, and did sacrifice to the gods, giving them thanks, & were as merry, as if in Mithridates' person alone, there had died an infinite number of their enemies. Pompey by this occasion, having brought this war more easily to pass than he hoped for, departed presently out of ARABIA, and having speedily in few days passed through the countries lying by the way, he came at length to the city of AMISUS. There he found great presents that were brought unto him from Pharnaces, and many dead bodies of the kings blood, and amongst the rest, Mithridates' corpse, which could not well be discerned by his face, because they that had the carrying of his body had forgotten to dry up the brain nevertheless, such as desired to see him, knew him by certain scars he had in his face. For Pompey would is no wise see him: but to avoid envy, sent him away unto the city of SYNOD. He wondered much at the marvelous sumptuons rich apparel and weapons that he ware. The scabbard of his sword (which cost four hundred talents) was stolen by Publius, The value of Mithridates scabbard of his sword. and sold to Ariarathes. Also a hat of Mithridates of wonderful workmanship, being begged of Carus his foster brother, was secretly given to Faustus, the son of Sylla, without Pompey's privity. But afterwards when Pharnaces understood of it, he punished the parties that had embezzled them. Pompey having ordered all things and established that province, went on his journey homewards with great pomp and glory. Pompey's return out of Asia. So, coming unto MITYLENE, he released the city of all taxes and payments for Theophanes sake, & was present at a certain play they yearly make for gain or, where the Poets report their works, contending one with an other, having at that time no other matter in hand, but Pompey's acts and jests. Pompey like exceeding well the Theatre where these plays were made, and drew a model or platform of it to make a stately then that in ROME. As he passed by the city of RHODES, he would needs hear all the Rhetoricians dispute, and gave every one of them a talon. Posidonius hath written the disputation he made before Pompey, against Hermagoras the Rhetorician, upon the theme and proposition Pompey self did give them, touching the general question. Pompey did the like at ATHENS unto the Philosophers there. For he gave towards the re-edifying of the city again; fifty talents. So he thought at his return home into ITALY, to have been very honourably received, and longed to be at home, to see his wife and children, thinking also that they long looked for him that the god that hath the charge given him to mingle fortunes prosperity, with some bitter sop of adversity, laid a block in his way at home in his own house, to make his return more sorrowful. For Mutia his wife had in his absence played false at tables. Mutia, the wife of Pompey. But Pompey being then far of, made no account of the reports nor tales that were told him. Howbeit, when he drew nearer into ITALY'S, Pompey forsook his wife Mutia. and that he was more attentive to give ear to the ill reports he heard: then he sent unto her to tell her, that he refused her for his wife, writing nothing to her at that time, neither ever after told the cause why he had forsaken her. Notwithstanding, in Cicero's Epistles the cause appeareth. Furthermore, there were rumours ran abroad in ROME which troubled them sore, being given out that he would bring his army strait to ROME, and make himself absolute Lord of all the ROMAN Empire. Crassus thereupon, either for that he believed it in deed to be true, or (as it was thought) to make the accusation true, and the entry towards Pompey the greater: conveyed himself, his family, and goods, suddenly out of ROME. So Pompey when he came into ITALY, Pompey at his return out of Asia, discharged his soldiers. called all his soldiers together, and after he had made an oration unto them, as time & occasion required: he commanded them to fever themselves, & every man to repair home to apply his business, remembering to meet at ROME together, at the day of his triumph. His army being thus dispersed, & strait reported abroad for news: a marvelous thing happened unto him. The cities seeing Pompey the great without soldiers, having but a small train about him of his familiar friends only went all of them to meet him, not as though he were returned home from his great conquests, but from some journey taken for his pleasure. Pompey's honourable return to Rome out of Asia. Such was the love of the people to him, that they accompanied him to ROME, whether he would or not, with a greater power than that he had brought into ITALY: so that if he had been disposed to have made any innovation in the common wealth, he had not needed his army. In those days there was a law, that no man should enter into ROME before his triumph: A law for triumph. whereupon Pompey sent to the Senate, to pray them to desert the choosing of Consuls for a few days, because he might be present to further Piso, who fued for the Consulship that year. They denied him his request, by Cato's means that hindered it. Pompey marveling to hear of his boldness & plain speech, which he only used of all other to defend his just causes: had a marvelous desire to win him, & to make him his friend. So Cato having two neces, Pompey desired to marry the one himself, & the other for his son. But Cato mistrusting this desire of Pompey's, Cato refreseth Pompey's alliance. that it was a colour only to win & corrupt him: denied him ●●atly. His wife & sister on tother side, they were angry with him for refusing to make alliance with Pompey the great. About that time it chanced, that Pompey being very desirous to preserve Afranius to be Consul, he caused certain money to be given amongst the tribes of the peoples, & the same was delivered out to some, even in his own gardens. This thing being reported abroad in the city, every man spoke ill of Pompey: that he put the Consulship to sale for money, unto those that could not deserve it by virtue, sith himself only had obtained it by purchase, of many a noble & worthy deed. Then said Cato to his wife and sister: lo now, we had been partakers of this fault to, had we matched with Pompey. When they heard it, they confessed he had reason to refuse the match, for equity and his honour. But now to his triumph. For the stateliness & magnificence thereof, Pompey's third triumph. although he had two days space to show it, yet he lacked time: for there were many things prepared for the show, that were not seen, which would have served to have set out an other triumph. First there were tables carried, whereon were written the names & titles of all the people and nations for the which he triumphed, as these that follow. The can●●ies conquered by Pompey. The kingdom of PONTUS, ARMENIA, CAPPADOCIA, PAPHLAGONIA, MEDIA, COICHIS, IBERIA, ALBANIA, SYRIA, CILICIA, & MESOPOTAMIA: & furthermore, the people that devil about PHOENICIA & PALESTINE, JUDAEA, & ARABIA: & all the pirates which he had overcomen both by sea & by land, in all parts of the world. In all these countries, he took about a thousand castles, few less than nine hundred towns & cities: of pirates ships eight hundred, & nine & thirty desolate towns left without inhabitants, replenished again with people by him. Moreover, these tables declared, that the revenue of the common wealth of ROME before these conquests he made, amounted yearly but to five thousand Miriades: & that from thence forth with the sums he had added unto the former revenue, they should now receive eight thousand & five hundred Miriades: & that he brought presently in ready gold & silver, & in plate & jewels, to put into the common treasury, the value of twenty thousand talents, besides that which had been distributed already amongst the soldiers: of the which, he that had left for his share, had fifteen hundred Drachmas. The prisoners that were led in the show of this triumph, Captives led in Pompey's third triumph. besides the Captains of the pirates, were these that follow. The son of Tigranes' king of ARMENIA, with his wife & daughter: the wife of king Tigranes himself, called Zosome Aristabulus king of Jewry: Mithridates, sister with five sons of hers, & some Ladies of SCYTHIA. The hostages also of the IBERIANS and the ALBANIANS, and also of the kings of the COMMAGENIANS: over & beside a great number of other marks of triumphs which himself or his lieutenants had won at sundry battles in divers places. But the greatest honour that ever he wan, and which never other Consul of the ROMANS but himself obtained, was this: that he made his third triumph of the three parts of the world. Pompey conquered three parts of the world: Africa, Europe, Asia. divers other ROMANS had triumphed thrice before him, howbeit he first triumphed of AFRICA: the second time of EUROPE: the third time of ASIA. So that it appeared by these three triumphs, that he had triumphed in manner of all the land that is inhabited, being at that time, (as it is reported by them which compare his doings unto Alexander the great) under four and thirty years of age, though in troth at that time he was near forty. Pompey triumphed thrice before the age of forty years. O, happy had it been for him, if he had died when he had Alexander's fortune: for all his life afterwards, made his prosperity hateful, or his adversity miserable. Employing the honour and authority he had gotten by his valiantness, favouring men's unjust causes: the more he furthered them, the more he lessened his honour, and unwares brought his greatness to nothing. The change of Pompey's fortune and honour. For like as when the strongest places of a city, which receiving their enemies into them, do give them the benefit of their own strength: even so, through Pompey's power, Caesar growing to be great, overthrew him in the end with the self same means he employed, to the overthrow of others. And thus it fortuned. Lucullus at his return out of ASIA (where Pompey had uncourteously used him) was then very well taken of the Senate, Lucullus beloved of the Senate at his return out of Asia. and much more when Pompey was also come to ROME. For the Senate did counsel and encourage him to deal in th'affairs of the state, seeing him wax very slow, and given too much to his ease & pleasure, by reason of his great wealth he had gotten. So when Pompey was come, he began to speak against him, and through the friendship and assistance of Cato, Lucullus inveighed against Pompey, by Cato's resistance: confirmed all his doings in ASIA, which Pompey had broken and rejected. Pompey finding he had such a repulse of the Senate, was driven to have recourse unto the Tribunes of the people, and to fall in friendship with light young men. Of the Tribunes, the most impudent & vilest person was Clodius: who received him, & made him a pray unto the people. Pompey joined with Clodius, Tribune of the people. For he had Pompey ever at his elbow, & against his honour carried him up & down the market place after him, to speak as occasion served to confirm any matter or devise which he preferred unto him to flatter the common people. And further, for recompense of his goodwill, he craved of Pompey (not as a thing dishonourable, but beneficial for him) that he would forsake Cicero, who was his friend, and had done much for him in matters of common wealth. Pompey granted his request. Thereupon Cicero being brought in danger of law, Pompey forsaketh his friend Cicero. and requiring Pompey's friendship to help him, he shut his door against them that came to speak in his behalf, and went out himself at an other back door. Cicero thereupon fearing thextremity of law, willingly forsook ROME. At that time, julius Caesar returning home from his praetorship out of SPAIN, began to lay such a plat, that presently brought him into great favours, and afterwards much increased his power, but otherwise utterly undid Pompey and the common wealth. Now he was to sue for his first consulship, and considering the enmity betwixt Pompey and Crassus, if he joined with the one, he made tother his enemy: he devised to make them friends, a thing seeming of great honesty at the first sight, Caesar reconciled Pompey and Crassus. but yet a pestilent devise, and as subtle a practice as could be. For the power of the city being before divided into two parts, (as a ship evenly ballest of each side) and maintained the common wealth upright: being now brought into one man's power, there was no possibility to withstand it, so that all fell to wrack in the end. Whereupon, Cato wisely told them afterwards, that said the civil wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar was cause of the destruction of the common wealth: that their enmity and discord was not the chief original cause of this misery, but rather their friendship and agreement. For by their friendship, Caesar was chosen Consul, who strait fell to flatter the people and poor men, and made a law for restoring of the colonies belonging to ROME, and for distributing of lands to them that had none, Caesar's law for dividing of lands. Law Agraria. embasing the majesty and dignity of the chief Magistrate, and making the consulship in manner no better than he Tribuneship of the people Bibulus his colleague and fellow Consul, did what he could to resist him, and Cato also did aid him to his power: until Caesar openly brought Pompey into the pulpit for orations before the people, and calling him by his name, asked him if he did give his consent to the decrees which he did set forth. Pompey answered him, Pompey gave his consent with Caesar, for passing his law Agraria. he did Why then, said Caesar, if any man will by force let the passing of this law by voices of the people: wilt thou not then come to help them? Yes that I will in deed, said Pompey. Against them that threaten with the sword, I will bring both sword and target. Pompey in all his life never did nor spoke thing that men more misliked, then that which he said at that time. His friends excused him, and said it was a word passed his mouth before he was ware: but his deeds afterwards showed, that he was altogether at Caesar's commandment. For not many days after, Pompey married julia, the daughter of Caesar. he married julia the daughter of Caesar, which was affianced, or made sure before, unto Servilius Caepio when no man thought of it: and to pacify Caepioes' anger, he gave him his own daughter in marriage, whom he had also promised before unto Faustus the son of Sylla: and Caesar also married Calphurnia, the daughter of Piso. After this, Pompey filling all ROME with soldiers, did what he would by force. For as the Consul Bibulus came into the market place accompanied with Lucullus and Cato, they suddenly set upon him, and broke the bundles of rods which his officers carried before him: and some one, whatsoever he was, cast a basket of horse dung upon his head. Bibulus the Consul driven out of the market place, by Pompey. Moreover, the two Tribunes that were in his company, were also very sore hurt. By this means, having cleared the market place of all their enemies, they passed the law for division of lands, as they would themselves. The people being fleshed with this bait, were contented to be ruled by them as they would, and would never stick at any matter that they would have passed. The Law Agraria confirmed by the people. So were all Pompey's matters confirmed, which Lucullus was against: and they appointed unto Caesar also, the government of the GAULES on this side and beyond the Alps: and ILLYRIA for five years space, Gaul and Illyria appointed unto Caesar. with four whole legions. The next year following were appointed Consuls, Piso Caesar's father in law, and Gabinius the greatest flatterer Pompey had about him. But now while things stood in these terms, Bibulus though he were Consul, Piso and Gabinius, Consuls. kept himself close in his house for eight months space, and only sent out bills, and set them up on every post in open places, accusing Pompey and Caesar. Cato on tother side, as if he had been inspired with the spirit of prophecy, told openly in the Senate house, what would become of the common wealth and Pompey. Cato foreshoweth the ruin of the common wealth, & of Pompey. Lucullus growing old, lay still and took his pleasure, & would no more meddle in the common wealth. At that time it was that Pompey said: it was more unseasonable for an old man to follow his pleasure, then to attend matters of the common wealth. Yet himself shortly after was so doted of his young wife, that he would follow her up and down in the country, and in his gardens, and leave all affairs of weight aside. Whereupon Clodius being then Tribune of the people, Clodius the Tribune, Testeth upon Pompey. despised Pompey, and began to enter into seditious attempts. For when he had driven Cicero out of ROME, and had sent away Cato to make wars in CYPRUS, and that Caesar also was occupied in GAUL, & finding that the people in like case were at his commandment, because to flatter them he did what they would have him: he attempted incontinently to undo some things that Pompey had established. Amongst other things, he took Tigranes out of prison, and ever carried him up and down with him wheresoever he went, and continually picked quarrels unto Pompey's friends, to try what credit he had. In the end Pompey coming abroad one day into the common assembly, to here how a matter of his was handled: this Clodius having a company of vagabonds and desperate men about him, that cared not what they did: he sitting in a place where he might be seen from the rest, began to ask these questions out aloud. Who is the licentiousest Captain in all this city? What man is he that seeks for a man? What is he that scratcheth his head with one finger? Pompey was grievously scorned of Clodius. They, like a company of dancers or singers, when he spoke and clapped his hands on his gown, answered him strait aloud to every question, that it was Pompey. This went to Pompey's heart, that was not wont to hear himself so ill spoken of openly, neither was acquainted with any such kind of fight: but yet it made him bite the lip more, when he saw the Senate glad to see him thus shamed and reproved, as a just revenge & punishment for his vile betraying and forsaking of Cicero. So, great stir and uproar being made upon this in the market place, and many men sore hurt, and one of Clodius bondmen being taken also in the press of the people with a sword in his hand, very near unto Pompey: making this his colour (but otherwise fearing Clodius insolency & proud words) he would never after come into the market place, as long as Clodius was Tribune, but kept at home still, consulting with his friends what way he should take, to appease the anger of the Senate against him. Thereupon, one of his friends called Culeo, persuaded him to put away his wife julia, and utterly to refuse Caesar's friendship, and to stick again to the Senate: but he would none of that. Notwithstanding he was contented to harken unto them that gave him counsel to call Cicero home again, who was Clodius mortal enemy, and in great favour with the Senate. Thereupon, he brought Cicero's brother into the market place, to move the matter to the people, with a great number of men about him, where they fell to blows, and divers were slain of either side: notwithstanding, he over came Clodius. Thus Cicero being called home by decree of the people, when he was come, he brought Pompey again in favour with the Senate, and standing with the law propounded to give Pompey authority to cause corn to be brought to ROME, he once again made him have power both by land and sea over all the territories of the ROMANS. For all the havens, martes & fairs, & all store houses for corn, yea moreover all the trade of merchandise and tillage, came under Pompey's hands. Then Clodius accusing him, said: that the Senate had not made this law for the dearth of victuals, Commission given to Pompey for bringing of corn into Rome. but that they made a dearth of victuals, because the law should pass, to revive Pompey's power and authority again, that was almost under foot. Other say, that this was a devise of Leutulus Spinther the Consul, who gave Pompey the greater authority, because he might be sent to put king Ptolemy again into his kingdom. This notwithstanding, Canidius the Tribune preferred an other law to sand Pompey without an army, with two sergeants only to carry the axes before him, to bring Ptolemy in favour again with the ALEXANDRIANS. The restoring again of Ptolemy king of Egypt to his realm. This law seemed not to mislike Pompey: but the Senate with honest colour put by this law, as being afraid lest Pompey's person should miscarry in so doing. Nevertheless, little papers were found thrown about the market place, and the Senate house, declaring that Ptolemy desired Pompey might come to aid him in Spinthres stead. Timagenes writeth notwithstanding, that Ptolemy went unto ROME, & left EGYPT without any occasion given him, at the persuasion of Theophanes, who persuaded him to do so, because he would give Pompey occasion to make new wars. But Theophanes craft and suttilty made not this matter so credible, as Pompey's wit and good nature made it altogether untrue: for his ambition was nothing so vile nor ill, as that was. So, Pompey having now full authority to cause corn to be brought to ROME, he sent then his lieutenants and friends abroad, and himself in person went into SICILY. Now being ready to return again, there rose such a storm of wind in the sea, that the mariners were in doubt to way their anchors. But himself first embarked, and commanded them strait to hoist sail, crying out aloud, it is of necessity I must go, but not to live. So, through his boldness and good spirit, using the good fortune he had, he filled all the places of mart, and markets with come, and all the sea beside with ships: insomuch, the plenty he brought did not only furnish the city of ROME, but all their neighbours also about them, and came like a lively spring that dispersed itself through all ITALY. About that time, the great conquests that Caesar made in GAUL, did set him aloft. For when they thought that he was occupied in wars far from ROME, with the BELGEANS, SWISSES, and Englishmen ● he by secret practice, was in the midst among the people at ROME, & most against Pompey in the weightiest affairs of the common wealth. For he had the power of an army about his person, which he did harden with pains and continual practice, not with intent to fight only against the barbarous people: for the battles he had with them, were in manner but as a hunting sport, by the which he made himself invincible, and dreadful to the world. But furthermore, by the infinite gold & silver, and the incredible spoils and treasure which he won upon the enemies whom he had overcome: and by sending great presents also to ROME, to the Aediles, Praetors, Consuls, and their wives, he purchased him many friends. Therefore, after he had passed over the Alps again, and was come to winter in the city of LUCA: Great repair unto Caesar, winering at Luca. ● world of people (both men and women) and of the Senate themselves almost two hundred persons (and amongst them, Crassus and Pompey by name) went out of ROME unto him. Furthermore, there were seen at Caesar's gate, six score sergeants carrying axes before Praetors, or proconsuls. So Caesar sent every one back again, either full of money, or good words: but with Pompey and Crassus, he made a match, that they two together should sue to be Consuls, and that he himself would sand them good aid to ROME, at the day of election, to give their voices. And if they were thosen, that they should then practise by decree of the people, to have the governments of some new provinces and armies assigned them: and withal, that they should adjourn the government of those provinces he had, for five years more. This pack being bewrayed and spread abroad through ROME, the honestest sort misliked much thereof. Whereupon Marcellinus at an open assembly of the people, did ask them both, if they would sue for the Consulship at the next election. So, they being urged by the people to make answer, Pompey spoke first, and said: peradventure he would, peradventure not. Crassus' answered more gently, that he would do that which should be best for the common wealth. Then Marcellinus sharply inveighing against Pompey, he angrily again cast him in the teeth, & said, that Marcellinus was the rankest churl, and the unthankefullest beast in the world: for that of a dumb man he had made him eloquent, and being in manner starved and famished, many a time he had filled his belly. This notwithstanding, divers that before were determined to sue for the Consulship, went no further in it, saving Lucius Domitius, whom Cato counseled and encouraged not to give it over: for, said he, thou dost not contend for the Consulship, but to defend the common liberty of thy country against two tyrants. Pompey therefore fearing Cato's faction, lest that having all the Senate's good wills, he should draw also the best part of the people after him: thought it not good to suffer Domitius to come into the market place. The violence of Pompey obtaining the second Consulship. To this end therefore, he sent men armed against him, who at the first onset, slew the torch bearer that carried the torch before him, and made all the rest fly: amongst whom also Cato was the last man that retired, who was hurt in his elbow defending of Domitius. Pompey and Crassius being become Consuls after this sort, Pompey and Crassus second Consulships. they ordered themselves nothing the more temperately, not honestly. For first of all, the people being about to choose Cato Praetor, Pompey being at th'assembly of the election, perceiving that they would choose him, broke up the assembly, falsely alleging that he had noted certain ill signs, and afterwards, the tribes of the people being bribed and corrupted with money, they chose Antias and Vatinius Praetors. Afterthat, by Trebonius tribune of the people, they published edicts, authorizing Caesar's charge for five years longer, according to the appointment they had made with Caesar. Provinces divided unto Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus. Unto Crassus also they had appointed SYRIA, and the war against the PARTHIANS. Unto Pompey in like case, all AFRIQUE, and both SPAIN'S, with four Legions beside: of the which, at Caesar's desire, he lent him two legions to help him in his war in GAUL. These things done, Crassus departed to his Province, at the going out of his Consulship: and Pompey remained at ROME about the dedicating of his Theatre, where he caused many goodly plays to be made, both for exercise of person, as also for learning and music, and caused wild beasts also to be baited and hunted, and killed a five hundred lions. But of all things, there was no such fearful sight and terrible fight, as was between the elephants. This great charge and bowntifull expense, defrayed by Pompey, to show the people pastime and pleasures made him again to be very much esteemed of, and beloved amongst the people. But on tother side, he wan himself as much ill will and envy, in committing the government of his Provinces and Legions into the hands of his Lieutenants, whilst he himself roamed up and down the pleasant places of ITALY, with his wife at his pleasure: either by cause he was far in love with her, or else for that she loved him so dearly, that he could not find in his heart to leave her company. It was reported of her, (being known of many) that this young lady julia loved her husband more dearly, not for Pompey's flourishing age, but for his assured continency, knowing no other woman but her: beside also, he was no solemn man, but pleasant of conversation, which made women love him marvelously, unless we will reprove the courtesan Flora's false testimony. It is certain, that at an election of the AEdiles, men rising suddenly in hurly burly, drew their sword, and many were slain about Pompey: insomuch as his clotheses being bloudyed, he sent his men home in haste to fetch him other to change him. His young wife that was great with child, seeing his clotheses bloody, took such a flight upon it, that she fell down in a sound before them, and they had much a do to recover her, and yet she fell strait in labour upon it, and was delivered. So that they themselves, which blamed him most for his good will he bore unto Caesar: could not reprove the love he bore unto his wife. another time after that, she was great with child again, whereof she died, The death of julia the daughter of Caesar. and the child lived not many days after the mother. As Pompey was about to carry her into the country to be buried, to a house he had there near unto the city of ALBA the people by force took her corpse, & carried it into the field of Mars, more for the pity they took of the young Lady, then to pleasure either Caesar or Pompey's and yet what the people did for them, it appeared rather they did it more for Caesar's sake being absent, them for Pompey that was present. But strait when this alliance was broken, which rather covered, then bridled their ambitious desire to rule: there rose a new stir in ROME immediately, and every man's month was full of prittle prattle and seditious words. Not long after that also came news, The beginning of the dissension betwixt Pompey & Caesar. that Crassus was overthrown, and slain in PARTHIA who was a manifest stay and let to keep them two from civil wars, for that they both feared him, & therefore kept themselves in a reasonable sort together. But when fortune had taken away this third champion, who could have withstood the better of them both that had overcome the other: then might have been said of these two which remained, as the comycall Poet said: See how these Champions purposing each other's force to try, With anointed skin and dusty hands stand vaunting valiantly. So little can fortune prevail against nature, having no power to stop covetousness: sith so large and great an Empire, and such a wide country beside, could not contain the covetous desire of these two men. But though they had often both heard and read, Among the gods themselves all things by lot divided are, And none of them intrudes himself within his neighbours share. Yet they thought not that the Empire of ROME was enough for them, which were but two. But Pompey spoke openly in an oration he made unto the people, that he ever came to office before he looked for it, and also left it sooner than they thought he would have done: & that he witnessed by discharging his army so soon. Then thinking that Caesar would not discharge his army, he sought to make himself strong against him, by procuring offices of the city, without any other alteration. Neither would he seem to mistrust him, but he plainly showed that he did despise and contemn him. But when he saw that he could not obtain the offices of the city as he would, because the citizens that made the elections were bribed with money: he than left it without a magistrate, so that there was none either to command, or that the people should obey. Hereupon there ran a brute strait, that there must needs be a Dictator made, and the first man that propounded it, was Lucilius tribune of the people, who persuaded them to choose Pompey. But Cato stuck so stoutly against it, that the Tribune had like to have lost his office, even in the market place. But then many of Pompey's friends stepped up, and excused him, saying: that he neither sought, nor would have the Dictatorship. Then Cato commended him much, and praying him to see good order kept in the common wealth: Pompey being ashamed to deny so reasonable a request, was careful of it. Thereupon two Consuls were chosen, Domitius, and Messala: but afterwards when the state began to change again, by the death of one of the Consuls, and that divers were more earnestly bend to have a Dictator than before, Cato fearing it would break out with fury, determined to give Pompey some office of reasonable authority, to keep him from the other more tyrannical. Insomuch, Bibulus himself being chief of the Senate, and Pompey's enemy, Variance among the Senate for Pompey's honour. was the first that moved, Pompey might be chosen Consul alone: for, said he, by this means, either the common wealth shallbe rid of the present trouble, or else it shallbe in bondage to an honest man. This opinion was marveled at, in respect of him that spoke it. Whereupon, Cato standing up, it was thought strait he would have spoken against him. Cato spoke in Pompey's favour. But silence being made him, he plainly told them, that for his own part he would not have been the first man to have propounded that was spoken: but sithence it was spoken by another, that he thought it reasonable and meet to be followed. And therefore; said he, it is better to have an office to command, whatsoever he be, rather than none: & that he saw no man fit to command, than Pompey, in so troublesome a time. All the Senate liked his opinion, and ordained that Pompey should be chosen sole Consul: and that if he saw in his discretion he should need the assistance of an other companion, he might name any whom he thought good, but not till two months were passed. Thus was Pompey made Consul alone by Sulpitius, Pompey chosen Consul. regent for that day. Then Pompey made very friendly countenance unto Cato, and thanked him for the 〈…〉 he had done him, praying him privately to assist him with his counsel in the Consulshippe●. Cato answered him, that there was no cause why he should thank him, for he had spoken nothing for his sake, but for respect of the common wealth only: and for his counsel, if he would ask it, he should privately have it, if not, yet that he would openly say that which he thought. Such a man was Cato in all his doings. Now Pompey returning into the city, married Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio, Pompey married Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio. not a maiden, but late the widow of Publius Crissus the son, that was slain in PARTHIA, to whom she was married a maiden. The virtues of Cornelia, the daughter of Metellus Scipio. This Lady had excellent gifts to be beloved besides her beauty. For she was properly learned, could play and on the harp, was skilful in music and geometry, and took great pleasure also in philosophy, and not vainly without some profit. For she was very modest and sober of behaviour, without brawling & foolish curiosity, which commonly young women have, that are indeed with such singular gifts. Her father also, was a noble man, both in blood, and life. Notwithstanding, these unlike marriages did nothing please some: for Cornelia was young enough to have been his sons wife. Now the best citizens thought, that therein he regarded not the care of the common wealth, being in such a troublesome time, which had chosen him only, as her remedy to redress the same: and that he in the mean time gave himself over to marrying and seasting, where rather he should have been careful of his consulship, which was disposed upon him against the law, for common calamities sake, that otherwise he had not come by, if all had been quiet. Furthermore, he sharply proceeded against them, which by bribery and unlawful means came to office: and having made laws and ordinances for the administration of justice otherwise, he dealt justly and uprightly in all things, giving safety, order, silence and gravity, to matters of judgement, with force of arms, himself being present: saving that when his father in law was also accused among other, he sent for the three hundred & three score judges home to his house, praying them to help him. Whereupon, when the accuser saw Scipio accompanied by the judges themselves, returning into the market place: he let fall his suit. This made Pompey again be condemned, and blamed also more than before, for that he having made a law, that no man should praise the offenders, whilst their matter was a hearing: came himself and openly praised Plancus being accused. Thereupon Cato being one of the judges, stopped his ears with both his hands, saying: that he might not hear an offender praised, seeing it was forbidden by law. But therefore he was refused for a judge, before they gave sentence. Notwithstanding, Plancus was condemned by all the rest of the judges, to Pompey's great shame and reproach. Shortly after, Hypseus, one that had been Consul, being likewise accused, watching Pompey on a time as he came out of his bath to go to supper: upon his knees he besought Pompey's favour and help. But he stately passed by him, and gave him no other answer, but told him, he marred his supper, and said nothing else to him. This inconstancy was much reproved in Pompey. Howbeit otherwise he set all things in good order, and chose his father in law Scipio, for his colleague and fellow in the consulship, for the five last months. Pompey's provinces assigned him four years further. After that, he caused the government of his provinces to be appointed him for four years more, with commission to take yearly out of the treasure a thousand talents to defray the charges of this war. Caesar's friend seeing that, stepped up for him, and prayed that there might also be had some consideration of him, that had likewise great wars for the Empire of ROME: saying, that his good service deserved, either that they should make him Consul again, or else that they should prolong his charge and government, so as he might yet peaceably enjoy the honour to command that which he had conquered, to th'end that no other successor might reap the fruit of his labour. Much stir and contention being about this matter at ROME, Pompey as though for goodwill he meant to excuse the envy they might have borne Caesar, said: that he had received letters from him, by the which he requested a successor, and to be discharged of this war: and furthermore, that he thought it good they should grant him privilege to demand the second consulship, although he were absent. Which Cato stoutly withstood, saying, that he must return home as a private man, and leaving his army, should come in person crave recompense of his country. But by cause Pompey made no reply nor answer to the country, men suspected strait that he had no great good living of Caesar, and the rather, because he had sent unto him for the two legions which he had: lon● him, underooller of his war against the PARTHIANS. But Caesar though he smelled him wherefore he sent for his soldiers, returned them home with liberal reward. About that time, Pompey fell sick at NAPLES of a dangerous: disease, Pompey fell sick at Naples. whereof notwithstanding he recovered again. The NEAPOLITANS thereupon, by persuasion of Praxagoras, one of the chiefest men of their city did sacrifice to the gods for his recovery. Great rejoicing for the recovery of Pompey's health. The like did also their neighbours round about: and in fine, it ran so generally through all ITALY, that there was no city or town (great or small) but made open feast and rejoicing for many days together. Besides, the infinite number of people was such, that went to meet him out of all parts: that there was not place enough for them all, but the high ways, cities, towns and ports of the sea, were all full of people; feasting and sacrificing to the gods, rejoicing for his recovery. divers also went to meet him, crowned with garlands, and so did attend on him, casting nosegays and flowers upon him. Thus was his journey the noblest sight that ever was, all the way as he came, howbeit men thought also, that this was the chiefest cause of the beginning of the civil wars. For he fell into such a pride, Pride, and fool conceit, made Pompey despise Caesar. and glorious conceit of himself, with the exceeding joy he took to see himself thus honoured: that forgetting his orderly government, which made all his former doings to prospero, he grew to bold in despising of Caesar's power, as though he stood in no need of other power or care to withstand him, but that he could overcome him as he would, far more easily, than he could have done before. Furthermore, Appius thereupon ●e●omed from GAUL, Appius soothed Pompey, and fed his humour. that brought him his two legions back again which he had learn unto Caesar, reproaching much his doings which he had done there, and giving out many fowl words against Caesar. For he said, that Pompey knew not his own strength and authority, that would seek to make himself strong, by other power against him: considering that he might overcome him with his own legions he should bring with him, so soon as they saw but Pompey in the face, such ill will did Caesar's own soldiers bear him, and were marvelous desirous beside to see himself. These flattering tales so puffed up Pompey, and brought him into such a security and trust of himself, that he mocked them to scorn which were afraid of wars. And to those also which said, that if Caesar came to ROME, they saw not how they could resist his power: he smilingly answered them again, Pompey's proud words. and bade them take no thought for that: for as oft said he as I do but stamp with my foot upon the ground of ITALY, I shall bring men enough out of every corner, both footmen and horsemen. In the mean time, Caesar gathered force still unto him, and thenceforth drew nearer unto ITALY, and sand of his soldiers daily to ROME to be present at the election of the magistrates, and many of them that were in office, he wan with money: amongst whom, was Paul, one of the Consuls, whom he wan of his side, Paul the Consul bribed by Caesar. by means of a thousand five hundred talents. And Curio the Tribune of the people, whom he discharged of an infinite debt he aught: and Mark Anthony also, who for Curioes' sake, Curio & Antonius, Tribunes of the people, bribed by Caesar. was discharged likewise for part of the debt which Curio oughts being also bound as himself: Furthermore, it was found that a captain or Centurion 〈…〉 Caesar, being near unto the Senate, understanding that the counsel would not prolong Caesar's government which he required, clapping his hand upon the pummel of his sword well said he, this shall give it him. So, to be short, all that was done and said, tended to this end: Notwithstanding, the petitions and requests that Curio made in Caesar's behalf (seemed somewhat more reasonable for the people: for he requested one of the two, either to make Pompey to put down his army, or else to licence Caesar to have his army aswell as he. For, either being both made private men, they would fall to agreement of themselves: or else being both of like strength, neither of both would seek any alteration fearing one another, but would content themselves either of them with their own. Or otherwise, he that should weaken the one, and strengthen the other should double his power whom he feared. Thereto very wholly replied the Clonsul Marcellus, calling Caesar, thief, and said that he should be proclaimed an upon enemy to ●●●●●, if he did not desperse his army. This notwithstanding, in ●●●e Curio, Anthony, and Piso procured that the Senate should decide the maiter● For, said he, all those that would have Caesar leave his army, and Pompey to keep his: let them stand on th'one side. Thereupon the most part of them stood at one side. Then he bade them again come away from them that would have them both leave their armies. Then there remained only but two and twenty that stood for Pompey: and all the rest went of Curioes' side. Then Curio looking alone for joy of the victory, went into the market place, and there was received of his Tribune ●●ction, with shouts of joy and clapping of hands, and infinite nosegays and garlands of flowers thrown upon him. Pompey was not then present to see the Senators good will towards him: because by the law, such as have commandment over soldiers, can not enter into ROME. Notwithstanding, Marcellus standing up, said: that he would not stand in fling hearing of orations and arguments, when he knew that ten legions were already passed over the Alps, intending to come in arms against them: and that he would sand a man unto them, that should defend their country well enough. Strait they changed apparel at ROME, as their manner was in a common calamity, Marcellus then coming through the market place unto Pompey, being followed of all the Senate, went to him, and told him openly: Pompey. I command thee to help thy country with that army thou hast already and also to levy more to aid thee. Pompey chosen to go against Caesar. The like speech did Lentulus use unto him, who was appointed one of the Consuls the year following. Now, when Pompey thought to levy soldiers in ROME and to bill them, some would not obey him, a few others went unwillingly to him with heavy hearts, and the most of them cried, peace, peace. Antony also, against the Senate's mind, read a letter unto the people sent from Caesar containing certain offers and reasonable requests, to draw the common people's affection towards him. For his request was, that Pompey and he should both of them resign their governments, and should dismiss their armies to make all well, referring themselves wholly to the judgement of the people, and to deliver up account unto them of their doings. Lentulus' being now entered into his consulship, did not assemble the Senate. But Cicero lately returned out of CILICIA, Cicero moveth reconciliation betwixt Caesar and Pompey. practised to bring them to agreement, propounding that Caesar should leave GAUL, and all the rest of his army, reserving only two legions and the government of ILLYRIA, attending his second consulship. Pompey liked not this motion. Then Caesar's friends were contented to grant that he should have but one of his legions: But Lentulus spoke against it, and Cato cried out on tother side also, that Pompey was deceived, and they both. So all treaty of peace was out●e of. In the mean time, news came to ROME, that Caesar had won ARIMINUM, a fair great city of ITALY, and that he came directly to ROME with a great power. But that was not true. For he came but with three hundred horse, and five thousand footmen, and would not tarry for the rest of his army that was yet on tother side of the mountains in GAUL, but made haste rather to surprise his enemy's upon the sudden, being afraid and in garboil, not looking for him so soon: rather than to give them time to be provided, and to fight with him when they were ready. For when he was come to the rivers side of Rubicon, Rubicon fl. Caesar passed over the river of Rubicon. (which was the utmost confine of the province he had in charge towards ITALY) he stayed suddenly, weighing with himself the great enterprise he took in hand. At the last, as men that being of a marvelous height from the ground do headlong throw themselves down, closing of their eyes, and withdrawing their minds from the thought of the danger: crying out these words only unto them that were by, Caesar's saying: let the die be cast. in the greek tongue, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in english let the die be cast (meaning hereby to put all in hazard, and according to our proverb, to see all on six and seven) he passed over with his army. Now, the news of his coming being carried to ROME, they were in such a marvelous fear, as the like was never seen. For all the Senate ran immediately unto Pompey, and all the other magistrates of the city fled unto him also. Tullus ask Pompey what power he had to resist them; he answered him, faltering somewhat in his speech: that he had the two legions ready which Caesar sent him back again, and that he thought with the number of them which he had levied, in haste, he should make up the number of thirty thousand fight men. Then Tullus cried out openly: ah, thou hast mocked us Pompey: ●e thereupon gave order they should sand ambassadors unto Caesar. There was one Phaonius in the company, Phaonius overbold words unto Pompey. who otherwise was no ill man, saving that he was somewhat to bold, thinking to counterfeit Cato's plain manner of speech: he bade Pompey then stamp his foot upon the ground, & make those soldiers come which he had promised the Pompey gently bore with Phaonius mock. But when Cato told him also, what he had prophesied before hand of Caesar, he answered him again: in deed thou hast prophesied more truly than I, but I have dealt more friendly than he. Then Cato thought good that they should make him lieutenant general of ROME with full and absolute power to command all, saying: that the self same men which do the greatest mischief, know best also how to remedy the same. So he immediately departed into SICILY, having the charge and government of that country: and also every one of the other Senators went unto the charge they were appointed. Tumult at Rome upon Caesar's coming. Thus all ITALY being in arms, no man knew what was best to be done. For they that were out of ROME, came flying thither from all parts: and those on tother side that were within ROME, went out as fast, and forsook the city in this trouble and disorder. That which might se●ue being willing to obey, was found very weak: and that on tother side which by disobedience did hurt, was to strong and ill to be governed by the magistrates, having law to command. For there was no possibility to pracifie their fear, neitherwould they suffer Pompey to offer things as he would: but every man followed his own fancy, even as he found himself grieved, afraid, or in doubt, and in one day they were in divers minds. Pompey could hear nothing of certainty of his enemies. For some, one while would bring him news one way, and then again another way: and then if he would not credit them, they were angry with him. At the length, when he saw the tumult & confusion so great at ROME, as there was no mean to pacify it: he commanded all the Senators to follow him, telling all them that remained behind, that he would take them for Caesar's friends, and so at night departed one of the city. Pompey forsook Rome. Then the two Consuls fled also, without doing any sacrifice to the gods, and they were wont to do before they went to make any wars. So Pompey, even in his greatest trouble and most danger, might think himself happy to have every man's good will as he had. For, though divers misliked the cause of this war, yet no man hated the captain: but there were more found that could not forsake Pompey for the love they bore him, than there were that followed him to fight for their liberty. Shortly after Pompey was gone out of ROME, Caesar was come to ROME, Caesar entered Rome when Pompey fled. who possessing the city, spoke very gently unto all them he found there, and pacified their fear: saving that he threatened Metellus, one of the Tribunes of the people, to put him to death, because he would not suffer him to take any of the treasure of the common wealth. Unto that cruel threat, he added a more bitter speech also, saying: that it was not so hard a thing for him to do it, as to speak it. Thus having put down Metellus, and taken that he needed to serve his turn, he took upon him to follow Pompey, Caesar followeth Pompey. thinking to drive him out of ITALY, before that his army he had in SPAIN should come to him. Pompey in the mean time, having taken the city of BRUNDISIUM, and gotten some ships together: he made the two Consuls presently embark with thirty ensigns of footmen, which he sent beyond the sea before unto DYRRACHIUM. And incontinently after that, he sent his father in law Scipio, and C●●us Pompey his son, into SYRIA, to provide him ships. Himself on tother side, Pompey's stratagem at Brundysinians for his flying thence from Caesar. fortified the rampers of the city, and placed the lightest soldiers he had upon the walls, and commanded the BRUNDYSINIANS not to stir out of their houses & further, he cast trenches within the city, at the end of the streets in divers places, and filled those trenches with sharp pointed stakes, saving two streets only, which went unto the haven. Then the third day after, having embarked all the rest of his soldiers at his pleasure, be suddenly liking up ● sign into the air, to give them warning which he had left to guard the rampers: they strait ran to him with speed, and quickly receiving them into his ships, he weighed anchor, and hoist sail. Caesar perceiving the walls naked without ward, he strait mistrusted that Pompey was fled who hasting after him, had almost run upon the sharp stakes, and fallen into the trenches, had not the BRUNDUSINIANS given him warning of them. So he stayed, and ran not overthwart the city, but fetched a compass about to go to the haven: where he found that all the ships were under sail, two ships only excepted, upon the which were left a few soldiers. Some think that this departure of Pompey, was one of the best stratagems of war that ever he used. Notwithstanding, Caesar marveled much, that he being in a strong city, and looking for his army to come out of SPAIN, and being master of the sea beside, that he would ever forsake ITALY. Cicero reproved Pompey. Cicero also reproved him, for that he rather followed Themis●ocles counsel, than Pericles: considering that the troublesome time was rather to be likened 〈…〉 Pericles, than Themis●ocles time. Yea Caesar himself showed, that he was afraid of the time. For when he had taken Numerius one of Pompey's friends, he sent him unto Pompey at BRUNDISIUM, to offer him reasonable conditions of peace: But Numerius followed Pompey, & failed away with him. By this means, Caesar in three score days being lord of all ITALY without any bloodshed: he was very desirous to follow with speed after Pompey. Caesar leaveth Pompey, and goeth into Spain. But because he had no ships ready, he let him go, & hasted towards SPAIN, to join Pompey's army there unto his. Now Pompey in the mean space, had gotten a marvelous great power together both by sea & by land. His army by sea was wonderful. For he had five hundred good ships of war, & of galliots, foists, Pompey's power in Greece. & pinnaces, an infinite number. By land, he had all the flower of the horsemen of ROME, and of all ITALY, to the number of seven thousand horse, all rich men, of great houses, and valiant minds. But his footmen, they were men of all sorts, & raw soldiers untrained, Pompey lying at Berroee, traineth his soldiers. whom Pompey continually exercised, lying at the city of BERROEE, not sitting idly, but taking pains, as if he had been in the prime of his youth. Which was to great purpose to encourage others, seeing Pompey being eight and fifty year old, fight a foot armed at all pieces, & then a horseback, quickly to draw out his sword while his horse was in his full career, and easily to lordship 〈…〉 up again, and to throw his dart from him, not only with such agility to hit point blank, but also with strength to cast it such a way from him, that few young men could do the like. Thither came divers kings, princes, and great lords of countries, and yielded themselves unto him: and of ROMAN captains that had borne office, he had of them about him, the number of a whole Senate. Among them came unto him Labienus also, Labienus forsaketh Caesar, and goeth to Pompey. who before was Caesar's friend, & had always been with him in his wars in GAUL. There came unto him also, Brutus, the son of that Brutus which was slain in GAUL, a valiant man, and which had ne●er spoken unto Pompey until that day, because he took him for a murderer of his father: but then willingly followed him as defender of the liberty of ROME. Cicero himself also, though he had both written and given counsel to the contrary, Cicero followeth Pompey. thought it a shame to him not to be amongst the number of them that would hazard their lives for defence of their country. There came unto him also Tidius Sextius even into MACEDON, notwithstanding that he was an old man, and lame of one of his legs: whom others laughing to scorn to see him come, when Pompey saw him, he rose & went to meet him, judging it a good token of their goodwills unto him, when such old men as he, chose rather to be with him in danger, then at home with safety. Hereupon they sat in counsel, and following Cato's opinion, decreed that they should put no citizen of ROME to death but in battle, and should sack no city that was subject to the Empire of ROME: the which made Pompey's part the better liked. For they that had nothing to do with the wars, either because they dwelled far of, or else for that they were so poor, as otherwise they were not regarded: did yet both in deed and word favour Pompey's part, thinking him an enemy both to the gods and men, that wished not Pompey victory. Caesar also showed himself very merciful & courteous, where he overcame. The clemency of Caesar. For when he had won all Pompey's army that was in SPAIN, he suffered the captains that were taken to go at liberty, & only reserved the soldiers. Caesar coming out of Spain, returned to Brundisium. Then coming over the ALPS again, he passed through all ITALY, & came to the city of BRUNDISIUM in the winter quarter: and there passing over the sea, he went unto the city of ORICUM, & landed there. Now Caesar having Vibius, one of Pompey's familiar friends with him, whom he had taken prisoner: he sent him unto Pompey to pray again that they might meet, & both of them desperse their armies within three days, and being reconciled (giving their faith one to an other) so to return into ITALY like good friends together Pompey thought again, that these were new devices to entrap him. Thereupon he suddenly went down to the sea, & took all the places of strength by the sea side, safely to lodge his camp in, & all the ports, creeks & harbars for ships to lie in road so that what wind so ever blue on the sky, it served his turn, to bring him either men, victuals, or money. Caesar on tother side was so distressed both by sea & by land, that he was driven to procure battle, & to assail Pompey even in his own forts, to make him come out to fight with him: of whom most times he ever had the better in all skirmishes, saving once, when he was in danger to have lost all his army. For Pompey had valiantly repulsed his men, Pompey overthrew Caesar. and made them fly, and had slain two thousand of them in the field: but he durst no enter pellmell with them into their camp as they fled. Whereupon Caesar said to his friends, that his enemy had won the victory that day, if he had known how to overcome. This victory put Pompey's men in such courage, that they would needs hazard battle. And Pompey himself also though he wrote letters unto strange kings, captains, and cities of his confederacy, as if he had already won all: was yet afraid to fight an other battle, thinking it better by tract of time, and distress of victuals, to overcome him. For Caesar's men being old and expert soldiers, and wont ever to have the victory when they sought together: he knew they would be loath to be brought to fight any other kind of way, to be driven to often removing of their camp from place to place, and still to fortify and entrench themselves, and therefore that they would rather put it to adventure out of hand, and fight it out. But notwithstanding that Pompey had before persuaded his men to be quiet, and not to stir, perceiving that after this last bickering Caesar being scanted with victuals raised his camp, and departed thence to go into THESSALY, through the country of the ATHAMANIAN●● than he could no more bridle their glory and courage, which cried, Caesar is fled, let us follow him. And others, let us return home again into ITALY. And others also sent their friends and servants before to ROME, to hire them houses near the market place intending when they came thither to sue for offices in the common wealth. Some there were also that in a jollity would needs take ship, and fail into the isle of L●●ROS ● unto Cornelia (whom Pompey had sent thither) to carry her that good news, that the war was ended. Thereupon assembling the counsel, Afranius thought it best to win ITALY, for that was the chiefest mark to be shot at in this war: for whosoever obtained that had strait all SICILY, SA●DINIA, CORSICA, SPAIN, and GAUL at commaundemment. Furthermore, that it was a dishonour to Pompey (which in reason should touch him above all things) to 〈…〉 their con●rie to be in such cruel bondage and subjection unto slaves and flatterers of tyrants, offering itself as it were into their hands. But Pompey neither thought it honourable for him, once again to fly from Caesar, and to make him follow him, sith fortune had given him opportunity to have Caesar in chase: not lawful also before the gods, to forsake his father in law Scipio, and many other also that had been Consuls, dispersed abroad in GRAECE and THESSALY, which should immediately fall into Caesar's hands, with all their riches and armies they had. Furthermore, he said, that they had care enough for the city of ROME, which drew the wars farthest of from them: so as, they remaining safe & quiet at home, (neither hearing nor feeling the misery of wars) might in th'end peaceably receive and welcome him home, that remained conqueror. Pompey followeth Caesar into Thessaly. With this determination, he marched forward to follow Caesar, being determined not to give him battle, but to besiege him, & only to compass him in still being near unto him, and so to cut him of from victuals. There was also an other reason that made him to follow that determination. For it was reported to him, that there was a speech given out among the ROMAN knights, that so soon as ever they had overcome Caesar, they must also bring Pompey to be a private man again. Some say therefore, that Pompey would never afterwards employ Cato in any greater matters of weight in all this war, but when he followed Caesar, he left him captain of his army to keep his carriage by sea, fearing that so soon as Caesar were once overcome, he would make him strait also resign his authority. Pompey following Caesar in this manner, fair and softly, they cried out upon him, that he made no war with Caesar, but against his country and the Senate, because he might be still in authority: and that he would never leave to have them for his servants and guard about him, which should rule command the world. Pompey mocked of his own soldiers. Furthermore, Domitius Aenoba●bus calling him continually Agamemnon, and king of kings: made him much to be envied. Phaonius also mocked him as much as the other, that spoke most boldest: for he went crying up and down, my masters, I give you warning, you are like to eat no TAUSCULAN figs this year. And Lucius Afranius also, he that had lost the army which he had in SPAIN, and was also suspected for a traitor, seeing Pompey then refused to come to battle: I marvel, said he, that they which accuse me, do not lustily go to find him out, whom they call the merchant and common buyer of provinces, to fight with him presently. With these and many such other lewd speeches, they compelled Pompey in th'end (who could not abide to be ill spoken of, and would not deny his friends any thing) to follow their vain hope and desires, and to forsake his own wise determination: the which thing, no good shipppe master, and much less a chief and sovereign captain, over so many nations and so great armies, should have suffered, and consented unto. Now, he that did always commend the positions, that would not follow the fond desire of the sick pacientes: was himself contented to obey the worst part of his army, fearing their displeasure, where their life or health stood in hazard. For who would think or judge them to be wise men, and in their wits, who walking up and down their camp, did already sue to be Consuls and Praetors? considering that Spi●the●, D●●itius, & Scipio, were at strife together, making friends to be high bishop, (which office Caesar had) as if they should have fought with Tigranes' king of ARMENIA, or with the king of the NABATHEIANS, which had camped by them, and not with Caesar and his army: Caesar conquests. who had taken a thousand towns by assault, had subdued above three hundred several nations, and had won infinite battles of the GERMANS and GAULES, and was ne●er over come: had also taken a million of men prisoners, and had likewise slain so many at di●ers battles. All this notwithstanding, they of Pompey's side still being importunate of him, & troubling him is this sort: in fine, when they were come into the fields of PHARSALIA, they compelled Pompey to call a counsel. There Labienus, Labienus, general of Pompey's horsemen. general of the horsemen standing up, swore before them all, that he would not return from the battle, before he had made his enemies to fly. The like oath all the rest did take. The next night following, Pompey thought in his dream, Pompey's dream before the battle of Pharsalia that he came into the Theatre, and that the people to honour him, made a marvelous great clapping of their hands: & that he himself did set forth the temple of Venus the ●●●onenour, with many spoils. This vision partly put him in good courage, & partly again made him doubt: for that he was afraid, because Caesar's family was descended from this goddess Venus, that his dream did signify, that he should have the honour of the victory, with the spoils he should win of him. Besides all this, Wonderful noises herd in Pompey's camp. there ran sudden fearful noises & turn 〈…〉 in his camp without any apparent cause, that waked all the camp upon it. At the fourth watch, when the watch is renewed in the morning, there was seen a marvelous great light over Caesar's camp, and they were all at rest. Of that, there came as it were a torch of a burning fire, and fell in Pompey's camp. The which Caesar himself said he saw, when he went to search the watch. At the break of the day, Caesar being determined to raise his camp, and to go to the city of SCOTV●A, as his soldiers were busy about overthrowing of their tents, & sending away their bags and baggage before: there came scouts unto him, that brought him word they saw a great deal of armour and weapon carried to and fro in their enemy's camp, and bard a noise and buffling beside, as of men that were preparing to fight. After these came in other scouts, that brought word also that their vanguard was already set in battle ray. Then Caesar said, that the day was now come they had longed for so sore, and that they should now fight with men, not with hunger, nor with want of victuals: and thereupon gave order presently that they should put out the read coats or arms upon his tent, which was the sign all the ROMANS used, to show that they would fight. The soldiers seeing that out; left their carriage and tents, and with great showers of joy ran to arm themselves The captains of every band also, bestowed every man in such place as he should fight, and so they conveyed themselves into battle ray, without any tumult or disorder, as quietly, as if they should have entered into a dance. Pompey himself led the right wing of his army against Antony. Pompey's army set in battle ray in Pharsalia. The middle of the battle he gave unto Scipio his father in law, being right against Domitius C●lui●us. The left wing also was led by Lucius Domitius Aenobarbus, the which was guarded with men of arms. For all the horsemen were placed on that side, to distress Caesar if they could, that was directly against them: and to overthrow the tenth legion that was so much accounted of, being the valiantest soldiers the enemy had in all his army, amongst the which Caesar did ever use to fight in person. Caesar's order of fight. Caesar then seeing the left wing of his enemies so strong with the guard of the horsemen, and being afraid of the brightness of their armour: brought forward six ensigns for supply, which he placed hard behind the tenth legion, commanding them that no man should stir, lest their enemies should discover them. And furthermore, when the horsemen of the enemies should come to give charge upon them, that then they should run with speed on the toe side of the formest ranks, & not to throw their darts far from them, as the valiantest soldiers are wont to do, to come to the sword the sooner: but to throw them upwards into their enemy's eyes and faces. For, said he, these brave fellows and fine dancers, will never abide to have their faces marred. And this was Caesar's devise at that time. Pompey being a horse back, road up and down to consider the ordinance of both battles: and perceiving that his enemies stood still in their ranks, looking for the signal of battle, & that his own battle on tother side waved up & down disorderly, as men unskilful in wars: he was afraid they would fly before they were charged. Therupon he straightly commanded them in the vanguard, that they should steadyly keep their ranks, Pompey's ordinance of his battle. and standing close together should so defend themselves, receiving the charge of the enemy. But Caesar disliked of that devise, Caesar misliketh Pompey's ordinance. for thereby, said he, the force of their blows was lessened & in withholding them from giving the charge, he not only took away that courage which thassailant carrieth with him that cometh with fury: but made them more over faint hearted, in receiving the charge of the enemies. In Caesar's army, Battle between Caesar and Pompey in Pharsalia. there were about two and twenty thousand fight men: and in Pompey's army, somewhat above twice as many. Now, when the word of battle was given of either side, and that the trumpets did sound the alarm: every man began to look to himself. But a few of the chiefest of the ROMANS, and certain GRECIANS that were there also out of the set battle, perceiving the imminent danger, began to bethink them, to what pass the ambition and wilful contention between these two men, had brought the state of ROME: For, the weapons of kinsmen, the bands of brethren, the ensigns all alike, the flower of so many valiant men of one city, did serve for a notable example, to show how man's nature pricked forward with covetousness, is quite blind and without reason. For if they could have been contented quietly to have governed that which they had conquered: the greatest, and best part of the world, both by sea and by land, was subject unto them. Or otherwise, if they could not have quenched their unsatiable desire of victory & triumph, they had occasion of war enough offered them against the PARTHIANS and GERMANS. Furthermore, they had enough to do beside to conquer SCYTHIA, and the INDIANS: & withal, they had had an honest colour to have cloaked their ambitious desires, if it had been but to have brought the barbarous people to a civil life. For what horse men of SCYTHIA, or arrows of PARTHIA, or riches of INDIANS, could have abidden the power of three score & ten thousand ROMAN soldiers, & specially being led by two so famous captains, as Pompey, and Caesar? whose names, these strange & far nations understood, long before the name of the ROMANS: so great were their victories, having conquered so many wild, & barbarous people. They both being then in arms the one against the other, not regarding their honour, which made them so ambitious: did not spare their own country, who had until that time remained unvincible, both in fame and prows. For, the alliance that was made between them, the love of julia, & marrying with her, was suspected from the beginning, to be but a deceit, & a pledge as it were of a conspiracy made between them, for a private benefit, more than for any true friendship. Now, when the fields of PHARSALIA were covered over with men, with horse and armour, and that the signal of battle was given on either side the first man of Caesar's army that advanced forward to give charge, was Caius Crassinius, Caius Crassinius giveth the onset of Caesar's side. captain of six score and five men, to perform a great promise which he had made unto Caesar. For Caesar, when he came out of his tent in the morning, seeing him, called him to him by his name, and asked him what he thought of the success of this battles Crassinius holding dut his right hand unto him, coragyously cried: O Caesar, thine is the victory, and this day thou shalt commend me either alive or dead. Then remembering these words, he broke out of the ranks, and many following after him, ran amongst the midst of his enemies. Strait they came to the sword, and made great slaughter. But the pressing forward still, one with a thrust ran him through the mouth, that the swords point came through at his neck. Thereupon Crassinius being slain, Crassinius slain. the battle was equal. Pompey did not make his left wing march over suddenly, but stayed, and cast his eyes abroad to see what his horsemen would do, the which had already divided their companies, meaning to compass in Caesar, and to make the small number of horsemen which he had before him to give back upon the squadron of his footmen. On tother side, as soon as Caesar had given the signal of battle, his horsemen retired back a 〈…〉, & the six ensigns which he had placed secretly behind them, (being three thousand fight men) ran suddenly to assail the enemy upon the flank, and when they came near unto the horsemen, they threw the points of their darts upwards according to Caesar's commandment, and hit the young gentlemen full in their faces. They being utterly unskilful to fight, & lest of all looking for such manner of fight: had not the hearts to defend themselves, nor to abide to be hurt as they were in their faces, but turning their heads, & clapping their hands on their faces, shamefully fled. Pompey's horsemen put to flight by Caesar. They being overthrown, Caesar's men made no account to follow them, but went and gave charge upon the battle of footmen, in that place specially where they had no guard of horsemen, whereby they might the easilier be compassed abo●●. Thus, they being charged by them in the flank, and in the vanguard also by the tenth legion, perceiving themselves (contrary to their expectation) compassed about by their enemies, where they thought to have environed them: they could make no longer resistance. They also being likewise driven to fly, Pompey's flying in the fields of Pha●salia. when Pompey saw the dust in the element, & conjectured the flying of his horsemen: what mind he was of then, it was hard to say. For by his countenance, a man might well think he was like a man amazed, and at his wits end, forgetting that he was Pompey the great: for that he went strait into his camp, and spoke never a word to say man, rightly verifying Homer's verses to this effect. But mighty love who sits aloft in ivory chariot high, Strake Ajax with so great a fear that Ajax by-and-by, Let fall his leathern target made of tough ox hide seven fold, And ran away, not looking back, for all he was so bold. In this estate Pompey entered into his tent, and sat him down there a great while, and spoke never a word: until such time as many of the enemies entered pell-mell with his men that fled into his camp. And then, he said no more: but what, even into our camp? and so rising up, he put a gown on his back, even fit for his misfortune, and secretly stolen out of the camp. The other legions also fled: and great slaughter was made of the tent keepers, and their sernantes that guarded the camp. For Asinius Pollio writeth (who was at that battle on Caesar's side) that there were slain only but six thousand soldiers. Asinius Pollio reperteth this battle. Howbeit at the taking of their camp, Caesar's soldiers than sound plainly the madness ●ovanitie of Pompey's men. For, all their tents and pavilions were full of nosegays and garlands of myrtle, & their couches all covered with flowers, their tables full of bowls of wine, and men prepared ready to do sacrifice for joy, rather than to arm themselves to fight. Thus went they to battle, carried away with the vain & foolish hope. When Pompey was gone a little way from his camp, he forsook his horse having a very few with him: & perceiving that no man pursued him, he went a foot fair & softly, his head full of such thoughts and imaginations; as might be supposed a man of his like calling might have, who for four & thirty years space together, was wont continually to carry victory away; and began then even in his last cast, to prove what it was to fly, and to be overcome: and who thought then with himself; how in one hours space he had lost the honour and riches, which lie had gotten in so many foughten fields and battles, whereby he was not long before followed and obeyed of so many thousand men of war, of so many horsemen, and of such a great fleet of ships on the sea, and then to go as he did in such poor estate, and with so small a train, that his very enemies who sought him, knew him not. Thus when he was passed the city of LARISSA, and coming to the valley of Tempé: there being a thirst, he fell down of his belly, and drank of the river. The miserable state of Pompey. Then rising up again, he went his way thence, and came to the sea side, and took a fisher's cottage where he lay all night. The next morning by break of the day, he went into a little boat upon the river, and took the free men with him that were about him● and as for the slaves, he sent them back again, and did counsel them boldly to go to Caesar, and not to be afraid. Thus rowing up and down the shore side, in this little boat, he spied a great ship of burden in the main sea, riding at anchor, which was ready to way anchor, and to sail away. The master of the ship was a ROMAN, who, though he was not familiarly acquainted with Pompey, yet knew him by fight very well. He was called Peticius, who had dreamt the night before, Peticius dream of Pompey. that he saw Pompey speak unto him, not like the man he was wont to b●, but in poverty and in misery, So, he had told this dream unto the mariners which sailed with him (as men commonly use to do, specially when they dream of such weighty matters, and being at leisure withal) and at the very instant, there was one of the mariners that told him, he saw a little boat of the river rowing towards them, and that there were men in it that shook their cloaks at them, & bold out their hands. Thereupon Peticius standing up, knew Pompey strait even in like case as he had dreamt of him the night before: and clapping his head for anger, commanded his mariners to let down his boat, and gave him his hand, calling him Pompey by his name, mistrusting (seeing him in that estate) what misfortune had happened to him. Thereupon, not looking to be entreated, nor that he should tell him of his mishap, he received him into his ship, Pompey ●●ba●keth in Peticius ship a Roman. and all those he would have with him: and then hoist sail. With Pompey, there were both the Le●tuli, & Faonius. Shortly after also, they perceived king Deiotarus coming from the river to them, that beckoned and made signs to receive them: which they did. At supper time, the master of the ship, made ready such meat as he had aboard. Faonius seeing Pompey for lack of men to wait on him, washing of himself: ran unto him, washed him, and anointed him, and afterwards continued still to wait upon him, and to do such service about him, as servants do to their masters, even to washing of his feet, & making ready of his supper. When a simple man saw him, that could no skill of service, he said: Good gods, how every thing becometh noble men? Pompey passing then by the city of AMPHIPOLIS, coasted from thence into the isle of LESBOS; to go fetch his wife Cornelia and his son, being then in the city of MITYLENE. Pompey arriveth in the Isle of Lesbos, at the city of Mitylene. There having cast out his anchor, and riding at road, he put a messenger on the shore & sent him into the city to his wife: not according to her expectation, who was still put in good hope by continual letters and news brought unto her, that the war was ended and determined by the city of DYRRACHIUM. This messenger now finding her in this hope, had not the heart so much as to salute her, but letting her understand rather by his tears then words, the great misfortune Pompey had: told her, she must dispatch quickly, The sorrow of Cornelia, for Pompey's overthrow. if she would see Pompey with one ship only, and none of his, but borrowed. The young Lady hearing these news, fell down in a sound before him, and neither spoke nor stirred of long time: but after she was come to herself, remembering that it was no time to weep and lament, she went with speed through the city unto the sea side. There Pompey meeting her, took her in his arms, & embraced her. The meeting of Pompey and his wife Cornelia. But she sinking under him, fell down, and said: Out alas, woe worth my hard fortune, not thine (good husband) that I see thee now brought to one poor ship, who before thou mariedst thy unfortunate Cornelia, wert wont to sail these seas with five hundred ships. The words of Cornelia unto Pompey. Alas, why art thou come to see me, and why didst thou not leave me to cursed fate and my wicked destiny: sith myself is cause of all this thy evil? Alas, how happy a woman had I been, if I had been dead, before I heard of the death of my first husband Publius Crassus, whom the wretched PARTHIANS slew? And how wise a woman had I been, (if according to my determination). I had killed myself immediately after him: where now I live to bring yet this misfortune unto Pompey the great? It is reported that Cornelia spoke these words, and that Pompey also answered herein this manner. Pompey's answer unto Cornelia. Peradventure, Cornelia mine, thou hast known a better fortune, which hath also deceived thee, because she hath continued longer with me than her manner is. But since we are borne men, we must patiently bear these troubles, and prove fortune again. For it is no impossible matter for us again to come into prosperity out of this present misery, as to fall out of late prosperity into present calamity. When Cornelia heard him say so, she sent back into the city for her stuff and family. The MITYLENIANS also came openly to salute Pompey, and prayed him to come into the city, and to refresh himself: but Pompey would not, & gave them counsel to obey the conqueror, & not to fear any thing, for Caesar was a just man, and of a courteous nature. Then Pompey turning unto Cratippus the Philosopher, Pompey reasoneth with Cratippus the Philisopher, about divine providence. who came among the citizens also to see him: made his complaint unto him, and reasoned a little with him about divine providence. Cratippus courteously yielded unto him, putting him still in better hope, fearing lest he would have grown too hot and troublesome, if he would have holden him hard to it. For Pompey at the length might have asked him, what providence of the gods there had been in his doings? And Cratippus might have answered him, that for the ill government of the common wealth at ROME, it was of necessity that it should fall into the hands of a sovereign Prince. Peradventure Cratippus might then have asked him: how, and whereby Pompey, wouldst thou make us believe, if thou hadst overcome Caesar, that thou wouldst have used thy good fortune better than he? But for divine matters, refer them to the gods as it pleaseth them. Pompey taking his wife and friends with him, hoist sail, and landed no where, but compelled to take fresh acates and water. The first city he came unto, was ATTALIA in the country of PAMPHYLIA. Pompey arriveth at Attalia, in the country of Pamphylia. Thither came to him certain galleys out of CILICIA, & many soldiers also, insomuch he had a three score Senators of ROME again in his company. Then, understanding that his army by sea was yet whole, and that Cato had gathered together a great number of his soldiers after the overthrow, whom he had transported with him into AFRICA: he lamented, and complained unto his friends, that they had compelled him to fight by land, & not suffered him to help himself with his other force wherein he was the stronger, and that he kept not still near unto his army by sea, that if fortune failed him by land, he might yet presently have prepared to his power ready by sea, to have resisted his enemy. To confess a troth, Pompey committed not so great a fault in all this war, neither did Caesar put forth a better devise, Pompey's great error, and Caesar's crafty evise. then to make his enemy fight far from his army by sea. Thus Pompey being driven to attempt somewhat according to his small ability, he sent Ambassadors unto the cities. To others, he went himself in person also to require money, wherewith he manned and armed some ships. This notwithstanding, fearing the sudden approach of his enemy, lest he should prevent him before he could put any reasonable force in readiness for to resist him: he bethought himself what place he might best retire unto for his most safety. When he had considered of it, he thought that there was never a province of the ROMANS that could save and defend them. And for other strange realms, he thought PARTHIA above all other, was the best place to receive them into at that present, having so small power as they had: and that was better able to help & aid them with more power than they. Other of his counsel were of mind to go into AFRICA, unto king juba. But Theophanes LESBIAN said, Theophanes Lesbian persuaded Pompey to fly into Egypt. he thought it a great folly, to leave EGYPT which was but three days sailing from thence, and king Ptolemy, (being but lately comen to man's state, and bound uno Pompey for the late friendship and favour his father found of him) and to go put himself into the hands of the PARTHIANS, the vilest, and unfaithfullest nation in the world, and not to prove the modesty of a ROMAN, that had been his father in law, whose prosperity if he could have endured, he might have been the chiefest man: and now to put himself to Arsaces' good will, who could not away with Crass●● when he lived. Further, he thought it an ill part also, for him to go carry his young wife of the noble house of Scipio, amongst the barbarous people, who think it lawful for them to use what villainy and insolency they list to any. For, admit she have no villainy offered hereby them: yet is it an undecent thing, to think she might have been dishonoured, they having her in their power to do it. There was no persuasion (as they say) but this only that turned Pompey unto Euphrates: for it seemeth that Pompey's counsel, and not his fortune, made him take that way. Being determined therefore to fly into EGYPT, he departed out of CYPRUS in a galley of SELEUCIA with his wife Cornelia. The residue of his train embarked also, some into galleys, & others into merchants ships of great burden, and so safely passed the sea without danger. When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the city of PELUSIUM with his army, Pompey arriveth Egypt, & goeth to Pelusium. Pothinus are eunuch, and groom of the chamber to king Ptolemy, ruleth all Egypt. making war against his sister: he went thither, and sent a messenger before unto the king, to advertise him of is arrival, and to entreat him to receive him. King Ptolemy was then but a young man, insomuch as one Pothinus governed all the whole realm under him. He assembled a counsel of the chiefest and wisest men of the court, who had such credit and authority as it pleased him to give them. They being assembled, he commanded every man in the king's name to say his mind touching the receiving of Pompey, whether the king should receive him or not. It was a miserable thing to see Pothinus, an eunuch of the kings, and Theodotus of CHIO, an hired schoolmaster to teach the young king rhetoric, and Achillas EGYPTIAN to consult among themselves what they should do with Pompey the great. These were the chiefest counsellors of all his eunuchs, and of those that had brought him up. Now did Pompey ride at anchor upon the shore side, The deliberation of the Egyptians, for the receiving of Pompey. expecting theresolution of this counsel in the which the opinions of other were divers, for they would not have received him: the other also, that be should be received. But the Rhetorician Theodotus to show his eloquence, persuaded them, Theodotus persuaded them to kill Pompey. that hither the one nor the other was to be accepted. For, said he, if we receive him, we shall have Caesar our enemy, and Pompey our Lord: and if they do deny him on tother side, Pompey will blame them for refusing of him, and Caesar for not keeping of him. Therefore, this should be the best resolution, to sand to kill him: for thereby, they should win the good will of the do, and not feat the displeasure of the other: and some say moreover, that he added this mock withal ● a dead man bites not. A dead man biteth not. They being determined of this among themselves, gave Achillas commission to do it. Achillas appointed to kill Pompey. He taking with him Septimius (who had charge a aforetime under Pompey) and Sal●ius an other Centurion also, with three or four soldiers beside, they made towards Pompey's galley, about whom were at that time, the chiefest of his ●ruine, to see what would become of this matter. But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment, and that it was not in Princely show and manner, nor nothing answerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in, seeing so few men come to them in a fisher boat they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them, & counseled Pompey to return back, and to launch again into the sea, being out of the danger of the hurling of a daret How Pompey was received into Egypt. In the mean time, the fisher boat drew near, and Septimius rose, and saluted Pompey in the ROMAN tongue, by the name of Imperator, as much as sovereign Captain: and Achillas also spoke to him in the Greek tongue, and bade him come into his boat, because that by the shore side, there was a great deal of mud and sand banks, so that his galley should have no water to being him in. At the very same time, they saw a far of divers of the king's galleys which were arming with all speed possible, & all the shore besides full of soldiers. Thus, though Pompey & his company would have altered their minds, they could not have told how to have escaped: & furthermore, showing that they had mistrusted than, than they had given the murders occasion to have executed his cruelty. So taking his leave of his wife Cornelia, who lamented his death before his end: he commanded two Centurions to go down before him into the EGYPTIANS boat, and Philip one of his slaves enfranchised, with an other slave called Scynes. When Achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat, he turned him to his wife, and son, and said these verses of Sophocles unto them! The man that into Court comes free, Must there in state of bondage be. These were the last words he spoke unto his people, when he left his own galley, & went into the EGYPTIANS boat. The land being a great way of from his galley, when he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him, beholding Septimius, he said unto him: me thinks my friend I should know thee, for that thou hast served with me heretofore. The other nodded with his head that it was true, but gave him no answer, nor showed him any courtesy. Pompey seeing that no man spoke to him, took a little book he had in hand, in the which he had written an oration that he meant to make unto king Ptolemy, & began to read it. When they came near the shore, Cornelia with her servants and friends about her, stood up in her ship in great fear, to see what should become of Pompey. So, she hoped well, when she saw many of the king's people on the shore, coming towards Pompey at his landing, as it were to receive and honour him. But even as Pompey took Philip his hand to arise more easily, Septimius came first behind him and thrust him through with his sword. Pompey the great, cruelly slain as he landed. Next unto him also, Saluius and Achillas drew●out their swords in like manner. Pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands, and hid his face, and manly abid the wounds they gave him, The manliness and patience of Pompey at his death. only sighing a little. Thus being nine and fifty year old, he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth. They that road at anchor in their ships, when they saw him murdered, gave such a fearful cry, that it was hard to the shore: then weighing up their anchors with speed, they hoist sail, and departed their way, having wind at will that blew a justly gale, as soon as they had gotten the main sea. The EGYPTIANS which prepared to row after them, when they saw they were past their reach, and unpossible to be overtaken: they let them go. Then having stricken of Pompey's head, they threw his body over board, for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him. Philip his enfranchised bondman remain●● over by it, until such time as the EGYPTIANS had seen it their bellies full. Then having ●●shed his body with salt water, and wrapped it up in an old shirt of his, because be had no other shift to lay it in: he sought upon the sands, & found at the length a piece of an old fisher's boat, enough to serve to burn his naked body with, but not all fully out. As he was busy gathering the broken pieces of this boat together, thither came unto him an old ROMAN, whom his youth had served under Pompey and said unto him: O friend, what art thou that preparest the funerals of Pompey the great? The funerals of Pompey. Philip answered, that he was a bondman of his enfranchised. Well, said he, thou shalt not have all this honour alone, I pray thee yet let me accompany that in so denout a deed, that I may not altogether repent me to have dwelled so long in a strange country, where I have abidden such misery and trouble: but that to recompense me withal, I may have this good hap, with mine own hands to touch Pompey's body, and to help to bury the only and most famous Captain of the ROMANS. The next day after, Lucius Lentulus' not knowing what had passed, coming out of CYPRUS, sailed by the shore side, and perceived a fire made for funerals, and Philip standing by it, whom he knew not at the first. So he asked him, what is he that is dead and buried there? But strait fetching a great sigh, alas said he, perhaps it is Pompey the great. Then he landed a little, and was strait taken and slain. Lucius Lentulus slain. This was the end of Pompey the great. Not long after, Caesar also came into EGYPT that was in great wars, Caesar arriveth in Egypt where Pompey's head was presented unto him: but he turned his head aside, and would not see it: and abhorred him that brought it, as a detestable murderer. Then taking his ring wherewith he sealed his letters, Pompey's ring. whereupon was graven a Lion holding a sword: he burst out a weeping. Achillas and Pothinus he put to death. The murderers of Pompey put to death. King Ptolemy himself also, being overthrown in battle by the river of Nilus, vanished away, and was never heard of after. Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands, & wandered up & down AEGYP in great misery, despised of every man: Afterwards, Maerous Brutus (who slew Caesar) conquering ASIA, met with him by chance, and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise, at the length slew him. The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Cornelia, who buried them in a town of hers by the city of ALBA. THE COMPARISON OF Pompey with Agesilaus. NOw that we have declared unto you, the lives of Agesilaus and Pompey: let us compare their manners and conditions together, which are these. First, Pompey-came to his honour and greatness, How Pompey and Agesilaus came to their greatness. by his integrity and so advanced himself: and was a great aid unto Sylla, doing many noble exploits, helping him to rid those tyrants out of ITALY, who held it in bondage. But Agesilaus usurped the kingdom of LACEDAEMON, against the law of gods and men, condemning Leotychides for a bastard, whom his brother avowed to be his lawful son: and contemned beside the oracle of the gods, which gave warning of a lame king. Furthermore, Pompey did honour Sylla while he lived, and when he was dead, gave his body honourable burial in despite of Lepidus: and married his daughter unto Faustus, the son of Sylla. Agesilaus contrarily did dishonour Lysander, upon light occasion: but Pompey had done no less for Sylla, than Sylla had done for him. Lysander on tother side, had made Agesilaus king of LACEDAEMON, and Lieutenant general of all GRAECE. Thirdly, the injuries that Pompey did unto the common weal, The faults of Agesilaus and Pompey. were done of necessity, to please Caesar and Scipio, both of them his fathers in law. Agesilaus also, to satisfy his sons love, saved Sphodriaes' life that had deserved death, for the mischief he had done the ATHENIANS: and he willingly also took part with Phoebidas, not secretly, but openly, because he had broken the peace made with the THEBANS. To conclude, what hurt Pompey did unto the ROMANS, either through ignorance, or to pleasure his friends: the same did Agesilaus unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, through anger & self will, in renewing war with the BOEOTIANS, upon a full peace concluded. If we shall reckon of the fortune of the one and the other, in the faults they committed: Pompey's fortune unto the ROMANS was unlooked for. But Agesilaus would not suffer the LACEDÆMONIANS to avoid the lame kingdom, though they knew it before. For, though Leotychides had been proved a bastard ten thousand times, yet had not the race of the Eurytiontides failed, but they could have found an other lawful king among them, that should have gone upright: had not Lyfa●der, favouring Agesilaus, kept the true meaning of the oracle from the LACEDÆMONIANS. On other side again for matters of government, there was never such an excellent devise found out, as was done by Agesilaus: to help the fear and danger the LACEDÆMONIANS were in, for those that fled at the battle of Leuctres, when he counseled them to let the law sleep for that day. Neither can any man match Pompey's with the like: who, to show his friends what power he was of, did break the laws which himself had made. For Agesilaus being driven of necessity to abolish the law, to save the life of his citizens, found such a devise that the law was not hurtful to the common wealth, neither yet was put down for fear it should do hurt. I must needs commend this for a great virtue and civility in Agesilaus, who so soon as he received the Scytala (or scroll of parchment from the Ephori) returned into his country, and left the war of ASIA. He did not as Pompey, who made himself great to the benefit of the common wealth, and for the common wealths sake, did forsake such honour and so great authority, as never Captain before him, but Alexander the great, had the like in those parts. Things done by Agesilaus and Pompey in wars. But now to other matter. Touching their battles and exploits in wars, the multitude of victories and triumphs that Pompey obtained, and the great armies that he led: Xenophon himself if he were alive, could not compare Agesilaus victories unto his: although for the singular virtues and qualities he had in him, for recompense thereof he had liberty granted him, to write and speak of Agesilaus what he thought good. Me thinks also, there was great difference betwixt Pompey and Agesilaus, in their equity and clemency towards their enemies. For, whilst Agesilaus went about to conquer THEBES, and utterly to race and destroy the city of MESSINA, the one being an ancient city of his country, and the other the capital city of BOEOTIA: Agesilaus lost the signory of the Lacedæmonians. he had almost lost his own city of SPARTA, for at the lest he lost the commandment and rule he had over the rest of GRAECE. The other contrarily gave cities unto pirates to devil in, which were willing to change their trade and manner of life: and when it was in his choice to lead Tigranes' king of ARMENIA, in triumph at ROME, he chose rather to make him a confederate of the ROMANS, saying, that he preferred perpetual honour before one days glory. But since it is reason we should give the first place and honour of the discipline of wars, unto a Captain of the greatest skill and experience in wars: the LACEDAEMONIAN then leaveth the ROMAN far behind. For first of all Agesilaus never forsook his city, though it was besieged with three score and ten thousand men, and that there were very few within the same to defend it, the which also a little before had been overthrown at the battle of Leuctres. Pompey's fa●le to forsake Rome. And Pompey on tother side, hearing that Caesar with five thousand footmen only had taken a town in ITALY: fled from ROME in very fear. And therein he can not be excused of one of these two: either that he fled cowardly for so few men, or else that he had a false imagination of more. For he conveyed his wife and children away, but he left all the rest without defence, and fled: where in deed he should either have overcome, valiantly fight for defence of his country, or else have received the conditions of peace which the conquerors should have offered him. For, he was a citizen and allied unto him. For he that thought it an untolerable thing to prolong the term of his government, or to grant him a second consulship: did now give him opportunity, suffering him to take the city of ROME, to say unto Metellus the Tribune, & the rest, that they were all his prisoners. Sigh therefore it is the chiefest point of an excellent Captain, A special point of a skilful Captain. to compel his enemies to fight when he findeth himself the stronger, and also to keep himself from compulsion of fight when he is the weaker: Agesilaus excelling in that, did ever keep himself invincible. Caesar also had great skill therein, to keep himself from danger being the weaker, and again could tell how to compel Pompey to hazard battle, to his utter destruction by land, where he was the weaker: and by this means he made himself Lord of the treasure, victuals, and also of the sea, which his enemies had in their hands, without fight. That which they allege in his excuse, is that which most doth comdemne him, specially for so great and skilful a Captain. For as it is likely enough, that a young General of an army may easily be brought from his wife and safe counsel, with rumour and tumult of a few fearful men, that should persuade him it were a shame and dishonour for him if he did otherwise: yet were this no strange matter, but a fault to be pardoned. But for Pompey the great, whose camp the ROMANS called their country, and his tent the Senate, and called all the Praetors and Consuls that governed at ROME, rebels and traitors to the common wealth of ROME: who could excuse him (who was never seen commanded by other than himself, but had been always chief Captain and General in any war he made, and ever had the upper hand) but that he was drawn on by the scoffs of Faonius, and Domitius, to hazard battle, to endanger the whole Empire and liberty of ROME, only for fear they should call him king Ag●memnon? Who, if he had so much regarded present infamy, he should have fought from the beginning for defence of the city of ROME, and not to have taken example of Themistocles policy by flying, and afterwards to think it a shame as he did, to lie in THESSALY a time without fight. Neither did God appoint them the fields of Pharsalia for a Theatre, or close camp, of necessity to fight which of them should have the Empire of ROME. Further, there was no Herald to summon him to fight, as there are at games of price, where he must answer to his name, and come and fight, or else to lose the honour of the crown unto an other. But there were infinite other fields and towns (and as a man would say the whole earth) which the commodity of his army by sea gave him choice to conquer if he would rather have followed the steps of Fabius Maximus, of Marius, of Lucullus, or of Agesilaus himself: who did patiently abide no less tumults within the city self of SPARTA, when the THEBANS went to summon him to come out to fight, for all the rest of his country. And in EGYPT also, he did abide many false accusations against him, wherewith the king himself did burden him, praying him always to have a little patience. In fine, having followed the best counsel which he had determined with himself from the beginning, Agesilaus constanter than Pompey. he saved the EGYPTIANS against their wills: and furthermore, he did not only keep the city of SPARTA from so great a danger, but did also set up tokens of triumph in the same against the THEBANS, whereby, he was not compelled at that time to lead them out to the slaughter, and besides that, gave his citizen's occasion to obtain victory afterwards. Hereupon Agesilaus was highly praised of them, whose lives he had saved against their wills. And Pompey contrarily was blamed by themselves, through whom he had offended: yet some say, that he was deceived by his father in law Scipio. For he meaning to keep the most part of the money to himself which he had brought out of ASIA, did hasten and persuade Pompey to give battle, telling him that there was no money left. The which though it had been true, a worthy Captain should not so lightly have been brought into error, upon a false account, to hazard himself to lose all. Thus may we see what both of them were, by comparing them together. Furthermore for their journeys into EGYPT, Pompey's flying into Egypt is excused. the one fled thither by force: the other willingly went thither with small honour, for money's sake to serve the barbarous people, with intent afterwards to make war with the GRECIANS. Lastly, in that which we accuse the EGYPTIANS for Pompey's sake: for the like matter do they again accuse Agesilaus. For, the one was cruelly put to death, & betrayed by them whom he trusted: & Agesilaus forsook them which trusted him, and went to the enemies, having brought aid to fight against them. The end of Pompey's life. THE LIFE OF Alexander the great. Having determined in this volume to writ the life of king Alexander, & of julius Caesar, that overcame Pompey: having to speak of many things, I will use none other preface, but only desire the readers not to blame me though I do not declare all things at large, but briefly touch divers, chief in those their noblest acts & most worthy of memory. For they must remember, that my intent is not to writ histories, but only lives. For, the noblest deeds do not always show men's virtues and vices, but oftentimes a light occasion, a word, or some sport makes men's natural dispositions and manners appear more plain, than the famous battles won, wherein a slain ten thousand men, or the great armies, or cities won by siege or assault. For like as painters or drawers of pictures, which make no account of other parts of the body, The face showeth men's manners and conditions. do take resemblances of the face and favour of the countenance, in the which consisteth the judgement of their manners & disposition: even so they must give us leave to seek out the signs and tokens of the mind only, and thereby show the life of either of them, referring you unto others to write the wars, battles, and other great things they did. It is certain that Alexander was discensed from Hercules by Caranus, and that of his mother's side, he came of the blood of the AEacides by Neoptolemus. The parentage of Alexander. They say also, that king Philip his father when he was a young man, fell in fancy with his mother Olympias, Olympias the wife of Philip king of Macedon. which at that time also was a young maiden, and an orphan without father or mother, in the isle of SAMOTHRACIA, where they were both received into the mystery and fraternity of the house of the religious: and that afterwards, he did ask her in marriage of her brother Arymbas, with whose consent they were married together. Olympias dream. The night before they lay in wedded bed, the bride dreamt, that lightning fell into her belly, and that withal, there was a great light fire that dispersed itself all about into divers flames. King Philip her husband also, shortly after he was married, dreamt that he did seal his wives belly, King Philip's dream. and that the seal wherewith he sealed, left behind the print of a Lyon. Certain wizards and soothsayers, told Philip that this dream gave him warning to look straightly to his wife. But Aristander TELMECIAN answered again, that it signified his wife was conceived with child, for that they do not seal a vessel that hath nothing in it: and that she was with child with a boy, which should have a Lion's heart. It is reported also, that many times as she lay asleep in her bed, there was seen a serpent lying by her, Olympias serpent. the which was the chiefest cause (as some presuppose) that withdrew Philip's love and kindness from her, and caused him that he lay not so often with her, as before he was wont to do: either for that he feared some charm or enchantment, or else for that he thought himself unmeet for her company, supposing her to be beloved of some god. Some do also report this after an other sort: as in this manner. That the women in those parts of long time, have been commonly possessed with the spirit of Orpheus, and the divine fury of Bacchus, whereupon they are called Clodones, & Mimallones (as much as warlike, & fierce) and do many things like unto the women of EDONIA, and THRACIA, dwelling about the mountain AEmus. Hereby it appeareth, that this word Threskevin (signifying in the Greek tongue, too superstitiously given to the ceremonies of the gods) came from them. For Olympias above other women, loving to be inspired with such divine madness & fury: did celebrated their solemn sacrifices with a certain horrible & barbarous manner. For in these dances to Bacchus, she carried a great number of tame snakes about her, the which gliding upon the ivy wherewith the women were dressed in those ceremonies, & winding themselves about the little javelinings they had in their hands, & the garlands about their heads: thereby they made men the more afraid of them. Whereupon Philip after this dream, sent Ghaero MEGALOPOLITAN unto the oracle of Apollo at DELPHES, to inquire what it signified. Answer was given him, that he should do sacrifice unto jupiter Hammon, & honour him above all gods: & that he had lost one of his eyes, with the which he peeping in at a cranny of his chamber door, saw the god in form of a snake lie by his wife. Furthermore, Olympias (as Eratosthenes writeth) bidding her son farewell when he went to conquer ASIA, after she had secretly told him alone, by whom he was begotten: she prayed him to be valiant, & to show himself worthy his son, that begat him. Others tell also, that she was angry with this report, saying: will Alexander never leave to make me suspected of juno? So it is, that Alexander was borne on the sixth day of the month of Hecatombaeon, The birth of Alexander. (in english, june) which the MACEDONIANS call Lous. On the very same day, the temple of Diana in the city of EPHESUS was burnt, The temple of Diana burnt at Ephesus. as Hegesias MAGNESIAN doth witness, whose cry & exclamation was so terrible & cold, that it was enough to have quenched that fire. It is not to be wondered at, that Diana suffered her temple to be burnt, being like a midwife, busy about Alexander's birth. Wonderful things seen at the birth of Alexander. But this is true, that all the priests, magicians and soothsayers, which were at that time in EPHESUS, judging that this did prognosticate some marvelous great misfortune to come, like men distraught of their wits, they ran up & down the city, smiting of their faces, & crying that some great plague & mischief was borne that day unto ASIA. Shortly after that king Philip had won the city of POTIDAEA, three messengers came to him the same day that brought him great news. The first, that Parmenio had won a notable battle of the ILLYRIANS: the second, that his horse only won the bell & price at the Olympian games: & the third, that his wife had brought him a son called Alexander. Philip being marvelous glad to hear these news, the soothsayers did make his joy yet greater: assuring him that his son which was borne with three victories all together, should be invincible. Now for his stature & parsonage, Alexander's stature and parsonage. the statues and images made of him by Lysippus do best declare it, for that he would be drawn of no man but him only. divers of his successors & friends did afterwards counterfeit his image, but that excellent workman Lysippus only, of all other the chiefest, hath perfectly drawn and resembled Alexander's manner of holding his neck, somewhat hanging down towards the left side, & also the sweet look & cast of his eyes. But when Apelles painted Alexander, holding lightning in his hand, he did not show his fresh colour, but made him somewhat black and swarter, than his face in deed was: for naturally he had a very fair white colour, mingled also with read, which chief appeared in his face & in his breast. I remember I read also in the commentaries of Aristoxenus, that his skin had a marvelous good savour, & that his breath was very sweet, insomuch that his body had so sweet a smell of itself, Alexander's body had a marvelous sweet savour. that all the apparel he wore next unto his body, took thereof a passing delightful savour, as if it had been perfumed. And the cause hereof peradventure might be, the very temperature & constitution of his body, which was hot and burning like fire. For Theophrastus is of opinion, that the sweet savour cometh by means of the heat that drieth up the moisture of the body. By which reason also it appeareth, that the dry & hot countries parched with heat of the sun, are those that deliver unto us the best spices: because that the sun drieth up the moisture of the outward parts, as a matter of corruption. This natural heat that Alexander had, made him (as it appeareth) to be given to drink, & to be hasty. Even from his childhood they saw that he was given to be chaste. For though otherwise he was very hot & hasty, yet was he hardly moved with lust or pleasure of the body, & would moderately use it. But on tother side, the ambition & desire he had of honour, Alexander coveted honour. snewed a certain greatness of mind & noble courage, passing his years. For he was not (as his father Philip) desirous of all kind of glory: who like a Rhetorician had a delight to utter his eloquence, & stamped in his coins, the victories he had won at the Olympian games, by the swift running of his horse & coaches. For when he was asked one day (because he was swift of foot) whether he would assay to run for victory at the Olympian games: I could be content, said he, so I might run with kings. And yet to speak generally, he misliked all such contention for games. For it seemeth that he utterly misliked all wrestling & other exercise for prize, where men did use all their strength: but otherwise he himself made certain festival days & games of prize, for common stage players, musicans, & singers, & for the very Poets also. He delighted also in hunting of divers kinds of beasts, and playing at the staff. Ambassadors being sent on a time from the king of PERSIA, whilst his father was in some journey out of his realm: Alexander familiarly entertaining of them, so won them with his courteous entertainment, (for that he used no childish questions unto them, nor asked them trifling matters, but what distance it was from one place to an other, & which way they went into the high countries of ASIA, & of the king of PERSIA himself, how he was towards his enemies, & what power he had) that he did ravish them with delight to hear him, insomuch that they made no more account of Philip's eloquence & sharp wit, in respect of his sons courage, & noble mind, to attempt great enterprises. The noble mind of Alexander. For when they brought him news that his father had taken some famous city, or had won some great battle, he was nothing glad to hear it, but would say to his playfellows: sirs, my father will have all, I shall have nothing left me to conquer with you, that shallbe aught worth. For he delighting neither in pleasure nor riches, but only in valiantness & honour, thought, that the greater conquests & realms his father should leave him, the less he should have to do for himself. And therefore, seeing that his father's dominions & Empire increased daily more and more, perceiving all occasion taken from him to do any great attempt he desired no riches nor pleasure, but wars & battles, & aspired to a siguory where he might win honour. He had divers men appointed him (as it is to be supposed) to bring him up: as schoolmasters, governors, & grooms of his chamber to attend upon him: and among those, Leonidas was the chiefest man that had the government & charge of him, Leonidas the governor of Alexander. a man of a severe disposition, & a kinsman also unto the Queen Olympias. He misliked to be called a master or tutor, though it be an office of good charge, whereupon the others called him Alexander's governor, because he was a noble man, & allied to the Prince. But he that bore the name of his schoolmaster, was Lysimachus, an ACARNANIAN borne, who had no other manner of civility in him, saving that he called himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles, & Philip Peleus: & therefore he was well thought of, and was the second person next unto Leonidas. At what time Philonicus THESSALIAN had brought Bucephal the horse to cell unto king Philip, Bucephal Alexander's horse. ask thirteen talents, they went into the field to ride him. The horse was found so rough & churlish that the riders said he would never do service, for he would let no man get up on his back, nor abide any of the gentlemen's voices about king Philip, but would yerk out at them. Thereupon, Philip being afraid, commanded them to carry him away as a wild beast, & altogether unprofitable: the which they had done, had not Alexander that stood by said, O gods, what a horse do they turn away, for lack of skill & heart to handle him. Philip heard what he said, but held his peace. Alexander often repeating his words, seeming to be sorry that they should sand back the horse again: why, said Philip, dost thou control them that have more experience than thou, & that know better than thou how to handle a horse? Alexander answered, & yet me thinks I should handle him better than all they have done. But if thou canst not, no more than they, replied Philip: what wilt thou forfeit for thy folly? I am content (q Alexander) to jeopard the price of the horse. Every man laughed to hear his answer: and the wager was laid between them. Then ran Alexander to the horse, and took him by the bridle: and turned him towards the sun. It seemed that he had marked (as I suppose) how mad the horse was to see his own shadow, which was ever before him in his eye, as he stirred to & fro. The agility of Alexander in taming the wildness of Bucephal the horse. Then Alexander speaking gently to the horse, and clapping him on the back with his hand, till he had left his fury & snorting: softly let fall his cloak from him, and lightly leaping on his back, got up without any danger, and holding the reins of the bridle hard, without striking or stirring the horse, made him to be gentle enough. Then when he saw that the fury of the horse was past, and that he began to gallop, he put him to his full career, and laid on spurs and voice a good. Philip at the first with fear beholding his sons agility, lest he should take some hurt, said never a word: but when he saw him readily turn the horse at the end of his career, in a bravery for that he had done, all the lookers on gave a shout for joy. The father on tother side (as they say) fell a weeping for joy. And when Alexander was lighted from the horse, he said unto him kissing his head: Philip prophesieth of his son Alexander. O son, thou must needs have a realm that is meet for thee, for MACEDON will not hold thee. Furthermore, considering that of nature he was not to be won by extremity, & that by gentle means and persuasion he could make him do what he would: he ever sought rather to persuade then command him in any thing he had to do. Now Philip putting no great affiance in his schoolmasters of music & humanity, for the instruction & education of his son, whom he had appointed to teach him, but thinking rather that he needed men of greater learning than their capacities would reach unto: and that as Sophocles saith, He needed many reins, and many bits at once: He sent for Aristotle (the greatest Philosopher in his time, & best learned) to teach his son, Aristotle, was Alexander's schoolmasters. unto whom he gave honourable stipend. For Philip having won & taken before, the city of STAGYRA, where Aristotle was borne: Aristotle borne in the city of Stagira. for his sake he built it again, & replenished it with inhabitants which fled away, or otherwise were in bondage. He appointed them for a school house and dwelling place, the pleasant house that is by the city of MIEZA. In that place are yet seen seats of stone which Aristotle caused to be made, & close walks to walk in the shadow. It is thought also, that Alexander did not only learn of Aristotle, moral philosophy & humanity, but also he heard of him other more secret, hard, & grave doctrine, which Aristotle's scholars do properly call Acroamata, or Epoptica, meaning things speculative, which requireth the masters teaching to understand them, or else are kept from common knowledge: which sciences, they did not commonly teach. Alexander being passed into ASIA, & hearing that Aristotle had put out certain books of that matter: for the honours sake of philosophy, he wrote a letter unto him, somewhat too plain, & of this effect. Alexander, unto Aristotle greeting. An Epistle of Alexander unto Aristotle. Thou hast not done well to put forth the Acroamatical sciences. For wherein shall we excel other, if those things which thou hast secretly taught us, be made common to all? I do thee to understand, that I had rather excel others in excellency of knowledge, then in greatness of power. Farewell. Whereunto Aristotle to pacify this his ambitious humour, wrote unto him again, that these books were published, & not published. For to say truly, in all his treatises which be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: there is no plain instruction profitable for any man, neither to pick out by himself, nor yet to be taught by any other, than Aristotle himself, or his scholars. So that it is written as a memorial for them that have been entered & brought up in the Peripatericke sect & doctrine. It seemeth also, that it was Aristotle above all other, that made Alexander take delight to study physic. Alexander the great practised physic. For Alexander did not only like the knowledge of speculation, but would exercise practice also, & help his friends when they were sick: & made beside certain remedies, & rules to live by: as appeareth by his letters he wrote, Some think that this place should be mens of the rich coffer, that was found among king Darius ivelle, in the which Alexander would have all Homer'S works kept. that of his own nature he was much given to his book, & desired to read much. He learned also the Iliads of Homer, of Aristotle's correction, which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the corrected, as having passed under the rule: & laid it every night under his bed's head with his dagger, calling it (as Onesicrates writeth) the institution of martial discipline. And when he was in the high countries of ASIA, where he could not readily come by other books, he wrote unto Harpalus to sand them to him. Harpalus sent him the histories of Philistus, with divers tragedies of Euripides, Sophocles, and AEschylus: and certain hymns of Telestus and Philoxenus. Alexander did reverence Aristotle at the first, as his father, and so he termed him: because from his natural father he had life, but from him, the knowledge to live. But afterwards he suspected him somewhat, yet he did him no hurt, neither was he so friendly to him as he had been: whereby men perceived that he did not bear him the good will he was wont to do. This notwithstanding, he left not that zeal and desire he had to the study of Philosophy, which he had learned from his youth, and still continued with him. For he showed divers testimonies thereof. As, the honour he did unto Anaxarchus the Philosopher. The fifty talents which he sent unto Xenocrates, Dandamis, and Calanus: of whom he made great account. When king Philip made war with the BIZANTINES, Alexander being but sixteen year old, Alexander's first soldierfare. was left his Lieutenant in MACEDON, with the custody and charge of his great seal: at what time he also subdued the MEDARIANS which had rebelled against him, and having won their city by assault, he drove out the barbarous people, and made a Colony of it of sundry nations, and called it ALEXANDROPOLIS, to say, the city of Alexander. The city of Alexandropolis. He was with his father at the battle of CHAERONEA against the GRECIANS, where it was reported, that it was he that gave charge first of all upon the holy band of the THEBANS. Furthermore, there was an old oak seen in my time, which the country men commonly call Alexander's oak, because his tent or pavilion was fastened to it: and not far from thence is the charnel house, where those MACEDONIANS were buried that were slain at the battle. For these causes, his father Philip loved him very dearly, and was glad to hear the MACEDONIANS call Alexander king, & himself their Captain. Howbeit the troubles that fell out in his court afterwards, by reason of Philip'S new marriages and loves, bred great quarrel and strife amongst the women: for the mischief of dissension & gealozy of women, doth separate the hearts of kings one from an other, whereof was chiefest cause, the sharpness of Olympias, who being a jealous woman, fretting, and of a revenging mind, did incense Alexander against his father. The quarrels of Philip with Olympias and Alexander. But the chiefest cause that provoked Alexander, was Attalus at the marriage of Cleopatra, whom Philip married a maiden, falling in fancy with her when himself was past marriage. This was the matter: Attalus being uncle unto this Cleopatra, fell drunk at the marriage, and having in his cups, he persuaded the MACEDONIANS that were at the feast, to pray to the gods, that they might have a lawful heir of Philippe and Cleopatra, to succeed him in the kingdom of MACEDON. Alexander being in a rage therewith threw a cup at his head, and said unto him: why, traitor, what am I: dost thou take me for a bastard? Philip seeing that, rose from the board, and drew out his sword, but by good fortune for them both, being troubled with choler and wine, he fell down on the ground. Then Alexander mocking him, Alexander mocketh Philip his father. lo, said he, to the MACEDONIANS, here is the man that prepared to go out of EUROPE into ASIA, and stepping only from one bed to an other, ye see him laid alongst on the ground. After this great insolency, he took his mother Olympias away with him, and carrying her into his country of EPIRUS, he left her there, and himself afterwards went into ILLYRIA. In the mean time, Demaratus CORINTHIAN, a friend of king philip's, and very familiar with him, came to see him. Philip when he had courteously welcomed him, asked him how the GRECIANS did agreed together. Truly, O king, quoth he, it imports you much to inquire of the agreement of the GRECIANS, when your own court is so full of quarrel & contention. These words nipped Philip in such sort, & caused him to know his fault, that through Demaratus means, whom he sent to persuade Alexander to return, Alexander was made to come back again. Now when Pexodorus, a Prince of CARIA (desiring for necessities sake, to enter in league and friendship with Philip) offered his eldest daughter in marriage unto Aridaeus king Philip's son, Aridaeus king philip's bastard, begotten of a common strumpet, Philima & had sent Aristocritus Ambassador into MACEDON for that purpose the friends of Alexander & his mother, began again to inveigle him with new reports and suspicions, how Philip by this great marriage would advance Aridaeus to his utter undoing, and leave him his heir in the kingdom. Alexander being nettled therewith sent one Thessalus a player of tragedies into CARIA to Pexodorus: to persuade him to leave Aridaeus, that was a bastard & a fool, & rather to make alliance with Alexander. This offer pleased Pexodorus far better, to have Alexander his son in law, than Aridaeus. Philip understanding this, went himself into Alexander's chamber, taking Philotas with him (the son of Parmenio) one of his familiars, & bitterly took up Alexander, telling him that he had a base mind, & was unworthy to be left his heir after his death, if he would cast himself away, marrying the daughter of a CARIAN, that was a slave & subject of a barbarous king. Therupon he wrote letters unto CORINTH, that they should sand Thessalus bound unto him. And furthermore, he banished out of MACEDON, Harpalus, Nearchus, Phrygius, & Ptolemy, his sons companions: whom Alexander afterwards called home again, & placed them in great authority about him. Shortly after, Pausanias sustaining villainy by the counsel and commandment of Attalus & Cleopatra, craving justice of Philip, and finding no amendss: Philip king of Macedon● slain by Pausanias. he converted all his anger against him, and for spite slew him himself. Of this murder, most men accused Queen Olympias, who (as it is reported) alured this young man, having just cause of anger, to kill him. And Alexander also went not clear from suspicion of this murder. For some say, that Pausanias after this villainy was done him, complained unto Alexander, and told him how he had been abused: who recited these verses to him of Euripides, in the tragedy of Medea, where she said in anger, that she would be revenged: Both of the bridegroom and the bride, And of the father in law. Notwithstanding, afterwards he caused diligent search to be made, and all them to be severely punished that were of the conspiracy: and was angry also that his mother Olympias had cruelly slain Cleopatra. So he came to be king of MACEDON at twenty years of age, The beginning of Alexander's reign. and found his realm greatly envy & hated of dangerous enemies, and every way full of danger. For, the barbarous nations that were near neighbours unto MACEDON, could not abide the bondage of strangers, but desired to have their natural kings. Neither had Philip time enough to bridle and pacify GRAECE, which he had conquered by force of arms: but having a little altered the governments, had through his insolency left them all in great trouble and ready to rebel, for that they had not long been acquainted to obey. Thereupon Alexander's counsel of MACEDON, being afraid of the troublesome time, were of opinion, that Alexander should utterly forsake the affairs of GRAECE, and not to follow them with extremity, but that he should seek to win the barbarous people by gentle means, that had rebelled against him, and wisely to remedy these new stirs. But he far otherwise determined to establish his safety by courage and magnanimity: persuading himself, that if they saw him stoop and yield at the beginning, how little so ever it were, every one would be upon him. Thereupon, he strait quenched all the rebellion of the barbarous people, invading them suddenly with his army, by the river of DANUBY, where in a great battle he overthrew Syrmus, king of the TRIBALLIANS. Alexander overcome Syrmus king of the Triballians. Furthermore, having intelligence that the THEBANS were revoked, and that the ATHENIANS also were confederate with them: to make them know that he was a man, he marched with his army towards the straight of Thermopiles, saying that he would make Demosthenes the Orator see (who in his orations, whilst he was in ILLYRIA, & in the country of the TRIBALLIANS, called him child) that he was grown a stripling passing through THESSALY, & should find him a man before the walls of ATHENS. When he came with his army unto the gates of THEBES, he was willing to give them of the city occasion to repent them: and therefore only demanded Phoenix and Prothytes, authors of the rebellion. Furthermore, he proclaimed by trumpet, pardon and safety unto all them that would yield unto him. The THEBANS on tother side, demanded of him Philotas, & Antipater, two of his chiefest servants, & made the crier proclaim in the city, that all such as would defend the liberty of GRAECE, should join with them. Then did Alexander leave the MACEDONIANS at liberty to make war with all cruelty. Then the THEBANS fought with greater courage and desire than they were able, considering that their enemies were many against one. And on tother side also, when the garrison of the MACEDONIANS which were within the castle of CADMIA, made a salie upon them, and gave them charge in the rearward: then they being environed of all sides, were slain in manner every one of them, their city taken, destroyed, Thebes ●on and razed by Alexander. & razed even to the hard ground. This he did, specially to make all the rest of the people of GRAECE afraid by example of this great calamity and misery of the THEBANS, to th'end none of them should dare from thenceforth once to rise against him. He would cloak this cruelty of his under the complaints of his confederates, the PHOCIANS and PLATEIANS: who complaining to him of the injuries the THEBANS had offered, could not deny them justice. Notwithstanding, excepting the priests, and the religious, and all such as were friends unto any of the Lords of MACEDON, all the friends and hinsmen of the poet Pindarus, and all those that had dissuaded them which were the rebels: he sold all the rest of the city of THEBES for slaves, which amounted to the number of thirty thousand persons, besides them that were slain at the battle, which were six thousand more. Now amongst the other miseries & calamities of the poor city of THEBES, there were certain THRACIAN soldiers, who having spoiled and defaced the house of Timoclea, a virtuous lady and of noble parentage, they divided her goods among them: and their captain having ravished her by force, asked her, whether she had any where hidden any gold or silver. The noble act of Timoclea, a noble woman of Thebes. The lady told him, she had. Then leading him into her garden, she brought him unto a well: where she said she had cast all her jewels and precious things, when she heard the city was taken. The barbarous THRACIAN stooped to look into the well: she standing behind him, thrust him in, and then threw stones enough on him, and so killed him. The soldiers when they knew it, took and bound her, and so carried her unto Alexander. When Alexander saw her countenance, & marked her gate: he supposed her at the first to be some great lady, she followed the soldiers with such a majesty & boldness. Alexander them ask her what she was: She answered, that she was the sister of Theagenes, who fought a battle with king Philip before the city of CHAERONEA, where being general he was slain, valiantly fight for the defence of the liberty of GRAECE. Alexander wondering at her noble answer and courageous deed, commanded no man should touch her nor her children, & so freely let her go whether she would. He made league also with the ATHENIANS, though they were very sorry for their miserable fortune. For the day of the solemn feast of their mysteries being come, they left it of, mourning for the THEBANS: courteously entertaining all those, that flying from THEBES came to them for succour. But whether it was for that his anger was past him, following therein the nature of lions: or because that after so great an example of cruelty, he would show a singular clemency again: he did not only pardon the ATHENIANS of all faults committed, but did also counsel them to look wisely to their doings, for their city one day should command all GRAECE, if he chanced to die. Men report, that certainly he oftentimes repented him that he had dealt so cruelly with the THEBANS, and the grief he took upon it was cause that he afterwards showed himself more merciful unto divers others. Afterwards also he did blame the fury of Bacchus, who to be revenged of him, made him kill Clit●● at the table being drunk, and the MACEDONIANS also to refuse him to go any furtherto conquer the INDIANS, which was an imperfection of his enterprise, and a minishing also of his honour. Besides, there was never THEBAN afterwards, that had escaped the fury of his victory, and did make any petition to him, but he had his suit. Thus was the state of THEBES as you have heard. Then the GRECIANS having assembled a general counsel of all the states of GRAECE within the straits of Peloponnesus: there it was determined that they would make war with the PERSIANS. Whereupon they chose Alexander general for all GRAECE. Alexander chosen general of all Graece. Then divers men coming to visit Alexander, aswell philosophers, as governors of states, to congratulate with him for his election, he looked that Diogenes Sinopian (who dwelled at CORINTH) would likewise come as the rest had done: but when he saw he made no reckoning of him, and that he kept still in the suburbs of CORINTHE, at a place called CRANIUM, he went himself unto him, and found him laid all a long in the sun. When Diogenes saw so many coming towards him, Alexander's talk with Diogenes. he sat up a little, and looked full upon Alexander. Alexander courteously spoke unto him, and asked him, if he lacked any thing. Yea said he, that I do: that thou stand out of my sun a little. Alexander was so well pleased with this answer, and marveled so much at the great boldness of this man, to see how small account he made of him: that when he went his way from him, Alexander's familiars laughing at Diogenes, & mocking him, he told them: masters say what you list, truly if I were not Alexander, I would be Diogenes. Alexander being desirous to hear what the oracle of Apollo DELPHIAN would say unto him touching the success of his journey into ASIA: he went unto the city of DELPHES. It chanced so, that he came thither in the days which they call unfortunate, on which days no man used to ask Apollo any thing. This notwithstanding, he sent first unto the Nun which pronounced the oracles, to pray her to come to him. But she refused to come, alleging the custom which forbade her to go. Thereupon, Alexander went thither himself in person, and brought her out by force into the temple. She seeing then that he would not be denied, but would needs have his will told him, 〈…〉 signs appearing unto Alexander before his journey into Asia. My son, for that I see, thou art invincible. Alexander bearing that, said he desired no other oracle, and that he had as much as he looked for. Afterwards when he was even ready to go on with his voyage, he had divers signs and tokens from the gods: and amongst other, an image of the Poet Orpheus made of cyprus, in the city of LA●●●●● in these days did sweat marvelously. Many men fearing that sign, Aristander the sooth says had Alexander be of good cheer, and hope well, for he should obtain noble victories that should never be forgotten, the which should make the Poets and musicians sweat to writ and sing them. Then, for this army which he led with him, Alexander's army into Asia. they that do set down the lest number, say that they were thirty thousand footmen, and five thousand horsemen and they that say more, do writ, four & thirty thousand footmen, and four thousand horsemen Aristobulus writeth, that Alexander had no more but three score and ten talents to pay his soldiers with: and Duris writeth, that he had no more provision of victuals, then for thirty days only. And Onesieritus sayeth moreover, that he did own two hundred talents. Now notwithstanding that he began this war with so small ability to maintain it, he would never take ship before he understood the state of his friends, to know what ability they had to go with him, and before he had given unto some, lands, and unto other, a town, and to others again, the custom of some haven. The liberality of Alexander. Thus by his bounty having in manner spent almost the rovenues of the crown of MACEDON, Perdiccas asked him my Lord, what will you keep for yourself? hope, said he. Then, q Perdiccas again, we will also have some part, since we go with you: and so refused the revenue which the king had given him for his pension. Many others did also the like. But such as were contented to take his liberality, or would ask him any thing, he gave them very frankly, and in such liberality spent all the revenue he had. With this desire & determination, he went on to the strait of HELLESPONT, & going to the city of ILIUM, he did sacrifice unto Diana, and made funeral effusions unto the demi gods (to wit, unto the princes which died in the war of TROIA, whose bodies where buried there) and specially unto Achilles, whose grave he anointed with oil, and ran naked round about it with his familiars, according to the ancient custom of funerals. Then he covered it with nosegays and flowers, saying, that Achilles was happy, Alexander's saying of Achilles. who while he lived had a faithful friend, and after his death an excellent herald to sing his praise. When he had done, & went up and down the city to see all the monuments and notable things there: one asked him, if he would see Paris harp. He answered again, he would very feign see Achilles' harp, who played & sung upon it all the famous acts done by valiant men in former times. In the mean time, Darius' king of PERSIA, having levied a great army, sent his captains and levetenants to tarry Alexander at the river of GRANICUS. There was Alexander to fight of necessity, being the only bar to stop his entry into ASIA. Moreover, the captains of his counsel about him, were afraid of the depth of this river, and of the height of the bank on tother side, which was very high and steep, & could not be won without fight. And some said also, that he should have special care of the ancient regard of the month: because the kings of MACEDON did never use to put their army into the field in the month of Dason, which is june. For that, said Alexander, we will remedy soon: let them call it the second month, Artemisium, which is may. Furthermore Parmenio was of opinion, that he should not meddle the first day because it was very late. Alexander made answer again, that HELLESPONT would blush for shame, if he were now afraid to pass over the river, since he had already comen over an arm of the sea. Thereupon he himself first entered the river with thirteen guidons of horsemen, and marched forwards against an infinite number of arrows which the enemies shot at him, as he was coming up the other bank, which was very high and steep, and worst of all, full of armed men and horsemen of the enemies: which stayed to receive him in battle ray, thrusting his men down into the river, which was very deep, and ran so swifce, that it almost carried them down the stream: insomuch that men thought him more rash than wise, to lead his men with such danger. This notwithstanding, he was so wilfully bend that he would needs over, & in th'end with great a do recovered the other side, specially because the earth slide away, by reason of the mud. So when he was over, he was driven to fight pebmel one upon another, because his enemies did set upon the first that were passed over, before they could put themselves into battle ray, Battle betwixt Alexander and Darius at the river of Granicus. with great cries, keeping their horses very close together, and fought first with their darts, and afterwards came to the sword when their darts were broken. Then many of them set upon him alone, for he was easily to be known about the rest by his shield & the hinder part of his helmet, about the which, there hung from th'one side to tother, a marvelous saier white plume Alexander had a blow with a dart on his thigh, but it hurt him not. Thereupon Roesaces & Spithridates, both two chief captains of the PERSIANS, setting upon Alexander at once, he left the one, and riding strait to Roesaces, who was excellently armed, he gave him such a blow with his lance, that he broke it in his hand, and strait drew out his sword. But so soon as they two had closed together, Spithridates coming at toe side of him, raised himself upon his stirroppes and gave Alexander with all his might such a blow of his head with a battle axe, that he cut the crest of his helmet, and one of the sides of his plume, and made such a gash, that the edge of his battle axe touched the very hear of his head. And as he was lifting up his hand to strike Alexander again, great Clitus preventing him, Clitus saved Alexander. thrust him through with a partisan, and at the very same instant, Roesaces also fell dead from his horse with a wound which Alexander gave him with his sword. Now whilst the horsemen fought with such fury, the squadron of the battle of footmen of the MACEDONIANS had passed the river, and both the battles began to march one against the other. The PERSIANS stuck not manfully to it any long time, but strait turned their backs and fled, saving the GRECIANS which took pay of king Darius: they drew together upon a hill, and craved mercy of Alexander. But Alexander setting upon them, more of will and then discretion, had his horse killed under him, being thrust through the flank with a sword. This was not Bucephal, but an other horse he had. All his men that were slain or hurt at this battle, were hurt amongst them valiantly fight against desperate men. Alexander's victory of the Persians at Granicus. It is reported that there were slain at this first battle, twenty thousand footmen of these barbarous people, & two thousand five hundred horsemen. Of Alexander's side, Aristubulus writeth, that there were slain four and thirty men in all, of the which, twelve of them were footmen. Alexander to honour their valiantness, caused every one of their images to be made in brass by Lysippus. And because he would make the GRECIANS partakers of this victory, he sent unto the ATHENIANS three hundred of their targets, which he had won at the battle, and generally upon all the other spoils, he put this honourable inscription. Alexander the son of Philip, and the Grecians, excepting the Lacedæmonians, have won this spoil upon the barbarous Asians. As for plate of gold or silver, also purple silks, or other such precious ware which he got among the PERSIANS: he sent them all unto his mother, a few except. This first victory of Alexander, brought such a sudden change amongst the barbarous people in Alexander's behalf, that the city self of SARDIS, the chief city of the Empire of the barbarous people, or at the lest through all the low countries and coasts upon the sea, they yielded strait unto him, saving the cities of HALICARNASSUS and MILETUM, which did still resist him: howbeit at length he took them by force. When he had also conquered all thereabouts, he stood in doubt afterwards what he were best to determine. Sometime he had a marvelous desire, hotly to follow Darius wheresoever he were, and to venture all at a battle. another time again, he thought it better first to occupy himself in conquering of these low countries, & to make himself strong with the money and riches he should find among them, that he might afterwards be the better able to follow him. In the country of LYDIA near unto the city XANTHUM, they say there is a springe that broke of itself, and overflowing the banks about it, cast out a little table of copper from the bottom, upon the which were graved certain carectes in old letters, which said: that the kingdom of the PERSIANS should be destroyed by the GRECIANS. This did further so encourage Alexander, that he made haste to clear all the sea coast, even as far as CILICIA and PHOENICIA. But the wonderful good success he had, running alongst all the coast of PAMPHILIA, gave divers historiographers occasion to set forth his doings with admiration, saying that it was one of the wonders of the world, that the fury of the sea, which unto all other was extreme rough, and many times would swell over the tops of the high rocks upon the cliffs, fell calm unto him. And it appeareth that Menander himself in a comedy of his doth witness this wonderful happiness of Alexander, when merrily he sayeth: O great Alexander, how great is thy state? For thou with thyself mayst that justly debate. If any man living I list for too call, He cometh and humbly before me doth fall. And if through the surges my journey do lie, The waves give me way, and the Sea becomes dry. Yet Alexander himself simply writeth in his epistles (without any great wonder) that by sea he passed a place called the ladder, and that to pass there, he took ship in the city of PHASELIDES. There he remained many days, and when he saw the image of Theodectes PHASELITAN, The memory of Theodectes honoured by Alexander. standing in the market place: he went in a dance thither one evening after supper, and cast flowers and garlands upon his image, honouring the memory of the dead, though it seemed but in sport, for that he was his companion when he lived, by means of Aristotle and his philosophy. After that he overcame also the PISIDIANS, who thought to have resisted him, and conquered all PHRYGIA beside. There in the city of GORDIUS, which is said to be the ancient seat of king Midas: The city of Gordius in Phrygia where king Midas kept. he saw the charet that is so much spoken of, which is bound with the bark of a comell tree, and it was told him for a troth, of the barbarous people, that they believed it as a prophecy: that whosoever could undo the band of that bark, was certainly ordained to be king of all the world. It is commonly reported, that Alexander proving to undo that band, and finding no ends to undo it by, they were so many fold wreathed one within the other: he drew out his sword, and cut the knot in the midst, So that then many ends appeared. But Aristobulus writeth, that he had quickly undone the knot by taking the bolt out of the axtree, which holdeth the beam and body of the chartet and so severed them a soonder. Departing thence, he conquered the PAPHLAGONIANS & CAPPADOCIANS, and understood of the death of Memnon, that was Darius general of his army by Sea, and in whom was all their hope to trouble and withstand Alexander: whereupon he was the bolder to go on with his determination to lead his army into the high countries of ASIA. Then did king Darius himself come against Alexander, having levied a great power at SUSA, of six hundred thousand fight men, trusting to that multitude, and also to a dream, the which his wizards had expounded rather to flatter him, then to tell him truly. Darius' army and dream. Darius dreamt that he saw all the army of the MACEDONIANS on a fire, and Alexander serving of him in the self same attier that he himself wore when he was one of the chamber unto the late king his predecessor: and that when he came into the temple of Belus, he suddenly vanished from him. By this dream it plainly appeared, that the gods did signify unto him, that the MACEDONIANS should have noble success in their doings, & that Alexander should conquer all ASIA, even as king Darius had done, when he was but Asgandes unto the king: and that shortly after, he should end his life with great honour. This furthermore made him bold also, when he saw that Alexander remained a good while in CILICIA, supposing it had been for that he was afraid of him. Howbeit it was by reason of a sickness he had, the which some say he got, by extreme pains and travel, & others also, because he washed himself in the river of Cydnus, Alexander's sickness in Cilicia. Cydnus fl. which was cold as Ise. Howsoever it came, there was none of the other physicians that durst undertake to cure him, thinking his disease uncurable, and no medicines to prevail that they could give him, and fearing also that the MACEDONIANS would lay it to their charge, if Alexander miscarried. But Philip ACARNANIAN, considering his master was very ill, and bearing himself of his love and good will towards him, thought he should not do that become him, if he did not prove (seeing him in extremity and danger of life) the utmost remedies of physic, what danger so ever he put himself into: and therefore took upon him to minister physic unto Alexander, and persuaded him to drink it boldly if he would quickly be whole, & go to the wars. In the mean time, Parmenio wrote him a letter from the camp, advertising him, that he should beware of Philip his physician, for he was bribed and corrupted by Darius, with large promises of great riches, that he would give him with his daughter in marriage, to kill his master. Alexander when he had red this letter, laid it under his beds head, and made none of his nearest familiars acquainted therewith. When the hour came that he should take his medicine, Philip came into his chamber with other of the king's familiars, & brought a cup in his hand with the potion he should drink Alexander then gave him the letter, The wonderful trust of Alexander in his physician & withal, cheerfully took the cup of him, showing no manner of fear or mistrust of any thing. It was a wonderful thing and worth the sight, how one reading the letter, and tother drinking the medicine both at one instant, they looked one upon another, howbeit not both with like cheerful countenance. For Alexander looked merrily upon him, plainly showing the trust he had in his physician Philip, and how much he loved him: and the physician also beheld Alexander, like a man perplexed & amazed, to be so falsely accused, & strait lift up his hands to heaven, calling the gods to witness that he was innocent, and then came to Alexander's bed side, and prayed him to be of good cheer, and boldly to do as if would advise him. The medicine beginning to work, overcame the disease, and drove for the time, to the lowest parts of his body, all his natural strength and powers: in somuch as his speech failed him, and he fell into such a weakness, and almost sooning, that his pulse did scant beat, and his senses were well-near taken from him. But that being passed, Philip in few days recovered him again. Now, when Alexander had gotten some strength, he showed himself openly unto the MACEDONIANS: for they would not be pacified, nor persuaded of his health, until they had seen him. In king Darius' camp there was one Amyntas a MACEDONIAN, & banished out of his country, who knew Alexander's disposition very well. He finding that Darius meant to meet with Alexander within the straights and valleys of the mountains: Darius contemneth Amyntas profitable counsel. besoughts him to tarry rather where he was, being a plain open country round about him, considering that he had a great host of men to fight with a few enemies, and that it was most for his advantage to meet with him in the open field. Darius answered him again, that he was afraid of nothing but that he would fly, before he could come to him. Amyntas replied, for that, O king, I pray you fear not: for I warrant you upon my life he will come to you, yea and is now onwards on his way coming towards you. All these persuasions of Amyntas could not turn Darius from making his camp to march towards CILICIA. At the self same time also, Alexander went towards SYRIA to meet with him. But it chanced one night, that the one of them miss of the other, and when day was come, they both returned back again: Alexander being glad of this hap, & making haste to meet with his enemy within the straits. Darius also seeking to win Alexander's lodging from whence he came, and to bring his army out of the straits: began then to found the fault & error committed, for that he had shut himself up in the straits, (holden in on the one side with the mountain, and on the other with the Sea, and the river of Pindarus that ran between both) and that he was driven to disperse his army into divers companies, in a stony and ill favoured country, ill for horsemen to travel, being on the contrary side a great advantage for his enemies, which were excellent good footmen, and but few in number. But now, as fortune gave Alexander the field as he would wish it to fight for his advantage: so could he tell excellently well how to set his men in battle ray to win the victory. For albeit that Alexander had the less number by many than his enemy, Battle betwixt Alexander and Darius in Cilicia. yet he had such policy and cast with him, that he foresaw all, and would not be environed: For he did put out the right wing of his battle a great deal further, than he did his left wing, and fight himself in the left wing in the foremost ranks, he made all the barbarous people fly that stood before him: howbeit, he was hurt on his thigh with a blow of a sword. Chares writeth, that Darius' self did hurt him, and that they fought together man to man. Notwithstanding Alexander self writing of this battle unto Antipater sayeth, that in deed he was hurt on the thigh with a sword, howbeit it did put him in no danger: but he writeth not that Darius did hurt him. Alexander's victory of Darius in Cilicia. Thus having won a famous victory, and slain above a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, he could not yet take Darius, because he fled, having still four or five furlongs vantage before him: howbeit he took his chariot of battle wherein he fought, and his bow also. Then he returned from the chase, & found the MACEDONIANS sacking & spoiling all the rest of the camp of the barbarous people, where there was infinite riches (although they had left the most part of their carriage behind them in the city of DAMAS', to come lighter to the battle) but yet reserved for himself all king Darius' tent, which was full of a great number of officers, of rich movables, and of gold and silver. So, when he was come to the camp, putting of his armour, he entered into the bath and said: come on, let us go and wash of the sweat of the battle in Darius own bath. Nay, replied one of his familiars again, in Alexander's bath: for the goods of the vanquished are rightly the vanquishers. When he came into the bath, and saw the basins and yewers, the boxes, and vyolles for perfumes, all of clean gold, excellently wrought, all the chamber perfumed passing sweetly, that it was like a paradise: then going out of his bath, and coming into his tent, seeing it so stately and large, his bed, the table, and supper, and all ready in such sumptuous sort, that it was wonderful, he turned him unto his familiars and did: this was a king in deed, was he not think ye? As he was ready to go to his supper, ●●rd was brought him, that they were bringing unto him amongst other Ladies taken prisoners, king Darius' mother and his wife, Darius' mother, wife, and two daughters, taken by Alexander. and two of his daughters unmarried, who having seen his chariot and bow, burst out into lamentable cries, and violent beating of themselves thinking Darius had been slain. Alexander paused a good while and gave no answer, pitying more their misfortune, then rejoicing at his own goodhappe. Then he presently sent one Leonatus unto them, to let them understand, that Darius was alive, and that they should not need to be afraid of Alexander, for he did not fight with Darius, but for his kingdom only and as for them, that they should have at his hands all that they had of Darius before, when he had his whole kingdom in his hands. As these words pleased the captive Ladies, The clemency of Alexander unto the captive Ladies. so the deeds that followed, made them find his clemency to be no less. For first he suffered them to bury as many of the PERSIAN Lords as they would, even of them that had been slain in the battle, and to take as much silks of the spoils, jewels, and ornaments, as they thought good to honour their funerals with: & also did lessen no part of their honour, nor of the number of their officers and servants, nor of any jot of their estate which they had before, but did allow them also greater pensions, than they had before. But above all, the princelyest grace, and most noble favour that Alexander showed unto these captive princesses, which had always lived in honourable fame and chastity, The chastity of Alexander. was this: That they never heard word, or so much as any suspicion that should make them afraid to be dishonoured or deflowered: but were privately among themselves unvisited or repaired unto by any man, but of their own, not as if they had been in a camp of their enemies, but as if they had been kept in some close monastery: although Darius' wife (as it is written) was passing fair, as Darius also was a goodly prince, and that his daughters likewise did resemble their father and mother. Alexander thinking it more princely for a king, as I suppose to conquer himself, then to overcome his enemies: did neither touch them nor any other, maid or wife, before he married them, Barsine only excepted, who being left Memnon's widow (general of king Darius by sea) was taken by the city of DAMAS'. She being excellently well learned in the Greek tongue, and of good entertainment (being the daughter of Artabazus, who came of a kings daughter) Alexander was bold with her by Parmenioes' procurement, (as Artstobulus writeth) who enticed him to embrace the company of so excellent a woman, and passing fair beside. Furthermore, beholding the other PERSIAN Ladies besides which were prisoners, what goodly fair women they were: he spoke it pleasantly, that the Ladies of PERSIA made men's eyes sore to behold them. Alexander's pleasant speech of women's beauty. Notwithstanding, preferring the beauty of his continency, before their sweet fair faces: he passed by without any spark of affection towards them, more than if they had been images of stone without life. To confirm this, Philoxenus whom he had left his lieutenant in the low countries upon the sea cost, wrote unto him on a time, that one Theodorus a merchant of TARENTUM, had to cell two goodly young boys, marvelous fair: and therefore that he sent unto him to know his pleasure, if he would buy them. Therewith he was so offended, that many times he cried out aloud: O, my friends, what villainy hath ever Philoxenus seen in me, that he should devise (having nothing to do there) to purchase me such infamy? whereupon he wrote unto him from the camp, with reproachful words, that he should sand that vile TARENTIN merchant Theodorus and his merchandise to the Devil. He sharply punished also one Agnon, that wrote unto him he would buy a young boy called Crobylus (who for beauty bore the only name in CORINTHE,) and bring him to him. another time also, when he heard that Darius and Timotheus MACEDONIANS, under Parmenioes' charge, had deflowered two of the soldiers wives that were strangers, and waged of him: he wrote unto Parmenio to look unto it, and to examine the matter. And if he found them guilty of the rape, that then he should put them both to death, as brute beasts borne to destroy mankind. And in that letter he wrote thus of himself. For myself, said he, I have neither seen, nor desired to see Darius' wife: neither have I suffered any speech of her beauty before me. Moreover he said, that he did understand that he was mortal by these two things: to wit, sleep, and lust: for, from the weakness of our nature proceedeth sleep and sensuality. He was also no greedy gut, but temperate in eating, Alexander temperate in eating. as he showed by many proofs: but chief in that he said unto the princess Ada, whom he adopted for his mother, and made her Queen of CARIA. For wh●● (for the love she bore him) she daily sent him sundry delicate dishes of meat, tarts, and marchpanes, and besides the meat itself, the pastlers and cooks to make them, which were excellent workmen: he answered that he could not tell what to do with them, for he had better cooks than those appointed him by his governor Leonidas, How Leonidas brought up Alexander. to wit: for his dinner, to rise before day; and to march by night: and for his supper, to eat little at dinner. And my governor, said he, would oftentimes open the chests where my bedding and apparel lay, to see if my mother had put any fine knacks or conceits among them. Furthermore, he was less given to wine, than men would have judged. For he was thought to be a greater bibber than he was, because he sat long at the board, rather to talk then drink. For ever when he drank, he would propound some tedious matter, and yet but when he was at leisure. For having matters to do, there was neither feast, banquet, play, marriage, not any pastime that could stay him: as they had done other captains. The which appeareth plainly by the shortness of his life, and by the wonderful and notable deeds he did, in that little time he lived. When he had leisure, Alexander's life when he was at leisure. after he was up in the morning, first of all he would do sacrifice to the gods, and then would go to dinner, passing away all the rest of the day, in hunting, writing some thing, taking up some quarrel between soldiers, or else in studying. If he went any journey of no hasty business, he would exercise himself by the way as he went, shooting in his bow, or learning to get up or out of his chance suddenly, as it ran. Oftentimes also for his pastime he would hunt the fox, or ketche birds, as appeareth in his book of remembrances for every day. Then when he came to his lodging, he would enter into his bath, and rub and nointe himself: and would ask his pantelers and carvers if his supper were ready. He would ever sup late, and was very curious to see, that every man at his board were a like served, and would sit long at the table, because he ever loved to talk, as we have told you before. Otherwise he was as noble a prince and gracious to wait upon, and as pleasant, as any king that ever was. Alexander pleasant prince as any could be. For he lacked no grace nor comeliness to adorn a prince, saving that he would be something over busy in glorying in his own deeds, much like unto a bragging soldier: neither was he contented himself to please his own humour that way, but would also suffer his familiars to sooth him even to his teeth. And this was many times the destruction of honest men about him, the which would neither praise him in his presence, hating the flatterers, not yet durst say less of the praises which they gave him. For of the first they were ashamed, and by the second they fell in danger. After supper, he would wash himself again, and sleep until noon the next day following, and oftentimes all day long. For himself, he was nothing curious of dainty dishes: for when any did sand him rare fruits, or fish, from the countries near the sea side, he would sand them abroad unto his friends, and seldom keep any thing for himself. His table notwithstanding was always very honourably served, and did still increase his fare, as he did enlarge his conquests: till it came to the sum of ten thousand drachmas a day. But there he stayed, and would not exceed that sum, and moreover commanded all men that would feast him, that they should not spend above that sum. After this battle of ISSUS, he sent unto the city of DAMAS', to take all the gold and silver, the carriage, and all the women and children of the PERSIANS which were left there, where the men of arms of the THESSALIANS sped them full well. For therefore did he sand them thither, because he saw that they had fought valiantly at the day of the battle: and so were the rest of his army also well stored with money. There the MACEDONIANS having tasted first of the gold, silver, women, and barbarous life: as dogs by cent do follow the track of beasts, even so were they greedy to follow after the goods of the PERSIANS. First Alexander thought it best win all the sea coast. Thither came the kings of CYPRUS, and PHOENICIA, and delivered up to him the whole Island & all PHOENICIA, saving only the city of Tyre. Alexander besiegeth the city of tire. That city he besieged seven months together by land, with great bulwarks and divers engines of battery, and by sea, with two hundred galleys. During this siege, Alexander dreamt one night, Alexander's dream at the city of tire. that Hercules held out his hand unto him over the walls of the city, and called him by his name: and there were divers TYRIANS also that dreamt in likewise, that Apollo told them that he would go unto Alexander, because he was not pleased with their doings in the city. Thereupon they bond his image, (which was of a wonderful bigness) with great chains, and nailed him down fast to the base, as if he had been a traitor that would have yielded himself unto their enemies, and called him Alexandrine, Alexander's second dream again at tire. as much as favouring Alexander. Alexander had there also an other dream. For he dreamt that he saw a Satire a far of sporting with him, and when he thought to have comen near to have taken him, he still escaped from him: until at the length, after he had run a good while after him, and entreated him, he fell into his hands. The soothsayers being asked what this dream should signify, and answered probably, by dividing Satyros into two, and then it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which signifieth, the city of Tyre shallbe thine. And they do yet show unto this day, the fountain where Alexander thought he saw the Satire. Continuing this siege, he went to make a war with the ARABIANS, Alexander's journey against the Arabians. that devil upon the mountain Antiliban, Antiliban mens. where he was in great danger of being cast away, only because he heard his tutor Lysimachus that followed him, say boastingly, that he was not inferior, nor older than the Phoenix. For when they came at the foot of the mountain, they left their horses, and went up a foot: and Alexander was of so courteous a nature, that he would not leave his tutor Lysimachus behind him (who was so weary that he could go no further) but because it was dark night, & for that the enemies were not far from them, he came behind to encourage his tutor, and in manner to carry him. By this means, unwares, he was far from his army with very few men about him, and benighted besides: moreover it was very cold, and the way was very ill. At the length, perceiving divers fires which the enemies had made, some in one place, and some in an other, trusting to his valiantness, having always provided remedy in extremity, when the MACEDONIANS were distressed, himself ever putting to his own hand: he ran unto them that had made the fires next him, and kill two of the barbarous people that lay by the fire side, The courage and agility of Alexander. he snatched away a fire brand, and ran with it to his own men, who made a great fire. At this the barbarous people were so afraid, that they ran their way as fast as they could. Other also thinking to come and set upon him, he slew them every man, and so lay there that night, himself and his men without danger. Thus Chares reporteth this matter. Now for the siege of Tyre, that fell out thus. Alexander caused the most part of his army to take rest, being overharried and wearied with so many battles as they had fought: and sent a few of his men only to give assault unto the city, to keep the TYRIANS occupied, that they should take no rest. One day the soothesayer Aristander sacrificing unto the gods, having considered of the signs of the entrails of the beasts: did assure them that were present, that the city should be taken by the later end of the month. Every body laughed to hear him: for that day was the very last day of the month. Alexander seeing him amated, as one that could not tell what to say to it, seeking ever to bring those tokens to effect, which the soothsayers did prognosticate: commanded them that they should not reckon that day the thirty day, but the seven and twenty, and immediately upon it, made the trumpet sound the alarm, & give a hotter assault to the wall, than he had thought to have done before. They fought valliatly on both sides, in so much as they that were left in the camp, could not keep in, The city of tire besieged, and taken by Alexander. but must needs run to th'assault to help their companions. The TYRIANS seeing th'assault so hot on every side, their hearts began to fail them, and by this means was the city taken the self same day. another time also, when Alexander was before GAZA, the chief city of SYRIA, there fell a clod of earth upon his shoulder, out of the which there flew a bird into the air. The bird lightinge upon one of the engines of his battery, was caught with the nets made of sinews which covered over the ropes of the engines. Aristander did prognosticate, that it signified he should be hurt in his shoulder, notwithstanding, that he should yet take the town. And in deed so it came to pass. When he sent great presents of spoils which he wan at the sack of this city, Alexander took the city of Gaza. unto his mother Olympias, Cleopatra, and divers others of his friends among other things, he sent unto Leonidas his governor, five hundred talentes weight of frankincense, and a hundred talentes weight of myrrh: remembering the hope he put him into when he was a child. For, as Alexander was upon a day sacrificing unto the gods, he took both his hands full of frankincense to cast into the fire, to make a perfume thereof When his governor Leonidas saw him, he said thus unto him: When thou hast conquered the country where these sweet things grow, then be liberal of thy perfume: but now, spare that little thou hast at this present. Alexander calling to mind at that time his admonition, wrote unto him in this sort: we do sand thee plenty of frankincense & myrrh, because thou shouldest no more be a niggard unto the gods. There was brought unto him a little coffer also, which was thought to be the preciousest thing and the richest, that was gotten of all the spoils and riches, taken at the overthrow of Darius. When he saw it, he asked his familiars that were about him, what they thought fittest, and the best thing to be put into it. Some said one thing, some said an other thing: but he said, he would put the Iliads of Homer into it, as the worthiest thing. This is confirmed by the best historiographers. Now if that which the ALEXANDRIANS report upon Heraclides words, be true: than it appeareth that he did profitie himself much by Homer in this journey. For it is reported that when he had conquered EGYPT, The building of the city of Alexandria. he determined to build a great city, and to replenish it with a great number of GRECIANS, and to call it after his name. But as he was above to enclose a certain ground, which he had chosen by th'advise of his engineers and workemasters: the night before he had a marvelous dream, Alexander's dream in Eypt. that he saw an old man standing before him, full of white hears, with an honourable presence, and coming towards him said these verses. Within the foaming sea there lies a certain Island, right Against the shore of Egypt, which of ancient Pharos height. The lie of Pharos. Assoon as he rose the next morning, he went to see this isle of PHAROS, the which at that time was a little above the mouth of the river of Nilus, called Canobia, howbeit it is now joined unto firm land, being forced by man's hand. This, he thought the meetest place that could be, to build the city which he had determined. For it is as a tongue or a great bar of earth, broad enough, that separateth a great lake on the one side, and the sea on tother, the which doth join hard to a great haven. Then he said that Homer was wonderful in all his things, but that amongst others, he was an excellent Architecture: and commanded, that strait they should cast the platform of the city, according to the situation of the place. Now they found at that time, no chalk, nor white earth there to mark withal, wherefore they were driven to take meal, and with that did mark out upon the earth being black, to compass of the town that was round and circular, and being divided into two equal parts, either of them resembled the skirts and fashion of the MACEDONIAN cloak Alexander liked this draft passingly well. But there rose upon the sudden out of the river or lake, such an infinite multitude of great fowl of all sorts, A wonder. that they covered the element as it had been a cloud, and lighting within this circuit, did eat up all the meal, and left not a crumbs Alexander liked not these signs. Notwithstanding, his soothsayers had him no be discouraged, for they told him it was a sign that he should build a city there, so plentiful of all things, that he should maintain all sorts of people. Then he commanded them, unto whom he had given the charge of the building, that they should go forward with their work, and he himself in the mean time, took his journey to go visit the temple of jupiter Hammon. Alexander's journey utno the oracle of Hammon. The journey was long, and there were many troubles by the way, but two dangers above all the rest most special. The first, lack of water, because they had to travel many days journey through a great desert. The second was, the danger of the rising of the south wind by the way, to blow the sand abroad, which was of a wonderful length. And it is reported, that on a time there rose such a tempest in that desert, that blew up whole hills of sand, which slew fifty thousand men of Cambyses army. Cambyses army slain by sandehilles. Every man in Alexander's train did know these dangers very well: howbeit it was hard to dissuade Alexander from any thing which he had a desire unto. For, fortune favouring him in all his attempts, made him constant and resolute in his determinations: and his noble courage beside, made him invincible in all things he took in hand, in somuch as he did not only compel his enemies, but he had power also of time and place. In that voyage, in stead of these former dangers spoken of, he had many helps, the which are supposed were sent him from the gods, by the oracles that followed afterwards. For in a certain sort, they have believed the oracles that were written of him. First of all, the wonderful water and great showers that fell from the element did keep him from fear of the first danger, and did quench their thirst, and moisted the dryness of the sand in such sort, that there came a sweet fresh air from it. Furthermore, when the marks were hidden from the guides to show them the way, and that they wandered up and, down, they could not tell where: there came crows unto them that did guide them flying before them: Crows guided Alexander in his journey. flying fast when they saw them follow them, and stayed for them when they were behind. But calisthenes writeth a greater wonder than this, that in the night time, with the very noise of the crows, they brought them again into the right way which had lost their way. Thus Alexander in th'end, having passed through this wilderness, he came unto the temple he sought for: where, the prophet or chief priest saluted him from the god Hammon; as from his father. Then Alexander asked him, if any of the murderers that had killed his father, were left alive. The priest answered him, and bade him take heed he did not blaspheme, for his father was no mortal man. Then Alexander again rehearsing that he had spoken, asked him, if the murderers that had conspired the death of Philip his father were all punished. After that, he asked him touching his kingdom, if he would grant him to be king over all the world. The god answered him by the mouth of his prophet, he should: and that the death of Philip was fully revenged. Then did Alexander offer great presents unto the god, and gave money large to the priests, & ministers of the temple. This is that the most part of writers do declare, touching Alexander's demand and the oracles given him. Yet did Alexander himself writ unto his mother, that he had secret oracles from the god, which he would only impart unto her, at his return into MACEDON. Others say also, that the prophet meaning to salute him in the Greek tongue to welcome him the better, would have said unto him, O Paidion, as much as dear son: but that he tripped a little in his tongue, because the Greek was not his natural tongue, and placed an s, for an n, in the latter end, saying, O Pai dios, to wit, O son of jupiter: and that Alexander was glad of that mistaking. Whereupon there ran a rumour strait among his men, that jupiter had called him his son. It is said also, that he heard Psammon the philosopher in EGYPT, The saying of Psammon the philosopher of the providence of God. and that he liked his words very well, when he said that god was king of all mortal men: For (qd he) he that commandeth all things, must needs be god. But Alexander self spoke better, and like philosopher, when he said: That god generally was father to all mortal men, but that particularly he did elect the best sort for himself. To conclude, he showed himself more arrogant unto the barbarous people, and made as though he certainly believed that he had been begotten of some god: Alexander ascribeth godhead to himself. but unto the GRECIANS he spoke more modestly of divine generation. Porin a letter he wrote unto the ATHENIANS touching the city of SAMOS, he said: I gave ye not that noble free city, but it was given you, at that time by him whom they called my Lord & father: meaning Philip. Afterwards also being stricken with an arrow, and feeling great pain of it: My friends said he, This blood which is spilled, is man's blood, and not as Homer said, Not such as from the immortal gods doth flow. And one day also in a marvelous great thunder, when every man was afraid, Anaxarcbus the Rhetorician being present, said unto him: O thou son of jupiter, wilt thou do as much? no said he, laughing on him, I will no be so fearful to my friends, as thou wouldst have me: disdaining the service of fish to my board, because thou seest not princes heads served in. And the report goeth also, that Alexander upon a time sending a little fish unto Hephes' 〈…〉 Anaxarchus should say as it were in mockery, that they which above others seek for 〈…〉 with great trouble and hazard of life, have either small pleasure in the world, or else 〈…〉 as others have. By these proofs and reasons alleged, we may think that Alexander lead no vain nor presumptuous opinion of himself, to think that he was otherwise begotten of a god, but that he did it in policy to keep other men under obedience, by the opinion conceived of his godhead. Alexander made plays and feasts. Returning out of PHOENICIA into EGYPT, he made many sacrifices, feasts, and precessions in honour of the gods, sundry dances, Tragedies, and such like pastimes goodly to behold: not only for the sumptuous serring out of them, but also for the good will and diligence of the setters forth of them, which strived every one to exceed the other. For the kings of the CYPRIANS were the setters of them forth, as at ATHENS they d●a●● by lot a citizen of every tribe of the people, to defray the changes of these pastimes. These kings were very earnest who should do best, but specially Nicocreon, king of SALAMDA●●● CYPRUS: and Pasicrates, Lord of the city of SOLES. For it fell to their lot to furnish run of the excellentest players, Pasicrates furnished Athenodorus, and Nicocreon Thessalus: whom Alexander loved singularly well, though he made no show of it, until that Athenodorus was declared victor, by the judges deputed to give sentence. For when he went from the plays, he told them he did like the judges opinion well, notwithstanding, he would have been extented to have given the one half of his realm, not to have seen Thessalus overcome, Athenodorus being condemned upon a time by the ATHENIANS, because he was not in ATHENS at the feasts of Bacchus, when the Comedies and Tragedies were played, and a fine set of his head for his absence he besought Alexander to writ unto them in his behalf, that they would release his penalty. Alexander would not so do, but sent thither his money whereof he was condemned, and paid it for him of his own purse. Also when Lycon SCALPHIAN, an evedlent stage player had pleased Alexander well, and did foist in a verse in his comedy, containing a petition of ten talents: Alexander laughing at it, gave it him. Darius at that time wrote unto Alexander, Darius' sent Ambassadors unto Alexander. and unto certain of his friends also, to pray him take ten thousand talents for the raumson of all those prisoners he had in his hands, and for all the country, lands and signories on this side the river of Euphrates, and one of his daughters also in marriage, that from thence forth he might be his kinsman and friend. Alexander imparted this to his counsel. Amongst them Parmenio said unto him: if I were Alexander, qd he, surely I would accept this offer. So would I in deed, qd Alexander again, if I were Parmenio. In fine, he 〈…〉 again unto Darius, that if he would submit himself, he would use him courteously: if not, that then he would presently march towards him. But he repented him afterwards, when king Darius' wife was dead with child: Statirae, king Darius' wife, died in travel of child. For without dissimulation it grieved him much, that he had lost so noble an occasion to show his courtesy and clemency. This notwithstanding; he gave her body honourable burial, sparing for no cost. Amongst the eunuchs of the queen's chamber, there was one Tireus taken prisoner, among the women: who stealing out of Alexander's camp, taking his horse back, road unto Darius to bring him news of the death of his wife. Then Darius beating of his head, & weeping bitterly, cried out aloud: O gods what wretched hap have the PERSIANS? that have not only had the wife and sister of their king taken prisoners even in his life time, but now that she is dead also in travel of child, she hath been deprived of princely burial? Tirius report to Darius of Statirae burial. Then spoke the Eunuch to him, and said: For her burial, most gracious king, & for all due honour that might be wished her, PERSIA hath no cause to complain of her hard fortune. For, neither did Queen Statira your wife whilst she lived prisoner, nor your mother, nor daughters, want any part or jot of their honour they were wont to have before, saving only to see the light of your honour, the which, god Oranusdes grant to restore again (if it be his will) unto your majesty: neither was there any honour wanting at her death (to set forth her starely funerals) that might be gotten, but more, was lamented also with the tears of your enemies. For Alexander is as merciful in victory, as he is valiant in battle. Darius' hearing the eunuchs words, being vexed in mind for very grief: Darius' talk with Tireus the Eunuch. took the Eunuch aside into the secretest place of his tent, and said unto him. If thou be not, with the misfortune of the PERSIANS, becomen a MACEDONIAN, but dost in thy heart acknowledge Darius, for thy sovereign Lord and master: I pray thee, and do also conjure thee, by the reverence thou bearest unto this bright light of the sun, and to the right hand of the king, that thou do tell me truly. Are these the lest evils which I lament in Statira blest imprisonment and death? And did she not in her life make us more miserable by her dishonour, than if we had dishonourably fallen into the hands of a cruel enemy? For; what honest communication I pray thee, can a young victorious Prince have with his enemy's wife a prisoner: having done her so much honour as he hath done? Darius' going on with these speeches, Tireus the eunuch fell down on his knees, & besought him not to say so, neither to bleamish the virtue of Alexander in that sort, nor yet so to dishonour his sister and wife deceased, and thereby also to deprive himself of the greatest comfort he could wish to have in this calamity, which was, to be overcome by an enemy that had greater virtues than a man could possibly have: but rather that he should wonder at Alexander's virtue, who had showed himself chaster to the Ladies, than valiant against the PERSIANS. And therewithal, the eunuch confirmed the great honesty, chastity, and noble mind of Alexander, The commendation of Alexander's chastisty. by many great and deep oaths. Then Darius coming out among his friends again, holding up his hands unto the heavens, made this prayer unto the gods. O heavenly gods, creators of men, & protectors of kings and realms; Darius' prayer unto the gods. first, I beseech you grant me, that restoring the PERSIANS again to their former good state, I may leave the realm unto my successors, with that glory and fame I received it of my predecessors: that obtaining victory, I may use Alexander with that great honour and courtesy, which he hath in my misery showed unto those I loved best in the world. Or otherwise, if the time appointed be come, that the kingdom of PERSIA must needs have end, either through divine revenge, or by natural change of earthly things: Then, good gods yet grant, that none but Alexander after me, may sit in Cyrus' throne. divers writers do agreed, that these things came even thus to passed. Now Alexander having conquered all ASIA on this side of the river of Euphrates, Darius' army of ten hundred thousand fight men against Alexander, at the river of Euphrates. he went to meet with Darius, that came down with ten hundred thousand fight men. It was told him by some of his friends to make him laugh, that the slaves of his army had divided themselves in two parts, and had chosen them a General of either part, naming the one Alexander, and the other Darius: and that at the first, they began to skirmish only with clods of earth, and afterwards with fifth, but at the last, they grew so hot, that they came to plain stones and staves, so that they could not be parted. Alexander hearing that, would needs have the two Generals fight hand to hand one with the other: and Alexander self did arm him that was called Alexander, & Philotas the other which was called Darius. All the army thereupon was gathered together to see this combat between them, as a thing that did betoken good or ill luck to come. The fight was sharp between them, but in th'end, he that was called Alexander overcame the other: and Alexander to reward him, gave him twelve villages, with privilege to go after the PERSIAN manner Thus it is written by Eratosthenes. The great battle that Alexander fought with Darius, was not (as many writer's report) at Arbeles', but at Gausameles, which signifieth in the PERSIAN tongue, the house of the camel. For some one of the ancient kings of PERSIA that had scaped from the hands of his enemies, flying upon a drumbledary camel, lodged him in that place, and therefore appointed the revenues of certain villages to keep the camel there. There fell out at that time an eclipse of the moon, in the month called Boedromion (now August) about our the time that the feast of the mysteries was celebrated at ATHENS. The eleventh night after that both their armies being in sight of the other, Darius kept his men in battle ray, and went himself by torch light viewing his bands and companies Alexander on tother side whilst his MACEDONIAN soldiers slept, was before his tent with Aristander the Soothsayer, and made certain secret ceremonies and sacrifices unto Apollo. The ancient Captains of the MACEDONIANS, specially Parmenio, seeing all the valley betwixt the river of Niphates, and the mountains of the GORDIEIANS, all on a bright light with the fires of the barbarous people, and hearing a dreadful noise as of a confused multitude of people that filled their camp with the found thereof: they were amazed, and consulted, that in one day it was in manner unpossible to fight a battle with such an incredible multitude of people. Thereupon they went vn●● Alexander after he had ended his ceremonies, and did counsel him to give battle by night, because the darkness thereof should help to keep all fear from his men, which the sight of their enemies would bring them into. The magnanimity of Alexander. But then he gave them this notable answer I will 〈…〉 steal victory, qd he. This answer seemed very fond and arrogant to some, that he was so pleasant, being near so great danger. Howbeit others think that it was a present noble courage, and a deep consideration of him, to think what should happen: thereby to give Darius no manner of occasion (if he were overcomen) to take heart again, and to prove another battle, accusing the darkness of the night as 'cause of his overthrow: as he had do 〈…〉 the first conflict, imputing his overthrow to the mountains, the straits, and the sea. For, said he, Darius will never leave to make wars with us for lack of men, nor munition, having so large a realm as he hath, & such a world of people beside: but then he will no more hazard battle, when his heart is done, and all hope taken from him, and that he seeth his army at noon days overthrown by plain battle. After his Captains were gone from him, he went into his tent, and laid him down to sleep, and slept all that night more fondly than he was wont to do before: insomuch as the Lords and Princes of his camp coming to wait upon him at his uprising, marveled when they found him so sound a sleep, and therefore of themselves they commanded the soldiers to eat. Afterwards, perceiving that time came fast upon them, Parmenio went into Alexander's chamber, and coming to his bedd●● side, called him twice or thrice by his name, till at the last he waked him, and asked him how● chanced that he slept so long, like one that had already overcome, & that did not think he should fight as great and dangerous a battle as ever he did in his life. Why, said Alexander, laughing on him: dost thou not think we have already overcomen, being troubled no m●● with running after Darius up and down a country utterly destroyed, as we should otherwise have been compelled to have done, if he would not have comen to battle, and destroyed the country before us? Now Alexander did not only show himself before the battle, Alexander's third battle with Darius. but even at the very instant of battle, a noble man of courage, and of great judgement. For Parmenio leading the left wing of his battle, the men of arms of the BACTRIANS gave such a fierce onset upon the MACEDONIANS, that they made them give back: and Mazeus also, king Darius' Lieutenant, sent certain troops of horsemen out of their battle, to give charge upon them that were left in the camp to guard the carriage. Parmenio being amazed with either of both attempts, sent immediately to advertise Alexander, that all their camp and carriage would be lost, if he did not sand presently to aid the rearward. When these news came to Alexander from Parmenio, he had already given the signal of battle unto his men for to give charge. Whereupon he answered the messenger that brought him these news, that he should tell Parmenio he was a mad man and out of his wits, not remembering that if they wan the battle, they should not only save their own carriage, but also win the carriage of their enemies & if it were their chance to loose it, then that they should not need to care for their carriage, not for their slaves, but only to think to die honourably, valiantly fight for his life. Having sent this message unto Parmenio, he put on his helmet. The rest of his armour for his body, he had put it on before in his tent, The armour of Alexander. which was, a SICILIAN cassock, and upon that a brigandine made of many folds of canvas with eyelet holes, which was gotten among the spoils at the battle of ISSUS. His head piece was as bright as silver, made by Theophileus the armores: his collar sutelike to the same, all set full of precious stones, and he had a sword by his side, marvelous light, and of excellent temper, which the king of the CITI●IANS had given him, using commonly to fight with his sword at any set battle. His coat armour was marvelous rich, and of sumptuous workmanship, far above all the rest he ware. It was of the workmanship of Helicon, the which the RHODIANS gave him for a present, and this he commonly wore when he went to battle. Now when he did set his men in battle ray, or made any c●●tion unto them, or did ride alongst the bands to take view of them: he always used to ride upon an other horse to spare Bucephal, because he was then somewhat old: notwithstanding, when he meant in deed to fight, then Bucephal was brought unto him, and as soon as he was gotten up on his back, the trumpet sounded, & he gave charge. Then, after he had made long exhortations to encourage the men of arms of the THESSALIANS, and the other GRECIANS also, and when they had all promised him they would stick to him like men, and prayed him to lead them, and give charge upon the enemies she took his lance in his left hand, and holding up his right hand unto heaven, besought the gods (as calisthenes writeth) than if it were true, he was begotten of jupiter, that it would please them that day to help him, and to encourage the GRECIANS. The Soothsayer Aristander was then a horseback hard by Alexander, appareled all in white, & a crown of gold on his head, who showed Alexander when he made his prayer, an Eagle flying over his head, and pointing directly towards his enemies. An Eagle flewover Alexander's head, when he went so fight with Darius. This marvelously encouraged all the army that saw it, and with this joy, the men of arms of Alexander's side, encoraging one an other, did set spurs to their horse to charge upon the enemies. The battle of the footmen of the PERSIANS, began a little to give way, and before the foremost could come to give them charge, the barbarous people turned their backs, and fled. The chase was great, Alexander driving them that fled upon the midst of their own battle, where Darius' self was in person. He spied him a far of over the foremost ranks in the midst of his battle, being a goodly tall Prince, standing in a chariot of war, compassed in round with great troops of horsemen, all set in goodly ordinance to receive the enemy. But when they saw Alexander at hand with so grim a look, chase them that fled, through those that yet kept their rancksithere fell such a fear among them, that the most part dispersed themselves. Notwithstanding, the best and most valiantest men fought it out to the death before their king, and falling dead one upon an other, they did let them that the enemies could not so well follow Darius. For they lying one by an other on the ground, drawing on to the last gasp, did yet take both men and horses by the legs to hinder them. Darius then seeing nothing but terror and destruction before his eyes, and that the bands which he had set before him for safeguard, came back upon him, so as he could not devise how to turn his chariot forward nor backward, the wheels were so hindered and stayed with the heaps of dead bodies, and that the horse also being set upon and hid in manner in this conflict, fell to leaping and plunginge for fear, so that the charrettiers could no longer guide nor drive them: he got up upon a mare that lately had fool, and so saved himself flying upon her. The flying of Darius. And yet had he not thus escaped, had not Parmenio once again sent unto Alexander to pray him to come and aid him: because there was yet a great squadron whole together that made no countenance to fly. Somewhat there was in it, that they accused Parmenio that day to have dealt but stackely and cowardly, either because his age had taken his courage from him, or else for that he envied Alexander's greatness and prosperity, who against his will be dame over great as calisthenes said. In fine, Alexander was angry with the second message, and yet told not his men truly the cause why, but feigning that he would have them leave kill, and because also night came on: he caused the trumpet sound retreat, and so went towards his army, whom he thought to be in distress. Notwithstanding, news came to him by the way, that in that place also, they had given the enemies the overthrow, and that they fled every way for life. The battle having this success, Alexander's third victory of Darius, and liberalithe of all men. every man thought that the kingdom of the PERSIANS was utterly overthrown, and that Alexander likewise was become only king of all ASIA: whereupon he made sumptuous sacrifices unto the gods, and gave great riches, houses, lands and possessions unto his friends and familiars. Furthermore, to show his liberality also unto the GRECIANS, he wrote unto them, that he would have all tyrannies suppressed through out all GRAECE, and that all the GRECIANS should live at liberty under their own laws. Particularly also he wrote unto the plateeans, that he would re-edify their city again, because their predecessors in time past, had given their country unto the GRECIANS, to fight against the barbarous people for the defence of the common liberty of all GRAECE. He sent also into ITALY unto the GROTONIANS, part of the spoil, to honour the memory of the valiantness, and good will of Phayllus their citizen, who in the time of the wars with the MEDES, (when all the GRECIANS that dwelled in ITALY had forsaken their natural country men of GRAECE itself, because they thought they could not otherwise scape) went with a ship of his unto SALAMINA; which he armed and set forth at his own charges, because he would be at the battle and partake also of the common danger with the GRECIANS: such honour did Alexander beard unto prows, that he loved to reward & remember the worthy deeds of men. Then Alexander marching with his army into the country of BABYLON, they all yeolded strait unto him. When he came into the country of the ECEATANIANS, he marveled when he saw an opening of the earth, out of the which there came continual sparks of fire as out of a well: & that hard by also the earth spewed out continually a kind of * The strength and power of Nepina, in the country of Ecbatania. mawnd or chalky clay somewhat liquid, of such abundance, as it seemed like a lake. This maund or chalk is like unto a kind of lime or clay, but it is so easy to be set a fire, that not touching it with any flame, by the brightness only of the light that cometh out of the fire, it is set afire, & doth also set the air a fire which is between both. The barbarous people of that country, being desirous to show Alexander the nature of that Naptha, scattered the street that led to his lodging, with some of it. Then the day being shut in, they fired it at one of the ends, and the first drops taking fire, in the twinkling of an eye, all the rest from one end of the street to the other was of a flame, and though it was dark and within night, lightened all the place thereabout. Alexander being in bath at that time, and waited upon by a page called Steven: (a hard favoured boy, but yet that had an excellent sweet voice to sing) one Athenophanes an ATHENIAN, that always anointed & bathed the king, & much delighted him with his pleasant conceits, asked him if he would see the trial of this Naptha upon Steven: for if the fire took and went not out, than he would say it had a wonderful force, and was unquenchable. The page was contented to have it proved upon him. But so soon as they had laid it on him, and did but touch it only, it took strait of such a flame, and so fired his body, that Alexander himself was in a marvelous perplexity withal. And sure had it not been by good hap, that there were many by ready with vessels full of water to put into the bath, it had been unpossible to have saved the boy from being burnt to nothing: and yet so he escaped narrowly, and beside was sick long after. Now some apply this Naptha unto the fable of Medea, What Medaes' enchantment was. saying that therewith she rubbed the crown and lawn she gave unto the daughter of Creon at her marriage, so much spoken of in the tragedies. For neither the crown nor the lawn could cast fire of themselves, neither did the fire light by chance. But by oiling them with this Naptha she wrought a certain aptness to receive more forcibly the operation of the fire, which was in place where the bridesate. For the beams which the fire casteth out, have over some bodies no other force, but to heat and lighten them. But such as have an oily dry humour, and thereby a sympathy and proportionable conformity with the nature of the fire: it easily inflameth and setteth a fire, by the forcible impression of his beams. Howbeit they make a great question of the cause of this natural force of Naptha, * In this place there lack certain lines in the Greeks original. or whether this liquid substance and moist humour that taketh fine so easily, doth come of the earth that is fatty and apt to conceive fire. For this country of BABYLON is very hot, insomuch as oftentimes batley being put into the ground, it bloweth it up again, as if the earth by vehement inflammation had a strong blast to cast it out: and men in the extremest heat of the summer, do sleep there, upon great leather budgets filled full of fresh water. Harpalus, whom Alexander left there his Lieutenant & Governor of that country, desiring to set forth and beautify the gardens of the king's palace & walks of the same, with all manner of plants of GRAECE: No l●●e in the country of Babylon. he brought all the rest to good pass, saving ivy only, which the earth could never abide, but it ever died, because the heat and temper of the earth killed it, and the ivy of itself liketh fresh air and a cold ground. This digression is somewhat from the matter, but peradventure the reader will not think it troublesome, how hard soever he find it, so it be not over tedious. Alexander having won the city of SUSA, Treasure found by Alexander at the city of Susa. he found within the castle four thousand talents in ready coin, gold and silver, besides other infinite treasure and inestimable, amongst the which (it is said) he found to the value of five thousand talentes weight of * It seemeth that he meaneth of silk died in purple whereof the best that was in Europe was made in the city of Hermiona, in Laconia. purple HERMIONA silk which they had safe locked up & kept that ●●ace of two hundred years save ten, and yet the colour kept as fresh as if it had been newly 〈…〉. Some say that the cause why it was so well kept, came by means of the dying of it, with ●●nie, in silks which before had been died red, and with white oil in white silks. For, these are silks seen of that colour of as long a time, that keep colour as well as the other. And writeth furthermore, that the kings of PERSIA made water to be brought from the river of Nilus and Ister (otherwise called Danubie) which they did lock up with their other treasure for a confirmation of the greatness of their Empire, and to show that they were Lords of the world. The ways to enter into PERSIA being very hard of passage, and in manner unpassable, (both for the illness of the ways, as also for the guard that kept them, which were the choicest men of PERSIA) Darius also being fled thither: there was one that spoke the Greek and PERSIAN tongue (whose father was borne in the country of LYCIA, Alexander's journey into Persia. & his mother a PERSIAN) that guided Alexander into PERSIA, by some compass fetched about not very long, according to the Oracles answer of Alexander given by the mouth of Nun Pythias, when he was a child: that a LYCIAN should guide and lead him against the PERSIANS. There was then great slaughter made in PERSIA of the prisoners that were taken. For Alexander himself writeth, that he commanded the men should be put to the sword, thinking that the best way to serve his turn. It is said also, Alexander found a marvelous measure in Persia. that there he found a marvelous treasure of gold and silver in ready money, as he had done before in the city of SUSA: the which he carried away with all the rest of the kings rich wardrobe, and with it laded ten thousand moils, and five thousand camels. Alexander entering into the castle of the chief city of PERSIA, saw by chance a great image of Xerxe's lie on the ground, the which unwares was thrown down by the multitude of the soldiers that came in, thronging one upon an other. Thereupon he stayed, and spoke unto it as if it had been alive, saying: I can not tell whether I should pass by thee, and let thee lie, for the war thou madest sometime against the GRECIANS: or whether I should list thee up, respecting the noble mind & virtues thou hadst. In th'end, when he had stood mute a long time, considering of it, he went his way: and meaning to refresh his weary army, because it was the winter quarter, he remained there four months together. The report goeth, that the first time that Alexander sat under the cloth of state of king Darius, all of rich gold: Demarathus CORINTHIAN (who first began to love him even in his father philip's time) burst out in tears for joy, good old man, saying that the GRECIANS long time dead before, were deprived of this blessed hap, to see Alexander set in king Xerxes princely chair. After that, preparing again to go against Darius, he would needs make merry one day, and refresh himself with some banquet. It chanced so, that he with his companions was bidden to a private feast privately, where was assembled some fine courtesans of his familiars who with their friends tarried at the banquet. The insoleus boldness of Thais the herles. Amongst them was that famous Thais, borne in the country of ATTICA, & then concubine to Ptolemy, king of EGYPT after Alexander death. She finely praising Alexander, and partly in sporting wife, began to utter matter in affection of her country, but yet of greater importance than become her mouth: saying, that that day she found herself fully recompensed to her great good liking, for all the pains she had taken, traveling through all the countries of ASIA, following of his army, now that she had this savour & good hap to be merry and pleasant, in the proud and stately palace of the great kings of PERSIA. But yet it would do her more good, for a recreation, to burn Xerxes' house with the fire of joy, who had burnt the city of ATHENS: and herself to give the fire to it, before so noble a Prince as Alexander. Because ever after it might be said, that the women following his camp, had taken more noble revenge of the PERSIANS, for the wrongs and injuries they had done unto GRAECE: than all the Captains of GRAECE that ever were had done, either by land or sea. When she had said, Alexander's familiars about him, clapped their hands, and made great noise for joy, saying: that it were as good a deed as could be possible, and persuaded Alexander unto it. Persopolls set a fire by Alexander. Alexander yielding to their persuasions, rose up, and putting a garland of flowers upon his head, went formest himself: and all his familiars followed after him, crying and dancing all about the castle. The other MACEDONIANS hearing of it also, came thither immediately with torches light and great joy, hoping that this was a good sign that Alexander meant to return again into MACEDON, and not to devil in the country of the barbarous people, sith he did burn and destroy the king's castle. Thus, and in this sort it was thought to be burnt. Some writers think otherwise: that it was not burnt with such sport, but by determination of the counsel. But howsoever it was, all they grant, that Alexander did presently repent him, and commanded the fire to be quenched strait. For his liberality, that good will and readiness to give, increased with his conquests: and when he did bestow gifts of any, he would beside his gift ever give them good countenance, on whom he bestowed his grace and favour. And here I will recite a few examples thereof. Aristo being Colonel of the PAEONIANS, having slain one of his enemies, he brought him his head, and said: such a present, O king, by us, is ever rewarded with a cup of gold. Yea, q Alexander, smile upon him; with an empty cup. But I drink to thee this cup full of good wine, and do give thee cup & all. another time, he met with a poor MACEDONIAN that led a moil laden with gold of the kings: and when the poor moil was so weary that she could no longer carry her burden, the moyleter put it upon his own back, and loaded himself withal, carrying it so a good pretty way: howbeit in th'end being overladen, was about to throw it down on the ground. Alexander perceiving it, asked him what burden he carried. When it was told him well, q he to the moyletter, be not weary yet, but carry it into the tent, for I give it thee. To be short, he was angrier with them that would take nothing of him, than he was with those that would ask him somewhat. He wrote also unto Photion, that he would take him no more for his friend, if he would refuse his gifts. It seemed that he had given nothing unto a young boy called Serapion (who ever did serve them the ball that played at tennis) because he asked him nothing. Wherefore, the king playing on a time, this young boy threw the ball to others that played with him, and not to himself. The king marveling at it, at the length said unto him why, my boy, dost thou not give me the ball? Because your majesty doth not ask it me, q he. Alexander then understanding his meaning, laughed at the boy, & did much for him afterwards. There was attending on him also one Proteas, as pleasant conceited man, & that could slentfinely. It chanced upon some occasion that Alexander fell out with him: whereupon some of his friends were intercessors to the king for him, & besought him to pardon him: and Proteas himself also being present, craved pardon with tears in his eyes. Alexander thereupon forgave him. Then pleasantly replied Proteas, I desire it may please your grace, that I may receive some testimony to assure me I am in your favour. Thereupon the king strait commanded one to give him five talents. The goods and riches he gave unto his familiars and guard about him, were very great, as it appeareth plainly by a letter which his mother Olympias wrote unto him, Alexander's prodigality reproved by his mother Olympias. to this effect: I know thou sparest not to give thy friends large gifts, and that thou makest much of them: but thereby thou makest them kings fellows, they get many friends, and leave the post alone without any. His mother did many times writ such like matters unto him, the which Alexander kept very secret, saving one day when he opened one of them, Hephaestion being present drew near, and read the letter with him, as he was wont to do. Alexander did let him alone, but when he had read it, he plucked the seal of arms from his finger, wherewith he did use to seal his letters, and put it to Hephaestions' mouth. He gave also unto the soon of Mazeus, (that was the chiefest man about Darius) a second government, besides that which he had before, and greater than the first. This young noble man refused it, saying: why, and it please your grace, before there was but one Darius, but you now make many Alexanders. He gave unto Parmenio also, Bagoas house, where (as is reported) he found a thousand talents worth, of the spoils and goods of the SUSIANS. He wrote also unto Antipater, that he should keep a guard about his person, for he had many enemies that lay in wait for him. He did sand also many goodly presents unto his mother, but withal he wrote unto her, that she would meddle no more with his matters nor gifts, taking upon her the office of a Captain. She storming at it, he patiently did brook her anger. Antipater an other time writing a long letter unto him against his mother Olympias, when he had read it over: lo, said he, Antipater knoweth not, that one tear of the mother's eye will wipe out ten thousand such letters. Furthermore, Alexander perceiving on a time, that his friends become very dissolute & licentious in diet and life, and that Agnon TEIAN had his corked shoes nailed with silver nails, that Leonatus also caused divers camels to be laden amongst his carriage with powder of EGYPT, to put upon him when he wrestled or used any other exercise of body: & that also they carried after Philotas, toils for chase and hunting, of a hundred furlong long and that there were also that used precious perfumes & sweet savours when they bathed themselves, more than there were that rubbed themselves with plain oil, and that they had fine chamberlains to rub them in the bath, Alexander reproveth the fineness and curiosity of his friends. and to make their beds soft and delicate: he wisely and courteously rebuked them and said. I marvel, said he, that you which have fought in so often and great battles, do not remember that they which travel, do sleep more sweet and sound, than they that take their ease and do nothing: and that you do not mark, that comparing your life, with the manner of the life of the PERSIANS, to live at pleasure is a vile thing, and to travel is Princely. And how I pray you, can a man take pain to dress his own horse, or to make clean his lance or helmet, that for slothful curiosities sake, disdaineth to rub his own body with his fine fingers? Are you ignorant, that the type of honour in all our victory consisteth, in scorning to do that which we see them do, whom we have vanquished and overcome? To bring them therefore by his example, Alexander, enemy to idleness. to acquaint themselves with hardness: he took more pains in wars and in hunting, and did hazard himself more dangerously, then ever he had done before. Whereupon an Ambassador of LACEDAEMON being present to see him fight with a Lion, and to kill him, said unto him: truly your grace hath fought well with this Lion, and tried which of you two should be king. Craterus after that, caused this hunting to be set up in the temple of Apollo in DELPHES: where are the images of the Lion, of the dogs, and of the king fight with the Lion, and of himself also that came to help him, all those images being of copper, some made by Lysippus, the rest by Leothares. Thus Alexander did put himself unto all iuberdies, as well to exercise his strength and courage, as also to allure his men to do the like. This notwithstanding, his friends and familiars having wealth at will, as men exceeding rich, they would needs live delicately and at ease, and would take no more pains, misliking utterly to go up and down the countries to make war here and there: and thereupon began a little to find fault with Alexander, and to speak evil of him. Which at the first Alexander took quietly, saying, that it was honour for a king to suffer himself to be slandered and ill spoken of, for doing of good. And yet the lest good turns he did unto his friends, did show his hearty love and honour he bore them, as shall appear unto you by some examples that follow. Peucestas being bitten by a bear, did let his friends understand it by letters, but he wrote nothing thereof unto Alexander. Alexander's care of his friends and wonderful courtesy towards them. Alexander was offended therewith, and wrote unto him thus. Send me word at the lest yet how thou dost, and whether any of thy fellows did forsake thee at the hunting, to th'end they may be punished. Hephaestion being absent about certain business he had, Alexander wrote unto him, that as they were hunting a beast called Ichnewmon, Craterus unfortunately crossing Perdiccus dart, was stricken through both his thighs. Peucestas being cured of a great disease, Alexander wrote unto Alexippus his Physician that had cured him, and gave him thanks. Craterus also being sick, he dreamt of him one night, and therefore made certain sacrifices for the recovery of his health, and sent unto him, willing him to do the like. And when the Physician Pausanias meant to give him a drink of Eelleborum, he wrote letters unto him, telling him what danger he was in, and prayed him to be careful how he received that medicine. He did also put Ephialtes and Cissus in prison, who brought him the first news of Herpalus flying, because they did wrongfully accuse & slander him. When he had commanded there should be a bill made of all the old men's names, and diseased persons that were in his camp, to send them home again into their country: there was one Eurylochus AEGEIAN that made his name be billed among the sick persons, & it was sound afterwards that he was not sick, and confessed that he did it only to follow a young woman called Telesippa, with whom he was in love, who was returning homewards towards the sea side. Alexander asked him, whether this woman were free or bond: he answered him, that she was a courtesan free borne. Then said Alexander unto Eurylochus, I would be glad to further thy love, yet I can not force her to tarry: but seek to win her by gifts and fair words to be contented to tarry, sithence she is a free woman. It is a wonderful thing to see what pains he would take, to writ for his friends, even in such trifles as he did. As, when he wrote into CILICIA for a servant of Seleucus that was fled from his master, sending strait commandment, that they should carefully lay for him. And by an other letter he commendeth Peucestas, for that he had stayed and taken one Nicon, a slave of Craterus. And by one other letter also unto Megabizus, touching an other bondman that had taken sanctuary in a temple: he commanded him also to seek to entice him out of the sanctuary, to say hold on him if he could, but otherwise not to meddle with him in any case. It is said also, Alexander keeps one ear for the condemmed person. that at the first when he used to sit in judgement to hear criminal causes, whilst the accuser went on with his complaint and accusation: he always used to lay his hand upon one of his ears to keep that clean from the matter of accusation, thereby reserving it to hear the purgation and justification of the person condemned. But afterwards, the number of accusations that were brought before him, did so provoke and altar him, that he did believe the false accusations, by the great number of the true that were brought in. Alexander would not pardon ill words spoken of him. But nothing put him more in rage, then when be understood they had spoken ill of him: and then he was so fierce, as no pardon would be granted, for that he loved his honour, more than his kingdom or life. Then at that time he went against Darius, thinking that he meant to fight again: but understanding that Bessus had taken him, than he gave the THESSALIANS leave to depart home into their country, and gave them two thousand talentes, over and above their ordinary pay. Alexander had then a marvelous long, hard, and painful journey in following of Darius: Alexander's painful journey, in following of Darius. for in eleven days, he road three thousand three hundred furlong, insomuch as the most part of his men were even weary, and done, for lack of water. It chanced him one day to meet with certain MACEDONIANS that carried (upon moils) goat skins full of water, which they had fetched from a river. They seeing Alexander in manner dead for thirst, being aboutnoone ran quickly to him, and in a headpiece brought him water. Alexander asked them, to whom they carried this water. They answered him again, that they carried it to their children, but yet we would have your grace to live: for though we loose them, we may get more children. When they had said so, Alexander took the helmet with water, and perceiving that the men of arms that were about him, and had followed him, did thrust out their necks to look upon this water, he gave the water back again unto them that had given it him, and thanked them, The love of Alexander to his soldiers, and abstinence. but drank none of it. For, said he, if I drink alone, all these men here will faint. Then they seeing the noble courage and courtesy of Alexander, cried out that he should lead them: and therewithal began to spur their horses, saying, that they were not weary nor a thirst, nor did think themselves mortal, so long as they had such a king. Every man was a like willing to follow Alexander, yet had he but three score only that entered with him into the enemy's camp. There, Alexander regarded not the spoil of gold & silver, in respect of pursuing his flying enemy. passing over much gold and silver which was scattered abroad in the market place, and going also by many charriottes full of women and children, which they found in the fields, flying away at all adventure: they ran upon the spur until they had overtaken the foremost that fled, thinking to have found Darius amongst them. But at the length, with much a do, they found him laid along in a coach, having many wounds upon his body, some of darts and some spears. So, he being almost at the last cast, called for some drink, and drank cold water, which Polystratus gave him. To whom when he had drunk, he said: this is my last mishap, my friend, that having received this pleasure, I can not require thee: howbeit Alexander will recompense thee, and the gods, Alexander, for the liberality and courtesy which he hath showed unto my wife and children, whom I pray thee embrace for my sake. The death of Darius. At these last words, he took Polystratus by the hand, and so gave up the ghost. Alexander came immediately after, and plainly showed that he was sorry for his death and misfortune: and undoing his own cloak, he cast it upon the body of Darius. After that, having by good hap gotten Bessus into his hands, The punishment and execution of Bessus. he tare him in pieces with two high strait trees which he bowed downwards, and tied his legs to each of them: so that when the trees were let go, they gave a sudden cruel jerk up and carried either tree, a piece of his body with it. Then Alexander having given Darius' corpse Princely burial, and embalned him: he sent it unto his mother, and received his brother Exathres for one of his friends. From thence he went into the country of HYRCANIA with all the flower of his army, where he saw the gulf of the sea Caspium, The sea Hyrcanium or Caspium. which he thought of no less greatness, than the sea of PONTUS, howbeit calmer than the other seas be. He could not then certainly find out what it was, nor from whence it came: but of likelihood he thought it was some breaking out of the lake or marish of Meotin. Yet some ancient natural Philosophers seemed to know truly what it was. For many years before Alexander's voyage and conquest, they wrote, that of the four chiefest gulfs of the sea that cometh from the Ocean, and do entre within main land, that which is most northerly, is the sea Caspium, which they call also Hyrcanium. As Alexander went through the country, certain barbarous people suddenly set upon them that led Bucephal his horse, and took him: but with that he was in such a rage, that he sent a Herald into their country to proclaim open wars upon them, and that he would put man, woman, and child to the sword, if they brought him not his horse again. Whereupon, when his horse was returned home, and that they yielded up their cities and forts into his hands: he did use them all very courteously, and moreover did give them money for the ransom of his horse, which they restored. Departing thence, he entered into the country of PARTHIA. There having leisure enough, Alexander goeth after the manner of the Persians. he began to apparel himself after the fashion of the barbarous people, because he thought thereby the better to win the hearts of the countrymen, framing himself unto their own fashions: or else to try the hearts of the MACEDONIANS, to see how they would like the manner of the PERSIANS (which he meant to bring them unto) in reverencing of him as they did their king, by little and little acquainting them to allow the alteration and change of his life. This notwithstanding, he would not at the first take up the apparel of the MEDES, which was very strange, and altogether barbarous. For he went not without briches, nor did wear a long gown trailing on the ground, nor a high coptanct hat, but took a mean apparel betwixt the MEDES & the PERSIANS, more modest than theirs, and more costly than the last: and yet at the first he did not wear it, but when he would talk with the barbarous people, or else privately amongst his friends and familiars. Afterwards notwithstanding, he showed himself openly to the people in that apparel, when he gave them audience. Some faults are to be borne with, in a man of great virtues. This sight grieved the MACEDONIANS much but they had his virtues in such admiration, that they thought it meet in some things he should take his own pleasure, sithence he had been often hurt in the wars, and not long before had his leg broken with an arrow, and an other time, had such a blow with a stone full in his neck, that it made him spur blind a great while after, and yet nevertheless he never eschewed any bodily danger. For he passed over the river of Orexartes, Orexartes fl.. which he took to be Tanais, and having in battle overthrown the SCYTHIANS, he followed them in chase abovea hundred furlong, notwithstanding that at that instant he had a looseness of body. Thither came unto him (as it is reported) the Queen of the AMAZONS; as many writers do testify: among the which are these, Clitarchus, Polycritus, Onesicritus, Antigenes, and Hister. But Chares, Ptolemy, Anticlides, & Philon THEBAN, Philip the historiographer, Hecateus ERBYRIAN, Philip CHALCIDIAN, and Duris SAMIAN, all these do write that it was not true: and it seemeth also that Alexander self doth confirm it. For, writing all things particularly unto Antipater as they happened unto him, he wrote unto him that the king of SCYTHIA offered him his daughter in marriage: but there he maketh no mention at all of any AMAZON. It is also said, that Onesicritus long time after that did read unto king Lysimachus, the fourth book of his history, where he did speak of the AMAZON. Lysimachus smile, said unto him: why, and where was I then? But for that matter, to credit or not credit it, Alexander's estimation thereby is neither impaired nor advanced. Furthermore, Alexander fearing that the MACEDONIANS, being weary with this long war, would go no further: he left all the rest of his army behind, and took only twenty thousand footmen, and three thousand horsemen of the choicest men of his army, and with them invaded the country of HYRCANIA. There he made an oration unto them, and told them, that the barbarous people of ASIA had but seen them as it were in a dream, and if they should now return back into MACEDON, having but only stirred them, and not altogether subdued ASIA: Alexander with one word of his mouth brought the Macedonians to obedience. the people offended with them, would set upon them as they went home, as if they were no better than women. Nevertheless, he gave any man leave to return that would, protesting therewith against them that would go, how they did forsake him, his friends, and those who had so good hearts towards him, as to follow him in so noble a journey, to conquer the whole earth unto the MACEDONIANS. This self matter is reported thus in a letter which Alexander wrote unto Antipater: and there he writeth furthermore, that having made this oration unto them, they all cried out, and bade him lead them into what part of the world he would. When they had granted their good wills, it was no hard matter afterwards, to win the rest of the common sort who followed th'example of the chiefest. Thereupon he did frame himself the more to live after the fashion of the country there, and enterchaungeablie also to bring the men of that country unto the manner of the MACEDONIANS: being persuaded, that by this mixture and interchange of manners one with an other, he should by friendship more than force. make them agreed lovingly together, when that he should be so far from the country of PERSIA. For this purpose therefore, he chose thirty thousand of their children of that country, and set them to learn the Greek tongue, and to be brought up in the discipline of wars after the MACEDONIANS manner: and gave them schoolmasters and Captains to train them in each faculty. And for the marrying of Roxane, Alexander married Roxane, a Persian. he fancied her, seeing her at a feast where he was which fell out as well for his turn, as if he had with better advise and counsel loved her. For the barbarous people were very proud of this match when they saw him make alliance with them in this sort, insomuch as they loved him better than they did before, because they saw in those things he was always so chaste and continent, that notwithstanding he was marvelously in love with her, yet he would not dishonourably touch this young Lady, before he was married unto her. Furthermore, Alexander considering that of the two men which he loved best, Hephastion liked well of his match, and went appareled as himself did, and that Craterus contrarily did still use the MACEDONIAN manner: he dealt in all affairs with the barbarous people, by Hephaestion, and with the GRECIANS and MACEDONIANS, by Craterus. To be short, he loved the one, and honoured the other: saying, that Hephaestion loved Alexander, and Craterus loved the king. Quarrel betwixt Hephaestion and Craterus. hereupon these two persons bore one an other grudge in their hearts, and oftentimes broke out in open quarrel: insomuch as on a time being in INDIA, they drew their sword and fought together, and divers of their friends ran to take part with either side. Thither came Alexander self also, who openly before them all, bitterly took up Hephaestion, and called him fool and bedlam, saying: dost thou not know, that whatsoever he be that should take Alexander from me, he should never live? Privately also, he sharply rebuked Croterus, and calling them both before him, he made them friends together, swearing by jupiter Hammon, and by all the other gods, that he loved them two of all men living, nevertheless if ever he found that they fell out together again, they should both die for it, or him at the lest that first began to quarrel. So ever after that, they say, there was never fowl word nor deed between them, not so much as in sport only. There was also one Philotas, Why Philotas was suspected, and envied of Alexander. the son of Parmenio, a man of great authority among the MACEDONIANS, who next unto Alexander was the most valiantest man, the pacientest to abide pain, the liberallest, and one that loved his men & friends better than any noble man in the camp whatsoever. Of him it is reported, that a friend of his came to him on a time to borrow money: and he commanded strait one of his men to let him have it. His purse bearer answered him, that he had none. Why, said his master, dost thou tell me so? Hast thou not plate, and apparel to cell or gage to help him to some? Howbeit otherwise, he had such a pride & glory to show his riches, to apparel himself so sumptuously, and to be more fine and princked then become a private man, that this made him to be hated: because he took upon him to be a great man & to look big on the matter, which become him ill favouredly, and therefore every man through his own folly, fell in misliking with him. Insomuch as his own father said one day unto him: son I pray thee be more humble & lowly. This Philotas had long before been complained upon unto Alexander, because that when the carriage of king Darius' army (which was in the city of DAMAS') was taken after the battle of CILICIA, among many prisoners that were taken and brought unto Alexander's camp, there was one Antigona, a passing fair young courtesan, borne in the city of PIDNA. Philotas' found means to get her, and like a young man that was in love with her, making merry with her at the table, fond let fall brave words and boasts of a soldier, saying, that what notable things were done, they were done by himself and his father: and called Alexander at every word, young man, and said that by their means he held his name and kingdom. This courtesan told one of his friends what he said, and that frede told an other friend, and so went from man to man (as commonly it doth) till at the length it came to Craterus ears. He took the courtesan, and brought her unto Alexander, unto whom she told as much as she had said before. Alexander bade her still make much of Philotas, and to tell him every word what he said of him. Philotas knowing nothing that he was thus circumvented, did ever frequent her company, and would be bold commonly to speak many foolish and undiscreet words against the king, sometime in anger, & sometime again in a bravery. Alexander this notwithstanding, though he had manifest proof and cause to accuse Philotas, yet he dissembled it for that time, and would not be known of it: either for that he knew Parmenio loved him, or else for that he was afraid of their great power and authority. About that time there was one Limnus Chalaestrian a MACEDONIAN, Limnus traizerously seeketh to kill Alexander. that laid great and secret wait to kill Alexander: and being in love with a young man called Nicomachus, enticed him to help him to do this deed. The young man wisely denied it, & told the same to his brother called Batinus. He went unto Philotas, and prayed him to bring them both before Alexander, for they had a matter of great importance to impart unto him. Philotas would not let him speak with the king (but why, no man could tell) telling them that the king had greater matters in hand, and was not at leisure. Then they went unto an other, and he brought them unto Alexander; unto whom first they opened the treason of Limnus conspired against him: and by the way they told also, how they had been twice before with Philotas, who would not let them come in, nor speak with them. That angered Alexander greatly, and he was the more offended also when Limnus was slain by him, whom he sent to apprehend him, resisting him for that he would not be taken: and thought that by his death he had lost a great means to come to the light of this treason and conspiracy. Then Alexander frowning upon Philotas, brought all his enemies upon his back, that of long time had hated him. For they began to speak boldly, that it was time for the king to look about him, for it was not to be supposed that this Limnus Chalaestrian of himself durst have entered into that treason, but rather that he was a minister, and a chief instrument, set on by a greater parsonage than he: and therefore that it stood Alexander upon to examine them straightly, which had cause to keep this treason secret. After Alexander once gave ear unto such words and vehement presumptions, there was strait brought in a thousand accusations against Philotas. Thereupon he was apprehended, and in the presence of divers Lords and familiars of the king put to the torture, Alexander self being behind a hanging, to hear what he would say. It is reported, that when he heard how faintly and pitifully he besought Hephaestion to take pity of him, he said unto himself: alas, poor Philotas, thou that hast so faint a heart, how dared thou take upon thee so great matters? In fine, Philotas was put to death, Philotas and his father Partmenio put to death. and immediately after he was executed, Alexander sent also with speed unto the realm of MEDIA to kill Parmenio, who was his Lieutenant there, and one that had served king Philippe his father, in his greatest affairs, and who only of all other the old servants of his father had procured Alexander to take in hand the conquest of ASIA: and who also of three sons which he brought out with him, had seen two of them die before him, and afterwards was slain himself with the third. This cruelty of Alexander made his friends afraid of him, Antipater was afraid of Alexander. and specially Antipater: who secretly sent Ambassadors unto the AETOLIANS, to make league with them, because they themselves also were afraid of Alexander, for that they had put the Orniades, to death. Alexander hearing that, said, that he himself, and not the sons of the Orniades, would be revenged of the AETOLIANS. Not long after that, followed the murder of Clitus, the which to hear is simply told, would seem much more cruel than the death of Philotas. But reporting the cause and the time together in which it chanced: it will be found that it was not of set purpose, but by chance, and unfortunately, that Alexander being overcome with wine, did unluckily wreak his anger upon Clitus. WVhy Alexander slew Clitus. The manner of his misfortune was this. There came certain men of the low countries from the sea side, that brought apples of GRAECE 〈…〉 unto Alexander. Alexander wondering to see them so green and fair, sent for Clitus to show him them, and to give him some of them. Clitus by chance did sacrifice at that time unto the gods, and left his sacrifice to go unto Alexander: howbeit there were three weathers that followed him, on whom the accustomed sprincklinges had been done already to have sacrificed them. Alexander understanding that, told it to his Soothsayers, Aristander, and Cleomantis LACONIAN, who both did answer him, that it was an ill sign. Alexander thereupon gave order strait, that they should do sacrifice for the health of Clitus, Alexander's dream of Clitus. and specially for that three days before he dreamt one night that he saw Clitus in a mourning gown, sitting amongst the sons of Parmenio, the which were all dead before. This notwithstanding, Clitus did not make an end of his sacrifice, but came strait to supper to the king, who had that day sacrificed unto Castor and Pollux. At this feast there was old drinking, and all the supper time there were certain verses song and made by a Poet, called Pranichus, (or as others say, of one Pierion) against certain Captains of the MACEDONIANS, which had not long before been overcome by the barbarous people, and only to shame them, and to make the company laugh. With these verses, ancient men that were at this feast, become much offended, and grew angry with the Poet that made them, and the minstrel that song them. Alexander on tother side, and his familiars liked them very well; and commanded the minstrel to sing still. Clitus therewithal being overtaken with wine, and beside of a churlish nature, proud and arrogant, fell into greater choler, and said: that it was neither well nor honestly done in that sort to speak ill of those poor MACEDONIAN Captains (and specially amongst the barbarous people their enemies) which were far better men than they, that laughed them to scorn, although their fortune much worse than theirs. Alexander then replied, and said, that saying so, he pleaded for himself, calling cowardliness, misfortune. Then Clitus standing up, said again but yet this my cowardliness saved thy life, that callest thyself the son of the gods, when thou turnedst thy back from Spithridates sword: and the blood which these poor MACEDONIANS did shed for thee, and the wounds which they received of their bodies fight for thee, have made thee so great, that thou disdainest now to have king Philip for thy father, and wilt needs make thyself the son of jupiter Hammon. Alexander being moved with these words, strait replied: O, villain, thinkest thou to scape unpunished for these proud words of thine, which thou usest continually against me, making the MACEDONIANS rebel against Alexander Clitus answered again, too much are we punished, Alexander, The malapertness of Clitus against Alexander, for our pains and service to receive such reward: nay, most happy think we them that long sense are dead and gone, not now to see the MACEDONIANS scourged with rods of the MEDES, & compelled to curry favour with the PERSIANS, to have access unto their king. Thus Clitus boldly speaking against Alexander, and Alexander again answering and reviling him: the gravest men sought to pacify this stir and tumult. Alexander then turning himself unto Xenodoch●s .. CARDIAN, and Artemius COLOPHONIAN: do you not think (said he) that the GRECIANS are amongst the MACEDONIANS, as demi gods that walk among brute beasts? Clitus for all this would not give over his impudence and mallapertnesse, but cried out, and bad Alexander speak openly what he had to say, or else not to bid free men come to sup with him that were wont to speak frankly: if not, to keep with the barbarous slaves than honoured his PERSIAN girdle, and long white garment. Then could Alexander no longer hold his choler, but took an apple that was upon his table, and threw it at Clitus, and looked for his sword, the which Aristophanes, one of his guard that waited on him, had of purpose taken from him. And when every man came strait about him to stay him, and to pray him to be contented: he immediately rose from the board, and called his guard unto him in the MACEDONIAN tongue, (which was a sign of great trouble to follow after it) and commanded a praetor to sound the alarm. But he drawing back, would not sound: whereupon Alexander struck him with his fist. Notwithstanding, the praetor was greatly commended afterwards, for that he only kept the camp that they rose not. All this could not quiet Clitus, whereupon his friends with much a do thrust him out of the hall: but he came in again at an other door, and arrogantly and unreverently rehearsed this verse of the Poet Euripides, out of Andromaches tragedy: Alas for sorrow, evil ways Are into Grace crept now a days. Then Alexander taking a partisan from one of his guard, as Clitus was coming towards him, Alexander slew Clitus, & grievously repented him. and had lift up the hanging before the door, he ran him through the body, so that Clitus fell to the ground, and fetching one groan, died presently. Alexander's choler had left him strait, and he become marvelous sorrowful: and when he saw his friends round about him say never a word, he plucked the partisan out of his body, & would have thrust it into his own throat. Howbeit his guard about him caught him by the hands, & carried him perforce into his chamber: & there he did nothing all that night but weep bitterly, & the next day following, until such time as he was able to cry no more, but lying on the ground, only lay sighing. His friends hearing his voice no more, were afraid, and came into his chamber by force to comfort him. But Alexander would hear none of them, saving Arift●nder the Soothesayer, who remembered him of his dream he had of Clitus before, which was, prognostication of that which had happened: whereby it appeared that it was his destiny before he was borne. This seemed to comfort Alexander. Afterwards they brought in calisthenes the philosopher, akinsman of Aristotle's, and Anaxarchus borne in AEDERA. Of these two calisthenes fought by gentle talk, calisthenes, and Anaxarchus, do comfort Alexander. not moving any matter offensive to comfort Alexander's sorrow. But Anaxarchus that from the beginning had taken a way by himself in the study of philosophy, being accounted a brain sick man, and one that despised his companions: he coming into Alexander's chamber also with him, cried out at the door as he came in: See, yonder is Alexander the great whom all the world looks upon, and is afraid of. See where he lies, weeping like a slave on the ground, that is afraid of the law, and of the reproach of men: as if he himself should not give them law, and establish the bounds of justice or injustice, sithence he hath overcome to be Lord and master, and not to be subject and slave to a vain opinion. Knowest thou not that the poets say, that jupiter hath Themis, to wit, right and justice placed of either hand on him? what signifieth that, but all that the prince doth, is wholly right, and just? These words of Anaxarchus did comfort the sorrowful heart of king Alexander at that time, but therewithal, they made Alexander's manners afterwards more fierce and dissolute. For, as he thereby did marvelously grow in favour with the king, even so did he make the company of calisthenes, (who of himself was not very pleasant, because of his gravery and sourness) much more hateful and misliked then before. It is written also that there was certain talk one night at king Alexander's board touching the seasons of the year, & temperateness of the air, and that calisthenes was of their opinion which maintained, that the country they were in at that time was much colder, and the winter also sharper than in GRAECE. Anaxarchus held the contrary opinion, and stiffly maintained it, in so much as calisthenes said unto him: and yet must thou grant, that it is colder here than there. For there, all the winter time thou couldst go with a single cloak on thy back only, and here thou must have three or four garments upon thee when thou art at thy board. This galled Anaxarchus to the quick, and made him more angry than before: and for the other rhetoricians and flatterers, they did also hate him, because they saw him followed of young men for his eloquence, and beloved also of old men for his honest life, the which was very grave, modest, and contented with his own, desiring no man's else. Whereby men found, that the reason he alleged for following of Alexander in this voyage, was true: for he said that he came to be an humble suitor to the king to restore his banished citizens into their country again, and to replenish their city with inhabitants. Now, though his estimation made him chief to be envy, The cause why calisthenes was envied. yet did he himself give his enemy's occasion to accuse him. For oftentimes being invited by the king to supper, either he would not come, or if he came, he would be mute, and say nothing, showing by his gravery and silence, that nothing pleased him that was either said or done. Whereupon, Alexander self said on a time unto him: I can not think that person wise, That in his own case hath no eyes. It is reported of him also, that being at supper on a time with the king, divers requesting him to make an oration on the sudden in commendation of the MACEDONIANS: he made such an eloquent oration upon that matter, that all they that heard him rose from the board, and clapping their hands for joy, cast nosegays and flowers upon him. But yet Alexander at that time said unto him that, which the Poet Euripides said: It is no mastery to be eloquent, In handling of a plenteous argument. Nay, but utter then thy eloquence in reproving of the MACEDONIANS, that hearing their faults, they may learn to amend. Then calisthenes changing copy, spoke boldly many things against the MACEDONIANS: Declaring, that the dissension amongst the GRECIANS did increase king Philip's power, alleging these verses: Where discord reigns in Realm or town, Even wicked folk do win renown. But by this occasion, he purchased himself great ill will of the MACEDONIANS: in somuch, as Alexander self said at that time, that he had not so much showed his eloquence, as the malice he bore unto the MACEDONIANS. Hermippus the historiographer writeth, that one Strebus a clerk of calisthenes did afterwards tell it unto Aristotle in this sort: and that calisthenes seeing king Alexander offended with him, did recite these verses of Homer three or four times as he went. Patroclus who far passed thee, Was slain as thou art like to be. Aristotle thought calisthenes eloquent, but not wise. And therefore very wisely said Aristotle, that calisthenes was eloquent, but not wise. For like a philosopher, he stoutly stood against kneeling to the king, and said that openly, which the noblest & ancientest men among the MACEDONIANS durst but whisper one in an other ear, though they did all utterly mislike it: whereby he did yet deliver GRAECE from open shame, & Alexander from a greater, bringing him from that manner of adoration of his person. This notwithstanding, he undid himself because he would seem rather by presumptiones bring him to it, then by reason to persuade him. Chares. MITYLENIAN hath written, that Alexander having drunk at a certain feast where he happened to be, reached his cup unto one of his friends, who after he had taken it of him, rose up first on his feet, and drank also, turning him towards the gods, and first making solemn reverence, he went and kissed Alexander, and then sat him down again. All the rest that were at the feast, did the like one after an other, and calisthenes also, who took the cup when it came to his turn, (the king not looking on him, but talking with Hephaestion,) after he had drunk, came to the king to kiss him as others had done. Howbeit one Demetrius called Phidom, said unto the king: kiss him not, I pray your grace, for he of all men hath done you no reverence. Alexander turned his head a side, and would not kiss him. Then cried calisthenes out aloud: well, qd he, than I will go my way, with less than others, by a kiss. And thus began Alexander's grudge first against calisthenes, by means whereof Hephaestion was credited the better, when he said that calisthenes had promised him to reverence Alexander, although that he had broken promise. After him also Lysimachus, Agnon, and divers others began to play their parts against him, saying, that this Sophister went bragging up and down, as if he had destroyed a whole tyranny, and that all the young men followed him to honour him, as if among so many thousand soldiers, never a man of them had so noble a heart as he. And therefore, when the treason of Hermolaus against Alexander's person was discovered, they found the accusation probable, the which some false detractors had informed against calisthenes: calisthenes suspected of treason against Alexander. who had answered Hermolaus that asked him, how he could come to be famous above all men, thus: in kill the famousest person. And to animate him to go forward with this treason, he had told him suither, that he should not be afraid of a golden bed, but remember that he had to do with a man, which was sometime sick and hurt as other men were. This notwithstanding, there was never a one of Hermolaus confederates, that would once name calisthenes, what torments soever they abid, to bewray who were their companions. And Alexander self also writing of this treason immediately after, unto Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, said, that their servants which had been racked and put to the torture, did constantly affirm that they only had conspired his death, and no man else was privy unto it. But afterwards, he sent an other letter unto Antipater, wherein he directly accused calisthenes, and said, that his servants had already been stoned to death by the MACEDONIANS, howbeith that he himself would afterwards also punish the master, and those that had sent unto him, and that had received the murderers into their cities, who came of purpose to kill him. And therein he plainly showed the ill will he bore unto Aristotle, Alexander offended with Aristotle. for that calisthenes had been brought up with him, being his kinsman, and the son of Hero, Aristotle's niece. Some say, that Alexander trussed calisthenes up. Others again report, The death of calisthenes the rhetorician. that he died of sickness in prison. Nevertheless Chares writeth, that calisthenes was kept prisoner seven months together, because he should have had his judgement in open counsel even in the presence of Aristotle himself: howbeit, being very far, he was eaten in the end by louse, and so died, about the time that Alexander was hurt, fight against the MALDIANS OXYDRACIANS, in the conquest of INDIA, but these things chanced a good while after. Demaratus CORINTHIAN being very old, The journey of Demaratus Corinthian unto Alexander, and his death. had a great desire to go see Alexander: and when he had seen him, he said that the GRECIANS which were dead long before, were deprived of that bliss and happiness, that they could not see Alexander sit in the royal seat of king Darius. Howbeit, he did not long enjoy the kings goodwill unto him, for he died of a sickness soon after he came unto his camp, & Alexander did honour his funerals: for all the army in their armour did cast up a mount of earth fashioned like a tomb, which was a great compass about, & four score cubits high. His ashes afterwards were brought with an honourable convoy, unto the sea side, in a chariot with four horses richly set out. Alexander being ready to take his journey to go conquer INDIA, Alexander's journey into India. perceiving that his army was very heavy & unwildsom to remove, for the wonderful carriage and spoils they had with them: the carts one morning being laden, he first burned his own carriage, & next his friends, & then commanded that they should also set the carriage of the MACEDONIANS a fire, Alexander burned his carriages. which counsel seemed more dangerous to be resolved of, than the proof of the execution fell out difficult. For there are very few of them that were angry therewith, & the most part of them (as if they had been secretly moved by some god) with loud cries of joy, one of them gave unto an other such necessary things as they had need of, and afterwards of themselves did burn and spoil all the rest. This made Alexander much more rigorous than he was before, beside that he was already become cruel enough, and without mercy or pardon, did sharply punish every man that offended. For having commanded Menander one of his friends, to keep him a strong hold: The cruelty of Alexander towards his men. he put him to death, because he would not remain there. Furthermore, he himself slew Orsodates (a captain of the barbarous people) with a dart, for that he rebelled against him. About that time, there was an ewe that had eaned a lamb, which had upon her head, the form and purple colour of the kings hat, after the PERSIAN manner, called Tiara, having two stones hanging on each side of it. Alexander abhorred this monstruous sign, A monstruous lamb appeared unto Alexander. insomuch as he purged himself by certain BABYLONIAN priests, which he always carried about with him for that purpose, and said unto his friends: that this monster did not so much move him for respect of himself, as it did for them, fearing that the gods after his death had predestined the force and power of his kingdom to fall into the hands of some base cowardly person. This notwithstanding, an other sign and token which chanced in the neck of that, did take away this fear and discouragement he had. For a MACEDONIAN called Proxenus, that had charge of the kings carriage, as he digged in a certain place by the river of Oxus, A spring of oil found, by the river of Oxus. to set up the kings tent and his lodging, he found a certain fat and oily vain, which after they had drawn out the first, there came out also an other clearer, which differed nothing, neither in smell, taste, nor savour, from natural oil, having the gloss and fatness so like, as there could be discerned no difference between them: the which was so much more to be wondered at, because that in all that country there were no olives. They say also, that the water of the river self of Oxus is very soft, & maketh their skins fat, which wash or bathe themselves therein. And yet it appeareth by that which Alexander self wrote unto Antipater, that he was very glad of it, putting that amongst the greatest signs which the gods had sent unto him. The soothsayers did interpret this wonder, that it was a sign, that he should have a noble, but yet a painful voyage: for the gods, said they, have given oil unto men to refresh their weariness. Oil refresheth weariness. And truly so did he sustain many dangers in those wars, and was oftentimes hurt in fight. But the greatest loss he had of his men, was for lack of victuals, and by the infection of the air. For he, striving to overcome fortune by valiantness, and her force by virtue, thought nothing impossible for a valiant man, neither any thing able to withstand a noble heart. It is reported, that when he went to besiege a strong hold which Sysimethres kept, being thought unsaltable, and that his soldiers were in despair of it: he asked one Oxyarthes', what heart Sysimethres had. Oxyarthes' answered him, that he was the veriest coward in the world. O, that is well, qd Alexander: than it is to be won, if that be true thou sayest, sithence the captain of the piece is but a coward. So he took it of a sudden, by putting Sysimethres in a great fear. After that also, he did besiege an other piece of as great strength, and difficulty to assault as the other, and making the young soldiers of the MACEDONIANS to go to th'assault, he called one of them unto him, whose name also was Alexander, unto whom he said thus. Alexander, this day thou must fight like a man, and it be but for thy name sake. The young man did not forget his words, for he sought so valiantly, that he was slain, for whom Alexander was very sorry. another time when his men were afraid, & durst not come near unto the city of NISA to assault it, The city of Nisa. because there ran a very deep river hard by the walls: he came to the rivers side, and said; o, what a coward am I, that never learned to swim? and so prepared himself to swim over upon his shield. After he had caused them to retire from the assault, there came ambassadors unto him from the cities besieged, to crave pardon of him. They wondered at him at the first, when they saw him armed, without any pomp or other ceremony about him: but much more, when a chair was brought him to sit down on, that he commanded the oldest man amongst them called Acuphis, to take it to him, and sit him down. Acuphis marveling at Alexander's great courtesy, asked him: what they should do for him, thenceforth to be his good friends. I will, said Alexander, that they from whom thou comest as ambassador unto us, do make thee their king: and withal that they do sand me a hundred of their best men for hostages. Acuphis, Acuphis wise answer unto Alexander. smiling, answered him again: but I shall rule them better, O king, if I sand you the worst, and not the best. There was a king called Taxiles a very wise man, who had a great country in INDIA, no less in bigness and circuit than all EGYPT, and as full of good pasture and fruits as any country in the world could be: who came on a time to salute Alexander, King Taxiles talk with Alexander. and said unto him. What should we need, Alexander, to fight, and make wars one with an other, if thou comest not to take away our water, and our necessary commodity to live by: for which things, men of judgement must needs fight? As for other goods, if I be richer than thou, I am ready to give thee of mine: and if I have less, I will not thinkeskorne to thank thee, if thou wilt give me some of thine. Alexander being pleased to hear him speak thus wisely, Alexander's answer to Taxiles. embraced him, and said unto him. Thinkest thou this meeting of ours can be without fight, for all these goodly fair words? no, not, thou hast won nothing by that: for I will fight and contend with thee in honesty and courtesy, because thou shalt not exceed me in bounty and liberality. So Alexander taking divers gifts of him, but giving more unto Taxiles: he drank to him one night at supper, and said, I drink to thee a thousand talents in gold. This gift misliked Alexander's friends: but in recompense thereof, he wan the hearts of many of those barbarous Lords and Princes of that country. There was a certain number of soldiers of the INDIANS, the warlikest men of all that country: who being mercenary soldiers, were ever entertained in service of the great free cities, which they valiantly defended, and did great hurt unto Alexander in divers places. Alexander having made peace with them in a city where they were kept in: Alexander dishonourably broke the peace he had made. when they came abroad upon surety of this peace which they had made, he met with them as they went their way, and put them all to the sword. There was but this only fault, to bleamish the honour of his noble deeds in all his wars: for in all things else, he showed mercy and equity. Furthermore, the grave Philosophers and wise men of INDIA did greatly trouble him also. For they reproved the kings and Princes of the INDIANS for that they yielded unto Alexander, & procured the free cities to take arms against him. But by their occasion, he took divers of their cities. For king Porus, Alexander self writeth in his Epistles, Alexander's acts against king Porus. all his acts at large which he did against him. For he saith, that both their camps lying on either side of the river of Hydaspes, Hydaspes fl.. king Porus set his Elephant's upon the bank of the river with their heads towards their enemies, to keep them from passing over: and that he himself did continually make a noise and tumult in his camp, to acquaint his men not to be afraid of the barbarous people. Furthermore, that in a dark night when there was no moon light, he took part of his footmen, & the choice of his horsemen, and went far from his enemies to get over into a little Island. When he was come into the Island, there fell a wondered shower of rain, great winds, lightnings and thunder's upon his camp, insomuch as he saw many of his men burnt by lightning in this little Island. This notwithstanding, he did not leave to get over to the other side of the river. The river being swollen with the great flood of rain that fell the night before, overflowing the banks, it did eat into the ground where the water ran: so that Alexander when he had passed over the river, and was come to the other side, found himself in very ill case, for that he could hardly keep his feet, because the earth was very slippery under him, and the rage of the water had eaten into it, and broke it down on every side. It is written of him, that then he said unto the ATHENIANS: O ATHENIANS, could ye think that I could take such pains, and put myself into so many dangers, only to be praised of you? Thus Onesicritus reporteth it. But Alexander self writeth, that they left their rafters or great pieces of timber pinned together whereupon they had passed over the stream of the main river: and that they waded thorough the other arm or gut of the water which had broken the earth, up to their breasts with their harness on their backs. Furthermore, when he had passed over both waters, he road with his horsemen twenty furlongs before the battle of his footmen: thinking that if his enemies came to give him charge with their men of arms, that he was the stronger: and if they would also advawnce their footmen forward, that his footmen also should come time enough. One of the twain fell out as he had guessed. For, a thousand horsemen, and three score charets armed with his enemies, gave him charge before their great company, whom he overthrew, and took all their charets, & slew four hundred of the men of arms in the field. King Porus then knowing by those signs that Alexander was there in person, and had passed over the river: he marched towards him with all his army in battle ray, saving a few which he left behind to resist the MACEDONIANS, if they showed force to pass over the river. Alexander being afraid of the great multitude of his enemies, and of the terror of the Elephants, did not give charge upon the midst of the battle, but being himself in the left wing, gave charge upon the corner of thenemies left wing, and also commanded them that were in the right wing to do the like. So, both the ends of thenemies army were broken and put to flight: and they that fled, ran unto the Elephants, & gathered themselves together about them. Thus the battle being begun, the conflict continued long, insomuch as the enemies were scantly all overthrown by three of the clock in the afternoon. Many writers do agreed, that Porus was four cubits and a shaft length hire and bigger than the Elephant, The statute of king Porus. The quick-wit and cat● of the Elephant to save the king his master. although the Elephant was very great, and as big as a horse: and besides that the Elephant did show great wit and care, to save the king his Master. For whilst he perceived his Master was strong enough, he lustily repulsed those which came to assail him: but when he found that he began to faint, having many wounds upon his body, and arrows sticking in it: then being afraid jest his Master should fall down from his back, he softly fell on his knees, and gently taking his darts and arrows with his trunk, which he had in his body, he plucked them all from him one after an other. Porus being taken, Alexander asked him, how he should handle him, princely, answered Porus. Alexander asked him again, if he would say any thing else. I comprehend all, said he, in this word princely. Thereupon Alexander did not only leave him his provinces and Realms, whereof before he was king, by the name of his Liesetenant: but gave him many other countries also. Alexander's conquests in the Indias. When he had subdued all the free people, of the which there were fifteen several nations, five thousand of no small cities, besides an infinite number of villages, and thrice as many other countries: he made Philip one of his friends, his Lieutenant of all those countries: his horse Bucephal died at this battle, The death of Bucephal Alexander's horse not in the field, but afterwards whilst he was in cure for the wounds he had on his body: but as Onesicritus saith, he died even worn for very age. Alexander was as sorry for his death, as if he had lost any of his familiar friends: and for proof thereof, he built a great city in the place where his horse was buried, upon the river of Hydaspes, the which he called after his name, Bucephalia. Bucephalia, a great city built by Alexander, upon the river of Hydaspes: & why so named. Peritas, Alexander's dog It is reported also, that having lost a dog of his called Peritas, which he had brought up of a whelp, and loved very dearly: he built also a city, and called it after his name. Sotion writeth, that he heard it reported thus of Potamon LESBIAN. This last battle against king Porus, killed the MACEDONIANS hearts, and made them that they had no desire to go any further to conquer INDIA. For, finding that they had such a do to overcome them, though they were but twenty thousand footmen, and two thousand horse, they spoke ill of Alexander when he went about to compel them to pass over the river of Ganges, Ganges fl.. understanding by the country men that it was two and thirty furlong over, and a hundred fadam deep: and how that the bank of the river was full of soldiers, horsemen, and Elephants. For it was reported, that the kings of the GANGARIDES, Gangaridae, and Prosijs, people of India. & the PRAESIANS were on tother side with four score thousand horsemen, two hundred thousand footmen, eight thousand charets or carts of war well armed, and six thousand Elephants of war. This was no fable, nor frivolous tale. For, a king called Androcottus (who reigned not long after,) gave unto Seleucus, five hundred Elephants at one time, & conquered all INDIA with six hundred thousand fight men. Alexander then offended with his men's refusal, kept close in his tent for certain days, and lay upon the ground, saying, that he did not thank them, for all that they had done thitherunto, unless they passed over the river of Ganges also: And that to return back again, it was as much as to confess that he had been overcome. At the length, when he saw and considered that there was great reason in his friends persuasions which laboured to comfort him, and that his soldiers came to the door of his tent, crying and lamenting, humbly beseeching him to lead them back again in th'end he took pity of them, and was contented to return. Alexander's return out of India. This notwithstanding, before he departed from those parties, he put forth many vain and false devices to make his name immortal among that people. Alexander's vain devices to make himself immortal. He made armours of greater proportion than his own, and mangers for horses, higher than the common sort: moreover, he made bytts also far heavier than the common sort, and made them to be thrown and scattered abroad in every place. He built great altars also in honour of the gods, the which the kings of the PRAESIANS have in great veneration at his day: and passing over the river, do make sacrifices there, after the manner of the GRECIANS. Androcottus at that time was a very young man, King Androcottus. and saw Alexander himself, and said afterwards, that Alexander had well near taken and won all the country, the king which then reigned, was so hated of all his subjects, for his wicked life, and base parentage he came of. Departing thence, he went to see the great sea Oceanum, and made divers boats with oars, in the which he easily went down the rivers at his pleasure. Howbeit, this his pleasant going by water, was not without war: for he would landlord oftentimes, and did assail cities, and conquered all as he went. Yet in assailing the city of the MALLIANS, (which they say are the warlikest men of all the INDIANS) he was almost slain there. Alexander in danger at the city of the Mallians. For, having with darts repulsed the enemies from the wall, he himself was the first man that set foot on a ladder to get up, the which broke assoon as ever he was gotten upon the rampart. Then the barbarous people coming together against the wall, did throw at him from beneath, and many times lighted upon him. Alexander having few of his men about him, made no more a do, but leapt down from the wall in the midst of his enemies, and by good hap lighted on his feet. His harness making a great noise with the fall, the barbarous people were afraid, thinking they had seen some light or spirit go before him: so that at the first they all betook them to their legs, and ran scatteringly here and there. But after that, when they came again to themselves, and saw that he had but two gentlemen only about him, they came and set upon him of all hands, and fought with him at the sword or push of the pike, and so hurt him very sore through his armour: but one among the rest, being somewhat further of, gave him such a terrible blow with an arrow, that he struck him through his curates, and shot him in at the side under his breast. The blow entered so into his body, that he fell down on one of his knees. Whereupon, he that had stricken him with his arrow, ran suddenly to him with a scimitar drawn in his hand. Howbeit Peucestas & Limnaus stepped before him, and were both hurt: Limnaus was slain presently, and Peucestas fought it out, till at the length, Alexander self slew the barbarous man with his own hand, after he had many grievous wounds upon his body. At the length he had a blow with a dart on his neck that so astonished him, that he leaned against the wall looking upon his enemies. In the mean time, the MACEDONIANS compassing him round about, took him, and carried him into his tent half in a sound, and was past knowledge: Whereupon, there ran a rumour strait in the camp, that Alexander was dead. They had much a do to cut the arrow asunder that was of wood: so his curates being plucked of with great pain, yet were they to pluck the arrow head out of his body, which stuck in one of his bones: the which as it is reported, was four fingers long, and three fingers broad. So that when they plucked it out, he sounded so often, that he was almost dead. This notwithstanding, he overcame the danger, and escaped. Being very weak, he kept diet a long time to recover himself, and never came out of his tent: until he heard the MACEDONIANS cry, and make great noise about his tent, desirous to see him. Then he put on a night gown, and came out amongst them all: and after he had done sacrifice unto the gods for recovery of his health, he went on his journey again, and in the same did conquer many great countries, and took divers goodly cities. He did also take ten of the wise men of the country, The wise men of India. which men do all go naked, and therefore are called GYMNOSOPHISTE, (to wit, Philosophers of INDIA) who had procured Sabbas to rebel against him, and had done great hurt unto the MACEDONIANS. And because they were taken to be the sharpest and readiest of answer, he did put them (as he thought) many hard questions; & told them he would put the first man to death, that answered him worst, and so the rest in order and made the eldest among them judge of their answers. The question he asked the first man, Alexander's questions propounded to the ten Philosophers of India. was this: Whether the dead or the living, were the greater number. He answered, the living. For the dead said he, are no more men. The second man he asked: whether the earth, or the sea brought forth most creatures. He answered, the earth. For the sea said he, is but a part of the earth. To the third man: which of all beasts was the subtilest. That (said he) which man hitherto never knew. To the fourth: why he did make Sabbas rebel? because said he, he should live honourably, or die vilely. To the fift, which he thought was first, the day, or the night? He answered, the day, by a day. The king finding his answer strange, added to this speech: strange questions, must needs have strange answers. Coming to the sixth man, he asked him: how a man should come to be beloved: If he be a good man said he, not terrible. To the seventh, how a man should be a god? In doing a thing, said he, impossible for a man. To the eight, which was the stronger: life or death? life, said he, that suffereth so many troubles. And unto the ninth and last man: how long a man should live? until said he, he think it better to die, then to live. When Alexander had heard these answers, he turned unto the judge, & bade him give his judgement upon them. The judge said, they had all answered one worse than another. Then shalt thou die first, said Alexander, because thou hast given such sentence: not so, O king, qd he, if thou wilt not be a liar: because thou saidst, that thou wouldst kill him first, that had answered worst. In fine, Alexander did let them go with rewards. Alexander rewarded the ten wise men, and did let them go. He sent Onesicritus also unto the other wise men of the INDIANS, which were of greatest fame among them, & that led a solitary & quiet life: to pray them to come unto him. This Onesicritus the Philosopher, Onesicritus a Philosopher. was Diogenes the Cinika scholar. It is reported, that Calanus one of these wise men, very sharply & proudly bade him put of his clotheses, to hear his words naked: or otherwise that he would not speak to Him, though he came from jupiter himself. Yet Dandamis answered him more gently. Calanus, other wise called Sphines. For he having learned what manner of men Socrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes were, said: that they seemed to have been wise men, & well borne, notwithstanding that they had reverenced the law too much in their life time. Others writ notwithstanding, that Dandamis said nothing else, Dandamis but asked why Alexander had taken so painful a journey in hand, as to come into INDIA. For Calanus (whose right name otherwise was Sphines) king Taxiles persuaded him to go unto Alexander who because he saluted those he met, in the INDIAN tongue, saying Ocle as much to say, as God saveye: the GRECIANS named him Calanus. It is reported, that this Calanus did show Alexander a figure & similitude of his kingdom, which was this. Calanus a wise man of India. He threw down before him a dry sear piece of leather, & then put his foot upon one of the ends of it. The leather being trodden down on that side, rose up in all parts else, & going up & down with all still treading upon the sides of the leather: The 〈…〉 of a kingdom, showed by a piece of leather. he made Alexander see, that the leather being trodden down on the one side, did rise up of all sides else, until such time as he put his foot in the midst of the leather, & then all the whole leather was plain alike. His meaning thereby, was to let Alexander understand, that the most part of his time he should keep in the midst of his country, & not to go far from it. Alexander continued seven months traveling upon the rivers, to go see the great sea Oceanum. Then he took ship, & sailed into a little Island called SCYLLVEY●S, Psitulcis an Island. howbeit others call it PSITVL●●●● There he landed, made sacrifices unto the gods, & viewed the greatness & nature of the sea Oceanun, & all the situation of the coast upon that sea, as far as he could go. Then he made his prayers unto the gods, that no conqueror living after him should go beyond the bounds of his journey & conquest, & so returned homeward. He commanded his ships should fetch a compass about, & leave INDIA on the right hand: & made Nearebus Admiral of all his fleet, Alexander's navy in the sea Oceanum. & Onesicritus chief Pilot. He himself in the mean time went by land through the country of the ORITES, & there he found great scarcity of victuals, & lost many of his men: so that he carried not out of INDIA the fourth part of his men of war which he brought thither, Alexander's army going in to India. which were in all, six score thousand footmen, & fifteen thousand horsemen. Some of them died of grievous diseases, others, by ill diet, others, by extreme heat & drowght, & the most of them by hunger, travailing through this barren country, where the poor men lived hardly, & had only a few sheep which they fed with sea fish, Sheep fed with fish. that made their flesh favour very il favouredly. At the length, when in three score days journey he had painfully traveled through this country, he then entered into the country called GEDROSIA, The country of Gedrosia. where he found great plenty of all kind of victuals, which the governor, kings, & princes, neighbours unto the same, did sand unto him. After he had refreshed high army there a little, he went through the country of CARMANIA, The country of Carmania. where he continued seven days together banqueting, going still through the conntry. For night & day, he was feasting continually with his friends upon a scaffold longer than broad, rising up of height, & drawn with eight goodly horse. After that scaffold followed divers other charets covered over, some with goodly rich arras, & purple silk, others with trim fresh boughs which they renewed at every fields end: & in those were Alexander's other friends & captains with garlands of flowers upon their heads, which drank & made merry together. In all this army, there was neither helmet, pike, dart, nor target seen: but gold & silver bowls, cups, & flagons in the soldiers hands, The riot of Alexander's soldiers. all the way as they went, drawing wine out of great pipes & vessels which they carried with them, one drinking to another, some marching in the fields going forward, & others, also set at the table. About them were the minstrels playing & pipping on their flutes & shawms, & women singing & dancing, & fooling by the way as they went. In all this dissolute marching through the country, & in the midst of their drunkenness, they mingled with it sport that every man did strive to counterfeat all the insolences of Bacchus, as if god Bacchus himself had been there in person, & had led the mommery; When he came unto the king's castle of GEDROSIA, he stayed there also certain days to refresh his army with feasting & banketing. It is said, that one day when he had drunk hard, he went to see the games for dancing: & amongst them, the games which a young man called Bagoas had set forth, (with whom Alexander fell in liking) & bore the bell. This Bagoas being in his dancing garments, came through the Theatre, & sat him down by Alexander. The MACEDONIANS were so glad of it, that they shouted & clapped their hands for joy, crying out aloud, to kiss him: So that in fine he took him in his arms, & kissed him, before them all. Thither came Nearchus his Admiral unto him: who made report what he had seen & done in his navigation. Alexander was so glad of that, as he was desirous to sail by sea himself: & so, entering into the sea oceanum by the mouth of Euphrates, with a great fleet of ships, to compass in all the coasts of ARABIA & AFRICA, & thence into Mare Mediterraneun, by the straits of the pillars of Hercules. To this intent he built a great number of ships in the city of THAPSACUS, The city of Thapsacus. & sent for mariners, shipmasters, & pilots, out of all parts. But now, the difficulty of the journey which he took upon him for the conquest of INDIA, the danger he was in when he fought with the MALLIANS, & the number of his men which he lost beside which was very great, all these things considered together, The provinces conquered by Alexander's rebelled against him. making men believe that he should never return with safety: they made all the people (which he had conquered) bold to rise against him; & gave his governors & Lieutenants of provinces occasion: to commit great insolences, robberies, & exactions of people. To be short, it put all his kingdom in broil & sedition. Insomuch as Olympias & Cleopatra rising against Antipater, they divided his government between them: Olympias choosing for her, the kingdom of EPIRUS: & Cleopatra, the kingdom of MACEDON. Which when Alexander had heard, he said his mother was the wisest for the realm of MACEDON would never have suffered a woman to reign them. Thereupon he seen Nearchus back again to the sea, determining to fill all the sea coasts with war. As he traveled through the countries far from the sea, he put his captains & governors to death, which had revolted against him: & of those he slew Oxyarthes', one of Abulites sons, by his own hand, ronning him thorough with a pike. And when Abulites self also had brought Alexander iij thousand talents only, without any other provision made for victuals for his army: he made him put the money before his horse, which would not once touch it. Then said he unto him: I pray thee to what purpose serveth this provision? & therewithal immediately committed him to prison. As he came through the country of PERSIA, he first renewed the old custon there, which was: that as often times as the kings did return home from any far journey, they gave unto every woman a crown a piece. It is said therefore that for this cause, some of their natural kings many times did not return, again into their country: & that Ochus amongst others did not so much as once return back again, willingly banishing himself out of his country, of niggardliness, because he would not be at this charge. After that, Cyrus' tomb (king of PERSIA) being tound & broken up, he put him to death that did it, although he were a MACEDONIAN of the city of PELLA, (and none of the meanest) called Polymachus. The death of Polymachus Pelleian. When he had read the inscription written upon it in the Persian tongue, he would needs also have it written in the Greek tongue: & this it was. O man, what so thou art, & whencesoever thou comest, fro I know thou shalt come: I am Cyrus that conquered the Empire of Persia, I pray thee envy me not for this little earth that covereth my body. These words pierced Alexander's heart, when he considered the uncertainty of worldly things. There also, Calanus the INDIAN Philosopher, having had a flix a little while, prayed that they would make him a stack of wood, such as they use to burn dead bodies on, & then road thither a horse back: & after he had made his prayer unto the gods, he cast those sprinklings upon him, which were used to be sprinkled at the funerals of the dead. Then cutting of a lock of his hear before he went up on the wodstacke, Calanus the Indian did sacrifice himself alive. he bade all the MACEDONIANS that were there farewell, & shook them by the hands, praying them that day to be merry, and drink freely with the king, whom he would see shortly after in the city of BABYLON. When he had said these words, he laid him down upon the wodstack, covered his face, & never stirred hand nor foot, nor quinched when the fire took him, but did sacrifice himself in this sort, as the manner of his country was, that the wise men should so sacrifice themselves. another INDIAN also, who followed julius Caesar, did the like many years after in the city of ATHENS: & there is his tomb yet to be seen, commonly called the INDIANS tomb. When Alexander came from seeing this sacrifice of Calanus, he did bid divers of his friends & Captains to supper to him: & there did bring forth a crown for a reward unto him that drank best. Alexander made men drink to win a game and price. He that drank most of all other, was one Promachus, that drank four gallons of wine, & won the crown, worth a talon: but he lived not above three days after. And of other also that fell in sport to quaffing, who should drink most, there died of them (as Chares writeth) one & forty persons: of an extreme cold that took them in their drunkenness & wine. When they were in the city of SUSA, he married certain of his friends, & himself also married Statira, one of king Darius' Daughters, disposing also of the other PERSIAN Ladies (according to their estate and birth) unto his best friends. He made also a solemn feast of common marriages amongst the MACEDONIANS, The Macedonians married unto the Persians of them that had been married before: At which feast, it is written, that nine thousand persons sitting at the boards, he gave unto everyone of them a cup of gold to offer wine in honour of the gods. And there also amongst other wonderful gifts, The wonderful gifts of Alexander. he did pay all the dets the MACEDONIANS aught unto their creditors, the which amounted unto the sum of ten thousand talents saving a hundred & thirty less. Whereupon Antigenes with one eye, falsely putting in his name amongst the number of the debtors, & bringing in one that said he had lent him money: Alexander paid the soldiers dets. Alexander caused him to be paid. But afterwards, when it was proved to his face, that there was no such matter: Alexander then was so offended with him, that he banished him his court, Antigenes with one eye, a valiant Captain, banished the court for making a lie. & deprived him of his captainship, notwithstanding that he had before showed himself a valiant man in the wars. For when he was but a young man, he was shot into the eye, before the city of PERINTHE, which king Philip did besiege: & at that present time they would have plucked the arrow out of his eye, but he never fainted for it, neither would suffer them to pull it out, before he had first driven his enemies within the walls of their city. He took this infamy very inwardly, & he was so sorry for it, that every man might see he was like to die for sorrow. Then Alexander fearing he should die, did pardon him, & bade him beside keep the money which was given him. Now the 30000. young boys which Alexander had left to the government of Captains, Thirty thousand boys of the Persians, taught the discipline of wars by Alexander's commandment. to train & exercise them in the discipline of war: they being grown strong men, & lusty youths, excellently well trained & ready in arms: Alexander rejoiced when he saw them. This notwithstanding did much discourage the MACEDONIANS, & made them greatly afraid, because they thought that from thenceforth the king would make less account of them. For when Alexander would have sent the sick and impotent persons, which had been maimed in the wars, into the low country, to the sea side: they answered him, that so doing he should do them great wrong, to sand these poor men from him in that sort, (after they had done him all the service they could) home to their country & friends, in worse case than he took them from thence. And therefore they said, if he would sand away some, let him sand them all away as men unserviceable, specially sithence he had now such goodly young dancers about him, with whom he might go conquer the world. Alexander was marvelously offended with their proud words, insomuch that in his anger he reviled them all, put away his ordinary guard, & took other PERSIANS in their place, making some the guard about his own person, others, his ushers, heralds, & ministers to execute his will and commandment. The poor MACEDONIANS seeing Alexander thus waited on, & themselves so shamefully rejected: they let fall their stoutness, and after they had commoned of the matter together, they were ready to tear themselves for spite & malice. In fine when they had laid their heads together, they consented to go unto his tent & without weapons, naked in their shirts to yield themselves unto him, weeping & howling, beseeching him to do with them what pleased him, & so use them like wretched unthankful creatures. But Alexander, though his anger was now somewhat pacified, did not receive them the first time, neither did they also go their ways, but remained there 2. days & nights together, in this pitiful state, before the door of his tent, lamenting unto him, & calling him their sovereign & king: until that he came himself out of his tent the third day, & seeing the poor wretches in this grievous & pitiful state, he himself fell a weeping a long time. So, after he had a little rebuked them, he called them courteously, The clemency and liberality of Alexander unto his soldiers & gave the impotent & sick persons leave to departed home, rewarding them very honourably. Furthermore, he wrote unto Antipater his Lieutenant, that he should always give them the highest place in all common sports & assemblies, & that they should be crowned with garlands of flowers. Moreover, he commanded that the orphans whose parents were slain in the wars, should receive the pay of their fathers. After Alexander was come unto the city of ECBATANA, in the kingdom of MEDEA, & that he had dispatched his weightiest causes: he gave himself again unto public sports, feasts, & pastimes, for that there were newly come unto him out of GRAECE, 3. thousand excellent masters & devisers of such sports. About that time it chanced, that Hephastion fell sick of an ague. But he being a young man of war, did not regard his mouth as he should have done, but having spied opportunity that his Physician Glaucus was gone unto the Theatre, to see the sports & pastimes: He went to dinner, and eat a roasted Capon whole, and drank a great pot full of wine, which he had caused to be set in water: whereupon his fever took him so sorely, that he lived not long after. Alexander unwisely took the chance of his death, The death of Hephaestion. Alexander's sorrow for the death of Hephaestion. & commanded all the hears of his horse & mules to be presently shorn in token of mourning, & that all the battlements of the walls of cities should also be overthrown, & hung up poor Glaucus his Physician upon a cross, & commanded that no minstrel should be heard play of any kind of instrument within his camp: until that there was brought him an oracle from jupiter Hammon, commanding that Hephaestion should be worshipped & sacrificed unto, as a demi god. In th'end, to pass over his mourning and sorrow, he went unto the wars, as unto a hunting of men, and there subdued the people of the COSSAEIANS, whom he plucked up by the roots, and slew man, woman, and child. And this was called the sacrifice of Hephaestions' funerals. Alexander furthermore being desirous to bestow ten thousand talents cost upon his obsequies and funerals, and also to exceed the charge by the rareness and excellency of workmanship: amongst all other excellent workemasters, he desired one Stasicrates, for he had ever passing invention, and his work was always stately and sumptuous in any new things he took in hand. Stasicrates an excellent image maker. For he talking one day with Alexander, told him, that of all the Mountains he knew in the world, he thought there was none more excellent to resemble the statue or image of a man, than was Mount Atho in THRACIA: and that if it were his pleasure, he would make him the noblest and most durable image, that should be in the world, which in his left hand should hold a city to contain ten thousand persons, and out of his right hand, there should run a great river into the sea. Yet Alexander would not hearken to him, but then was talking with other workmen of more strange inventions, & far greater cost. Now as he was ready to take his journey to go unto BABYLON: Nearchus his Admiral came again unto him from the great sea Oceanum, by the river of Euphrates, and told him, how certain CHALDEAN Soothsayers came unto him, who did warn him that he should not go into BABYLON. Howbeit Alexander made no reckoning of it, but went on. But when he came hard to the walls of BABYLON, he saw a great number of crows fight & kill one of another, & some of them fell down dead hard by him. Afterwards being told him that Apollodorus the governor of the city of BABYLON, having sacrificed unto the gods, to know what should happen to him: he sent for the Soothsayer Pythagoras, to know of him if it were true. The Soothsayer denied it not. Then Alexander asked him, what signs he had in the sacrifice. He answered, that the liver of the beast had no head. O gods, said Alexander then, this is an ill sign: notwithstanding he did Pythagoras no hurt, but yet he repented him that he did not believe Nearchus' words. For this respect therefore Alexander lay much abroad in the country from BABYLON, & did take his pleasure rowing up & down the river of Euphrates. divers signs before Alexander's death. Yet had he many other ill signs & tokens one upon another, that made him afraid. For there was a tame ass that killed one of the greatest & goodliest Lions in all BABYLON, with one of his feet. Another time when Alexander had put of his clotheses, to be anointed to play at tennis: When he should put on his apparel again, the young gentlemen that played with him, found a man set in his chair of estate, having the king's diadem on his head, & his gown on his back, & said never a word. Then they asked him what he was? It was long before he made them answer, but at the length coming to himself, he said his name was Dionysius, borne in MESSINA: & being accused for certain crimes committed, he was sent from the sea thither, where he had been a long time prisoner, & also that the god Serapis had appeared unto him, & undone his irons, & that he commanded him to take the king's gown & his diadem, and to sit him down in his chair of estate, & say never a word. When Alexander heard it, he put him to death according to the counsel of his Soothsayers: but then his mind was troubled, & feared that the gods had forsaken him, & also grew to suspect his friends. But first of all, Alexander feared Antipater & his sons, Alexander feared Antipater. above all other. For one of them called jolas', was his first cupbearer: & his brother called Cassander, was newly come out of GRAECE unto him. The first time that Cassander saw some of the barbarous people reverencing Alexander, he having been brought up with the liberty of GRAECE, & had never seen the like before: fell into a loud laughing very unreverently. Therewith king Alexander was so offended, that he took him by the hear of his head with both his hands, & knocked his head & the wall together. Another time also when Cassander did answer some that accused his father Antipater: king Alexander took him up sharply, & said unto him. What sayest thou, said he? Dost thou think that these men would have gone so long a journey as this, falsely to accuse thy father, if he had not done them wrong? Cassander again replied unto Alexander, & said, that that was a manifest proof of their false accusation, for that they did now accuse him being so far of, because they thought they could not suddenly be disproved. Alexander thereat fell a laughing a good, & said, lo, these are Aristotle's quiddities to argue pro & contra: but this will not save you from punishment, if I found that you have done these men wrong. In fine, they report that Cassander took such an inward fear & conceit upon it, that long time after when he was king of MACEDON, and had all GRAECE at his commandment: going up and down the city of DELPHES, and beholding the monuments and images that are there, he found one of Alexander, which put him into such a sudden fear, that the hears of his head stood upright, and his body quaked in such sort, that it was a great time before he could come to himself again. Now after that Alexander had left his trust and confidence in the gods, his mind was so troubled and afraid, that no strange thing happened unto him, (how little so ever it was) but he took it strait for a sign and prediction from the gods: so that his tent was always full of Priests and Soothsayers that did nothing but sacrifice and purify, and tend unto divinements. So horrible a thing, is the mistrust and contempt of the gods, when it is begotten in the hearts of men, and superstition also so dreadful, that it filleth the guilty consciences and fearful hearts like water distilling from above: as at that time it filled Alexander with all folly, after that fear had once possessed him. This notwithstanding, after that he had received some answers touching Hephaestion from the oracle of jupiter Hammon, he left his sorrow, and returned again to his banquets and feasting. For he did sumptuously feast Nearchus, and one day when he came out of his bath according to his manner, being ready to go to bed, Medius one of his Captains besought him to come to a banquet to him at his lodging. Alexander went thither, and drank there all that night and the next day, so that he got an ague by it. Alexander fell sick of an ague. But that came not (as some writ) by drinking up Hercules cup all at a drawght: neither for the sudden pain he felt between his shoulders, as if he had been thrust into the back with a spear. For all these were thought to be written by some, for lies and fables, because they would have made the end of this great tragedy lamentable and pitiful. But Aristobulus writeth, Arsitobulus report of the sickness and death of Alexander. that he had such an extreme fever and thirst withal, that he drank wine, & after that fell a raving, & at the length died the thirty day of the month of june. In his household book of things passed daily, it is written, that his fever being upon him, he slept in his hottehouse on the eighteenth day of june. The next morning after he was come out of his hottehouse, he went into his chamber, and passed away all that day with Medius, playing at dice: and at night very late, after he had bathed himself and sacrificed unto the gods, he fell to meat, and had his fever that night. And the twenty day also, bathing himself again, and making his ordinary sacrifice to the gods, he did sit down to eat within his stove, hearkening unto Nearobus that told him strange things he had seen in the great sea Oceanum. The one and twenty day also having done the like as before, he was much more inflamed than he had been, & felt himself very ill all night, and the next day following in a great fever: and on that day he made his bed to be removed, and to be set up by the fish ponds, where he commoned with his captains touching certain rooms that were voided in his army, and commanded them not to place any men that were not of good experience. The three and twenty day having an extreme fever upon him, he was carried unto the sacrifices, and commanded that his chiefest Captains only should remain in his lodging, and that the other meaner sort, as centiniers or Lieutenants of bands, that they should watch & ward without. The four and twenty day, he was carried unto the other palace of the kings, which is on tother side of the lake, where he slept a little, but the fever never left him: & when his Captains & noble men came to do him humble reverence, & to see him, he lay speechless. So did he the five and twenty day also: insomuch as the MACEDONIANS thought he was dead. Then they came & knocked at the palace gate, & cried out unto his friends and familiars, and threatened them, so that they were compelled to open them the gate. Thereupon the gates were opened, & they coming in their gowns went unto his bed side to see him. That self day Python & Seleucus were appointed by the king's friends to go to the temple of the god Serapis, to know if they should bring king Alexander thither. The god answered them, that they should not remove him from thence. The eight and twenty day at night Alexander died. The death of Alexander the great. Thus it is written word for word in manner, in the household book of remembrance. At that present time, there was no suspicion that he was poisoned. Yet they say, that six years after, there appeared some proof that he was poisoned. Whereupon his mother Olympias put many men to death, and cast the ashes of jolas' into the wind, that was dead before, for that it was said he gave him poison in his drink. They that think it was Aristotle that counseled Antipater to do it, Aristotle suspected for the poisoning of Alexander. by whose mean the poison was brought: they say that Agnothemis reporred it, having heard it of king Antigonus own mouth. The poison (as some say) was cold as Ice, and falleth from a rock in the territory of the city of NONACRIS, & it is gathered as they would gather a dew into the horn of the foot of an ass, for there is no other kind of thing that will keep it, it is so extreme cold & piercing. Others defend it, & say, that the report of his poisoning is untrue: & for proof thereof they allege this reason, which is of no small importance, that is: That the chiefest Captains fell at great variance after his death, so that the corpse of Alexander remained many days naked without burial, in a hot dry country, & yet there never appeared any sign or token upon his body, that he was poisoned, but was still a clean and fair corpse as could be. Alexander left Roxane great with child, for the which the MACEDONIANS did her great honour: but she did malice Statira extremely, & did finely deceive her by a counterfeit letter she sent, as if it had comen from Alexander, willing her to come unto him. But when she was come, Roxane killed her and her sister, Statira slain by Roxane. and then threw their bodies into a well, and filled it up with earth, by Perdiccas' help and consent. Perdiccas came to be king, immediately after Alexander's death, by means of Aridaeus, whom he kept about him for his guard and safety. This Aridaeus, being borne of a common strumpet and common woman, Aridaeus, Alexander's bastard brother. called Philinna, was half lunatic, not by nature nor by chance: but, as it is reported, put out of his wits when he was a young towardly boy, by drinks, which Olympias caused to be given him, and thereby continued frantic. The end of Alexander's life. THE LIFE OF julius Caesar. AT what time Sylla was made Lord of all, he would have had Caesar put away his wife Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna Dictator: Caesar joined with Cinna & Marius. but when he saw, he could neither with any promise nor threat bring him to it, he took her jointer away from him. The cause of Caesar's ill will unto Sylla, was by means of marriage: for Marius' th'elder, married his fathers own sister, by whom he had Marius the younger, whereby Caesar & he were cousin germans. Sylla being troubled in weighty matters, putting to death so many of his enemies, when he came to be conqueror, he made no reckoning of Caesar: but he was not contented to be hidden in safety, but came and made suit unto the people for the Priesthoodshippe that was void, when he had scant any hear on his face. Howbeit he was repulsed by Sulla's means, that secretly was against him. Who, when he was determined to have killed him, some of his friends told him, that it was to no purpose to put so young a boy as he to death. But Sylla told them again, that they did not consider that there were many Marians in that young boy. Caesar understanding that, stolen out of ROME, and hid himself a long time in the country of the SABINES, wandering still from place to place. But one day being carried from house to house, he fell into the hands of Sulla's soldiers, who searched all those places, and took them whom they found hidden. Caesar bribed the Captain, whose name was Cornelius, with two talents which he gave him. After he had escaped them thus, he went unto the sea side, and took ship, and sailed into BYTHINIA to go unto king Nicomedes. Caesar took sea, and went unto Nicomedes, king of Bythinia. When he had been with him a while, he took sea again, and was taken by pirates about the isle of PHARMACUSA: for those pirates kept all upon that sea coast, with a great fleet of ships and boats. They ask him at the first twenty talents for his ransom, Caesar taken of pirate. Caesar laughed them to scorn, as though they knew not what a man they had taken, & of himself promised them fifty talents. Then he sent his men up and down to get him this money, so that he was left in manner alone among these thieves of the CILICIANS, (which are the cruelest butchers in the world) with one of his friends, and two of his slaves only: and yet he made so little reckoning of them, that when he was desirous to sleep, he sent unto them to command them to make no noise. Thus was he eight and thirty days among them, not kept as prisoner, but rather waited upon by them as a Prince. All this time he would boldly exercise himself in any sport or pastime they would go to. And other while also he would write verses, and make orations, and call them together to say them before them: and if any of them seemed as though they had not understood him, or passed not for them, he called them blockeheades, and brute beasts, and laughing, threatened them that he would hung them up. But they were as merry with the matter as could be, and took all in good part, thinking that this his bold speech came, through the simplicity of his youth. So when his ransom was come from the city of MILETUM, they being paid their money, and he again set at liberty: he then presently armed, and manned out certain ships out of the haven of MILETUM, to follow those thieves, whom he found yet riding at anchor in the same Island. So he took the most of them, & had the spoil of their goods, but for their bodies, he brought them into the city of PERGAMUM, & there committed them to prison, whilst he himself went to speak with junius, junius Praetor of Asia. who had the government of ASIA, as unto whom the execution of these pirates did belong, for that he was Praetor of that country. But this Praetor having a great fancy to be fingering of the money, because there was good store of it: answered, that he would consider of these prisoners at better leisure. Caesar leaving junius there, returned again unto PERGAMUM, and there hung up all these thieves openly upon a cross, as he had oftentimes promised them in the isle he would do, when they thought he did but jest. Afterwards when Sulla's power began to decay, Caesar's friends wrote unto him, to pray him to come home again. But he sailed first unto RHODES, to study there a time under Apollonius the son of Molon, whose scholar also Cicero was, for he was a very honest man, & an excellent good Rhetorician. It is reported that Caesar had an excellent natural gift to speak well before the people, & besides that rare gift, he was excellently well studied, so that doubtless he was counted the second man for eloquence in his time, Caesar eloquence. and gave place to the first, because he would be the first and chiefest man of war and authority, being not yet comen to the degree of perfection to speak well, which his nature could have performed in him, because he was given rather to follow wars and to manage great matters, which in th'end brought him to be Lord of all ROME. And therefore in a book he wrote against that which Cicero made in the praise of Cato, he prayeth the readers not to compare the style of a soldier, with the eloquence of an excellent Orator, that had followed it the most part of his life. When he was returned again unto ROME, he accused Dolabella for his ill behaviour in the government of his province, and he had divers cities of GRAECE that gave in evidence against him. Notwithstanding, Dolabella at the length was dismissed. Caesar, to requited the good will of the GRECIANS, which they had showed him in his accusation of Dolabella, took their cause in hand, when they did accuse Publius Antonius before Marcus Lucullus, Praetor of MACEDON: and followed it so hard against him in their behalf, that Antonius was driven to appeal before the Tribunes at ROME, alleging, to colour his appeal withal, that he could have no justice in GRAECE against the GRECIANS. Now Caesar immediately won many men's good wills at ROME, through his eloquence, in pleading of their causes: and the people loved him marvelously also, because of the courteous manner he had to speak to every man, and to use them gently, being more ceremonious therein, then was looked for in one of his years. Furthermore, Caesar loved hospitality. he ever kept a good board, and fared well at his table, and was very liberal beside: the which in deed did advance him forward, Caesar a follower of the people. and brought him in estimation with the people. His enemies judging that this favour of the common people would soon quail, when he could no longer hold out that charge and expense: suffered him to run on, till by little and little he was grown to be of great strength & power. But in fine, when they had thus given him the bridle to grow to this greatness, and that they could not then pull him back, though in deed in sight it would turn one day to the destruction of the whole state and common wealth of ROME: too late they found, that there is not so little a beginning of any thing, but continuance of time will soon make it strong, when through contempt there is no impediment to hinder the greatness. Thereupon, Cicero like a wise shipmaster that feareth the calmness of the sea, was the first man that mistrusting his manner of dealing in the common wealth, found out his craft & malice, which he cunningly cloaked under the habit of outward courtesy and familiarity. And yet, Cicero's judgement of Caesar. said he, when I consider how finely he combeth his fair bush of hear, and how smooth it lieth, and that I see him scrat his head with one finger only: my mind gives me then, that such a kind of man should not have so wicked a thought in his head, as to overthrow the state of the common wealth. But this was long time after that. The first show and proof of the love and good will which the people did bear unto Caesar, was: The love of the people in Rome was Caesar. when he sued to be Tribune of the soldiers (to wit, Colonel of a thousand footmen) standding against Caius Pompilius, at what time he was preferred and chosen before him. But the second & more manifest proof then the first, was at the death of his aunt julia, Caesar chosen Tribunus militum. the wife of Marius the elder. For being her nephew, he made a solemn oration in the market place in commendation of her, and at her burial did boldly venture to show forth the images of Marius: Caesar made the funeral oration, at the death of his aunt julia. the which was the first time that they were seen after Sulla's victory, because that Marius and all his confederates had been proclaimed traitors and enemies to the common wealth. For when there were some that cried out upon Caesar for doing of it: the people on tother side kept a stir, and rejoiced at it, clapping of their hands, and thanked him, for that he had brought as it were out of hell, the remembrance of Marius' honour again into ROME, which had so long time been obscured & buried. And where it had been an ancient custom of long time, that the ROMANS used to make funeral orations in praise of old Ladies and matrons when they died, but not of young women: Caesar was the first that praised his own wife with funeral oration when she was dead, Caesar the first that praised his wife in funeral oration. the which also did increase the people's good wills the more, seeing him of so kind & gentle nature. After the burial of his wife, he was made Treasurer, Caesar made Questor. under Antistius Vetus Praetor, whom he honoured ever after: so that when himself came to be Praetor, he made his son to be chosen Treasurer. Afterwards, when he was come out of that office, he married his third wife Pompeia, having a daughter by his first wife Cornelia, Pompeia, Caesar's third wife. which was married unto Pompey the great. Now for that he was very liberal in expenses, buying (as some thought) but a vain and short glory of the favour of the people: (where in deed he bought good cheap the greatest things that could be.) Some say, that before he bore any office in the common wealth, he was grown in debt, to the sum of thirteen hundred talentes. Furthermore, because he was made overseer of the work, for the high way going unto Appius, he disbursed a great sum of his own money towards the charges of the same. And on the other side, when he was made AEdilis, for that he did show the people the pastime of three hundred & twenty couple of sword players, and did beside exceed all other in sumptuousness in the sports and common feasts which he made to delight them withal: (and did as it were drown all the stately shows of others in the like, Caesar's prodigality. that had gone before him) he so pleased the people, & won their love therewith, that they devised daily to give him new offices for to requited him. At that time there were two factions in ROME, to wit, the faction of Sylla, which was very strong and of great power, & the other of Marius, which then was under foot & durst not show itself. But Caesar, because he would renew it again, even at that time when he being AEdilis, all the feasts and common sports were in their greatest ruff: he secretly caused images of Marius to be made, and of victories that carried triumphs, and those he set up one night within the Capitol. The next morning when every man saw the glistering of these golden images excellently well wrought, showing by the inscriptions, that they were the victories which Marius had won upon the CIMBRES: every one marveled much at the boldness of him that durst set them up there, knowing well enough who it was. hereupon, it ran strait through all the city, Caesar accused to make a rebellion in the state. and every man came thither to see them. Then some cried out upon Caesar, and said it was a tyranny which he meant to set up, by renewing of such honours as before had been trodden under foot, and forgotten, by common decree and open proclamation: and that it was no more but a bait to gauge the people's good wills, which he had set out in the stately shows of his common plays, to see if he had brought them to his lure, that they would abide such parts to be played, and a new alteration of things to be made. They of Marius' faction on tother side, encouraging one an other, showed themselves strait a great number gathered together, and made the mount of the Capitol ring again with their cries and clapping of hands: insomuch as the tears ran down many of their cheeks for very joy, when they saw the images of Marius, and they extolled Caesar to the skies, judging him the worthiest man of all the kindred of Marius. The Senate being assembled thereupon, Catulus Luctatius one of the greatest authority at that time in ROME, rose, and vehemently inveighed against Caesar, and spoke that then which ever since hath been noted much: that Caesar did not now covertly go to work, but by plain force sought to altar the state of the common wealth. Nevertheless, Caesar at that time answered him so that the Senate was satisfied. Thereupon they that had him in estimation did grow in better hope than before, & persuaded him, that hardily he should give place to no man, and that through the good will of the people, he should be better than all they, and come to be the chiefest man of the city. At that time, the chief Bishop Metellus died, The death of Metellus chief Bishop of Rome. and two of the notablest men of the city, and of greatest authority (Isauricus, and Catulus) contended for his room: Caesar notwithstanding their contention, would give neither of them both place, but presented himself to the people, and made suit for it as they did. The suit being equal betwixt either of them, Catulus, because he was a man of greater calling and dignity than the other, doubting the uncertainty of the election: sent unto Caesar a good sum of money, to make him leave of his suit. But Caesar sent him word again, that he would lend a greater sum than that, to maintain the suit against him. When the day of th'election came, his mother bringing him to the door of his house, Caesar weeping, kissed her, and said: Mother, this day thou shalt see thy son chief Bishop of ROME, or banished from ROME. In fine, when the voices of the people were gathered together, and the strife well debated: Caesar made chief Bishop of Rome. Caesar wan the victory, and made the Senate and noble men all afraid of him, for that they thought that thenceforth he would make the people do what he thought good. Caesar suspected to be confederate with Catiline in his conspiracy. Then Catulus and Piso fell flatly out with Cicero, and condemned him, for that he did not bewray Caesar, when he knew that he was of conspiracy with Catiline, and had opportunity to have done it. For when Catiline was bend and determined, not only to overthrow the state of the common wealth, but utterly to destroy the Empire of ROME, he scaped out of the hands of justice for lack of sufficient proof, before his full treason and determination was known. Notwithstanding he left Lentulus and Cethegus in the city, companions of his conspiracy: unto whom, whether Caesar did give any secret help or comfort, it is not well known. Yet this is manifest, that when they were convinced in open Senate, Cicero being at that time Consul, ask every man's opinion in the Senate, what punishment they should have, and every one of them till it came to Caesar, gave sentence they should die: Caesar then rising up to speak, Caesar went about to deliver the conspirators. made an oration (penned and premeditated before) and said, that it was neither lawful, nor yet their custom did bear it, to put men of such nobility to death (but in an extremity) without lawful indictment and condemnation. And therefore, that if they were put in prison in some city of ITALY, where Cicero thought best, until that Catiline were overthrown: the Senate then might at their pleasure quietly take such order therein, as might best appear unto their wisdoms. This opinion was thought more gentle, and withal was uttered with such a passing good grace and eloquence, that not only they which were to speak after him did approve it: but such also as had spoken to the contrary before, revoked their opinion and stuck to his, until it came to Cato and Catulus to speak. They both did sharply inveigh against him, Cato's oration against Caesar. but Cato chief: who in his oration made Caesar suspected to be of the conspiracy, and stoutly spoke against him, insomuch that the offenders were put into the hands of the officers to be put to death. Caesar coming out of the Senate, a company of young men which guarded Cicero for the safety of his person, did set upon him with their sword drawn. But some say, that Curio covered Caesar with his gown, and took him one of their hands. And Cicero self, when the young men looked upon him, beckoned with his head that they should not kill him, either fearing the fury of the people, or else that no thought it too shameful and wicked a part. But if that were true, I marvel why Cicero did not put in into his book he wrote of his consulship. But certainly they blamed him afterwards, for that he took not the opportunity offered him against Caesar, only for overmuch fear of the people, that loved him very dearly. For shortly after, when Caesar went into the Senate, to clear himself of certain presumptions and false accusations objected against him, and being bitterly taunted among them, the Senate keeping him longer than they were wont: the people came about the counsel house, and called out aloud for him, hidding them let him out. Cato then fearing the insurrection of the poor needy persons, which were they that put all their hope in Caesar, and did also moon the people to stir: did persuade the Senate to make a frank distribution of corn unto them, for a month. This distribution did put the common wealth to a new charge of five hundred & fifty myriads. This counsel quenched a present great fear, and did in happy time scatter and disperse abroad the best part of Caesar's force and power, at such time as he was made Praetor, and that for respect of his office he was most to be feared. Yet all the time he was officer, he never sought any alteration in the common wealth, but contrarily he himself had a great misfortune fell in his own house, which was this. There was a young nobleman of the order of the PATRICIANS, called Publius Clodius, who lacked neither wealth nor eloquence, but otherwise as insolent and impudenta person, as any was else in ROME. He become in love with Pompeia Caesar's wife, The love of P. Clodius unto Pompeia, Caesar's wife. who misliked not withal: notwithstanding she was so straightly looked to, and that Aurelia (Caesar's mother) an honest gentlewoman had such an eye of her, that these two lovers could not meet as they would, without great peril and difficulty. The ROMANS do use to honour a goddess which they call the good goddess, The good goddess what she was, and her sacrifices. as the GRECIANS have her whom they call Gynacia, to wit, the goddess of women. Her, the PHRYGIANS do claim to be peculiar unto them, saying: that she is king Midas mother. Howbeit the ROMANS hold opinion, that it is nymph of wood, married unto god Faunus. The GRECIANS, they say also, that she was one of the mother of the god Bacchus, whom they dare not name. And for proof hereof, on her feast day, the wommen make certain tabernacles of vine twigs, and leaves of vine branches, and also they make as the tale goeth, a holy dragon for this goddess, and do set it by her: beside, it is now lawful for any man to be present at their sacrifices, not not within in the house itself where they are made. Furthermore, they say that the women in these sacrifices do many things amongst themselves, much like unto the ceremonies of Orpheus. Now when the time of this feast came the husband, (whether he were Praetor or Consul) and all his men & the boys. In the house, do come out of it, and leave it wholly to his wife, to order the house at her pleasure, & there the sacrifices and ceremonies are done the most part of the night, and they do beside pass the night away, in songs and music. Pompeia, Caesar's wife, being that year to celebrated this feast, Clodius who had yet no hear on his face, & thereby thought he should not be bewrayeth disguised himself in a singing wenches apparel, because his face was very like unto a young wench. He finding the gates open, being secretly brought in by her chamber made that was made privy unto it: she left him, and ran to Pompeia her mistress, to tell her that he was come. The chamber maid tarried long before she came again, insomuch as Clodius being weary waiting for her where she left him, he took his pleasure, and went from one place to another in the house, which had very large rooms in it, still shunning the highe● and wasby chance met withal by one of Aurelia's maids, who taking him for a woman prayed her to play. Clodius refusing to play, the maid pulled him forward, and asked him what he was; Clodius then answered her, that he tarried for Abra one of Pompeiaes' women. So Lifetimes aid knowing him by his voice, ran strait where the lights and Ladies were, and cried out that there was a man disguised in woman's apparel. The women therewith were so amazed that Aurelia caused them presently to leave of the ●●re●lomes of the sacrifice, and to hide their secret things, and having seen the gates fast locked, went immediately ●plaind down the house with torch light to seek out this man who at the last was found out in the chamber of Pompeiaes' maid, with whom he hid himself. Thus Clodius being found out, Clodius taken in the sacrifices of the good goddess. & known of the women: they thrust him out of the doors by the shoulders. The same night 〈…〉 women told their husbands of this chance as soon as they came home. The next morning, there ran a great rumour through the city, how Clodius had attempted a great villainy, and that he deserved, not only to be punished of them whom he had slandered, but also of the common wealth and the gods. Clodius accused for profaning the sacrifices of the good goddess. There was one of the Tribunes of the people that did indire him, & accuse him of high treason to the gods. Furthermore, there were also of the chiefest of the nobility and Senate, that came to depose against him, and burdened him with many horrible and detestable facts, and specially with incest committed with his own sister, which was married unto Lucullus. Notwithstanding, the people stoutly defended Clodius against their accusations: and this did help him much against the judges, which were amazed, & afraid to stir the people. This notwithstanding, Caesar presently put his wife away, Caesar putteth away his wife Pompeia. and thereupon being brought by Clodius accuser to be a witness against him, he answered, he knew nothing of that they objected against Clodius. This answer being clean contrary to their expectation that heard it, the accuser asked Caesar, why then he had put away his wife: because I will not, said he, that my wife be so much as suspected. And some say, that Caesar spoke truly as he thought. But others think, that he did it to please the common people, who were very desirous to save Clodius. Clodius quit by the judges for profaning the sacrifices of the good goddess. So Clodius was discharged of this accusation, because the most part of the judges gave a confused judgement, for the fear they stood one way of the danger of the common people if they condemned him: and for the ill opinion of another side of the nobility, if they did quit him. The government of the province of SPAIN being fallen unto Caesar for that he was Praetor: his creditors came and cried out upon him, and were importunate of him to be paid. Caesar being unable to satisfy them, Caesar Praetor of Spain. was compelled to go unto Croesus, who was the richest man of all ROME, and that stood in need of Caesar's boldness and courage to withstand Pompey's greatness in the common wealth. Crassus' become his surety unto his greediest creditors for the sum of eight hundred and thirty talentes: Crassus' surety for Caesar to his creditors. whereupon they, suffered Caesar to depart to the government of his province. In his journey it is reported, that passing over the mountains of the Alps, they came through a little poor village that had not many households, and yet poor cottages. There, his friends that did accompany him, asked him merrily, if there were any contending for offices in that town, and whether there were any strife there amongst the noble men for honour. Caesar speaking in good earnest, answered: I can not tell that said he, but for my part, I had rather be the chiefest man herd, than the second person in ROME. another time also when he was in SPAIN, reading the history of Alexander's acts, when he had read it, he was sorrowful a good while after, & then burst●●● in weeping. His friends seeing that, marveled what should be the cause of his sorrow. He answered them, do ye not think said he, that I have good cause to be heavy, when king Alexander being no older than myself is now, had in old time won so many nations and countries, and that I hitherunto have done nothing worthy of myself? Therefore when he was come into SPAIN, Caesar's acts in Spain. he was very careful of his business, and had in few days joined ten new ensigns more of footmen, unto the other twenty which he had before. Then marching forward against the CALLAECIANS and Lusitanians, he conquered all, & went as far as the great sea Oceanum, subduing all the people which before knew not the ROMANS for their Lords. There he took order for pacifying of the war, and did as wisely take order for the establishing of peace. For he did reconcile the cities together, and made them friends one with an other, but specially he pacified all suits of law, & strife, betwixt the debtors and creditors, Caesar order betwixt the creditor and debtor. which grew by reason of usury. For he ordained that the creditors should take yearly two parts of the revenue of their debtors, until such time as they had paid themselves: and that the debtors should have the third part to themselves to live withal. He having won great estimation by this good order taken, returned from his government very rich, and his soldiers also full of rich spoils, Caesar soldiers called him Imperator who called him Imperator, to say sovereign Captain Now the ROMANS having a custom, that such as demanded honour of triumph, should remain a while without the city, and that they on tother side which sued for the Consulship, should of necessity be there in person: Caesar coming unhappily at that very time when the Consuls were chosen, he sent to pray the Senate to do him that favour, that being absent, he might by his friends sue for the consulship. Cato at the first did vehemently inveigh against it, vowching an express law forbidding the contrary. But afterwards, perceiving that notwithstanding the reasons he alleged, many of the Senators (being won by Caesar) favoured his request: yet he cunningly sought all he could to prevent them, prolonging time, dilating his oration until night. Caesar thereupon determined rather to give over the suit of his triumph, and to make suit for the consulship: and so came into the city, and had such a devise with him, as went beyond them all, but Cato only. His devise was this, Pompey and Crassus, Caesar reconcileth Pompey and Crassus together. two of the greatest personages of the city of ROME, being at jar together, Caesar made them friends, and by that means got unto himself the power of them both: for, by colour of that gentle act and friendship of his, he subtly (unwares to them all) did greatly altar and change the state of the common wealth. For it was not the private discord between Pompey and Caesar, as many men thought, that caused the civil war: but rather it was their agreement together, who joined all their powers first to overthrow the state of the Senate and nobility, and afterwards they fell at jar one with an other. But Cato, that then foresaw and prophesied many times what would follow, was taken but for a vain man: but afterwards they found him a wiser man, then happy in his counsel. Thus Caesar being brought unto the assembly of the election, in the midst of these two noble persons, Cato's foresight and prophecy. whom he had before reconciled together: he was there chosen Consul, with Calphurnius Bibulus, Caesar's first Consulship with Calphurnius Bibulus. without gain saying or contradiction of any man. Now when he was entered into his office, he began to put forth laws meeter for a seditious Tribune of the people, than for a Consul: because by them he preferred the division of lands, and distributing of corn to every citizen, Gratis, to please them withal. But when the noble men of the Senate were against his devise, Caesar's laws, Lex agraria. he desiring no better occasion, began to cry out, and to protest, that by the overhardnesse and austerity of the Senate, they drove him against his will to lean unto the people: and thereupon having Crassus on th'one side of him, and Pompey on tother, he asked them openly in thassembly, if they did give their consent unto the laws which he had put forth. They both answered, they did. Then he prayed them to stand by him against those that threatened him with force of sword to let him. Crassus' gave him his word, he would. Pompey also did the like, and added thereunto, that he would come with his sword and target both, against them that would withstand him with their swords. These words offended much the Senate, being far unmeet for his gravity, and undecent for the majesty and honour he carried, and most of all uncomely for the presence of the Senate whom he should have reverenced: and were speeches fit for a rash light headed youth, than for his person. Howbeit the common people on tother side, they rejoiced. Then Caesar because he would be more assured of Pompey's power and friendship, he gave him his daughter julia in marriage, Caesar married his daughter julia unto Pompey. which was made sure before unto Servilius Caepio, and promised him in exchange Pompey's wife, the which was sure also unto Faustus the son of Sylla. And shortly after also, Caesar self did marry Calphurnia the daughter of Piso, Caesar married Calphurnia the daughter of Piso. whom he caused to be made Consul, to succeed him the next year following. Cato then cried out with open mouth, and called the gods to witness, that it was a shameful matter, and not to be suffered, that they should in that sort make havoc of the Empire of ROME, by such horrible bawdy matches, distributing among themselves through those wicked marriages, the governments of the provinces, and of great armies. Calphurnius Bibulus, fellow Consul with Caesar, perceiving that he did contend in vain, making all the resistance he could to withstand this law, and that oftentimes he was in danger to be slain with Cato, in the market place and assembly: he kept close in his house all the rest of his consulship. When Pompey had married julia, he filled all the market place with soldiers, Pompey by force of arms authorized Caesar's laws. & by open force authorised the laws which Caesar made in the behalf of the people. Furthermore, he procured that Caesar had GAUL on this side, and beyond the Alps, and all ILLYRIA, with four legions granted him for five years. Then Cato standing up to speak against it: Caesar bade his officers lay hold of him, and carry him to prison, Caesar sent Cato to prison. thinking he would have appealed unto the Tribunes. But Cato said never a word, when he went his way. Caesar perceiving then, that not only the Senators and nobility were offended, but that the common people also for the reverence they bore unto Cato's virtues, were ashamed, and went away with silence: he himself secretly did pray one of the Tribunes that he would take Cato from the officers. But after he had played this part, there were few Senators that would be Precedent of the Senate under him, but left the city, because they could not away with his doings. And of them, there was an old man called Considius, that on a time boldly told him, the rest durst not come to counsel, because they were afraid of his soldiers. Caesar answered him again: and why then, dost not thou keep thee at home, for the same fear? Considius replied, because my age taketh away fear from me: for having so short a time to live, I have no care to prolong it further. The shamefullest part that Caesar played while he was Consul, seemeth to be this: when he chose P. Clodius Tribune of the people, that had offered his wife such dishonour, and profaned the holy ancient mysteries of the women, which were celebrated in his own house. Clodius sued to be Tribune to no other end, but to destroy Cicero: Caesar by Clodius, drove Cicero out of Italy. & Caesar self also departed not from ROME to his army, before he had set them together by the ears, and driven Cicero out of ITALY. All these things they say he did, before the wars with the GAULES. But the time of the great armies & conquests he made afterwards, & of the war in the which he subdued all the GAULES (entering into an other course of life far contrary unto the first) made him to be known for as valiant a soldier & as excellent a Captain to lead men, Caesar, a valiant soldier, and a skilful Captain. as those that afore him had been counted the wisest and most valiantest generals that ever were, and that by their valiant deeds had achieved great honour. For whosoever would compare the house of the Fabians, of the Scipios, of the Metellians, yea those also of his own time, or long before him, as Sylla, Marius, the two Lucullians, and Pompey self, Whose fame ascendeth up unto the heavens: It will appear that Caesar's prows and deeds of arms, did excel them all together. The one, in the hard countries where he made wars: an other, in enlarging the realms and countries which he joined unto the Empire of ROME: an other, in the multitude and power of his enemies whom he overcame: an other, in the rudeness and austere nature of men with whom he had to do, whose manners afterwards he softened and made civil: an other, in courtesy and clemency which he used unto them whom he had conquered: an other in great bounty and liberality bestowed upon them that served him in those wars: and in fine, he excelled them all in the number of battles he had fought, and in the multitude of his enemies he had slain in battle. For in less than ten years war in GAUL he took by force and assault above eight hundred towns, Caesar's conquests in Gaul. he conquered three hundred several nations: and having before him in battle thirty hundred thousand soldiers, at sundry times he slew ten hundred thousand of them, & took as many more prisoners. Furthermore, he was so entirely beloved of his soldiers, that to do him service (where otherwise they were no more than other men in any private quarrel) if Caesar's honour were touched, The love and respect of Caesar's soldiers unto him. they were invincible, & would so desperately venture themselves, & with such fury, that no man was able to abide them. And this appeareth plainly by the example of Acilius: who in a battle by sea before the city of MARSELLES, boarding one of his enemy's ships, one cut of his right hand with a sword, but yet he forsook not his target which he had in his left hand, but thrust it in his enemy's faces, & made them fly, so that he wan their ship from them. And Cassius Scaeva also, The wonderful valiantness of Acilius, Cassius Scava, & divers others of Caesar's soldiers. in a conflict before the city of DYRRACHIUM, having one of his eyes put out with an arrow, his shoulder stricken through with a dart, and his thigh with an other, and having received thirty arrows upon his shield: he called to his enemies, and made as though he would yield unto them. But when two of them came running to him, he clave one of their shoulders from his body with his sword, and hurt the other in the face: so that he made him turn his back, & at the length saved himself, by means of his companions that came to help him. And in BRITAIN also, when the Captains of the bands were driven into a marrisse or bog full of mire and dirt, and that the enemies did fiercely assail them there: Caesar than standing to view the battle, he saw a private soldier of his thrust in among the Captains, and fought so valiantly in their defence, that at the length he drove the barbarous people to fly, and by his means saved the Captains, which otherwise were in great danger to have been cast away. Then this soldier being the hindemost man of all the Captains, marching with great pain through the mire & dirt, half swimming, and half a foot: in the end got to the other side, but left his shield behind him. Caesar wondering at his noble courage, ran to him with joy to embrace him. But the poor soldier hanging down his head, the water standing in his eyes, fell down at Caesar's feet, and besought him to pardon him, for that he had left his target behind him. And in AFRICA also, Scipio having taken one of Caesar's ships, and Granius Petronius abourde on her amongst other, Granius Petronius. not long before chosen Treasurer: he put all the rest to the sword but him, and said he would give him his life. But Petronius answered him again: that Caesar's soldiers did not use to have their lives given them, but to give others their lives: and with those words he drew his sword, and thrust himself through. Now Caesar's self did breed this noble courage and life in them. First, for that he gave them bountifully, & did honour them also, showing thereby, that he did not heap up riches in the wars to maintain his life afterwards in wantonness and pleasure, but that he did keep it in store, honourably to reward their valiant service: and that by so much he thought himself rich, by how much he was liberal in rewarding of them that had deserved it. Furthermore, they did not wonder so much at his valiantness in putting himself at every instant in such manifest danger, and in taking so extreme pains as he did, knowing that it was his greedy desire of honour that set him a fire, and pricked him forward to do it: but that he always continued all labour and hardness, more than his body could bear, that filled them all with admiration. For, concerning the constitution of his body, he was lean, white, and soft skinned, and often subject to headache, and otherwhile to the falling sickness: Caesar had the falling sickness. (the which took him the first time, as it is reported, in CORDUBA, a city of SPAIN) but yet therefore yielded not to the disease of his body, to make it a cloak to cherish him withal, but contrarily, took the pains of war, as a medicine to cure his sick body fight always with his disease, traveling continually, living soberly, and commonly lying abroad in the field. For the most nights he slept in his coach or litter, and thereby bestowed his rest, to make him always able to do some thing: and in the day time, he would travel up and down the country to see towns, castles, and strong places. He had always a secretary with him in his coach, who did still write as he went by the way, and a soldier behind him that carried his sword. He made such speed the first time he came from ROME, when he had his office: that in eight days, he came to the river of Rhone. He was so excellent a rider of horse from his youth, that holding his hands behind him, he would gallop his horse upon the spurt. In his wars in GAUL, he did further exercise himself to indite letters as he road by the way, and did occupy two secretaries at once with as much as they could write: and as Opius writeth more than two at a time. And it is reported, that Caesar was the first that devised friends might talk together by writing ciphers in letters, when he had no leisure to speak with them for his urgent business, and for the great distance beside from ROME. How little account Caesar made of his diet, The temperance of Caesar in his diet. this example doth prove it. Caesar supping one night in MILANE with his friend Valerius Leo, there was served sparrage to his board, and oil of perfume put into it in stead of salad oil. He simply eat it, and found no fault, Caesar civility not to blame his friend. blaming his friends that were offended: and told them, that it had been enough for them to have abstained to eat of that they misliked, and not to shame their friend, and how that he lacked good manner that found fault with his friend. another time as he traveled through the country, he was driven by fowl weather on the sudden to take a poor man's cottage, that had but one little cabin in it, and that was so narrow, that one man could but scarce lie in it. Then he said to his friends that were about him: greatest rooms are meetest for greatest men, and the most necessary rooms, for the sickest persons. And thereupon he caused Opius that was sick to lie there all night: and he himself, with the rest of his friends, lay with our doors, under the easing of the house. The first war that Caesar made with the GAULES, was with the HELVETIANS and TIGURINIANS, who having set of all their good cities, to the number of twelve, and four hundred villages beside, came to invade that part of GAUL which was subject to the ROMANS, as the CIMBRI and TEUTONS had done before: unto whom for valiantness they gave no place, & they were also a great number of them (for they were three hundred thousand souls in all) whereof there were a hundred, four score, and ten thousand fight men. Of those, it was not Caesar himself that overcame the TIGURINIANS, The Tigurinians slain by Labienus Arax fl. but Labienus his Lieutenant, that overthrew them by the river of Arax. But the HELVETIANS themselves came suddenly with their army to set upon him, as he was going towards a city of his confederates. Caesar perceiving that, made haste to get him some place of strength, and there did set his men in battle ray. Caesar refused his horse, when he sought a battle. When one brought him his horse to get up on which he used in battle, he said unto them: when I have overcome mine enemies, I will then get up on him to follow the chase, but now let us give them charge. Therewith he marched forward a foot, The Helvetians slain by Caesar. and gave charge: and there sought it out a long time, before he could make them fly that were in battle. But the greatest trouble he had, was to distress their camp, and to break their strength which they had made with their carts. For there, they that before had fled from the battle, did not only put themselves in force, and valiantly fought it out: but their wives and children also fight for their lives to the death, were all slain, and the battle was scant ended at midnight. Now if the act of this victory was famous, unto that he also added an other as notable, or exceeding it. For of all the barbarous people that had escaped from this battle, he gathered together again above a hundred thousand of them, and compelled them to return home into their country which they had forsaken, and unto their towns also which they had burnt: because he feared the GERMANS would come over the river of Rheyne, Rheynus fl.. and occupy that country lying void. The second war he made, was in defence of the GAULES against the GERMANS: although before, he himself had caused Ariovistus their king, Caesar made war with king Ariovistus. to be received for a confederate of the ROMANS. Notwithstanding, they were grown very unquiet neighbours, and it appeared plainly, that having any occasion offered them to enlarge their territories, they would not content them with their own, but meant to invade and possess the rest of GAUL. Caesar perceiving that some of his Captains trembled for fear, but specially the young gentlemen of noble houses of ROME, who thought to have gone to the wars with him, as only for their pleasure and gain: he called them to counsel, and commanded them that were afraid, that they should departed home, and not put themselves in danger against their wills, sith they had such womanish faint hearts to shrink when he had need of them. And for himself, he said, he would set upon the barbarous people, though he had left him but the tenth legion only, saying, that the enemies were no vallianter than the CIMBRI had been, nor that he was a Captain inferior unto Marius. This oration being made, the soldiers of the tenth legion sent their lieutenants unto him, to thank him for the good opinion he had of them: and the other legions also fell out with their Captains, and all of them together followed him many days journey with good will to serve him, until they came within two hundred furlongs of the camp of the enemies. Ariovistus courage was well cooled, when he saw Caesar was come, and that the ROMANS came to seek out the GERMANS, where they thought, and made account, that they durst not have abidden them: and therefore nothing mistrusting it would have come so to pass, he wondered much at Caesar's courage, and the more when he saw his own army in a maze withal. But much more did their courages fall, The wise women of Germany how they did foretell things to come. by reason of the foolish women prophesiers they had among them, which did foretell things to come: who, considering the waves and trouble of the rivers, and the terrible noise they made running down the stream, did forewarn them not to fight, until the new moon. Caesar having intelligence thereof, and perceiving that the barbarous people thereupon stirred not: thought it best then to set upon them, being discouraged with this superstitious fear, rather than losing time, he should tarry their leisure. So he did skirmish with them even to their forts, and little hills where they lay, and by this means provoked them so, that with great fury they came down to fight. There he overcame them in battle, King Ariovistus overthrown by Caesar. and followed them in chase, with great slaughter, three hundred furlong, even unto the river of Rhine: and he filled all the fields thitherto with dead bodies and spoils. Howbeit Ariovistus flying with speed, got over the river of Rhine, and escaped with a few of his men. It is said that there were slain four score thousand persons at this battle. After this exploit, Caesar left his army amongst the SEQVANES to winter there: & he himself in the mean time, thinking of th'affairs at ROME, went over the mountains into GAUL about the river of Po, being part of his province which he had in charge. For there, the river called Rubico, divideth the rest of ITALY from GAUL on this side the Alps. Caesar lying there, did practise to make friends in ROME, because many came thither to see him: unto whom he granted their suits they demanded, and sent them home also, partly with liberal rewards, and partly with large promises and hope. Now during all this conquest of the GAULES, Pompey did not consider how Caesar enterchaungeablie did conquer the GAULES with the weapons of the ROMANS, and wan the ROMANS again with the money of the GAULES. Caesar being advertised that the BELGAE (which were the warlikest men of all the GAULES, and that occupied the third part of GAUL) were all up in arms, and had raised a great power of men together: he strait made towards them with all possible speed, and found them spoiling and overrunninge the country of the GAULES, their neighbours, and confederates of the ROMANS. So he gave them battle, The Belgae overcome by Caesar. and they fight cowardly, he overthrew the most part of them which were in a troop together, & slew such a number of them, that the ROMANS passed over deep rivers and lakes a foot, upon their dead bodies, the rivers were so full of them. After this overthrow, they that dwelled nearest unto the sea side, and were next neighbours unto the Ocean, did yield themselves without any compulsion or fight: whereupon, he led his army against the NERVIANS, Neruij the slowtest warriors of all the Belgae. the slowtest warriors of all the BELGAE. They dwelling in the wood country, had conveyed their wives, children and goods, into a marvelous great forest, as far from their enemies as they could: and being about the number of six score thousand fight men and more, they came one day and set upon Caesar, when his army was out of order, and fortifying of his camp, little looking to have fought that day. At the first charge, they broke the horsemen of the ROMANS, and compassing in the twelfth & seventh legion, they slew all the Centurions & Captains of the bands. And had not Caesar self taken his shield on his arm, and flying in amongst the barbarous people, made a lane through them that fought before him: & the tenth legion also seeing him in danger, run unto him from the top of the hill where they stood in battle, and broken the ranks of their enemies: there had not a ROMAN escaped alive that day. But taking example of Caesar's valiantness, they fought desperately beyond their power, and yet could not make the NERVIANS fly, The Neruij slain by Caesar. but they fought it out to the death, till they were all in manner slain in the field. It is written that of three score thousand fight men, there escaped only but five hundred: and of four hundred gentlemen and counsellors of the ROMANS, but three saved. The Senate understanding it at ROME, ordained that they should do sacrifice unto the gods, and keep feasts and solemn processions fifteen days together without intermission, having never made the like ordinance at ROME, for any victory that ever was obtained. Because they saw the danger had been marvelous great, so many nations rising as they did in arms together against him: and further, the love of the people unto him made his victory much more famous. For when Caesar had set his affairs at a stay in GAUL, on the other side of the Alps: he always used to lie about the river of Po in the winter time, to give direction for the establishing of things at ROME, at his pleasure. For, not only they that made sure for offices at ROME were chosen Magistrate, by means of Caesar's money which he gave them, with the which, bribing the people, they bought their voices, and when they were in office, did all that they could to increase Caesar's power and greatness: The great Lords of Rome, come to Luca to Caesar but the greatest & chiefest men also of the nobility, went unto LUKE unto him. As Pompey, Crassus, Appius Praetor of SARDINIA, and Nepos, Proconsul in SPAIN. Insomuch that there were at one time, six score sergeants carrying rods and axes before the Magistrates: and above two hundred Senators beside. There they fell in consultation, and determined that Pompey & Crassus should again be chosen Consuls the next year following. Furthermore, they did appoint, that Caesar should have money again delivered him to pay his army, and beside, did prorogue the time of his government, five years further. This was thought a very strange & an unreasonable matter unto wise men. For they themselves that had taken so much money of Caesar, persuaded the Senate to let him have money of the common treasure, as though he had had none before yea to speak more plainly, they compelled the Senate unto it, sighing & lamenting to see the decrees they passed, Cato was not there then, for they had purposely sent him before into CYPRUS? Howbeit Faonius that followed Cato's steps, when he saw that he could not prevail, not withstand them: he went out of the Senate in choler, and cried out amongst the people, that it was a horrible shame. But no man did harken to him: some for the reverence they bore unto Pompey, and Crassus, and others favouring Caesars proceedings, did put all their hope and trust in him: and therefore did quiet themselves, and stirred not. Then Caesar returning into GAUL beyond the Alps unto his army, found there a great war in the country. For two great nations of GERMANY had not long before passed over the river of Rhine, to conquer new lands: and the one of these people were called IPES, and the other TENTERIDES. Ipes, & Tenterides, people of Germany. Now touching the battle which Caesar fought with them, he himself doth describe it in his commentaries, in this sort. That the barbarous people having sent Ambassadors unto him, to require peace for a certain time: they notwithstanding, against law of arms, came and set upon him as he traveled by the way, insomuch as eight hundred of their men of arms overthrew five thousand of his horsemen, Caesar's horsemen put to flight. who nothing at all mistrusted their coming. Again, that they sent him other Ambassadors to mock him once more: but that he kept them, and therewith caused his whole army to march against them, thinklng it a folly, and madness, to keep saith with such traitorous barbarous breakers of leagues. Canutius writeth, that the Senate appointing again to do new sacrifice, processions, and feasts, to give thanks to the gods for this victory: Cato was of contrary opinion, that Caesar should be delivered into the hands of the barbarous people, for to purge their city and common wealth of this breach of faith, and to turn the curse upon him, that was the author of it. Of these barbarous people, which came over the Rhine (being about the number of four hundred thousand persons) they were all in manner slain, The Ipes and Tenterides slain by Caesar. saving a very few of them, that flying from the battle got over the river of Rhine again, who were received by the SICAMBRIANS, Sicambri, a people of the Germans. an other people of the GERMANS. Caesar taking this occasion against them, lacking no good will of himself beside, to have the honour to be counted the first ROMAN that ever passed over the river of Rhine with an army: Caesar made a bridge over the river of Rhine. he built a bridge over it. This river is marvelous broad, and runneth with great fury. And in that place specially where he built his bridge, for there it is of a great breadth from one side to tother, and it hath so strong and swift a stream beside: that men casting down great bodies of trees into the river (which the stream bringeth down with it) did with the great blows and force thereof marvelously shake the posts of the bridge he had set up. But to prevent the blows of those trees, and also to break the fury of the stream: he made a pile of great wood above the bridge a good way, and did forcibly ram them in to the bottom of the river, so that in ten days space, he had set up and finish his bridge of the goodliest carpenters work, and most excellent invention to see to, that could be possibly thought or devised. Then passing over his army upon it, he found none that durst any more fight with him. For the SW●VIANS, which were the warlikest people of all GERMANY, had gotten themselves with their goods into wonderful great valleys and bogs, full of woods and forests. Now when he had burnt all the country of his enemies, and confirmed the league with the confederates of the ROMANS: he returned back again into GAUL after he had tarried eighteen days at the most in GERMANY, on tother side of the Rhine. The journey he made also into ENGLAND, Caesar's journey into England. was a noble enterprise, and very commendable. For he was the first that sailed the west Ocean with an army by sea, & that passed through the sea Atlanticum with his army, to make war in that so great & famous Island: (which many ancient writers would not believe that it was so in deed, and did make them vary about it, saying that it was but a fable & ally) and was that first that enlarged the ROMAN Empire, beyond the earth inhabitable. For twice he passed over the narrow sea against the firm land of GAUL, and fight many battles there, did hurt his enemies more, then enrich his own men: because, of men hardly brought up, and poor, there was nothing to be gotten. Whereupon his war had not such success, as he looked for, and therefore taking pledges only of the king, and imposing a yearly tribute upon him, to be paid unto the people of ROME: he returned again into GAUL. There he was no sooner landed, but he found letters ready to besent over the sea unto him in the which he was advertised from ROME, of the death of his Daughter, The death of julia, Caesar's Daughter. that she was dead with child by Pompey. For the which, Pompey & Caesar both, were marvelous sorrowful: & their friends mourned also, thinking that this alliance which maintained the common wealth that otherwise was very tickle) in good peace and concord, was now severed, and broken a sunder, and the rather likely, because the child lived not long after the mother. So the common people at ROME took the corpse of julia, in despite of the Tribunes, and buried it in the field of Mars. Now Caesar being driven to divide his army (that was very great) into sundry garrisons for the winter time, and returning again into ITALY as he was wont: all GAUL rebelled again, The rebellion of the Gauls and had raised great armies in every quarter to set upon the ROMANS, and to assay if they could distress their forts where they lay in garrison. The greatest number and most Warlike men of these GAULES; that entered into action of rebellion, were led by one Ambrorix: and first did set upon the garrisons of Cotta, and Titurius, Cotta, and Titurius, with their army slain. whom they slew, and all the soldiers they had about them. Then they went with three score thousand fight men to besiege the garrison which Quintus Cicero had in his charge, and had almost taken them by force, because all the soldiers were every man of them hurt: but they were so valiant and courageous, that they did more than men (as they say) in defending of themselves. These news being come to Caesar, who was far from thence at that time, he returned with all possible speed, and levying seven thousand soldiers, made haste to help Cicero that was in such distress. The GAULES that did besiege Cicero, understanding of Caesar's coming, raised their siege incontinently, to go and meet him: making account that he was but a handful in their hands, they were so few. Caesar to deceive them, still drew back, and made as though he fled from them, lodging in places meet for a Captain that had but a few, to fight with a great number of his enemies, and commanded his men in no wise to stir out to skirmish with them, but compelled them to raise up the rampers of his camp, and to fortify the gates, as men that were afraid, because the enemies should the less esteem of them: until that at length he took opportunity, by their disorderly coming to assail the trenches of his camp, (they were grown to such a presumptuous boldness and bravery) and then sallying out upon them, he put them all to flight with slaughter of a great number of them. Caesar slew the Gauls led by Ambiorix. This did suppress all the rebellions of the GAULES in those parties, and furthermore, he himself in person went in the midst of winter thither, where he heard they did rebel: for that there was come a new supply out of ITALY of three whole legions in their room, which he had lost: of the which, two of them Pompey lent him, and the other legion, he himself had levied in GAUL about the river of Po. During these stirs, broke forth the beginning of the greatest & most dangerous war that he had in all GAUL, the which had been secretly practised of long time by the chiefest & most warlike people of that country, who had levied a wonderful great power. For every where they levied multitudes of men, & great riches beside, to fortify their strong holds. Furthermore the country where they rose, was very ill to come unto, The second rebellion of the Gauls against Caesar. and specially at that time being winter, when the rivers were frozen, the woods and forests covered with snow, the meadows drowned with floods, and the fields so deep of snow, that no ways were to be found, neither the marisses nor rivers to be discerned, all was so overflown and drowned with water: all which troubles together were enough (as they thought) to keep Caesar from setting upon the rebels. Many nations of the GAULES were of this conspiracy, but two of the chiefest were the ARVERNIANS and CARNUTES: who had chosen Vercingentorix for their Lieutenant general, Vercingentorix Captain of the rebels against Caesar. whose father the GAULES before had put to death, because they thought he aspired to make himself king. This Vercingentorix dividing his army into divers parres, and appointing divers Captains over them, had gotten to take his part, all the people and countries thereabove, even as far as they that devil towards the * Some say, that in this place is to be red in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is, the river Saone. sea Adriatic, having further determined (understanding that ROME did conspire against Caesar) to make all GAUL rise in arms against him? So that if he had but tarried a little longer, until Caesar had entered into his civil wars: he had put all ITALY in as great fear and danger, as it was when the CIMBRI did come and invade it. But Caesar, that was very valiant in all assays and dangers of war, and that was very skilful to take time and opportunity: so soon as he understood the news of the rebellion, he departed with speed, and returned back the self same way which he had gone, making the barbarous people know, that they should deal with an army unvincible, & which they could not possibly withstand, considering the great speed he had made with the same, in so sharp and hard a winter. For where they would not possibly have believed, that a post or currer could have come in so short a time from the place where he was, unto them they wondered when they saw him burning and destroying the country, the towns and strong forts where he came with his army, taking all to mercy that yielded unto him: until such time as the HEDVI took arms against him, who before were wont to be called the brethren of the ROMANS, The Hedul rebel against the Romans. and were greatly honoured of them. Wherefore Caesar's men when they understood that they had joined with the rebels, they were marvelous sorry, and half discouraged. Thereupon, Caesar departing from those parties, went through the country of the LINGONES, to enter the country of the * Sequani. BURGONIANS, who were confederates of the ROMANS, and the nearest unto ITALY on that side, in respect of all the rest of GAUL. Thither the enemies came to set upon him, and to enuironne him of all sides, with an infinite number of thousands of fight men. Caesar on tother side tarried their coming, Vercingentorix overthrown by Caesar. and fight with them a long time, he made them so afraid of him, that at length he overcame the barbarous people. But at the first, it seemeth notwithstanding, that he had received some overthrow: for the ARVERNIANE showed a sword hanged up in one of their temples, which they said they had won from Caesar. Insomuch as Caesar self coming that way by occasion, saw it, and fell a laughing at it. But some of his friends going about to take it away, he would not suffer them, but bade them let it alone, and touch it not, for it was a holy thing. Notwithstanding, such as at the first had saved themselves by fleeing, the most of them were gotten with their king into the city of ALEXIA, the which Caesar went and besieged, The siege of Alexia. although it seemed inexpugnable, both for the height of the walls, as also for the multitude of soldiers they had to defend it. But now during this siege, he fell into a marvelous great danger without, almost incredible. For an army of three hundred thousand fight men of the best men that were among all the nations of the GAULES, Caesar's danger, and wise policy. came against him, being at the siege of ALEXIA, besides them that were within the city, which amounted to the number of three score and ten thousand fight men at the lest: so that perceiving he was shut in betwixt two so great armies, he was driven to fortify himself with two walls, the one against them of the city; and the other against them without. For if those two armies had joined together, Caesar had been utterly undone. And therefore, this siege of ALEXIA, and the battle he wan before it, did deservedly win him more honour and fame, than any other. For there, in that instant and extreme danger, he showed more valiantness and wisdom, than he did in any battle he fought before. But what a wonderful thing was this? that they of the city never heard any thing of them that came to aid them, until Caesar had overcome them: and furthermore, Caesar's great victory at Alexie. that the ROMANS themselves which kept watch upon the wall that was built against the city, knew also no more of it, than they, but when it was done, and that they heard the cries and lamentations of men & women in ALEXIA, when they perceived on tother side of the city such a number of glistering shields of gold and silver, such store of bloody corselets and armours, such a deal of plate and movables, and such a number of tents and pavilions after the fashion of the GAULES, which the ROMANS had gotten of their spoils in their camp. Thus suddenly was this great army vanished, as a dream or vision: where the most part of them were slain that day in battle. Furthermore, after that they within the city of ALEXIA had done great hurt to Caesar, Alexia yielded up to Caesar. and themselves also: in the end, they all yielded themselves. And Vercingentorix (he that was their king and captain in all this war) went out of the gates excellently well armed, and his horse furnished with rich capparison accordingly, and road round about Caesar, who sat in his chair of estate. Then lighting from his horse, he took of his capparison and furniture, and unarmed himself, and laid all on the ground, and went and sat down at Caesar's feet, and said never a word. So Caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the wars, to lead him afterwards in his triumph at ROME. Now Caesar had of long time determined to destroy Pompey, and Pompey him also. For Crassus being killed amongst the PARTHIANS, who only did see, that one of them two must needs fall: nothing kept Caesar from being the greatest person, but because he destroyed not Pompey, that was the greater: neither did any thing let Pompey to withstand that it should not come to pass, but because he did not first overcome Caesar, The discord betwixt Caesar and Pompey, and the cause of the civil wars. whom only he feared. For till then, Pompey had not long feared him, but always before set light by him, thinking it an easy matter for him to put him down when he would, sith he had brought him to that greatness he was come unto. But Caesar contrarily, having had that drift in his head from the beginning, like a wrestler that studieth for tricks to overthrow his adversary: Caesar's crassines. he went far from ROME, to exercise himself in the wars of GAUL, where he did train his army, and presently by his valiant deeds did increase his fame and honour. By these means become Caesar as famous as Pompey in his doings, and lacked no more to put his enterprise in execution, but some occasions of colour, which Pompey partly gave him, and partly also the time delivered him, but chief, the hard fortune and ill government at that time of the common wealth at ROME. For they that made sure for honour and offices, bought the voices of the people with ready money, The people's voices bought at Rome for money. which they gave out openly to usury, without shame or fear. Thereupon, the common people that had sold their voices for money, came to the market place at the day of election, to fight for him that had hired them: not with their voices, but with their bows, slings, and sword. So that the assembly seldom time broke up, but that the pulpit for orations was defiled and sprinkled with the blood of them that were slain in the market place, the city remaining all that time without government of Magistrate, like a ship left without a Pilot. Insomuch, as men of deep judgement & discretion seeing such fury & madness of the people, thought themselves happy if the common wealth were no worse troubled, than with the absolute state of a Monarchy & sovereign Lord to govern them. Furthermore, there were many that were not afraid to speak it openly, that there was no other help to remedy the troubles of the common wealth, but by the authority of one man only, that should command them all: & that this medicine must be ministered by the hands of him, that was the gentlest Physician, meaning covertly Pompey. Now Pompey used many fine speeches, making semblance as though he would none of it, and yet cunningly under hand did lay all the irons in the fire he could, to bring it to pass, that he might be chosen Dictator. Cato finding the mark he shot at, & fearing lest in the end the people should be compelled to make him Dictator: he persuaded the Senate rather to make him sole Consul, that contenting himself with that more just & lawful government, he should not cover the other unlawful. The Senate following his counsel, did not only make him Consul, but further did prorogue his government of the provinces he had. Pompey governed Spain and Africa. For he had two provinces, all SPAIN, & AFRICA, the which he governed by his Lieutenants: & further, he received yearly of the common treasure to pay his soldiers a thousand talents. Here upon Caesar took occasion also to sand his men to make sure in his name for the Consulship, Caesar sueth the second time to be consul, and to have his government prorogued. & also to have the government of his provinces prorogued. Pompey at the first held his peace. But Marcellus and Lentulus (that otherwise hated Caesar) withstood them, and to shame and dishonour him, had much needless speech in matters of weight. Furthermore, they took away the freedom from the COLONIES which Caesar had lately brought unto the city of NOWM COMUM in GAUL towards ITALY, where Caesar not long before had lodged them. And moreover, when Marcellus was Consul, he made one of the Senators in that city to be whipped with rods, who came to ROME about those matters: & said, he gave him those marks, that he should know he was no ROMAN Citizen, and bade him go his way, and tell Caesar of it. after Marcellus Consulship, Caesar setting open his coffers of the treasure he had gotten among the GAULES, did frankly give it out amongst the Magistrates at ROME, Caesar bribeth the Magistrates at Rome. without restraint or spare. First, he set Curio, the Tribune clear out of debt: and gave also unto Paul's the Consul a thousand five hundred talents, with which money he built that notable palace by the market place, called Paul's Basilicke, in the place of Fuluius Basilicke. Then Pompey being afraid of this practice, began openly to procure, both by himself and his friends, that they should sand Caesar a successor: and moreover, he sent unto Caesar for his two legions of men of war which he had lent him, for the conquest of GAUL. Caesar sent him them again, and gave every private soldier, two hundred and fifty silver drachmas. Now, they that brought these two legions back from Caesar, gave out ill and seditious words against him among the people, and did also abuse Pompey with false persuasions and vain hopes, Pompey abused by slaverers. informing him that he was marvelously desired and wished for in Caesar's camp: and that though in ROME, for the malice and secret spite which the governors there did bear him, he could hardly obtain that he desired: yet in GAUL he might assure himself, that all the army was at his commandment. They added further also, that if the soldiers there did once return over the mountains again into ITALY, they would all strait come to him, they did so hate Caesar: because he wearied them with too much labour and continual fight, and withal, for that they suspected he aspired to be king. These words breeding security in Pompey, & a vain conceit of himself, made him negligent in his doings, so that he made no preparation for war, as though he had no occasion to be afraid: but only studied to thwart Caesar in speech, & to cross the suits he made. Howbeit Caesar passed not of all this. For the report went, that one of Caesar's Captains which was sent to ROME to prosecute his suit; being at the Senate door, and hearing that they denied to prorogue Caesar's time of government which he sued for: clapping his hand upon his sword, he said, sith you will not grant it him, this shall give it him. Notwithstanding, the requests that Caesar propownded, Caesar's requests unto the Senate. carried great semblance of reason with them. For he said, that he was contended to lay down arms, so that Pompey did the like: & that both of them as private persons should come & make sure of their Citizens to obtain honourable recompense: declaring unto them, that taking arms from him, & granting them unto Pompey, they did wrongfully accuse him in going about to make himself a tyrant, & in the mean time to grant the other means to be a tyrant. Curio making these offers & persuasions openly before the people, in the name of Caesar: he was heard with great rejoicing & clapping of hands, and there were some that cast flowers and nosegays upon him when he went his way, as they commonly use to do unto any man, when he hath obtained victory, and won any games. Then Antonius one of the Tribunes, brought a letter sent from Caesar, and made it openly to be read in despite of the Consuls. But Scipio in the Senate, Pompey's father in law, made this motion: that if Caesar did not dismiss his army by a certain day appointed him. the ROMANS should proclaim him an enemy unto ROME. Then the Consuls openly asked in the presence of the Senators, if they thought it good that Pompey should dismiss his army: But few agreed to that demand. After that again they asked, if they liked that Caesar should dismiss his army: thereto they all in manner answered, yea, yea. But when Antonius requested again that both of them should lay down arms: then they were all indifferently of his mind. Notwithstanding, because Scipio did insolently behave himself, and Marcellus also, who cried that they must use force of arms, & not men's opinions against a thief: the Senate rose strait upon it without further determination, & men changed apparel through the city because of this dissension, as they use to do in a common calamity. After that, there came other letters from Caesar, which seemed much more reasonable: in the which he requested that they would grant him GAUL, that lieth between the Mountains of the Alps & ITALY, & ILLYRIA, with two legions only, & then that he would request nothing else, until he made suit for the second Consulship. Cicero the Orator, that was newly come from his government of CILICIA, traveled to reconcile them together, & pacified Pompey the best he could: who told him, he would yield to any thing he would have him, so he did let him alone with his army. So Cicero persuaded Caesar's friends to be contented, to take those two provinces, and six thousand men only, that they might be friends & at peace together. Pompey very willingly yielded unto it, & granted them. But Lentulus the Consul would not agreed to it, but shamefully drove Curio and Antonius out of the Senate: whereby they themselves gave Caesar a happy occasion & colour, as could be, stirring up his soldiers the more against them, when he showed them these two notable men & Tribunes of the people that were driven to fly, disguised like slaves, in a carriers cart. For, they were driven for fear to steal out of ROME, Antonius & Curio, Tribunes of the people, fly from Rome to Caesar. disguised in that manner. Now at that time, Caesar had not in all about him, above five thousand footmen, and three thousand horsemen: for the rest of his army, he left on tother side of the Mountains to be brought after him by his Lieutenants. So, considering that for th'execution of his enterprise, he should not need so many men of war at the first, but rather suddenly stealing upon them, to make them afraid with his valiantness, taking benefit of the opportunity of time, because he should more easily make his enemies afraid of him, coming so suddenly when they looked not for him, than he should otherwise distress them, assailing them with his whole army, in giving them leisure to provide further for him: he commanded his Captains and Lieutenants to go before, without any other armour than their swords, to take the city of ARIMINUN, (a great city of GAUL, being the first city men come to, when they come out of GAUL) with as little bloodshed and tumult, as they could possible. Then committing that force and army he had with him, unto Hortensius one of his friends: he remained a whole day together, openly in the sight of every man, to see the sword players handle their weapons before him. At night he went into his lodging, and bathing his body a little, came afterwards into the hall amongst them, and made merry with them a while, whom he had bidden to supper. Then when it was well forward night, and very dark, he rose from the table, and prayed his company to be merry, and no man to stir, for he would strait come to them again: howbeit he had secretly before commanded a few of his trustiest friends to follow him, not altogether, but some one way, and some an other way. He himself in the mean time took a coach he had hired, and made as though he would have gone some other way at the first, but suddenly he turned back again towards the city of ARIMINUM. When he was come unto the little river of Rubicon, which divideth GAUL on this side the Alps from ITALY: he stayed upon a sudden. For, the nearer he came to execute his purpose, Caesar's doubtful thoughts at the river of Rubicon. the more remorse he had in his conscience, to think what an enterprise he took in hand: & his thoughts also fell out more doubtful, when he entered into consideration of the desperateness of his attempt. So he fell into many thoughts with himself, and spoke never a word, waving sometime one way, sometime an other way, and often times changed his determination, contrary to himself. So did he talk much also with his friends he had with him, amongst whom was Asinius Pollio, telling them what mischiefs the beginning of this passage over that river would breed in the world, and how much their posterity and them that lived after them, would speak of it in time to come. But at length, casting from him with a noble courage, all those perilous thoughts to come, & speaking these words which valiant men commonly say, that attempt dangerous and desperate enterprises. A desperate man feareth no danger, The Greek useth this phrase of speech, cast the die. come on: he passed over the river, and when he was come over, he ran with his coach and never stayed, so that before day light he was within the city of ARIMINUM, Caesar took the city of Arminum. and took it. It is said, that the night before he passed over this river, he dreamt a damnable dream, Caesar's damnable dream. that he carnally knew his mother. The city of ARIMINUM being taken, and the rumour thereof dispersed through all ITALY, even as if it had been open war both by sea & land, & as if all the laws of ROME, together with th'extreme bounds and confines of the same had been broken up: a man would have said, that not only the men and women for fear, as experience proved at other times, but whole cities themselves leaving their habitations, fled from one place to another through all ITALY. Rome in uproar with Caesar's coming. And ROME itself also was immediately filled with the flowing repair of all the people their neighbours thereabouts, which came thither from all parties like droves of cattle, that there was neither officer nor Magistrate that could any more command them by authority, neither by any persuasion of reason bridle such a confused an disorderly multitude: so that ROME had in manner destroyed itself for lack of rule and order. For in all places, men were of contrary opinions, and there were dangerous stirs and tumults every where: because they that were glad of this trouble, could keep in no certain place, but running up and down the city, when they met with others in divers places, that seemed either to be afraid or angry with this tumult (as otherwise it is impossible in so great a city) they flatly cell out with them, and boldly threatened them with that that was to come. Pompey himself, who at that time was not a little amazed, was yet much more troubled with the ill words some gave him on the one side, and some on the other. For some of them reproved him, and said that he had done wisely, and had paid for his folly, because he had made Caesar so great and strong against him & the common wealth. And other again did blame him, because he had refused the honest offers and reasonable conditions of peace, which Caesar had offered him, suffering Lentulus the Consul to abuse him too much. On tother side, Phaonius spoke unto him, and bade him stamp on the ground with his foot: For Pompey being one day in a bravery in the Senate, said openly: let no man take thought for preparation of war, for when he listed, with one stamp of his foot on the ground, he would fill all ITALY with soldiers. This notwithstanding, Pompey at that time had greater number of soldiers than Caesar: but they would never let him follow his own determination. For they brought him so many lies, and put so many examples of fear before him, as if Caesar had been already at their heels, and had won all: so that in the end he yielded unto them, and gave place to their fury and madness, determining (seeing all things in such tumult and garboil) that there was no way but to forsake the city, and thereupon commanded the Senate to follow him, Pompey flieth from Rome. and not a man to tarry there, unless he loved tyranny, more than his own liberty and the common wealth. Thus the Consuls themselves, before they had done their common sacrifices accustomed at their going out of the city, fled every man of them. So did likewise the most part of the Senators, taking their own things in haste, such as came first to hand, as if by stealth they had taken them from another. And there were some of them also that always loved Caesar, whose wits were then so troubled and besides themselves, with the fear they had conceived: that they also fled, and followed the stream of this tumult, without manifest cause or necessity. But above all things, it was a lamentable sight to see the city itself, that in this fear and trouble was left at all adventure, as a ship tossed in storm of sea, forsaken of her Pilots, and despairing of her safety. This their departure being thus miserable, yet men esteemed their banishment (for the love they bore unto Pompey) to be their natural country, and reckoned ROME no better than Caesar's camp. At that time also Labienus, Labienus forsook Caesar, and fled to Pompey. who was one of Caesar's greatest friends, and had been always used as his Lieutenant in the wars of GAUL, and had valiantly fought in his cause: he likewise forsook him then, and fled unto Pompey. But Caesar sent his money and carriage after him, and then went and encamped before the city of CORFINIUM, the which Domitius kept, with thirty cohorts or ensigns. When Domitius saw he was besieged, he strait thought himself but undone, and despairing of his success, he bade a Physician, a slave of his, give him poison. The Physician gave him a drink which he drank, thinking to have died. But shortly after, Domitius hearing them report what clemency and wonderful courtesy Caesar used unto them he took: repented him then that he had drunk this drink, and began to lament and bewail his desperate resolution taken to die. The Physician did comfort him again, and told him, that he had taken a drink, only to make him sleep, but not to destroy him. Then Domitius rejoiced, and went strait and yielded himself unto Caesar: who gave him his life, Domitius escaped from Caesar, & fled to Pompey. but he notwithstanding stolen away immediately, and fled unto Pompey. When these news were brought to ROME, they did marvelously rejoice and comfort them that still remained there: and moreover there were of them that had forsaken ROME, which returned thither again. In the mean time, Caesar did put all Domitius men in pay, and he did the like through all the cities, where he had taken any Captains, that levied men for Pompey. Now Caesar having assembled a great and dreadful power together, went strait where he thought to find Pompey himself. But Pompey tarried not his coming, but fled into the city of BRUNDISIUM, from whence he had sent the two Consuls before with that army he had, Pompey flieth into Epirus. unto DYRRACHIUM: and he himself also went thither afterwards, when he understood that Caesar was come, as you shall hear more amply hereafter in his life. Caesar lacked no good will to follow him, but wanting ships to take the seas, he returned forthwith to ROME: So that in less than three score days, he was Lord of all ITALY, without any bloodshed. Who when he was come to ROME, and found it much quietter than he looked for, and many Senators there also: he courteously entreated them, and prayed them to sand unto Pompey, to pacify all matters between them, upon reasonable conditions. But no man did attempt it, either because they feared Pompey for that they had forsaken him, or else for that they thought Caesar meant not as he spoke, but that they were words of course, to colour his purpose withal. And when Metellus also, one of the Tribunes, would not suffer him to take any of the common treasure out of the temple of Saturn, Silent leges inter arma. but told him that it was against the law: Tush, said he, time of war and law are two things. If this that I do, q he, do offend thee, then get thee hence for this time: for war can not abide this frank and bold speech. But when wars are done, and that we are all quiet again, than thou shalt speak in the pulpit what thou wilt: and yet I do tell thee this of favour, impairing so much my right, for thou art mine, both thou, and all them that have risen against me, and whom I have in my hands. When he had spoken thus unto Metellus, Caesar taketh money out of the temple of Saturn. he went to the temple door where the treasure lay: and finding no keys there, he caused Smiths to be sent for, and made them break open the locks. Metellus thereupon began again to withstand him, and certain men that stood by praised him in his doing: but Caesar at length speaking biggely to him, threatened him he would kill him presently, if he troubled him any more: and told him furthermore, young man, q he, thou knowest it is harder for me to tell it thee, than to do it. That word made Metellus quake for fear, that he got him away rowndly: and ever after that, Caesar had all at his commandment for the wars. From thence he went into SPAIN, Caesar's journey into Spain, against Pompey's Lieutenants. to make war with Petreius and Varro, Pompey's Lieutenants: first to get their armies and provinces into his hands which they governed, that afterwards he might follow Pompey the better, leaving never an enemy behind him. In this journey he was oftentimes himself in danger, through the ambushes that were laid for him in divers strange sorts and places, and likely also to have lost all his army for lack of victuals. All this notwithstanding, he never left following of Pompey's Lieutenants, provoking them to battle, and entrenching them in: until he had gotten their camp & armies into his hands, albeit that the Lieutenants themselves fled unto Pompey. When Caesar returned again to ROME, Piso his father in law gave him counsel to send Ambassadors unto Pompey, to treat of peace. But Isauricus, to flatter Caesar, was against it. Caesar being then created Dictator by the Senate, called home again all the banished men, and restored their children to honour, whose fathers before had been slain in Sulla's time: and did somewhat cut of the usuries that did oppress them, and beside, did make some such other ordinances as those, but very few. For he was Dictator but eleven days only, Caesar Dictator. and then did yield it up of himself, and made himself Consul, with Servilius Isauricus, and after that determined to follow the wars. Caesar and Isauricus Consuls. All the rest of his army he left coming on the way behind him, and went himself before with six hundred horse, and five legions only of footmen, in the winter quarter, about the month of january, which after the ATHENIANS, is called POSIDEON. Then having passed over the sea jonium, Caesar goeth into the kingdom of Epirus. and landed his men, he wan the cities of ORICUM and APOLLONIA. Then he sent his ships back again unto BRUNDISIUM, to transport the rest of his soldiers that could not come with that speed he did. They as they came by the way, Complaints of the old soldiers against Caesar. (like men whose strength of body, & lusty youth, was decayed) being wearied with so many sundry battles as they had fought with their enemies: complained of Caesar in this sort. To what end and purpose doth this man hale us after him, up and down the world, using us like slaves and drudges? It is not our armour, but our bodies that bear the blows away: and what, shall we never be without our harness of our backs, and our shields on our arms? should not Caesar think, at the lest when he seeth our blood and wounds, that we are all mortal men, and that we feel the misery and pains that other men do feel? And now even in the dead of winter, he putteth us unto the mercy of the sea and tempest, yea which the gods themselves can not withstand: as if he fled before his enemies, and pursued them not. Thus spending time with this talk, the soldiers still marching on, by small journeys came at length unto the city of BRUNDISIUM. But when they were come, & found that Caesar had already passed over the sea, than they strait changed their complaints and minds. For they blamed themselves, and took on also with their Captains, because they had not made them make more haste in marching: and sitting upon the rocks and cliffs of the sea, they looked over the main sea, towards the Realm of EPIRUS, to see if they could discern the ships returning back, to transport them over. Caesar in the mean time being in the city of APOLLONIA, having but a small army to fight with Pompey, it grieved him for that the rest of his army was so long a coming, not knowing what way to take. In the end he followed a dangerous determination, to embark unknown in a little pynnase of twelve oars only, to pass over the sea again unto BRUNDISIUM: A great adventure of Caesar. the which he could not do without great danger, considering that all that sea was full of Pompey's ships and armies. So he took ship in the night appareled like a slave, and went aboard upon this little pynnase, & said never a word, as if he had been some poor man of mean condition. The pynnase lay in the mouth of the river of Anius, Anius ●●. the which commonly was wont to be very calm & quiet, by reason of a little wind that came from the shore, which every morning drove back the waves far into the main sea. But that night, by ill fortune, there came a great wind from the sea that overcame the land wind, insomuch as the force & strength of the river fight against the violence of the rage & waves of the sea, the encounter was marvelous dangerous, the water of the river being driven back, and rebounding upward, with great noise and danger in turning of the water. Thereupon the Master of the pynnase seeing he could not possibly get out of the mouth of this river, bade the Mariners to cast about again, and to return against the stream. Caesar hearing that, strait discovered himself unto the Master of the pynnase, who at the first was amazed when he saw him: but Caesar then taking him by the hand said unto him, good fellow, be of good cheer, and forwards hardily, fear not, for thou hast Caesar and his fortune with thee. Then the Mariners forgetting the danger of the storm they were in, laid on load with oars, and laboured for life what they could against the wind, to get out of the mouth of this river. But at length, perceiving they laboured in vain, and that the pynnase took in abundance of water, and was ready to sink: Caesar then to his great grief was driven to return back again. Who when he was returned unto his camp, his soldiers came in great companies unto him, & were very sorry, that he mistrusted he was not able with them alone to overcome his enemies, Caesar's dangers & troubles in the Realm of Epirus. but would put his person in danger, to go fetch them that were absent, putting no trust in them that were present. In the mean time Antonius arrived, and brought with him the rest of his army from BRUNDISIUM. Then Caesar finding himself strong enough, went & offered Pompey battle, who was passingly well lodged, for vittelling of his camp both by sea & land. Caesar on tother side, who had no great plenty of victuals at the first, was in a very hard case: insomuch as his men gathered roots, & mingled them with milk, & eat them. Furthermore, they did make bread of it also, & sometime when they skirmished with the enemies, & came alongst by them that watched and warded, they cast of their bread into their trenches, and said: that as long as the earth brought forth such fruits, they would never leave besieging of Pompey. But Pompey straightly commanded them, that they should neither carry those words nor bread into their camp, fearing lest his men's hearts would fail them, and that they would be afraid, when they should think of their enemy's hardness, with whom they had to fight, sith they were weary with no pains, no more than brute beasts. Caesar's men did daily skirmish hard to the trenches of Pompey's camp, Caesar's army fled from Pompey. in the which Caesar had ever the better, saving once only, at what time his men fled with such fear, that all his camp that day was in great hazard to have been cast away. For Pompey came on with his battle upon them, and they were not able to abide it, but were fought with, and driven into their camp, and their trenches were filled with dead bodies, which were slain within the very gate and bulwarks of their camp, they were so valiantly pursued. Caesar stood before them that fled, to make them to turn head again: but he could not prevail. For when he would have taken the ensigns to have stayed them, the ensign bearers threw them down on the ground: so that the enemies took two and thirty of them, and Caesar's self also scaped hardly with life. For striking a great big soldier that fled by him, commanding him to stay, and turn his face to his enemy: the soldier being afraid, lift up his sword to strike at Caesar. But one of Caesar's Pages preventing him, gave him such a blow with his sword, that he struck of his showlder. Caesar that day was brought unto so great extremity, that (if Pompey had not either for fear, or spiteful fortune, left of to follow his victory, and retired into his camp, being contented to have driven his enemies into their camp) returning to his camp with his friends, he said unto them: the victory this day had been our enemies, Caesar's words of Pompey's victory. if they had had a Captain, that could have told how to have overcome. So when he was come to his lodging, he went to bed, and that night troubled him more, than any night that ever he had. Caesar troubled in mind after his loss. For still his mind ran with great sorrow of the fowl fault he had committed in leading of his army, of self will to remain there so long by the sea side, his enemies being the stronger by sea: considering that he had before him a goodly country, rich and plentiful of all things, and goodly cities of MACEDON and THESSALY, and had not the wit to bring the war from thence, but to loose his time in a place, where he was rather besieged of his enemies for lack of victuals, then that he did besiege them by force of arms. Thus, fretting and chafing to see himself so strayghted with victuals, and to think of his ill luck, he raised his camp, intending to go set upon Scipio, making account, that either he should draw Pompey to battle against his will, when he had not the sea at his back to furnish him with plenty of victuals: or else that he should easily overcome Scipio, finding him alone, unless he were aided. This remove of Caesar's camp, did much encourage Pompey's army and his captains, who would needs in any case have followed after him, as though he had been overcome, and had fled. But for Pompey himself, Pompey's determination for the war. he would in no respect hazard battle, which was a matter of so great importance. For finding himself well provided of all things necessary to tarry time, he thought it better to draw this war out in length, by tract of time, the rather to consume this little strength that remained in Caesar's army: of the which, the best men were marvelous welltrayned and good soldiers, and for valiantness, at one days battle, were incomparable. But on tother side again, to remove here and there so oft, and to fortify their camp where they came, and to besiege any wall, or to keep watch all night in their armour: the most part of them could not do it, by reason of their age, being then unable to away with that pains, so that the weakness of their bodies did also take away the life and courage of their hearts. Furthermore, there fell a pestilent disease among them that came by ill meats hunger drove them to eat: yet was not this the worst. For beside, he had no store of money, neither could tell how to come by victuals: so that it seemed in all likelihood, that in very short time he would come to nothing. For these respects, Pompey would in no case fight, and yet had he but Cato only of his mind in that, who stuck in it the rather, because he would avoid shedding of his country men's blood. For when Cato had viewed the dead bodies slain in the camp of his enemies, at the last skirmish that was between them, the which were no less than a thousand persons: he covered his face, and went away weeping. All other but he, contrarily fell out with him, and blamed him, because he so long refrained from battle: and some pricked him forward, and called him Agamemnon, and king of kings, Pompey called Agamemnon, and king of kings. saying, that he delayed this war in this sort, because he would not leave his authority to command them all, and that he was glad always to see so many Captains round about him, which came to his lodging to honour him, and wait upon him. And Faonius also, a harebrained fellow, frantykly counterfeiting the round and plain speech of Cato, made as though he was marvelous angry, and said: is it not great pity, that we shall not eat this year of TUSCULUM figs, and all for Pompey's ambitious mind to reign alone? and Afranius, who not long before was but lately come out of SPAIN, (where, because he had but ill success, he was accused of treason, that for money he had sold his army unto Caesar:) he went busily ask, why they fought not with that Merchant, unto whom they said he had sold the province of SPAIN? So that Pompey with these kind of speeches, against his will, was driven to follow Caesar, to fight with him. Then was Caesar at the first, marvelously perplexed, and troubled by the way: because he found none that would give him any victuals, being despised of every man, for the late loss and overthrow he had received. But after that he had taken the city of GOMPHES in THESSALY, The city of Gomphes in Thessaly. he did not only meet with plenty of victuals to relieve his army with: but he strangely also did rid them of their disease. For the soldiers meeting with plenty of wine, drinking hard, and making merry: drove away the infection of the pestilence. For they disposed themselves unto dancing, masking, and playing the BACCHERIANS by the way: insomuch that drinking drunk they overcame their disease, and made their bodies new again. When they both came into the country of PHARSALIA, and both camps lay before tother: Pompey returned again to his former determination, and the rather, because he had ill signs and tokens of misfortune in his sleep. Pompey's dream in Pharsalia. The security of the Pompeians. For he thought in his sleep that when he entered into the Theatre, all the ROMANS received him with great clapping of hands. Whereupon, they that were about him grew to such boldness and security, assuring themselves of victory: that Domitius, Spinther, and Scipio, in a bravery contended between themselves, for the chief Bishopric which Caesar had. Furthermore, there were divers that sent unto ROME to hire the nearest houses unto the market place, as being the fittest places for Praetors, and Consuls: making their account already, that those offices could not scape them, incontinently after the wars. But besides those, the young gentlemen, and ROMAN knights were marvelous desirous to fight, that were bravely mounted, and armed with glistering gilt armours, their horses fat and very finely kept, and themselves goodly young men, to the number of seven thousand, where the gentlemen of Caesar's side, were but one thousand only. Pompey's army at great again as Caesar's. The number of his footmen also were much after the same reckoning. For he had five and forty thousand against two and twenty thousand. Wherefore Caesar called his soldiers together, & told them how Cornificius was at hand, who brought two whole legions, and that he had fifteen ensigns led by Calenus, the which he made to stay about MEGARA & ATHENS. Then he asked them if they would tarry for that aid or not, or whether they would rather themselves alone venture battle. The soldiers cried out to him, and prayed him not to defer battle, but rather to devise some fetch to make the enemy fight assoon as he could. Then as he sacrificed unto the gods, for the purifying of his army: the first beast was no sooner sacrificed, but his Soothsayer assured him that he should fight within three days. Caesar asked him again, if he saw in the sacrifices, any lucky sign, or token of good luck. The Soothsayer answered, for that, thou shalt answer thyself, better than I can do: for the gods do promise' us a marvelous great change, and alteration of things that are now, unto an other clean contrary. For if thou be'st well now, dost thou think to have worse fortune hereafter? and if thou be ill, assure thyself thou shalt have better. The night before the battle, as he went about midnight to visit the watch, men saw a great firebrand in the element, A wonder seen in the element, before the battle in Pharsalia. all of a light fire, that came over Caesar's camp, and fell down in Pompey's. In the morning also when they relieved the watch, they heard a false alarum in the enemy's camp, without any apparent cause; which they commonly call, a sudden fear, that makes men besides themselves. This notwithstanding, Caesar thought not to fight that day, but was determined to have raised his camp from thence, and to have gone towards the city of SCOTUSA: and his tents in his camp were already overthrown when his scouts came in with great speed, to bring him news that his enemies were preparing themselves to fight. Then he was very glad, & after he had made his prayers unto the gods to help him that day, Caesar's army and his order of battle, in the fields of Pharsalia. he set his men in battle ray, & divided them into three squadrons: giving the middle battle unto Domitius Calvinus, and the left wing unto Antonius, and placed himself in the right wing, choosing his place to fight in the tenth legion. But seeing that against that, his enemies had set all their horsemen: he was half afraid when he saw the great number of them, and so brave beside. Wherefore he closely made six ensigns to come from the rearward of his battle, whom he had laid as an ambush behind his right wing, having first appointed his soldiers what they should do, when the horsemen of the enemies came to give them charge. On tother side, Pompey placed himself in the right wing of his battle, Pompey's army, and his order of battle. gave the left wing unto Domitius, and the middle battle unto Scipio his father in law. Now all the ROMAN knights (as we have told you before) were placed in the left wing, of purpose to enuyrone Caesar's right wing behind, and to give their hottest charge there, where the general of their enemies was: making their account, that there was no squadron of footmen how thick soever they were, that could receive the charge of so great a troop of horsemen, and that at the first onset, they should overthrow them all, and march upon their bellies. When the trumpets on either side did sound the alarum to the battle, Pompey commanded his footmen that they should stand still without stirring, to receive the charge of their enemies, until they came to throwing of their darts. Wherefore Caesar afterwards said, that Pompey had committed a fowl fault, An ill counsel and fowl fault of Pompey. not to consider that the charge which is given ronning with fury, besides that it giveth the more strength also unto their blows, doth set men's hearts also a fire: for the common hurling of all the soldiers that run together, is unto them as a box of the ear that sets men a fire. Then Caesar making his battle march forward to give the onset, saw one of his Captains (a valiant man, and very skilful in war, in whom he had also great confidence) speaking to his soldiers that he had under his charge, encouraging them to fight like men that day. So he called him aloud by his name, and said unto him: well, Caius Crassinius, what hope shall we have to day? how are we determined, to fight it out manfully? Then Crassinius casting up his hand, answered him aloud: this day, O Caesar, we shall have a noble victory, and I promise' thee ere night thou shalt praise me alive or dead. When he had told him so, The battle in the fields of Pharsalia. he was himself the foremost man that gave charge upon his enemies, with his band following of him, being about six score men, and making a lane through the foremost ranks, with great slaughter he entered far into the battle of his enemies: until that valiantly fight in this sort, he was thrust in at length in the mouth with a sword, that the point of it came out again at his neck. Now the footmen of both battles being come to the sword, the horsemen of the left wing of Pompey, did march as fiercely also, spreading out their troupes, to compass in the right wing of Caesar's battle. But before they began to give charge, the six ensigns of footmen which Caesar had laid in ambush behind him, they began to run full upon them, not throwing away their darts far of as they were wont to do, neither striking their enemies on the thighs nor on the legs, but to seek to hit them full in the eyes, Caesar's strategeme. and to hurt them in the face, as Caesar had taught them. For he hoped that these lusty young gentlemen that had not been often in the wars, nor were used to see themselves hurt, & the which, being in the prime of their youth and beauty, would be afraid of those hurts, aswell for the fear of the present danger to be slain, as also for that their faces should not for ever be deformed. As in deed it came to pass, for they could never abide that they should come so near their faces, with the points of their darts, but hung down their heads for fear to be hit with them in their eyes, and turned their backs, covering their face, because they should not be hurt. Then, breaking of themselves, they began at length cowardly to fly, and were occasion also of the loss of all the rest of Pompey's army. For they that had broken them, Caesar overcometh Pompey. ran immediately to set upon the squadron of the footmen behind, and slew them. Then Pompey seeing his horsemen from the other wing of his battle, so scattered and dispersed, flying away: forgot that he was any more Pompey the great which he had been before, but rather was like a man whose wits the gods had taken from him, being afraid and amazed with the slaughter sent from above, and so retired into his tent speaking never a word, and sat there to see the end of this battle. Until at length all his army being overthrown, and put to flight, the enemies came, and got up upon the rampers and defence of his camp, and fought hand to hand with them that stood to defend the same. Then as a man come to himself again, he spoke but this only word: What, even into our camp? So in haste, casting of his coat armour and apparel of a general, Pompey's flight. he shifted him, and put on such, as become his miserable fortune, and so stolen out of his camp. Furthermore, what he did after this overthrow, and how he had put himself into the hands of the EGYPTIANS, by whom he was miserably slain: we have set it forth at large in his life. Then Caesar entering into Pompey's camp, and seeing the bodies laid on the ground that were slain, and others also that were a killing, said, fetching a great sigh: it was their own doing, and against my william. For Caius Caesar, after he had won so many famous conquests, and overcome so many great battles, had been utterly condemned notwithstanding, if he had departed from his army. Asinius Pollio writeth, that he spoke these words then in Latyn, which he afterwards wrote in Greek, and sayeth furthermore, that the most part of them which were put to the sword in the camp, were slaves and bondmen, and that there were not slain in all at this battle, above six thousand soldiers. As for them that were taken prisoners, Caesar did put many of them amongst his legions, and did pardon also many men of estimation, among whom Brutus was one, Brutus that slew Caesar, taken prisoner at the battle of Pharsalia. Signs & tokens of Caesar's victory. that afterwards slew Caesar himself: and it is reported, that Caesar was very sorry for him, when he could not immediately be found after the battle, and that he rejoiced again, when he knew he was alive, and that he came to yield himself unto him. Caesar had many signs and tokens of victory before this battle: but the notablest of all other that happened to him, was in the city of TRALLES. For in the temple of victory, within the same city, there was an image of Caesar, and the earth all about it very hard of itself, and was paved beside with hard stone: and yet some say that there sprang up a palm hard by the base of the same image. In the city of PADYA, Caius Cornelius an excellent Soothsayer, A strange tale of Cornelius an excellent Prognosticatos. (a country man and friend of Titus Livins the Historiographer) was by chance at that time set to behold the flying of birds. He (as Livy reporteth) knew the very time when the battle began, and told them that were present, even now they gave the onset on both sides, and both armies do meet at this instant. Then sitting down again to consider of the birds, after he had bethought him of the signs: he suddenly rose up on his feet, and cried out as a man possessed with some spirit, o, Caesar, the victory is thine. Every man wondering to see him, he took the crown he had on his head, and made an oath that he would never put it on again, till the event of his prediction had proved his art true. Livy testifieth, that it so came to pass. Caesar afterwards giving freedom unto the THESSALIANS, in respect of the victory which he wan in their country, he followed after Pompey. When he came into ASIA, he gave freedom also unto the GVIDIANS for Theopompus sake, who had gathered the fables together. He did release ASIA also, the third part of the tribute which the inhabitants paid unto the ROMANS. Then he came into ALEXANDRIA, after Pompey was slain: and detested Theodotus, that presented him Pompey's head, and turned his head at toe side because he would not see it. Notwithstanding, he took his seal; and beholding it, wept. Furthermore, he courteously used all Pompey's friends and familiars, who wandering up and down the country, were taken of the king of EGYPT, and wan them all to be at his commandment. Continuing these courtesies, he wrote unto his friends at ROME, that the greatest pleasure he took of his victory, Caesar's clemency in victory. was, that he daily saved the lives of some of his country men that bore arms against him. And for the war he made in ALEXANDRIA, some say, he needed not have done it, The cause of Caesar's war in Alexandria. but that he willingly did it for the love of Cleopatra: Wherein he wan little honour, and beside did put his person in great danger. Others do lay the fault upon the king of EGYPT'S Ministers, but specially on Pothinus the Euenuke, Pothinus the Euenuke caused Pompey to be slain. who bearing the greatest sway of all the kings servants, after he had caused Pompey to be slain, and driven Cleopatra from the Court, secretly laid wait all the ways he could, how he might likewise kill Caesar. Wherefore Caesar hearing an inkling of it, began thenceforth to spend all the night long in feasting and banqueting, that this person might be in the better safety. But besides all this, Pothinus the Euenuke spoke many things openly not to be borne, only to shame Caesar, and to stir up the people to envy him. For he made his soldiers have the worst and oldest wheat that could be gotten: then if they did complain of it, he told them, they most be contented, seeing they eat at another's man's cost. And he would serve them also at the table in treene and earthen dishes, saying, that Caesar had away all their gold and silver, for a debt that the king's father (that then reigned) did own unto him: which was, a thousand seven hundred and fifty Miriades, whereof Caesar had before forgiven seven hundred & fifty thousand unto his children. Howbeit then he asked a Myllion to pay his soldiers withal. Thereto Pothinus answered him, that at that time he should do better to follow his other causes of greater importance, and afterwards that he should at more leisure recover his debt, with the kings good will and favour. Caesar replied unto him, and said, that he would not ask counsel of the EGYPTIANS for his affairs, but would be paid: and thereupon secretly sent for Cleopatra which was in the country to come unto him. Cleopatra came to Caesar. She only taking Apollodorus SICILIAN of all her friends, took a little boat, and went away with him in it in the night, and came and landed hard by the foot of the castle. Then having no other mean to come in to the court, without being known, she laid herself down upon a mattress or flockbed; Cleopatra trussed up in a mattress, and so brought to Caesar, upon Apollodorus back. which Apollodorus her friend tied & bound up together like a bundle with a great leather thong, and so took her up on his back, and brought her thus hampered in this farthel unto Caesar, in at the castle gate. This was the first occasion, (as it is reported) that made Caesar to love her but afterwards, when he saw her sweet conversation and pleasant entertainment, he fell then in further liking with her, & did reconcile her again unto her brother the king, with condition, that they two jointly should reign together. upon this new reconciliation, a great feast being prepared, a slave of Caesar's that was his barber, the fearfullest wretch that lived, still busily prying and listening abroad in every corner, being mistrustful by nature: found that Pothinus and Achillas did lie in wait to kill his Master Caesar. This being proved unto Caesar, he did set such sure watch about the hall, where the feast was made, that in fine, he slew the Euenuke Pothinus himself. Achillas on tother side, saved himself, and fled unto the kings camp, where he raised a marvelous dangerous & difficult war for Caesar: because he having then but a few men about him as he had, he was to fight against a great & strong city. The first danger he fell into, was for the lack of water he had; for that his enemies had stopped the mouth of the pipes, the which conveyed the water unto the castle. The second danger he had, was, that seeing his enemies came to take his ships from him, he was driven to repulse that danger with fire, the which burned the arsenal where the shipped lay, and that notable library of ALEXANDRIA withal. The great library of Alexandria burnt. The third danger was in the battle by sea, that was fought by the tower of Phar.: where meaning to help his men that fought by sea, he dept from the peer, into a boat. Then the EGYPTIANS made towards him with their owers, on every side: but he leaping into the sea, with great hazard saved himself by swimming. ●ris said, that then holding divers books in his hand, Caesar's swimming with books in his hand. he did never let them go, but kept them always upon his head above water, & swam with the other hand, notwithstanding that they shot marvelously at him, and was driven sometime to duck into the water: howbeit the boat was downed presently. In fine, the king coming to his men that made war with Caesar, he went against him, and gave him battle, and wan it with great slaughter, and effusion of blood. But for the king, no man could ever tell what become of him after. Thereupon Caesar made Cleopatra his sister, Queen of EGYPT, Caesar made Cleopatra Queen of Egypt. who being great with child by him, was shortly brought to bed of a son, whom the ALEXANDRIANS named Caesarion. Caesarion, Caesar's son, begotten of Cleopatra. From thence he went into SYRIA, and so going into ASIA, there it was told him that Domitius was overthrown in battle, by Pharnaces, the son of king Mithridates, and was fled out of the realm of PONTE, with a few men with him: and that this king Pharnaces greedily following his victory, was not contented with the winning of BYTHINIA, & CAPPADOCIA, but further would needs attempt to win ARMENIA the less, procuring all those kings, Princes, and Governors of the provinces thereabouts, to rebel against the ROMANS. Thereupon Caesar went thither strait with three legions, and fought a great battle with king Pharnaces, by the city of ZELA, where he slew his army, & drove him out of all the realm of PONTE. Caesar's victory of king Pharnaces. And because he would advertise one of his friends of the suddenness of this victory, he only wrote three words unto Anitius at ROME: Veni, Vedi, Vici: to wit, I came, I saw, I overcame. Caesar wyteth three words, to certify his victory. These three words ending all with like sound and letters in the Latin, have a certain shore grace, more pleasant to the ear, then can be well expressed in any other tongue. After this, he returned again into ITALY, and came to ROME, ending his year for the which he was made Dictator the second time, which office before was never granted for one whole year, but unto him. Then he was chosen Consul for the year following. Afterwards he was very ill spoken of, for that his soldiers in a mutiny having slain two Praetors, Cosconius, and Galba, he gave them no other punishment for it, but in stead of calling them soldiers, he named them citizens, and gave unto every one of them, a thousand Drachmas a man, and great possessions in ITALY. He was much misliked also for the desperate parts and madness of Dolabella, for the covetousness of Anitius, for the drunkenness of Antonius and Cornificius, which made Pompey's house be pulled down and builded up again, as a thing not big enough for him, wherewith the ROMANS were marvelously offended. Caesar knew all this well enough, and would have been contented to have redressed them: but to bring his matters to pass be pretended, he was driven to serve his turn by such instruments. After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio being fled into AFRICA, king Iub● joined with them, & levied a great puissant army. Wherefore Caesar determined to make war with them, & in the midst of winter, he took his journey into SYCILE. Caesar's journey into Africa, against Cato and Scipio. There, because he would take all hope from his Captains and soldiers to make any long abode there, he went and lodged upon the very sands by the sea side, and with the next gale of wind that came, he took the sea with three thousand footmen, and a few horsemen. Then having put them a land, unwares to them, he hoist sail again, to go fetch the rest of his army, being afraid lest they should meet with some danger in passing over, and meeting them mid way, he brought them all into his camp. Where, when it was told him that his enemies trusted in an ancient Oracle, which said, that it was predestined unto the family of the Scipios to be conquerors in AFRICA: either of purpose to mock Scipio the General of his enemies, or otherwise in good earnest to take the benefit of this name (given by the Oracle) unto himself, in all the skirmishes & battles he fought, he gave the charge of his army, unto a man of mean quality and account, called Scipio Sallutius, who came of the race of Scipio, AFRICAN, and made him always his General which he fought. For he was eftsoons compelled to weary and harry his enemies: Caesar's troubles in Africa. for that neither his men in his camp had corn enough, nor his beasts forage, but the soldiers were dri 〈…〉 to take sea weeds, called Alga: and (washing away the brackishnes thereof with fresh water, putting to it a little erbe called dogs tooth) to cast is so to their horse to eat. Alga, and dogs tooth, given to the horse to eat. For the NUMIDIANS (which are light horsemen, and very ready of service) being a great number together, would be on a sudden in every place, Caesar's dangers in Africa. and spread all the fields over thereabout, so that no man durst peep out of the camp to go for forage. And one day as the men of arms were shipping to behold an AFRICAN doing notable things in dancing, and playing with the fl 〈…〉 they being set down quietly to take their pleasure of the view thereof, having in the mean time given their slaves their horses to hold, the enemies stealing suddenly upon them, compassed them in round about, and slew a number of them in the field, and chase the other also that fled, followed them pell-mell into their camp. Furthermore had not Caesar himself in person, and Afinius Pollio with him gone out of the camp to the rescue, and stayed them that fled: the war that day had been ended. There was also an other skirmish where his enemies had the upper hand, in the which it is reported, that Caesar taking the ensign bears by the collar that carried the Eagle in his hand, stayed him by force, and turning his face, told him: see, there be thy enemies. These advantages did lift up Scipio's heart aloft, and gave him courage to hazard battle: and leaving Afranius on the one hand of him, and king juba on the other hand, both their camps lying near to other, he did fortify himself by the city of THAPSACUS, above the lake, to be a safe refuge for them all in this battle. But whilst he was busy entrenching of himself, Caesar having marvelous speedily passed through a great country full of wood, by bypathes which men would never have mistrusted: he stolen upon some behind, and suddenly assailed the other before, so that he overthrew them all, and made them fly. Then following this first good hap he had, he went forthwith to set upon the camp of Afranius, the which he took at the first onset, and the camp of the NUMIDIANS also, king juba being fled. Thus in a little piece of the day only, he took three camps, Caesar's great victory and small loss. & slew fifty thousand of his enemies, and lost but fifty of his soldiers. In this sort is set down th'effect of this battle by some writers. Yet others do write also, that Caesar self was not there in person at th'execution of this battle. For as he did set his men in battle ray, the falling sickness took him, Caesar troubled with the falling sickness. whereunto he was given, and therefore feeling it coming, before he was overcome withal, he was carried into a castle not far from thence, where the battle was sought, and there took his rest till th'extremity of his disease had left him. Now, for the Praetors & Consuls that scaped from this battle, many of them being taken prisoners, did kill themselves, and others also Caesar did put to death: but he being specially desirous of all men else to have Cato alive in his hands, he went with all possible speed unto the city of UTICA, whereof Cato was Governor, by means whereof he was not at the battle. Notwithstanding being certified by the way that Cato had slain himself with his own hands, Caesar was sorry for the death of Cato. he then made open show that he was very sorry for it, but why or wherefore, no man could tell. But this is true, that Caesar said at that present time O Cato, I envy thy death, because thou didst envy my glory, to save thy life. This notwithstanding, the book that he wrote afterwards against Cato being dead, did show no very great affection nor pitiful heart towards him. Caesar wrote against Cato being dead. For how could he have pardoned him, if living he had had him in his hands: that being dead did speak so vehemently against him? Notwithstanding, men suppose he would have pardoned him, if he had taken him alive, by the clemency he showed unto Cicero, Brutus, and divers others that had borne arms against him. Some report, that he wrote that book, not so much for any private malice he had to his death, as for a civil ambition, upon this occasion. Cicero had written a book in praise of Cato, Cicero wrote a book in praise of Cato being dead. which he entitled, Cato. This book in likely hood was very well liked of, by reason of the eloquence of the Orator that made it, and of the excellent subject thereof. Caesar therewith was marvelously offended, thinking that to praise him, of whose death he was author, was even as much as to accuse himself: & therefore he wrote a letter against him, & heaped up a number of accusations against Cato, and entitled the book Anticaton. Both these books have favourers unto this day, some defending the one for the love they bore to Caesar. and others allowing the other for Cato's sake. Caesar being now returned out of AFRICA, first of all made an oration to the people, wherein he greatly praised and commended this his last victory, declaring unto them, that he had conquered so many countries unto the Empire of ROME, that he could furnish the common wealth yearly, with two hundred thousand busshells of wheat, & twenty hundred thousand pound weight of oil. Then he made three triumphs, the one for EGYPT, the other for the kingdom of PONTE, and the third for AFRICA: not because he had overcome Scipio there, but king juba. Whose son being likewise called juba, being then a young boy, was led captive in the show of this triumph. But this his imprisonment fell out happily for him: for where he was but a barbarous NUMIDIAN, by the study he fell unto when he was prisoner, he came afterwards to be reckoned one of the wisest historiographers of the GRECIANS. juba, the son of king juba, a famous historiographer. After these three triumphs ended, he very liberally rewarded his soldiers: and to curry favour with the people, he made great feasts & common sports. For he feasted all the ROMANS at one time, at two and twenty thousand tables, and gave them the pleasure to see divers sword players to fight at the sharp, Caesar's feasting of the Romans. and battles also by sea, for the remembrance of his daughter julia, which was dead long afore. Then after all these sports, he made the people (as the manner was) to be mustered: The muster taken of the Romans. and where there were at the last musters before, three hundred and twenty thousand citizens, at this muster only there were but a hundred and fifty thousand. Such misery and destruction had this civil war brought unto the common wealth of ROME, and had consumed such a number of ROMANS not speaking at all of the mischiefs and calamities it had brought unto all the rest of ITALY, and to the other provinces pertaining to ROME. After all these things were ended, he was chosen Consul the fourth time, Caesar Consul the fourth time. and went into SPAIN to make war with the sons of Pompey: who were yet but very young, but had notwithstanding raised a marvelous great army together, and showed to have had manhood and courage worthy to command such an army, insomuch as they put Caesar himself in great danger of his life. The greatest battle that was fought between them in all this war, was by the city of MUNDA. Battle fought betwixt Caesar and the young Pompeyeses, by the city of Munda. For then Caesar seeing his men sorely distressed, and having their hands full of their enemies: he ran into the press among his men that fought, and cried out unto them: what, are ye not ashamed to be beaten and taken prisoners, yielding yourselves with your own hands to these young boys? And so, with all the force he could make, having with much a do put his enemies to flight: he slew above thirty thousand of them in the field, and lost of his own men a thousand of the best he had. After this battle he went into his tent, and told his friends, that he had often before fought for victory, Caesar's victory of the sons of Pompey. but this last time now, that he had fought for the safety of his own life. He wan this battle on the very feast day of the BACCHANALIANS, in the which men say, that Pompey the great went out of ROME, about four years before, to begin this civil war. For his sons, the younger scaped from the battle: but within few days after, Diddius brought the head of the elder. This was the last war that Caesar made. But the triumph he made into ROME for the same, Caesar triumph of Pompey's sons. did as much offend the ROMANS, and more, than any thing that ever he had done before: because he had not overcome Captains that were strangers, nor barbarous kings, but had destroyed the sons of the noblest man in ROME, whom fortune had overthrown. And because he had plucked up his race by the roots, men did not think it meet for him to triumph so, for the calamities of his country, rejoicing at a thing for the which he had but one excuse to allege in his defence, unto the gods and men: that he was compelled to do that he did. And the rather they thought it not meet, because he had never before sent letters nor messengers unto the common wealth at ROME, for any victory that he had ever won in all the civil wars: but did always for shame refuse the glory of it. This notwithstanding, the ROMANS inclining Caesar's prosperity, and taking the bit in the mouth, supposing that to be ruled by one man alone, it would be a good mean for them to take breath a little, after so many troubles and miseries as they had abidden in these civil wars: they chose him perpetual Dictator. Caesar Dictator perpetual. This was a plain tyranny: for to this absolute power of Dictator, they added this, never to be affrayed to be deposed. Cicero propounded before the Senate, that they should give him such honours, as were meet for a man: howbeit others afterwards added to, honours beyond all reason. For, men striving who should most honour him, they made him hateful and troublesome to themselves that most favore him, by reason of the unmeasurable greatness and honours which they gave him. Thereupon it is reported, that even they that most hated him, were no less favourers and furtherers of his honours, than they that most flattered him: because they might have greater occasions to rise and that it might appear they had just cause and colour to attempt that they did against him. And now for himself, after he had ended his civil wars, he did so honourably behave himself, that there was no fault to be found in him: and therefore me thinks, amongst other honours they gave him, he rightly deserved this, that they should build him a temple of clemency, The temple of clemency, dedicated unto Caesar, for his courtesy. to thank him for his courtesy he had used unto them in his victory. For he pardoned many of them that had borne arms against him, and furthermore, did prefer some of them to honour and office in the common wealth: as amongst others, Cassius and Brutus, both the which were made Praetors. Cassius and Brutus Praetors. And where Pompey's images had been thrown down, he caused them to be set up again: whereupon Cicero said then, that Caesar setting up Pompey's images again, he made his own to stand the surer. And when some of his friends did counsel him to have a guard for the safety of his person, and some also did offer themselves to serve him: he would never consent to it, but said, it was better to die once, Caesar's saying of death. then always to be afraid of death. But to win himself the love and good will of the people, Good will of subjects, the best guard and safety for Palaces. as the honourablest guard and best safety he could have: he made common feasts again, & general distributions of come. Furthermore, to gratify the soldiers also, he replenished many cities again with inhabitants, which before had been destroyed, and placed them there that had no place to repave unto: of the which the noblest & chiefest cities were these two, CARTHAGE, & CORINTHE● and it chanced so, that like as aforetime they had been both taken and destroyed together, even so were they both set a foot again, and replenished with people, at one self time. And as for great personages, he wan them also, promising some of them, to make them Praetors and Consuls in time to come, and unto others, honours and preferrements, but to all men generally good hope, seeking all the ways he could to make every man contented with his reign. Insomuch as one of the Consuls called Maximus, chancing to die a day before his consulship ended, he declared Caninius Rebilius Consul only for the day that remained. Caninius Rebilius Consul for one day. So, divers going to his house (as the manner was) to salute him, & to congratulate with him of his calling and preferrment, being newly chosen officer: Cicero pleasantly said, come, let us make haste, and be gone thither, before his consulship come out. Furthermore, Caesar being borne to attempt all great enterprises, & having an ambitious desire beside to covet great honours: the prosperous good success he had of his former conquests bred no desire in him quietly to enjoy the fruits of his labours, but rather gave him hope of things to come, still kindling more and more in him, thoughts of greater enterprises, and desire of new glory, as if that which he had present, were stolen and nothing worth. This humour of his was no other but an emulation with himself as with an other man, and a certain contention to overcome the things he prepared to attempt. For he was determined, & made preparation also, to make war with the PERSIANS. Then when he had overcome them, to pass through HYRCANIA (compassing in the sea Caspium, and mount Caucasus) into the realm of PONTUS, and so to invade SCYYHIA: and overrunning all the countries and people adjoining unto high GERMANY, and GERMANY itself, at length to return by GAUL into ITALY, and so to enlarge the ROMAN Empire round, that it might be every way compassed in with the great sea Oceanum. But whilst he was preparing for this voyage, he attempted to cut the bar of the strait of PELOPONNESUS, in the place where the city of CORINTHE standeth. Then he was minded to bring the rivers of Anienes and Tiber, Anienes, Tiber, flu. strait from ROME, unto the city of GLUCEES, with a deep channel and high banks cast up on either side, and so to fall into the sea at TEREACINA, for the better safety and commodity of the merchants that came to ROME to traffic there. Furthermore, he determined to drain and seawe all the water of the marisses' betwixt the cities of NOMENTUM and SETIUM, to make it firm land, for the benefit of many thousands of people: and on the sea coast next unto ROME, to cast great high banks, and to cleanse all the haven about OSTIA, of rocks and stones hidden under the water, and to take away all other impediments that made the harborough dangerous for ships, and to make new havens and arsenals meet to harbour such ships, as did continually traffic thither. All these things were purposed to be done, but took no effect. But, the ordinance of the calendar, and reformation of the year, Caesar reformed the inequality of the year. to take away all confusion of time, being exactly calculated by the Mathematicians, and brought to perfection, was a great commodity unto all men. For the ROMANS using then the ancient computation of the year, had not only such incertainty and alteration of the month and times, that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by little and little to seasons contrary for the purpose they were ordained: but also in the revolution of the sun (which is called Annus Solaris) no other nation agreed with them in account: and of the ROMANS themselves, only the priests understood it. And therefore when they listed, they suddenly (no man being able to control them) did thrust in a month, above their ordinary number, which they called in old time, * Mercedonius, mensis intercularis. Mercedonius. Some say, that Numa Pompilius was the first, that devised this way, to put a month between: but it was a weak remedy, and did little help the correction of the errors that were made in the account of the year, to frame them to perfection. But Caesar committing this matter unto the Philosophers, and best expert Mathematicians at that time, did set forth an excellent and perfect calendar, more exactly calculated, than any other that was before: the which the ROMANS do use until this present day, and do nothing err as others, in the difference of time. But his enemies notwithstanding that envied his greatness, did not stick to find fault withal. As Cicero the Orator, when one said, to morrow the star Lyra will rise: yea, said he, at the commandment of Caesar, as if men were compelled so to say and think, by Caesar's edict. Why Caesar was hated. But the chiefest cause that made him mortally hated, was the covetous desire he had to be called king: which first gave the people just cause, and next his secret enemies, honest colour to bear him ill william. This notwithstanding, they that procured him this honour & dignity, gave it out among the people, that it was written in the Sybilline prophecius, how the ROMANS might overcome the PARTHIANS, if they made war with them, and were led by a king, but otherwise that they were unconquerable. And furthermore they were so bold beside, that Caesar returning to ROME from the city of ALBA, when they came to salute him, they called him king. But the people being offended, and Caesar also angry, he said he was not called king, but Caesar. Then every man keeping silence, he went his way heavy and sorrowful. When they had decreed divers honours for him in the Senate, the Consuls and Praetors accompanied with the whole assembly of the Senate, went unto him in the market place, where he was set by the pulpit for orations, to tell him what honours they had decreed for him in his absence. But he sitting still in his majesty, disdaining to rise up unto them when they came in, as if they had been private men, answered them: that his honours had more need to be cut of, then enlarged. This did not only offend the Senate, but the common people also, to see that he should so lightly esteem of the Magistrates of the common wealth: insomuch as every man that might lawfully go his way, departed thence very sorrowfully. Thereupon also Caesar rising, departed home to his house, and tearing open his doublet collar, making his neck bore, he cried out aloud to his friends, that his throat was ready to offer to any man that would come and cut it. Notwithstanding, it is reported, that afterwards to excuse this folly, he impured it to his disease, saying, that their wits are not perfect which have his disease of the falling evil, when standing of their feet they speak to the common people, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their body, and a sudden dimness and guidines. But that was not true. For he would have risen up to the Senate, but Cornelius Balbus one of his friends (but rather a flatterer) would not let him, saying: what, do you not remember that you are Caesar, and will you not let them reverence you, and do their duties? Besides these occasions and offences, there followed also his shame and reproach, abusing the Tribunes of the people in this sort. At that time, the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, The feast Lipercalia. the which in old time men say was the feast of shepherds of heard men, and is much like unto the feast of the LYC●IANS in ARCADIA. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noble men sons, young men, (and some of them Magistrates themselves that govern then) which run naked through the city, striking in sport them they meet in their way, with leather thongs, hear and all on, to make them give place. And many noble women, and gentle women also, go of purpose to stand in their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as scholars hold them 〈…〉 to their schoolmaster, to be stricken with the ferula: persuading themselves that being with child, they shall have good delivery, and also being barren, that it will make them to conceive with child. Caesar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit for orations, in a chair of gold, appareled in triumphing manner. Antonius, Antonius being Consul, was one of the Lupercalians. Antonius' presented the diadem to Caesar. who was Consul at that time, was one of them that ran this holy course. So when he came into the market place, the people made: a lane for him to run at liberty, and he came to Caesar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry of rejoicing, not very great, done only by a few, appointed for the purpose. But when Caesar refused the diadem, than all the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But when Caesar refused it again the second time, than all the whole people shouted. Caesar having made this proof, found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto jupiter in the Capitol. After that, there were set up images of Caesar in the city with Diadeames upon their heads, like kings: Those, the two Tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down: and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Caesar as king, they committed them to prison. The people followed them rejoicing at it, and called them Brutes: because of Brutus, who had in old time driven the kings out of ROME, & that brought the kingdom of one person, unto the government of the Senate and people. Caesar was so offended withal, that he deprived Marullus and Flavius of their Tribuneshippes, and accusing them, he spoke also against the people, and called them Bruti, and Cumani, to wit, beasts, and fools. hereupon the people went strait unto Marcus Brutus, who from his father came of the first Brutus, and by his mother, of the house of the Seruilians, a noble house as any was in ROME, and was also nephew and son in law of Marcus Cato. Notwithstanding, the great honours and favour Caesar showed unto him, kept him back that of himself alone, he did not conspire nor consent to depose him of his kingdom. For Caesar did not only save his life, Caesar saved Marcus Brutus life, after the battle of Pharsalia. after the battle of Pharsalia when Pompey fled, and did at his request also save many men of his friends beside: but furthermore, he put a marvelous confidence in him. For he had already preferred him to the praetorship for that year, and furthermore was appointed to be Consul, the fourth year after that, having through Caesar's friendship, obtained it before Cassius, who likewise made sure for the same: and Caesar also, as it is reported, said in this contention, in deed Cassius hath alleged best reason, but yet shall he not be chosen before Brutus. Brutus conspireth against Caesar. Some one day accusing Brutus while he practised this conspiracy, Caesar would not hear of it, but clapping his hand on his body, told them, Brutus will look for this skin: meaning thereby, that Brutus for his virtue, deserved to rule after him, but yet, that for ambitious sake, he would not show himself unthankful nor dishonourable. Now they that desired change, and wished Brutus only their Prince and Governor above all other: they durst not come to him themselves to tell him what they would have him to do, but in the night did cast sundry papers into the Praetor's seat where he gave audience, and the most of them to this effect. Thou sleepest Brutus, and art not Brutus in deed. Cassius finding Brutus ambition slurred up the more by these seditious bills, Cassius st●roeth up Brutus against Caesar. did prick him forward, and egg him on the more, for a private quarrel he had conceived against Caesar: the circumstance whereof, we have set down more at large in Brutus' life. Caesar also had Cassius in great gelouzie, and suspected him much: whereupon he said on a time to his friends, what will Cassius do, think ye? I like not his pale looks. another time when Caesar's friends complained unto him of Antonius, and Dolabella, that they pretended some mischief towards him: he answered them again, as for those fat men and smooth combed heads, q he, I never reckon of them: but these pale visaged and carian lean people, I fear them most, meaning Brutus and Cassius. Certainly, destiny may easier be foreseen, then avoided: considering the strange & wonderful signs that were said to be seen before Caesar's death. Predictions, & foreshows of Caesar's death. For touching the fires in the element, and spirits running up and down in the night, and also these solitary birds to be seen at noon days sitting in the great market place: are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as happened. But Strabo the Philosopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down in fire: and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers, that did cast a marvelous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it, thought he had been burnt, but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. Caesar self also doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacrificed had no heart: and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live without a heart. Furthermore, there was a certain Soothsayer that had given Caesar warning long time afore, Caesar's day of his death prognosticased by a Soothsayeth. to take heed of the day of the Ideses of March, (which is the fifteenth of the month) for on that day he should be in great danger. That day being come, Caesar going unto the Senate house, and speaking merrily to the Soothsayer, told him, the Ideses of March he come: so be they, softly answered the Soothsayer, but yet are they not past. And the very day before, Caesar supping with Marcus Lepidus, sealed certain letters as he was wont to do at the board: so talk falling out amongst them, reasoning what death was best: he preventing their opinions, cried out aloud, death unlooked for. Then going to bed the same night as his manner was, and lying with his wife Calpurnia, all the windows and doors of his chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him afraid when he saw such lights but more, when he heard his wife Calpurnia, being fast a sleep, weep and sigh, The dream of Calpurnia. Caesar's wife. and put forth many fumbling lamentable speeches. For she dreamt that Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms. Others also do deny that she had any such dream, as amongst other, Titus Livius writeth, that it was in this sort. The Senate having set upon the top of Caesar's house, for an ornament and setting forth of the same, a certain pinnacle: Calpurnia dreamt that she saw it broken down, and that she thought she lamented and weep for it. Insomuch that Caesar rising in the morning, she prayed him if it were possible, not to go out of the doors that day, but to adjourn the session of the Senate, until an other day. And if that he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that he would search further of the Soothsayers by their sacrifices, to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed that Caesar likewise did fear and suspect somewhat, because his wife Calpurnia until that time, was never given to any fear or superstition: and then, for that he saw her so troubled in mind with this dream she had. But much more afterwards, when the Soothsayers having sacrificed many beasts one after an other, told him that none did like them: then he determined to send Antonius to adjourn the session of the Senate. But in the mean time came Decius Brutus, surnamed Albinus, in whom Caesar put such confidence, that in his last will and testament be had appointed him to be his next heir, Decius Brutus Albinus persuasion to Caesar. and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus: he fearing that if Caesar did adjourn the session that day, the conspiracy would out, laughed the Soothsayers to scorn, and reproved Caesar, saying: that he gave the Senate occasion to mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, considering that by his commandment they were assembled, and that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and to proclaim him king of all the provinces of the Empire of ROME out of ITALY, and that he should wear his diadem in all other places, both by sea and land. And furthermore, that if any man should tell them from him, they should depart for that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have better dreams: what would his enemies and ill willers say, and how could they like of his friends words? And who could persuade them otherwise, but that they would think his dominion a slavery unto them, and tyrannical in himself? And yet if it be so, said he, that you utterly mislike of this day, it is better that you go yourself in person, and saluting the Senate, to dismiss them till an other time. Therewithal he took Caesar by the hand, and brought him out of his house. Decius Brutus brought Caesar into the Senate house. The tokens of the conspiracy against Caesar. Caesar was not gone far from his house, but a bondman, a stranger, did what he could to speak with him: and when he saw he was put back by the great press and multitude of people that followed him, he went strait unto his house, and put himself into Calpurnides hands to be kept, till Caesar came back again, telling her that he had great matters to impart unto him. And one Artemidorus also borne in the isle of GNIDOS, a Doctor of Rhetoric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his profession was very familiar with certain of Brutus confederates, and therefore knew the most part of all their practices against Caesar: came & brought him a little bill written with his own hand, of all that he meant to tell him. He marking how Caesar received all the supplications that were offered him, and that he gave them strait to his men that were about him, pressed nearer to him, and said: Caesar, read this memorial to yourself, and that quickly, for they be matters of great weight and touch you neérely● Caesar took it of him, but could never read it, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people that did salute him: but holding it still in his hand, keeping it to himself, went on withal into the Senate house. Howbeit other are of opinion, that it was some man else that gave him that memorial, and not Artemidorus, who did what he could all the way as he went to give it Caesar, but he was always repulsed by the people. For these things, they may seem to come by chance: but the place where the murder was prepared, The place where Caesar was slain. and where the Senate were assembled, and where also there stood up an image of Pompey dedicated by himself amongst other ornaments which he gave unto the Theatre: all these were manifest proofs that it was the ordinance of some god, that made this treason to be executed, specially in that very place. It is also reported, that Cassius (though otherwise he did favour the doctrine of Epicurus) beholding the image of Pompey, before they entered into the action of their traitorous enterprise: he did softly call upon it, to aid him. But the instant danger of the present time, taking away his former reason, did suddenly put him into a furious passion, and made him like a man half besides himself. Now Antonius, Antonius, Caesar's faithful friend. that was a faithful friend to Caesar, and a valiant man beside of his hands, him Decius Brutus Albinus entertained out of the Senate house, having begun a long tale of set purpose. So Caesar coming into the house, all the Senate stood up on their feet to do him honour. Then part of Brutus company and confederates stood round about Caesar's chair, and part of them also came towards him, as though they made suit with Metellus Cimber, to call home his brother again from banishmet: and thus prosecuting still their suit, they followed Caesar, till he was set in his chair. Who, denying their petitions, and being offended with them one after an other, because the more they were denied, the more they pressed upon him, and were the earnester with him: Metellus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, pulled it over his neck, which was the sign given the confederates to set upon him. Then Casca behind him struck him in the neck with his sword, Casca, the first that struck at Caesar. howbeit the wound was not great not mortal, because it seemed, the fear of such a devilish attempt did amaze him, and take his strength from him, that he killed him not at the first blow. But Caesar turning strait unto him, caught hold of his sword, and held it hard: and they both cried out, Caesar in Latin: O vile traitor Casca, what dost thou? And Casca in Greek to his brother, brother, help me. At the beginning of this stir, they that were present, not knowing of the conspiracy were so amazed with the horrible sight they saw: that they had no power to fly, neither to help him, not so much, as once to make any outcry. They on tother side that had conspired his death, compassed him in on every side with their sword drawn in their hands, that Casca turned him no where, but he was stricken at by some, and still had naked swords in his face, and was hacked and mangled among them, as a wild beast taken of hunters. For it was agreed among them, that every man should give him a wound, because all their parts should be in this murder: and then Brutus himself gave him one wound about his privities. Men report also, that Caesar did still defend himself against the rest, running every way with his body: but when he saw Brutus with his sword drawn in his hand, than he pulled his gown over his head, and made no more resistance, and was driven either casually, or purposedly, by the counsel of the conspirators, against the base whereupon Pompey's image, stood, which ran all of a gore blood, till he was slain. Thus it seemed, that the image took just revenge of Pompey's enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his feet, and yielding up his ghost there, for the number of wounds he had upon him. For it is reported, that he had three and twenty wounds upon his body: Caesar slain and had 23. wounds upon him. and divers of the conspirators did hurt themselves, striking one body with so many blows. When Caesar was slain, the Senate (though Brutus stood in the midst amongst them as though he would have said somewhat touching this fact) presently ran out of the house, and flying, filled all the city with marvelous fear and tumult. Insomuch as some did shut to their doors, others forsook their shops & warehouses, and others ran to the place to see what the matter was: and others also that had seen it, ran home to their houses again. But Antonius and Lepidus, which were two of Caesar's chiefest friends, secretly conveying themselves away, fled into other men's houses, and forsook their own. Brutus and his confederates on tother side, being yet hot with this murder they had committed, The murderers of Caesar do go to the Capital. having their sword drawn in their hands, came all in a troop together out of the Senate, and went into the market place, not as men that made countenance to fly, but otherwise boldly holding up their heads like men of courage, and called to the people to defend their liberty, and stayed to speak with every great parsonage whom they met in their way. Of them, some followed this troop, and went amongst them, as if they had been of the conspiracy, and falsely challenged part of the honour with them: among them was Capius Octavius, and Lentulus Spinther. But both of them were afterwards put to death, for their value covetousness of honour, by Antonius, and Octavius Caesar the younger: and yet had no part of that honour for the which they were put to death, neither did any man believe that they were any of the confederates, or of counsel with them. For they that did put them to death, took revenge rather of the will they had to offend, then of any fact they had committed. The next morning, Brutus and his confederates came into the market place to speak unto the people, who gave them such audience, that it seemed they neither greatly reproved, nor allowed the fact: for by their great silence they showed, that they were sorry for Caesar's death, and also that they did reverence Brutus. Now the Senate granted general pardon for all that was passed, and to pacify every man, ordained beside, that Caesar's funerals should be honoured as a god, and established all things that he had done: and gave certain provinces also, and convenient honours unto Brutus and his confederates, whereby every man thought all things were brought to good peace & quietness again. Caesar's funerals. But when they had opened Caesar's testament, and found a liberal legacy of money, bequeathed unto every citizen of ROME, and that they saw his body (which was brought into the market place) all bemangled with gashes of swords: then there was no order to keep the multitude and common people quiet, but they plucked up forms, tables, and stools, and laid them all about the body, & setting them a fire, burned the corpse. Then when the fire was well kindled, they took the firebrands, and went unto their houses that had slain Caesar, to set them a fire. Other also ran up and down the city to see if they could meet with any of them, to cut them in pieces: howbeit they could meet with never a man of them, because they had locked themselves up safely in their houses. There was one of Caesar's friends called Cinna, that had a marvelous strange & terrible dream the night before. Cinnaes' dream of Caesar. He dreamt that Caesar bade him to supper, & that he refused, and would not go: then that Caesar took him by the hand, and led him against his william. Now Cinna hearing at that time, that they burned Caesar's body in the market place, notwithstanding that he feared his dream, and had an ague on him beside: he went into the market place to honour his funerals. When he came thither, one of the mean sort asked what his name was? He was strait called by his name. The first man told it to an other, and that other unto an other, so that it ran strait through them all, that he was one of them that murdered Caesar: (for in deed one of the traitors to Caesar, was also called Cinna as himself) wherefore taking him for Cinna the murderer, The murder of Cinna. they fell upon him with such fury, that they presently dispatched him in the market place. This stir and fury made Brutus and Cassius more afraid, then of all that was past, and therefore within few days after, they departed out of ROME: and touching their doings afterwards, and what calamity they suffered till their deaths, we have written it at large, in the life of Brutus. Caesar died at six and fifty years of age: Caesar 56. year. old at his death. and Pompey also lived not passing four years more than he. So he reaped no other fruit of all his reign & dominion, which he had so vehemently desired all his life, and pursued with such extreme danger: but a vain name only, and a superficial glory, that procured him the envy and hatred of his country. But his great prosperity and good fortune that favoured him all his lfe time, did continued afterwards in the revenge of his death, The revenge of Caesar's death. pursuing the murderers both by sea & land, till they had not left a man more to be executed, of all them that were actors or counsellors in the conspiracy of his death. Furthermore, of all the chances that happen unto men upon the earth, that which came to Cassius above all other, is most to be wondered at. Cassius being overthrown at the battle of Philippes, slew himself with the self same sword wherewith he struck Caesar. For he being overcome in battle at the journey of Philippes, slew himself with the same sword, with the which he struck Caesar. Again, of signs in the element, the great comet which seven nights together was seen very bright after Caesar's death, Wonders seen in the element after Caesar's death. A great Comet. the eight night after was never seen more. Also the brightness of the sun was darkened, the which all that year through rose very pale, and shined not out, whereby it gave but small heat: therefore the air being very cloudy & dark, by the weakness of the heat that could not come forth, did 'cause the earth to bring forth but raw and unripe fruit, which rotted before it could ripe. But above all, the ghost that appeared unto Brutus showed plainly, that the gods were offended with the murder of Caesar. The vision was thus. Brutus being ready to pass over his army from the city of ABVDO●, to the other coast lying directly against it, slept every night (as his manner was) in his tent, and being yet awake, thinking of his affairs: Brutus' vision. (for by report he was as careful a Captain, and lived with as little sleep, as ever man did) he thought he heard a noise at his tent door, & looking towards the light of the lamp that waxed very dim, he saw a horrible vision of a man, A spirit appeared unto Brutus. of a wonderful greatness, and dreadful look, which at the first made him marvelously afraid. But when he saw that it did him no hurt, but stood by his bed side, and said nothing: at length he asked him what he was. The image answered him: I am thy ill angel, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the city of PHILIPPES. Then Brutus replied again, and said: well, I shall see thee then. Therewithal, the spirit presently vanished from him. After that time Brutus being in battle near unto the city of PHILIPPES, against Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first battle he won the victory, and overthrowing all them that withstood him, he drove them into young Caesar's camp, which he took. The second battle being at hand, this spirit appeared again unto him, but spoke never a word. The second appearing of the spirit, unto Brutus. Thereupon Brutus knowing he should die, did put himself to all hazard in battle, but yet fight could not be slain. So seeing his men put to flight and overthrown, he ran unto a little rock not far of, and there setting his sword point to his breast, fell upon it, and slew himself, but yet as it is reported, with the help of his friend, that dispatched him. The end of Caesar's life. THE LIFE OF Photion. THe Orator Demades on a time flourished in ATHENS, because in all his doings and sayings in the administration and government of the comcom wealth, he always favoured the MACEDONIANS and Antipater: in respect whereof he was eftsoon compelled, both in his counsel and laws, to prefer many things to the dishonour of his city, saying, that they must pardon him, because he governed the shippewrackes of his country. Demades arrogant saying. This was an arrogant speech: but yet referring it to the government of Photion he said truly. For in deed Demades self was the shipwreck of the common weal, because he lived so insolently, and governed so lewdly. Insomuch as Antipater said of him, after he was very old: that there was nothing left of him, no more then of a beast sacrificed, but the tongue and belly. But the virtues of Photion, which had to fight against the cruel and bitter enemy of the time, were so obscured by the calamities of GRAECE: that his fame was nothing so great as he deserved. For we must not credit Sophocles words, making virtue of itself but weak, in these verses. When storms of sore adversities (ò king) do men assail, It daunts their courage, cuts their combs, and makes their hearts to quail. But we must only give place to fortune, who when she frowneth upon any good and virtuous men, The power of virtue and fortune. her force is so great, that where they deserve honour and favour, she violently heapeth false & malicious accusations against them, which maketh their virtue same, & not of that credit which in deed it deserveth. And yet it seemeth to many that free cities are most cruel unto their good citizens in time of prosperity: because they flow in wealth & live at ease, which maketh them of haughty minds. But it is clean contrary. For adversity commonly maketh men's manners sour, Adversity maketh men hasty. choleric, and very hasty: beside, slow to hear, churlish, and offended with every little sharp word. For he that correcteth them that offend, seemeth to cast their adversity in their teeth: and he that telleth them plainly of their faults, seemeth also to despise them. For like as honey sweet by nature, applied unto wounds, doth bring both smart and pain: even so, sharp words, though profitable, do bite the unfortunate man, if they be not tempered with discretion & courtesy. And therefore Homer the Poet calleth sweet and pleasant things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as yielding and not striving with contrariety, against that part of the mind, whereby we be angry and froward. For even as sore eyes do like to look on black and dark colours, and can not abide the bright and glaring: so in a city, where for want of foresight and government, things go not well, men be so divers and unwilling to hear of their own fault and estate, that they had rather continued in their folly and danger, then by sharpness of words to be rebuked and restored. So that it being impossible to amend one fault with a greater, that common wealth must be in great danger, that when it hath most need of help, is loathest to receive any: and he also hazardeth himself, that plainly telleth them their faults. Like as therefore the Mathematician saith, that the sun doth not altogether follow the motion of the highest heaven, nor yet is moved directly contrary, but fetching a compass a little overthwart, maketh an obliqne circle, and by variety of approaching and departing preserveth all things, & keepeth the world in good temperature. Even so, too severe government, contrarying the people's minds in all things, is not good: as also it is marvelous dangerous, not to correct offenders when they offend, for fear of the people's displeasure. But the mean, sometime to yield unto the people to make them the more willing to obey, and to grant them things of pleasure, to demand of them again things profitable: that is a good way to govern men the better by. For, by gentle means they are brought to do many profitable things, when they seek it not of them, by rigour & authority. In deed this mean is very hard to be observed, because authority is hardly tempered with lenity. But when they meet together, there is no harmony more musical, nor concordance more perfect than that: and therefore it is said, that thereby God doth govern the world, working rather a voluntary, than a forced obedience in men. But this fault of severenes was in Cato the younger, for he could not fashion himself to the people's manners, neither did they like his: neither did he win his estimation in the common wealth by flattering of them. And therefore Cicero said, Cicero's saying of Cato, & the common wealth at Rome. that he was put by the Consulship, for that he behaved himself as though he lived in the common wealth devised by Plato, & not amongst the disordered and corrupt posterity of Romulus. Me thinketh I can liken him properly unto untimely fruit: the which though men do take pleasure to see and wonder at, yet they eat them not. Even so, the ancient simplicity of Cato's manner (having so long time been out of use, Cato's plain manner, become not the corrupt and surety time. & coming then to show itself in that corrupt time & ill manners of the city) was in deed much praiseworthy: but yet not the convenientest, nor the fittest for him, because it answered nor respected not the use and manners of his time. For he found not his country (as Photion did) utterly destroyed, but tossed in a dangerous tempest: & being not of authority like the pilot to take the stern in hand, & govern the ship: he took himself to tricking the fails, and preparing the tacle, so to assist men of greater power. And yet being in no greater place, he so thwarted fortune (which seemed to have sworn the overthrow of the estate of ROME) that with much a do, with great difficulty, & a long time after, she executed her malice. And yet the common wealth had almost gotten the victory of her, by means of Cato & his virtue: with whom I do compare the virtue of Photion, who yet in my opinion, were not in all things alike, neither in their honesty, nor policy of government. For there is difference betwixt manhood & manhood, as there was betwixt that of Alcibiades, and that of Epaminondas: betwixt wisdom & wisdom, as betwixt that of Aristides, & that of Themistocles: & betwext justice & justice, as betwixt that of Numa, & that of Agesilaus. But the virtues of these men (to him that shall superficially regard, & slightly consider them) seem all one in quality, in manner, & use, both alike in temperance of courtesy with severity, & manhood with wisdom: a vigilant care for others, with presence of courage & security of mind for themselves, abhorting all filthiness & corruption, & embracing constancy & love of justice: that for any man to discern the difference between them, it requireth an excellent good wit & judgement. Now touching Cato, every man knoweth that he was of a noble house, as we will show you hereafter in his life: but for Photion, The par●●age of Photion. I guess he came of no base parentage. For if he had been the son of a spoonemaker, as Idomeneus testifieth: Glancippus the son of Hyperides, having in an invective he wrote against him, rehearsed all the mischiefs he could of him, he would not have forgot to have upbraid him with his base parentage, neither he himself also (if that had been true) had been so well brought up as he was. For when he was but a young man, he was Plato's scholar; and afterwards Xenocrates scholar, in the school of Academia: and so, even from his first beginning, he gave himself to follow them that were learned. For as Duris writeth, never ATHENIAN saw him weep nor laugh, Photion never wept, nor laughed. nor wash himself in any common bath, nor his hands out of his sleeves when he ware a long gown. For when he went to the wars, he would always go afoot, and never wore gown, unless it were extreme cold: and then the soldiers to mock him withal, would say it was a sign of a sharp winter, when they saw Photion in his gown. photion's manners. Now, though in deed he was very courteous and gentle of nature, yet he had such a grim look withal, that no man had any desire to talk with him, but such as were of his familiar acquaintance. And therefore when Chares the Orator one day mocked him for the bending of his brows, and that the ATHENIANS fell in a laughter withal: My Masters, q Photion, the bending of my brows have done you no hurt, but the foolery and laughing of these flatterers, have made ye oftentimes to weep. Furthermore, his manner of speech was very profitable, for the good sentences and counsels he uttered: but it was mixed with an imperious, austere, and bitter shortness. For as Zeno the Philosopher sayeth, that the wise man should temper his words with wit and reason, before he utter them: even so was photion's speech, the which in few words comprehended much matter. And thereupon it seemeth that Polyeuctus SPHETTIAN said, that Demosthenes was an excellent Orator, but in speech, Photion was very witty. For like as coins of gold or silver, the lighter they way, the finer they be of goodness: even so the excellency of speech consisteth in signifying much, by few words. Wherein excellency of speech consifieth. And touching this matter, it is reported, that the Theatre being full of people, Photion walked all alone upon the scaffold where the players played, and was in a great muse with himself: whereupon, one of his friends seeing him so in his muses, said unto him, Surely Photion, thy mind is occupied about somewhat. In deed so is it, said he: for I am thinking with myself, if I could abridge any thing of that I have to say to the people. For Demosthenes' self little esteeming all other Orators, when Photion rose up to speak, he would round his friends in their ears, and told them: See, the cutter of my words riseth. Peradventure he meant it by his manners also: For when a good man speaketh, not a word only, but a wink of an eye, or a nod of his head, doth countervail many artificial words & speeches of Rhetoricians. Furthermore, photion's first soldier sa●e. when he was a young man, he went to the wars under Captain Chabrias, and followed him: of whom he learned to be a perfect soldier, and in recompense thereof, he reformed many of his captains imperfections, and made him wiser than he was. For Chabrias otherwise being very dull and slothful of himself, when he came to fight, he was so hot and courageous, that he would thrust himself into danger, with the desperatest persons: & therefore for his rashness, it afterwards cost him his life, in the city of CHIO, where launching out with his galley before the rest, he pressed to land in despite of his enemies. But Photion being wise to look to himself, and very quick to execute: on the one side quickened Chabrias slowness, and on the other side also, by wisdom cooled his heat and fury. Chabrias therefore, being a good man & courteous, loved Photion very well, and did prefer him in matters of service, making him famous amongst the GRECIANS, and employed him in his hardiest enterprises. For by his means he achieved great fame and honour in a battle by sea, which he wan by the isle of NAXOS, giving him the left wing of his army: The victory of Chabrias and Photion, in the isle of Naxos. on which side the fight was sharpest of all the battle, and there he soon put the enemies to flight. This battle being the first which the city of ATHENS wan with their own men only, after it had been taken: gave the people cause to love Chabrias, and made them also to make account of Photion, as of a noble soldier, & worthy to have charge. This victory was gotten on the feast day of the great mysteries, in memory whereof, Chabrias did yearly, on the sixteenth day of the month Boedromion (now called August) make all the people of ATHENS drink. After that time, Chabrias sending Photion to receive the tribute of the Islanders, their confederates, and the ships which they should sand him: he gave him twenty galleys to bring him thither. But Photion then (as it is reported) said unto him: if he sent him to fight with his enemies, he had need to have more ships: but if he sent him as an Ambassador unto his friends, then, that one ship would serve his turn. So he went with one galley only: and after he had spoken with the cities, and courteously dealt with the governors of every one of them, he returned back, furnished of their confederates, with a great fleet of ships and money, to carry unto ATHENS. So Photion did not only ●●uerence Chabrias while he lived, but after his death also he took great care of his friends and kinsmen, and sought to make his son Ctesippus, an honest man: whom, though he saw way: wild and untoward, yet he never left to reform him, and hide his fault. It is said also, that when this young man did trouble him much with vain frivolous questions, serving then under him, he being Captain, and taking upon him to give him counsel, to reprove him, and to teach him the duty of a Captain: he could not but say, O Chabrias, Chabrias: now do I pay for the love thou diddest bear me when thou wertalive, in bearing with the folly of thy son. But when he saw that the heads of the city of ATHENS had as it were by lot divided among themselves the offices of war and peace, and that some of them, as Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hyperides were common speakers and preferrers of matters in counsels and Senate: and that others, as Diopithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chares, become great men by the wars, and had charge of armies: he determined rather to follow the manner of government, of Pericles, Aristides, & Solon, as being mingled of both. For either of them, seemed (as the Poet Archilotus saith) To be both Champions stout, of Marsis warlike band, And of the Muses eke, the arts to understand. He knew also, that Pallas the goddess and protector of ATHENS, was called Folemica, and Politica: to wit, skilful to rule both in war and peace. So, having thus disposed of himself in government, he always persuaded peace and quietness, and yet was often chosen Captain, and had charge of armies, being the only man that of all the Captains afore him, and in his time, did never sue for charge, neither yet refused it at any time, when he was called to serve the common wealth. It is certain that he was chosen five and forty times Praetor, and was always absent at the elections, but yet sent for. Whereupon all the wise men wondered to see the manner of the people towards him, considering that Photion had never done nor said any thing to flatter them withal, but commonly had been against their desires: and how they used other governors notwithstanding, that were more pleasant and delightful in their orations, like men to sport at, as it is said of kings, who after they have washed their hands to go to their meat, do use to have jeslers and flatterers to make them merry: but on tother side when they had occasion of wars in deed, how then like wise men they could bethink themselves, and choose the wisest and slowtest man of the city, & that most would withstand their minds and desires. photion's notable sayings. For on a time an oracle of Apollo Delphias, being openly read before them, which said, that all the other ATHENIANS being agreed, yet there was one among them that was contrary to all the rest of the city: Photion stepping forth before them all, bade them never seek further for the man, for it was he that liked none of all their doings. Another time he chanced to say his opinion before all the people, the which they all praised and approved but he saw they were so suddenly become of his mind, he turned back to his friends, and asked them: alas, hath not some evil thing slipped my mouth unwares? Another time a general collection being gathered of the people at ATHENS, towards the solemnizing of a sacrifice: other men of his estate having paid their part, he was often also called upon to pay his. But he answered them again, ask them that be rich, for it were a shame for me to give you any thing, being yet in this man's debt: pointing to Callicles the Usurer, who had lent him money. But when they left him not for all this, to cry out upon him for the contribution, he began to tell them this tale: that on a time there was a coward preparing to go to the wars, and as he was ready to departed, he heard the Ravens what a crying they made, and taking it for an ill sign, he put of his harness, and kept him at home. After that he put on his harness again, & went on his way towards the camp: the Ravens began again to make a goodlier cry he hind him. But thereupon he stayed strait, and at length said: ye shall crook as loud as ye list, before ye feed of my carcase. another time the ATHENIANS being in war under his charge, would needs have him to lead them to give charge upon their enemies, but he would not: thereupon they called him coward, and said he durst not. Well, said he again, it is not you can make me valiant, no more than myself can make you cowards: and yet one of us know an other. Another time in a marvelous dangerous time, the people handled him very churlishly, and would needs have him presently deliver account of his charge: but he answered them, O my friends, first save yourselves. Furthermore, the people being very lowly and humble, for fear, in time of wars: and presently in peace again waxing brave in words against Photion, charging him that he had taken the victory out of their hands: he only said this to them, you are happy that have a Captain that knows you, else you would sing a new song. Another time there was a quarrel betwixt the BO●OTIANS, and them, about their bounds and fronters: the which they would not try by law, but by battle. But Photion told them, they did they witted not what, & counseled them rather to fight it out in words, in which they were the stronger, and not with weapons, where they were the weaker. Another time they so much misliked his opinion in the assembly, that they would not abide to hear him, nor suffer him to speak. Well, my Masters, q he then, you may make me do that which is not to be done: but you shall never compel me, against my mind, to say that which is not to be spoken. He would as gallantly also gird the Orators his adversaries, when they were busy with him. As on a time he answered Demosthenes, that said unto him: the people, Photion, will kill thee one day, and if it take them in the heads. Yea thee, q he, if they be wise. Again, when Polyeuctus SPHETTIAN, in a hot day persuaded the people of ATHENS to make war with king Philip, sweeting, and with much a do fetching his breath, being a fat man, that he was driven oftentimes to drink water, to end his oration: surely said Photion, ye shall do marvelous wisely, to make war at such a man's motion. Why, what think ye will he do, when he hath his curates and his target upon him, and that the enemies be ready to fight: that now in making an oration only before you, which he hath studied long before, is almost stifled? Another time also when Lycurgus in his oration had openly reproved him for many things before the people, and among the rest, for that Alexander demanding ten Citizens of ATHENS to do with them what he thought good, that he had counseled them to deliver them: Photion answered him, I have oftentimes counseled them for the best, but they would never follow my council. There was one Archibiades at that time in ATHENS, that counterfeated the LACEDAEMONIAN, with a marvelous long beard, a beggarly cloak, and a sour look. Photion being checked one day before the people, appealed unto Archibiades for a witness, to confirm that he spoke. But he rising up, counseled the people contrarily, to flatter them withal, Photion perceiving it, took him by the beard, and said unto him: alas Archibiades, why didst thou not then clip thy beard, seeing thou wouldst needs flatter? There was another great pleader, one Aristogiton, Aristogiton, a Sycophant, & coward. that in all assemblies of the city, did nothing but buss wars continually in their ears. Afterwards when men were to be levied and mustered, and their names entered that should go to the wars: Aristogiton came halting into the market place with a staff in his hand, and both his legs bound up, to make the people believe that he was sick and deceased. Photion spying Aristogiton far of, cried out to the Clerk that wrote the bills put in Aristogiton, lame, and impudent. So that oftentimes it makes me muse, how, or wherefore so sharp and severe a man (as by these examples it appeareth he was) could come to the surname of good. Notwithstanding, in the end I found it a hard thing, but not impossible, Photion called by surname, go●●. that a man should be like wine, both sweet and sharp together: as there are others to the contrary, that at the first sight, seem very courteous and gentle of conversation, and upon better acquaintance, prove churlish and dogged. It is reported also, that Hyperides the Orator one day should say to the ATHENIANS: I pray you (my Lords) note me not for my sharpness, but consider if my sharpness be without profit. As who should say, men were not troublesome, but for covetousness only, and as if the people did not rather fear and hate them, that of insolency & malice did abuse & contemn their authority. Photion on tother side, he never did Citizen hurt, for any private malice he bore him: but was ever sharp and cruel to them, which were against any matter he preferred for the benefit of the commonwealth. For in all other things, he showed himself marvelous lowly and courteous to every body, and would be familiar with his adversaries, and help them if they wanted, or were otherwise in danger of displeasure with the state. Insomuch as his friends therefore reproved him on a time, when he spoke in the behalf of a naughty man, an offender: O, said he, honest men need no help. another time, Aristogiton the Sycophant, being clapped up in prison, sent unto Photion to pray him to come and speak with him, after he was condemned. Photion went into the prison to him, though his friends persuaded him the contrary, and answered them: O, let me alone, said he, for where could I see Aristogiton more gladly then in prison? Furthermore, when there went any army to sea out of ATHENS, if there were any other chosen general but Photion: the towns and Islands all alongst the sea coast, (which were friends and confederates of the ATHENIANS) fortified their walls, filled up their havens, and brought their wives, slaves, and cattle, and all their goods into their towns and cities, as if they had been enemies, & open war proclaimed. Contrarily also, if Photion had been captain and general: they would sand out their ships to the sea to meet him far of, crowned with garlands in token of common joy, and so would bring him to their cities. King Philip secretly seeking to win the isle of EUZOEA, sent an army thither out of MACEDON, and enticed the towns by tyrants to rebel: whereupon, Plutarch ERETRIAN prayed in aid of the ATHENIANS, to take this Island from the MACEDONIANS, which they daily wan more and more, if they came not presently to aid them. photion's journey into Eubo●a. So Photion was sent general thither, but with a few men only, because they made accounted the men of that country would strait join with him, for the good will they bore him. But when he came thither, he found them all traitors, and rebels, and bribed with king philip's money, which he lavished out among them: so that he was brought into great danger. Thereupon he retired to a little hill that is severed from the fields of Tamynes, with a great large valley, and there fortified himself with that little army he had. Then he persuaded his Captains not to care for all those rebels, prattlers, and cowards which fled out of their tents, Photion persuadeth his Captains to suffer the musinous soldiers & cowards to departed the camp. and forsook their ensigns and Captains, but that they should let them go out of the camp where they would. For, said he, such disobedient soldiers here will do us no service, and moreover will hinder them that have good will to serve well: and at home also, knowing themselves in fault, for that they forsook the camp without licence, they dare not complain upon us. Afterwards when the enemies came to set upon him, he commanded his men to arm, and put themselves in readiness, and not to stir, until he had done sacrifice but he stayed long before he came, either because he could have no lucky signs of the sacrifices, or else for that he would draw his enemies nearer. Thereupon Plutarch ERETRIAN supposing he deferred to march for fear, went himself first into the field, with certain light horsemen he had in pay. Then the men of arms seeing them give charge, could hold no longer, but followed him also, straggling out of the camp one after an other disorderly, and so did set upon their enemies. The first being overthrown, all the other dispersed themselves, and Plutarch himself fled. Then certain bands of the enemies thinking all had been theirs, followed them even into their camp, and came to throw down their rampires. In the mean time, Photion having ended his sacrifice, photion's victory in Eub●●a. the ATHENIANS came out of their camp, and set upon them, and made part of them fly immediately, and part of them also they slew hard by the trenches of their camp. Then Photion commanded that the battle should stand still, to receive their men that were scattered up and down the fields: and in the mean space, he himself, with the choicest men of his army, gave charge upon the enemies. The fight was cruel between them. For the ATHENIANS sought very valiantly, venturing their persons: but of them all, two young men fight by their general, (Glaucus, the son of Polymedes, and Th●llus, the son of Cineas) carried the praise away. And so did Cleophanes that day also show himself very valiant. For the crying out still upon the horsemen that fled, & persuading them to come and help their general that was in danger: brought them back again, and thereby go●● the footmen the victory. After this battle he drove Plutarch out of ERETRIA, and took the castle of ZARETRA, standing in a very commodious place for this war, where the isle draweth to a straightness, environed on either side with the sea: and would not suffer his men to take any GRECIANS prisoners, fearing lest the Orators at ATHENS might move the people suddenly in a rage, to put them to death. After all these things were done, Photion returned back to ATHENS. But than did the confederates of the ATHENIANS strait wish for his justice and courtesy: and the ATHENIANS themselves also knew his skilfulness and manhood. For his successor Molossus, that was general for the rest of the war, dealt so undiscreetelye that he himself was taken prisoner there. Then king Philip being put in marvelous great hope, went with all his army into HELLESPONT, persuading himself, that he should strait take all CHERRONESUS, the cities of PERINTHE and BYZANTIUM. The ATHENIANS thereupon determining to sand aid, to prevent king Philip's coming the Orators made great suit, that Chares might be chosen Captain. But he being sent thither with a good number of ships, did no service worthy commendation, neither would the cities receive his navy into their havens: but being suspected of every man, and despised of his enemies, he was driven to sail up and down, and to get money of the allies. The people being incensed by the Orators, were marvelously offended, & repented themselves that they had sentayde unto the BIZANTINES. Then Photion rising up, spoke unto the people, & told them, that it was no reason that mistrusting their confederates they should be offended with them: but to be angry with their Captains that deserved to be mistrusted. For they, said he, do make your confederates afraid of you, who without you notwithstanding can not save themselves. The people changing their minds by his oration, made Photion again their Captain, and sent him with an army into HELLESPONT to help their confederates there, which was of great importance to save the city of BYZANTIUM. Furthermore, photion's fame was so great, that Cleon, the greatest man of virtue and authority in BYZANTIUM, and had before been photion's companion and familiar in the Academy: he made suit for him unto the city. Photion saved the city of Byzantium. Then the BYZANTINES would not suffer him (though he desired it) to camp without the walls of their city, but opening their gates, received him in, and mingled the ATHENIANS amongst them. Who, perceiving how much the Citizens trusted them, did so honestly behave themselves in their conversation amongst them, that they gave them no manner of cause to complain of them: and showed themselves so valiant beside in all battles and conflicts, that Philip (which before was thought dreadful and invincible, every man being afraid to fight any battle with him) returned out of HELLESPONT without any thing done, Photion draws Philip out of Hellespont. and to his great discredit: where Photion wan some of his ships, and recovered again the strong holds, in the which he had placed his garrisons. Furthermore, making divers invasions into his countries, he destroyed his borders: till that at length he was sore hurt there, and so driven to return home again, by means of a great army that came against him, to defend the country: Photion joined Megara unto Athens. Shortly after, the MEGARIANS secretly sent unto him, to deliver their city into his hands. Photion fearing if the BOBOTIANS understood it, that they would prevent him: he called a common assembly early in the morning, & told the people what message the MAGARIANS had sent unto him. The people upon his motion being determined to aid them: Photion strait sounding the trumpet at the breaking up of the assembly, gave them no further leisure, but to take their weapons, and so led them incontinently to MEGARA. The MEGARIANS receiving him, Photion shut up the haven of NISAEA, and brought two long walls from the city unto it, and so joined it unto the sea: Whereby he stood not greatly in fear of his enemies by land, and for the sea, the ATHENIANS were Lords of it. Now when the ATHENIANS had proclaimed open war against king Philip, and had chosen other Captains in his absence, and that he was returned from the Isles: above all things, he persuaded the people (king Philip requiring peace, and greatly fearing the danger) to accept the conditions of peace. Then one of these busy Orators that was still accusing one or other, said unto him why; Photion, how darest thou attempt to turn the ATHENIANS from war, having now their sword in their hands? yes truly, said Photion: though in war I know I shall command thee, & in peace thou wilt command me. But when the people would not hearken to him, and that Demosthenes carried them away with his persuasions, who counseled them to sight with king Philip, as far from ATTICA as they could: I pray thee friend, q Photion unto him, let us not dispute where we shall fight, but consider how we shall overcome, the which if we can so bring to pass, be sure we shall put the war far enough from us. For men that are overcome, be ever in fear and danger, wheresoever they be. When the ATHENIANS had lost a battle against Philip, the seditious Orators that hunted after innovation, preferred Charidemus to be chosen general of the ATHENIANS: whereupon, the Magistrates & Senators being afraid, and taking with them all the Court and Senate of the ARBOPAGITS, they made such earnest suit to the people, with the tears in their eyes, that at last (but with much a do) they obtained, that the affairs of the city might be put into photion's hands & government. He thought good to accept the articles and gentle conditions of peace which Philip offered them. But after that the Orator Demades moved that the city of ATHENS would enter into the common treaty of peace, & common assembly of the states of GRAECE, procured at king Philip's request: Photion would not agreed to it, until they might understand what demands Philip would make at the assembly of the GRECIANS. When his opinion through the perverseness of time could not be liked of them, & that he saw the ATHENIANS soon after repented them that they did not follow his counsel, when they heard they should furnish king Philip with ships and horsemen: then he told them, the fear whereof ye now complain, made me to withstand that, which now ye have consented unto. But sithence it is so that you have now past your consents, you must be contented, and not be discouraged at it: remembering that your ancestors in times past have sometime commanded, and other while obeyed others, and yet have so wisely and discreetly governed themselves in both fortunes, that they have not only saved their city, but all GRAECE besides. When news came of king Philip's death, the people for joy would strait have made bonfires and sacrifices to the gods for the good news: To rejoice at any man's hurt, showeth a base mind, & vile nature. but Photion would not suffer them, and said, that it was a token of a base mind, to rejoice at any man's death, & besides that, the army which overthrew you at CHAERONEA, hath not yet lost but one man. And when Demosthenes also would commonly speak ill of Alexander, and specially when he was so near THEBES with his army: Photion rehearsed unto him these verses of Homer. How great a folly is it for to stand Against a cruel king, Which being armed and having sword in hand, Seeks fame of every thing? What, when there is such a great fire kindled, wilt thou cast the city into it? for my part therefore, though they were willing, yet will I not suffer them to cast themselves away: for to that end have I taken upon me this charge and government. And afterwards also, when Alexander had razed the city of THEBES, and had required the ATHENIANS to deliver him Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Caridemus, and that the whole assembly and counsel not knowing what answer to make, did all cast their eyes upon Photion, and cried unto him to say his opinion: he than rose up, and taking one of his friends unto him called Nicocles, whom he loved and trusted above all men else, he said thus openly unto them. These men whom Alexander requireth, have brought this city to this extremity, that if he required Nicocles here, I would give my consent to deliver him: For I would think myself happy to loose my life, for all your safety. Furthermore, though I am right heartily sorry (said he) for the poor afflicted THEBANS, that are come into the city for secure: yet I assure ye, it is better one city mourn, than two. And therefore I think it is best to entreat the Conqueror for both, rather than to our certain destruction to fight with him that is the stronger. It is said also that Alexander refused the first decree which the people offered him upon photion's request, and sent away the Ambassadors, and would not speak with them. But the second, which Photion himself brought, he took: being told by his father's old servants, that king Philip made great account of him. Alexander pacified with the Athenians, by photion's means. Whereupon, Alexander did not only give him audience, and grant his request, but further followed his counsel. For Photion persuaded him, if he loved quietness, to leave war: if he desired fame, then, that he should make war with the barbarous people, but not with the GRECIANS. So Photion feeding Alexander's humour with such talk and discourse as he thought would like him best: he so altered and softened Alexander's disposition, that when he went from him, he willed him that the ATHENIANS should look to their affairs, for if he should die, he knew no people fit to command than they. Furthermore, because he would be better acquainted with Photion, and make him his friend: he made so much of him, that he more honoured him, than all the rest of his friends. To this effect, Duris the historiographer writeth, that when Alexander was grown very great, and had overcome king Darius: he left out of his letters this word Chaerin (to wit, joy, and health) which he used commonly in all the letters he wrote, and would no more honour any other with that manner of salutation, but Photion, & Antipater. Chares also writeth the same. And they all do confess, that Alexander sent Photion a great gift out of ASIA, of a hundred silver talents. This money being brought to ATHENS, Photion asked them that brought it, why Alexander gave him such a great reward, above all the other Citizens of ATHENS. Because, said they, he only esteemeth thee to be a good, and honest man. Photion replied again, then let him give me leave to be that I seem, & am, whilst I live. The Messengers would not so leave him, but followed him home to his house, where they saw his great husbandry, & thriftiness: For they found his wife herself baking, and he himself drew water before them, out of the well, to wash his feet. But then they were more earnestly in hand with him than before, and prayed him to take the kings present, and were offended with him, saying it was a shame for Alexander's friend to live so miserably and beggarly as he did. Then Photion seeing a poor old man go by, in a thread bore gown, asked them, whether they thought him worse than he? Not, God forbidden, answered they again. Then replied he again, he lives with less than I do, and yet is contented, and hath enough. To be short, said he, if I should take this sum of money and occupy it not, photion's virtue and integrity, refusing of Alexander's money. it is as much as I had it not: on tother side, if I occupy it, I shall make all the city speak ill of the king and me both. So this great present was sent back from ATHENS, whereby he showed the GRECIANS, that he was richer that needed not such gold & silver, than he that gave it him. But when Alexander wrote again unto Photion, that he did not reckon them his friends, that would take nothing of him: Photion notwithstanding would not take the money, but only requested him for his sake, that he would set these men at liberty, which were kept prisoners in the city of SARDIS, for certain accusations laid against them: Echecratides the Rhetorician, Athenodorus borne in the city of IMBROS, and two CORINTHIANS, Demaratus and Spartus. Alexander presently set them at liberty, and sent Craterus into MACEDON, commanding him to give Photion the choice of one of these four cities of ASIA, which he liked best: CIOS, GERGITHA, MYLASSIS, ELEA: sending him word, that he would be much more angrier with him now, if he did refuse this offer, than he was at the first. But Photion would never accept any one of them: and Alexander shortly after died. photion's house is seen yet at this day in the village of MELITA, photion's house and wives. set forth with plates of copper, but otherwise very mean, and without curiosity. For his wives he married, there is no mention made of the first, saving that Cephisodotus the image graver was her brother. But for his second wife, she was no less famous at ATHENS, for her honesty, and good housewiverie: then Photion, for his justice and equity. And for proof thereof, it is reported, that the ATHENIANE being one day assembled in the Theatre, to see new tragedies played, one of the players when he should have comen upon the scaffold, to have played his part, asked the setter forth of the plays, the apparel of a Queen, and certain Ladies to wait upon her, because he was to play the part of the Queen. The setter forth of the plays denying him, the player went away in a rage, and left the people staring one at another, and would not come out upon the stage. But Melanthius the setter forth of the plays, compelling him, brought him by force on the stage, and cried out unto him. Dost thou not see photion's wife, that goeth up and down the city, with one maid only waiting on her? and wi●● thou play the fool, and mar the modesty of the women of ATHENS? The people hearing his words, filled all the Theatre with joy and clapping of hands. The same Lady, when a certain gentlewoman of JONIA came to ATHENS to see her, and showed her all her rich jewels and precious stones she had: she answered her again, all my riches and jewels, is my husband Photion, who these twenty years together, hath continually been chosen general for the ATHENIANS. Phocus, photion's son, what he was. photion's son telling his father on a time, that he was desirous to contend with other young men for the victory, who should cunningliest leap out, and get up again into the charretts or coaches, running their full course, at the feasts Panathenaea at ATHENS: his father was contented he should, not that he was desirous his son should have the honour of the victory, but because by this honest exercise he should grow to better manner, for that he was a dissolute young man, and much given to wine. Yet he wan the victory at that time, and there were divers of his father's friends, that prayed him to do them that honour, that they might keep the feast of this victory in their houses. Photion denied them all, but one man, and him he suffered to show his good will unto his house, and went thither himself to supper to him. Where amongst many fine and superfluous things prepared, he found passing baths of wine and sweet smelling spices to wash the feet of the bidden guests as they came to the feast: Whereupon he called his son to him, and asked him, how canst thou abide Phocus, that our friend should thus disgrace thy victory with excess? But because he would withdraw his son from that licentious life, he brought him to SPARTA, and placed him there among young boys brought up after the LACONIAN discipline. The ATHENIANS were much offended at it, to see that Photion did so much despise his own country manner and fashions. Also when Demades the Orator one day said unto Photion: why do we not persuade the ATHENIANS to live after the LACONIAN manner? As for me (said he) if thou wilt make one to set it forward: I am ready to be the first man to move the matter. In deed, q Photion, thou art a meet man to persuade the ATHENIANS to live LACONIAN like, in common together at their meals, and to praise Lycurgus strait law: that art thyself commonly so perfumed, and fine in thy apparel. Another time when Alexander wrote letters unto ATHENS to send him some ships, and that the Orators persuaded them not to grant him, the people called upon Photion chief to say his opinion: then Photion told them plainly, me thinks ye must either make yourselves the strongest in wars, or being the weaker, procure to be friends unto the stronger. Pythias, a newcome Orator, being full of tongue, and impudent, would still make one to speak in every matter: Wherefore Photion said unto him, good gods, Photion despiseth Harpalus money. will this novice never leave babbling? And when Harpalus king Alexander's Lieutenant of the province of BABYLON, fled out of ASIA, and came to ATTICA with a great sum of gold and silver: strait these men that sold their tongues to the people for money, flocked about him like a sight of swallows. And he stuck not to give every one of them a piece of money to baste them with: for it was a trifle to him, considering the great sums of money he brought. But to Photion himself, he sent unto him seven hundred talents, and offered himself and all that he had into his hands of trust. But Photion gave him a sharp answer, and told him, that he would make him repent it, if he corrupted the city of ATHENS in that manner. So Harpalus being amated therewith, left him at that time, and went unto them that had taken money of him. But shortly after, when the ATHENIANS sat in counsel about him, he perceived that those which had taken his money, were shrunk from him, and that they did accuse him, where they should have excused him, to blear the world, that men should not suspect them they had been corrupted and that Photion on tother side which had refused his money, having respect to the common wealth, had also some regard to save his life: he once more attempted all the ways he could to win him. Howbeit he found him so constant, that no money could carry the man. Then Harpalus falling in friendship with Charicles (photion's son in law) he made him to be ill spoken of, and greatly suspected, because men saw that he trusted him in all things, and employed him in all his affairs. As, in committing to his trust the making of a sumptuous tomb for Pythonicé, the famous Courtesan that was dead, whom he loved, and by whom he had a Daughter: the taking upon him whereof was no less shame unto Charicles, than the finishing thereof was disgrace unto him. This tomb is seen unto this day in a place called Hermium, in the buy way from ATHENS to Eleusin: the workmanship thereof being nothing like near the charge of thirty talents, which was reported to be given by Harpalus unto Charicles, for the finishing of the same. Furthermore, after Harpalus death, Charicles and Photion took his Daughter, and carefully brought her up. Afterwards also, Charicles being accused for the money he had taken of Harpalus, he besought his father in law Photion, Photion refused to defend his son in law in an ill cause. to help to ease him in his judgement. But Photion flatly denied him, and said: Charicles, I took thee for my son in law, in all honest and just causes only. Furthermore, when Asclepiades, the son of Hipparchus, brought the first news of the death of King Alexander, Demades the Orator would not believe him: foresaid he, if it were true, all the earth would smell of the savour of his corpse. Photion then perceiving the people began to be high minded, and sought innovation: he went about to bridle and pacify them. But when many of the Orators got up to the pulpit for orations, and cried out, that Asclepiades news were true of Alexander's death: well then, q Photion, if it be true to day, it shall be true also to morrow, and the next day after. And therefore my Masters, be not too hasty, but think of it at better leisure, and set your affairs at a sure stay. When Leosthenes also by his practice had brought the city of ATHENS into the war called the Greeks war, and in scorn asked Photion, that was offended at it, what good he had done to the common wealth so many years together as he had been General over the ATHENIANS: Photion answered him, no small good, said he, for all my country men have been buried at home in their own graves. Another time Leosthenes speaking proudly and insolently to the people, Photion one day said unto him: young man my friend, thy words are like to a Cypress tree, which is high and great, but beareth no fruit. Then Hyperides rising up, asked Photion: when wilt thou then counsel the ATHENIANS to make war? when I shall see young men, said he, not forsake their ranks, rich men liberal, and Orators leave to rob the common wealth. When the ATHENIANS wondered to see such a goodly great army as Leosthenes had levied: and that they asked Photion how he liked it: A goodly army, q he, for a furlong, but I fear their return, and the continuance of this war: for I do not see the city able to make any more money, mor more ships, neither yet any more soldiers than these. The which proved true, as it fell out afterwards: For at the first, Leosthenes did notable exploits. He overcame the BOEOTIANS in battle, and drove Antipater into the city of LAMIA: the which did put the ATHENIANS in such a hope and jollity, that they made continual feasts and sacrifices through the city, to thank the gods for these good news. And there were some among them, that to take Photion in a trip; asked him if he did not wish that he had done all those things? yes in deed, answered he, I would I had done them, but yet I would not have given the counsel to have done them. Another rhyme also when letters came, daily, one after an other, bringing good news, good gods, said he, when shall we leave to overcome. When Leosthenes was dead in this voyage, they that feared Photion should be appointed Captain in his place, and that he would pacify the war: did thrust in a man of mean behaviour, and unknown, that said in the assembly, he was photion's friend and schoolefellowe, and therefore besought the people that they would spare Photion, because they had not such another man as he, and that they would make Antiphilus General of their army. The people were contented withal. But then Photion stood up, and said, that this man was never scholar with him, neither did he ever know him before that time: but now said he, from henceforth I will take thee for my friend, for thou hast given the people the best counsel for me. The people notwithstanding determining to make war with the BOEOTIANS, Photion spoke against it all he could. Thereupon, his friends bidding him beware of such speeches, how he did offend the people, lest they killed him: he answered them, they shall wrongfully put me to death, q he, speaking for the benefit of my country, but otherwise they shall have reason to do it, if I speak to the contrary. But when he saw nothing would pacify them, and that they went on still with their intent than he commanded the Herawlde to proclaim by sound of trumpet, that all Citizens from fourteen years to three score, able to carry weapon, should presently upon breaking up of th'assembly, arm themselves, and follow him with five days provision for victuals. Then was there great stir among them in the city, and the old men came and complained unto him, for his overstraight commandment. He told them again, I do you no wrong for I am sour shore myself, and yet will go with you. By this means he pacified them at that time, and quenched their fond desire of war: But when all the sea coast was full of soldiers, both of the MACEDONIANS, and other strangers which were led by Mation their Captain, that landed in the territory of the village RHAMNUS, and spoiled the country thereabouts: then Photion led the ATHENIANS thither. But when he was there, divers taking upon them the office of a Lieutenant, and going about to counsel him, some to lodge his camp upon such a hill, and others to sand his horsemen to such a place, and others to camp here. O Hercules; q he, how many Captains do I see, and how few soldiers? Afterwards when he had set his footmen in battle ray, there was one among them that left his rank, and stepped out before them all. Thereupon one of his enemies also made towards him, to fight with him: but the ATHENIANS heart failed him, and he went back again to his place. Then said Photion unto him: art thou not ashamed young lout to have forsaken thy rank twice? the one, where thy Captain had placed thee, and the other in the which thou hadst placed thyself? So Photion giving charge upon the enemies, he overthrew them, and slew Mition their Captain, with divers others. Furthermore, the army of the GRECIANS being at that time in THESSALY, wan a battle against Antipater, and Leonatus, that joined with him with the MACEDONIANS which he had brought out of ASIA: photion's victory of the Macedonians where Leonatus was slain in the field, Antiphilus being general of the footmen, and Menon THESSALIAN, Colonel of the horsemen. The Grecians overcomen by Antipater. Shortly after, Craterus coming out of ASIA into EUROPE with a great army, they fought a battle by the city of CRANON, where the GRECIANS were overthrown: yet was not the overthrow nor slaughter great, although it came through the disobedience of the soldiers to their Captains, which were but young men, and used them over gently. Moreover, when Antipater practised to make their cities revolt, they betrayed them, and shamefully forsook to defend their common liberty: Whereupon Antipater marched forthwith with his army, to the city of ATHENS. Demosthenes and Hyperides understanding that, forsook the city. Then Demades, that was in disgrace and defamed for lack of payment of such synes as were set upon his head (being seven several times condemned, because he had so many times moved matters contrary to the law) and could not therefore be suffered any more to speak in the assembly, was then dispensed withal, and licenced to speak: whereupon he moved the people to sand Ambassadors unto Antipater, with full commission & authority to treat with him of peace. The people fearing to put to any man's trust this absolute authority to treat of peace: they called for Photion, saying, that he only was to be trusted with the ambassade. Then Photion answered them: if you had believed my former counsels I always gave you, such weighty matters should not now have troubled you at all. So the decree being confirmed by the people, Photion was sent Ambassador unto Antipater, Photion Ambassador unto Antipater. that lay then in the castle of Cadmea, being ready at that time to invade the country of ATTICA. Photion first requested him, that before he removed from thence, he would make peace with the ATHENIANS. Craterus presently answered him: Photion, thy request is unreasonable, that lying here we should eat out our friends, and destroy their country: when we may live of our enemies, and enrich our selves with their spoil. But Antipater taking Craterus by the hand, told him: we must needs do Photion this pleasure. And for the rest, touching the capitulations of peace, he willed that the ATHENIANS should sand them a blank, and refer the conditions of peace unto them like as he himself being besieged in the city of LAMIA, had referred all capitulations and articles of peace, unto the discretion of Leosthenes their general. So when Photion was come back to ATHENS, the ATHENIANS seeing there was no remedy, were compelled to be contented with such offer of peace, as the enemy made them. Then Photion was sent back again to Antipater at THEBES, with other Ambassadors joined in commission with him: amongst whom also, was that famous Philosopher Xenocrates. Xenocrates authority. The estimation of his virtue was so great with all men, that it was thought there was no living man so proud, cruel, disdainful, nor hasty of nature, but that the only look of Xenocrates would soften and qualify him, and make him to reverence him. But yet with Antipater it fell out contrary, Xenocrates despised of Antipater. by his perverse nature, which hated all virtue: for he embraced all the rest, & would not once salute Xenocrates. Whereupon, some say, that Xenocrates said then: Antipater doth well to be ashamed, to see me a witness of the discourtesy and evil he meaneth unto the ATHENIANS. So when Xenocrates began to speak, Antipater would not abide to hear him, but interrupted him, and checked him, and in the end commanded him to hold his peace. When Photion had spoken, Antipater answered them: that he would make peace with the ATHENIANS, so they delivered him Demosthenes and Hyperides: that they should keep their ancient laws and government, that they should receive a garrison into the haven of Munychia, that they should defray the charges of this war, and also pay a ransom beside. All the other Ambassadors but Xenocrates, willingly accepted these conditions of peace, as very reasonable and favourable: but he said, that for slaves, Antipater did handle them favourably: but for free men, he dealt too hardly with them. Then Photion besought him that he would yet release them of their garrison. But Antipater (as it is said) answered him: Photion, we would gladly grant thee any thing, saving that which should undo thee, and us both. Some other writ notwithstanding, that Antipater said not so, but asked him, if he would become surety for the ATHENIANS, that they should attempt no alteration, but faithfully keep the articles and conditions of this peace, if he did release them of this garrison. Photion then holding his peace, & delaying answer, there was one Callimedon surnamed Carabos, (a bold man, and hated the liberty of the people) that broke forth in these words: if Photion were so fond to give his word for the ATHENIANS, wouldst thou, Antipater, believe him therefore, and leave to do that thou hast determined? Thus were the ATHENIANS driven to receive the garrison of the MACEDONIANS, of the which Menyllus was captain, an honest man, and photion's friend. This commandment to receive the garrison within the haven of Munichya, was found very stately, and done by Antipater, rather of a vain glory to boast of his power: then for any profit could otherwise come of it. For not long after, on that day when he took possession of the castle, he further increased their grief: because the garrison entered the twenty day of Boedromion (to wit, the month of August) on the which the feast day of their mysteries was celebrated, at what time they make their procession called jacchus, from the city of ATHENS, unto Eleusin. Therefore the solemnity of this holy feast being thus confused, many began to consider, that in old time when their Realm did flourish, there were heard and seen voices and images of the gods on that day, which made the enemies both afraid, and amazed: and now in contrary manner, in the very self same solemnity of the gods, they saw the greatest calamity that could have happened unto GRAECE. And the holiest feast which was kept all the year through before, become then too profaned with the title of the greatest misfortune and event, that ever happened unto the GRECIANS, which was, the loss of their liberty. For not many years before, there was brought an oracle from DODONE unto ATHENS: that they should look well to the rocks of Diana, that strangers should not possess them. And about that time also, Presages of the miseries of the Athenians. the coverings with the which they do adorn the holy beds of the mysteries, being wet with water, become from a purple colour which they had before, to look yellow and pale, as it had been the covering of a dead body. Yea, and that which was most to be wondered at of all other, was this: that taking other coverings which were not holy, and putting them in the same water, they did without changing keep their colour they had before. When one of the Ministers of the temple also did wash a little pig in the sea, in a clean place by the wharf: there suddenly came a great fish that bit at it, and carried the hinder parts of the pig clean away with it. Whereby men conjectured that the gods did signify unto them, that they should loose the lowest part of their city nearest to the sea, and should keep the highest parts thereof. This notwithstanding, the garrison did not offend nor trouble the ATHENIANS, because of the honesty of their Captain Menyllus. Now there were above twelve thousand Citizens, that for their poverty lost the benefit of their freedom: of the which, part of them remained at ATHENS, unto whom it seemed they offered great wrong and injury: and part of them also went into THRACIA, where Antipater assigned them towns and lands to inhabit. They seemed to be men like unto them that had been taken by assault, or by siege within a city, which had been compelled to forsake their country. The cruelty of Antipater. Furthermore, the shameful death of Demosthenes in the isle of CAIAURIA, and of HYPERIDES, by the city of CLEONES, (whereof we have written heretofore) were almost occasion given them to lament the times of the reign of king Philip and Alexander. As it is reported, that when Antigonus was slain, they that had overcomen him, were so cruel unto their subjects: that a labourer in the country of PHRYGIA digging the earth, being asked what he sought for, answered, sighing: I seek for Antigonus. Then many men began to say as much, when they remembered the noble minds of those two great Princes, how merciful they were to pardon in their anger, forgetting their displeasure: not like Antipater, who craftily cloaked his tyrannical power which he usurped, by being familiar, going simplely appareled, and faring meanly; and yet showed him self notwithstanding a more cruel Lord and tyrant unto them whom he had overcome. Nevertheless, Photion obtained of him the restoring again of divers men, whom he had banished: and those whom he could not get to be restored, yet he procured that they should not be banished into so far countries, as others which had been sent beyond the Mountains Acroceraunians, and the head of Taenarus out of GRAECE, but that they had liberty to remain within the country of PELOPONNESUS: among the which, was one Agnonides a Sycophant, and false accuser. Furthermore, he governed them that remained in ATHENS with great justice and lenity, and such as he knew to be good men and quiet, them he always preferred to some office: but such as he saw were fantastic people, and desirous of change, he kept them from office, and took all occasion from them, so that they vanished away of themselves, and learned in time to love the country, and to follow tillage. When he saw Xenocrates also pay a certain pension or tribute to the common wealth, which all strangers dwelling in ATHENS did use yearly to pay: he would have made him a free man, and offered to put his name amongst the number of free Citizens. But Xenocrates refused it, saying, he would have no part of that freedom, for the hindrance whereof, he had been sent Ambassador. And when Menyllus had sent Photion money, he made him answer: Photion refuseth Menyllus gifts. that Menyllus was no greater Lord than Alexander had been, neither had he at that time any greater occasion to receive his present, then when he had refused King Alexander's gift. Menyllus replying again, said: that if he had no need of it for himself, yet he might let his son Phocus have it. But Photion answered: if my son Phocus will leave his naughty life, and become an honest man, that which I will leave him, shall serve his turn very well: but if it be so that he will still hold on the course he hath taken, there is no riches then that can suffice him. another time also he answered Antipater more rowndely, when he would have had him done an unhonest thing: Antipater, said he, can not have me his friend, and flatterer both. Antipater self was wont to say, that he had two friends in ATHENS, Photion and Demades of the which, he could never make the one to take any thing of him, and the other, he could never satisfy him. And truly photion's poverty was a great glory of his virtue, Photion loved poverty. sith he was grown old, continuing in the same, after he had been so many times general of the ATHENIANS, and had received such friendship and courtesy, of so many Kings and Princes. The insolency of Demades the Orator Where Demades to the contrary delighted to show his riches in things that were contrary to the laws of the city. For, a decree being made at ATHENS, commanding that no stranger, upon forfeiture of a thousand Drachmas to be paid by the defrayer of the dances to the city, should be any of the Dancers that danced at any common plays or sports: Demades one day making certain games and sports at his own charges, brought a hundred Dancers of strangers at one time, and withal, brought also a hundred thousand Drachmas to pay the forfeiture thereof. Another time when he married his son Demas, he said unto him: son, when I married thy mother, there was so small roast, that my next neighbour knew not of it: where now at thy marriage, Kings and Princes are at the charge of the feast. Furthermore, when the ATHENIANS were importunate with Photion to go to Antipater, to entreat him to take his garrison out of their city: he still refused the ambassade, either because he had no hope to obtain it, or for that he saw the people more obedient unto reason, for fear of the garrison. Howbeit he obtained of Antipater, that he should not be too hasty in demanding of his money, but should defer it till a further time. So the ATHENIANS perceiving they could do no good with Photion, they entreated Demades, who willingly took the matter upon him, and went with his son into MACEDON, whether doubtless his destiny carried him to his utter destruction, even at that very time when Antipater was fallen sick of a disease whereof he died: Whereby the affairs of the Realm went through the hands of Cassander his son, Cassander king Antipater's son. who had intercepted a letter of this Demades, which he had sent unto Antigonus in ASIA, willing him to come in all possible speed to win GRAECE and MACEDON, which hung but of an old rotten thread, mocking Antipater in this manner. Wherefore Cassander being advertised of his arrival, he made him presently to be apprehended, & setting his son hard by him, slew him before his father, so near him, The 〈…〉 end of Demades. that the blood of his son sprang upon him: so that the father was all bloodied with the murder of his son. Then Cassander casting in Demades teeth his ingratitude, and treacherous treason against his father, giving him all the reproachful words he could devise: at the length he slew him with his own hands. Now Antipater before his death, had established Polyperchon General of the army of the MACEDONIANS, Polyperchon General of the army of the Macedonians. & Cassander his son, only Colonel of a thousand footmen. He notwithstanding, after his father's decease, taking upon him the government of the realm: sent Nicanor with speed to succeed Menillus in the Captainship of the garrison of ATHENS, before his death should be revealed, commanding him first in any case, to take the castle of Munychia, which he did. Shortly after, the ATHENIANS understanding of the death of Antipater, they accused Photion, for that he had known of his death long before, and yet kept it secret to please Nicanor. But Photion regarded not this accusation, but fell in acquaintance notwithstanding with Nicanor: whom he handled so wisely, that he made him not only friendly unto the ATHENIANS, but furthermore persuaded him to be at some charge to give the people the pastime of common plays, which he made to be done at his cost. In the mean time, Polyperchon, Polyperchon conspiracy against Photion. who had the government of the king's person, meaning to give Cassander stampant and blurt, he sent letters patents unto the people at ATHENS, declaring how the king did restore unto them their popular state again, and commanded that all the ATHENIANS should use their former ancient laws of their city. This was a wile & crafty fetch against Photion. For Polyperchon devising this practice to get the city of ATHENS into his hands (as it fell out afterwards by proof) had no hope to obtain his purpose, unless he found means first to banish Photion: and thought that he should easily bring that to pass, when such as had before been put of their freedom, by his means, should come again to have voices in th'assembly, and that the seditious Orators and accusers might be turned at liberty again, to say what they would. The ATHENIANS having heard the contents of these letters patents, began to be somewhat quickened, and moved withal: whereupon Nicanor desiring to speak with the ATHENIANS in their Senate, which was assembled in the haven of Piraea: he went and hazarded his person amongst them, upon photion's faith and word. Dercyllus Captain for the king, being secretly advertised thereof, and in the field, not far from the city, did what he could to take Nicanor: but Nicanor having warning of it in time, saved himself. Then it appeared, that Nicanor would presently be revenged of the city, and they accused Photion because he kept him not, but did let him go. Whereunto he answered: that he trusted Nicanors word, and that he did not think he would offer the city any hurt, but if it should fall out otherwise, Nicanor to receive then to offer an injury. he had rather the world should know, that he had the wrong offered him, then that he should offer any. This truly appeared to be nobly spoken, in respect of himself. But considering that he being then General, did thereby hazard the safety of his country: I can not tell whether he did not break a greater faith which he aught to have had, to the safety of his countrymen. Neither could he also allege for his excuse, that he did not say hands on Nicanor, for fear to bring the city into manifest war: but that for a colour he did prefer the faith which he had sworn and promised unto him, and the justice that he would observe in his behalf: that for his sake, Nicanor should afterwards keep himself in peace, and do no hurt to the ATHENIANS. Howbeit in troth it seemed, that nothing deceived Photion: but by the over trust he had in this Nicanor. The which seemeth to be so, because when divers came to him to complain of Nicanor, that he sought all the secret means he could to surprise the haven of Piraea, and that he daily passed over soldiers in the isle of SALA●INA, and practised to bribe certain of the inhabitants within the precinct of the haven: he would never hear of it, and much less believe it. Furthermore, when Philomedes LAMPRIAN made a motion, that the ATHENIANS should prepare to be in readiness to wait upon their Captain Photion, to do as he commanded them: he made no account of it, until he saw Nicanor come out with his soldiers from the fort of Munychia, and that he began to cast trenches to compass in the haven of Piraea. But then, when Photion thought to lead out the people to prevent him: he found they mutined against him, and no man would obey his commandment. In the mean time, Alexander the son of Polyperchon came with an army, pretending to aid them of the city against Nicanor, Alexander, the son of Polyperchon, practiseth treason against the Athenians. where in deed he meant (if he could) to get the rest of the city into his 〈…〉, then specially, when they were in greatest broil one against an other, and the rather, because the banished men entered hand over head with him, and divers strangers also, and other defamed men: so that there was a confused counsel and assembly of Omnigatherum kept within the city, without any order, in the which Photion was deprived of his office of General, and others were also chosen Captained in his place. And had they not seen this Alexander talking alone with Nicanor, and returning many times hard to the walls of the city, which made the ATHENIANS afraid and mistrustful: they had never saved it from taking. At that time Photion was presently accused of treason by the Orator Agnonides: Photion accused of treason. the which Callimedon and Pericles fearing, got them out of the city betimes. And Photion also with his friends that were not fled, went unto Polyperchon: with whom also Solon PLATAEIAN, and Dinarchus CORINTHIAN, went for company, who thought to have found friendship and familiarity with Polyperchon. Howbeit Dinarchus falling sick by the way, in the city of ELATIA, they stayed there many days, hoping of his recovery. But in the mean time, the people at the persuasion of the Orator Agnonides, and at the request of Archestratus, established a decree, to send Ambassadors unto Polyperchon, to accuse Photion: insomuch as both parties met at one self time, and found him in the field with the king about a village of the country of PHOCIDE, called PHARYGES, standing at the foot of the mountain Acrorion, which they surname also Galaten. There Polyperchon commanded a cloth of gold to be set up, and caused the king to be set under the same, and all his chiefest friends about him. But to begin withal, he made Dinarchus to be taken, and commanded them to put him to death after they had racked him: Polyperchon did put Dinarchus to death. then he willed the ATHENIANS to tell what they had to say. Then they began to quarrel, and to be loud one with an other, accusing one an other in the presence of the king and his counsel: until Agnonides at length stepped forth, and said: my Lords of MACEDON, put us all in prison, and then sand us bound hands and feet to ATHENS, to give account of our doings. The king laughed to hear him say so. But the noble men of MACEDON that were present then, and divers strangers beside to hear their complaints: made sign to the Ambassadors to utter their accusations before the king, rather than to refer them to the hearing of the people at ATHENS. Howbeit both parties had not alike in different hearing: for Polyperchon checked up Photion oftentimes, and did still cut of his tale, as he thought to purge himself: insomuch as in anger, he bet his staff he had in his hand against the ground, and commanded him at length to hold his peace, & to get him thence. And when Hegemon also told Polyperchon, that he himself could best witness, how Photion had always faithfully served and loved the people: he angrily answered him, come not hither to lie falsely upon me, in the presence of the king. Therewith the king rose out of his seat, and took a spear in his hand, thinking to have killed Hegemon: had not Polyperchon suddenly embraced him behind, and stayed him. So the counsel rose, and broke up, but presently Photion was apprehended, and they that stood by him. Certain of his friends seeing that, which stood further of, muffled their faces, and strait conveyed themselves away. The rest were sent prisoners to ATHENS by Clitus, Photion sent prisoner to Athens to be condemned. not so much to have their causes heard there, as to have them executed for condemned men. Furthermore, the manner of the carrying of them to ATHENS was shameful. For they were carried upon carts through the great street Ceramicum, unto the Theatre: where Clitus kept them, until the Senate had assembled the people, excepting no bondman, no stranger, nor defamed person out of this assembly, but left the Theatre wide open to all comers in whatsoever they were, and the pulpit for Orations free for every man that would speak against them. So first of all, the king's letters were read openly, by the which he did advertise the people, that he had found these offenders convicted of treason: notwithstanding, that he referred the sentence of their condemnation unto them, for that they were free men. The Clitus brought his prisoners before the people, where the noble men when they saw Photion, were ashamed, and hiding their faces, wept to see him. Howbeit, there was one that rose up, and said: my Lords sith the king referreth the judgement of so great persons unto the people, it were great reason all the bondmen and strangers which are no free citizens of ATHENS, should be taken out of this assembly. The people would not agreed to it, but cried out, that such traitors should be stoned to death, that favour the authority of a few, and are enemies of the people: whereupon silence was made, and no man durst speak any more for Photion. The fury of the Athenians against Photion. Nevertheless when Photion with much a do had obtained audience, he asked them: my Lords, will ye justly, or wrongfully put us to death? Some answered him: justly. How then can ye do it, q he, that will not hear our justifications? Yet could they not be heard for all this. Then Photion coming nearer, said unto them. For myself, my Lords, I confess I have done you wrong, & have in government committed faults deserving death: but for these prisoners with me, what have they done, why you should put them to death? The common people answered him: because they are thy friends. With this answer Photion departed, and spoke never a word more. Then the Orator Agnonides holding a decree in his hand ready written, read it openly to the people, declaring how they should be judged by voices, whether the offenders had deserved death or not: and if it were sound they had, then that they should all be put to death. The cruelty of the Athenians unto Photion. And there were that when this decree was read, cried out, that they should add further unto the decree, that before Photion should be put to death, they should first torment him: & therewithal commandment was given that the wheel should beset up to break his joints upon it, and also that the hangman should be sent for. But then Agnonides perceiving that Clitus was offended with it, and thinking besides it were too beastly and barbarous a part to use him in that sort, he said openly: my Lords, when you shall have such a varlet in your hands as Callimedon, than you may cast him on the wheel: but against Photion, I would not wish such cruelty. Then rose up a noble man among them, and added to his words: thou hast reason to say so, Agnonides: for if Photion should be laid on the wheel, what should we then do with thee? The decree being confirmed, according to the contents thereof, judgement was given by voices of the people, no man sitting but all standing up, and most of them with garlands on their heads, for the joy they had to condemn these prisoners to death. Photion condemned to death. With Photion there were condemned, Nicocles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythocles: but Demetrius PHALERIAN, Callimedon, and Charicles, were also in their absence condemned to die. Now when the assembly was broken up, and that the person condemned were carried back to prison, from thence to be conveyed to execution: others embracing their friends, and taking their last leave of them as they went, wept, and lamented their cursed fortune. But Photion looking as cheerfully of it as he was wont to do being General, when they honourably waited on him to his house, from the assembly: The constancy and courage of Photion, being condemned to die. he made many of them pity him in their hearts, to consider his constancy, and noble courage. On tother side also, there were many of his enemies that came as near unto him as they could, to revile him, amongst whom there was one that stepped before him, and did spit in his face. Then Photion turning him unto the Magistrates, said: will you not 'cause this impudent fellow to leave his railing? When they were in prison, Thudippus seeing the hemlock which they brayed in a mortar to give them to drink: he began desperately to curse and ban, saying, that they wrongfully put him to death with Photion. Why, said Photion again: and dost thou not rather rejoice to die with me? When one that stood by asked Photion, if he would any thing to his son Phocus: yes, q he, that I will: bid him never revenge the wrong the ATHENIANS do me. Then Nicocles one of photion's dearest friends, prayed him to let him drink the poison before him. Photion answered him, thy request is grievous to me, Nicocles: but because I never denied thee any thing in my life, I will also grant thee this at my death. When all the rest had drunk, there was no more poison left, and the hangman said he would make no more unless they gave him twelve Drachmas, for so much the pound did cost him. Photion perceiving them that the hangman delayed time, he called one of his friends unto him, and prayed him to give the hangman that little money he demanded, sith a man can not die at ATHENS for nothing, Photion gave money to be put to death. without cost. It was the nineteenth day of the month of Munichion, (to wit, March) on which day the Knights were wont to make a solemn procession in the honour of jupiter: howbeit some of them left of the garlands of flowers which they should have worn on their heads, and others also looking towards the prison door as they went by, burst out a weeping. For they whose hearts were not altogether hardened with cruelty, & whose judgements were not wholly suppressed with envy, thought it a grievous sacrilege against the gods, that they did not let that day pass, but that they did defile so solemn a feast, with the violent death of a man. His enemies notwithstanding, continuing still their anger against him, made the people pass a decree, that his body should be banished, and carried out of the bonds of the country of ATTICA, forbidding the ATHENIANS that no fire should be made for the solemnizing of his funerals. For this respect no friend of his durst once touch his body. Howbeit a poor man called Conopion, that was wont to get his living that way, being hired for money to burn men's bodies: he took his corpse, and carried it beyond the city of Eleusin, and getting fire out of a woman's house of MEGARA, he solemnized his funerals. photion's funerals. Furthermore, there was a gentlewoman of MEGARA, who coming by chance that way, with her gentlewomen, where his body was but newly burnt: she caused the earth to be cast up a little where the body was burnt, and made it like to hollow tomb, whereupon she did use such sprinklings and effusions, as are commonly done at the funerals of the dead: & then taking up his bones in her lap in the night, she brought them home, and buried them in her hearth, saying: O dear hearth, to thee I bequeath the relics of this noble and good man, and pray thee to keep them faithfully, to bring them one day to the grave of his ancestors, when the ATHENIANS shall come to confess the fault & wrong they have done unto him. And truly it was not long after, that the ATHENIANS found by the untowardness of their affairs, that they had put him to death, who only maintained justice, and honesty at ATHENS. Whereupon they made his image to be set up in brass, and gave honourable burial to his bones, at the charges of the city. And for his accusers, they condemned Agnonides of treason, and put him to death themselves. The other two, Epicurus and Demophilus being fled out of the city, were afterwards met with by his son Phocus, who was revenged of them. This Phocus as men report, was otherwise no great good man, who fancying a young maid which a bawd kept, coming by chance one day into the school of Lycaeum, he heard Theodorus the Atheist (to wit, that believed not there were any gods) make this argument. If it be no shame, said he, to deliuer● man's friend from bondage, no more shame is it to redeem his leman which he loveth: even so it is all one to redeem a man's leman, as his friend. This young man taking this argument to serve his turn, believing that he might lawfully do it, got the young maid he loved from the bawd. Furthermore, this death of Photion did also revive the lamentable death of Socrates unto the GRECIANS: for men thought that it was a like heinous offence and calamity unto the city of ATHENS. The end of photion's life. THE LIFE OF Cato Utican. THe family and house of Cato, The percentage of Cato. took his first glory and name of his great grandfather, Cato the Censor: who for his virtue (as we have declared in his life) was one of the famousest and worthiest men of ROME in his time. This Cato whom we now write of, was left an orphan by his father and mother, with his brother Caepio, and Porcia his sister. Seruilis was also Cato's half sister, by his mother's side. All these were brought up with their uncle Livius Drusus, Livius Drusus, Cato's uncle. at that time the greatest man of the city: for he was passing eloquent, and very honest, and of as great a courage beside, as any other ROMAN. Men report, that 〈…〉 from his childhood showed himself both in word and countenance, Cato's manners. and also in all his pastimes and recreations, very constant, and stable. For he would go through with that lie took upon him to do, and would force himself above his strength: and as he could not away with flatterers, so was he rough with them that went about to threaten him. He would hardly laugh, and yet had ever a pleasant countenance. He was not choleric, nor easy to be angered: but when the blood was up, he was hardly pacified. When he was first put to school, he was very dull of understanding, and slow to learn: but when he had once learned it, he would never forget it, as all men else commonly do. For such as are quick of conceit, Why quick wits have never good memory. have commonly the worst memories: and contrarily, they that are hard to learn, do keep that better which they have learned. For every kind of learning is a motion and quickening of the mind. He seemed beside not to be light of credit, & that may be some cause of his slowness in conceit. For truly he suffereth somewhat that learneth, and thereof it cometh, that they that have lest reason to resist, are those which do give lightest credit. For young men are easeiyer persuaded then old men, and the sick than the whole. And where a man hath lest reason for his doubts: there he is soonest brought to believe any thing. This notwithstanding, it is reported that Cato was obedient unto his schoolmaster, and would do what he commanded him: howbeit he would ask him still the cause and reason of every thing. In deed his schoolmaster was very gentle, and readier to teach him, then to strike him with his fist. His name was Sarpedo. Sarpedo. Cato's schoolmaster. Furthermore, when Cato was but a young boy, the people of ITALY which were confederates of the ROMANS, sued to be made free citizens of ROME. At that time it chaun●ed one Pompedius Silo, a valiant soldier, and of great estimation among the confederates of the ROMANS, and a great friend beside of Drusus: to be lodged many days at his house. He in this time falling acquainted with these young boys, said one day unto them: good boys, entreat your uncle to speak for us, that we may be made free citizens of ROME. Capio smiling nodded with his head, that he would. But Cato making no answer, looked very wisely upon the strangers that lay in the house. Then Pompedius, taking him aside, asked him: and thou, my pretty boy, what sayest thou to it? Will't thou not pray thine uncle, as well as thy brother, to be good to his guests? Cato still held his peace, and answered nothing, Cato's austerity. but showed by his silence and look, that he would not hear their request. Then Pompedius taking him up in his arms, did put him out of the window, as if he would have let him have gone: and speaking more sharply to him then he did before, he cast him many times out of his arms without the window, and said, promise' us then, or else I will let thee fall. But Cato abid it a long time, The marvelous constancy of Cato when he was a child. and never quinched for it, nor showed countenance of fear. Thereupon Pompedius setting him down again, told his friends that stood by him: O what good hap doth this child promise' one day unto ITALY, if he live? sure if he were a man, I believe we should not have one voice of all the people of our side. And other time, there were some of Cato's near kinsmen, that keeping the feast day of his birth, bade many young boys to supper, & amongst others this Cato. The boys to occupy themselves till supper was ready, gathered themselves together great and small, into some private place of the house. Their play was, counterfeiting pleadings before the judges, accusing one an other, and carrying them that were condemned to prison. Amongst them, a goodly young boy was carried by a bigger boy into a little chamber, bound as a condemned person. The boy perceiving he was locked up, cried out unto Cato: who mistrusting what it was, went strait to the chamber door and putting them by by force that withstood him to come unto it, he took out the young boy, and carried him very angrily with him to his own house, and all the other young boys followed him also. So Cato had such name among the young boys, that when Sylla made the game of young boys running a horseback, which the ROMANS call Troia: to appoint them before that they might be ready at the day of the show, he having gotten all the young boys of noble houses together, appointed them two Captains. Of them, the boys took the one, because of his mother Metella, which was the wife of Sylla: but they would none of the other called Sextus, who was nephew to Pompey the great, neither would they be exercised under him, nor follow him. Wherefore Sylla asked them, which of them they would have: they all cried then Cato, and Sextus himself did willingly give him the honour, as the worthier of both. Sulla's love unto Cato, being but a boy. Sylla was their father's friend, and therefore did sand for them many times to come unto him, & he would talk with them: the which kindness he showed to few men, for the majesty and great authority he had. Serpedo also (Cato's schoolmaster) thingking it a great preferrment and safety for his scholars, did commonly bring Cato unto Sulla's house, to wait upon him: the which warm there like unto a jail or prison, for the great number of prisoners which were daily brought thither, and put to death Cato being then but fourteen years of age, and perceiving that there were many heads brought which were said to be of great men, and that every body sighed and mourned to see them: he asked his schoolmaster, Cato's hate being a boy against a tyrant. how it was possible the tyrant scaped, that some one or other killed him not? Because, q Serpedo, that all men fear him, more than they hate him. Why then, replied Cato again, didst thou not give me a sword that might kill him, to deliver my country of this slavery and bondage? Serpedo hearing the boy say so, and seeing his countenance and eyes on fire with choler, he marveled much at it, and afterwards had a very good eye unto him, least rashly he should attempt some thing against Sylla. When he was but a little boy, Cato's love to his brother. some asked him whom he loved best? My brother, said he. Then the other continuing still to ask him, & who next: he answered likewise, his brother. Then the third time again, likewise his brother. Till at length he that asked him, was weary with ask him so often. Yea and when he was comen of age also, he then confirmed the love he bore to his brother in his deeds. For twenty years together he never supped without his brother Capio, neither went he ever out of his house into the market place, nor into the fields without him: but when his brother did anoint himself with sweet oils of perfume, he would none of that, and in all things else, he led a strait and hard life. So that his brother Capio being commended of every man for his temperance, honesty, and sober life: he granted in deed that in respect of others, he led a sober and temperate life: but when I do (said he) compare my life with my brother Cato's, me thinks then there is no difference betwixt me and Sippius. This Sippius was at that time noted and pointed at, for his fine and curious effeminate life. After that Cato was once chosen Apollo's Priest, he went from his brother and took his portion of the goods of his father, which amounted to the sum of a hundred and twenty talentes. Then he lived more hardly than he did before. For he fell in acquaintance with Antipater TYRIAN, a Stoic Philosopher, Antipater the Stoic, Cato's schoolmaster. and gave himself chief unto the study of moral and civil Philosophy, embracing all exercise of virtue with such an earnest desire, that it seemed he was pricked forward by some god: but above all other virtues, he loved the severity of justice, which he would not wrist for any gift nor favour. He studied also to be eloquent, that he might speak openly before the people, because he would there should be certain warlike forces entertained in civil Philosophy, as also in a great city. Notwithstanding, he would not exercise it before any body, neither would he ever have any man to hear him speak when he did learn to speak. For when one of his friends told him one day, that men did mislike he spoke so little in company: it skilleth no matter, q he, so they can not reprove my life, for I will begin to speak, when I can say some thing worthy to be spoken. Hard by the market place there was the common palace or town house of the city, called Basilica Porcia, the which Porcius Cato the elder had built, in the time of his Censorship. There the Tribunes were wont to keep their audience: and because there was a pillar that troubled their seats, they would either have taken it away, or else have set it in some other plate. That was the first cause that made Cato against his will to go into the market place, Cato's act for Basilica Porcia and to get up into the pulpit for orations, to speak against them: where having given this first proof of his eloquence and noble mind, he was marvelously esteemed of. For his oration was not like a young man, counterfeiting fineness of speech and affectation, but stout, full of wit and vehemency: and yet in the shortness of his sentences, he had such an excellent grace withal, that he marvelously delighted the hearers: and furthermore, showing in nature a certain gravity beside, it did so please them, that he made them laugh. He had a very full and audible voice that might be heard of a marvelous number of people, and such a strong nature beside, that he never fainted, nor broke his speech: for many times he would speak a whole day together, and was never weary. Cato's exercises. So when he had obtained his cause against the Tribunes, he returned again to keep his former great silence, and to harden his body with painful exercises, as to abide heat, frost, and snow bore headed, and always to go a foot in the field, where his friends that did accompany him to road a horseback, and sometime he would come and talk with one, sometime with an other, as he went a foot by them. He had a wonderful patience also in his sickness. For when he had any ague, he would be alone all day long, and suffer no man to come and see him, until he perceived his sit was of him, and that he found he was better. When he supped with his friends and familiars, they drew lots who should choose their parts. If he chanced not to choose, his friends notwithstanding gave him the preferrment to choose: but he refused it, saying it was no reason, sith the goddess Venus was against him. At the first he did not use to sit long at the table, Cato's drinking but after he had drunk one draft only, he would strait rise. But when he came to be elder, he sat long at the table; so that oftentimes he would sit it out all night with his friends, till the next morning. But they seeking to excuse it, said, that his great business and affairs in the common wealth was the cause of it. For following that all the day long, having no leisure nor time to study when night came, he delighted to talk with learned men, and Philosophers, at the board. Wherefore when Memmius on a time being in company, said, the Cato did nothing but drink all night: Cicero taking his tale out of his mouth, answered him, thou dost not add this unto it, that all the day he doth nothing but play at dice: To be short, Cicero's saying of Cato. Cato thinking that the manners and fashions of men's lives in his time were so corrupt, and required such great change and alteration: that to go uprightly, he was to take a contrary course in all things. For he saw that purple, read, & the lightest colours were best esteemed of, he in contrary manner desired to wear black. And many times also after dinner he would go abroad bore footed without shoes, and without any gown: not because he would be wondered at for any such strangeness, but to acquaint himself to be ashamed only of shameless and dishonest things, and to despise those which were not reproved, but by men's opinions. Furthermore, land being left him to the value of an hundred talents by the death of a cousin of his, that likewise was called Cato: he put it all into ready money, to lend to his friends that lacked, and without usury. And there were some of his friends also that would mortgage his land, or his slaves, to the chamber of the city, for their own private business: the which he himself would either give them to mortgage, or else afterwards confirm the mortgage of them. Furthermore, when he was comen of age to marry, having never known woman before, he was made sure to Lepida. Cato's marriages. This Lepida had been precontracted unto Metellus Scipio: but afterwards the precontract being broken, he forsook her, so that she was free, when Cato was contracted to her. Notwithstanding, before Cato married her, Scipio repenting him that he had refused her, made all the means he could to have again: & so he had. Cato took it so grievously, that he thought to go to law for her: but his friends dissuaded him from it. Then seeing no other remedy, to satisfy his angry mind, he wrote verses against Scipio, in the which he reviled him all he could: using the bitter taunts of Archilocus verses, but not such impudent, lewd, and childish reproaches as be there. After that, he married Attilia, Soranus daughter, Attilia Cato's wife. being the first woman he ever knew: yet not the only woman whom he did know, as is reported of Lalius, Scipio's friend, who therein was counted the happier, Lelius marriage. because all that long time wherein he lived, he never knew other woman but his first wife. Furthermore, Cato's first soldierfare, in the ware of the bondmen. in the war of the bondmen (otherwise called Spartacus war) one Gellius was chosen Praetor of the army under whom Cato served of his own good will, for the love he bore unto his brother Capio, who in that army had charge of a thousand footmen. Now Cato could not as he wished, show his valiantness and good service, because of the insufficiency of the Praetor that gave ill direction. This notwithstanding, in the midst of all the riot & insolency of them in the camp, he showing himself a stayed man in all his doings, valiant where need was, and very wise also: all men esteemed him to be nothing inferior unto Cato the elder. Whereupon Gellius the Praetor gave him many honours in token of his valiantness, which are given in reward of men's good service: howbeit Cato refused them, and said, that he was nothing worthy of those honours. These things made him to be thought a marvelous strange man. Furthermore, when there was a law made, forbidding all men that sued for any office in the common wealth, that they should have no prompters in any of the assemblies, to blow into their ears the names of private citizens: he alone making suit to be Colonel of a thousand footmen, was obedient to the law, & committed all the private citizens names to memory, to speak unto every one of them, and to call them by their names: so that he was envied even of them that did commend him. For, by how much they knew his deeds praiseworthy, by so much more were they grieved, For that they could not follow them. So Cato being chosen Colonel of a thousand footmen, he was sent into MACEDON, unto Rubrius, Praetor there. Cato chosen Tribunus mil●●an. Some say, that at his departure from thence, his wise lamenting, and weeping to see him go: one Munatius a friend of his said unto her, take no thought Attilia, and leave weeping, for I promise' thee I will keep thy husband for thee. It is well said, answered Cato. Then when they were a days journey from ROME, Cato after supper said unto this Munatius: thou must look well to thy promise thou hast made Attilia, that thou wouldst keep me for her, & therefore forsake me not night nor day. Thereupon he commanded his men that from thence forth they should prepare two beds in his chamber, that Munatius also might lie there: who was rather pleasantly himself looked unto by Cato, then Cato by him. He had fifteen slaves with him, two free men, & four of his friends, which road, & he himself went a foot, sometime talking with one, otherwhile with an other as he went. When he came to the camp, where there were many legions of the ROMANS, the Praetor immediately gave him charge of one of them who thinking it small honour to him for himself only to be valiant, sith he was but one man, How Cato trained his men, & made them valiant. he practised to make all his soldiers under him, like unto himself. The which he did not by fear & terror, but by lenity & gentle persuasion, training & instructing them in every point what they should do: adding to his gentle instruction and persuasions, reward to those that did well, and punishment to them that offended. Whereby it was hard to judge, whether he had made them more quiet, then warlike: more valiant, then just. So dreadful they showed themselves to their enemies, and courteous to their friends: fearful to do evil, and ready to win honour. Whereof followed that which Cato lest accounted of, that is, he wan fame, and good will: for his soldiers did greatly honour and love him, because he himself would ever first set his hand to any thing he commanded them, and because also both in his diet, in his apparel, and in any journey or pains, he was rather like unto the meanest soldier, than any of the other Captains. In contrary manner also, in good nature, noble courage, and eloquence, he far exceeded all the other Colonels and Captains. For the true love of virtue, The love of virtue from whence it proceedeth. (to wit, the desire to follow it) taketh no root in men's minds, unless they have a singular love and reverence unto the person, whom they desire to follow. When Cato understood that Athenodorus surnamed Cordylion, Athenodorus the stoic, Cato's friend. a Stoic Philosopher, excellently well learned, dwelled at that time in the city of PERGAMUM, being a very old man, and one that stiffly refused the friendship of kings, Princes, and noble men, desirous to have him about them: to writ to him, he thought it was but lost labour. Wherefore having two months liberty by the laws of the ROMANS, to follow his own affairs: he took sea, and went into ASIA to him, hoping he should not loose his journey, for the great virtues he knew in him. So when he had spoken with him, and talked of divers matters together: at length he brought him from his first determination, and carried him to the camp with him, esteeming this victory more, than all the conquests of Lucullus or Pompey, who had conquered the most part of all the provinces and realms of the East parts of the world. In the mean time, whilst he lay at his charge in the camp, being Colonel of a thousand footmen: his brother preparing to go into ASIA, fell sick in the city of AENUS, in the country of THRACIA. Cato having speedy intelligence thereof, took sea presently, when it was marvelous rough and boisterous, and embarked in a little crayer of a merchants of THESSALY, with two of his friends, and three bondmen only, and did scape drowning very narrowly: and yet by good fortune arrived safely, The death of Caepio, Cato's brother. a little after his brother Capioes' death. He took his death more sorrowfully, than become a Philosopher, not only mourning and lamenting for him, embracing the dead corpse of his brother: but also for the exceeding charge and sumptuous funerals, which he bestowed upon him, in perfumes, Cato's mourning for his brother Capioes' death. sweet savours, and sumptuous silks that were burnt with his body: and furthermore, in the stately tomb of THRACIAN marble which he made for him, and set up in the market place of the AENIANS, that cost eight talents. Some did mislike this vain charge that Cato bestowed, considering the modesty and temperance he used in all things else, not regarding with judgement his tender love and affection towards his kinsmen, which was mingled in him with his severity and hardness, against all voluptuousness, fear, and shameless requests. divers cities, Princes and noble men sent him many sundry presents, to honour the funerals of his brother Capio: howbeit he took no money of all them, saving only spices, and sweeete savours, & such other ornaments, as honoured the obsequies of the dead, and yet paid for them, unto those that brought them, as much as they were worth. Furthermore, in the land that fell unto him, and a little daughter of his, by the death of his brother: notwithstanding the charge he had been at, in his funerals, he did not reckon it in the partition of the land, betwixt him and his brother Capioes' daughter. All the which things when they were solemnized, some * It seemeth to be men's of Caesar, which wrote the book called Anticaten. writ notwithstanding, that he did cleanse the embers whre his brother's body had been burnt, through a sieve or riddle, where through they cleanse corn, & all to get out the gold & silver that was melted there. But such think that their writings should be as far from controlment, as their doings. So when Cato's time of his charge was expired, they did accompany him at his departure, not only with ordinary praises, vows, and prayers to the gods for his health: but with embracings, tears, and marvelous lamentations of the soldiers, which spread their garments on the ground as he went, and kissing of his hands, which honour the ROMANS did but to very few of their Generals. Furthermore, Cato's journey into Asia. Cato being determined before he returned to ROME to deal in the affairs there, to go and see ASIA, partly to be an eye witness of the manners, customs, and power of every province as he went: and partly also to satisfy king Deiotarus request, who having been his father's friend, had earnestly entreated him to come and see him: Cato's modesty. he went the journey, and used it in this sort. First, by peep of day, he sent his baker and cook before, where he meant to lie that night. They coming soberly into the city or village, inquiered if there were none of Cato's friends and acquaintance there, and if they found none, than they prepared his supper in an Inn, and troubled no man: but if there were no Inn, than they went to the Governors of the town, and prayed them to help them to lodging, and did content themselves with the first that was offered them. Oftentimes the towns men did not believe they were Cato's men, and made no account of them: because they took all things so quietly, & made no a do with the officers. Insomuch as Cato sometime came himself, & found nothing ready for him, & when he was come, they made as small account of him, seeing him set upon his carriages, and speak never a word: for they took him for some mean man, and a timorous person. Notwithstanding, sometime he called them unto him, and told them O poor men, learn to be more courteous to receive traveling ROMANS that pass by you, and look not always to have Cato's to come unto you: and therefore see that you use them with such courtesy & entertainment, that they may bridle the authority they have over you: for you shall find many that will desire no better colour nor occasion, by force to take from you that they would have because you unwillingly also do grant them the things they would, & need. There is a report of a prerie jest happened him in SYRIA. When he came to ANTIOCH, A laughing matter happened unto Cato. he found a great number of people divided on either side of the street, standing a row one by an other very decently: the young men by themselves in fair cloaks, boys by themselves in seemly array, and priests & other officers of the city also, all in white garments, crowned with garlands. Cato thought strait they had made this solemn precession to honour him, and fell out with his men he had sent before, because they did suffer them to make such preparation for his coming. So he made his friends light from their horses, & go a foot to accompany him. But when they came near to the gate of the city, the master of these ceremonies that had assembled all that company (an old man, having a rod in his hand, and a crown on his head) came to Cato without saluting of him, and asked him only, where they had left Demetrius, and when he would come. This Demetrius had been one of Pompey's slaves, Demetrius a slave, great with Pompey. & because Pompey's fame was great with all men, his servant Demetrius also was much honoured and made of above his desert, for that he was in great credit with Pompey. Cato's friends hearing what question the old man asked him, burst out a laughing as they went through this precession. Cato being ashamed of it, said no more then: but, O unfortunate city. Afterwards notwithstanding, when he told it to any body, he would laugh at it himself. So Pompey rebuked them, that through ignorance had failed to honour Cato. When Cato came to the city of EPHESUS, Cato honoured of Pompey in Asia. and was coming towards Pompey to salute him, being the elder man, and of greater dignity and estimation than he, who at that time also was General of a great and puissant army: Pompey seeing him coming towards him a far of, would not tarry till he came to him, sitting in his chair of estate, but rising up went to meet him, as one of the greatest and noblest persons of ROME, and taking him by the hand, after he had embraced and welcomed him, he presently fell in praise of his virtue before his face, and afterwards also commended him in his absence, when he was gone from him. Whereupon, every man after that had him in great veneration for those things, which before they despised in him, when they considered better of his noble & courteous mind. For men that saw Pompey's entertainment towards him, knew well enough that Cato was a man which he rather reverenced, & for a kind of duty observed, more than for any love he bore him: & they noted further, that he honoured him greatly while he was with him, but yet that he was glad when Cato went from him. For he sought to keep back all the young gentlemen of ROME that went to see him, & desired them to remain with him: but for Cato, he was nothing desirous of his company, Pompey rather suspected Cato, then lived him. for that in his presence he thought he could not command as he would, & therefore was willing to let him go, recommending his wife & his children to him, the which he never did before unto any other ROMAN that returned to ROME howbeit in deed Cato was partly allied unto him. After that time, all the cities whereby he passed, devised (in emulation one of the other) which of them should honour him most, & made him great feasts & banquets: in the which he prayed his friends to have an eye to him, least unwares he should prove Curioes' words true. For Curio sometime being his friend, & a familiar of his, misliking notwithstanding his severity: asked Cato if he would go see ASIA, when his charge mere expired Cato answered again, that it was his full determination. O well said, q Curios, I hope than thou wilt return more pleasant and civil. And these were Curioes' words. Furthermore, Deiotarus king of GALATIA, being a very old man, Cato's journey unto king Deiotarus, and his abstinence 〈…〉 gisu. sent for Cato to come into his country to recommend his sons & house unto him: who, when he arrived there, had great rich presents of all sorts offered him by the king, entreating him all he could to take them. This so much misliked and angered Cato, that he coming thither in the evening, (after he had tarried there one whole day only) the next morning he went his way from thence at the third hour) Howbeit he had not gone one days journey, but he found greater gifts that tarried him, with Deiotarus letters, at the city of PESSINUNTA: in the which he instantly requested him to take them, or at the lest if he would refuse them himself, that then he would let them be divided amongst his friends, sith every way they did deserve it, but specially for his sake, for that his goods also were not so great, as could content all his friends. But Cato would not suffer them to take any jot of it more than before, although he saw well enough that there were some of them so tender hearted, that they complained of him, for that he would not suffer them to take any of it. For he told them, that otherwise, corruption and bribery could lack no honest colour to take: and for his friends, they should always have part with him of that which was his own justly. So he returned king Deiotarus presents back again. Now when he was ready to embark, to pass over the sea again unto BRUNDUSIUN: some of his friends persuaded him, that it was better to put the ashes of his brother Capioes' bones into an other ship. But he answered them, that he would rather loose his own life, then to leave his brother's relics. Thereupon he presently hoist sail, and it is reported that he passed over in great danger, where other ships arrived very safely. When he was returned unto ROME, he was always either talking Philosophy with Athenodorus the Philosopher, or else in the market place to pleasure his friends. When his turn came that he was to make suit to be Quaestor, he would never sue for it, before he had first diligently perused all the ordinances touching the office of Quaestor, Cato made Quaestor. and that he had particularly made enquierie of men of greatest experience to know what the authority of the office was. So, he no sooner came to his office, but he presently made great alteration amongst the clerk and officers of the treasury: who having the laws and records in their hands, and exercising the office commonly under young men which were chosen treasurers (who for their ignorance and lack of experience, stood rather in need of masters to teach them, then that they were able to correct others) they themselves were the officers, and controlled them. But Cato not contenting himself with the name and honour of the thing, did thoroughly understand what the clerk and registers should be; and therefore would have them to be as they aught to be, ministers under the Quaestors only, telling them of their bribery and corruption which they committed, and reformed them also, that fauted through ignorance. And when he saw some insolent and impudent persons, that curried favour with other treasurers to be against him: he caused the chiefest of them to be condemned for falsehood, in making division betwixt two coheirs, and consequently turned him clear out of his office, for ever doing any thing there any more. He accused an other also for forging of a will, whom Catulus Luctatius defending, being then Censor, and a man of great honour for the dignity of his office; Catulus Luctatius what he was. but chief for his virtue, being counted the justest man one of them in his time at ROME, and one of those also that highly commended Cato, & was conversant with him for his honest life: when he perceived that he could not defend his man by no reason, he prayed them at his request that they would pardon him. But Cato would in no wise grant it. But Catulus earnestly entreating still for him: then Cato plainly said unto him, It is a shame for thee (Catulus) thou that art Censor, and shouldest reform all our lives, thus to forget the duty of thine office, to please our ministers. Catulus looking at Cato when he had spoken, as though he would answer him: whether it were for shame, or anger, he went his way, & said never a word more. Yet was not the party condemned, though there was one voice more that did condemn then clear him, because of the absence of one of the judges. For Marcus Lollius, one of Cato's colleagues in the Quaestorship, being sick at that time, and absent, Catulus sent unto him, to pray him to come and help the poor man. There upon Lollius being brought thither in a litter after judgement given, gave his last voice, which absolutely cleared him. Cato, this notwithstanding, would never use him as a clerk, nor pay him his wages, nor would count of Lollius voice among others. Thus having pulled down the pride and stomach of these clerk, and brought them unto reason: in short time he had all the tables and records at his commandment, and made the treasure chamber as honourable, as the Senate itself so that every man thought, and said, that Cato had added unto the Quaestorshippe the dignity of the Consulship. Cato made the Quaestorshippe of great dignity. For finding divers men indebted before unto the common wealth, and the common wealth also unto divers men: he set down such an order, that neither the common wealth should be deceived by any man, nor that any man also should have wrong of it. For being rough with them that were indebted to the chamber, he compelled them to pay their debt, and willingly & quickly also paid them to whom the chamber aught any thing: so that the people were ashamed to see some pay which never thought to have paid any thing, and on the contrary side also others paid, which never looked to have had any part of their debt: paid them. Furthermore, divers men did before make false bills of their dets, and brought them so to be put into the coffer of the Quaestors: and many times also his predecessors were wont of favour and friendship to receive false messages. For whilst he was Quaestor, he never did pass away matters so lightly. For one day, he being doubtful of a message that was sent unto him, to know whether it was true or no: albeit divers men did witness it was true, yet would he not believe it, until such time as the Consuls themselves came in their own persons to justify it was true, and to swear, that it was so ordained. Now there were many unto whom Lucius Sylla being Dictator, had appointed in his second proscription twelve thousand silver Drachmas for every citizen and outlaw which they had slain with their own hands. These men, though every man did hate them, and knew them to be wicked people & cruel murderers: Cato was revenged of Sulla's bloody murders. yet no man durst offer to be revenged of them. Cato called these men in suit, as those that did wrongfully detain the money of the common treasure, and compelled them to repay it back again: sharply reproving (and justly) the wicked devilish fact they had committed. So when they had repaid the money, they were strait accused by others for murder: & as if they had been wrongfully condemned by one judgement, they were brought into an other, to the great joy of all the ROMANS, who then thought they saw all the tyranny of that time rooted out, and Sylla himself punished. Besides all this, Cato's continual pains and care of the treasure, was so well thought of, and liked of the people, as could be. For he was always the first that came to the coffer of the treasurers, and also the last that went from thence, and was never weary of any pains. Furthermore, he never miss to be at any assembly of the people or Senate, searing, and being always careful, least lightly by savour, any money due to the common wealth should be forgiven: or else that they should abate the rent of the farmers, or that they should give no money but to them that had justly deserved it. Thus having rid all accusers, and also filled the coffers with treasure: he made men see, that the common wealth might be rich, without oppressing of any man. In deed at his first coming in to the office, his colleagues and companions found him marvelous troublesome and tedious, for that they thought him too rough and severe: howbeit they all loved him in the end, because he only withstood the complaints and cries of all men against them (which complained that they would not for any man's respect or favour let go the money of the common treasure) & was contented his companions should excuse themselves unto their friends that were importunate, and lay the fault upon him, saying, that it was unpossible for them to bring Cato unto it. The last day that he went out of his office, Cato's notable leaving of his office. being very honourably brought home to his house by the people: it was told him that Marcellus, being in the treasure chamber, was attempted & environed with many of his friends, and men of great authority, that were earnestly in hand with him to record a certain gift of money, as a thing that had been due by the common wealth. This Marcellus had been Cato's friend even from their childhood, & whilst Cato was in office, he did orderly execute his office with him: but when he was left alone, he was of so gentle a nature, that he would easily be entreated, and was as much ashamed to deny any man, as he was also overreadie to grant every man that he required. Cato strait returned back upon it, and finding that Marcellus had yielded unto their importunacy, and recorded the gift: he caused the books to be brought unto him, and did raze it but before his face, Marcellus speaking never a word to the contrary. After that, Marcellus brought Cato home, and never once repined against that he had done, neither then, nor at any one after, but continued still friendship with him, as he had done before. But now, though Cato was out of his office of Quaestor, Cato's care and imegritie to the common wealth. he was not without spials of his men in the treasure chamber: who marked always, and wrote what was done and passed in the treasury. And Cato himself having bought the books of account for the sum of five talents containing the revenue of the whole stare of the common wealth, from Sulla's time until the very year of his Quaestorshippe: he ever had them about him, and was the first man that came to the Senate and the last that went out of it. There many times the Senators tarrying long before they came, he went and sat down in a corner by himself, and read closely the book he had under his gown, clapping his gown before it, and would never be out of the city on that day when he knew the Senate should assemble. After that, Pompey and his comforts perceiving that it was unpossible to compel Cato, and much less to win or corrupt him, to favour their must doings: they sought what means they could to keep him from coming to the Senate, and defending certain of his friends causes, & to occupy him some other ways about matters of arbitrement. But Cato finding their wiles and craft, to encounter them, Cato's mind and determination to take charge in the common wealth he told his friends once for all, whom he would pleasure: that when the Senate did sit, no man's cause could make him be absent from thence. For he came not to serve the common wealth to enrich himself as many did, neither for any glory or reputation, nor yet at all adventure: but that he had advisedly chosen to serve the common wealth, like a just and honest man, & therefore thought himself bound to be as careful of his duty, as the be working her wax in the honey comb. For this respect therefore, to perform his duty the better, by the means of his friends which he had in every province belonging to the Empire of ROME: he got into his hands the copies of all the chiefest acts, edicts, decrees, sentences, & the notablest judgements of the governors that remained in record. Once Cato perceiving that Publius Clodius a seditious Orator amongst the people, did make great sturte, and accused divers unto the assembly, as the Priests and Vestal Nuns: (among the which P●bia Terentia, Citeroes' wives sister was accused) he taking their cause in hand, did so disgrace Clodius their accuser, Cato drove Clodius out of Rome. that he was driven to fly the city. Cicero therefore giving Cato thanks, Cato told him, that he must thank the common wealth, not him, for whose sake only he both said and did that he had done. Hereby Cato wan him great fame. For when a certain Orator or common counsellor preferred one witness unto the judges, the counsellor on tother side told them, that one witness was not to be credited, though it were Cato himself. The authority and credit of Cato. Insomuch as the people took it up for a proverb among them, that when any man spoke any strange and unlikely matter, they would say: Nay, though Cato himself said it, yet were it not to be believed. When on a time a certain prodigal man had made a long oration in the Senate, in praise and commendation of sobriety, temperance, & thriftiness: one Amnaus a Senator rising up, said unto him, alas, friend, what thinkest thou? who can abide to hear thee any longer with patience: that farest at thy table like Crassus, buildest like Lacullus, & speakest to us like Cato? So men commonly (in sport) called them Cato's, which were grave and severe in their words, and dissolute in their deeds. When divers of his friends were in hand with him to sue to be Tribune of the people, he told them he thought it not meet at that time: for such an office (q he) of great authority as that, is not to be employed, but like a strong medicine in time of need. So, the term and matters of law ceasing for that time, Cato went into the country of LUKE to take his pleasure there, Cato took Philosophers with him when he went into the country. where he had pleasant houses: and took with him both his books & Philosophers to keep him company. Because, meeting as he went, with divers sumpters and great carriage, and a great train of men beside, he asked them whose carriage it was: they told him it was Metellus Nepos that returned to ROME, to make suit to be Tribune. Thereupon Cato stayed suddenly, and bethinking himself, commanded his men to return back again. His friends marveling at it, he answered them: Do not you know that Metellus is to be feared of himself, for his rashness and folly? & now that he cometh instructed by Pompey, like a lightning he would set all the common wealth a fire? for this cause therefore, we must not now go take out pleasure in the country, but overcome his folly, or otherwise die honourably in defence of our liberty. Yet at his friends persuasions, he went first unto his house in the country, but tarried not long there, and returned strait again to ROME. When he came thither overnight, the next morning betimes he went into the market place, & sued to be Tribune of the people, purposely to cross Metellus enterprise, The office & authority of the Tribune, what it is. because the power & authority of the Tribune consisteth more in hindering, then doing any thing: for if all men else were agreed of a matter, and that he only were against it, the Tribune would carry it from them all. Cato at the first had not many of his friends about him, but when they heard of his intent, why he made suit for the Tribuneship: all his friends and noble men strait took part with him, confirmed his determination, and encouraged him to go on withal, for that he did it rather to serve the common wealth, than his own turn, considering, that where many times before he might (without resistance or denial) have obtained the same, the state being toward no trouble, he then would never sue for it, but now that he saw it in danger, where he was to fight for the common wealth, and the protection of her liberty. Cato's Tribuneship. It is reported that there was such a number of people about him to favour his suit, that he was like to have been stifled among them, & thought he should never have comen to the market place, for the press of people that swarmed about him. Thus when he was chosen Tribune with Metellus and others, he perceived how they bought & sold the voices of the people when the Consuls were chosen: whereupon he made an oration, & sharply took them up for this detestable merchandise, and after his oration ended, solemnly protested by oath, that he would accuse him, & bewray his name, which had given money to be chosen Consul. Howbeit he spoke nothing of Syllanus, whose sister, Seruilia, he had married: but he flatly accused Lucius Muraena, that had obtained to be Consul with Syllanus, by means of his money. Now a law being provided, that the party accused might have a keeper or espial to follow the accuser, to see what he would accuse the party with, that he might the better be able to defend himself, knowing what should be objected against him: Muraena having one for him to wait upon Cato, to consider thoroughly what course he took, when he saw that he went not maliciously to work, but took a plain common way of a just accuser ●he had so great confidence in Cato's upright mind and integrity, that not regarding the narrow sisting of him otherwise, he did one day ask him himself in the market place, (or at home in his own house) if that day he were determined to prosecute any matter against him touching his accusation. If Cato answered him that he did not: then he went his way and simply believed him. When the day came in deed that his cause was to be heard, and pleaded unto: Cicero being Consul that year, Cicero definded Muraena against his accuser Cato. defending Muraena, played so pleasantly with the STOIC Philosophers, and their strange opinions, that he made all the judges laugh: insomuch as Cato himself smiling at him, told them that were by him: see, we have a pleasant Consul that makes men laugh thus. So Muraena being discharged by this judgement, did never after malice Cato for that, but so long as he remained Consul, he was always ruled by his counsel in all his affairs, and continued ever to honour him, following his counsel in all things touching his office. Hereof Cato himself was cause, who was never rough nor terrible, but in matters of counsel, and in his orations before the people, for the maintenance only of equity and justice: for otherwse, he was very civil & courteous to all men. But before he entered into his Tribuneship, Cicero being yet Consul, he did help him in many things touching his office, but specially, in bringing Catilins' conspiracy to good end, The conspiracy of Catiline against Rome. which was a noble act done of him. For Catiline did practise a general commotion and stir in the common wealth, to overthrow the whole state of ROME, by civil discord within ROME, and open wars abroad: who being discovered and overcome by Cicero, he was driven in the end to fly ROME. But Lentulus, Cethegus, and many other of the accomplices of this conspiracy, blamed Catiline for his faint and cowardly proceeding in it. For their parts, they had determined to burn the whole city of ROME, and to put all the Empire thereof in uproar, by strange wars, and rebellions of foreign nations and provinces. Howbeit this treason being discovered, as appeareth more largely in the life of Cicero, the matter was referred unto the judgement of the Senate, to determine what was to be done therein. Syllanus being the first who was asked his opinion therein, said, that he thought it good they should suffer cruel pains: and after him also, all the rest said the like, until it came to Caesar. Caesar being an excellent spoken man, & that rather desired to nourish then to quench any such stirs or seditions in the common wealth, being fit for his purpose long determined often made an oration full of sweet pleasant words, declaring unto them, that to put such men as them to death without lawful condemnation, he thought it altogether unreasonable, and rather that they should do better to keep them in prison. This oration of Caesar so altered all the rest of the Senators minds, for that they were afraid of the people: that Syllanus self mended his opinion again, and said, that he meant not they should put them to death, but keep them fast in prison, because that to be a prisoner, was the greatest pain a ROMAN Citizen could abide. Thus, the Senators minds being so suddenly changed, & bend to a more favourable sentence: Cato rising up to say his opinion, Cato's oraetion against Caesar, touching Catilins' conspiracy. began very angrily with marvelous eloquence, grievously to reprove Syllanus for changing his mind, & sharply to take up Caesar, that under a popular semblance, & mask of sweet sugared words, he sought under hand to destroy the common wealth, and also to terrify and make the Senate afraid: where he himself should have been afraid, and think himself happy, if he could scape from being suspected, giving such apparent cause of suspicion as he did, going about so openly to take the enemies and traitors of the common wealth out of the hands of justice, seeming to have no pity nor compassion of his natural city, of such nobility and fame, being even brought in manner to utter destruction, but rather to lament the fortune of these wicked men, that it was pity they were ever borne, & whose death preserved ROME from a thousand murders & mischiefs. Of all the orations that ever Cato made, that only was kept: for Cicero the Consul, that day had dispersed divers pen men in sundry places of the Senate house, which had marvelous swift hands, and had further taught them how to make brief notes and abridgements, which in few lines showed many words. For until that time, writers were not known that could by figures & ciphers express a whole sentence and word, Cicero taught them how to writ briefly, by notes and figures. as afterwards they could: being then the first time that ever they were found out. So Cato at that time prevailed against Caesar, and made them all change their minds again, that these men were put to death. But that we may not leave out a ior of his manners, as the very pattern and impression of his mind: It is reported, that when Cato that day was so hot, and vehement against Caesar, that all the Senate could but look at them, to hear them both a letter was delivered Caesar, sent him into the house. Cato began presently to suspect it, and so earnestly misliked of it, that many of the Senators being offended, commanded his letter should be seen & read openly. Caesar thereupon reached his letter unto Cato, that sat not far from him. When Cato had read it, and found that it was a love letter which his sister Seruilia had written unto Caesar, whom she loved, and had known: he cast it again to Caesar, & said, there, drunkard. After that he went on again with his matter, which he had begun before. In fine, it seemeth that Cato was very unfortunate in his wives: Cato unfortunate in his wives. for this Seruilia, as we have said, had an ill name by Caesar. And the other Seruilia also, which was his sister, was worse defamed. For she being married unto Lucullus, one of the greatest men of ROME, by whom she had a son, was in the end put away from him, for her naughty life. But worst of all, his own wife Attilia also was not altogether clear without suspicion: For though he had two sons by her, yet he was driven to be divorced from her, she was so nought and common. After that, he married Martia, Martia Cato's wife. the Daughter of Philip, which by report seemed to be a very honest gentlewoman. It is she that is so famous among the ROMANS. For in the life of Cato, this place (as a fable or comedy) is disputable, and hard to be judged. For thus it was, as Thraseas writeth: who referreth all to the report and credit of one Munatius, Cato's very familiar friend. Among many that loved Cato's virtues, and had them in admiration, some of them did show him more what he was, than other some did: amongst the which, was Q. Hortensius, a man of great honesty and authority. He, desiring not only to be Cato's friend and familiar, but also to join with him in alliance, and by affinity to make both their houses one: was not abashed to move him, to let him have his Daughter Porcia in marriage, (which was Bibulus wife, & had brought him two children) that he might also cast abroad the seed of goodly children, in that pleasant fertile ground. And though to men this might seem a strange mind and desire, yet that in respect of nature, it was both honest and profitable to the common wealth, not to suffer a young woman in the prime of her youth, to loose the fruit of her womb, being apt to bear children nor also that he should impoverish his son in law with more children, Plato's fellowship and community of women. than one house needed. And further, that communicating women in this sort from one to another, specially being bestowed upon worthy and virtuous men: that virtue should thereby be increased the more, being so dispersed in divers families, & the city likewise should be the stronger, by making alliances in this sort together. And if it be so, q he, that Bibulus do love his wife so dearly, that he will not departed from her altogether, then that he would restore her to him again, when he had a child by her, that thereby he might be the more bound in friendship to him, by means of this communication of children with Bibulus self, and with him. Cato answered him, that he loved Hortensius well, and liked of his alliance: howbeit that he marveled he would speak to him to let him have his Daughter to get children of, sith he knew that she was married to an other. Then Hortensius altering his tale, stuck not to tell him his mind plainly, and to desire his wife of him, the which was yet a young woman, and Cato had children enough. But a man can not tell whether Hortensius made this suit, because he saw Cato make no reckoning of Martia, for that she was then with child by him. In fine, Cato seeing the earnest desire of Hortensius, he did not deny him her, but told him, that he must also get Philip's good will, the father of Martia. He knowing that Cato had granted his good will, would not therefore let him have his daughter, before that Cato himself by his presence did confirm the contract & marriage with him. Though these things were done long after, yet having occasion to talk of Cato's wives, I thought it not amiss to anticipate the time. Now Lentulus, and his consorts of Catiline's conspiracy being put to death: Caesar, to cloak the accusations wherewith Cato charged him in open Senate, did put himself into the people's hands, and gathering the rakehells and seditious persons together, which sought to set all at six and seven, he did further encourage them in their mischievous intent & practices. Whereupon, Cato fearing lest such rabble of people should put all the common wealth in uproar & danger: Cato persuaded corn to be distributed unto the people. he persuaded the Senate to win the poor needy people that had nothing, by distributing of corn amongst them, the which was done: For the charge thereof amownted yearly unto twelve hundred and fifty talents. This liberality did manifestly drink up and quench all those troubles which they stood in fear of. But on tother side, Metellus entering into his Tribuneship, made certain seditious orations and assemblies, & preferred a law to the people, that Pompey the great should presently be called into ITALY with his army, that he should keep the city by his coming, from the present danger of Catilins' conspiracy. These were but words spoken for fashions sake, but in deed the law had a secret meaning, to put the whole common wealth and Empire of ROME into Pompey's hands. hereupon the Senate assembled, wherein Cato at his first coming, spoke somewhat gently, and not to vehemently against Metellus, as his manner was to be sharp unto them that were against him: but modestly persuaded him, and fell to entreat him in the end, and highly to extol his house, for that they had always taken part with the Senate and nobility. But Metellus therewith took such pride & conceit of himself, that he began to despise Cato, thinking he had used that mildness, as though he had been afraid of him: insomuch as he gave out proud speeches against him, Cato resisteth Metellus, tribune of the people. and cruel threats, that in despite of the Senate he would do that which he had undertaken. Then Cato changing his countenance, his voice and speech, after he had spoken very sharply against him: in the end he roughly protested, that while he lived, he would never suffer Pompey to come into ROME with his army. The Senate hearing them both, thought neither of both well in their wits, but that Metellus doings was a fury, which proceeding of a cankered stomach and extreme malice, would put all in hazard: & that which Cato did, was a ravishment and ecstasy of his virtue, that made him beside himself, contending for justice and equity. When the day came that this law should pass by voices of the people, Metellus failed not to be in the market place with a world of strangers, slaves, and sensers, armed, and set in battle ray, besides a number of the common people that were desirous to see Pompey's return, hoping after change. Besides all those, Caesar then being Praetor, julius Caesar Praetor. gave aid likewise with his men, in the behalf of Metellus. On the contrary part also, the noble men and Senators of the city were as angry as Cato, and said it was a horrible shame: howbeit they were his friends, rather in misliking the matter, then in defending the common wealth. Whereupon, all his friends at home, and his whole family, were marvelously perplexed & sorrowful, that they both refused their meat, and also could take no rest in the night for fear of Cato. But he, as one without fear, having a good heart with him, did comfort his people, and bade them not sorrow for him: and after he had supped, as he commonly used to do, he went to bed, and slept sound all night, till the morning that Minutius Thermus, his colleague & fellow Tribune, came & called him. So they both went together into the market place, accompanied with a very few after them: Whereupon divers of their friends came and met them by the way, & bade them take heed unto themselves. When they were come into the market place, and that Cato saw the temple of Castor and Pollux full of armed men, and the degrees or steps kept by sword players and fencers, and Metellus on the top of them set by Caesar turning to his friends he said, see I pray you the coward there, what a number of armed men he hath gotten together, against one man naked, and unarmed. There withal he strait went forward with his companion Thermus unto that place, and they that kept the degrees, opened of themselves to let him pass, but they would let no other go up but himself: But Cato with much a do, Cato's noble courage and constancy. taking Minutius by the hand, got him up with him, and when he was come up, he sat him down betwixt Metellus and Caesar, to keep them a sunder, that they should not whisper one in another's ear. Neither of them both could tell what to say to him. Whereupon the noble men that considered Cato's countenance and boldness, wondering to see it, drew near, and by their cries willed him not to be afraid, but encouraged one another to stick by him, that stood for defence of their liberty. So, there was a servant that took the written law in his hand, and would have read it to the people: but Cato would not let him. Then Metellus took it himself in his hands to read it: but Cato also snatched it out of his hands. Metellus notwithstanding, having it perfect without book, would needs declare the effect of it by heart. But Thermus clapped his hand before his mouth to keep him that he should not speak. Metellus seeing these two men bend by all means to keep this law from passing, and that the people did lean on their side: he beckoned to his men to go for the armed men which were at home in his house, that they should come with terror and cries to make them afraid, and so they did. The people thereupon were dispersed here and there for fear, that Cato was left alone in the market place, and they threw stones at him from beneath. But then Muraena, who had before accused Cato for buying of the consulship, forsook him not in that danger, but holding his long gown before him, cried out unto them beneath, that threw at Cato, to leave. So showing him the danger he had brought himself unto, holding him still by the arms, he brought him into the temple of Castor and Pollux. Then Metellus seeing the pulpit for orations voided, and his enemies flying out of the market place, he thought he had won the goal: Whereupon commanding his soldiers to departed, then proceeding gently, he attempted to pass his law. But his enemies that fled for fear, being gathered again together in the market place, began a fresh to cry out against Metellus, with greater boldness and courage then before. Then Metellus and his adherents being afraid and amazed, doubting that their enemies had gotten weapons, and were provided, and therefore were the bolder: they fled, and all of them left the pulpit for orations. So, when Metellus and his company were gone, Cato came again to the pulpit for orations, and greatly commended the people for the good will they had showed, and persuaded them to continued in their well doing. Whereupon the common people were then against Metellus, and the Senate also being assembled gave order, that Cato should have better aid than he had before, and that by all means possible they should resist Metellus law, which only tended to move sedition & civil war in ROME. For Metellus self, he was yet vehemently bend to follow his attempt and enterprise: but perceiving that his friends were marvelously afraid of Cato, as a man whom they thought invincible, he suddenly name into the market place, and assembling the people, told them many reasons in his oration, supposing to bring Cato in disgrace with the people, and amongst other things he said, that he would withdraw himself out of this tyranny all power of Cato's, and his conspiracy against Pompey, the which peradventure the city before it were long, should repent, for that they had shamed and defaced so noble a man. After that, he presently departed ROME, and went into ASIA to inform Pompey of all this matter. Cato on tother side was greatly esteemed for his doings, for that he had freed the common wealth from the great trouble of such a foolish Tribune, and by overthrowing Metellus, he had also suppressed the power of Pompey. But he was yet much more commended, when he was against the Senate, who would have noted Metellus of infamy, and deprived him of his office, the which he would not suffer them to do. The common people thought him of a courteous and gentle nature, because he would not tread his enemy under his foot, when he had the upper hand of him, nor be revenged of him when he had overcome him: but wise men judged it otherwise, that it was wisely done of him not to provoke Pompey. About this time returned Lucullus from the war, of the which it seemed that Pompey had taken the honour & glory from him for the ending of it, & was likely also to have been put from his honour of triumph, for that Caius Memmius was his adversary, who laid many accusations against him before the people, rather to please Pompey, then for any malice else he had towards him. Cato's doings of Lucullus. But Cato, both for that Lucullus was his brother in law, and had married his own sister Seruilia, as also for that he saw they did him wrong: resisted this Memmius, & defended many accusations against him. So that in the end, though Memmius had laboured that Cato should be deprived of his office, as from a tyrannical power: yet Cato compelled Memmius at the last to leave of his accusations, and to prosecute law no more against him. Thus Lucullus having obtained honour of triumph, did embrace Cato's friendship more than before, taking him for a sure bulwark & defence against the power of Pompey the great. But Pompey shortly after returning home again, with great honour from his conquests, trusting that for respect of his welcome he should be denied nothing at the people's hands when he came home sent before unto the Senate, to pray them for his sake to defer the election of the Consuls, until he came to ROME, that being present he might favour Piso's suit, Cato resisteth Pompey. suing to be Consul. Thereunto the most part of the Senate gave their consent, but Cato on tother side was against it, not that the deferring of the time was a matter of such importance, but to cut all hope from Pompey to go about to attempt any new devices, insomuch that he made the Senate change opinion again, and Pompey's request was denied. Pompey being marvelously troubled withal, and perceiving that Cato would be against him in all things if he found not some devise to win him: he sent for his friend Munatius, by his means to demand Cato's two Neces of him which were marriable: the eldest for himself, & the youngest for his son. Others say also, that they were not his Neces, but his own daughters, Munatius did Pompey's message, & broke the matter unto him, his wife, & to his sisters, who marvelously desired Pompey's alliance, for the greatness and dignity of his person. But Cato making no farther delay, without other deliberation, as not greatly pleased with the motion, answered him presently. Cato refuseth alliance with Pompey. Munatius, go thy way unto Pompey again, and tell him that Cato is not to be won by women, though otherwise I mislike not of his friendship: and withal, that so long as he shall deal uprightly in all causes, & none otherwise, that he shall found him more assuredly his friend, then by any alliance of marriage: & yet, that so satisfy Pompey's pleasure and will against his country, he will never give him such pledges. The women and his friends at that time were angry with his answer & refusal, saying, it was too stately and uncourteous. But afterwards in chanced, that Pompey suing to have one of his friends made Consul, he sent a great sum of money to bribe the voices of the people, which liberality was noted, & spoken of, because the money was told in Pompey's own garden. Then did Cato tell the women of his house, that if he had now been bound by alliance of marriage unto Pompey, he should then have been driven to have been partaker of Pompey's shameful acts. When they heard what he had told them, they all confessed then that he was wiser to refuse such alliance, than they were that wished and desired it. And yet, if men should judge of wisdom, by the success and event of things: I must needs say, that Cato was in great fault for refusing of this alliance. For thereby he was the cause of Pompey's matching with Caesar, who joining both their powers together, was the whole destruction of the Empire of ROME: Whereas peradventure it had not fallen out so, if Cato fearing Pompey's light faults, had not caused him by increasing his power with another, to commit far greater faults. Howbeit those things were yet to come. Furthermore, Pompey being at jar with Lucullus, touching certain ordinances which he had made in the Realm of PONTUS, because both the one and the other would have their ordinances to take place: Cato favoured Lucullus, who had open wrong. Pompey therefore seeing that he was the weaker in the Senate, took part with the people, Lex agraria. and put forth the law for dividing of the lands amongst the soldiers. But Cato stoutly resisting that law again, he put it by, and made Pompey thereby in a rage to acquaint himself with Publius Clodius, the most seditious and boldest person of all the Tribunes, and besides that, made alliance even at that time with Caesar, whereof Cato himself was the only Author. Caesar returning out of SPAIN from his praetorship, required the honour of triumph, and withal made suit to be Consul. But being a law to the contrary, that they that sued to be Consuls should be present themselves in the city, and such also as desired honour of triumph, should be without the city: he earnestly required the Senate, that he might sue for the consulship by his friends. The most part of the Senate were willing unto it, but Cato was flatly against it. He perceiving that the other Senators were willing to gratify Caesar, when it came to him to deliver his opinion, he spent all the whole day in his oration, and by this policy prevented the Senate, that they could not conclude any thing. Then Caesar letting fall his triumph, made suit to be Consul, and entering the city, joined friendship with Pompey. The alliance and friendship betwixt Caesar and Pompey. hereupon he was chosen Consul, and immediately after married his Daughter julia unto Pompey: and so having made in manner a conspiracy against the common wealth between themselves, Caesar preferred the law Agraria, for distributing the lands unto the Citizens, and Pompey was present to maintain the publication thereof, Lucullus and Cicero on tother side taking part with Bibulus the other Consul, did what they could against it, but specially Cato: who fearing much this alliance of Caesar and Pompey, that it was a pact and conspirancie to overthrow the common wealth, said, that he cared not so much for this law Agraria, as he feared the reward they looked for, who by such means did entice and please the common people. Therewithal, the Senate were wholly of his opinion, and so were many other honest men of the people beside, that were none of the Senate, and took his part: marveling much, and also being offended with Caesar's great unreasonableness and importunity, who by the authority of his consulship did prefer such things, as the most seditiousest Tribunes of the people were wont commonly to do, to curry favour with the people, and by such vile means sought to make them at his commandment. Wherefore, Caesar and his friends fearing so great enemies, fell to open force. For to begin withal, as the Consul Bibulus was going to the market place, there was a basket of dung powered upon his head: and furthermore, the Officers rods were broken in their hands, which they carried before him. In fine, darts were thrown at them out of every corner, and many of them being hurt, they all at length were driven to fly, and leave the market place. But Cato, he came last of all, keeping his wonted pace, and often cast back his head, and cursed such Citizens. So, they did not only pass this law Agraria by voices of the people, but furthermore they added to it: that all the Senate should be sworn to stablish that law, and be bound to defend the same, (if any attempted the alteration thereof) upon great penalties and fines to be set on his head, that should refuse the oath. All the other Senators swore against their wills, remembering the example of the mischief that chanced unto the old Metellus, who was banished out of ITALY, because he would not swear to such a like law. Whereupon, the women that were in Cato's house, besought him with the tears in their eyes, that he would yield and take the oath: and so did also divers of his friends beside. Cicero by his oration broke Cato's stiffness. Howbeit, he that most enforced and brought Cato to swear, was Cicero the Orator: who persuaded him, that peradventure he would be thought unreasonable, that being but one man, he should seem to mislike that, which all other had thought meet and reasonable: and that it were a fond part of him wilfully to put himself in so great danger, thinking to hinder a matter already past remedy. But yet that besides all this, a greater inconvenience would happen, if he forsook his country (for whose sake he did all these things) and left it a pray unto them, which sought the utter subversion of the same, as if he were glad to be rid from the trouble of descending the common wealth. For, said he, though Cato have no need of ROME, yet ROME hath need of Cato, and so have all his friends: of the which, Cicero said he was the chief, and was most maliced of P. Clodius the Tribune, who sought to drive him out of the country. It is said that Cato being won by these like words and persuasions at home, and openly in the market place, they so sofetned him, that he came to take his oath last of all men, but one Phaonius, a very friend of his. Caesar's heart being then lift up, for that he had brought his first purpose to pass: began now to prefer an other law, to divide all CAMPANIA, and the country called TERRA DI LAVORO, (the land of labour) unto the poor needy people of ROME, and no man stood against him but Cato. Cato committed to prison by Caesar. Whereupon Caesar made his officers to take him from the pulpit for orations, to carry him to prison. All this made not Cato stoop, nor leave his frank speech, but as he went he still spoke against this edict, and persuaded the people to beware of them that preferred such laws. All the Senate, and the best sort of Citizens followed Cato with heavy hearts, showing by their silence, that they were offended and angry for the injury they did unto him, being so worthy a man. Insomuch as Caesar's self perceived that the people were offended with it, and yet of ambition & stomach, he looked always when Cato would have appealed unto the people. So when he saw that Cato meant no such matter, at length overcomen with shame and dishonour, he himself procured one of the Tribunes to take Cato from the sergeants. In fine, all Caesars practise tended to this end, that when he had won the people's favour by such laws: they should then grant him the government of all the GAVLES● (aswell on this side, as beyond the mountains) and all ILLYRIA, with an army of four legions, for the space of five years, notwithstanding that Cato told the people before, that they themselves with their own voices did set up a tyrant, that one day would cut their throats. They did also choose Publius Clodius Tribune of the people, P. Clodius, Tribune of the people. The crafty juggling betwixt Caesar and Pompey with P. Clodius. which was of a noble house: a thing directly contrary to the law. But this Clodius had promised them, so that they would help him to banish Cicero out of ROME, to do all that he could for them. Furthermore, they made Calphurnius Piso (Caesar's wife's father) and Gabinius Paulus, (a man wholly at Pompey's commandment, as they writ which knew his life and manners) Consuls the next year following. Now, notwithstanding they had the rule of the common wealth in their own hands, and that they had won part of the city with bribes, and the other part also with fear: yet they were both afraid of Cato, when they considered what trouble they had to overcome him, which they did very hardly notwithstanding, and to their great shame, being driven to use force, and yet thought they should never have done it. Furthermore, Clodius utterly despaired that he could possibly banish Cicero, so long as Cato was there. So devising ways how to do it, when he had taken possession of his office, he sent for Cato, and began to tell him, that he, thought him the honestest and justest man of ROME, and that he was ready to perform it to him by deed. For, where many made suit unto him to be sent into CYPRUS, to make war with king Ptolemy: he thought none so worthy as himself, and therefore for the goodwill he bore him, he was very willing to offer him that pleasure. Cato straight cried out with open mowth, that this was a devise to entrap him, not to pleasure him. Then Clodius proudly and fiercely answered him, Cato sent Ambassador into Cyprus. well, seeing thou wilt not go with good will, thou shalt go then against thy will: and so he did. For at the first assembly of the city, be caused the people to grant his commission for his journey thither: but they neither appointed him ships, nor soldiers, nor any other Ministers to go with him, saving two Secretaries only, of the which, the one of them was a very villain and arrant thief, and the other, one of Clodius followers. Besides all this, as if they had appointed him but little to do in CYPRUS against Ptolemy, he made them command him after that, to go and restore the outlaws and benished men of the city of BYZANTIUM, unto their coutrye and goods again, of purpose only to keep Cato far enough from ROME, whilst continued Tribune. Cato being driven by necessity to obey, he counseled Cicero (whom Clodius pursued) to beware that he made no stir against him, for fear of bringing ROME into civil war and murder for his sake: but rather, to absent himself, that he might an other time preserve his country. After that, he sent his friend Canidius before into CYPRUS, unto ptolemy, to persuade him to be quiet without war: declaring unto him, that he should neither lack honour nor riches, for the ROMANS would grant him the priesthood of Venus in the city of PAPHOS, Cato in the mean time remained in the isle of RHODES, preparing himself there, and abiding his answer. In the time of these stirs, Ptolemy king of EGYPT, Ptolemy king of Egypt, goeth unto Cato. for a certain offence and discord with his subjects, departing out of ALEXANDRIA, sailed towards ROME, hoping that Caesar and Pompey with a great army would restore him to his crown and kingdom again. He being desirous to see Cato, sent unto him, supposing he would come at his sending for. Cato by chance was occupied at that time about some business, and bad the Messenger will Ptolemy to come to him, if he would see him. So when Ptolemy came, he neither went to meet him, nor rose up unto him, but only welcomed him, and bad him sit down. It amazed the king at the first, to see under so simple and mean a train, such a stateliness and majesty in Cato's behaviour. But when he heard him boldly talk with him of his affairs, and such grave talk from him, reproving his folly he had committed, to forsake such princely pleasure and wealth, to go and subject himself unto such dishonour, such extreme pains, and such passing great gifts and presents, as he should throw away, to satisfy the covetousness of the rulers at ROME, the which was so unsatiable, that if all the Realm of EGYPT were converted into silver to give among them, it would scarce suffice them: in respect whereof, he counseled him to return back with his navy, and to reconcile himself again with his subjects, offering himself also to go with him, to help to make his peace. Then Ptolemy coming to himself, and repenting him of his folly, knowing that Cato told him truly, and wisely: he determined to follow his counsel, had not his friends turned his mind to the contrary. So when Ptolemy came to ROME, and was driven to wait at the gates of the Magistrates that were in authority: he sighed then, and repented his folly, for that he had not only despised the counsel of a wise man, but rather the Oracle of a god. Furthermore, the other Ptolemy that was in CYPRUS (a happy turn for Cato) poisoned himself. Cato being also informed that he left a wonderful sum of money behind him, he determined to go himself unto BYZANTIUM, and sent his Nephew Brutus into CYPRUS, because he durst not trust Canidius so far. Then having restored the banished men unto the people's savour again, setting agreement betwixt them, he returned into CYPRUS. Cato's diligence about money in Cyprus. There he found a marvelous great treasure, and plate both of gold and silver, tables, precious stones, hangings, and purple silks, all the which he was to make ready money of. There he took great care and pains to raise all things to the utmost and dearest prices that could be, and he himself was present at all, to keep reckoning of the last penny. Wherefore, to bring this to pass, he would not stand to the common use of the sale of the crier, but suspected them all, both criers, praisers, and his own friends, and therefore talled himself with the praisers, and made them set high prizes upon every thing that was to be sold. And thus were the most part of the goods sold and carried away, at the dearest prices. This did marvelously offend the most of his friends, when they saw that he did mistrust them: but Munatius specially, The envy betwixt Cato & Munatius. his dearest friend, took is so inwardly, that he thought never to be friends with him again. insomuch as in the book Caesar wrote against Cato, in this place he forceth most the accusation against him. Munatius notwithstanding writeth, that he was not angry so much with Cato for that he mistrusted him, but for a certain disdain he had himself of Cato, and for the emulation betwixt him and Canidius. For Munatius wrote a book of Cato's deeds and sayings, whom Thraseas in his history chief followed. In this book he showeth that he came late into CYPRUS, and was very ill lodged. And furthermore also, that when he would have comen into Cato's house, they kept him out of the gates, for that Cato was busy, doing some thing with Canidius. He modestly complaining of it unto Cato, had this churlish answer: overmuch love, saith Theophrastus, oftentimes causeth hate. So fareth it with thee, who overloving me, To much love oftentimes causeth hate, dost think that I esteem thee not as thou deservest, and therefore art angry with me. And for Canidius I must tell thee truly, I do rather employ him for his skill and faithfulness in things, than any man else: for that he hath been with me from the beginning, and as far as I learn, was never bribed, but clean handed still. These words Cato told Munatius secretly between them two: but afterwards he knew that he had also reported them unto Canidius. When he saw that, be would no more go and sup with Cato as he was wont, and when he was also called to counsel, he would not come there neither. Wherefore Cato threatened him, that he would seize upon all his goods and carriage, as they use to handle them that are disobedient unto justice. This notwithstanding, Munatius cared not for it, but took sea, and returned again to ROME, bearing Cato grudge a long time. Then Martia, being at that time Cato's wife, spoke with him, and were both bidden to supper together, unto a friend of theirs, called Barca. Thereupon Cato also arrived, and came thither, when they were all set at supper, and asked where he should sit, Barea told him again, where it pleased him. Then casting his eyes about, he said he would sit by Munatius: and so fetching a compass about the board, he went and sat by him, but offered him no friendship and familiarity all supper time. Afterwards notwithstanding, at the request of Martia, that was earnestly in hand with Cato for him: he wrote unto him, and willed him to come and speak with him. Munatius went to Cato's house in the morning, where Martia stayed him, and kept him company, until all the rest that came to salute Cato, were departed. Then Cato coming to him, embraced him in his arms, and made very much of him. We have the willinglier dilated this matter at length, because men's natures and manners might be discerned even in these small matters of friendship privately, as otherwise in the greatest public causes. Now touching Cato's commission, Money gotten together by Cato in Cyprus. he got together little less than seven thousand silver talents. Furthermore, fearing the farrenesse of the journey he had to go by sea, he made divers little coffers, and put into every one of them two talents, and five hundred Drachmas, and tied unto each of them a long rope, and a great piece of corcke: bicuase that if the ship should fortune to miscarye, those corckes might show where the chests with money lay in the bottom of the sea. Thus was all the money saved, saving a little, and brought safely to ROME. Cato having made two books wherein he had noted all things done in his journey, he could neither save th'one nor tother of them. For one of his bondmen made free, called Philargyrus, took the one away: who taking ship at the haven of Cenchrees, was himself drowned, and the book he had also, lost with him. The other book which he himself had kept, until he came unto CORFOV: he lying in the market place of the city in his tents, which he caused to be set up: the Mariners being very cold in the night, made so great a fire, that it burned the tents, stuff, book and all. Notwithstanding, he brought certain of the late king Ptolemy's slaves with him, who while he lived, had the charge and custody of all his treasure and riches, the which he brought as witnesses, to stop the mouths of his malicious enemies, that would have accused him in any thing. But yet the loss of them did grieve him, not so much for the great care and pains he had taken in setting down the account of his charge, for the justification and proof of his fidelity and good service: but also, for that they might have served for a good memorial and example unto all others, to have been a like careful in their charge, as himself. But the gods denied him this good hap. News being brought that he was come to ROME by water, when they understood that he was at hand, by and by all the Magistrates, the Priests, the Senate, & the most part of the people also went out to meet him by the rivers side: so that both sides of the river of Tiber were full of people, Cato received into Rome with great honour, of all the people. and the receiving of him in, seemed not inferior to the entry of a triumph. Notwithstanding, some thought him very presumptuous, that the Consuls and Praetors coming out to meet him, he did nor stay his galley, but rowed still up the stream (being in a kings galley of six owers to every bank) and never stayed, until all his fleet arrived in the haven. This notwithstanding, when the coffers with money were carried through the market place into the treasure chamber, the people wondered to see so great a quantity of it. And thereupon the Senate being assembled, with great and honourable words they gave Cato extraordinary Praetorship, and privilege also, at any common sports to wear a purple gown. Cato refused all these honours, and only besought the Senate to make Nicias a free man, Steward of the late diseased king Ptolemy, being a witness of his faith and great pains he had taken in this service. Philip the father of Martia, was that year Consul, so that after a sort, the authority of the Consul was in Cato: because Lentulus, colleague and fellow Consul with Philip, did no less reverence Cato for his virtues, than Philip did for his alliance with him. Furthermore, when Cicero was restored again from his banishment, the which Fublius Clodius (being then Tribune of the people) had put upon him, and being again grown to great credit: he went one day into the Capitol, in the absence of Clodius, by force to take away the tables which Clodius had consecrated there, in the which were comprised all his doings during the time he was Tribune. Thereupon the Senate being assembled, Clodius did accuse Cicero of this violent fact. Cicero answered him again: that because Clodius was chosen Tribune, directly against the law, therefore all his doings were void, and of no validity. Then stood up Cato, and said: he knew that all that which Clodius did when he was Tribune, was scantly good and allowable, but yet if generally any man should undo all that he had passed by that authority: then all that he himself had done likewise in CYPRUS, must of necessity be revoked. For the commission that was granted unto him (by virtue whereof he had done things) should be unlawful: because the Tribune also that did grant it him, was not lawfully chosen. And therefore, that Publius Clodius was not made Tribune against the law, who by consent of the law was taken out from a noble house, and made a popular person: howbeit, if he had behaved himself undutifully in his office, as other men that happily had offended: then he was to be accused to make him mend his fault, and not to destroy the authority of the officer, which in itself was lawful. After that, there cell misliking betwixt Cicero and Cato, for this counterbuff he had given him: and Cicero continued a long time after, before he did show him any countenance of friendship as he had at other times done. But afterwards they were reconciled together again, by this occasion. Pompey and Craessus having been with Caesar to talk with him (who for that purpose came out of GAUL beyond the Alps) made an agreement there betwixt them, to demand the second Consulship together, and when they had it, then to prorogue Caesar's government for five years more, and also they would have the best provinces and greatest, for themselves, with great armies, and money enough to pay them with. This was in deed a plain conspiracy to divide the Empire of ROME between them, and utterly to overthrow the state of the common wealth. At that time there were many noble men, which came to make suit for the Consulship. But when they saw Pompey and Craessus offer to make suit for it, all the rest gave over, but Lucius Domitius that had married Porcia, Cato's sister: through whose persuasion he would not relinguishe his suit, considering that it was not the office only of the Consulship that was the chiefest matter of importance, but the liberty of the Senate and people. Strait there ran a rumour through the most part of the people, that they were not to suffer Pompey's power to be joined with Craessus, by means of this office: for then his authority would be too great and strong, and therefore, that of necessity one of these two were to be denied. For this cause therefore, the good men took Domitius part, and did encourage him to go on with his suit, assuring him of aid under hand of divers, which durst not be seen openly for fear of those two great men, who at the day of the election would procure him voices in his favour. Pompey and Craessus mistrusting this, made Domitius be set upon, going with torch light before day into the field of Mars, where the election was always made: and first striking the torch bearer that went before him, they hurt him so sore, that he fell down dead at his feet. Then they laid at the rest in like case, who finding themselves cruelly hurt, ran away every man of them, and left Domitius and Cato post alone. But Cato, notwithstanding he was hurt in one of his arms, still held Domitius fast, and prayed him to tarry, and not to leave to defend the liberty of their country, against tyrants, which plainly showed after what manner they would govern, sith by such wicked means they aspired to tyrannical government. All this notwithstanding, Domitius would tarry no longer, but betook him to his legs, and raune home. Thus were Craessus and Pompey without deny all proclaimed Consuls. Cato never yielded therefore, but came and sued to be Praetor, Why Cato sued to be Praetor. because that thereby he might yet make it some strength and countenance to him against their consulship, that being no private person, he should have some better authority to resist them that were the chiefest persons. But they fearing, that the praetorship by the estimation of Cato, would come to equal their authority of the consulship: first assembled the Senate (the most part of the Senators not hearing of it) and in that assembly caused the Senate to decree: that all such as were chosen Praetors, should presently go to their charge, not attending the time and liberty appointed by the law, during which time men might accuse those which had bought the voices of the people with money. Then having by this colour and decree set ill doers at liberty, without fear of punishment, they pretending to use corruption, did prefer some of their own Ministers to make suit for the praetorship, themselves giving money to corrupt the people, and being present also at the election. But notwithstanding all these practices, the virtue and reputation of Cato overcame them. For the people had him in so great reverence, that they thought it too shameful a part to cell Cato by voices, who deserved rather to be hired to take the praetorship upon him. Then the first Tribe being called to give their voices, declared him Praetor. Pompey seeing that, Cato put from the Praetorship by Pompey. strait broke of the assembly, making a shameful lie, telling that he heard it thunder: the which the ROMANS do marvelously detest, and will conclude nothing when it thundereth. Howbeit afterwards they gave more money, than they had done before, and thereby drove away the chiefest men out of the field of Mars, and by practice obtained, that Vatinius was chosen Praetor for Cato. And the report went, that they that had so wickedly given their voices, feeling themselves pricked in conscience, fled immediately out of the field: and the honest men that remained, were both very sorry and angry, for the injury they had offered Cato. At that time one of the Tribunes keeping an assembly of the city, Cato stood up, and told (as if he had prophesied) before them all, what would happen to the common wealth by these practices, and stirred up the people against Pompey, and Caesar, saying: that they were guilty of those things, and therefore procured them to be done, because they were afraid that if Cato had been Praetor, he would too narrowly have sifted out their devices. In fine, Cato going home to his house, had more company to wait upon him alone, than all the other Praetors that had been chosen. When Caius Trebonius, Tribune of the people, had preferred a law for the dividing of the provinces unto the new Consuls, SPAIN and AFRICA, unto the one, and EGYPT and SYRIA unto the other, with full power to make war as they thought good both by sea and land: all other men having no hope to keep it back, did let it alone, and spoke nothing to contrary it. Then Cato getting up into the pulpit for orations, Cato was against the law for the provinces of Pompey and Crassus. before the people began to give their voices, could hardly have two hours space speak: but at length, they perceiving that he delayed time by foretelling things to come, would suffer him to speak no longer, but sent a Sergeant to him, and plucked him by force out of the pulpit. But when he was beneath, and cried out notwithstanding, and divers gave good ear unto him: the Sergeant went to him again, and took him, and carried him out of the market place. Howbeit the Officer had no sooner left him, but he went straight towards the pulpit for orations, and there cried out more vehemently than before, and willed the people to have an eye to aid the liberty of their common wealth, which went to ruin. When he oftentimes together did this, Trebonius the Tribune being mad withal, commanded his Sergeant to carry him to prison. The people followed him hard notwithstanding, to hear what he said unto them. Whereupon Trebonius fearing some stir, was forced to command his Sergeant to let Cato go. So Cato drove of all that day without any matter concluded. The next morning notwithstanding, the contrary faction having partly put the ROMANS in fear, and won the other part also by fair words and money, and by force of arms likewise kept Aquilius, one of the Tribunes, from coming out of the Senate: and after they had also violently driven Cato out of the market place, for saying that it thundered, and having hurt many men, and also slain some out of hand in the market place: in the end they forcibly passed the decree by voices of the people. Many being offended therewith, went a company of them together to pluck down Pompey's images: but Cato would not suffer them. And afterwards also, when they preferred an other law for the prorogation of the provinces & armies which Caesar demanded: Cato would speak no more to the people to hinder it, Cato foreshowed Pompey the things which happened unto him, by Caesar. but protested unto Pompey himself, that he saw not how he plucked Caesar upon him, and that he should feel the weight of his force before he looked for it: and then when he could neither suffer nor remedy it, he would even cast his burden and himself upon the common wealth, and too late would remember Cato's warnings, which were privately as profitable for Pompey, as openly just and reasonable for the common wealth. Cato used many of these persuasions sundry times unto him, but Pompey never made account of them: for he would not be persuaded that Caesar would ever change in that sort, and beside he trusted too much to his own power and prosperity. Furthermore, Cato was chosen Praetor for the next year following, Cato chosen Praetor. in the which it appeared (though he ministered justice uprightly) that he rather defaced and impaired the majesty and dignity of his office, then that he gave it grace and countenance by his doings: for he would oftentimes go a foot barelegged, and without any coat, unto his Praetor's chair, and there give sentence of life and death, otherwhiles of men of great account. And some report, that he would give audience when he had dined, and drunk wine: but that is untrue. Cato preserved a law for unlawful bribing. Now Cato perceiving that the citizens of ROME were marred by bribes and gifts of those, which aspired unto offices, and that the people made it an art and faculty to gain by: to root this vice altogether out of the common wealth, he persuaded the Senate to make a law, that such as hereafter should be chosen Consuls or Praetors, should (if there were no man to accuse them) come and offer themselves before the judges, and taking their oath, should truly declare what means they had used to attain to their office. This offended the suitors for the offices, but much more the mercenary multitude. Whereupon, a great number of them went in a morning together where he kept his audience, and all cried out upon him, reviled him, and threw stones at him: insomuch as they that were there, were forced to fly thence, and himself also was driven out of the place by the preafe of people, and had much a do to get to the pulpit for orations, where standing on his feet, he presently pacified the tumult of the people, by the boldness and constancy of his countenance only. Then when all was pacified by the present persuasions he used, aptly spoken to purpose for the instant, they giving attentive ear, without stir or uproar. The Senate giving him great commendation therefore, he told them roundly and plainly: but I have no cause to praise you, to leave a Praetor in such danger of his life, offering no aid to help him. But the suitors for the offices, they were in a marvelous case: for one way, they were afraid to give money to buy the people's voices, and on tother side, they were affrayed also if any other did it, that they should go without their suit. So they were all agreed together, every man to put down twelve myriads & a half a piece, and then they should make their suit justly & uprightly: and whosoever were taken fauty, and that had otherwise made his way by corruption, that he should loose the money he had laid down. This agreement being concluded between them, they chose Cato (as it is reported) for their arbitrator, and keeper of all the same money. This match was made in Cato's house, where they all did put in caution or sureties to answer the money: the which he took, but would not meddle with the money. The day being come, Cato assisting the Tribune that governed the election, and carefully marking how they did give their voices: he spied one of the suitors for the office break the accord agreed upon, and condemned him to pay the forfeiture unto the rest. But they greatly commending his justice and integrity, forgave the forfeiture, thinking it punishment enough unto him that had fofeited, to be condemned by Cato. But thereby Cato procured himself the displeasure of the other Senators, for that he seemed therein to take upon him the power and authority over the whole court, and election. For there is no virtue, whereof the honour and credit doth procure more envy, The power of justice. than justice doth: because the people do commonly respect and reverence that, more than any other. For they do not honour them as they do valiant men, nor have them in admiration, as they do wise men: but they love and trust them better. As for the two first, the one they are afraid of, and the other they distrust: beside, they suppose that valiancy and wisdom cometh rather by the benefit of nature, then of our intent and choice, esteeming wisdom, as a readiness of conceit, and fortitude, a presence and courage of the mind. For every man may be just that will, and therefore injustice is of all otherwices most shameful: for it is a wilful and malicious default, and therefore can not be excused. Lo this was the cause why all the noble men in manner were against Cato, as though he only had overcome them. Pompey, he thought that the estimation of Cato was altogether the discountenance of his power and greatness, and therefore did daily raise up many railers against him. Of them Publius Clodius that seditious Tribune, who was again fallen in friendship with Pompey: he accused Cato, and cried out upon him, how he had rob the common wealth of a wonderful treasure, by his commission in CYPRUS: and that be was enemy unto Pompey, because he did refuse to marry his daughter. Cato thereto made aunswer●, that he had brought more gold and silver out of CYPRUS, into the treasure of ROME, without the allowance of either horse or soldier: then Pompey had done with all his triumphs and wars, with the which he had troubled all the world. And moreover, that he did never seek alliance with Pompey, not that he thought him unworthy of it, but because he saw he dealt not as uprightly in the common wealth as he himself did. I, said he, have refused a province offered me when I came out of my praetorship: but Pompey hath taken some by force, and given away unto others. And to conclude, he lent Caesar not long since, an army of six thousand men to serve him in the wars in GAUL: the which he never required of us, nor Pompey granted them him by our consent. But we see, that so many armies, armours and weapon, so many men and horses, by common pleasures of our private citizens, given and lent at our charge. And Pompey himself reserving only the name of Emperor, and Lieutenant general, assigneth over his armies and provinces to the government of others, whilst he himself besiegeth here the walls of the city, with seditious & tumultuous election of officers, craftily underminding thereby the state of the common wealth, to bring all to confusion, that he himself might be absolute Prince, and rule alone. Thus was he revenged of Pompey. Among Cato's friends, M. Faonius, Cato's friend. he had one called Marcus Faonius, such a one as Apollodorus PHALERIAN was said to be in old time, unto Socrates, who did counterfeit to be an other himself, in doing all things as he did. This man would be far out of reason, and passionate in his talk, storming like a drunkard. He one year made suit to be AEdilis, but he was rejected. Howbeit Cato that furthered his suit, marked, that the tables wherein the voices were written, were all one hand. So, he finding out the falsehood, appealed thereupon unto the Tribunes, and made the election void for that time. After that Faonius was created AEdilis, Cato did help him forth in all the other charges of his office, Cato doth set forth the plays for Faonius AEdilis. and specially in setting forth plays in the Theatres which are customably done at the coming in of every such new officer, to give the people pastime: and gave unto the common players and dancers in those plays, no golden crowns, as other AEdiles did, but crowns of wild olive twigs, as they commonly use in GRAECE at the Olympian games. And where others gave unto the poor rich gifts, he gave the GRECIANS leeks, lettises, radishes, and pears: and unto the ROMANS, they had earthen pots full of wine, pork, figs, cowcombres, and faggots of wood of small value. Insomuch as some thought scorn of them they were so mean, others were very glad of them, seeing that Cato which was severe and hard of nature, had a doing in them, and by little and little they turned this austerity of his into pleasure. In fine, Faonius himself sitting down amongst the people, which looked upon the players, clapped his hands for joy at Cato: and cried out to him, that he should give them good rewards that played well, alluring them also about him to do the like, and told them that he had made Cato the whole ruler of thoses sports. At the self same time, Curio, Faonius colleague and companion in the office of AEdilis, had likewise goodly plays in an other Theatre: but all the people forsook his, and went to see Faonius plays, who sat among them like a private man, and Cato as the master of the plays. Cato's wise counsel for plays. Cato did this in scorn and mockery, of vain charge and expenses, which men are wont to bestow in such trifles, showing thereby, that whosoever will make any plays, he should make the charge but a sport also, furnishing it only with a convenient grace, but with no vain expense or charge about such a trifle. Shortly after, when Scipio, Hypseus and Milo, sued all three together to be Consuls, not only by bribery of money (a common fault then in suing for any of the offices in the common wealth) but by plain force of arms, slaying and kill as in a civil war, they were so desperate and insolent: some preferred a law, that they should make Pompey Precedent in these elections, because men should move their suit after a lawful sort. But Cato strait was against it, saying, that the law could have no safety by Pompey, but Pompey might have safety by the law. Notwithstanding, when he saw this trouble continue of a long time, without any Consuls in ROME, and that daily there were three camps in the market place, that it was almost impossible to prevent the mischief at hand, and to stay that it should go no further: then he thought it better, that the Senate of their own good wills, rather than by compulsion, should put the government of the state into Pompey's hands alone, choosing the lesser evil, to withstand the greater, and so to yield to the absolute government, without constraint, which the sedition would bring it unto. Therefore Bibulus Cato's friend & kinsman, made a motion to the Senate, that they would choose Pompey sole Consul. For, said he, either the common wealth shall be well governed by him, or else ROME shall serve an ill Lord. Cato then rising up, beyond all men's expectation confirmed Bibulus opinion, and said: that the city were better to have one sovereign. Magistrate than none, and that he hoped Pompey could give present order for the pacifying of this confusion, and that he would be careful to preserve the city, when he saw that they trusted him with the government thereof. Thus was Pompey by Cato's means chosen sole Consul. Pompey was created sole Consul, by Cato's sentence. Then he sent for Cato to come to his gardens to him, which were in the suburbs of the city. Cato went thither, and was received with as great honour & courtesy of Pompey, as could be devised: and in th'end, after he had given him great thanks for the honours he had done him, he prayed him to afford him his advise and counsel in his government. Cato answered him thus, that he had not spoken any thing before that time in respect of any ill will he bore him, neither that he delivered this last opinion of his in respect of his friendship, but wholly for the common wealths sake: howbeit otherwise, that for his own private affairs, if he thought good to use his advise, whensoever it pleased him to ask his opinion, he would tell him the best he could. But for common causes, that he would always tell what he thought, though he never asked him: and in fine, he performed all he said. For first of all, when Pompey did set grievous penalties & new fines upon their heads, which had bought the people's voices for money: Cato counseled him to provide for things to come, and to let that alone which was already past. For said he, it is a hard thing to determine any certain time, in the which a man should seek to reform the faults that are past: and furthermore, if the punishments appointed were newer than the offences committed, than they should do wrong unto them that were already accused, to punish them by a new law which they had not offended. Afterwards also, certain men of good calling (Pompey's friends) being accused, Cato perceiving that Pompey grew remiss, and yielded in many things the sharply reproved, and reformed him. Furthermore, where Pompey had by law taken away the praises which were wont to be spoken of the offenders that were accused: he himself notwithstanding having written an oration in the praise of Munatius Plancus, sent it unto the judges, whilst his cause was a bearing. Cato being one of the judges at that time, stopped his ears with both his hands, and would not have it read. Wherefore Plancus refused him for one of his judges, after his cause was pleaded unto: howbeit he was condemned notwithstanding. To conclude, Cato was such a grief and trouble unto them that were accused, that they could not tell well how so deal with him. For, once they durst not let him be any of their judges, neither could they well also refuse him. For there were many that were condemned, which refusing Cato, seemed unto others that they were guilty: & many also were shamefully reproved, because they would not accept Cato for their judge, when he was offered them. Things proceeding in this sort at ROME. Caesar remained in GAUL, with his army, where he made wars: nevertheless betwenne him friends still in ROME, by gifts and money, and made himself very strong. Now appeared Cato's predictions and forewarnings true unto Pompey, and began to quicken his spirits which had slept so long, and made him then to consider of the danger, the which before he could not be persuaded to believe. But perceiving his slackness and fear withal; doubting how to proceed: to prevent Caesar's practices, Cato determined to sue to be Consul, Cato sued to be Consul, to resist Caesar. with intent either to make him leave his army, or else to find out the practice he intended. Cato's competitors; they were both of them very honest men also, of the which, Sulpitius had received great honour & preferrment by Cato's credit and authority in respect whereof, many thought that it was scant honestly done of Sulpitius, to show himself so unthankful, as to stand against Cato in this suit. Howbeit Cato never complained of the matter, but said, that it was no marvel he would give place to no man in that, sith it was the greatest good hap that ever came unto him. This notwithstanding he persuaded the Senate to make a law, that from thence forth, such as sued for any office, they should themselves be suitors to the people, and not prefer their suit by others. This caused the people to be more offended with him, than before, because thereby he did not only take away their fingering of money, which they got by their voices in elections: but took from them the means they had also to pleasure many, bringing them now into poverty and contempt. Cato was denied the consulship. He therefore having no face to flatter the people and to cur●ie favour with them, but rather sticking to his grave manner and modest life, then to seek the dignity of a Consul by such means: made suit himself in person, and would not suffer his friends to take the ordinary course which might win the people's hearts, whereupon he was put from his consulship. This denial was wont not only to have made the parties refused, very sorrowful, but their friends and kinsmen also greatly ashamed a long time after. Howbeit Cato made no reckoning of that, but went the next morning, and played at tennis with his friends in the field of Mars, and after he had dined, walked again in the market place, as his manner was, Cicero blameth Cato. without shoes on his feet, and coat. But Cicero blamed him much for that, because the common wealth requiring then such a Consul as he, he had not carefully endeavoured himself by courtesy and gentle means to win the favour of the people, neither would ever after make suit for it, although at an other time he sued to be Praetor. Thereunto Cato answered, that for the Praetorship, he was not denied it by the good will of the people, but rather for that they were bribed with money. And for the election of the Consuls, where there was no deceit used, he knew plainly he went without it, for his manners which the people misliked: the which he thought were no wise man's part to change for any man's pleasure, nor yet by making the like suit again, to hazard the refusal. Furthermore, Caesar making war with very stout nations, & having with no small danger & travel subdued them: and having also set upon the GERMANS, with whom the ROMANS were at peace, and also slain three hundred thousand persons: his friends made suit that the people should do solemn sacrifice to give thanks unto the gods. But Cato in open Senate was of opinion, Cato's opinion against Caesar. that they should deliver Caesar into their hands, whom he had injured, to receive such punishment as they thought good: to th'end the whole offence, for the breach of peace, might be cast upon him, that the city might be no partaker of it, sith they could not do withal. Nevertheless, said he, we are to do sacrifices unto the gods, to give them thanks, for that they turned not the revenge of the fury and rashness of the Captain, upon our poor soldiers which were in no fault, but have pardoned the common wealth. Caesar being advertised thereof, wrote a letter unto the Senate, containing many accusations against Cato. The letter being read, Cato rose, not as a man put in a chase with choler, nor pricked with envy, but coldly and quietly (as if he had long before premeditated what he would say) declared that the accusations which Caesar heaped against him in his letters, were but pretty mocks and sleytes which he had gathered together to make the people merry withal. But on tother side, Cato inveigheth against Caesar. when he began to unrip his whole intents and practices from the beginning, not as if he had been his enemy, but rather a confederate with him in his conspiracy, declaring that they were not the GERMANS, nor the GAULES, which they were to be afraid of, but of himself, if they were wise: he thereupon so offended the Senate, and made such stir among them, that Caesar's friends repented them they had caused his letters to be read in the Senate, giving Cato thereby occasion justly to complain of Caesar, & to allege much good matter against him. At that time therefore there was nothing decreed in the Senate against Caesar, but this was said only, that it were good reason to let him have a successor. Then Caesar's friends made suit that Pompey should put away his army, and resign up the provinces he kept, or else that they should compel Caesar no more than him to do it. Then Cato opened his mouth, and said, the thing was now come to pass, which he had ever told them of, and that Caesar came to oppress the common wealth, openly turning the army against it, which deceitfully he had obtained of the same. All this prevailed not, neither could he thereby win any thing of the Senate, because the people favoured Caesar, and would always have him: for the Senate did believe all that he said, Cato prognosticated Caesar's tyranny. but for all that they feared the people. When news was brought that Caesar had won the city of ARIMINUM, and was coming on with his army towards ROME: then every man looked upon Cato, and the people and Pompey confessed, that he only from the beginning had found out the mark Caesar shot at, and had hit the white of his sly devise. Then said Cato unto them, if you would have believed me, my Lords, and followed my counsel: you should not now have been afraid of one man alone, neither should you also have put your only hope in one man. Pompey answered thereunto, that Cato in deed had guessed more truly, howbeit that he also had dealt more friendly. Thereupon Cato gave counsel, that the Senate should refer all unto Pompey's order: for, said he, they that can do great mischief, know also how to help it. Pompey perceiving that he had no army convenient about him to tarry Caesar's coming, and that the men also which he had, were but faint hearted: he forsook the city. Cato being determined to go with him, Cato followeth Pompey. sent his younger son before unto Munatius, which lay in the country of the brutians, and took his eldest son with him. Now, because he was to provide a stay and governor of his house and daughters, he took Martia again, which was left a widow and very rich, for that Hortensius dying, made her his heir of all that he had. Therein Caesar upbraideth Cato much, Caesar reproveth Cato's covetousness. reproving his covetousness to marry for goods. For, said he, if he had need of a wife, why then did he before grant her unto an other? If he had no need of a woman, why then did he take her afterwards again? Unless she were before a bait unto Hortensius, to keep her whilst she was young, that he might have her again when she was rich. But against that, me thinks it is sufficient to recite these verses of Euripides: Vnlikelyhoodes first I will disprove. For why? what man can say, That ever fear made Hercules to turn his face away? For I take it to be all one, to reprove Hercules' cowardliness, and Cato's covetousness. But if his marriage be to be reproved peradventure it is in an other sort. For so soon as he had married Martia again, he left his house and his daughters to her government, and followed Pompey. But after that time, men report that he never polled his head, clipped his beard, nor ware any garland, but to his dying day, lamented, and bewailed in his heart, the misery and calamity of his country, whether they had victory, or were overcome. So having the province of SICILY allotted to him, Cato is sent into Sicily. he went unto SYRACUSE. There understanding that Asinius Pollio was arrived at MESSINA, with men of war from his enemies: Cato sent unto him, to know wherefore he came thither. Pollio again asked of him, who was the causer of all this war. Again, when Cato was advertised that Pompey had forsaken ITALY, & that he lay in camp beyond the sea, by the city of DYRRACHIUM, than he said, he saw a marvelous great change and incertainty in the providence of the gods: that when Pompey did all things beyond reason, and out of course, he was invincible: and now that he sought to preserve his country, he saw he lacked his former good hap. Now he knew he was strong enough at that time, to drive Asinius Pollio out of SICILY if he would: but because there came a greater aid unto him, he would not plague that Island, with the misery of war. Cato leaveth Sicily. Then after he had advised the SYRACUSANS take the stronger part, and to look to their safety: he took the sea and went towards Pompey. When he was come unto him, he did always counsel him to prolong the war, hoping still of some treaty of peace: & would in no case they should come to fight any battle, where the weaker part should of necessity be put to the sword, by the stronger. Therefore he persuaded Pompey and the counsellors about him, to establish certain laws to this effect. Cato's law as in Pompey's army. That they should sack no city in this war, the which belonged unto the Empire of ROME: and also, that they should kill no citizen of ROME, but in fury of battle, when their sword were in their hands. Thereby he wan himself great honour, and brought many men to take Pompey's part, by the lenity and clemency he used unto them that were taken. Thereupon Cato being sent into ASIA, to aid them that had commission to press ships & men of war, he took his sister Seruilia with him, and the boy which Lucullus had by her: for all the time of her widowhood, she had followed Cato, and thereby had worn out her ill name she had before, sith they saw she had so willingly given herself to follow in his flying, and contented herself with his strait manner of life. This notwithstanding, Caesar did not let to shame her to Cato. Pompey's Captains had no need of Cato any where, but at the RHODES. For he wan the people there with his courteous usage & persuasion, leaving with them Seruilia and her little son, and went from thence to Pompey's camp, who had levied a great army both by sea and land. There did Pompey most of all discover his mind and intent. For first he meant to have given Cato the charge of the army by sea, which were above five hundred ships of war, besides an infinite number of foists & pinases, & such small bottoms uncovered: but suddenly considering better of it (or possibly being informed by some of his friends, that all Cato's regard & counsel in matters of government was, to deliver ROME from tyranny, & that if he had so great a charge under him, Caesar being once overcome, he would also force Pompey to leave his army, & so make him subject to the law) he changed his mind, Why Pompey changed his mind for the government of the army by sea. notwithstanding he had already moved it to Cato, & leaving him, gave Bibulus the charge of all his army by sea. But Cato therefore showed no less good will unto Pompey, then before. For it is reported, that in a certain skirmish & conflict before the city of DYRRACHIUM, Pompey encoraging his soldiers, & commanding every Captain also to do the like in his quarter: the soldiers gave but faint ear unto them, & made no manner of show of men whose hearts had been any whit the more encouraged thereby. But when Cato after them all came and told them (as the time served) the reason of Philosophy, and the effect of liberty, manhood, death, and honour, and that with a great vehement affection: and last of all ending his oration, calling upon the gods, turning his speech unto them, as if they had been present to have seen how valiantly the soldiers fought for the liberty of their country: they gave such a lusty cry, and had such a brave conceit & vehement desire to fight like men, that all the Captains were filled with good hope, and so led them to battle, where they gave such a cruel charge and fierce on set upon their enemies, that they overthrew them, and put them that day to flight. Howbeit Caesar's good fortune took the final end of this victory from Pompey, by his overgreat fear and mistrust who could not tell how to take the benefit of his victory, as we have written more amply in his life. But when all the rest rejoiced that they had done so noble an exploit, & made their vawnts of the great advantage they had of their enemies: Cato to the contrary bewailed the calamity of his country, and lamented that cursed ambition which caused so many good and valiant citizens of one self city, so to kill and murder one an other. After this overthrow, Caesar taking his way into THESSALY, Pompey raised his camp to follow him, and leaving a great power at DYRRACHIUM, of men, armour, munition and friends: he gave Cato the charge of them all, and fifteen ensigns of footmen beside. The which he did for the fear and mistrust he had of him, being assured, that if by ill fortune he should loose the battle, he knew well enough that he could not commit them to a trustier man than he: but on tother side if he wan the victory, he doubted sore that he could not command as he would, where Cato was. Why Pompey left Cato at Dyrrachium. There were also many other noble men, as a man would say, cast away, and left at DYRRACHIUM, with Cato. In fine, the overthrow of the battle at Pharsalia being blown abroad, Cato resolved with himself if Pompey were dead, that he would pass over all his men into ITALY, and then like a banished man would himself alone wander as far as he could from the tyranny: and contrarily, if he were alive, that then he would keep his army together for him, as long as he could. With this determination, he passed over the sea into the isle of COR●Y, where Pompey's army by sea lay. There Cato finding Cicero, he would have surrendered up his charge unto him, as to a man of greater dignity, for that he had been Consul, and Cato only but Praetor. Howbeit Cicero would in no wise receive it, but returned immediately into ITALY. Cato then perceiving that Pompey the younger (son unto Pompey the great) of a rash & haughty mind, Cato saveth Cicero's life, from Pompey's son. would have punished all them that went into ITALY, and left the army by sea, and that specially he was bend first of all to begin with Cicero: Cato reproved him privately for it, so that he certainly saved Cicero's life, and many other more beside. Now Cato supposing that Pompey the great had saved himself in EGYPT, or in AFRICA, he determined to take the seas, to meet him with all his men: but before he took ship, he gave all men leave to departed that were not willing to follow him. Cato being arrived in AFRICA, Cato went into Africa. sailing up & down the coast there, he met with Sextus, the youngest son of Pompey, who first told him, that his father was slain in EGYPT: when the soldiers heard it, they took it very heavily, and not one of them after the death of Pompey the great, would serve under any other Captain than Cato. He thereupon being ashamed, & thinking it pity also to leave so many noble & good men that had served so faithfully under him, without a Captain, not knowing what way to take, nor whether to go: at their request he was contented to take charge of them, and went first unto the city of CYRENE'S, where not many days before, the citizens had shut the gates against Labienus. Being there, it was told him that Scipio, Pompey's father in law, was gotten unto king juba, who had received him: and that Actius Varus, unto whom Pompey had given the charge of the province of AFRICA, was in their company with an army, and determined to go join with them. So he went by land in the winter time, and had gotten a marvelous, number of asses together, to carry water and victuals, which followed him with a great number of carts beside, and of those men, which the africans call PSILLES, Psilles, be men which heal the stinging of serpents. to wit, they that do heal the stinging of serpents, and do suck out the poison with their mouths, and do furthermore charm and enchant the snakes, that they have no power to do any hurt. He was seven days together marching continually, and went a foot as a guide unto his men, without help of horse or beast. From that day forth, on the which he understood of the battle lost at Pharsalia, he never supped, but sitting, * Men in old time bathed and washed themselves, & then laid them down in their bed to sup. and added that unto the rest of his sorrow, that he never laid him down, but when he went to bed for all night. Cato having passed the winter in LYDIA, he brought his soldiers into the field, which were about ten thousand persons. The affairs on their side had but hard success, for the contention and variance betwixt Scipio, and Varus, for the which, they both flattered king juba to win his favour: being a marvelous proud man for his greatness and riches: as he showed the first time he spoke with Cato. The modesty and noble mind of Cato. For when Cato came, he caused his own chair to be set betwixt Scipio and Cato, to have the honour to be in the midst. But Cato perceiving it, took up his own chair, and set it on tother side by Scipio to put him in the midst, notwithstanding that he was his enemy, and had written a shameful book against him. Many make no account of this fact of Cato, but reprove him, because that walking one day with Philostratus in SICILI, he gave him the upper hand, honouring him for his Philosophy. Thus Cato did pull down the pride of the king at that time, who before had used Scipio, and Varus, as his noble men and subjects: howbeit Cato did reconcile them together again. Furthermore, when all the company prayed him to take charge of the whole army, and that Scipio himself, and Varus both, did first give him place, and willingly resigned unto him the honour to command the whole camp: he answered them, he would not offend the law, sith he made war only to preserve the authority and privilege thereof, neither would take upon him to command all, himself being but Vicepraetor, where there was a Viceconsull present. Cato joineth with Scipio in Africa. For Scipio was created Proconsul, and furthermore, the people had a certain confidence that their affairs would prospero the better, if they had but the name of a Scipio to lead them in AFRICA. Now when Scipio was General over them, he would strait, for jubaes' sake, have put all the inhabitants of the city of UTICA (without respect of age) unto the sword, and have razed the houses to the ground as those that had taken Caesar's part. Howbeit Cato would not suffer him, but protesting unto them that were present, and calling the gods to witness in open counsel, with great difficulty he saved the poor people of UTICA from that cruel tragedy and slaughter. Afterwards, partly at the request of the people, and partly also at Scipio's instance, Cato was made Governor of the city of Utica. Cato took upon him to keep the city, fearing lest by treason, or against their wills, it should come into Caesar's hands: because it was a strong place of situation, and well replenished with all things necessary for him that should keep it. Cato did both furnish it, & also fortify it. For he brought in great store of corn, he repaired the rampers of the walls, made great high towers, & cast deep trenches round about the city, paling them in & betwixt the trenches and the town, he lodged all the young men of UTICA, & compelled them to deliver up their armour & weapon and kept all the rest within the city itself, carefully providing, that never a man of them should be hurt by the ROMANS, & beside, did also sand corn, armour, munition & money unto the camp: so that the city of UTICA was the staple & storehouse of the wars. Moreover, as he had before counseled Pompey not to come to battle, the like counsel he now gave also unto Scipio not to hazard battle against a man of great skill & experience in wars, but to take time, whereby, by little and little, he should consume the power & strength of Caesar's tyranny. Scipio despiseth Cato's counsel. But Scipio was so stout, that he regarded not Cato's counsel, but wrote otherwhile unto him, twitting him with his cowardliness in this manner: that it was enough for him to be safe in a good city compassed about with walls, though otherwise he sought not to hinder men to be valiant, to execute any enterprise as occasion was offered. Cato wrote again unto him, that he was ready to go into ITALY with his footmen and horsemen which he had brought into AFRICA to draw Caesar from them, and to turn him against him. Scipio made but a spor● at it. Then Cato showed plainly, that he did repent him he had given him the preferrment to be general of the army, because he saw he would but fond prosecute this war: & also, that if he chanced to overcome, he could not moderately use the victory against his country men. Then he began to mistrust the good success of this war (and so he told his friends) for the generals hastiness and unskilfulness: and yet if beyond expectation it fell out well, and that Caesar were overthrown, he would never devil at ROME any more, but would fly the cruelty and bitterness of Scipio, who even at that present time did proudly threaten many. But in the end, that fell out sooner than looked for. For a post came to him late that night, who but three days before departed from the camp, and brought news that all was lost, in a great battle, by the city of THAPSES, which Caesar had won: that he had taken both camps, that Scipio and king juba were fled with a few men, and that all the rest of their army was slain. These news did put the citizens in such a fear and maze, (and specially being in the war, and in the night time) that for very fear they could scant keep themselves within the walls of their city. Cato's constancy in extremity. But Cato meeting with them, stayed them that ran up and down crying in the streets, and did comfort them the best he could. Yet he took not all their fear from them, though he brought them again unto themselves from the ecstasy they were in, declaring unto them, that the loss was nothing so great as it was made, and that it was a common matter to enlarge such news with words enough. By these persuasions, he somewhat pacified the tumult and uproar, and the next morning by break of day, he made proclamation, that the three hundred men which he had chosen for his counsellors, should come and assemble in the temple of jupiter, they all being citizens of ROME, which for traffic of merchandise lay in AFRICA, and all the ROMAN Senators and their children also. Now whilst they gathered themselves together, Cato himself went very gravely with a set modest countenance, as if no such matter had happened, having a little book in his hand, which he read as he went. This book contained the store and preparation of minition he had made for this war, as come, armour, weapons, bows, slings and footmen. When they were all assembled, he began greatly to commend the good love and faithfulness of these three hundred ROMANS, Cato's 〈…〉 unto the Romans at Utica. which had profitably served their country with their persons, money, and counsel, and did counsel them not to departed one from an other, as men having no hope, or otherwise seeking to save themselves scatteringly. For remeining together, Caesar would less despise them, if they would make war against him: and would also sooner pardon them, if they craved mercy of him. Therefore he counseled them to determine what they would do, and for his own part, he said he would not mislike whatsoever they determined of: for if their minds followed their fortune, he would think this change to proceed of the necessity of time. But if they were resolved to withstand their misfortune, and to hazard themselves to defend their liberty: he than would not only commend them, but having their noble courage in admiration, would himself be their chieftain and companion, even to prove the fortune of their country to the uttermost. The which was not UTICA, nor ADRUMETUM, but the city self of ROME: the which oftentimes through her greatness, had raised herself from greater dangers and calamities. Furthermore, that they had many ways to save themselves, & the greatest mean of all was this: that they should make war with a man, who by reason of his wars was compelled to be in many places. For SPAIN of the one side was up against him; and took part with the younger Pompey: and the city of ROME also not being used to be bridled with the snaffle of such insolency, could not abide it, but would rather rise with any other change. Furthermore, that they were not to refuse any danger, but to take example of their enemy: who, to work his mischievous intent, spareth not his person in any danger. And contrarily also, that unto them, the incertainty of the war, if victory followed, would make them happy: as also in being overthrown, their death would turn to immortal glory. Notwithstanding, they were to think of the matter among themselves, & to make their prayers to the gods, that in recompense of their virtue & good service which they had showed thitherunto, they would grant them grace to determine for the best. After Cato had ended his oration, there were divers of them that were stirred up by his lively persuasions, but the most part of them were encouraged by his constancy & noble mind, & also by his kindness: so that they presently forgot the danger they were in, & prayed him to command their persons, goods, & weapons, as he thought good, taking him for their only invincible Captain, of whom fortune had no power, thinking it better to die obeying his counsel, then to save themselves, forsaking so valiant and worthy a man. Then, when one of the assembly made a motion that they should make their bondmen free, & that divers also did confirm it, The equity of Cato. Cato said he would by no means suffer it, because it was neither meet nor lawful: howbeit if their masters would manumise them, that he was contented to receive them for soldiers, that could wear any weapon. divers promised him to do it: & Cato commanded their names should be enroled that would, & so went his way. Immediately after, letters were brought him from king juba, & Scipio: of the which, king juba was hidden in a mountain with few men with him, who sent unto him to know what he would determine to do. For if he meant to forsake UTICA, he would tarry him there: & if otherwise he determined to keep UTICA, then that he would come & help him with an army. Scipio on tother side riding at anchor, at a point of the land not far from UTICA, stayed for the like answer. Then Cato thought it best to stay the messengers which had brought him their letters, till he saw what was the determination of the three hundred. For all they that were Senators of ROME, were very glad men, & did presently make their bondmen free, & gave them weapons. But the other three hundred which were merchant ventures, Cato forsaken of three hundred Roman merchant at Utica & that lived by usury & exchange, who had the most part of their goods in slaves & bondmen, did not long follow Cato's counsel: but like men, whose bodies soon receive heat, & are soon cold again, when they are once gone from the fire: even so those merchants, while Cato was present among them, had some good pretty will & desire: but when by themselves they had cast their account, the fear they had of Caesar, made them forget the reverence they bore unto Cato, & unto their duty. For, said they, what are we, & what is he whom we disdain to obey? Is it not Caesar himself, who at this day is Lord & Emperor of ROME? Never a one of us is Scipio, Pompey, nor Cato: & yet now, when all men for fear (& in manner compelled) do yield & submit themselves, we will needs take upon us within the walls of UTICA to fight for the liberty of ROME against him, for whom, Cato flying with Pompey, forsook ITALY: and we now make our bondmen free to fight with Caesar, having no better liberty ourselves, than it pleaseth him to give us. Let us therefore now know ourselves whilst we have time, & crave mercy at his hands that is the stronger, & sand unto him, to pray him to pardon us. The greatest & wisest men of those three hundred merchants, had this speech. But the most part of them sought means how to entrap the Senators, hoping the better of mercy at Caesar's hand, if they did deliver them unto him. Cato did look for this change in them, but yet uttered not that he thought, & returned the messengers back again unto king juba, and Scipio, and wrote unto them: that they should beware they came not near UTICA, because he did mistrust these three hundred merchants. Now there were a great number of horsemen which had escaped from the battle, who coming towards UTICA, sent three of their company unto Cato, the which brought him not one self determination from all the company. For some of them went to go unto king juba, others also to join with Cato, & part of them were afraid to come into UTICA. These things being thus reported unto Cato, he commanded Marcus Rubrius to take care of these three hundred men, & to receive the names of the bondmen which they willingly manumised, without compelling of any man. In the mean time, Cato with all the Senators went out of UTICA to meet with these horsemen, & there he spoke to the Captains, Cato's pity and regard unto the Senators. & prayed them that they would not forsake so many noblemen & Senators of ROME as were there: & that they would not have king juba for their Captain before Cato, but to come into UTICA: where they might save themselves the city was of such strength, and beside, so well armed and vitteled for many years. The like request did the Senators also make unto them, with the tears running down their cheeks. Thereupon the Captains went & spoke with their soldiers. Cato in the mean time sat him down on a little hill, with the Senators, tarrying for answer. But then on the sudden came Rubrius unto him in great haste, complaining of the tumult of these three hundred merchants, which went about to make the city to rebel: whereupon, the rest their hearts failing them, fell to bewail their miserable fortune. But Cato sought to comfort them, and then sent unto the three hundred merchants, to pray them to have a little patience. So the Captains returned again with unreasonable demands of the horsemen. For they said, that they cared not for king jubaes' pay, neither were they afraid of Caesar's malice, so that they had Cato for their general: yet to be pend up within the walls of a city with africans, that were PHOENICIANS, and a traitorous nation as could be: that grieved them most of all. For, said they, though now they stir not, and be quiet: yet when Caesar comes, they will be the first that will betray us, and cut our throats. And therefore, if Cato would have them to join with him in this war: that he should either kill or drive away all the UTICANS out of the city, and then that they would come into it, when it was clear of all those barbarous people their enemies. Cato thought this a cruel and barbarous condition, nevertheless he told them that he would talk with the three hundred: and so returning again into UTICA, he spoke unto them. But they then not regarding the reverence unto Cato, dissembling no longer, said openly, that they would not like of him whatsoever he were, that should compel them to make war with Caesar, both because they would not, nor could not do it. Further, there were some of them that mumbled to themselves, that the Senators should be kept there, till Caesar came. Cato overheard them, for in deed his hearing was not very quick. At that very instant one came to him, and told him, that the horsemen were going their way. Cato therefore fearing lest these three hundred merchants would lay hands upon the Senators: he went unto them himself with his friends, and perceiving they were gone a great way of, he took his horse and road after them. They rejoicing to see him come, received him among them, and prayed him to save himself with them. Cato an earnest suitor for the Senators. But Cato prayed them again to save the Senators, & that with such affection, as it forced tears in him, beside, he held up his hands unto them, took their horses by the bridles, & themselves by their weapons, that at length he obtained of them, that they would remain there one day at the lest, to help the Senators to save themselves. So Cato returning with them into the city, he appointed some of them to ward at the gates, & put others also in garrison into the castle: so that the three hundred merchants quaked for fear, lest he would have been revenged of them, because of their return with him. Thereupon they sent unto Cato, humbly to pray him to come unto them in any case. But the Senators flocking about him, would not suffer him to go, & said, that they would not cast away their saviour and protector, to put him into traitors hands. Then doubtless, all that were within UTICA, The sincerity of Cato. plainly saw the virtue & simplicity of Cato, and found that there was no fraud nor deceit in him: who having long time resolved to kill himself, he only took that extreme pains & care for others that their lives being saved, he might then rid himself of his own. For men might easily see, though he dissembled it, that he was resolved to die. Whereupon, having comforted the Senators, he yielded unto the requests of the three hundred merchants, & went himself alone unto them. Then they thanked him much for his coming, and prayed him to command them, & boldly to trust them: so that he would pardon them if they could not be all Cato's, and would take pity of their faint hearts, though they were not so constant & noble minded as he. For they were determined to sand unto Caesar, specially to entreat him for him: and if that they could not obtain pardon for him, than they were assured they could have none for themselves, and therefore would fight for the safety of him, while they had any breath in their bodies. Cato thanking them for their good wills, answered: that they should sand quickly to crave pardon for themselves, but to ask none for him. Cato's mind unconquerable. For said he, men that be overcome, & have offended, it standeth them upon to make humble suit, and to crave pardon: but for himself, he was never overcome in his life, and yet had overcome as much as he desired, and had always been better than Caesar in justice, who only (not himself) was now taken and overcome: the thing being apparently proved in sight against him, which he had always denied to have practised against his country. When he had made this answer unto the three hundred merchants, he departed from them. News being brought that Caesar was in his way with all his army, coming towards UTICA: O gods, said he, than he cometh against us, as against men. Then turning unto the Senators, he gave them counsel quickly to save themselves, whilst the horsemen were yet in the city. So shutting all the gates of the city, saving that towards the haven: he appointed ships for them all, and set every thing at a stay, without tumult or disorder, no man having injury offered him, and gave every one money to make way for their safety. When Marcus Octavius (who came with two legions, and camped hard by UTICA) sent unto Cato, to determine which of them two should be Generally he made no answer, but turning to his friends said: How can we wonder any more that all goeth to wrack with us, sith there is such ambition amongst us for the government, even now, Cato reproveth the ambition of man. when we are at the last cast? In the mean time word was brought him, how the horsemen going their way were spoiling of the citizens goods, as a lawful pray in war. He strait ran thither himself, and the first he met withal, he took from them that they had gotten. The rest, before he came unto them, threw down that they were carrying away, & hanging down their heads for shame, they went their way, and said nothing. Then Cato calling all the citizens of UTICA together, prayed them not to incense nor move Caesar against the three hundred, but rather to crave of him pardon for than all. Then he went again to the peer, and there embracing his friends, & taking his leave of them all, he brought them to their ships. Now for his son, he did not counsel him to go, neither did he think it meet to urge him to forsake his father. Statilius, a follower of Cato. Furthermore, there was one Statilius a young man in his company, of a noble courage, that was determined to follow the invincible constancy of Cato: who counseled him to take the sea, and to sail away with the rest, because he knew he was Caesar's mortal enemy. Statilius said he would not go. Then Cato turning him unto Apollonides a Stoic Philosopher, & unto Demetrius a Peripatetic Philosopher, said: you must take this stout young man, to persuade him to obey unto necessity. Cato himself in the mean time sent away the rest, & did minister justice unto them that required it: spending all that night, & the next day, about those matters. Then Lucius Caesar, the kinsman of julius Caesar the conqueror, being chosen by the three hundred, to go & make suit unto him for them all, came and prayed Cato to help him to make his oration, which he should say unto Caesar for them all: and as for thee, Cato, said he, I will kiss his hands, and fall down on my knees before him to entreat him for thee. Nay said Cato, thou shalt not do so. Cato would not have pardon begged of Caesar for him. For if I would save my life by Caesar's grace, I could do it, if I would but go unto him: howbeit I will not be bound to a tyrant for injustice. For it is an injustice in him to take upon him, as a Lord & sovereign to save a man's life, when himself hath no authority to command. But yet let us consider if thou wilt, what thou shalt say, to crave pardon for the three hundred. So they were a while together considering the matter, and in fine, Lucius Caesar being ready to depart, Cato recommended his son and friends unto him, and embracing him, took his leave of him. Then he returned unto his lodging, and calling his son and friends before him, and talking of many matters: among others he charged his son in no ease to meddle in th'affairs of the common wealth. Cato forbade his son to meddle with matters of State in a corrupt time. For said he, to deal uprightly like Cato's son, the corruption of the time and state will not abide it: and contrarily, observing the time, thou canst not do like an honest man. Towards evening he went into his bath to wash himself, and as he was a bathing, thinking upon Statilius, he cried out a loud: well Apollonides, thou hast at length yet persuaded Statilius, to go his way and pulled down his stout courage he had: and is he gone without bidding us farewell? How, gone said Apollonides? Nay, his heart is now more stout and courageous then ever it was, notwithstanding all the persuasions we could use unto him: for he is determined to tarry, & to take such part as thou dost. After he had bathed himself, he went to supper, & far at his meat, as he had always used after the battle at Pharsalia, and never lay, but when he went to bed. So he had all his friends, & the chief Magistrates of UTICA to supper with him. After supper, they fell into grave talk and matters of Philosophy: till at length they came unto the strange opinion of the Stoic Philosophers, which was this: that only the good man is free, The paradoxes of the Stoics. and all the evil be slaves. The Peripatetic Philosopher that was present there, was strait against it. But Cato was very earnest against the Peripatoricke, and argued the matter a long time, with a vehement speech and contention: insomuch as they that heard him, found then that he was determined to end his life, & to rid him himself out of all those troubles. But then when he had ended his argument, and saw that every man held his peace, and looked sadly of it: to comfort them again, and to put the suspicion of his death out of their heads: he began again to fall in talk of their affairs, and seemed to be careful of them, as though he had been afraid lest some misfortune were come unto them upon the sea, or unto them that were gone by land, because they passed through deserts, where there was no water to be had. Now when supper was done, and the strangers gone, he walked as his manner was with his friends, and having taken order with the Captains of the watch for matters of service, as the time required: going into his chamber he embraced his son and his friends more lovingly then he was wont to do, whereby he made them again suspect the execution of his determination. When he was come into his chamber and laid in his bed, Plato's dialogue of the soul. he took Plato's dialogues in his hand, treating of the soul, and read the most part of it. Then looking by his bed's side, and missing his sword (which his son had taken from him when he was at supper) he called one of the grooms of his chamber to him, and asked him who had taken his sword away: his man made him no answer, & he fell again to read his book. Then a pretty while after, not seeming to be importunate, and overhasty of the matter, but as though he would only know what become of it: he willed them to bring him his sword again. They tarried long, and he had read over all the book, but yet his sword was not brought him again. Whereupon he called for all his men one after an other, & very angrily asked them his sword, & gave one of them such a blow in the face, that his nose fell a bleeding, & his hand was all bloody withal, and cried out that his son and his servants would deliver him naked into the hands of his enemy: until his son and friends at length ran unto him, & falling down on their knees, lamented, and besought him to be contented. Cato then rising out of his bed, looked grimly upon them, and said unto them: O gods, who ever saw me in this taking? Why doth no man by reason persuade me, if they see me out of the way: & not to keep me from my determination by plucking my weapons from me? why dost thou not bind thy father (my son) his hands behind him, that when Caesar cometh, he may find me in case not to defend myself? I do not desire my sword to hurt myself, for if I had any such mind, I need but hold my breath a little, or give but a knock of my head against the wall only, and dispatch myself quickly. When he had said thus, his son went out of his chamber weeping, and all his friends also, Cato's last words unto the Philosophers his friends. no man remaining with Cato, but Demetrius and Apollonides, unto whom he spoke more gently, and reasoned in this sort. What, do you think to keep an old man as I am, alive by force? And have you tarried behind but to sit staring upon me, and say nothing unto me? If otherwise else, by reason you come to persuade me, that it shall be no shame for Cato, despairing of the safety of his life, to seek it by the grace and mercy of his enemy: why then do you not now tell me your reasons to persuade me, that forsaking all other fancies & determinations which hetherunto we have holden for good, being on a sudden become wiser by Caesar's means, we should be bound the more therefore to give him thanks? I do not tell you this that I have determined any thing of my life, but that it is in my power (if I lift) to put the thing in execution I have determined: but yet I will consult with you, when I am so determined, to hear the reasons and opinion of your books, which yourselves do use in discourse and argument together. Go your way therefore hardily unto my son, and tell him, that he must not think to compel his father unto that, which he can not prove good unto him by reason. After this talk, Demetrius and Apollonides being nothing comforted, weeping, departed out of his chamber. Then his sword was brought him by a little boy. When he had it, Cato considered his sword wherewith he killed himself. he drew it out, and looked whether the point and edge of his sword was sharp and would cut: when he saw it was well, O, said he, now I am where I would be, and so laying down the sword naked by him, he took his book again in his hand, and read it over (as they say) twice together. Then he slept so sound after it, that his men which were without his chamber heard him snort again. About midnight, he called for two of his freemen, Cleanthes his Physician, and Butas, whom he chief employed in his weightiest affairs of the common wealth. So he sent him unto the haven to see, if all his men that were embarked were under sail: and gave his hand unto the Physician to be bound up, because it was swollen with the blow he gave one of his slaves when he hit him on the face. All his servants were glad to hear of that, hoping then that he desired to live. Soon after came Butas back again from the haven, and brought him word that all were gone but Crassus, who stayed about some business he had, and yet that he was going to take ship: howbeit that the sea was very rough, and wind exceeding great. Cato hearing this, sighed, being sorry for them that were upon the sea: and sent Butas back again to the haven, to see if any man came back for any matter they had to say unto him. The little birds began to chirp, and Cato fell again in a little slumber. But thereupon Butas returned, & brought him word that all was quiet in the haven, & there was no stir. Then Cato bade him go his way, and shut to the door after him, and laid him down in his bed, as though he had meant to have slept out all the rest of the night. Butas back was no sooner turned, The death of Cato. but Cato taking his naked sword in his hand, thrust it into his breast: howbeit the swelling of his hand made the blow so weak, that it killed him not presently, but drawing on to his latter end, he fell down upon his bed, and made such a noise with his fall (overthrowing a little table of geometry hard by his bed, that his servants hearing the noise, gave a great shriek for fear. Thereupon his son and his friends ran into the chamber, and found him all of a gore blood, and the most part of his bowels coming out of his body, himself being yet alive, and seeing them. They were all stricken with such sorrow to behold it, that at the first they were so amazed, as they could not tell what to say to it. His Physician coming to him, he went about to put in his bowels again which were not perished, and to sow up his wound. But Cato coming to himself, thrust back the Physician, and tare his bowels with his own hands, and made his wound very great, and immediately gave up the ghost. Whereupon the three hundred ROMANS (in less time than a man would have thought Cato's own household servants could have known of his death) were at his doors, and immediately after, all the people of UTICA also came thither, and with one voice called Cato their benefactor and saviour, and said he only was a free man, and had an invincible minde● and this was done, when they heard say that Caesar was not far from UTICA. Furthermore, neither fear of the present danger, nor the desire to flatter the Conqueror, neither any private quarrel amongst themselves, could keep them from honouring Cato's funerals. Cato's funerals. For, sumptuously setting out his body, and honourably accompanying his funerals as might be, they buried him by the sea side, where at this present time is to be seen his image, holding a sword in his hand. After that, they made their best way to save themselves and their city. Now Caesar being advertised by them that came unto him, how Cato stirred not from UTICA, nor fled not, but sent all others away, saving himself, and his son, and a few of his friends that remained there, being afraid of nothing: he could not devise what he meant by it. Therefore esteeming Cato much, he made haste with all the speed he could with his army, to come thither. But when he understood that Cato had slain himself, writers do report he said thus: Caesar's saying unto Cato the dead. O Cato, I envy thy death, sith thou hast envied mine honour to save thy life. For in deed, had Cato been contented Caesar should have saved his life, he had not so much impaired his own honour, as he had augmented Caesar's glory. And yet what Caesar would have done, men make it doubtful, saving that they conjecture well of Caesar's clemency. Cato died when he was but eight and forty year old. For his son, Caesar never did him hurt: The son of Cato what conditions he had howbeit it is reported of him, that he was very idly given, and lascivious beside. For when he lay in CAPPADOCIA, in a noble man's house of the king's blood, called Maphradates, who had a fair woman to his wife: he tarried longer there then he might well with honesty, whereupon he fell to be a laughing stoic so the people, and in mockery they said, Cato will go too morrow, a thirty days hence. And further, that Maphradates and Porcius are two good friends, but they have but one mind. And the reason was, because Maphradates wife was called Psyche, Psyche, signifieth mind. which in the Greek signifieth mind: and Cato is a noble fellow, and hath a princely mind, howbeit his famous death did stop this infamous speech. For he valiantly fight against Augustus, and Antebius, at the battle of Philippes, for the liberty of his country: their army being overthrown and fled, he would neither fly nor hide himself, but running in amongst his enemies, he made them know what he was, by encouraging those of his side, which yet did defend themselves, till he was slain in the field, to the great admiration of his valiantness. Furthermore, Porcia, The death of Porcia, the Daughter of Cato the younger, and wife of Brutus. the Daughter of Cato, gave no place unto her father, neither for chastity, nor greatness of mind. For she being married unto Brutus, who slew Caesar, was of the conspiracy, and slew herself as courageously as become the virtue and nobility of her blood from whence she came, as we have more amply declared in the life of Brutus. Statilius also, who had said he would run Cato's fortune (as we have told you before) was kept from kill of himself by the Philosophers, The death of Statilius. Demetrius, and Apollonides. But after that time having showed himself very faithful and serviceable unto Brutus in all his affairs, he was slain in the field also at the battle of Philippes. The end of Cato's life. AGIS AND CLEOMENES. The fable of Ixion against ambitious persons. Truly the fable of Ixion was not ill devised against ambitious persons: who embracing a cloud for the goddess juno, begot (as it is said) the CENTAURI. For even so ambitious men, embracing glory for the true image of virtue, do never any act that is good nor perfect: but being carried away with divers fancies, and following others humours with desire to please the people, they may, as the herdsmen in the tragedy of Sophocles (speaking of their cattle) say: We wait upon their breasts, though we their Masters be, And wheresoever they become, there also follow we. Such in deed are they compared to, that govern common weals, after people's lust and fancy: who doubtless, are as their servants obedient at call, because they only may enjoy the glorious title and name of an Officer. For like as in a ship the Mariners that stand in the prow, do better see before them, than the Pilots that steer the helm in the poop, and yet looks always back unto them to see what they command: even so, they that govern in the common wealth for honours sake, are no better than honourable slaves of the people, having no more but the bore name of a governor. But in deed, the perfect good and honest man should never cover outward glory, but as a mean to bring him to noble attempts, whereby he might procure the better credit of his doings. And for a young man that coveteth honour by virtue, give him leave a little to glory in his well doing: for, as Theophrastus saith, Theophrastus' for the praise of virtue. virtue buddeth and flourisheth in youth, and taketh fast root by praises given, as wit & courage groweth in them. But overmuch praise is dangerous in every person, Immoderate praise very dangerous. but chief in ambitious governors. For if they be men of great power, it makes them commit many desperate parts: for they will not allow that honour proceeds of virtue, but that honour is virtue itself. But in deed they should say as Photion did unto Antipater, photion's saying. that requested an unlawful matter of him: Thou canst not, said he, have Photion a friend and a flatterer both. This, or the very like, may be said unto the people: you can not both have one, a Master and a servant, that can command and obey together. Or else the mischief spoken of in the tale of the Dragon must needs happen, which was: The fable of the Dragon's head and tail. the tail on a time fell out with the head, and complained, saying, it would an other while go before, & would not always come behind. The head granted the tail, which fell out very ill for it, not knowing how to guide the head, and besides that the head thereby was tormented every way, being compelled against nature to follow that part and member, which could neither hear, nor see how to guide it. The like matter have we seen happen unto many, which in the administration of the common wealth, did seek to please the humours of the multitude. For when they have once put their heads under their girdles to please the common people, which without cause & reason do soon rebel: they can by no possible means afterwards bridle their fury & insolency. Plutarch excuseth the Gracchi. Now the reason that made us to enter into discourse against the ambition and vain glory amongst the people: was the consideration I had of their great power, remembering the misfortunes of Tiberius and Caius Gracchi: both the which coming of a noble house, and having been marvelous well brought up, & managing also the affairs of the common wealth with a good desire, were notwithstanding in the end cast away: not so much through covetousness of glory, as for fear of dishonour, which came also of no base mind. For they having received great pleasures and friendships of the people, were ashamed to be indebted to them, and therefore earnestly sought to exceed the people in good will, by new decrees and devices, which they preferred for common benefit: and the people also for their parts contended to honour them the more, by how much they strived to show themselves thankful. So with like strife on either side, they go gratify the common people, and the people also to honour them, were unwares so entangled with public causes, that they could no more follow the common proverb, which saith: Although our deeds dissent from equity, Yet can we not desist with honesty. This thou shalt easily find by the declaration of the history. With these we do compare two other popular men, both kings of LACEDAEMON, Agis and Cleomenes. For they, as the Gracchi, seeking to increase the power of the common people, and to restore the just and honest government again of the common wealth of LACEDAEMON, which of long time had been out of use: did in like manner purchase the hate of the nobility, which were loath to loose any part of their wonted covetousness. In deed these two LACONIANS were no brethren borne, but yet did both follow one self course & form of government, which had beginning in this sort. After that covetousness of gold and silver crept again into the city of SPARTA, and with riches, covetousness also and misery, and by use, voluptuousness and licentious life: SPARTA then was voided of all honour and goodness, and was long time drowned in shame and dishonour, until king Agis and Leonidas came to reign there. Agis was of the house of the Eurytiontides, The lineage of Agis. the son of Eudamidas, the sixth of lineal descent after Agesilaus, who had been the greatest Prince of all GRAECE in his time. This Agesilaus had a son slain in ITALY by the MESSAPIANS, called Archidamus, before the city of MANDONIUM. Archidamus had issue two sons, Agis, and Eudamidas that was king, who succeeded his brother Agis, whom Antipater slew before the city of MEGALIPOLIS, and left no children behind him. Eudamidas begat Archidamus, which Archidamus begat another Eudamidas: which Eudamidas also begat Agis, whose life we now writ of. Leonidas also, The lineage of Leonidas. the son of Cleonymus, was of the other family of the Agiades, the right of succession after Pausanias, who slew Mardonius, the king's Lieutenant general of PERSIA, in a battle fought before the city of PLAT●●S. This Pausanias had a son called Plistonax, and Plistonax also an other, called Pausanias: who flying from SPARTA unto the city of TEGEA, his eldest son Agesipolis was made king in his father's room, who dying without issue, his younger brother Cleombrotus succeeded him in the kingdom. Cleombrotus had two sons, Agesipolis and Cleomenes: of the which, Agesipolis reigned not long king, and died without issue. Then Cleomenes his brother, who was king after him, had two sons, Acrotatus the elder, that died in his father's life time: and Cleonymus the younger which survived him, and was not king, but one Areus his Nephew, the son of Acrotatus. This Areus died before the city of CORINTHE: who having an other Acrotatus to his son, he succeeded him in the kingdom. He also died at a battle before the city of MEGALIPOLIS, and was slain there by the tyrant Aristodemus, Aristodemus, tyrant of Megalipolis. leaving his wife great with child. She being brought to bed after his death of a son, whom Leonidas the son of Cleonymus taught and brought up: the child dying very young, Leonidas brought superfluity and excess into Sparta. the crown by his death was cast upon Leonidas himself. Howbeit his manners & conditions never liked the people. For though all men generally were corrupted through the common wealth, and clean out of order: yet Leonidas of all other exceeded, deforming most the ancient LACONIAN life, because he had been long time brought up in Prince's houses, & followed also Seleucus Court, from whence he had brought all the pride and pomp of those Courts into GRAECE, where law & reason ruleth. Agis on the contrary part did not only far excel Leonidas, The continency of Agis in honour and magnanimity of mind: but all other almost also which had reigned in SPARTA, from the time of Agesilaus the great. So that when Agis was not yet twenty year old, and being daintily brought up with the fineness of two women, his mother Agesistrata, and Archidamia his grandmother, which had more gold and silver, than all the LACEDÆMONIANS else: he began to spurn against these womanish delights & pleasures, in making himself fair to be the better beliked, and to be fine and trim in his apparel, and to cast upon him a plain spanish cape, taking pleasure in the diet, baths, and manner of the ancient LACONIAN life: and openly boasted beside, that he would not desire to be king, but only for the hope he had to restore the ancient LACONIAN life by his authority. The first beginning of the Lacedæmonians fall, from their ancient discipline. Then began the state of LACEDAEMON first to be corrupted, and to leave her ancient discipline, when the LACEDÆMONIANS having subdued the Empire of the ATHENIANS, stored themselves & country both, with plenty of gold & silver. But yet reserving still the lands left unto them by succession from their fathers, according unto Lycurgus first ordinance & institution, for division of the lands amongst them: which ordinance, and equality being inviolably kept amongst them, did yet preserve the common wealth from defamation of divers other notorious crimes. Lycurgus' the ●ra, for partition of lands, broken by Epitadeus law. Until the time of the authority of Epitadeus, Epitadues law for devise of lands by william. one of the ephors, a seditious man, and of proud conditions: who bitterly falling out with his own son, preferred a law, that every man might lawfully give his lands and goods whilst he lived, or after his death by testament, unto any man whom he liked or thought well of. Thus this man made this law to satisfy his anger, & others also did confirm it for covetousness sake, and so overthrew a noble ordinance. For the rich men than began to buy lands of numbers, and so transferred it from the right & lawful heirs whereby a few men in short time being made very rich, immediately after there fell out great poverty in the city of SPARTA, which made all honest sciences to cease, & brought in thereupon unlawful occupations, who envy them that were wealth. Therefore, there remained not above seven hundred natural Citizens of SPARTA in all, & of them, not above a hundred that had lands and inheritance: for all the rest were poor people in the city, and were of no countenance nor calling, & besides that, went unwillingly to the wars against their enemies, looking every day for stir and change in the city. Agis therefore thinking it a notable good act (as in deed it was) to replenish the city of SPARTA again, Agis goeth about to reduce the common wealth of here ancient estate. and to bring in the old equality, he moved the matter unto the Citizens. He found the youth (against all hope) to give good ear unto him, and very well given unto virtue, easily changing their garments & life, to recover their liberty again. But the oldest men, which were now even rotten with covetousness and corruption, they were afraid to return again to the strait ordinances of Lycurgus, as a slave and ronneagate from his Master, that trembleth when he is brought back again unto him. Therefore they reproved Agis, when he did lament before them their present miserable estate, and wish also for the former ancient honour and true dignity of SPARTA. Howbeit Lysander the son of Lybis, and Mandroclidas the son of Esphanes, and Agesilaus also, greatly commended his noble desire, and persuaded him to go forward withal. This Lysander was of great authority and estimation amongst them in the city: Mandroclidas was also very wise, and careful, about any matter of counsel, and with his wisdom and policy, very valiant: Agesilaus in like manner, the king's Uncle, and an eloquent man, was very effeminate and covetous, and yet pricked forward to give his furtherance to this attempt as it appeared, by his son Hippomedon, who was a notable good soldier, and could do very much, by means of the love and good will the young men did bear him. But in deed, the secret cause that brought Agesilaus to consent unto this practice, was the greatness of his debt which he aught, of the which he hoped to be discharged by changing of the state and common wealth. Now when Agis had won him, he fought by his means to draw his mother also unto the matter, which was Agesilaus sister. She could do very much by the number of her friends, followers, and debtors in the city, by whose means she ruled the most part of the affairs of the city after her own pleasure. But the young man Hippomedon making her privy unto it, at the first she was amazed withal, and bade him hold his peace if he were wise, and not meddle in matters unpossible and unprofitable. But when Agesilaus had told her what a notable act it would be, and how easily it might be brought to pass, with marvelous great profit: and that king Agis began also to strain her with great entreaty, that she would willingly departed with her goods to win her son honour and glory: who, though he could not in money and riches come to be like unto other kings (because the slaves and factors only of the kings Seleucus and Ptolemy, had more money than all the kings of SPARTA had together that ever reigned) yet if in temperance, thriftiness, & noble mind (exceeding all their vanities) he could come to restore the LACEDÆMONIANS again unto equality: that then in deed he should be counted a noble king. These women being stirred up with ambition by these persuasions of the young man, seeing him so nobly bend, as if by the gods their minds had secretly been inflamed with the love of virtue: did presently altar their minds in such sort, that they themselves did prick forward Agis, and sent for their friends to pray and entreat them to favour his enterprise: and furthermore, they brought on other women also, knowing that the LACEDÆMONIANS did ever hear and believe their wives, How loving the Lacedamonians were unto their wives. suffering them to understand more of the affairs of the state, than they themselves did of their private estate at home. Herein is to be considered, that the most part of the riches of LACEDAEMON was in the hands of the women, and therefore they were against it, not only because thereby they were cut of from their fineness and excess, in the which being ignorant of the true good in deed, they put all their felicity: but also, because they saw their honour and authority which they had by their riches, clean trodden under foot. Therefore they coming to Leonidas, they did persuade him to reprove Agis, because he was elder man than he, and to let that this enterprise went not forward. Leonidas did what he could in favour of the rich, but fearing the common people, who desired nothing but alteration, he durst not openly speak against him, but secretly he did the best he could to hinder Agis practise, talking with the Magistrates of the city, and accusing Agis unto them, he told them how he did offer the rich men's goods unto the poor, the division of their lands, and the abolishing of all detts, for reward to put the tyranny into his hands, and that thereby he got him a strong guard unto himself, but not many Citizens unto SPARTA. This notwithstanding, king Agis having procured Lysander to be chosen one of the ephors, he presently preferred his law unto the counsel. Agis law. The articles whereof were these: That such as were in debt, should be cleared of all their debts, and that the lands also should be divided into equal parts: so that from the valley of Pallena unto mount Taugetus, and unto the city of MALEA, and SELASIA, there should be four thousand five hundred parts, and without those bounds, there should be in all the rest, fifteen thousand parts, the which should be distributed unto their neighbours meet to carry weapon: and the rest unto the natural SPARTANS. The number of them should be replenished with their neighbours and strangers in like manner, which should be very well brought up, and be able men beside to serve the common wealth: all the which afterwards should be divided into fifteen companies, of the which, some should receive two hundred, & others four hundred men, & should live according to the old ancient institution observed by their ancestors. This law being preferred unto the Senate, the Senators grew to divers opinions upon it. Whereupon Lysander himself assembled the great counsel of all the people, and there spoke unto them himself, and Mandroclidas, and Agesilaus also, praying them not to suffer the honour of SPARTA to be trodden under foot, for the vanity of a few: but that they would remember the ancient oracles of the gods, warning them to beware of avarice, as of the plague and destruction of the common wealth: and of the late oracle also brought unto them, from the temple of Pasiphaé. The temple and oracle of Pasiphaé, was famous at the city of THALAMES: and some say, that Pasiphaé was one of the Daughters of Atlas, Pasiphaé the Daughter of Atlas. which was gotten with child by jupiter, & was delivered of a son called Hammon. Other think that it was Cassandra, one of king Priamus Daughters that died there, which was surnamed Pasiphaé, because she gave all the answers & oracles of things to come. But Phylarchus writeth, that Daphné the Daughter of Amycla, flying from Apollo that would have ravished her, was turned into a laurel tree, and honoured by Apollo with the gift of prophecy. So, they said that this oracle of the god commanded them, that the SPARTANS should again return unto their former ancient equality, established first by Lycurgus' law. When every man else had spoken, king Agis rising up, briefly speaking unto the people, said: that he would bestow great contributions for the reformation of this common wealth, which he was desirous to restore again. For first of all, he would make common all his errable and pasture he had, Agis maketh his goods common. and besides that, he would add to six hundred talents in ready money, and so much should his mother, grandmother, kinsmen and friends, all the which were the richest and wealthiest in SPARTA. When the people heard what he said, they marveled much at the noble mind of this young king, and were very glad of it, saying: that for three hundred years space together, the city of SPARTA had not so worthy a king as he. But Leonidas contrarily assayed with all his power he could to resist him, Leonidas resisteth king Agis. thinking with himself, that if king Agis purpose took place, he should also be compelled to do as he did, and yet he should have no thanks, but king Agis: because that all the SPARTANS indifferently should be compelled to make their goods in common, but the honour should be his only that first began it. So he asked Agis, whether he thought Lycurgus had been a good and just man or not. Agis answered, that he had been. Then replied Leonidas, did you ever see that he had taken away and abolished any detts, or had received strangers into the number of the Citizens of SPARTA? Who contrarily thought his common wealth unperfect, if all strangers were not banished the city. Agis again answered him: that he marveled not that Leonidas being brought up in a strange country, and also married there in a noble man's house, he should be ignorant of Lycurgus' laws, who banishing gold and silver out of his city, did therewithal exile debt and lending. And for strangers, he hated them that would not conform themselves unto the manners and fashions of life which he instituted, and those they were which he banished: not for any ill will he bore unto their persons, but because he feared their manners of life, lest that mingling them with the Citizens, they should make them run after vanity and covetousness to be rich. For otherwise, Terpander, Thales, and Pherecydes, which were all strangers, were marvelously reverenced and honoured in SPARTA in old time, because they did sing in their writings, the self same things which Lycurgus had established in his laws. And thou thyself also dost commend Ecprepes, being one of the ephors, because he did cut with a hatchet the two strings which Phrynis the physician had added unto the Citheme, more than the seven common strings, and those also which did the like unto Timotheus: and yet thou reprovest me, because I go about to root out all excess and pride out of SPARTA, as though those men did not far of prevent that these superfluous strings of the music, delighting the Citizen's minds too much with their songs, should not 'cause them fall unto such trade and manner of life, as should make the city at discord with itself. After this contention, the common people did stick unto king Agis, and the rich men followed Leonidas, praying and persuading him not to forsake them: and further, they did so entreat the Senators, in whom consisteth the chief authority, to determine and digest all matters before they be propounded unto the people, that they overthrew the law, by the only voice of one man more. Wherefore Lysander who was yet in office, attempted to accuse Leonidas by an ancient law, forbidding that none of the race of Hercules should marry with any strange woman, nor beget children of her: and said further, that no man upon pain of death should devil anywhere, but in SPARTA. When he had instructed others to object these things against Leonidas, her with other of his colleagues observed a sign in the element, the ceremony whereof was in this sort: Every nynenth year, the Ephori choosing a bright night without moonlight, did sit down in some open place, and beheld the stars in the element, to see if they saw any star shoot from one place to another: if they did, than they accused their kings that they had offended the gods, and did deprive them of their kingdom, until some oracle came from DELPHES or Olympus, to restore them again. Lysander then declaring that he had seen a star fly in the element, did therefore accuse king Leonidas, King Leonidas accused by Lysander. and brought forth witnesses against him: how he had married a woman of ASIA, the which one of king Seleucus Lieutenants had given him in marriage, & that he had two children by her: & afterwards being forsaken of his wife that refused him, he returned again into his country against his will, & so had possessed the kingdom for lack of lawful heir. So following his accusation in this manner against him, he alured Cleombrotus his son in law, being also of the king's blood, to make title to the crown. Leonidas being afraid of the success hereof, took sanctuary in the temple of juno, surnamed Chalceoecos, & his Daughter with him, who forsook her husband Cleombrotus. Leonidas then being cited to appear in person, Leonidas deprived of his kingdom. & making default, they deposed him, & made Cleombrotus king. In the mean time Lysander's office expired, & the new Ephori which succeeded him, deliver Leonidas again, and accused Lysander & Mandroclidas, because against the law, they had abolished all debts, & had again made new division of lands. When they saw they were openly accused, they incensed both the kings, that joining together, they should make the ephors ordinances of no effect: declaring, that their authority was only erected for the discord of the two kings, because they should give their voices unto that king that had the best judgement & reason, when the other would wilfully withstand both right & reason. And therefore, that they two agreeing together, might lawfully do what they would, without controlment of any person: & that to resist the kings was a breaking of the law, sith that by right the Ephori had no other privilege & authority, but to be judges & arbitrators between them, when there was any cause of jar or controversy. Both the kings being carried away by this persuasion, went into the market place accompanied with their friends, plucked the ephors from their seats, & put others in their rooms, of the which Agesilaus was one. Furthermore, they armed a great number of young men, & opening the prisons, did set the prisoners as liberty: the which made their adversaries afraid of them, doubting some great murder would have followed upon it, howbeit no man had any hurt. For Agesilaus being bend to kill Leonidas, Leonidas flieth unto Tegea. who fled unto the city of TEGEA, & having also laid men in wait for him by the way: king Agis hearing of it, sent thither other friends of his in whom he put great confidence, & they did accompany Leonidas, & brought him safely unto the city of TEGEA. Thus their purpose taking effect, & no man contrarying them one man only Agesilaus overthrew all, King Agis deceived by Agesilaus. & dashed a noble LACONIAN law by a shameful vice, which was covetousness. For he being a great landed man, & having the best lands of any man in the country, & owing a great sum of money beside: would neither pay his detts, nor let go his land. Wherefore he persuaded king Agis, that if he went about to establish both together, he should raise a great uptore in the city, & withal, if he did first win them that were landed men, preferring at the beginning the cutting of of dets only; then that they would easily & willingly also accept the law for partition of lands. New laws established by the Lacedæmonians. Lysander was also of his opinion whereby king Agis & he both were deceived by Agesilaus subtlety. So they commanded all the creditors to bring their bonds, obligations, & bills of debt (which the LACEDÆMONIANS do call Claria) into the market place, and there laying them on a heap together, they did set fire of them. When the usurers & creditors saw their writings obligatory afire, they departed thence with heavy hearts: but Agesilaus mocking them said, he never saw a brighter fire in his life. The people then requiring that the lands also should be presently divided, & the kings likewise commanding in Agesilaus still interposing some cause of lex, delayed time, until opportunity served, that king Agis should go to the wars, for that the ACHAIANS their confederates had prayed aid of LACEDAEMON, being bound thereunto by the league confirmed between them, because they looked daily that the AETOLIANS coming through the country of MEGARA, would invade PELOPONNESUS. Aratus, general of the Achaians. Aratus general of the ACHAIANS had levied a great army to withstand their invasion, & had also written unto the ephors, that they should sand them aid. whereupon, they presently sent king Agis, King Agis journey into Achaean. perceiving also the readiness and good will of the soldiers which were appointed to go with him. For the most of them were young men & needy, who seeing themselves discharged of the fear of their dets, & hoping also at their return, that the lands likewise should be divided among them they went with glad hearts, & were obedient unto king Agis. So that the cities where through they passed, wondered how they came through all PELOPONNESUS, from the one side to the other, very quietly, without noise or offence to any man. Likewise many GRECIANS calling to mind the ancient times, told one another, that it was a noble fight then to see the army of LACEDAEMON, when they were led by Agesilaus, Lysander, & Leonidas, famous captains: sith now they saw so great obedience unto Agis by his soldiers, who was in manner the youngest man of all his camp. Who also glorying to be content with little, to away with pains, & not to be more costly appareled & armed than any private soldier he had: he wan himself thereby a marvelous love of the people. Howbeit the rich men liked not this change, & were afraid jest Agis should give other people example to rise also, & to do the like with theirs, as he had done. Agis meeting with Aratus by the city of CORINTHE, even as he was consulting whether he should fight with his enemy or not: showed himself in his counsel, than no rash, but a resolute & valiant man. King Agis gave place unto Araetus. For he told him, that for his opinion he thought it better to fight, & not to suffer the war to come any further, leaving the entry into PELOPONNESUS free to their enemy: nevertheless, that he would do what Aratus thought good, because he was the elder, and general also of the ACHAIANS, whom he came not to command, but to aid them. But Baton SINOPIAN writeth, that king Agis would not fight, though Aratus was willing: howbeit he had not read that which Aratus had written for his excuse & justification, alleging there, that the farmers & husbandmen having brought all the corn into their barns, he thought it better to suffer the enemies to come further into the country, rather than to hazard battle, to the loss of the whole country of PELOPONNESUS, & that therefore he licensed all the confederates to departed, & broke up his army. So king Agis returned home again, greatly honoured of all them that served with him in this journey, finding the city of SPARTA then in great broil & trouble. For Agesilaus at that time being one of the ephors, finding himself rid of the fear which before kept him under cared not what injury or mischief he did to any citizen, so he might get money. For amongst other things, that very year he made them pay beyond all reason the tallages & taxes due unto the common wealth for thirteen months, adding to the thirteenth month, above the ordinary time of the year. Wherefore perceiving every man hated him, & being afraid of them he had offended: he kept soldiers about him, armed with their swords, & so came down into the market place among them. And for the two kings, he made no account of the one: but of the other that was Agis, he seemed outwardly to make good account, rather for kindreds sake, than for his dignity of a king, & furthermore gave it out abroad, that he would also be one of the ephors the next year following. whereupon, his enemies speedily to prevent the danger, gathered force together, & openly brought king Leonidas from TEGEA, to restore him again to his kingdom. King Leonidas returneth from ●●ile into Sparta. The people were glad to see that, because they were angry they had been mocked in that sort, for that the lands were not divided according unto promise. Furthermore, Hippomedon was so well-beloved for his valiantness of every man, that entreating the people for his father Agesilaus, he saved his life, & got him out of the city. But for the two kings, Agis took sanctuary in the temple of juno Chalceoecos. And Cleombrotus the other king fled into the temple of Neptume: for it seemed that Leonidas being much more offended with him, did let king Agis alone, & went against him with certain soldiers armed. Then he sharply taunted him, that being his son in law, he had conspired against him to deprive him of his kingdom, & had driven him out of his country. But then Cleombrotus not having a word to say, The natural love of Chelonis Leonidas daughter, unto her father and husband. sat still, & made him no answer. whereupon his wife Chelonis, the daughter of Leonidas, who before was offended for the injury they did her father, & had left her husband Cleombrotus, that had usurped the kingdom from him, to serve her father in his adversity, and while he was in sanctuary took part with him also of his misery, & afterwards when he went unto the city of TEGEA, were blacks for sorrow, being offended with her husband: she contrarily then changing her anger with her husband's fortune & misery, become also an humble suitor with him sitting down by him, & embracing him, having her two little sons on either side of them. All men wondering, & weeping for pity, to see the goodness & natural love of this Lady, who showing her mourning apparel, & hear of her head flaring about her eyes, bore headed: The oration of Chelonis the Daughter of Leonidas. she spoke in sort unto her father. O father mine, this sorrowful garment & countenance is not for pity of Cleombrotus, but hath long remained with me, lamenting sore your former misery & exile: but now, which of the two should I rather choose, either to continue a mourner in this pitiful state, seeing you again restored to your kingdom, having overcome your enemies: or else putting on my princely apparel, to see my husband slain, unto whom you married me a maid? who, if he can not move you to compassion of him, and to obtain mercy, by the tears of his wife and children: he shall then abide more bitter pain of his evil counsel, then that which you intent to make him suffer. For he shall see his wife die before him, whom he loveth more dearly than any thing in the world. Also, with what face can I look upon other ladies, when I could never bring my father to pity, by any intercession I could make for my husband, neither my husband, entreating him for my father: & that my hap is to be borne, a daughter & wife, always most unfortunate, & despised of mine own? And for my husband, if he had any reason to do that he did, I then took it from him, by taking your part, and protesting against him: and contrarily, yourself doth give him honest colour to excuse his fault, when he seeth in you the desire of the kingdom so great, that for the love thereof, you think it lawful to kill your sons in law, and also not to regard the children he hath gotten, for her sake. Chelonis pitifully complaining in this sort; putting her sade upon Cleombrotus head, The banishment of king Cleombrotus. cast her swollen and blubbering eyes upon the standers by. Wherefore Leonidas after he had talked a little with his friends, he commanded Cleombrotus to get him thence, and to leave the city as an exile: and prayed his Daughter for his sake to remain with him, and not to forsake her father, that did so dearly love her, as for her sake he had saved her husband's life. This notwithstanding, she would not yield to his request, but rising up with her husband, gave him one of his sons, and herself took the other in her arms: and then making her prayer before the altar of the goddess, she went as a banished woman away with her husband. And truly th'example of her virtue was so famous, The great virtue and love of Chelonis, to her husband Cleombrotus. that if Cleombrotus mind had not been too much blinded with vain glory, he had cause to think his exile far more happy, to enjoy the love of so noble a wife as he had, then for the kingdom which he possessed without her. Then Leonidas having banished king Cleombrotus out of the city, & removing the first ephors, had substituted other in their place: he presently bethought him how he might craftily come by king Agis. First, he persuaded him to come out of the sanctuary, & to govern the kingdom safely with him, declaring unto him that his citizens had forgiven him all that was past, because they knew he was deceived, & subtly circumvented by Agesilaus craft, being a young man, ambitious of honour. Agis would not leave the sanctuary for Leonidas cunning persuasion, but mistrusted all that he said unto him: Wherefore, Leonidas would no more be guile him with fair words. But Amphares, Demochares, & Arcesilaus, did oftentimes go to visit king Agis, & otherwhile also they got him out of the sanctuary with them unto the bath, & brought him back again into the temple, when he had bathed. Amphares betrayed king Agis. But Amphares having borrowed not long before, certain rich apparel & plate of Agesistrata, because he would not redeliver them again, he determined to betray king Agis, his mother, & grandmother. And it is reported that he chief did serve Leonidas turn, & provoked the ephors (of which number he was one) against Agis. Now therefore, Agis keeping all the rest of his time within the temple, saving when he went upon occasion to the bath: they determined to intercept him by the way, & to take him when he was out of the sanctuary. So they watched him one day when he bathed, & came & saluted him as their manner was, & seemed to accompany him, sporting, & being merry with him, as with a young man their familiar. But when they came to the turning of a street that went towards the prison, Amphares laying hold on him, being one of the ephors, said unto him: I arrest thee Agis, King Agis carried unto prison. & will bring thee before the ephors, to give account of thy doings in the common wealth. Then Demochares, which was a great mighty man cast his gown over his ears, & pulled him forward: others also thrust him forward behind him, as they had agreed together. So no man being near them to help Agis, they got him into prison. Then came Leonidas incontinently with a great number of soldiers that were strangers, & beset the prison round about. The ephors went into the prison, & sent unto some of the Senate to come unto them, whom they knew to be of their mind: then they commanded Agis, ●● if it had been judicially, to give account of the alteration he had made in the common wealth. The young man laughed at their hypocrisy. But Amphares told him that it was no laughing sport, & that he should pay for his folly. Then another of the ephors seeming to deal more favourably with him, & to show him a way how he might escape the condemnation for his fault: asked him, if he had not been enticed unto it by Agesilaus, and Lysander. Agis answered, that no man compelled him, but that he only did it to follow the steps of the ancient. Lycurgus to bring the common wealth unto the former estate of his grave ordinance & institution. Then the same Senator asked him again, if he did not repent him of that he had done. The young man boldly answered him, that he would never repent him of so wise and virtuous an enterprise, though he ventured his life for it. Then they condemned him to death, and commanded the Sergeants to carry him into the Decade, which was a place in the prison where they were strangled, that were condemned to die. Demochares perceiving the sergeants durst not lay hold of him, & likewise that the soldiers which were strangers, There the reverent regard of the heathen, unto the person of a king, abhorring in lay violens hands upon him. did abhor to commit such a fact, contrary to the law of God and man, to lay violent hands upon the person of a king: he threatened & reviled them, and dragged Agis perforce into that place called the Decade. Now the rumour ran strait through the city, that king Agis was taken, & a multitude of people were at the prison doors with lights & torches. Thither came also king Agis mother & grandmother, shrieking out, & praying that the king of SPARTA might yet be heard and judged by the people. For this cause, they hastened his death the sooner, and were afraid beside, lest the people in the night would take him out of their hands by force, if there came any more people thither. Thus king Agis being led to his death, spied a Sergeant lamenting & weeping for him, unto whom he said: good fellow, I pray thee weep not for me, for I am honester man than they that so shamefully put me to death, & with those words he willingly put his head into the halter. Amphares then going out of the prison into the street, found Agesistraetae there, king Agis mother, who strait fell down at his feet: but he taking her up again, in old familiar manner, as being her very friend, told her that they should do king Agis no hurt, & that she might if she would, go & see him. Then she prayed, that they would also let her mother in with her. Amphares said, with a good will: and so put them both into the prison house, and made the doors be shut after them. But when they were within, King Agis, her mother, & grandmother, all three strangled. he first gave Archidamia unto the sergeants to be put to death, who was a marvelous old woman, and had lived more honourably unto that age, than any Lady or Matron beside her in the city. She being executed, he commanded Agesistraetae also to come in. Who when she saw the body of her dead son laid on the ground, & her mother also hanging on the gallows: she did herself help the hangman to pluck her down, and laid her body by her sons. Then having covered her in decent manner, she laid her down on the ground by the corpse of her son Agis, and kissing his cheek said: out, alas my son, thy great modesty, goodness and clemency, brought thee and us unto this death. Then Amphares peeping in at the door to see what was done, hearing what she said, came in withal in a great rage, and said: I perceive thou hast also been of counsel with thy son, and sith it is so, thou shalt also follow him. Then she rising likewise to be strangled, said: the gods grant yet that this may profit SPARTA. This horrible murder being blown abroad in the city, and the three dead bodies also brought out of prison: the fear though it were great amongst the people, could not keep them back from apparent show of grief, and manifest hate against Leonidas and Amphares, thinking that there was never a more wicked and crueler fact committed in SPARTA, since the DORIANS came to devil in PELOPONNESUS. For the very enemies themselves in bartell, The enemies did not willingly kill any king of Lacedaemon. would not willingly lay hands upon the kings of LACEDAEMON, but did forbear as much as they could possible, both for fear & reverence they bore unto their majesty. For in many great battles & conflicts which the LACEDÆMONIANS had against the GRECIANS, there was never any king of LACEDAEMON slain, before Philip's time, but Cleombrotus only, who was slain with a dart at the battle of Leuctres. Some writ also, that the MESSENIANS hold opinion, that their Aristomenes slew king Theopompus: howbeit the LACEDÆMONIANS said, that he was but hurt, not slain. But hereof there are divers opinions: but it is certain that Agis was the first king whom the ephors ever put to death: for that he had laid a plat of a noble devise, and worthy of SPARTA, being of that age when men do easily pardon them that offend: and was rather to be accused of his friends and enemies, because he had saved Leonidas life, & had trusted other men, as the best natured young man that could be. Now Agis having suffered in this sort, Here beginneth Cleomenes life. Leonidas was not quick enough to take Archidamus his brother also, for he fled presently. Yet he brought Agis wife out of her house by force, with a little boy she had by him, and married her unto his son Cleomenes, Cleomenes the son of Leonidas. who was yet under age to mary: fearing lest this young Lady should be bestowed else where, being in deed a great heir, and of a rich house, and the Daughter of Gylippus, called by her name Agiatis, Agiatis, the Daughter of Gylippus, and wife to king Agis. besides that she was the fairest woman at that time in all GRAECE, and the vertuousest and best conditioned. Wherefore, for divers respects she prayed she might not be forced to it. But now being at length married unto Cleomenes, she ever hated Leonidas to the death, and yet was a good and loving wife unto her young husband: Who immediately after he was married unto her, Agiatis, king Agis wife, married unto Cleomenes. fell greatly in fancy with her, and for compassions sake (as it seemed) he thanked her for the love she bore unto her first husband, and for the loving remembrance she had of him: insomuch as he himself many times would fall in talk of it, and would be inquisitive how things had passed, taking great pleasure to hear of Agis wise counsel and purpose. For Cleomenes was as desirous of honour, and had as noble a mind as Agis, and was borne also to temperancy and moderation of life, as Agis in like manner was: howbeit, he had not that shamefast modesty and lenity which the other had, but somewhat more stirring of nature, and readier to put any good matter in execution. So he thought it great honesty to bring the Citizens if he could, to be contented to live after an honest sort: but contrarily, he thought it no dishonesty to bring them unto good life, by compulsion also. Furthermore, the manners of the Citizens of SPARTA, giving themselves over to idleness and pleasure, did nothing like him at all: neither that the king did suffer the common wealth to be ruled as they listed, so no man impeached his pleasure, and that they did let him alone: insomuch no man regarding the profit of the common wealth, every man was for himself, and his family. And contrarily, it was not lawful for any man to speak for the exercises of the youth, for their education in temperancy, and for the restoring a gain of equality of life, the preferment whereof was the only cause of the late death of Agis. They say also, that Cleomenes being a young stripling, had heard some disputation of Philosophy, when the Philosopher Sphaerus, Sphaerus, a Philosopher of Borysthenes of the country of BORYSTHENES came to LACEDAEMON, and lovingly stayed there to teach young men and children. He was one of the chiefest scholars of Zenon CITIAN, and delighted (as it seemed) in Cleomenes noble mind, and had a great desire to prick him forward unto honour. For, as it is reported; that the ancient Leonidas being demanded what Poet he thought Tyrtaeus to be, answered he was good to flatter young men's minds: for he set their hearts a fire by his verses, when they began to fight any battle, fearing no danger, they were so encouraged by them. So the Stoic discipline is somewhat dangerous, for the stout and valiant minds, which otherwise doth make them desperate: but when they are joined unto a grave and gentle nature, first it lifteth up his heart, and then maketh him taste the profit thereof. Now Leonidas (the father of Cleomenes) being deceased, and he himself comen unto the crown, finding that the Citizens of SPARTA at that time were very dissolute, that the rich men followed their pleasure and profit taking no care of the common weal, that the poor men also for very want and need went with no good life and courage to the wars, neither cared for the bringing up of their children, and that he himself had but the name of a king, and the Ephori the absolute authority to do what they listed: at his first coming to his kingdom, he determined to altar the whole state and government of the common wealth. Who having a friend called Xenares, that had been his lover in his youth (which the LACEDÆMONIANS called Empnistae, as much as inspired) he began to sound his opinion, ask what manner of man king Agis had been, and by what reason, and whose advise he had followed in his attempt for the reformation of the common wealth. Xenares at the first did not willingly rehearse these things unto him, declaring every thing what had passed. But when he found that Cleomenes was affected unto king Agis intent, & still desired to hear of it: then Xenares sharply and angrily reproved him, and told him he was not wise, nor well advised, and at length would no more come and talk with him as he was wont, yet making no man privy why he abstained from coming to him, but told them that asked him, he knew a cause well enough why. Xenares now having thus refused him, and thinking all the rest would do the like: to bring this matter to pass, he took this resolution with himself. Cleomenes did set the Lacedæmonians and Achaians together by the ears. Because he thought he might the rather do it in war, then in peace, he set the city of SPARTA and the ACHAIANS at variance together: who did themselves give the first occasion to be complained upon. For Aratus being Precedent and chief of all the ACHAIANS, had practised a long time to bring all PELOPONNESUS into one body: and had therefore only sustained great troubles in wars, and at home in peace: thinking that there was no other way to deliver them from foreign wars. Now when he had won all the other people to be of his opinion: there remained no more but the ELIANS, the LACEDÆMONIANS, and a few of the ARCHADIANS, which were subject unto the LACEDÆMONIANS. When king Leonidas was dead, Aratus began to invade the ARCHADIANS, those specially that bordered upon the ARGIVES: to prove how the LACEDÆMONIANS would take it, making no account of Cleomenes, being but a young king, & had no experience of wars. Thereupon the Ephori sent Cleomenes unto ATHAENIUM (a temple of Minerva hard by the city of BELBINA) with an army to take it: because it was a passage & entry into the country of LACONIA, howbeit the place at that time was in question betwixt the MEGALOPOLITANES, and the LACEDÆMONIANS. Cleomenes got it, and fortified it. Aratus making no complaint otherwise of the matter, stolen out one night with his army to set upon the TEGEANS, and ORCHOMENIANS, hoping to have taken those cities by treason. But the traitors that were of his confederacy, their hearts failed them when they should have gone about it: so that Aratus returned, having lost his journey, thinking that this secret attempt of his was not discovered. But Cleomenes finely wrote unto him as his friend, and asked him, whether he had led his army by night: Aratus returned answer again, that understanding Cleomenes meant to fortify BELBINA, he went forth with his army, thinking to have let him. Cleomenes wrote again unto him, and said he did believe that which he spoke was true: howbeit he earnestly requested him, (if it were no trouble to him) to advertise him why he brought schaling ladders and lights after him. Aratus smiling at this mock, asked what this young man was. Democritus LACEDAEMONIAN being a banished man out of his country, answered: if thou hast any thing to do against the LACEDÆMONIANS, thou hadst need make haste, before this young Cockerel have on his spurs. Then Cleomenes being in the field in the country of ARCADIA, with a few horsemen and three hundred footmen only: the Ephori being afraid of wars, sent for him to return again. His back was no sooner turned, obeying their commandment: but Aratus suddenly took the city of CAPHYES. Thereupon, the Ephori incontinently sent Cleomenes back again with his army: Cleomenes journey into the country of the Argives. who took the fort of Methydrium, and burned the borders of the ARGIVES. The ACHAIANS came against him with an army of twenty thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen, led by Aristomachus: Cleomenes met with them by the city of PALANTIUM, and offered battle. But Aratus quaking at the hardiness of this young man, would not suffer Aristomachus to hazard battle, but went his way, derided by the ACHAIANS, and despised by the LACEDÆMONIANS: who in all were not above five thousand fight men. Cleomenes courage being now lift up, The victory of Cleomenes against Aratus. and bravely speaking to his citizens: he remembered them of a saying of one of their ancient kings, that the LACEDÆMONIANS never enquired what number their enemies were, but where they were. Shortly after, the ACHAIANS making war with the ELIANS, The saying of the kings of Lacedaemon touching their enemies. Cleomenes was sent to aid them, & met with the army of the ACHAIANS by the mountain Lyceum, as they were in their return: he setting upon them, gave them the overthrow, slew a great number of them, and took many also prisoners, that the rumour ran through GRAECE, how Aratus self was slain. Cleomenes wisely taking the occasion which this victory gave him: he went strait to the city of MANTINAEA, and taking it upon a sudden, when no man knew of his coming, he put a strong garrison into it. Now the LACEDÆMONIANS hearts failing them, and resisting Cleomenes enterprises, overwearying them with wars: he went about to send for Archidamus, king Agis brother, being then at MESSENA, unto whom the kingdom of right belonged by the other house, supposing that he should easily weaken the power of the ephors, by the authority of the two kings, if both of them joined together. Which when the murderers of king Agis understood, being afraid that Archidamus returning from exile, Archidamus king Agis brother slain. he would be revenged of them: they secretly received him into the city, and found the means to bring him into SPARTA. But when they had him, they put him strait to death, whether it was unwitting to Cleomenes (as Phylarchus plainly testifieth) or else with his privity, suffering them to make him away, by persuasion of his friends. But it is a clear case, the city was burdened withal, because probable matter fell out that they had compelled Cleomenes to do it. Nevertheless, he holding still his first determination, to altar the state of the common wealth of SPARTA, as soon as he could possible: he so fed the ephors with money, that he brought them to be contented he should make war. He had also won many other citizens by the means of his mother Cratesiclea, who furnished him with money, that he lacked not to honour him withal: and further, married as it is reported, (being otherwise not meant to marry) for her sons sake, unto one of the wealthiest men of all the city. So Cleomenes leading his army into the field, wan a place within the territory of MEGALOPOLIS, called LEUCTRA. The ACHAIANS also being quickly come to their aid, led by Aratus: they strait fought a battle by the city self, where Cleomenes had the worst on the one side of his army. Howbeit Aratus would not suffer the ACHAIANS to follow them, because of bogs and quavemyres, but sounded the retreat. But Lysiadas a MEGALOPOLITAN being angry withal, caused the horsemen he had about him to follow the chase, who pursued so fiercely, that they came amongst vines, walls, and ditches, where he was driven to disperse his men, and yet could not get out. Cleomenes perceiving it, Lysiadas slain. sent the light horsemen of the TARENTINS & CRETANS against him: of whom Lysiadas valiantly fight was slain. Then the LACEDÆMONIANS being courageous for this victory, Cleomenes victory of the Achaians. came with great cries, & giving a fierce charge upon the ACHAIANS, overthrew their whole army, and slew a marvelous number of them: but yet Cleomenes at their request suffered them to take up the dead bodies of their men to bury them. For Lysiadas corpse, he caused it to be brought unto him, and putting a purple to be upon it, and a crown on his head, sent it in this array unto the very gates of the city of MEGALOPOLIS. It was that self Lysiadas, who giving over the tyranny and government of MEGALOPOLIS, Lysiadas, tyrant of Megalopolis, gave over his tyranny, and made it a popular state. made it a popular state, and free city, and joined it to the ACHAIANS. After this victory, Cleomenes that determined greater matters and attempts, persuaded himself that if he might once come to stablish the affairs of the common wealth at SPARTA to his mind, he might then easily overcome the ACHAIANS: broke with his father in law Megistonus, and told him that it was necessary to take away the authority of the ephors, and to make division of the lands among the SPARTANS, and then being brought to equality, to encourage them to recover the Empire of GRAECE again unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, which their predecessors before them, held and enjoyed. Megistonus granting his good will and furtherance, joined two or three of his friends more unto him. It chanced at that time that one of the ephors lying in the temple of Pasiphaé, The dream of one of the ephors. had a marvelous dream in the night. For he thought he saw but one chair standing where the Ephori did use to sit to give audience, and that the other four which were wont to be there, were taken away: and that marveling at it, he heard a voice out of the temple that said, that was the best for SPARTA. He declaring this dream the next morning unto Cleomenes, it somewhat troubled him at the first, thinking that he came to feel him, for that he had heard some inkling of his intent. But when he persuaded himself that the other meant good faith, and lied not unto him, being bolder than before, he went forward with his purpose, and taking with him unto the camp all those SPARTANS which he suspected to be against his enterprise, he went and took the cities of HERAEA and ALSEA, confederates of the ACHAIANS, and vitteled ORCHOMENA, and went and camped before the city of MANTINAEA. In fine, he so wearied & overharried the LACEDAEMONIAMS by long journeys, that at length they besought him he would let them remain in ARCADIA, to repose themselves there. In the mean time, Cleomenes with his strangers which he had hired, returned again unto SPARTA, and imparted his intent by the way unto them he trusted best, and marched at his own ease, that he might take the ephors at supper. When he came near unto the city, he sent Euryclidas before, into the hall of the ephors, as though he brought them news out of the camp from him. After him, he sent also Therition & Phaebis, and two other that had been brought up with him, whom the LACEDÆMONIANS called the SAMOTHRACIANS, taking with them a few soldiers. Now whilst Euryclidas was talking with the ephors, they also came in upon them with their sword drawn, and did set upon the ephors. Agesilaus was hurt first of all, and falling down, made as though he had been slain, but by little & little he crept out of the hall, and got secretly into a chapel consecrated unto Fear, the which was wont ever to be kept shut, but then by chance was left open, when he was come in, he shut the door fast to him. The other four of the ephors were slain presently, Cleomenes siue the ephors. and above ten more besides, which came to defend them. Furthermore, for them that sat still and stirred not, they killed not a man of them, neither did keep any man that was desirous to go out of the city: but moreover, they pardoned Agesilaus, who came the next morning out of the chapel of Fear. Amongst the LACEDÆMONIANS in the city of SPARTA, divers temples at Sparta, of fear, death, & such other fancies. there are not only temples of fear and death, but also of laughter, and of many other such passions of the mind. They do worship Fear, not as other spirits and devils that are hurtful: but because they are persuaded, that nothing preserveth a common wealth better than fear. Wherefore the Ephori (as Aristotle witnesseth) when they are created, do by public proclamation command all the SPARTANS to shave their chins, and to obey the law, lest they should make them feel the rigour of the law. They brought in the shaving of their chins, in my opinion, to enure young men to obey the Magistrates even in trifles. Moreover it seems that men in old time did esteem fortitude to be no taking away of fear, but rather a fear & lothnes to incur shame. For commonly those that are most afraid to offend the law, The valiantest men are most afraid or offend the law. are in the field most valiant against their enemy: and shun no peril to win fame and honest reputation. And therefore it was wisely said of one, That fear can not be without shamefastness. And so Homer in a certain place made Helen say unto king Priamus: Of truth I do confess dear father in la, You are the man of whom I stand in awe, And reverence most of all that ere I saw. And in an other place, speaking of the GRECIAN soldiers, he saith thus: For fear of their Captains they spoke not a word. The chapel of fear, joined to the hall of the ephors. For men do use to reverence them whom they fear. And this was the cause why the chapel of Fear was by the hall of the ephors, having in manner a princely and absolute authority. The next morning Cleomenes banished by trumpet, four score citizens of SPARTA, and overthrew all the chairs of the ephors but one only, the which he reserved for himself to sit in to give audience. The oration of king Cleomenes, touching the first original of the ephors. Then calling the people to counsel, he gave them an account of his doings, and told them that Lycurgus had joined the Senators with the kings, & how the city had been governed a long time by them, without help of any other officers. Notwithstanding, afterwards the city having great wars with the MESSENIANS, the kings being always employed in that war, whereby they could not attend the affairs of the common wealth at home, did choose certain of their friends to sit in judgement in their steads, to determine controversies of law: which were called ephors, and did govern long time as the kings ministers, howbeit that afterwards, by little and little, they took upon them absolute government by themselves. And for manifest proof hereof, you see that at this present time when the Ephori do sand for the king, the first and second time, they refuse to come, but the third time he riseth and goeth unto them. The first man that gave the ephors this authority, Asteropus, the first man that gave authority to the ephors. was Asteropus, one of the ephors many years after the first institution of the kings: and yet if they had governed discreetly, peradventure they might have continued longer. But they licentiously abusing their authority, by suppressing the lawful Governors instituted of old time, taking upon them to banish some of their kings, and putting other of them also to death, without law and justice, and threatening others that desire to restore that noble and former blessed government unto SPARTA again: all these things I say, are in no wise to be suffered any longer. And therefore, if it had been possible to have banished all these plagues of the common wealth out of SPARTA, brought from foreign nations: (I mean, pleasures, pastimes, money, dets, and usuries, and others yet more ancient, poverty and riches) he might then have esteemed himself the happiest king that ever was, if like a good Physician he had cured his country of that infection, without grief or sorrow. But in that he was constrained to begin with blood, he followed Lycurgus' example: who being neither king nor other Magistrate, but a private citizen only, taking upon him the authority of the king, boldly came into the market place with force and armed men, and made king Charilaus that then reigned, so afraid, that he was driven to take sanctuary in one of the temples. But the king being a Prince of a noble nature, and loving the honour of his country: took part with Lycurgus, adding to his advise and counsel, for the alteration of the state of the government of the common wealth, which he did confirm. Hereby than it appeareth, that Lycurgus saw it was a hard thing to altar the common wealth without force and fear: the which he notwithstanding had used with as great modesty and discretion, as might be possible, banishing them that were against the profit and wealth of LACEDAEMON, giving all the lands of the country also to be equally divided amongst them, and setting all men clear that were in debt. And furthermore, that he would make a choice and proof of the strangers, to make them free citizens of SPARTA, whom he knew to be honest men, thereby to defend their city the better by force of arms: to th'end that from henceforth we may no more see our country of LACONIA spoiled by the AETOLIANS and ILLYRIANS, for lack of men to defend themselves against them. Cleomenes reformeth the state of the common wealth of Lacedaemon. Then he began first himself to make all his goods common, and after him Megistonus his father in law, and consequently all his other friends. Then he caused the lands also to be divided, and ordained every banished man a part, whom he himself had exiled, promising that he would receive them again into the city, when he had established all things. So when he had replenished the number of the citizens of SPARTA, with the choicest honest men their neighbours: he made four thousand footmen well armed, and taught them to use their pikes with both hands, in stead of their darts with one hand, and to carry their targets with a good strong handle, and not buckled with a leather thong. Afterwards he took order for the education of children, and to restore the ancient LACONIAN discipline again: and did all these things in manner by the help of Sphaerus the Philosopher. Insomuch as he had quickly set up again school houses for children, and also brought them to the old order of diet: and all, but a very few, without compulsion were willing to fall to their old institution of life. Then because the name of one king should not offend any man, he made his brother Euclidas king with him. But this was the first time that ever the two kings were of one house but then. Furthermore, understanding that the ACHAIANS and Aratus were of opinion, that he durst not come out of LACEDAEMON, for fear to leave it in peril of revolting, because of the late change and alteration in the common wealth: he thought it an honourable attempt of him, to make his enemies see the readiness and good will of his army. Cleomenes invadeth the borders of the Megalopolitans. Thereupon he invaded the territories of the MEGALOPOLITANS, and brought away a great pray and booty, after he had done great hurt unto his enemies. Then having taken certain players and minstrels that came from MESSINA, he set up a stage within the enemy's country, made a game of 40. Minas for the victor, and sat a whole day to look upon them, for no pleasure he took in the sight of it, but more to despite the enemies withal, in making them see how much he was stronger than they, to make such a Mayegame in their own country, in despite of them. For of all the armies otherwise of the GRECIANS, or kings in all GRAECE, there was no army only but his, that was without players, minstrels, fools and jugglers: for his camp only was clean of such rabble and foolery, and all the young men fell to some exercise of their bodies, and the old men also to teach them. And if they chanced to have any vacant time, than they would pleasantly be one merry with an other, in giving some pretty fine mock after the LACONIAN manner. And what profit they got by that kind of exercise, we have written it at large in Lycurgus' life. King Cleomenes, the teacher and example of temperancy. But of all these things, the king himself was their schoolmaster and example, showing himself very temperate of life, and plain without curiosity, no more than any private soldier of all his camp: the which were great helps unto him in his enterprises he made in GRAECE. For the GRECIANS having cause of suit and negotiation with other kings and Princes, did not wonder so much at their pomp and riches, as they did abhor and detest their pride and insolency: so disdainfully they would answer them that had to do with them. But contrarily when they went unto Cleomenes, who was a king in name and deed as they were, finding no purple robes nor stately mantels, nor rich embroidered beds, nor a Prince to be spoken to but by messengers, gentlemen ushers, and supplications, and yet with great a do: and seeing him also come plainly appareled unto them, with a good countenance, and courteously answering the matters they came for: he thereby did marvelously win their hearts and good wills, that when they returned home, they said he only was the worthy king, that came of the race of Hercules. Cleomenes moderate diet. Now for his diet at his board, that was very strait and LACONIAN like, keeping only three boards: and if he chanced to feast any Ambassadors or other his friends that came to see him, he then added to two other boards, and beside, made his men to see that his fare should be amended, not with pastry and conserves, but with more store of meat, and some better wine then ordinary. For he one day reproved one of his friends, that bidding strangers to supper, he gave them nothing but black broth, & brown bread only, according to their LACONIAN manner. Nay, said he, we may not use strangers so hardly after our manner. The board being taken up, an other little table was brought with three feet, whereupon they set a bowl of copper full of wine, and two silver cups of a pottle a piece, and certain other few silver pots beside: so every man drank what they lifted, and no man was forced to drink more than he would. Furthermore, there was no sport, nor any pleasant song. sung, Cleomenes courteous entertainment at his board. to make the company merry, for it needed not. For Cleomenes self would entertain them with some pretty questions, or pleasant tale: whereby, as his talk was not severe and without pleasure, so was it also pleasant without insolency. For he was of opinion, that to win men by gifts or money, as other kings and Princes did, was but base and cloynelike: but to seek their good wills by courteous means, and pleasantness, and therewith to mean good faith, that he thought most fit and honourable for a Prince. For this was his mind, that there was no other difference betwixt a friend and hireling: but that the one is won with money, and the other with civility & good entertainment. The first therefore that received king Cleomenes into their city, were the MANTINIANS, who opened him the gates in the night, and helping him to drive out the garrison of the ACHAIANS, they yielded themselves unto him. But he referring them to the use and government of their own laws and liberty, departed from thence the same day, and went unto the city of TEGEA. Cleomenes leadeth his army against Aratus, and the Achaians. Shortly after, he compassed about ARCADIA, and came unto PHERES in ARCADIA determining one of the two, either to give the ACHAIANS battle, or to bring Aratus out of favour with the people, for that he had suffered him to spoil and destroy their country. Hyperbatas was at that time General of the ACHAIANS, but Aratus did bear all the sway and authority. Then the ACHAIANS coming into the field with all their people armed, and encamping by the city of DYMES, near unto the temple of Hecatombaum: Cleomenes going thither, lay betwixt the city of DYMES that was against him, and the camp of his enemies, which men thought a very unwise part of him. Howbeit valiantly provoking the ACHAIANS, The victory of Cleomenes against the Achaians. he procured them to the battle, overthrew them, made them fly, and slew a great number in the field, and took many of them also prisoners. Departing from thence, he went and set upon the city of LANGON, and drove the garrison of the ACHAIANS out of it, and restored the city again unto the ELIANS. The ACHAIANS being then in very hard state, Aratus that of custom was wont to be their General, (or at the lest once in two years) refused now to take the charge, notwithstanding the ACHAIANS did specially pray and entreat him: the which was in ill act of him, to let an other steer the rudder, in so dangerous a storm and tempest. Therefore the ACHAIANS sent Ambassadors unto Cleomenes to treat peace, unto whom it seemed he gave a very sharp answer. After that, he sent unto them, and willed them only to resign the signiory of GRAECE unto him: and that for all other matters he would deal reasonably with them, and presently deliver them up their towns & prisoners again, which he had taken of theirs. The ACHAIANS being glad of peace with these conditions, wrote unto Cleomenes that he should come unto the city of LERNA, where the diet and general assembly should be kept to consult thereupon. It chanced then that Cleomenes marching thither, being very hot, drank cold water, and fell of such a bleeding withal, that his voice was taken from him, and he almost stifled. Wherefore he sent the ACHAIANS their chiefest prisoners home again, proroging the parliament till an other time, and returned back to LACEDAEMON. It is supposed certainly, that this let of his coming to the diet, was the only cause of the utter destruction of GRAECE: the which otherwise was in good way to have risen again, and to have been delivered from the present miseries, and extreme pride and covetousness of the MACEDONIANS. For Aratus, either for that he trusted not Cleomenes, or for that he was afraid of his power, or that he otherwise envied his honour & prosperity, to see him risen to such incredible greatness in so short a time, and thinking it also too great shame and dishonour to him, to suffer this young man in a moment to deprive him of his great honour & power which he had possessed so long time, by the space of thirty years together, ruling all GRAECE: first, he sought by force to terrify the ACHAIANS, and to make them break of from this peace. But in fine, finding that they little regarded his threats, & that he could not prevail with them, for that they were afraid of Cleomenes valiantness and courage, whose request they thought reasonable, for that he fought but to restore PELOPONNESUS into her former ancient estate again: he fell then into a practice far unhonest for a GRECIAN, very infamous for himself, but most dishonourable for the former noble acts he had done. For he brought Antigonus into GRAECE, Aratus treason to his country. and in his age filled the country of PELOPONNESUS with MACEDONIANS, whom he himself in his youth had driven thence, had taken from them the castle of CORINTHE, and had always been an enemy of the kings (but specially of Antigonus, of whom before he had spoken all the ill he could, as appeareth in his writings, saying that he took marvelous pains, and did put himself into many dangers, to deliver the city of ATHENS from the garrison of the MACEDONIANS) and yet notwithstanding he brought them armed with his own hands, not into his country only, but into his own house, yea even into the Lady's chambers & closerts: disdaining that the king of LACEDAEMON, descending of the blood royal of Hercules (who setting up again the ancient manner of life of his country, did temper it as an instrument of music out of tune, and brought it to the good, ancient and sober discipline and DORICAN life instituted by Lycurgus) should be called and written, king of the SICYONIANS, and of the TRICCAEIANS. And furthermore, flying them that were contented with brown bread, and with the plain course capes of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and that went about to take away riches (which was the chiefest matter they did accuse Cleomenes for) and to provide for the poor: he went and put himself and all ACHAIA unto the crown and diadem, the purple rob, and proud imperious commandments of the MACEDONIANS, fearing lest men should think that Cleomenes could command him. Furthermore his folly was such, that having garlands of flowers on his head, he did sacrifice unto Antigonus, & sing songs in praise of his honour, as if he had been a god, where he was but a rotten man, consumed away. This that we have written of Aratus (who was endued with many noble virtues, & a worthy GRECIAN) is not so much to accuse him, as to make us see the frayelty and weakness of man's nature: the which, though it have never so excellent virtues, can not yet bring forth such perfect fruit, but that it hath ever some maim and blemish. Now, when the ACHAIANS were met again in the city of ARGOS, to hold the session of their parliament before prorogued, and Cleomenes also being come from TEGEA, to be at that parliament: every man was in hope of good peace. But Aratus then, who was agreed before of the chiefest articles of the capitulations with Antigonus, fearing that Cleomenes by fair words or force would bring the people to grant that he desired: sent to let him understand, that he should but come himself alone into the city, and for safety of his person, they would give him three hundred hostages: or otherwise, if he would not leave his army, that then they would give him audience without the city, in the place of exercises, called Cyllarabium. When Cleomenes had heard their answer, he told them that they had done him wrong: for they should have advertised him of it before he had taken his journey, and not now when he was almost hard at their gates, to send him back again, with a flea in his care. Thereupon he wrote a letter unto the counsel of the ACHAIANS, altogether full of complaints against Aratus. On tother side also, Aratus in his oration to the counsel, inveighed with bitter words against Cleomenes. Thereupon Cleomenes departing with speed, sent a Herald to proclaim wars against the ACHAIANS, not in the city of ARGOS, but in the city of AEGION, as Aratus writeth, meaning to set upon them being unprovided. hereupon all ACHAIA was in an uproar: for divers cities did presently revolt against the ACHAIANS, because the common people hoped after the division of lands, and the discharging of their debts. The noble men also in many places were offended with Aratus, because he practised to bring the MACEDONIANS into the country of PELOPONNESUS. Cleomenes therefore hoping well for all these respects, brought his army into ACHAIA, and at his first coming took the city of PALLENA, and drove out the garrison of the ACHAIANS: and after that, wan also the cities of PHENEUM, and PENTELIUM. Now the ACHAIANS fearing some treason in CORINTHE and SYCIONE, sent certain horsemen out of the city of ARGOS, to keep those cities. The ARGIVES in the mean time, attending the celebration of the feast at the games Nemeca, Cleomenes thinking (which fell out true) that if he went to ARGOS, he should find the city full of people that were come to see the feasts and games, and that assailing them upon the sudden, he should put them in a marvelous fear brought his army in the night hard to the walls of the city of ARGOS, Cleomenes winneth the city of Argos. and at his first coming wan a place they call Aspis, a very strong place above the Theatre, and ill to come unto. The ARGIVES were so amazed at it, that no man would take upon him to defend the city, but received Cleomenes garrison, and gave him twenty hostages, promising thenceforth to be true confederates unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, under his charge and conduct. The which doubtless wan him great fame, and increased his power: for that the ancient kings of LACEDAEMON, could never before with any policy or devise, win the city of ARGOS. For king Pyrrhus one of the most valiantest and warlikest Prince that ever was, King Pyrrhus slain at the city of Argos. entering the city of ARGOS by force, could not keep it, but was slain there; and the most part of his army: whereby, every man wondered greatly at the diligence & counsel of Cleomenes. And where every man did mock him before, when Cleomenes said that he would follow Solon, and Lycurgus, in making the citizen's goods common, and discharging all dets: they were then clearly persuaded that he only was the cause and mean of that great change, which they saw in the courage of the SPARTANS: who were before so weak and out of heart, that they having no courage to defend themselves, the AETOLIANS entering LACONIA, with an army, took away at one time, fifty thousand slaves. Whereupon an old man of SPARTA pleasantly said at that time, that their enemies had done them a great pleasure, to rid their country of LACONIA of such a rabble of rascals. Shortly after, they being entered again into the former ancient discipline of Lycurgus, The force of Lycurgus' la●es. as if Lycurgus' self had been alive to have trained them unto it they showed themselves very valiant, and obedient also unto their Magistrates, whereby they recovered again the commandment of all GRAECE, and the country also of PELOPONNESUS. After Cleomenes had taken the city of ARGOS, the cities also of CLEONES, and PHLIUNTA, did yield themselves unto him. Aratus in the mean time remained at CORINTHE, & there did busily accuse them which were suspected to favour the LACEDÆMONIANS. But when news was brought him that ARGOS was taken, & that he perceived also the city of CORINTHE did lean unto Cleomenes part, and drove away the ACHAIANS: he then calling the people to counsel in CORINTHE, secretly stolen to one of the gates of the city, and causing his horse to be brought unto him, took his back, and galloped for life unto the city of SICYONE. When the CORINTHIANS heard of it, they took their hosebackes also, striving who should be there soonest, and posted in such haste unto Cleomenes at the city of ARGOS, that many of them (as Aratus writeth) killed their horses by the way: howbeit Cleomenes was very much offended with them, for that they had let him scape their hands. But Aratus saith further, that Megistonus came unto him from Cleomenes, and offered him a great sum of money to deliver him the castle of CORINTHE, wherein there was a great garrison of the ACHAIANS. But he answered again, that things were not in his power, but rather that he was subject to their power. Now Cleomenes departing from the city of ARGOS, overcame the TROEZENIANS, the EPIDAVEIANS, & the HERMIONIANS. After that, he came unto CORINTHE, and presently entrenched the castle there round about, and sending for Aratus friends and factors, commanded them to keep his house and goods carefully for him, and sent Tritymallus MESSENIAN again unto him, to pray him to be contented that the castle might be kept indifferently betwixt the ACHAIANS and LACEDÆMONIANS, promising him privately to double the pension that king Ptolemy gave him. But Aratus refusing it, sent his son unto Antigonus with other hostages, and persuaded the ACHAIANS to deliver up the castle of CORINTHE, unto Antigonus hands. Cleomenes understanding it, entered with his army into the country of the SICYONIANS, and destroyed it as he went, and took Aratus goods and money, of the gift of the CORINTHIANS by decree. Now Antigonus in the mean time, being passed the mountain of Gerania with a great power: Cleomenes determined not to fortify the Isthmus or strait of PELOPONNESUS, but the ways of the mountains Onienes, determining to keep every one of them against the MACEDONIANS, with intent to consume them rather by time, then to fight a battle with an army, so good soldiers and well trained as they were. Cleomenes following this determination, did put Antigonus to great trouble, because he had not in time provided for corn: and could not win the passage also by force, for that Cleomenes kept it with such guard and soldiers. Then Antigonus stealing secretly into the haven of Lechaeum, he was stoutly repulsed, and lost a number of his men: whereupon Cleomenes and his men being courageous for this victory, went quietly to supper. Antigonus on tother side fell into despair, to see him self brought by necessity into such hard terms. Wherefore he determined to go to the temple of juno, and from thence to pass his army by sea into the city of SICYONE, the which required a long time, and great preparation. But the same night there came some of Aratus friends of the ARGIVES, who coming from ARGOS by sea, brought news that the ARGIVES were rebelled against Cleomenes. The Argives do rebel against Cleomenes. The practiser of this rebellion, was one Aristoteles, who easily brought the people unto it, that were already offended with Cleomenes, that had promised to pass a law for the clearing of debts, but performed it not according to their expectation. Wherefore, Aratus with a thousand five hundred men which Antigonus gave him, went by sea unto EPIDAURUM. Howbeit Aristoteles tarried not his coming, but taking them of the city with him, went and besieged the garrison of the LACEDÆMONIANS within the castle, being aided by Timoxenus, with the ACHAIANS that came from SICYONE. Cleomenes receiving advertisement hereof, about the second watch of the night, sent for Megistonus in haste, and commanded him in anger speedily to go and aid their men that were in the city of ARGOS. For it was Megistonus himself that promised Cleomenes the fidelity of the ARGIVES, and that kept him from driving them out of the city, which he suspected. So sending him away forthwith with two thousand men, he attended Antigonus; and comforted the CORINTHIANS the best he could: advertising them that it was but a little mutiny of a few, that chanced in the city of ARGOS. Megistonus being come to ARGOS, and slain in battle, fighting for the LACEDÆMONIANS in garrison there (who being in great distress, scant able to keep the castle against the enemies) sent sundry messengers unto Cleomenes, to pray him to send them immediate aid. Cleomenes then being afraid that the enemies having taken ARGOS, would stop his way to return back into his country, who having opportunity safely to spoil LACONIA, and also to besiege the city self of SPARTA, that had but a few men to defend it: he departed with his army from CORINTHE. Immediately after came Antigonus, and took it from him, and put a strong garrison into it. When Cleomenes came before the city of ARGOS, Cleomenes lost the city of Corinthe. he scaled the walls, and breaking the vaults and arches of the place called Aspis; entered into the city, and joined with his garrison there, which yet resisted the ACHAIANS: and taking other parts of the same also, assaulted the walls, and cleared the streets in such sort, that not an enemy durst be seen, for fear of the archers of the CRETANS. In the mean time, when he saw Antigonus a far of, Cleomenes lost the city of Argos. coming down the hills into the valley with his footmen, and that his horsemen also came upon the spur into the city: dispayringe then that he could any longer keep it, he gathered all his men together, and safely going down by the walls retired without loss of any man. So, when in short time he had conquered much, and had almost won all within PELOPONNESUS: in shorter space also, he lost all again. For, of the confederates that were in his came, some did presently forsake him: others also immediately after surrendered up the towns unto Antigonus. Cleomenes being thus oppressed with the fortune of war, when he came back to TEGEA with the rest of his army, news came to him in the night from LACEDAEMON, which grieved him as much as the loss of all his conquests: for he was advertised of the death of his wife Agiatis, The death of Agiatis, king Cleomenes wife. whom he loved so dearly, that in the midst of his chiefest prosperity and victories, he made often journeys to SPARTA to see her. It could not but be a marvelous grief unto Cleomenes, who being a young man, had lost so virtuous and fair a young Lady, so dearly beloved of him: and yet he gave not place unto his sorrow, neither did grief overcome his noble courage, but he used the self same voice, apparel, and countenance, that he did before. Then taking order with his private Captains, about his affairs, and having provided also for the safety of the TEGEANS: he went the next morning by break of day unto SPARTA. After he had privately lamented the sorrow of his wives death, with his mother and children: he presently bend his mind again to public causes. Now Cleomenes had sent unto Ptolemy king of EGYPT, who had promised him aid, but upon demand, to have his mother and children in pledge. So he was a long time before he would for shame make his mother privy unto it, and went oftentimes of purpose to let her understand it: but when he came, he had not the heart to break it to her. She first suspecting a thing, asked Cleomenes friends, if her son had not somewhat to say unto her, that he durst not utter. Whereupon, in fine he gave the venture, and broke the matter to her. When she heard it, she fell a laughing, and told him: The noble mind of Cratesiclea, Cleomenes mother. why, how cometh it to pass, that thou hast kept it thus long, and wouldst not tell me? Come, come, said she, put me strait into a ship, and send me whither thou wilt, that this body of mine may do some good unto my country, before crooked age consume my life without profit. Then all things being prepared for their journey, they went by land, accompanied with the army, unto the head of Taenarus. Where Cratesiclea being ready to embark, she took Cleomenes aside into the temple of Neptune, and imbracinge and kissing him, perceiving that his heart yearned for sorrow of her departure, she said unto him: O king of LACEDAEMON, let no man see for shame when we come out of the temple, that we have wept and dishonoured SPARTA. For that only is in our power, and for the rest, as it pleaseth the gods, so let it be. When she had spoken these words, and fashioned her countenance again: she went then to take her ship, Cleomenes sendeth his mother and children hostages unto Ptolemy king of Egypt. with a little son of Cleomenes, and commanded the master of the ship to hoist sail. Now when she was arrived in EGYPT, and understood that king Ptolemy received Ambassadors from Antigonus, and were in talk to make peace with him: and hearing also that Cleomenes being requested by the ACHAIANS to make peace with them, durst not harken to it, and end that war, without king Ptolemy's consent, and because of his mother: she wrote unto him, that he should not spare to do any thing that should be expedient for the honour of SPARTA, without fear of displeasing Ptolemy, or for regard of an old woman, and a young boy. Such was the noble mind of this worthy Lady in her son Cleomenes adversity. Furthermore, Antigonus having taken the city of TEGEA, and sacked the other cities of ORCHOMENUM, and MANTINAEA: Cleomenes seeing himself brought to defend the borders only of LACONIA, he did manumise all the ILOTES, (which were the slaves of LACEDAEMON) paying five Attica Minas a man. With that money he made the sum of five hundred talentes, and armed two thousand of these freed slaves after the MACEDONIAN fashion to fight against the LEUCASPIDES: (to wit, the white shields of Antigonus) and then there fell into his mind a marvelous great enterprise, unlooked for of every man. The city of MEGALIPOLIS at that time being as great as SPARTA, & having the aid of the ACHAIANS, and Antigonus at hand, (whom the ACHAIANS as it seemed had brought it, chief at the request of the MEGALOPOLITANS) Cleomenes determining to sack this city, and knowing that to bring it to pass, nothing was more requisite than celerity: he commanded his soldiers to victual themselves for five days, and marching with the choice of all his army towards SELASIA, as though he had meant to have spoiled the ARGIVES, suddenly turning from thence, he invaded the country of the MEGALOPOLITANS, and supping by ROETIUM, went strait by ELICUNTA unto the city. When he was come near unto it, he sent Panteas before with speed, with two bands of the LACEDÆMONIANS, and commanded him to take a certain piece of the wall between two towers, which he knew was not kept nor guarded: and he followed him also with the rest of his army coming on fair and softly. When Panteas came thither, finding not only that place of the wall without guard or watch which Cleomenes had told him of, Cleomenes wan the city of Megalipolis. but also the most part of that side without defence: he took some part of the wall at his first coming, and manned it, and overthrew an other piece of it also, putting them all to the sword that did defend it, and then came Cleomenes, and was within the city with his army, before the MEGALOPOLITANS knew of his coming. At length, the citizens understanding that the city was taken, some fled in haste, conveying such light things as came to hand, in so great a fear: and the others also arming themselves, ran together to resist the enemies. But though they valiantly fought to repulse them out of the city, and yet prevailed not: they gave the rest leisure thereby to fly and save themselves, so that there remained not behind, above a thousand men. For all the rest were fled with their wives and children, into the city of MESSENA. The most part of them also that fought with the enemies, saved themselves, and very few were taken, the chiefest whereof, were Lysandridas, and Thearidas, the noblest persons that were amongst the MEGALOPOLITANS: wherefore when the soldiers had taken them, they brought them unto Cleomenes. Lysandridas, when he saw Cleomenes a good way of, cried out aloud unto him: O king of LACEDAEMON, this day thou hast an occasion offered thee to do a more famous princely act, then that which thou hast already done, and that will make thy name also more glorious. Cleomenes musing what he would request: well (q he) what is that thou requirest? One thing I will tell thee before hand, thou shalt not make me restore your city to you again. Yet, q Lysandridas, let me request thus much then, that ye do not destroy it, but rather replenish it with friends and confederates, which hereafter will be true and faithful to you: and that shall you do, giving the MEGALOPOLITANS their city again, and preserving such a number of people as have forsaken it. Cleomenes pausing a while, answered, it was a hard thing to believe that: but yet q he, Cleomenes noble saying. let honour take place with us, before profit. After that he sent a Herald strait unto MESSENA unto them that were fled thither, and told them that he was contented to offer them their city again, so that they would become good friends and confederates of the LACEDÆMONIANS, forsaking the alliance of the ACHAIANS. Philopoemen would by no means suffer the MEGALOPOLITANS to accept this gracious offer of Cleomenes, nor also to leave their alliance with the ACHAIANS: telling them, that he meant not to give them their city again, but to take them also with their city: and therefore drove Thearidas and Lysandridas out of MESSENA, that moved this practice. It was that Philopoemen that afterwards was the chiefest man of the ACHAIANS, and that wan such fame and honour among the GRECIANS, as we have particularly declared in his life. This word being brought to Cleomenes, who had kept the city from spoiling until that time: Cleomenes razed the city of Megalipolis. he was then so thoroughly offended, that he gave the goods in pray to the soldiers, sent away their goodly tables, images, and pictures unto SPARTA, and defaced the chiefest parts of the city, and then returned home again, being afraid of Antigonus, and the ACHAIANS. Howbeit they stirred not, because of the parliament that was kept at that time in the city of AEGIUM, where Aratus being in the pulpit for orations, and holding his gown a long time before his face, the people marveling at it, willed him to tell what he ailed: he answered them, MEGALIPOLIS is taken, and razed by Cleomenes. The ACHAIANS being amazed at the suddenness of this great loss, strait broke of their parliament and assembly. But Antigonus thinking to aid them, sent presently for all his garrisons, who being long a coming, he willed them to stay where they were, and he himself taking a few soldiers with him, went unto the city of ARGOS. Therefore the second enterprise of Cleomenes, seemeth at the first sight a very rash and desperate attempt: howbeit Polybius writeth, that it was an attempt of great wisdom and policy. Cleomenes stratagem. For Cleomenes understanding that the MACEDONIANS were dispersed in garrisons in divers places, and that Antigonus lay all the winter in the city of ARGOS, with a certain number of footmen that were strangers: he invaded the country of the ARGIVES with his army, persuading himself, that either Antigonus would for shame come and fight with him, or if he did not, that then he should put him in disgrace with the ARGIVES: which in deed came so to pass. The ARGIVES seeing their country spoiled by Cleomenes, were in a marvelous rage, and gathering together at Antigonus lodging, they cried out unto him, either to go into the field, and fight with the enemy: or else if he were afraid, to resign high office of General of GRAECE, unto others that were vallianter than himself. A wise Captain should not rashly put himself in hazard. But Antigonus like a wise and excellent Captain, thinking it a dishonour to him rashly to put himself in danger, and his friends also, though he were provoked with many injuries and opptrobrious words: would not go into the field, but stood constant in his first determination. Then Cleomenes having brought his army hard to the walls of the city of ARGOS, and spoiled and destroyed the country round about: without letter or danger he safely returned home again. Within a while after, Cleomenes being advertised that Antigonus was come unto TEGEA, with intent to invade the country of LACONIA: he going an other way with his army, (unwitting to his enemies) they wondered when they saw him in the morning by the city of ARGOS, spoiling their country, and cutting down their corn, not with sickles and knives as other do use, but with long poles in form of Scythes, that the soldiers as they went sportingewise, did overthrow and spoil it. But when they came to the place or exercises in the suburbs, called Cyllabaris, certain of the soldiers going about to have set it afire, Cleomenes would not suffer them, and told them, that what he had done at MEGALIPOLIS, it was rather angrily then honestly done. The moderation of Cleomenes to his enemies. Now Antigonus, presently returning back again, being minded first to have gone directly to the city of ARGOS, but suddenly altering his mind, did camp upon the top of hills and mountains. Cleomenes seeming not to be afraid of him, sent Heralds to him to desire the keys of the temple of juno, and then after he had done sacrifice, he would depart his way. Thus mocking Antigonus, after he had sacrificed unto the goddess, under the temple that was shut up, he sent his army unto PHLIUNTA, and having driven away the garrison out of OLOGUNTA, he came unto the city of ORCHONENUM, having not only encouraged his citizens, but gotten even amongst the enemies themselves, a fame also to be a noble Captain, and worthy to manage great affairs. For every man judged him to be a skilful soldier, and a valiant Captain, that with the power of one only city, did maintain war against the kingdom of MACEDON, against all the people of PELOPONNESUS, and against the treasure of so great a king: and withal, not only to keep his own country of LACONIA unfoyled, but far otherwise to hurt his enemy's countries, and to take so many great cities of theirs. But he that said first, that money was the sinew of all things, Money, the sinew of wars. spoke it chief in my opinion, in respect of the wars. Demades the Orator said on a time, when the ATHENIANS commanded certain galleys should be put out of the arsenal into the sea, and presently rigged and armed with all possible speed, though they lacked money: he that rules the prow, must first see before him. Meaning, munition and victuals must be provided, before the ships be set out. And it is reported also, that the ancient Archidamus, The saving of Archidamus. when the confederates of the LACEDÆMONIANS at the beginning of the war of PELOPONNESUS required, that they might be sessed at a certain rate, answered: the charges of war have no certain stint. For like as wrestlers that exercise their bodies continually in games, are better able to wrestle, and overthrow them with time, that have no strength, but only art and slight: even so King Antigonus, Cleomenes overcomen by Antigonus, for lack of money to pay his soldiers. who by the greatness of his kingdom did defray the charge of this war, did weary and overcome Cleomenes at the length, because he lacked money both to pay the strangers that served him, and also to maintain his own citizens. For otherwise, doubtless the time served his turn well, because the troubles that fell upon Antigonus in his realm, did make him to be sent for home. For the barbarous people his neighbours, in his absence did spoil and destroy the realm of MACEDON, and specially the ILLYRIANS of the high country that came down then with a great army: whereupon, the MACEDONIANS being spoiled and harried on all sides by them, they sent post unto Antigonus, to pray him to come home. If these letters had been brought him but a little before the battle, as they came afterwards: Antigonus had gone his way, and left the ACHAIANS. But fortune, that always striketh the stroke in all weightiest causes, The power of fortune. gave such speed and favour unto time: that immediately after the battle was fought at SELASIA, Battle betwixt Cleomenes and Antigonus at Selasia. (where Cleomenes lost his army and city) the very messengers arrived that came for Antigonus to come home, the which made the overthrow of king Cleomenes so much more lamentable. For if he had delayed battle but two days longer, when the MACEDONIANS had been gone, he might have made what peace he would with the ACHAIANS: but for lack of money, he was driven (as Polybius writeth) to give battle, with twenty thousand men, against thirty thousand: where he showed himself an excellent and skilful Captain, and where his citizens also fought like valiant men, and the strangers in like case did show themselves good soldiers. But his only overthrow was, by the manner of his enemy's weapons, and the force of their battle of footmen. But Phylarchus writeth, that treason was the cause of his overthrow. For Antigonus had appointed the ACARNANIANS, and the ILLYRIANS which he had in his army, to steal upon the wing of his enemy's army, where Euclidas, king Cleomenes brother was, to compass him in behind, whilst did set the rest of his men in battle. When Cleomenes was got up upon some hill to look about him, to see the countenance of the enemy, and seeing none of the ACARNANIANS, nor of the ILLYRIANS: he was then afraid of Antigonus, that he went about some stratagem of war. Wherefore he called for Demoteles, whose charge was to take heed of stratagems and secret ambushes, and commanded him to look to the rearward of his army, and to be very circumspect all about. Demoteles, that was bribed before (as it is reported) with money, The treason of Demoteles. told him that all was clear in the rearward, and bade him look to overthrow his enemies before him. Cleomenes trusting this report, set forward against Antigonus, and in the end, his citizens of SPARTA which he had about him, gave such a fierce charge upon the squadron of the MACEDONIAN footmen, that they drove them back five furlongs of. But in the mean time, Euclidas his brother, in the other wing of his army, being compassed in behind, Cleomenes turning him back, and seeing the overthrow, cried out aloud: alas, good brother, thou art but slain, yet thou diest valiantly, and honestly, and thy death shall be a worthy example unto all posterity, and shall be song by the praises of the women of SPARTA. So Euclidas and his men being slain, the enemies came strait to set upon Cleomenes wing. Cleomenes then seeing his men discouraged, Cleomenes overthrown by Antigonus. and that they durst no longer resist the enemy, fled, and saved himself. Many of the strangers also that served him, were slain at this battle: and of six thousand SPARTANS, there were left alive but only two hundred. Now Cleomenes being returned unto SPARTA, the citizens coming to see him, he gave them counsel to yield themselves unto Antigonus the conqueror: and for himself, if either alive or dead he could do any thing for the honour and benefit of SPARTA, that he would willingly do it. The women of the city also, coming unto them that flying had escaped with him, when he saw them unarm the men, and bring them drink to refresh them with: he also went home to his own house. Then a maid of the house, which he had taken in the city of MEGALIPOLIS (and whom he had entertained ever since the death of his wife) came unto him as her manner was, to refresh him coming hot from the battle: howbeit he would not drink though he was extreme dry, nor sit being very weary, but armed as he was, laid his arm a cross upon a pillar, and leaning his head upon it, reposed himself a little, and casting in his mind all the ways that were to be thought of, he took his friends with him, and went to the haven of Gythium, and there having his ships which he had appointed for the purpose, he hoisted sail, and departed his way. Antigonus wan the city of Sparta. Immediately after his departure, came Antigonus into the city of SPARTA, and courteously entreated the citizens and inhabitants he found, and did offend no man, nor proudly despise the ancient honour and dignity of SPARTA: but referring them to their own laws and government, when he had sacrificed to the gods for his victory, he departed from thence the third day, news being brought him that the war was very great in MACEDON, and that the barbarous people did spoil his country. The death of Antigonus the son of Demetrius, king of Macedon. Now a disease took him, whereof he died afterwards, which appeared a tissick, mixed with a sore catarrh: but yet he yielded not to his disease, and bore it out, that fight for his country, and obtaining a famous victory, with great slaughter of the barbarous people, he might yet die honourably, as in deed he did, by Phylarchus testimony, who saith, that with the force of his voice, fiercely crying out in the midst of his fight, he tare his lungs and lights, worse than they were before. Yet in the schools it is said, that after he had won the battle, he was so joyful of it, that crying out, O blessed day: he broke out into a great bleeding at the mouth, and a great fever took him withal, that he died of it. Thus much touching Antigonus. Now Cleomenes departing out of the Isle of CYTHERA, Cleomenes flieth out of Peloponnesus. went and cast anchor in an other Island, called AEGIALIA. Then determining to sail over to the city of CYRENA, Therytion, one of Cleomenes friends (a man that in wars showed himself very valiant, but a boaster beside of his own doings) took Cleomenes aside, and said thus unto him: The oration of Therytion, unto Cleomenes, against death. Truly O king, we have lost an honourable occasion to die in battle, though every man hath heard us vaunt and say, that Antigonus should never overcome the king of SPARTA alive, but dead. A second occasion yet is offered us to die, with much less honour and fame notwithstanding, than the first. Whether do we sail to no purpose? Why do we fly the death at hand, and seek it so far of? If it be no shame nor dishonour for the posterity & race of Hercules to serve the successors of Philip and Alexander: let us save then our labour, and long dangerous sailing, and go yield ourselves unto Antigonus, who in likelihood will better use us then Ptolemy, because the MACEDONIANS are far more nobler persons than the EGYPTIANS. And if we disdain to be commanded by them which have overcomen us in battle, why then will we make him Lord of us, that hath not overcomen us: in stead of one, to make us inferior unto both, flying Antigonus, and serving king Ptolemy? Can we say that we go into EGYPT, in respect to see your mother there? A joyful sight no doubt, when she shall show king Ptolemy's wives her son, that before was a king, a prisoner, & fugitive now. Were it not better for us, that having yet LACONIA our country in sight, and our sword beside in our own hands, to deliver us from this great misery, & so doing to excuse ourselves unto them that are slain at SELASIA, for defence of SPARTA: then cowardly losing our time in EGYPT, to inquire whom Antigonus left his Lieutenant and Governor in LACEDAEMON? Therytion ending his oration, Cleomenes oration of death. Cleomenes answered him thus: Dost thou think it a glory for thee to seek death, which is the easiest matter, and the presentest unto any man, that can be and yet, wretch that thou art: thou fliest now more cowardly and shamefully, then from the battle. For divers valiant men, and far better than ourselves, have often yielded unto their enemies, either by some misfortune, or compelled by greater number and multitude of men: but he say I, that submitteth himself unto pain and misery, reproach and praise of men, he can not but confess that he is overcome by his own unhappiness. For, when a man will willingly kill himself, Willing death, must have honourable respect. he must not do it to be rid of pains and labour, but it must have an honourable respect and action. For, to live or die for his own respect, that can not but be dishonourable: the which now thou persuadest me unto, to make me fly this present misery we are in, without any honour or profit in our death. And therefore, I am of opinion, that we should not yet cast of the hope we have to serve our country in time to come: but when all hope faileth us, than we may easily make ourselves away when we lift. Thereunto Therytion gave no answer, but as soon as he found opportunity to slip from Cleomenes, Cleomenes flieth into Egypt unto king Ptolemy. he went to the sea side, and slew himself. Cleomenes hoysinge sail from the isle of AEGIALIA, went into AFRICA, and was brought by the kings servants unto the city of ALEXANDRIA. King Ptolemy at his first coming, gave Cleomenes no special good, but indifferent entertainment: but after that he had showed himself to be of great wisdom and judgement, and that Ptolemy saw in the simplicity of his LACONIAN life he had also a noble disposition and courage, nothing degenerating from the princely race & blood of Hercules, and that he yielded not to his adversity: he took more delight in his company, then in all the company of his flatterers and hangers on him: and then repented him greatly, that he had made no more account of him before, but had suffered him to be overthrown by Antigonus, who through the victory of him, had marvelously enlarged his honour and power. Then he began to comfort Cleomenes, and doing him as great honour as could be, promised that he would sand him with ships and money into GRAECE, and put him again into his kingdom: & further, gave him an annual pension in the mean time, of four and twenty talents, with the which he simply and soberly entertained himself and his men about him: and bestowed all the rest upon his country men that came out of GRAECE into EGYPT. But now, old king Ptolemy deceasing before he could perform the promise he made unto Cleomenes, to sand him into GRAECE: the Realm falling then into great lasciviousness, drunkenness, and into the government of women, his case and misery was clean forgotten. For the young king his son was so given over to women and wine, that when he was most sober, and in his best wits, he most disposed himself to make feasts and sacrifices, and to have the taber playing in his Court, to gather people together, like a stage player or juggler, whilst one Agathoclea his leman, and her mother, and Oenanthes a bawd, did rule all the affairs of the state. But when he came to be king, it appeared he had need of Cleomenes: because he was afraid of his brother Magas, who by his mother's means, was very well esteemed of among soldiers. Wherefore he called Cleomenes to him, and made him of his privy counsel, where he devised by practice, which way to kill his brother. All other his friends that were of counsel with him, did counsel him to do it: but Cleomenes only vehemently dissuaded him from it, and told him, that if it were possible, rather more brethren should be begotten unto the king for the safety of his person, and for dividing of the affairs of the kingdom between them. Amongst the kings familiars that was chiefest about him, there was one Sosibius that said unto Cleomenes: so long as his brother Magas lived, the soldiers that be strangers, whom the king entertained, would never be true to him. Cleomenes answered him, for that matter there was no danger: for saith he, of those hired strangers, there are three thousand PELOPONNESIANS, which he knew at the twinkling of an eye, would be at his commandment, to come with their armour & weapon where he would appoint them. These words of Cleomenes at that time showed his faith and good will he bore unto the king, and the force he was of beside. But afterwards, Ptolemy's fearfulness increasing his mistrust: (as it commonly happeneth, that they that lack wit, think it the best safety to be fearful of every wagging of a straw, and to mistrust every man) the remembrance of Cleomenes words made him much suspected of the Courtiers, understanding that he could do so much with the soldiers that were strangers: insomuch as some of them said, see (meaning Cleomenes) there is a lion amongst sheep. In deed, considering his fashions and behaviour, they might well say so of him: for he would look through his fingers as though he saw nothing, and yet saw all what they did. In fine, he required an army & ships of the king: and understanding also that Antigonus was dead, and that the ACHAIANS and AETOLIANS were at great wars together, and that the affairs of his country did call him home, all PELOPONNESUS being in arms and uproar, he prayed that they would licence him to departed with his friends. But never a man would give ear unto him, and the king also heard nothing of it, because he was continually entertained among Ladies, with banquets, dancing, & masks. But Sosibius that ruled all the Realm, thought that to keep Cleomenes against his will, were a hard thing, and also dangerous: and to let him go also, knowing that he was a valiant man, and of a stirring mind, and one that knew the vices and imperfections of their government: he thought that also no safe way, sith no gifts nor presents that could be offered him, could soften him. Cleomenes virtue. For as the holy bull (which they call in EGYPT Apis) that is sulfed in goodly pasture, doth yet desire to follow his natural course and liberty, to run and leap at his pleasure, and plainly showeth that it is a grief to him to be kept still by the Priest even so the courtly pleasures did nothing delight Cleomenes, but as Homer writeth of Achilles: It irkt his noble heart to sit at home in slothful rest, When martial matters were in hand, the which he liked best. Now Cleomenes standing in these terms, there arrived in ALEXANDRIA one Nicagoras MESSENIAN, Nicagoras Messenian, an enemy to Cleomenes. who maliced Cleomenes in his heart, but yet showed as though he loved him. This Nicagoras on a time had sold Cleomenes certain land, but was not paid for it, either because he had no present money, or else by occasion of the wars which gave him no leisure to make payment. Cleomenes one day by chance walking upon the sands, he saw Nicagoras landing out of his ship, being newly arrived, and knowing him, he courteously welcomed him, and asked what wind had brought him into EGYPT. Nicagoras gently saluting him again, told him that he had brought the king excellent horse of service. Cleomenes smiling, told him, thou hadst been better have brought him some courtesans & dancers, for they would have pleased the king better: Nicagoras faintly laughed at his answer, but within few days after he did put him in remembrance of the land he sold him, and prayed him then that he would help him to money, telling him that he would not have priest him for it, but that he had sustained loss by merchandise. Cleomenes answered him, that all his pension was spent he had of the king. Nicagoras being offended with this answer, he went and told Sosibius of the mock Cleomenes gave the king. Sosibius was glad of this occasion, but yet desiring further matter to make the king offended with Cleomenes, he persuaded Nicagoras to writ a letter to the king against Cleomenes, as though he had conspired to take the city of CYRENA, if the king had given him ships, money, and men of war. When Nicagoras had written this letter, he took ship, and hoist sail. Four days after his departure, Sosibius brought his letter to the king, as though he had but newly received it. The king upon sight of it was so offended with Cleomenes, that he gave present order he should be shut up in a great house, Cleomenes committed to prison to Alexandria. where he should have his ordinary diet allowed him, howbeit that he should keep his house. This grieved Cleomenes much, but yet he was worse afraid of that which was to come, by this occasion: Ptolemy the son of Chrysermus, one of the king's familiars, who had oftentimes before been very conversant and familiar with Cleomenes, and did frankly talk together in all matters: Cleomenes one day sent for him, to pray him to come unto him. Ptolemy came at his request, and familiarly discoursing together, went about to dissuade him from all the suspicions he had, and excused the king also for that he had done unto him: so taking his leave he left him, not thinking that Cleomenes followed him (as he did) to the gate, where he sharply took up the soldiers, saying, that they were very negligent and careless in looking to such a fearful beast as he was, & so ill to be taken, if he once scaped their hands. Cleomenes heard what he said, and went into his lodging again, Ptolemy knowing nothing that he was behind him: and reported the very words again unto his friends. Then all the SPARTANS' converting their good hope into anger, determined to be revenged of the injury Ptolemy had done them, and to die like noble SPARTANS not tarrying till they should be brought to the shambles like fat weathers, to be sold and killed. For it would be a great shame and dishonour unto Cleomenes, having refused to make peace with Antigonus, a noble Prince and warrior: to tarry the kings pleasure till he had left his drunkenness and dancing, and then to come and put him to death. Cleomenes practiseth to kill king Ptolemy. They being fully resolved hereof, as you have heard: king Ptolemy by chance went unto the city of CANOBUS, & first they gave out in ALEXANDRIA, that the king minded to set Cleomenes at liberty. Then Cleomenes friends observing the custom of the kings of EGYPT, when they meant to set a prisoner at liberty (which was, to sand the prisoners meat, and presents before to their supper) did sand unto him such manner of presents, & so deceived the soldiers that had the keeping of him, saying, that they brought those presents from the king. For Cleomenes himself did sacrifice unto the gods, and sent unto the soldiers that kept him, part of those presents that were sent unto him, and supping with his friends that night, made merry with them, every man being crowned with garlands. Some say, that he made the more haste to execute his enterprise, sooner than he would have done, by means of one of his men that was privy unto his conspiracy: who went every night to lie with a woman he kept, and therefore was afraid jest he would bewray them. Cleomenes about noon, perceiving the soldiers had taken in their cups, and that they were a sleep: he put on his coat, and unripping it on the right shoulder, went out of the house with his sword drawn in his hand, accompanied with his friends, following him in that sort, which were thirty in all. Amongst them there was one called Hippotas, who being lame, went very lively out with them at the first: but when he saw they went fair and softly because of him, he prayed them to kill him, because they should not hinder their enterprise for a lame man, that could do them no service. Notwithstanding, by chance they met with a towns man a horseback, that came hard by their door, whom they plucked from his horse, and cast Hippotas upon him: and then ran through the city, and cried to the people, liberty, liberty. Now the people had no other courage in them, but only commended Cleomenes, and wondered at his valiantness: but otherwise to follow him, or to further his enterprise, not a man of them had any heart in them. Thus running up and down the town, they met with Ptolemy (the same whom we said before was the son of Chrysermus) as he came out of the Court: Whereupon three of them setting on him, slew him presently. There was also another Ptolemy that was governor and Lieutenant of the city of ALEXANDRIA: who hearing a rumour of this stir, came unto them in his coach. They went and met him, and first having driven away his guard and soldiers that went before him, they plucked him out of his coach, and slew him also. After that they went towards the castle, with intent to set all the prisoners there at liberty to take their part. Howbeit the gaylers that kept them had so strongly locked up the prison doors, that Cleomenes was repulsed, and put by his purpose. Thus wandering up and down the city, no man neither came to join with him, nor to resist him, for every man fled for fear of him. Wherefore at length being weary with going up and down, he turned him to his friends, and said unto them: it is no marvel though women command such a cowardly people, that fly in this sort from their liberty. Thereupon he prayed them all to die like men, and like those that were brought up with him, and that were worthy of the fame of his so noble deeds. The end and death of Cleomenes and his friends. Then the first man that made himself be slain, was Hippotas, who died of a wound one of the young men of his company gave him with a sword at his request. After him every man slew themselves, one after another, without any fear at all, saving Panteas, The courage of Panteas. who was the first man that entered the city of MEGALIPOLIS. He was a fair young man, and had been very well brought up in the LACONIAN discipline, and better than any man of his years. Cleomenes did love him dearly, and commanded him that when he should see he were dead, and all the rest also, that then he should kill himself last of all. Now they all being laid on the ground, he searched them one after another with the point of his sword, to see if there were any of them yet left alive: and when he had pricked Cleomenes on the heel amongst others, and saw that he did yet knit his brows, he kissed him, & sat down by him. Then perceiving that he had yielded up the ghost, embracing him when he was dead, he also slew himself, and fell upon him. Thus Cleomenes having reigned king of SPARTA sixteen years, being the same manner of man we have described him to be: he ended his days in this sort as ye hear. Now, his death being presently bruited through the city, Cratesiclea his mother, though otherwise she had a noble mind, did notwithstanding a little forget her greatness, through thextreme sorrow she felt for the death of her son: and so embracing Cleomenes sons, she fell to bitter lamentation. But the eldest of his sons, (no man mistrusting any such matter) found means to get out of her hands, & running up to the top of the house, cast himself headlong down to the ground, that his head was all broken and splitted, yet died not, but was taken up crying, and angry with them, that they would not suffer him to die. This news being brought to king Ptolemy, he commanded they should first slay Cleomenes, and then hang up his body, and also, that they should put his children, his mother, and all her women waiting on her to death: among the which was Panteas wife, one of the fairest and curteousest women in her time. They had not been long married before, when these mischiefs lighted upon them, at what time their love was then in greatest force. Her parents then would not let her departed, and embark with her husband, but had locked her up, and kept her at home by force. Howbeit shortly after she found the means to get her a horse, & some money, and stolen away in the night, and galloped towards the haven of Taenarus, where finding a ship ready bound for EGYPT, she embarked, and went to seek her husband, with whom she gladly and lovingly led her life, forsaking her own country, to live in a strange Realm. Now when the sergeants came to take Cratesiclea to put her to death, Panteas wife led her by the arm, carrying up her train, and did comfort her, although Cratesiclea otherwise was not afraid to die, but only asked this favour, that she might die before her little children. This notwithstanding, when they came to the place of execution, the hangman first slew her children before her eyes, and then herself afterwards, who in such great grief and sorrow, said no more but thus: Alas, my poor children, what is become of you? And Panteas wife also, being a mighty tall woman, girding her clotheses to her, took up the slain bodies one after another, and wrapped them up in such things as she could get, speaking never a word, nor showing any sign or token of grief: and in fine, having prepared herself to die, and plucked of her attire herself, without suffering any other to come near her, or to see her, but the hangman that was appointed to strike of her head. In this sort she died as constantly, as the stoutest man living could have done, and had so covered her body, that no man needed after her death to touch her: so careful was she to her end, to keep her honesty, which she had always kept in her life, and in her death was mindful of her honour, wherewith she decked her body in her life time. Thus these LACEDAEMON Ladies playing their parts in this pitiful tragedy, contending at the time of death, even with the courage of the slain SPARTANS their countrymen, which of them should die most constantly: left a manifest proof and testimony, that fortune hath no power over fortitude and courage. Shortly after, those that were appointed to keep the body of king Cleomenes that hung upon the cross, Cleomenes hanging upon a cross, had a Serpent wreathed about his head. they spied a great Serpent wreathed about his head, that covered all his face, insomuch as no ravening fowl durst come near him to eat of it: whereupon the king fell into a superstitious fear, being afraid that he had offended the gods. hereupon, the Ladies in his Court began to make many sacrifices of purification, for the cleared of this sin: persuading themselves, that they had put a man to death, beloved of the gods, and that he had something more in him then a man. The ALEXANDRINIANS thereupon went to the place of execution, and made their prayers unto Cleomenes, as unto a demi god, calling him the son of the gods. Until that the learned men brought them from that error, declaring unto them, Living things breeding of the corruption of dead beasts that like as of oxen being dead and rotten, there breed bees, and of horse also come wasps, & of asses likewise bitels: even so men's bodies, when the marry melteth and gathereth together, do bring forth Serpents. The which coming to the knowledge of the ancients in old time, Why the Dragon is consecrated unto Princes. of all other beasts they did consecrated the Dragon to Kings and Princes, as proper unto man. The end of the life of Agis and Cleomenes. TIBERIUS, AND CAIUS GRACCHI. NOW that we have declared unto you the history of the lives of these two GRECIANS, Agis, and Cleomenes aforesaid: we must also writ the history of two ROMANS, the which is no less lamentable for the troubles and calamities that chanced unto Tiberius and Caius, both of them the sons of Tiberius Gracchus. The worthiness of Tiberius Gracchus the father. He having been twice Consul, and once Censor, and having had the honour of two triumphs: had notwithstanding more honour and fame only for his valiantness, for the which he was thought worthy to mary with Cornelia, the daughter of Scipio, Tiberius Gracchus the father, married Cornelia, the Daughter of Scipio African. who overcame Hannibal after the death of his father: though while he lived he was never his friend, but rather his enemy. It is reported, that Tiberius on a time found two snakes in his bed, and that the Soothsayers and wysards having considered the signification thereof, did forbidden him to kill them both, and also to let them both escape, but one only: assuring him that if he killed the male, he should not live long after: and if he killed the female, that then his wife Cornelia should die. The tender love of Tiberius to his wife Cornelia. Tiberius then loving his wife dearly, thinking it meeter for him also, that he being the elder of both, and she yet a young woman, should die before her: he slew the male, and let the female escape, howbeit he died soon after, leaving twelve children alive, all of them begotten of Cornelia. The praise of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi. Cornelia after the death of her husband, taking upon her the rule of her house and children, led such a chaste life, was so good to her children, and of so noble a mind: that every man thought Tiberius a wise man for that he died, and left her behind him. She remaining widow, king Ptolemy made suit unto her, and would have made her his wife and Queen. But she refused, and in her widowehed lost all her children, but one Daughter, (whom she bestowed upon the younger Scipio African) and Tiberius, and Caius, whose lives we presently writ. Those she so carefully brought up, that they being become more civil, and better conditioned, than any other ROMANS in their time: every man judged, that education prevailed more in them, than nature. For, as in the favours and pictures of Castor and Pollux, there is a certain difference discerned, whereby a man may know that the one was made for wrestling, and the other for running: even so between these two young brethren, amongst other the great likeness between them, being both happily borne to be valiant, to be temperate, to be liberal, to be learned, and to be nobly minded, there grew notwithstanding great difference in their actions and doings in the common wealth: A true description of Tiberius & Caius Gracchi. the which I think convenient to declare, before I proceed any farther. First of all, for the savour of the face, the look and moving of the body, Tiberius was much more mild and tractable, and Caius more hot and earnest. For the first in his orations was very modest, and kept his place: and the other of all the ROMANS was the first, that in his oration jetted up and down the pulpit, and that plucked his gown over his shoulders: as they writ of Cleo ATHENIAN, that he was the first of all Orators that opened his gown, and clapped his hand on his thigh in his oration. Furthermore, Caius words, and the vehemency of his persuasion, were terrible and full of passion: but Tiberius' words in contrary manner, were mild, and moved men more to compassion, being very proper, and excellently applied, where Caius words were full of fineness and curiosity. The like difference also was between them in their fare and diet. For Tiberius always kept a convenient ordinary: and Caius also in respect of other ROMANS, lived very temperately, but in respect of his brother's fare, curiously and superfluously. Insomuch as Drusus on a rhyme reproved him, because he had bought certain Dolphins of silver, to the value of a thousand two hundred and fifty Drachmas for every pound weight. And now, as touching the manners and natural disposition of them both agreeing with the diversity of their tongues, the one being mild and plausible, and the other hot and choleric: insomuch that otherwile forgetting himself in his oration, against his will he would be very earnest, and strain his voice beyond his compass, and so with great uncomeliness confounded his words. Yet finding his own fault, he devised this remedy. He had a servant called Licinius, a good wise man, who with an instrument of Music he had, by the which they teach men to rise and fall in their tunes, when he was in his oration, he ever stood behind him: and when he perceived that his masters voice was a little too loud, and that through choler he exceeded his ordinary speech: he played a soft stop behind him, at the sound whereof Caius immediately fell from his extremity, and easily came to himself again. And here was the diversity between them. Otherwise, for their hardiness against their enemies, the justice unto their tennaunts, the care and pains in their offices of charge, and also their continency against voluptuousness: in all these they were both alike. For age, Tiberius was elder by nine years, by reason whereof their several authority and doings in the common wealth fell out at sundry times. And this was one of the chiefest causes why their doings prospered not, because they had not both authority in one self time, neither could they join their power together: the which if it had met at one self time, had been of great force, & peradventure invincible. Wherefore we must writ particularly of them both, Tiberius' made Augurs but first of all we must begin with the elder. He, when he came to man's state, had such a name and estimation, that immediately they made him fellow, in the college of the Priest, which at ROME are called Augurs: (being those that have the charge to consider of signs and predictions of things to come) more for his valiantness, then for nobility. The same doth Appius Clodius witness unto us, one that hath been both Consul and Censor, & also Precedent of the Senate, and of greater authority than any man in his time. This Appius at a supper when all the Augurs were together, after he had saluted Tiberius, & made very much of him, he offered him his daughter in marriage. Tiberius was very glad of the offer, Tiberius' married Appius Clodius daughter. and therewithal the marriage was presently concluded between them. Thereupon Appius coming home to his house, at the threshold of his door he called a loud for his wife, and told her: Antistia, I have bestowed our Daughter Clodia. She wondering at it, o gods said she, and what needed all this haste? what couldst thou have done more, if thou hadst gotten her Tiberius Gracchus for her husband? I know that some refer this history unto Tiberius, father of these two men we writ of, and unto Scipio the AFRICAN: but the most part of writers agreed with that we writ at this present. And Polybius himself also writeth, that after the death of Scipio AFRICAN, his friends being met together, they chose Tiberius before all the other young men of the city, to mary him unto Cornelia, being free, and unpromised, or bestowed upon any man by her father. Now Tiberius the younger being in the wars in AFRICAN under Scipio the second, Tiberius Gracchus soldierfare. who had married his sister: lying in his tent with him, he found his Captain endued with many noble gifts of nature, to allure men's hearts to desire to follow his valiantness. So in a short time he did excel all the young men of his time, aswell in obedience, at in the valiantness of his person: insomuch that he was the first man that scaled the walls of the enemies, as Fannius reporteth, who sayeth that he scaled the walls with him, and did help him to that valiant enterprise. So that being present, all the camp were in love with him: & when he was absent, every man wished for him again. After this war was ended, Tiberius Gracchus chosen Quaestor. he was chosen Treasurer, and it was his chance to go against the NUMANTINES, with Caius Mancinus one of the Consuls, who was an honest man, but yet had the worst luck of any Captain the ROMANS had. Notwithstanding, Tiberius' wisdom and valiantness, in this extreme ill luck of his Captain, did not only appear with great glory to him, but also most wonderful; the great obedience and reverence he bore unto his Captain: though his misfortunes did so trouble and grieve him, that he could not tell himself, whether he was Captain or not. For when he was overthrown in great foughten fields, he departed in the night, and left his camp. The NUMANTINES hearing of it, first took his camp, and then ran after them that fled, and setting upon the rearward, slew them, and environed all his army. So that they were driven into strait and narrow places, where out they could by no means escape. Thereupon Mancinus despairing that he could get out by force, he sent a Herald to the enemies to treat of peace. The NUMANTINES made answer, that they would trust no man but Tiberius only, and therefore they willed he should be sent unto them. They desired that, partly for the love they bore unto the virtues of the young man, because there was no talk of any other in all this war but of him: and partly also, as remembering his father Tiberius, who making wars in SPAIN, and having there subdued many nations, he granted the NUMANTINES peace, the which he caused the ROMANS afterwards to confirm and ratify. hereupon Tiberius was sent to speak with them, Tiberius Graecehus concludeth peace with the Numantines. and partly obtaining that he desired, and partly also granting them that they required: he concluded peace with them, whereby assuredly he saved the lives of twenty thousand ROMAN Citizens, besides slaves and other stragglers that willingly followed the camp. This notwithstanding, the NUMANTINES took the spoil of all the goods they found in the ROMANS camp, among the which they found Tiberius' books of account touching the money disbursed of the treasure in his charge. Tiberius' being marvelous desirous to have his books again, returned back to NUMANTIA with two or three of his friends only, though the army of the ROMANS were gone far on their way. So coming to the town, he spoke unto the governors of the city, and prayed them to redeliver him his books of account, because his malicious enemies should not acouse him, calling him to account for his doings. The NUMANTINES were very glad of this good hap, and prayed them to come into the town. He standing still in doubt with himself what to do, whether he should go into the town or not: the governors of the city came to him, and taking him by the hand, prayed he would think they were not his enemies, but good friends, and that he would trust them. Whereupon Tiberius thought best to yield to their persuasion, being desirous also to have his books again, and the rather, for fear of offending the NUMANTINES, if he should have denied and mistrusted them. When he was brought into the city, they provided his dinner, and were very earnest with him, entreating him to dine with them. Then they gave him his books again, and offered him moreover to take what he would of all the spoils they had gotten in the camp of the ROMANS. Howbeit of all that he would take nothing but frankincense, which he used, when he did any sacrifice for his country: and then taking his leave of them, with thanks he returned. When he was returned to ROME, all this peace concluded was utterly misliked, as dishonourable to the majesty of the Empire of ROME. Yet the parents and friends of them that had served in this war, making the greatest part of the people: they gathered about Tiberius, saying that what faults were committed in this service, they were to impute it unto the Consul Mancinus, and not unto Tiberius, who had saved such a number of ROMANS lives. Notwithstanding, they that were offended with this dishonourable peace, The peace broken with the Numantines. would that therein they should follow the example of their forefathers in the like case. For they sent back their Captains naked unto their enemies, because they were contented the SAMNITES should spoil them of that they had, to escape with life. Moreover, they did not only sand them the Captains and Consuls, but all those also that bore any office in the field, and had consented unto that condition: to the end they might lay all the perjury and breach of peace upon them. Herein therefore did manifestly appear, the love and good will the people did bear unto Tiberius. For they gave order, that the Consul Mancinus should be sent naked, and bound unto the NUMANTINES, and for Tiberius' sake, they pardoned all the rest. I think Scipio, who bore great sway at the time in ROME, and was man of greatest account, did help him at that pinch: who notwithstanding was ill thought of because he did not also save the Consul Mancinus, and confirm the peace concluded with the NUMANTINES, considering it was made by Tiberius his friend & kinsman. But these mislikings grew chief through the ambition of Tiberius' friends, & certain learned men, which stirred him up against Scipio. But yet it fell not out to open malice between them, neither followed there any hurt upon it. And surely I am persuaded, that Tiberius had not fallen into those troubles he did afterwards, if Scipio AFRICAN had been present, when he passed those things he preferred. But Scipio was then in wars at the siege of NUMANTIA, when Tiberius' upon this occasion passed these laws. Why Tiberius preferred the Law Agraria. When the ROMANS in old time had overcomen any of their neighbours, for ransom they took oftentimes a great deal of their land from them, part whereof they sold by the crier, for the benefit of the common wealth, and part also they reserved to their state as demean, which afterwards was let out to farm for a small rent yearly, to the poor Citizens that had no lands. Howbeit the rich men enhanced the rents, and so began to thrust out the poor men. Thereupon was an ordinance made, that no Citizen of ROME should have above five hundred acre's land. jugera. This law for a rhyme did bridle the covetousness of the rich men, and did ease the poor also that dwelled in the country, upon the farms they had taken up of the common wealth, and so lived with their own, or with that their Ancestors had from the beginning. But by process of time, their rich neighbours, by names of other men, got their farms over their heads, and in the end, the most of them were openly seen in it in their own names. Whereupon, the poor people being thus turned out of all, went but with saint courage afterwards to the war, nor cared any more for bringing up of children: So that in shortime, the free men left ITALY, and slaves and barbarous people did replenish it, whom the rich men made to plough those lands, which they had taken from the ROMANS. Caius Laelius, Why Caius Laelius was called the wise Tiberius Graecchus chosen Tribune of the people. one of Scipio's friends, gave an attempt to reform this abuse: but because the chiefest of the city were against him, fearing it would break out to some uproar, he desisted from his purpose, and therefore he was called Laelius the wise. But Tiberius being chosen Tribune, he did forthwith prefer the reformation aforesaid, being alured unto it (as divers writers report) by Diophanes the Orator, and Blossius the Philosopher: of the which; Diophanes was banished from the city of MITYLENE, and Blossius the ITALIAN from the city of CUMES, who was scholar and familiar unto Antipater of TARSUS at ROME, by whom he was honoured by certain works of Philosophy he dedicated unto him. And some also do accuse their mother Cornelia, who did twit her sons in the teeth, that the ROMANS did yes call her Scipio's mother in law, and not the mother of the GRACCHI. Other say it was Spurius Posthumius, a companion of Tiberius, and one that contended with him in eloquence. For Tiberius returning from the wars, and finding him far beyond him in fame and reputation, and well beloved of every one: he sought to excel him by attempting this noble enterprise, and of so great expectation. His own brother Caius in a certain book, wrote, that as he went to the wars of NUMANTIA, passing through Tuscan, he found the country in manner unhabited: and they that did follow the plough, or keep beasts, were the most of them slaves, and barbarous people, comen out of a strange country. Whereupon ever after it ran in his mind to bring this enterprise to pass, which brought great troubles to their house. But in fine, it was the people only that most set his heart afire to covet honour, and that hastened his determination: first bringing him to it by bills set up on every wall, in every porch, and upon the tombs, praying him by them to 'cause the poor Citizens of ROME to have their lands restored, which were belonging to the common wealth. This notwithstanding he himself made not the law alone of his own head, but did it by the counsel and advise of the chiefest men of ROME, Counsellors so Tiberius for preferring the law. for virtue and estimation: Among the which, Craessus the high Bishop was one, and Mutius Scaevola the Lawyer, that then was Consul, and Appius Clodius his father in law. And truly it seemeth, that never law was made with greater favour, then that which he preferred against so great in justice, and avarice. Lex Agraria. For those that should have been punished for transgressing the law, and should have had the lands taken from them by force, which they unjustly kept against the law of ROME, and that should also have been amersed for it: he ordained that they should be paid by the common wealth to the value of the lands, which they held unjustly, and so should leave them to the poor Citizens again that had no land, and lacked help and relief. Now, though the reformation established by this law, was done with such great favour: the people notwithstanding were contented, and would forget all that was past, so that they might have no more wrong offered them in time come. But the rich men, and men of great possessions, hated the law 〈…〉 their avarice, and for spite and selfwill (which would not let them yield) they were at dead food with the Lawyer that had preffered the law, and sought by all devise they could to dissuade the people from it: telling them that Tiberius brought in this law. Agraria again, to disturb the common wealth, and to make some alteration in the state. But they prevailed not. For Tiberius defending the matter, which of itself was good and just, Tiberius' oration. with such eloquence so might have justified an evil cause, was invincible: and no man was able to argue against him to confute him, when speaking in the behalf of the poor Citizens of ROME the people being gathered round about the pulpit for orations) he told them, that the wild beasts through ITALY had their dens and caves of abode, and that the men that sought, and were slain to their country had nothing else but air and light, & so were compelled to wander up & down with their wives & children, having no resting place nor house to put their heads in: and that the Captains do but mock their soldiers, when they encourage them in battle to fight valiantly for the graves, the temples, their own houses, & their predecessors. For, said he, of such● number of poor Citizens as there be, there can not a man of them she any ancient house be tomb of their ancestors: because the poor men do go to the wars, & be slain for the rich men's pleasures and wealth: beside they falsely call them Lords of the earth, where they have not a handful of ground, that is theirs. These & such other like words being uttered before, all the people with such vehemency & troth, did so move the common people withal, and put them in such a rage, that there was no adversary of his able to withstand him. Therefore, leaving to contrary and deny the law by argument, the rich men did put all their trust in Marcus Octavius, colleague and fellow Tribune with Tiberius in office, Marcus Octavius Tribune, did with stand Tiberius' law. who was grave and wise young man, and Tiberius very familiar friend. So that the first time they came to him to oppose him against the confirmation of this law: he prayed them to hold him excused, because Tiberius was his very friend. But in the end, being compelled unto it through the great number of the rich men that were importunate with him the did withstands Tiberius law, the which was enough to overthrow it. For if any one of the Tribunes speak against it, though all the other pass with it, he overthroweth it: because they all can do nothing, if one of them be against it. Tiberius' being very much offended with it, proceeded no further in this first favourable law, and in a rage preferred an other more grateful to the common people; as also more extreme against the rich. In that law he ordained, that whoseover had any land contrary to the ancient laws of ROME, that he should presently departed from them. But thereupon there fell out continual brawls in the pulpit for orations, against Octavius: in the which, The modest contention betwixt Tiberius and Octavius. though they were very earnest and vehement one against another, yet there passed no fowl words from them, (how hot soever they were one with another) that should shame his companion. Whereby it appeareth, that to be well brought up, breedeth such a stay & knowledge in a man, not only in things of pleasure to make him regard his credit, both in word & deeds but in passion and anger also, & in their greatest ambition of glory. Thereupon Tiberius finding that this law among others touched Octavius, because he enjoyed a great deal of land that was the common wealths: he prayed him secretly to contend no more against him, promising him to give him of his own, the value of those lands which he should be driven to forsake, although he was not very able to perform it. But when he saw Octavius would not he persuaded, he them preferred a law, that all Magistrates and Officers should cease their authority, till the law were either past, or rejected, by voices of the people: & thereupon he set his own seal upon 〈…〉 of the example of Saturn, where the coffers of the treasure lay, because the treasurer themselves, during that time, should neither take out nor put in any thing 〈…〉 great pennalties to be forfeited by the Praetors or any other Magistrate of authority, that should break this order. hereupon all the Magistrates fearing this penalty, did leave to exercise their office for the time. But thou the rich men that were of great livings, changed their apparel, and walked very sadly up and down the market place, and laid secret wayre to take Tiberius, having by ●●d men to kill him: which caused Tiberius himself, openly before them all to wear a short, dagger under his long gown, properly called in Latin, Dolon. When the day came that this law should be established, Tiberius called the people to give their voices and the rich men on tother side, they make away the pots by force, wherein the papets of man's voices were thrown, so that there was like to fall out great stir upon it. For the section Tiberius was the strongerside, by the number of people that were gathered about him for that purpose: had it not been for Manlius & Fabtius, both the which had been Consuls, who went into him, & besought him with the tears in their eyes, & holding up their hands, that he would let the law alone. Tiberius thereupon, foreseeing the instant danger of some great mischief, as also for the reverence he bore unto two such noble persons, he stayed a little, & asked them what they would have him to do. They made answer, that they were not able to counsel him in a matter of so great weight, but they prayed him notwithstanding, he would be contented to refer it to the judgement of the Senate. Thereupon be granted them presently. But afterwards perceiving that the Senate sat upon it, & had determined nothing, because the rich men were of too great authority: he entered into another devise that was neither honest nor meet, which was, to deprime Octavius of his Tribuneship, knowing that otherwise he could not possibly come to pass the law. But before he took that course, he openly entreated him in the face of the people with courteous words, and took him by the hand, and prayed him to stand no more against him, & to do the people this pleasure, which required a manner just & reasonable, & only requested this small recompense for the great pains they took in service abroad for their country Octavius denied him plainly. Tiberius deposeth Octavius of his Tribuneship. Then said Tiberius openly, that both of them being brethren in one self place and authority, & contrary one to another in a matter of so great weight, this contention could not be possibly ended, without civil war and that he could see no way to remedy it, unless one of them two were deposed from their office. Thereupon he bade Octavius begin first with him, & he would rise from the bench with a good will, and become a private man, if the people were so contented. Octavius would do nothing in it. Tiberius then replied, that he would be doing with him, if he altered not his mind, upon a better breath and consideration: and so dismissed the assembly for that day. The next morning the people being again assembled, Tiberius going up to his fear, attempted again to persuade Octavius to leave of. In fine, finding him still a man unremovable, he referred the matter to the voice of the people, whether they were contended Octavius should be deposed from his office. Now there were five and thirty tribes of the people, of the which, seventeen of them had already passed their voices against Octavius, so that there remained but one tribe more to put him out his office. Then Tiberius made them stay for proceeding any further, and prayed Octavius again, embracing him before all the people, with all the entreaty possible: that for self will take he would not suffer such an open shape to be done unto him, as to be put out of his office: neither also to make him the occasion and instrument of so pitiful a deed. They say that Octavius at this last entreaty was somewhat moved and won by his persuasions, and that weeping, be stayed a long time, and made no answer. But when he looked upon the rich men that stood in a great company together, he was ashamed (I think) to have their all wills, and rather betook himself as the loss of his office, and so bad Tiberius do what he would. Thereupon he being deprived by voices of the people, Tiberius commanded one of his enfranchised bondmen to pull him out of the pulpit for orations: for he used his enfranchised bondmen in steed of Sengeaunes. This made the sight so much more lamentable, to see Octavius thus shamefully pluck away by force. Yea furthermore, the common people would have norm upon him, but the rich men came to rescue him, and would not suffer him to do him further home. So Octavius saved himself tonning away alone, after he had been rescued thus from the fury of the people. Moreover, there was a faithful servant of Octavius, who stepping before his Master to save him from hurt, had his eyes pulled out, against Tiberius' mind, who ran to the rescue with all speed when he heard the noise. After that, the law Agraria passed for division of lands, and three Commissioners were appointed to make inquiry and distribution thereof. The Commissioners appointed were these: Tiberius himself: Tiberius preserveth the law Agraria. Appius Clodius his father in law, and Caius Graecchus his brothers who was not at that rhyme in ROME, but in the camp with Scipio AFRICAN, at the siege of the city of NUMANTIA. Thus Tiberius very quietly passed over these matters, and no man durst withstand him: and furthermore, he subtituted in Octavius place no man of quality, but only one of his followers, called Mutius. Wherewith the noble men were so sore offended with him, that fearing the more use of his greatness, they being in the Senate house did what they could possible to do him despite and shame. For when Tiberius demanded a tent at the charge of the common wealth, when he should go abroad to make division of these lands, as they usually granted unto others, that many times went in far meaner commissions: they flatly denied him, and through the procurement of P. Nasica (who being a great landed man in his country, showed himself in this action his mortal enemy, taking it grievously to be compelled to departed from his land) only granted him nine of their obuli a day, for his ordinary allowance. But the people on tother side were all in an uproar against the rich. Insomuch as one of Tiberius' friends being dead upon the sudden, upon whose body being dead there appeared very ill signs: the common people ran suddenly to his burial, and cried out that he was poisoned. And so taking up the beer whereon his body lay upon their shoulders, they were present at the fire of his funerals, where immediately appeared certain signs to make them suspect, that in deed there was vehement cause of presumption he was poisoned. For his belly burst, whereout there issued such abundance of corrupt humours, that they put out the first fire, and made them fetch another, the which also they could not make to burn, until that they were compelled to carry the body into some other place, where notwithstanding they had much a do to make it burn. Tiberius' seeing that, to make the common people mutyne the more, he put on mourning apparel, and brought his sons before them, and besought the people to be good unto them and their mother, as one that despaired of his health and safety. About that time died Attalus, surnamed Philopater, and Eudemus PERGAMENIAN brought his will to ROME, in the which he made the people of ROME his heirs. King Attalus made the people of Rome his heir. Wherefore Tiberius, still to increase the good will of the common people towards him, preferred a law immediately, that the ready money that came by the inheritance of this king should be distributed among the poor Citizens, Tiberius' law, for dividing of Attalus money. on whose lot it should fall to have any part of the division of the lands of the common wealth, to furnish them towards house, and to set up their tillage. Furthermore, he said, that concerning the towns and cities of the kingdom of Attalus, the Senate had nothing to do to take any order with them, but that the people were to dispose of them, and that he himself would put it out. That made him again more hated of the Senate then before, insomuch as there was one Pompey a Senator, that standing up, said: that he was next neighbour unto Tiberius, and that by reason of his neighbourhed he knew that Eudemus PERGAMENIAN had given him one of king Attalus royal bands, with a purple gown beside, for a token that he should one day be king of ROME. And Quintus Metellus also reproved him, for that his father being Censor, the ROMANS having supped in the town, and repairing every man home to his house, they did put out their torches and lights, because men seeing them return, they should not think they tarried too long in company banqueting: and that in contrary manner, the seditious and needy rabble of the common people did light his son home, and accompany him all night long up and down the town. At that time there was one Tiberius Annius, a man that had no goodness nor honesty in him, howbeit taken for a great reasoner, and for a subtle questioner and aunswerer. Titus Annius a subtle questioner and aunswerer of things. He provoked Tiberius to answer him, whether he had not committed a shameful fact to his companion and brother Tribune, to defame him, that by the laws of ROME should have been holy, & untouched. The people took this provocation very angrily, and Tiberius also coming out, and having assembled the people, commanded them to bring this Annius before him, that he might be endited in the market place. But he finding himself far inferior unto Tiberius, both in dignity and eloquence, ran to his fine suttill questions, to take a man at his word: and prayed Tiberius before he did proceed to his accusation, that he would first answer him to a question he would ask him Tiberius bade him say what he would. So silence being made, Annius asked him: if thou wouldst defame me, and offer me injury, and that I called one of thy companions to, help me, and he should rise to take my part, and anger thee: wouldst thou therefore put him out of his office? It is reported that Tiberius was so graveled with this question, that though he was one of the readiest speakers, and the boldest in his orations of any man: yet at that time he held his peace, and had no power to speak, and therefore he presently dismissed the assembly. Afterwards, understanding that of all the things he did, the deposing of Octavius from his office was thought (not only of the nobility, but of the common people also) as fowl and wilful a part as ever he played, for that thereby he had embased, and utterly overthrown the dignity of the Tribunes, the which was always had in great veneration until that present time: to excuse himself therefore, he made an excellent oration to the people, whereby shall appear unto you some special points thereof, to discern the better the force and effect of his eloquence. The oration of Tiberius Gracchus, touching the power and authority of the Tribune. The Tribuneship said he, in deed was a holy and sacred thing, as particularly consecrated to the people, and established for their benefit and safety: Where contrariwise, if the Tribune do offer the people any wrong, he thereby minisheth their power, and taketh away the means from them to declare their wills by voices, besides that, he doth also embase his own authority, leaving to do the thing for the which his authority first was given him. Or otherwise we could not choose but suffer a Tribune, if it pleased him, to overthrow the Capitol, or to set fire on the arsenal: and yet notwithstanding this wicked part, if it were committed, he should be Tribune of the people still, though a lewd Tribune. But when he goeth about to take away the authority and power of the people, than he is no more a Tribune. Were not this against all reason, think you, that a Tribune when he list, may take a Consul, and commit him to prison: and that the people should not withstand the authority of the Tribune, who gave him the same, when he would use his authority to the prejudice of the people? for the people are they that do choose, both Consul and Tribune. Furthermore, the kingly dignity (because in the same is contained the absolute authority and power of all other kinds of Magistrates and offices together) is consecrated with very great and holy ceremonies, drawing very near unto the godhead: and yet the people expulsed king Tarquin, because he used his authority with cruelty, and for the injury he offered one man only, the most ancient rule and government, (by the which the foundation of ROME was first laid) was utterly abolished. And who is there in all the city of ROME to be reckoned so holy as the Vestal Nuns, which have the custody and keeping of the everlasting fire? and yet if any of these be taken in fornication, she is buried alive for her offence: for when they are not holy to the gods, they loose the liberty they have, in respect of serving the gods. Even so also it is unmeet, that the Tribune if he offend the people, should for the people's sake be reverenced any more: Seeing that through his own folly he hath deprived himself of that authority they gave him. And if it be so that he was chosen Tribune by the most part of the tribes of the people: then by greater reason is he justly deprived, that by all the whole tribes together is forsaken and deposed? There is nothing more holy nor inviolate, than things offered up unto the gods: and yet it was never seen that any man did forbidden the people to take them, to remove and transport them from place to place, as they thought good. Even so, they may as lawfully transfer the office of the Tribune unto any other, as any other offering consecrated to the gods. Furthermore, it is manifest that any Officer or Magistrate may lawfully depose himself: For, it hath been often seen, that men in office have deprived themselves, or otherwise have sued to be discharged. This was the effect of Tiberius' purgation. Other laws made by Tiberius Gracchus. Now his friends perceiving the threats the rich and noble men gave out against him, they wished him for the safety of his person, to make sure to be Tribune again the next year. Whereupon he began to flatter the common people again afresh, by new laws which he preferred: by the which he took away the time and number of years prescribed, when every citizen of ROME was bound to go to the wars being called, and his name billed. He made it lawful also for men to appeal from sentence of the judges unto the people, and thrust in also amongst the Senators (which then had absolute authority to judge among themselves) a like number of the ROMAN Knights, and by this means sought to weaken and embase the authority of the Senate, increasing also the power of the people, more of malice then any reason, or for any justice or benefit to the common wealth. Furthermore, when it came to the gathering of the voices of the people for the confirmation of his new laws, finding that his enemies were the stronger in the assembly, because all the people were not yet come together: he fell a quarreling with his brethren the Tribunes, always to win time, and yet in the end broke up the assembly, commanding them to return the next morning. There he would be the first man in the market place appareled all in black, his face be blubbered with tears, & looking heavily upon the matter, praying the people assembled to have compassion upon him, saying, that he was afraid lest his enemies would come in the night, and overthrow his house to kill him. Thereupon the people were so moved withal, that many of them came and brought their tents, and lay about his house to watch it. At the break of the day, the keeper of the chickens, by signs of the which they do divine of things to come, Unlucky signs unto Tiberius. brought them unto him, and cast them down meat before them. None of them would come out of the cage but one only, and yet with much a do, shaking the cage: and when it came out, it would eat no meat, but only lift up her left wing, and put forth her leg, and so ran into the cage again. This sign made Tiberius remember an other he had had before. He had a marvelous fair helmet and very rich, which he ware in the wars: under it were crept two snakes unwares to any, and laid eggs, and hatched them. This made Tiberius wonder the more, because of the ill signs of the chickens: notwithstanding, he went out of his house, when he heard that the people were assembled in the Capitol, but as he went out, he hit his foot such a blow against a stone at the thresshold of the door, that he broke the nail of his great toe, which fell in such a bleeding, that it bled through his shoe. Again, he had not gone far, but he saw upon the top of a house on his left hand, a couple of ravens fight together: and notwithstanding that there past a great number of people by, yet a stone which one of these ravens cast from them, came & fell hard at Tiberius' foot. The fall thereof stayed the stoutest man he had about him. But Blossius the Philosopher of Cumes that did accompany him, told him it were a great shame for him, and enough to kill the hearts of all his followers: that Tiberius being the son of Gracchus, and nephew of Scipio the AFRICAN, and the chief man beside of all the people's side, for fear of a raven, should not obey his citizens that called him: and how that his enemies and ill willers would not make a laughing sport of it, but would plainly tell the people that this was a trick of a tyrant that reigned in deed, and that for pride and disdain did abuse the people's good wills. Furthermore, divers messengers came unto him, and said that his friends that were in the Capitol, sent to pray him to make haste, for all went well with him. When he came thither, he was honourably received: for the people seeing him coming, cried out for joy to welcome him, and when he was gotten up to his seat, they showed themselves both careful and loving towards him, looking warily that none came near him, but such as they knew well. While Mutius began again to call the tribes of the people to give their voices, he could not proceed according to the accustomed order in the like case, for the great noise the hindmost people made, thrusting forward, and being driven back, and one mingling with an other. In the mean time, Flavius Flaccus, one of the Senators, got up into a place where all the people might see him, and when he saw that his voice could not be heard of Tiberius, he made a sign with his hand that he had some matter of great importance to tell him. Tiberius' strait bade them make a lane through the press. So, with much a do, Flavius came at length unto him, Flavius Flaccus be●raieth the conspiracy against Tiberius. and told him, that the rich men in open Senate, when they could not frame the Consul to their wills, determined themselves to come and kill him, having a great number of their friends, and bondmen armed for the purpose. Tiberius' immediately declared this conspiracy unto his friends and followers: who strait girt their long gowns unto them, and broke the sergeaunst javelins which they carried in their hands to make room among the people, and took the tronchions of the same to resist those that would set upon them. The people also that stood furthest of, marveled at it, and asked what the matter was. Tiberius by a sign to tell them the danger he was in, laid both his bands on his head, because they could not hear his voice for the great noise they made. His enemies seeing the sign he gave, ran presently to the Senate, crying out, that Tiberius required a royal band or diadem of the people, and that it was an evident sign, because they saw him clap his hands upon his head. This tale troubled all the company. Whereupon Nasica besought the Consul, chief of the Senate, to help the common wealth, and to take away this tyrant. The Consul gently answered again, that he would use no force, neither put any citizen to death, but lawfully condemned: as also he would not receive Tiberius, nor protect him, if the people by his persuasion or commandment, should commit any act contrary to the law. Nasica then rising in anger, sith the matter is so, said he, that the Consul regardeth not the common wealth: all you then, that will defend the authority of the law, Nasica doth set upon Tiberius Gracchus. follow me. Thereupon he cast the skirt of his gown over his head, & went strait to the Capitol. They that followed him also took their gowns, and wrapped them about their arms, and laid at as many as they might, to make them give way: and yet very few of the people durst meet with such states as they were to stay them, because they were the chiefest men of the city, but every man flying from them, they fell one on an others neck for haste. They that followed them, had brought from home great levers & clubs, and as they went, they took up feet of trestles and chairs which the people had overthrown and broken, running away, and hied them a pace to meet with Tiberius, striking at them that stood in their way: so that in short space they had dispersed all the common people, and many were slain flying. Tiberius Gracchus the Tribune slain. Tiberius' seeing that, betook him to his legs to save himself, but as he was flying, one took him by the gown, and stayed him: but he leaving his gown behind him, ran in his coat, and running fell upon them that were down before. So, as he was rising up again, the first man that struck him, and that was plainly seen strike him, was one of the Tribunes his brethren, called Publius Satureius: who gave him a great rap on the head with the foot of a chair, & the second blow he had, was given him by Lucius Rufus that boasted of it, as if he had done a notable act. In this tumult, there were slain above three hundred men, and were all killed with staves and stones, and not one man hurt with any iron. This was the first sedition among the citizens of ROME, that fell out with murder, and bloodshed, since the expulsion of the kings. But for all other former dissensions (which were no trifles) they were easily pacified, either party giving place to other: the Senate for fear of the commoners, and the people for reverence they bore to the Senate. And it seemeth, that Tiberius himself would easily have yielded also, if they had proceeded by fair means and persuasion, so they had meant good faith, and would have killed no man: for at that time he had not in all, above 3000. men of the people about him. But surely it seems this conspiracy was executed against him, more for very spite and malice the rich men did bear him, then for any other apparent cause they presupposed against him. For proof hereof may be alleged, the barbarous cruelty they used to his body being dead. For they would not suffer his own brother to have his body to bury it by night, who made earnest suit unto them for it: but they threw him amongst the other bodies into the river, and yet this was not the worst. For, some of his friends they banished without form of law, Tiberius' friends slain. and others they put to death, which they could meet withal. Among the which, they slew Diophanes the Orator, and one Caius Billius, The cruel death of Caius Billius. whom they enclosed in a pipe among snakes and serpents, and put him to death in this sort. Blossius also the Philosopher of Cumes, was brought before the Consuls, and examined about this matter: who boldly confessed unto them, that he did as much as Tiberius commanded him. When Nasica did ask him, and what if he had commanded thee to set fire on the Capitol? He made him answer, that Tiberius would never have given him any such commandment. And when divers others also were still in hand with him about that question: but if he had commanded thee? I would sure have done it, said he: for he would never have commanded me to have done it, if it had not been for the commodity of the people. Thus he scaped at that time, and afterwards fled into ASIA unto Aristonicus, whom misfortune having overthrown, he slew himself. Now, the Senate to pacify the people at that present time, did no more withstand the law Agtarie, for division of the lands of the common wealth, but suffered the people to appoint an other Commissioner for that purpose, in Tiberius' place. Thereupon Publius Crassus was chosen, being allied unto Tiberius, for Caius Gracchus (Tiberius' brother) had married his daughter Licinia. Yet Co●● live Ne●os saith, 〈…〉 it was not Crassus' daughter, Caius married, but the daughter of Brutus, that triumphed for the LVSITANIAN●●. Howbeit the best writers and authority, agreed with that we write. But whatsoever was done, the people were marvelously offended with his death, and men might easily perceive, that they looked but for time and opportunity to be revenged, and did presently threaten Nasica do accuse him. Whereupon the Senate fearing some trouble towards him, devised a way upon no occasion, to send him into ASIA. For the common people did not dissemble the malice they bore him when they met him, but were very round with him, and called him tyrant, and murderer, excommunicate, and wicked man, that had imbrued his hands in the blood of the holy Tribune, and within the most sacred temple of all the city. So in the end he was enforced to forsake ROME, though by his office he was bound to solemnize all the greatest so sacrifices, because he was then chief Bishop of ROME. Nasica chief Bishop of Rome. Thus, cravelling out of his country 〈…〉 mean man, and troubled in his mind: he died shortly after, not far from the city of ●●●●AMVN. Truly it is not greatly to be wondered at, though the people so much hated Nasica, considering that Scipio the AFRICAN himself (whom the people of ROME for jousts cables had loved better than any man else whatsoever) was like to have lost all the people's good 〈…〉 they bore him, because that being at the siege of NUMANTIA, when news was brought him of Tiberius' death, he rang out this verse of Homer: Such end upon him ever light, Scipio's sentence of the death of Tiburius Gracchus. Which in such doings doth delight Furthermore, being asked in th'assembly of the people, by Caius, & Fuluios, what he thought at Tiberius' death: he answered them, that he did not like his doinger. After that the people handled him very churlishly, & did ever break of his oration, which they never did before & he himself also would revile the people even in the assembly. Now Caius Gracchus at the first, because he feared the enemies of his dead brother, or otherwise for that he fought means to make them more hated of the people: he absented himself for a time out of the common assembly, and kept at home and meddled not, as a man contented to line meanly, without busying himself in the common wealth: insomuch as he made men think and report both, that he did utterly mislike those matters which his brother had preferred. Howbeit he was then but a young man, and nine years younger than his brother Tiberius, who was not thirty year old when he was slain. But in process of time, he made his manners and conditions (by little and little) appear, Caius Gracchus manners. who hated sloth and curiosity, and was lest of all given 〈…〉 any covetous mind of getting: for he gave himself to be eloquent, as preparing him wings afterwards to practise in the common wealth. So that it appeared plainly, that when time came, he would not stand still, and look on. When one Vectius a friend of his was sued, he took upon him to defend his cause in court. The people that were present, and heard him speak, they leapt for joy to see him: for he had such an eloquent tongue, that all the Orators beside were but children to him. hereupon the rich men began to be afraid again, and whispered among themselves, that it behoved them to beware he came not to be Tribune. It chanced so that he was chosen Treasurer, and it was his fortune to go into the isle of SARDINIA, Caius Gracchus Quastar in Sardinia. with the Consul Orestes. His enemies were glad of that, and he himself was not sorry for it. For he was a martial man, and as skilful in arms, as he was often at excellent Orator: but yet he was afraid to come into the pulpit for Orations, and misliked to deal in matters of state, albeit he could not altogether deny the people, and his friends that prayed his furtherance. For this cause therefore he was very glad of this voyage, that he might absent himself for a time out of ROME: though divers were of opinion, that he was more popular, and desirous of the common people's good will and favour, than his brother had been before him. But indeed he was clean contrary: for it uppeared that at the first he was drawn rather against his will, then of any special desire he had to deal in the common wealth. Cicero the Orator also saith, that Caius was bend altogether to fly from office in the common wealth, and to live quietly as a private man. But Tiberius (Caius' brother) appeared to him in his sleep, and calling him by his name, said unto him: Caius Gracchus vision and dream. brother, why dost thou prolong time, for thou ca stno● possibly escape? For we were both predestined to one manner of life and death, for procuring the benefit of the people. Now when Caius arrived in SARDINIA, he showed all the proofs that might be in a valiant man, and excelled all the young men of his age, in hardiness against his enemies, in justice to his inferiors, and in love & obedience towards the Consul his Captain: but in temperance, sobriety, and in painfulness, he excelled all them that were elder than he. The winter by chance cell out very sharp, & full of sickness in SARDINIA: whereupon the Consul sent unto the cities to help his soldiers with some clotheses: but the towns sent in post to ROME, to pray the Senate they might be discharged of that burden. The Senate found their allegation reasonable, whereupon they wrote to the Consul to find some other means to cloth his people. The Consul could make no other shift for them, and so the poor soldiers in the mean time smarted for it. But Caius Gracchus went himself unto the cities and so persuaded them, that they of themselves sent to the ROMANS camp such things as they lacked. This being carried to ROME, it was thought strait it was a pretty beginning to creep into the people's favour, and in deed it made the Senate also afraid. In the neck of that, there arrived Ambassadors of AFRICA at ROME, sent from king Micipsa, who told the Senate that the king their master, for Caius Gracchus sake, had sent their army come into SARDINIA. The Senators were so offended withal, that they thrust the Ambassadors out of the Senate, and so gave order that other soldiers should be sent in their places that were in SARDINIA: and that Orestes, should still remain Consul there, meaning also to continued Caius their Treasurer. But when he heard of it, he strait took sea, and returned to ROME in choler. Caius Gracchus returneth out of Sardinia unto Rome. When men saw Caius returned to ROME unlooked for, he was reproved for it not only by his enemies, but by the common people also: who thought his return very strange before his Captain, under whom he was Treasurer. He being accused hereof before, the Censors, prayed he might be heard. So, answering his accusation, he so turned the people's minds that heard him, that they all said he had open wrong. For he told them, that he had served twelve years in the wars, where others were enforced to remain but ten years: and that he had continued Treasurer under his Captain, the space of three years, where the law gave him liberty to return at the end of the year. And that he alone of all men else that had been in the wars, had carried his purse full, and brought it home empty: where others having drunk the wine which they carried thither in vessels, had afterwards brought them home full of gold & silver. Afterwards they went about to accuse him as accessary to a conspiracy, that was revealed in the city of FREGELLES. But having cleared all that suspicion, and being discharged, he presently made suit to be Tribune: wherein he had all the men of quality his sworn enemies. On tother side also he had so great favour of the common people, that there came men out of all parts of ITALY to be at his election, & that such a number of them, as there was no lodging to be had for them all. Furthermore, the field of Mars not being large enough to hold such a multitude of people, there were that gave their voices upon the top of houses. Now the noble men could no otherwise let the people of their will, nor prevent Caius of his hope, but where he thought to be the first Tribune, Caius Gracchus, Tribune of the people. he was only pronounced the fourth. But when he was once possessed officer, he become immediately the chief man, because he was as eloquent as any man of his time. And furthermore, he had a large occasion of calamity offered him: which made him bold to speak, bewailing the death of his brother. For what matters soever he spoke of, he always fell in talk of that, remembering them what matters had passed: & laying before them the examples of their ancestors who in old time had made war with the PHALISCES, by the means of one Genutius Tribune of the people, unto whom they had offered injury: who also did condemn Caius Veturius to death, because that he only would not give a Tribune place, coming through the market place. Where these said he, that standing before you in sight, have slain my brother Tiberius with staves, and have dragged his body from the mount of the Capitol, all the city over, to throw it into the river: and with him also have most cruelly slain all his friends they could come by, without any law on justice at all. And yet by an ancient custom of long time observed in this city of ROME, when any man is accused of treason, and that of duty he must appear at the time appointed him: they do notwithstanding in the morning send a trumpet to his house, to summon him to appear: and moreover the judges were not wont to condemn him, before this ceremony was performed: so careful and respective were out predecessors, where it touched the life of any ROMAN. Now Caius having first stirred up the people with these persuasions (for he had a marvelous loud voice) he preferred two laws. The first, Caius Gracchus Laws. that he that he had once been put out of office by the people, should never after be capable of any other office. The second, that if any Consul had banished any citizen without lawful accusation, the sentence and hearing of the matter should pertain to the people. The first of these two laws did plainly defame Octavius, whom Tiberius his brother had by the people deposed from the Tribunshippe. The second also rouched Popilius, who being Praetor, had banished his brother Tiberius' friends: whereupon he stayed not the trial, but willingly exiled himself out of ITALY. And touching the first law, Caius himself did afterwards revoke it, declaring unto the people, that he had saved Octavius at the request of his mother Cornelia. The people were very glad of it, and confirmed it, honouring her no less for respect of her sons, than also for Scipio's sake her father. Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, honoured of the people of Rome. For afterwards they cast her image in brass, & set it up with this inscription: Cornelia the mother of the Gracchi. Many common matters are found written touching Cornelia his mother, & eloquently pleaded in her behalf, by Caius against her adversaries. As when he said unto one of them: how darest thou presume to speak evil of Cornelia, that had Tiberius to her son? And the other party also that slandered her, being sorely suspected for a Sodomite: and art thou so impudent, said he, to show thy face before Cornelia? Hast thou brought forth children as she hath done? And yet it is well known to all men in ROME, that she being but a woman, hath lived longer without a man, than thou that art a man. Thus were Caius words sharp & stinging, and many such like are to be gathered out of his writings. Furthermore he made many other laws afterwards to increase the people's authority, and to embase the Senate's greatness. Other laws preferred by Caius Gracchus. The first was, for the restoring of the Colonies to ROME, in dividing the lands of the common wealth unto the poor citizens that should inhabit there. The other, that they should apparel the soldiers at the charge of the common wealth, and that it should not be deducted out of their pay: and also, that no citizen should be billed to serve in the wars, under seventeen years of age at the lest. another law was, for their confederates of ITALY: that through all ITALY they should have as free voices in the election of any Magistrate, as the natural citizens of ROME itself. An other setting a reasonable price of the corn that should be distributed unto the poor people. An other touching judgement, whereby he did greatly minish the authority of the Senate, For before, the Senators were only judges of all matters, the which made them to be the more honoured and feared of the people, and the ROMAN Knights: and now he joined three hundred ROMAN Knights unto the other three hundred Senators, and brought it so to pass, that all matters judicial should be equally judged, among those six hundred men. After he had passed this law, it is reported he was very curious in observing all other things, but this one thing specially: that where all other Orators speaking to the people turned them towards the palace where the Senators sat, and to that side of the market place which is called Comitium: he in contrary manner when he made his Oration, turned him outwards towards the other side of the market place, and after that kept it constantly, and never failed. Thus, by a little turning and altering of his look only, he removed a great matter. For he so transferred all the government of the common wealth from the Senate, unto the judgement of the people: to teach the Orators by his example, that in their Orations they should behold the people, not the Senate. Caius Gracchus power. Now, the people having not only confirmed the law he made touching the judges, but given him also full power and authority to choose among the ROMAN Knights such judges as he liked of: he found thereby he had absolute power in his own hands, insomuch as the Senators themselves did ask counsel of him. So did he ever give good counsel, and did prefer matters meet for their honour. As amongst others, the law he made touching certain wheat that Fabius Vicepraetor had sent out of SPAIN: which was a good and honourable act. He persuaded the Senate that the corn might be sold, and so to sand back again the money thereof unto the towns and cities from whence the corn came: and therewithal to punish Fabius for that he made the Empire of ROME hateful and intolerable unto the provinces and subjects of the same. This matter wan him great love and commendation of all the provinces subject to ROME. Other laws of Caius Gracchus. Furthermore, he made laws for the restoring of the decayed towns, for mending of high ways, for building of garners for provision of corn. And to bring all these things to pass, he himself took upon him the only care and enterprise, being never wearied with any pains taken in ordering of so great affairs. For, he followed all those things so earnestly and effectually, as if he had had but one matter in hand: insomuch that they who most hated and feared him, wondered most to see his diligence and quick dispatch in matters. The people also wondered much to behold him only, seeing always such a number of labourers, artificers, Ambassadors, officers, soldiers, and learned men, whom he easily satisfied and dispatched, keeping still his estate, and yet using great courtesy and civility, entertaining every one of them privately: so that he made his accusers to be found liars, that said he was a stately man, and very cruel. Thus he wan the good will of the common people, being more popular and familiar in his conversation and deeds, than he was otherwise in his Orations. But the greatest pains and care he took upon him was, in seeing the high ways mended, the which he would have as well done, as profitably done. For he would cast the cawcies by the line in the softest ground in the fields, and then would pave them with hard stone, and cast a great deal of gravel upon it, which he caused to be brought thither. When he found any low or watery places which the rivers had eaten into, he raised them up, or else made bridges over them, with an even height equal to either side of the cawcie: so that all his work carried a goodly level withal even by the line or plummet, which was a pleasure to behold it. Furthermore, he divided these high ways by miles, The Italian mile containeth eight furlong. every mile containing eight furlongs, and at every miles end he set up a stone for a mark. At either end also of these high ways thus paved, he set certain stones of convenient height, a pretty way a sunder, to help the travelers by to take their horse backs again, without any help. The people for these things highly praising & extolling him, and being ready to make show of their love and good will to him any manner of way: he told them openly one day in his Oration, that he had a request to make unto them, the which if it would please them to grant him, he would think they did him a marvelous pleasure: and if they denied him also, he cared not much. Then every man thought it was the consulship he meant to ask, and that he would sue to be Tribune and Consul together. But when the day came to choose the Consuls, every man looking attentively what he would do: they marveled when they saw him come down the field of Mars, and brought Caius Fannius with his friends, to further his suit for the consulship. Therein he served Fannius turn, for he was presently chosen Consul: and Caius Gracchus was the second time chosen. Caius Gracchus chosen Tribune the second time. Tribune again, not of his own suit, but by the good will of the people. Caius perceiving that the Senators were his open enemies, and that Fannius the Consul was but a slack friend unto him, he began again to curry favour with the common people, and to prefer new laws, setting forth the law of the Colonies, that they should sand of the poor citizens to replenish the cities of TARENTUM and CAPVA, & that they should grant all the Latins the freedom of ROME. The Senate perceiving his power grew great, and that in the end he would be so strong that they could not withstand him: they devised a new and strange way to pluck the people's good will from him, in granting them things not altogether very honest. There was one of the Tribunes, a brother in office with Caius, called Livius Drusus, Livius Drusus one of the Tribunes. a man nobly borne, and as well brought up as any other ROMAN: who for wealth and eloquence was not inferior to the greatest men of estimation in ROME. The chiefest Senators went unto him, and persuaded him to take part with them against Caius, not to use any force or violence against the people to withstand them in any thing, but contrarily to grant them those things which were more honesty for them to deny them with their ill william. Livius offering to pleasure the Senate with his authority, preferred laws neither honourable nor profitable to the common wealth, Laws preferred by Livius Drusus. & were to no other end, but contending with Caius, who should most flatter the people of them two, as players do in their common plays, to show the people pastime. Whereby the Senate showed, that they did not so much mislike Caius' doings, as for the desire they had to overthrow him & his great credit with the people. For where Caius preferred but the replenishing of the two cities, and desired to sand the honestest citizens thither: they objected against him, that he did corrupt the common people. On the other side also they favoured Drusus, who preferred a law that they should replenish twelve Colonies, & should sand to every one of them three thousand of the poorest citizens. And where they hated Caius for that he had charged the poor citizens with an annual rent for the lands that were divided unto them: Livius in contrary manner did please them by disburdening them of that rent & payment, letting them have the lands scotfree. Furthermore also, where Caius did anger the people, because he gave all the Latins the freedom of ROME to give their voices in choosing of Magistrates as freely as the natural ROMANS: when Drusus on tother side had preferred a law that thenceforth no ROMAN should whip any soldier of the Latins with rods to the wars, they liked the law, & passed it. Livius also in every law he put forth, Livius Drusus pacifieth the people against the Senate. said in all his orations, that he did it by the counsel of the Senate, who were very careful for the profit of the people: and this was all the good he did in his office unto the common wealth. For by his means the people were better pleased with the Senate, & where they did before hate all the noble men of the Senate, Livius took away that malice, when the people saw that all that he propounded, was for the preferment & benefit of the common wealth, with the consent & furtherance of the Senate. The only thing also that persuaded the people to think that Drusus meant uprightly, & that he only respected the profit of the common people was: that he never preferred any law for himself, or for his own benefit. For in the restoring of these Colonies which he preferred, he always sent other Commissioners, & gave them the charge of it, and would never finger any money himself: where Caius took upon him the charge & care of all things himself, & specially of the greatest matters. Rubrius also an other Tribune, having preferred a law for the re-edifying & replenishing of CARTHAGE again with people, the which Scipio had razed and destroyed: it was Caius hap to be appointed one of the Commissioners for it. Whereupon he took ship, & sailed into AFRICA. Drusus in the mean time taking occasion of his absence, did as much as might be to seek the favour of the common people, and specially by accusing Fuluius, who was one of the best friends Caius had, & whom they had also chosen Commissioner with him for the division of these lands among the citizens, whom they sent to replenish these Colonies. This Fuluius was a seditious man, Fuluius Commissioner with Caius, a very seditious man. & therefore marvelously hated of the Senate, & withal suspected also of them that took part with the people, that he secretly practised to make their confederates of ITALY to rebel. But yet they had no evident proof of it to justify it against him, more than that which he himself did verify, because he seemed to be offended with the peace & quietness they enjoyed. And this was one of the chiefest causes of Caius overthrow, because that Fuluius was partly hated for his sake. For when Scipio AFRICAN was found dead one morning in his house, The death of Scipio African the less. without any manifest cause how he should come to his death so suddenly: (saving that there appeared certain blind marks of stripes on his body that had been given him: as we have declared at large in his life) the most part of the suspicion of his death was laid to Fuluius, being his mortal enemy, & because the same day they had been at great words together in the pulpit for orations. So was Caius Gracchus also partly suspected for it. Howsoever it was, such a horrible murder as this, of so famous & worthy a man as any was in ROME, was yet notwithstanding never revenged, neither any inquiry made of it: because the common people would not suffer the accusation to go forward, fearing lest Caius would be found in fault, if the matter should go forward. But this was a great while before. Now Caius at that time being in AFRICA about the re-edifying and replenishing of the city of CARTHAGE again, the which he named JUNONIA, the voice goeth that he had many ill signs & tokens appeared unto him. Unlucky signs appearing unto Caius. For the staff of his ensign was broken with a vehement blast of wind, & with the force of the ensign bearer that held it fast on tother side. There came a flaw of wind also that carried away the sacrifices upon the altars and blew them quite out of the circuit which was marked out for the compass of the city. Furthermore, the wolves came and took away the marks which they had set down to limit the bonds of their circuit, & carried him quite away. This notwithstanding, Caius having dispatched all things in the space of three score & ten days, he returned incontinently to ROME, understanding that Fuluius was oppressed by Drusus, and that those matters required his presence. This man is named afterwards Opimius. For Lucius Hostilius that was all in all for the nobility, & a man of great credit with the Senate, being the year before put by the consulship, by Caius practise, who caused Fannius to be chosen: he had good hope this year to speed, for the great number of friends that furthered his suit. So that if he could obtain it, he was fully bend to set Caius beside the saddle, & the rather, because his estimation and countenance he was wont to have among the people, began now to decay, for that they were full of such devices as his were: because there were divers others that preferred the like to please the people withal, & yet with the Senate's great good will & favour. So Caius being returned to ROME, he removed from his house, and where before he dwelled in mount Palatine, he came now to take a house under the market place, to show himself thereby the lowlier & more popular, because many of the meaner sort of people dwelled thereabouts. Then he purposed to go forward with the rest of his laws, & to make the people to estabish them, a great number of people repairing to ROME out of all parts for the furtherance thereof. Howbeit the Senate counseled the Consul Fannius to make proclamation, that all those which were no natural ROMANS, resident & abiding within the city self of ROME: that they should departed out of ROME. Besides all this, there was a strange proclamation made, and never seen before: that none of all the friends & confederates of the ROMANS, for certain days should come into ROME. But Caius on tother side set up bills on every post, accusing the Consul for making so wicked a proclamation: & further, promised the confederates of ROME to aid them, if they would remain there against the Consul's proclamation. But yet he performed it not. For when he saw one of Fannius sergeaunts carry a friend of his to prison, he held on his way, & would see nothing, neither did he help him: either of likelihood because he feared his credit with the people, which began to decay, or else because he was loath (as he said) to pick any quarrel with his enemies, which sought it of him. Furthermore, he chanced to fall at variance with his brethren the Tribunes, Caius Gracchus fell out with the Tribunes. about this occasion. The people were to see the pastime of the sword players or sensers at the sharp, within the very market place, and there were divers of the officers that to see the sport, did set up scaffolds round about, to take money for the standing. Caius commanded them to take them down again, because the poor men might see the sport without any cost. But not a man of them would yield to it. Wherefore he stayed till the night before the pastime should be, & then he took all his labourers he had under him, & went & overthrew the scaffolds every one of them: so that the next morning all the market place was clear for the common people, to see the pastime at their pleasure. For this fact of his, the people thanked him marvelously, & took him for a worthy man. Howbeit his brethren the Tribunes were very much offended with him, & took him for a bold presumptuous man. This seemeth to be the chief cause why he was put from his third Tribuneship, Caius Gracchus repulsed from the third Tribuneship. where he had the most voices of his side: because his colleagues, to be revenged of the part he had played them, of malice & spite, made false report of the voices. Howbeit there is no great troth in this. It is true that he was very angry with this repulse, & it is reported he spoke somewhat too proudly to his enemies, that were merry with the matter, & laughed him to scorn: that they laughed a SARDONIANS laugh, not knowing how darkly his deeds had wrapped them in. Furthermore, his enemies having chosen Opimius' Consul, they began immediately to revoke divers of Caius laws: as among the rest, his doings at CARTHAGE for the re-edifying of that city, procuring thus all the ways they could to anger him, because they might have just occasion of anger to kill him. Caius notwithstanding did patiently bear it at the first but afterwards his friends, & specially Fuluius, did encourage him so, that he began again to gather men to resist the Consul. And it is reported also, that Cornelia his mother did help him in it, secretly hiring a great number of strangers which she sent unto ROME, as if they had been reapers, or harvest men. And this is that she wrote secretly in her letter, unto her son in ciphers. And yet other writ to the contrary, that she was very angry he did attempt those things. When the day came that they should proceed to the revocation of his laws, Sedition betwixt Caius Gracchus & the Senate. both parties met by break of day at the Capitol. There when the Consul Opimius had done sacrifice, one of Caius sergeants call Quintus Antyllius, carrying the entrails of the beast sacrificed, said unto Fuluius, and others of his tribe that were about him: give place to honest men, vile citizens that ye be. Some say also, that besides these injurious words, in scorn & contempt he held out his naked arm to make them ashamed. Whereupon they slew him presently in the field with great botkins to write with, which they had purposely made for that intent. Antillius, C. Gracchus sergeant slain. Hereupon the common people were marvelously offended for this murder, & the chief men of both sides also were diversly affected. For Caius was very sorry for it, & bitterly reproved them that were about him, saying, that they had given their enemies the occasion they looked for, to set upon them. Opimius' the Consul in contrary manner, taking this occasion, rose upon it, & did stir up the people to be revenged. But there fell a shower of rain at that time that parted them. The next morning the Consul having assembled the Senate by break of day, as he was dispatching causes within, some had taken the body of Antyllius & laid it naked upon the beer, & so carried it through the market place (as it was agreed upon before amongst them) & brought it to the Senate door: where they began to make great moan & lamentation, Opimius knowing the meaning of it, but yet he dissembled it, & seemed to wonder at it. Whereupon the Senators went out to see what it was, & finding this beer, in the market place, some fell a weeping for him that was dead, others cried out that it was a shameful act, & in no wise to be suffered. But on the other side, this did revive the old grudge and malice of the people, for the wickedness of the ambitious noble men: who having themselves before slain Tiberius Gracchus that was Tribune, & within the Capitol itself, & had also cast his body into the river, did now make an honourable show openly in the market place, of the body of a sergeant Antyllius (who though he were wrongfully slain, yet had himself given them the cause that slew him, to do that they did) & all the whole Senate were about the beer to bewail his death, & to honour the funerals of a hireling, to make the people also kill him, that was only left the protector & defender of the people. After this, they went again unto the Capitol, An ordinance made by the Senate, against C. Gracchus. & there made a decree, whereby they gave the Consul Opimius' extraordinary power & authority, by absolute power to provide for the safety of the common wealth, to preserve the city, & to suppress the tyrants. This decree being established, the Consul presently commanded the Senators that were present there, to go arm themselves: & appointed the ROMAN Knights, that the next morning betimes every man should bring two of their men armed with them. Fuluius on the other side, he prepared his force against them, & assembled the common people together. Caius also returning from the market place, stayed before the image of his father, & looked earnestly upon it without ever a word speaking, only he burst out a weeping, and fetching a great sigh, went his way. This made the people to pity him that saw him: so that they talked among themselves, that they were but beasts & cowards at such a strait to forsake so worthy a man. Thereupon they went to his house, stayed there all night & watched before his gate: not as they did that watched with Fuluius, The people defended C. Gracchus. that passed away the night in guseling and drinking drunk, crying out, and making noise, Fuluius himself being drunk first of all, who both spoke and did many things far unmeet for his calling. For they that watched Caius on tother side, were very sorrowful, and made no noise, even as in a common calamity of their country, devising with themselves what would fall out upon it, waking, and sleeping one after an other by turns. When the day broke, they with Fuluius did awake him, who slept yet sound for the wine he drank over night, and they armed themselves with the spoils of the GAULES that hung round about his house, whom he had overcome in battle the same year he was Consul: and with great cries, and thundering threats, they went to take the mount Aventine. But Caius would not arm himself, but went out of his house in a long gown, as if he would have gone simply into the market place according to his wonted manner, saving that he carried a short dagger at his girdle under his gown. So as he was going out of his house, his wife stayed him at the door, and holding him by the one hand, and a little child of his in her other hand, she said thus unto him: Alas Caius, The words of Licinis to her husband Caius Gracchus. thou dost not now go as thou wert wont, a Tribune into the market place to speak to the people, neither to prefer any new laws: neither dost thou go unto an honest war, that if unfortunately that should happen to thee that is common to all men, I might yet at the lest mourn for thy death with honour. But thou goest to put thyself into bloody butcher's hands, who most cruelly have slain thy brother Tiberius: and yet thou goest, a naked man unarmed, intending rather to suffer, then to do hurt. Besides, thy death can bring no benefit to the common wealth. For the worse part hath now the upper hand, considering that sentence passeth by force of sword. Had thy brother been slain by his enemies, before the city of NUMANTIA: yet had they given us his body to have buried him. But such may be my misfortune, that I may presently go to pray the river or sea to give me thy body, which as thy brothers they have likewise thrown into the same. Alas, what hope or trust is left us now, in laws or gods, sithence they have slain Tiberius? As Licinia was making this pitiful moan unto him, Caius fair and softly pulled his hand from her, and left her, giving her never a word, but went on with his friends. But she reaching after him to take him by the gown, fell to the ground, and lay flatling there a great while, speaking never a word: until at length her servants took her up in a swoon, and carried her so unto her brother Crassus. Now Fuluius, Fuluius sent his son to the Consul with a heralds rod to offer peace. by the persuasion of Caius, when all their faction were met: sent his younger son (which was a pretty fair boy) with a heralds rod in his hand for his safety. This boy humbly presenting his duty, with the tears in his eyes, before the Consul and Senate, offered them peace. The most of them that were present thought very well of it. But Opimius made answer saying, that it become them not to sand messengers, thinking with fair words to win the Senate: but it was their duty to come themselves in persons, like subjects & offenders to make their trial, & so to crave pardon, & to seek to pacify the wrath of the Senate. Then he commanded the boy he should not return again to them, but with this condition he had prescribed. Caius (as it is reported) was ready to go and clear himself unto the Senate: but the residue would not suffer him to go. whereupon Fuluius sent his son back again unto them, to speak for them as he had done before. But Opimius that was desirous to fight, caused the boy to be taken, and committed him in safe custody, & then went presently against Fuluius with a great number of footmen well armed, & of CRETAN archers beside: who with their arrows did more trouble & hurt their enemies, then with any thing else, that within a while they all began to fly. Fuluius on the other side fled into an old hottehouse that no body made reckoning of, and there being found shortly after, they slew him, and his eldest son. The death of Fuluius and his eldest son. Now for Caius, he fought not at all, but being mad with himself, and grieved to see such bloodshed: he got him into the temple of Diana, where he would have killed himself, had not his very good friends Pomponius and Licinius saved him. For both they being with him at that time, took his sword from him, and counseled him to fly. It is reported that then he fell down on his knees, and holding up both his hands unto the goddess, he besought her that the people might never come out of bondage, to be revenged of this their ingratitude & treason. For the common people (or the most part of them) plainly turned their coats, when they heard proclamation made, that all men had pardon granted them, that would return. So Caius fled upon it, The flight of Caius. and his enemies followed him so near, that they overtook him upon the wooden bridge, where two of his friends that were with him stayed, to defend him against his followers, and bade him in the mean time make shift for himself, whilst they fought with them upon the bridge: and so they did, and kept them that not a man got the bridge of them, until they were both slain. Now there was none that fled with Caius, but one of his men called Philocrates: notwithstanding, every man did still encourage and counsel him, as they do men to win a game, but no man would help him, nor offer him any horse, though he often required it, because he saw his enemies so near unto him. This notwithstanding, by their defence that were slain upon the bridge, he got ground on them so, that he had leisure to creep into a little grove of wood which was consecrated to the furics. There his servant Philocrates slew him, and then slew himself also, and fell dead upon him. Other writ notwithstanding, that both the master & servant were overtaken, and taken alive: and that his servant did so strait embrace his master that none of the enemies could strike him for all the blows they gave, before he was slain himself. So one of the murderers struck of Caius Gracchus head to carry to the Consul. The faithfulness of Caius Gracchus servant. Howbeit one of Opimius' friends called Septimuleius, took the head from the other by the way, because proclamation was made before they fought by trumpet, that whosoever brought the heads of Fuluius and Caius, they should be paid the weight of them in gold. Wherefore this Septimuleius carried Caius head upon the top of his spear unto Opimius: whereupon the scales being brought to weigh it, it was found that it weighed seventeen pound weight and two third parts of a pound, because Septimuleius besides the horrible murder he had committed, had also holpen it with this villainy, that he had taken out his brain, and in lieu thereof had filled his skull with lead. Now the other also that brought Fuluius head, because they were poor men, they had nothing. The bodies of these two men, Caius Gracchus and Fuluius, and of other their followers (which were to the number of three thousand that were slain) were all thrown into the river, their goods confiscate, and their widows forbidden to mourn for their death. Furthermore, they took from Licinia Caius wife, her jointer: but yet they dealt more cruelly and beastly with the young boy, Fuluius son: who had neither lift up his hand against them, nor was in the fight among them, but only came to them to make peace before they fought, whom they kept as prisoner, and after the battle ended, they put him to death. But yet that which most of all other grieved the people, was the temple of concord, the which Opimius caused to be built: The temple of concord built by Opimius the Consul. for it appeared that he boasted, and in manner triumphed, that he had slain so many citizens to ROME. And therefore there were that in the night wrote under the inscription of the temple these verses: A furious fact and full of beastly shame; This temple built, that beareth concords name. This Opimius was the first man at ROME, that being Consul, usurped the absolute power of the Dictator: Opimius' the first Consul, usurping the power of the Dictator. and that without law or justice condemned three thousand citizens of ROME, besides Fuluius Flaccus, (who had also been Consul, and had received the honour of triumph) and Caius Gracchus a young man in like case, who in virtue & reputation excelled all the men of his years. This notwithstanding, could not keep Opimius from thievery and extortion. For when he was sent Ambassador unto jugurthe king of NUMIDIA, Opimius' bribed with money of jugurthe, and condemned. he was bribed with money: & thereupon being accused, he was most shamefully convicted, and condemned. Wherefore he ended his days with this reproach and infamy, hated, and mocked of all the people: because at the time of the overthrow he dealt beastly with them that fought for his quarrel. But shortly after, it appeared to the world, how much they lamented the loss of the two brethren of the Gracchi. The Gracchi were marvelously desired of the people. For they made images and statues of them, and caused them to be set up in an open and honourable place, consecrating the places where they had been slain: and many of them also came and offered to them, of their first fruits and flowers, according to the time of the year, & went thither to make their prayers on their knees, as unto the temples of the gods. Their mother Cornelia, The magnanimity of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi. as writers report, did bear this calamity with a noble heart: and as for the chapels which they built & consecrated unto them in the place where they were slain, she said no more, but that they had such graves, as they had deserved. Afterwards she dwelled continually by the mount of Misene, and never changed her manner of life. She had many friends, and because she was a noble Lady, and loved ever to welcome strangers, she kept a very good house, and therefore had always great repair unto her, of GRECIANS & learned men: beside, there was no king nor Prince, but both received gifts from her, and sent her again. They that frequented her company, delighted marvelously to hear her report the deeds and manner of her father's life, Scipio AFRICAN: but yet they wondered more, to hear her tell the acts and death of her two sons, Tiberius and Caius Gracchi, without shedding tear, or making any show of lamentation or grief, no more than if she had told an history unto them that had requested her. Insomuch some writer's report, that age, or her great misfortunes, had overcomen and taken her reason and sense from her, to feel any sorrow. But in deed they were senseless to say so, not understanding, how that to be nobly borne, and virtuously brought up, doth make men temperately to digest sorrow, The power of learning to overcome sorrow. and that fortune oftentimes overcomes virtue, which regardeth honesty in all respects, but yet with any adversity she can not take away the temperance from them, whereby they patiently bear it. THE COMPARISON OF Tiberius and Caius Gracchi with Agis and Cleomenes. The wisdom of the Gracchi. NOw that we be come to the end of this history, we are to compare the lives of these two men the one with the other. First, as touching the two Gracchi: their enemies that most hated them, and spoke the worst they could of them, could not deny but that they were the best given to virtue, and as well taught and brought up, as any ROMANS that were in their time. But yet it appeareth, that nature had the upper hand of them, in Agis and Cleomenes. For they having been very ill brought up, both for learning and good manners, for lack whereof the oldest men were almost spoiled: yet did they notwithstanding make themselves the first masters and example of sobriety, temperance, and simplicity of life. Furthermore, the two first having lived in that time, when ROME flourished most in honour and virtuous desires: they were more than ashamed to forsake the virtues inherited from their ancestors. These two last also being borne of fathers that had a clean contrary disposition, and finding their country altogether without any order, and infected with dissolute life: were not therefore any whit the more moved with desire to do well. Furthermore, the greatest praise they gave unto the two Gracchi, was, their abstinence and integrity from taking of money all the time they were in office, and dealt in matters of state, ever keeping their hands clean, and took not a penny wrongfully from any man. Where Agis on tother side was offended if any man praised him, for that he took nothing from an other man: seeing that he dispossessed himself of his own goods, and gave it to his citizens, which amounted in ready coin to the value of six hundred talents. Whereby men may easily judge, how grievous a sin he thought it to take any thing wrongfully from any man: seeing that he thought it a kind of avarice, lawfully to be richer than others. Furthermore, there was marvelous great difference in their alterations, and renewing of the state, which they did both prefer. For the acts of the two ROMANS were to mend high ways, and to re-edify and replenish decayed towns: and the worthiest act Tiberius did, was the law Agraria, which he brought in for dividing of the lands of the common wealth amongst the poor Citizens. And the best act his brother Caius also did, was the mingling of the judges: adding to the three hundred Senators, three hundred ROMAN knights to be indifferent judges with them. Whereas Agis and Cleomenes in contrary manner were of opinion, that to reform small faults, & to redress them by little and little, was (as Plato said) to cut of one of the Hydra's heads, of the which came afterwards seven in the place; and therefore they took upon them a change and innovation, even at once to root out all the mischiefs of their country, (or to speak more truly, to take away the disorder which brought in all vice and mischief to the common wealth) and so to restore the city of SPARTA again to her former ancient honourable estate. Now this may be said again, for the government of the GRACCHI: that the chiefest men of ROME were ever against their purposes. Where, in that that Agis attempted, and Cleomenes ended, they had the noblest ground that could be, & that was the ancient laws and ordinances of SPARTA, touching temperance and equality: the first, instituted in old time by Lycurgus, the other confirmed by Apollo. Furthermore, by the alterations of the first, The Acts of the Gracchi did little profit Rome. ROME become no greater than it was before. Where, by that which Cleomenes did, all GRAECE in short time saw that SPARTA commanded all the rest of PELOPONNESUS, and fought at that time against those that were of greatest power in all GRAECE, for the signiory thereof. Whereby their only mark & purpose was, to rid all the GRAECE from the wars of the GAULES and ILLYRIANS, and to restore it again to the honest government of the race and line of Hercules. Their deaths, me thinks, do show great difference of their courages. For the GRACCHI fight with their own Citizens, were slain flying. The end of the Gracchi unfortunate. Of these two also, Agis, because he would put never a Citizen to death, was slain in manner voluntarily: and Cleomenes receiving injury stood to his defence, and when he had no opportunity to do it, he stoutly killed himself. And so may it be said on tother side, that Agis did never any noble act of a Captain or soldier, because he was slain before he could come to it. And for the victories of Cleomenes on tother side, may be opposed the scaling of the walls of CARTHAGE, The deeds of the Gracchi. where Tiberius was the first man that at the assault got up upon the wall, which was no small exploit: and the peace which he made also at the siege of NUMANTIA, whereby he saved twenty thousand fight men of the ROMANS, the which had no means otherwise to save their lives. And Caius also in the self same war, at the siege of NUMANTIA, and afterwards in SARDINIA, did many noble feats of war: so that there is no doubt, but if they had not been slain so soon as they were, they might have been compared with the excellentest Captains that ever were in ROME. Again, touching their doings in civil policy, it appeareth that Agis dealt more slackly, being abused by Agesilaus: who likewise deceived the poor Citizens of the division of the lands which he had promised them. In fine, for lack of courage, because he was very young, he left the things undone which he had purposed to have performed. On tother side, Cleomenes went too rowndly to work to renew the ancient government of the common wealth again, by kill the ephors with too much cruelty, whom he might easily have won, or otherwise by force have gotten the upper hand. For it is not the part of a wise Physician, nor of a good governor of a common weal to use the sword, but in great extremity, where there is no other help nor remedy: & there lacked judgement in them both, but worst of all in the one, for injury is ever joined with cruelty. The GRACCHI on tother side, neither the one nor the other, began to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Citizens. For it is reported, that though they did hurt Caius, yet he would never defend himself: and where it was known that he was very valiant in battle with his sword in his hand against the enemy, he showed himself as cold again in the uproar against his Citizens. For he went out of his house unarmed, and fled when he saw them fight: being more circumspect not to do hurt, than not to suffer any. Therefore they are not to be thought cowards for their flying, but rather men fearful to offend any man. For they were driven, either to yield to them that followed them, or else if they stayed, to stand to their defence, The faults of the Gracchi. because they might keep themselves from hurt. And where they accuse Tiberius for the faults he committed, the greatest that ever he did, was when he deposed Octavius his colleague from the Tribuneship, and that he himself made suit for the second. And as for Caius, they falsely accused him for the death of Antyllius the Sergeant, who in deed was slain unknown to him, and to his great grief. Where Cleomenes on tother side, although we should forget the murder he committed upon the ephors, yet he set slaves at liberty, and ruled the kingdom in manner himself alone: but yet for manners sake only he joined his own brother with him, which was of the self same house. And when he had persuaded Archidamus, (who was next heir to the kingdom of the other royal house) to be bold to return home from MESSENA unto SPARTA: he suffered him to be slain, and because he did not revenge his death, he did confirm their opinion that thought he was consenting to his death. Lycurgus' on the other side, whose example he did counterfeit to follow, because he did willingly resign the kingdom unto his brother's son Charilaus, and being afraid also, that if the young child should chance to miscarry, they would suspect him for his death: he exiled himself out of his own country a long time, traveling up and down, and returned not to SPARTA again, before Charilaus had gotten a son to succeed him in his kingdom. But we can not set another GRECIAN by Lycurgus' comparable unto him. We have declared also that amongst Cleomenes deeds, there were many other greater alterations than these, and also many other breaches of the law. So they that do condemn the manners of the one and the other, say, that the two GRECIANS from the beginning had an aspiring mind to be tyrants, still practising wars. Whereas the two ROMANS only, even by their most mortal enemies, could be blamed for nothing else, but for an extreme ambition, and did confess that they were too earnest and vehement above their nature, in any strife or contention they had with their adversaries, and that they yielded unto that choler and passion, as unto ill winds, which brought them to do those things they did in the end. For what more just or honest intent could they have had, than the first was: had not the rich men (even through stoutness and authority to overthrow the laws) brought them against their wills into quarrel: the one to save his life, the other to revenge his brother's death, who was slain without order, justice, or the authority of any officer? Thus thou mayest thyself see the difference, that was between the GRECIANS and ROMANS: and now to tell you plainly my opinion of both, I think that Tiberius was the stoutest of the four, that the young king Agis offended least, and that for boldness and courage, Caius came nothing near unto Cleomenes. THE LIFE OF Demosthenes. HE that made the little book of the praise of Alcibiades, touching the victory he wan at the horse raze of the Olympian games, (were it the Poet Euripides as some think, or any other) my friend Sossius: said, that to make a man happy, he must of necessity be borne in some famous city. But to tell you what I think hereof, doubtless, true happiness chief consisteth in the virtue and qualities of the mind, True happiness consisteth in the mind and manners of man, not in any place or country. being a matter of no moment, whether a man be borne in a pelting village, or in a famous city: no more than it is for one to be borne of a fair or fowl mother. For it were a madness to think that the little village of JULIDE, being the lest part of the isle of CEO (the whole Island of itself being but a small thing) and that the isle of AEGINA (which is of so small a length, that a certain ATHENIAN on a time made a motion it might be taken away, because it was but as a straw in the sight of the haven of Piraea) could bring forth famous Poets, and excellent Comediants: and not breed an honest, just, and wise man, and of noble courage. For, as we have reason to think that arts and sciences which were first devised and invented to make some things necessary for men's use, or otherwise to win fame and credit, are drowned, and cast away in little poor villages: So are we to judge also, that virtue, like a strong and fruitful plant, can take root, and bring forth in every place, where it is graffed in a good nature, and gentle person, that can patiently away with pains. And therefore if we chance to offend, and live not as we should: we can not accuse the meanness of our country where we were borne, but we must justly accuse our selves. Surely he that hath taken upon him to put forth any work, or to writ any history, Expedient for an Historiographer to be in a famous city. into the which he is to thrust many strange things unknown to his country, and which are not ready at his hand to be had, but dispersed abroad in divers places, and are to be gathered out of divers books and authorities: first of all, he must needs remain in some great and famous city thoroughly inhabited, where men do delight in good and virtuous things, because there are commonly plenty of all sorts of books: and that perusing them, and hearing talk also of many things beside, which other Historiographers peradventure have not written of, and which will carry so much more credit, because men that are alive may presently speak of them as of their own knowledge, whereby he may make his work perfect in every point, having many and divers necessary things contained in it. Plutarkes' country very little. But I myself that devil in a poor little town, and yet do remain there willingly lest it should become less: whilst I was in ITALY, and at ROME, I had no leisure to study and exercise the Latin tongue, aswell for the great business I had then to do, as also to satisfy them that came to learn Philosophy of me: so that even somewhat too late, and now in my latter time, I began to take my Latin books in my hand. And thereby, a strange thing to tell you, but yet true: I learned not, nor understood matters so much by the words, as I came to understand the words, by common experience & knowledge I had in things. But furthermore, to know how to pronounce the Latin tongue well, or to speak it readily, or to understand the signification, translations, and fine joining of the simple words one with another, which do beautify & set forth the tongue: surely I judge it to be a marvelous pleasant and sweet thing, but withal it requireth a long and laboursome study, meet for those that have better leisure than I have, & that have young years on their backs to follow such pleasure. Therefore, in this present book, which is the fift of this work, where I have taken upon me to compare the lives of noble men one with another: undertaking to writ the lives of Demosthenes and Cicero, we will consider and examine their nature, manners and conditions, by their acts and deeds in the government of the common wealth, not meaning otherwise to confer their works and writings of eloquence, neither to define which of them two was sharper or sweeter in his oration. For, as the Poet jon saith, In this behalf a man may rightly say, The Dolphynes in their proper soil do play. The which Caecilius little understanding, being a man very rash in all his doings, hath unadvisedly written and set forth in print, Demosthenes' compared with Cicero. a comparison of Demosthenes eloquence, with Cicero's. But if it were an easy matter for every man to know himself, than the gods needed have given us no commandment, neither could men have said that it came from heaven. But for my opinion, me thinks fortune even from the beginning hath framed in manner one self mould of Demosthenes and Cicero, and hath in their natures fashioned many of their qualities one like to the other: as, both of them to be ambitious, both of them to love the liberty of their country, and both of them very fearful in any danger of wars. And likewise their fortunes seem to me, to be both much alike. For it is hard to find two Orators again, that being so meanly borne as they, have comen to be of so great power and authority as they two, nor that have deserved the ill will of kings & noble men so much as they have done, nor that have lost their Daughters, nor that have been banished their countries, & that have been restored again with honour, and that again have fled, and have been taken again, nor that have ended their lives with the liberty of their country. So that it is hard to be judged, whether nature have made them liker in manners, or fortune in their doings, as if they had both like cunning workemaisters strived one with the other, to whom they should make them best resemble. But first of all we must writ of the elder of them two. Demosthenes the father of this Orator Demosthenes, The parentage of Demosthenes. was as Theopompus writeth, one of the chief men of the city, and they called him Machaeropoeus, to weet, a maker of sword blades, because he had a great shop where he kept a number of slaves to forge them. But touching AEschynes, the Orator's report of his mother, who said that she was the Daughter of one Gelo● (that fled from ATHENS being accused of treason) and of a barbarous woman that was her mother: I am not able to say whether it be true, or devised of malice to do him despite. Howsoever it was, it is true that his father died, leaving him seven year old, and left him reasonable well: The patrimony lose Demosthenes'. for his goods came to little less than the value of fifteen talents. Howbeit his guardians did him great wrong: for they stolen a great part of his goods themselves, and did let the rest run to nought, as having little care of it, for they would not pay his schoolmasters their wages. And this was the cause that he did not learn the liberal sciences which are usually taught unto honest men's sons: and to further that want also, he was but a weakling, & very tender, and therefore his mother would not much let him go to school, neither his masters also durst keep him too hard to it, because he was but a sickly child at the first, and very weak. Demosthenes why he was called Battalus. And it is reported also, that the surname of Battalus was given him in mockery by other schooleboyes his companions, because of his weakness of body. This Battalus (as divers men do report) was an effeminate player on the flute, against whom the Poet Antiphanes to mock him, devised a little play. Others also do writ of one Battalus, a dissolute Orator, and that wrote lascivious verses: and it seemeth that the ATHENIANS at that time did call a certain part of man's body uncomely to be named, Battalus. Demosthenes why surnamed Argas. Now for Argas (which surname men say was also given him) he was so called, either for his rude and beastly manners, (because some Poets do call a snake Argas) or else for his manner of speech, which was very unpleasant to the ear: for Argas is the name of a Poet, that made always bawdy & ill favoured songs. But hereof enough as Plato said. Furthermore, the occasion (as it is reported) that moved him to give himself to eloquence, was this. Calistratus the Orator. Calistratus the Orator was to defend the cause of one Oropus before the judges, and every man longed greatly for this day of pleading, both for the excellency of the Orator, that then bore the bell for eloquence: as for the matter, and his accusation, which was manifestly known to all. Demosthenes' hearing his schoolmasters agreed together to go to the hearing of this matter, he prayed his schoolmaster to be so good, as to let him go with him. His Master granted him, and being acquainted with the keepers of the hall door where this matter was to be pleaded, he so entreated them, that they placed his scholar in a very good place, where being set at his ease, he might both see and hear all that was done, and no man could see him. Thereupon, when Demosthenes had heard the case pleaded, he was greatly in love with the honour which the Orator had gotten, when he saw how he was waited upon home with such a train of people after him: but yet he wondered more at the force of his great eloquence, that could so turn and convey all things at his pleasure. Thereupon he left the study of all other sciences, and all other exercises of wit and body, The earnest desire of Demosthenes to learn eloquence. which other children are brought up in: and began to labour continually, and to frame himself to make orations, with intent one day to be an Orator among the rest. His Master that taught him Rhetoric was Isaeus, notwithstanding that Isocrates also kept a school of Rhetoric at that time: Isaeus, Demosthenes' school master of Rhetoric. either because that being an orphan he was not able to pay the wages that Isocrates demanded of his scholars, which was ten Minas: or rather for that he found Isaeus manner of speech more proper for the use of the eloquence he desired, because it was more finer, & sutler. Yet Hermippus writeth notwithstanding, that he had read certain books, having no name of any author, which declared that Demosthenes had been Plato's scholar, and that by hearing of him, he learned to frame his pronunciation and eloquence. And he writeth also of one Cresibius, who reporteth that Demosthenes had secretly red Isocrates works of Rhetoric, and also Alcidamus books, by means of one Callias SYRACUSAN, and others. Wherefore when he came out of his wardeshippe, he began to put his guardians in suit, and to writ orations and pleas against them: Demosthenes' first practice in drawing & penning of orations. who in contrary manner did ever use delays and excuses, to save themselves from giving up any account unto him, of his goods and patrimony left him. And thus, following this exercise (as Thucydides writeth) it prospered so well with him, that in the end he obtained it, but not without great pains and danger: and yet with all that he could do, he could not recover all that his father left him, by a good deal. So having now gotten some boldness, and being used also to speak in open presence, and withal, having a feeling and delight of the estimation that is won by eloquence in pleading: afterwards he attempted to put forward himself, and to practise in matters of state. For, as there goeth a tale of one Laomedon an ORCHOMENIAN, who having a grievous pain in the spleen, A remedy for the pain of spleen. by advise of the Physicians was willed to run long courses to help him: and that following their order, he become in the end so lusty & nimble of body, that afterwards he would needs make one to run for games, & in deed grew to be the swiftest runner of all men in his time. Even so the like chanced unto Demosthenes. For at the first, beginning to practise oratory for recovery of his goods, and thereby having gotten good skill and knowledge how to plead: he afterwards took upon him to speak to the people in assemblies, touching the government of the common wealth, even as if he should have contended for some game of price, & at length did excel all the Orators at that time that got up into the pulpit for orations: notwithstanding that when he first ventured to speak openly, Demosthenes' mocked of the people for his long orations. the people made such a noise, that he could scant be heard, and beside they mocked him for his manner of speech that was so strange, because he used so many long confused peryods, and his matter he spoke of was so intricate with arguments one upon another, that they were tedious, and made men weary to hear him. Demosthenes' impediments of nature. And furthermore, he had a very soft voice, an impediment in his tongue, and had also a short breath, the which made that men could not well understand what he meant, for his long periods in his oration were oftentimes interrupted, before he was at the end of his sentence. So that at length, perceiving he was thus rejected, he gave over to speak any more before the people, and half in despair withdrew himself into the haven of Piraea. There Eunomus the THESSALIAN being a very old man, found him, and sharply reproved him, and told him that he did himself great wrong, considering, that having a manner of speech much like unto Pericles, he drowned himself by his faint heart, because he did not seek the way to be bold against the noise of the common people, and to arm his body to away with the pains and burden of public orations, but suffering it to grow feebler, for lack of use and practise. Furthermore, being once again repulsed and whistled at, as he returned home, hanging down his head for shame, and utterly discouraged: Satyrus an excellent player of comedies, being his familiar friend, followed him, and went and spoke with him. Domosthenes made his complaint unto him, that where he had taken more pains than all the Orators beside, and had almost even worn himself to the bones with study, yet he could by no means devise to please the people: whereas other Orators that did nothing but bybbe all day long, and Mariners that understood nothing, were quietly heard, and continually occupied the pulpit with orations: and on tother side that they made no account of him. Satyrus then answered him, thou sayest true Demosthenes, but care not for this, I will help it strait, and take away the cause of all this: so thou wilt but tell me without book certain verses of Euripides, or of Sophocles. Thereupon Demosthenes presently rehearsed some unto him, that came into his mind. Satyrus repeating them after him, gave them quite another grace, with such a pronunciation, comely gesture, and modest countenance becoming the verses, that Demosthenes thought them clean changed. Whereby perceiving how much the action (to weet, the comely manner and gesture in his oration) doth give grace and comeliness in his pleading: he than thought it but a trifle, and almost nothing to speak of, to exercise to plead well, unless therewithal he do also study to have a good pronunciation and gesture. Thereupon he built him a cellar under the ground, Demosthenes' cellar. the which was whole even in my time, & he would daily go down into it, to fashion his gesture and pronunciation, and also to exercise his voice, and that with such earnest affection, that oftentimes he would be there two or three months one after an other, and did shave his head of purpose, because he durst not go abroad in that sort, although his will was good. And yet he took his theme and matter to declaim upon, and to practise to plead of the matters he had had in hand before, or else upon occasion of such talk as he had with them that came to see him, while he kept his house. For they were no sooner gone from him, but he went down into his cellar, and repeated from the first to the last all matters that had passed between him and his friends in talk together, and alleged also both his own and their answers. And if peradventure he had been at the hearing of any long matter, he would repeat it by himself: and would finely couch and convey it into proper sentences, and thus change and altar every way any matter that he had heard, or talked with others. Thereof came the opinion men had of him, that he had no very quick capacity by nature, and that his eloquence was not natural, but artificially gotten with extreme labour. And for proof hereof, they make this probable reason, That they never saw Demosthenes make any oration on the sudden, Demosthenes seldom pleaded on the sudden. and that oftentimes when he was set in the assembly, the people would call him by his name, to say opinion touching the matter of counsel then in hand: Howbeit that he never rose upon their call, unless he had first studied the matter well he would speak of. So that all the other Orators would many times give him a tawnte for it: as Pytheas among other, that tawnting him on a time, told him, his reasons smelled of the lamp. Yea, replied Demosthenes sharply again: so is there great difference, Pytheas, betwixt thy labour and mine by lampelight. And himself also speaking to others, did not altogether deny it, but told them plainly, that he did not always writ at length all that he would speak, Demosthenes in his oration studieth to please the people. neither did he also offer to speak, before he had made briefs of that he would speak. He said furthermore, that it was a token the man loved the people well, that he would be careful before what he would say to them. For this prepratiue (q he) doth show that he doth honour and reverence them. In contrary manner also, he that passeth not how the people take his words, it is a plain token that he despiseth their authority, & that he lacketh no good will (if he could) to use force against them, rather than reason and persuasion. But yet further to enlarge the proofs, that Demosthenes had no heart to make any oration on the sudden, they do allege this reason: that Demades many times rose upon the sudden to maintain Demosthenes' reasons, when the people otherwhile did reject him: and that Demosthenes on tother side did never rise to make Demades words good, which he had spoken in his behalf. But now might a man ask again: if Demosthenes was so timorous to speak before the people upon the sudden: what meant AEschines then to say, that he was marvelous bold in his words. And how chanceth it, that he rising upon the sudden, did presently answer the Orator Python BIZANTINE in the field, that was very lusty in speech, (& rough like a vehement running stream) against the ATHENIANS. And how chanced it that Lamachus MYRRINAEIAN, having made an oration in the praise of Philip and Alexander, kings of MACEDON, in the which he spoke all the ill he could of the THEBANS, and of the OLYNTHIANS, and when he had read and pronounced it in the open assembly of the Olympian games: Demosthenes upon the instant rising up on his feet, declared, as if he had read some history, & pointed as it were with his finger unto all the whole assembly, the notable great service & worthy deeds the which the CHALCIDIANS had done in former times, for the benefit and honour of GRAECE. And in contrary manner also, what mischief & inconvenience came by means of the flarterers, that altogether gave themselves to curry favour with the MACEDONIANS? With these and such like persuasions, Demosthenes made such stir amongst the people, that the Orator Lamachus being afraid of the sudden uproar, Demosthenes' terrified Lamachus in his oration. did secretly convey himself out of the assembly. But yet to tell you what I think, Demosthenes in my opinion facioning himself even from the beginning, to follow Pericles steps and example, he thought that for other qualities he had, they were not so requisite for him, and that he would counterfeit his gravity and sober countenance, and to be wise, not to speak over lightly to every matter at all adventures: judging, that by that manner of wisdom he came to be great. And like as he would not let slip any good occasion to speak, where it might be for his credit: so would he not likewise over rashly hazard his credit and reputation to the mercy of fortune. And to prove this true, the orations which he made upon the sudden without premeditation before, do show more boldness and courage, than those which he had written, and studied long before: if we may believe the reports of Eratosthenes, Demetrius PHALERIAN, and of the other comical Poets. For Eratosthenes said, that he would be often carried away with choler and sutie. Demetrius also saith, that speaking one day to the people, he swore a great oath in rhyme, as if he had been possessed with some divine spirit, and said, By sea and land, by rivers, springs, and Ponds. There are also certain comical Poets that do call him Ropoperperethra, as who would say, a great babbler that speaketh all things that cometh to his tongues end. Another mocked him for too much affecting a figure of Rhetoric called, Antitheton: which is, opposition, with saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic recepit sicut cepit, (which signifieth, he took it as he found it.) In the use of this figure Demosthenes much pleased himself, unless the poet Antiphanes speaketh it of pleasure, deriding the counsel he gave the people, not to take the isle of HALONESUS of king Philip, as of gift: but to receive it as their own restored. And yet every body did grant, that Demades of his own natural wit, The natural eloquence of Demades the Orator. without art, was invincible: and that many times speaking upon the sudden, he did utterly overthrow Demosthenes long studied reasons. And Aristo, of the isle of CHIO, hath written Theophrastus' judgement of the Orators of that time. Theophrastus' judgement of Orators. Who being asked what manner of Orator he thought Demosthenes: he answered, worthy of this city. Then again, how he thought of Demades: above this city, said he. The same Philosopher writeth also, that Polyeuctus SPHETTIAN, (one of those that practised at that time in the common wealth) gave this sentence: that Demosthenes in deed was a great Orator, but photion's tongue had a sharper understanding, because in few words, he comprehended much matter. And to this purpose, they say that Demosthenes himself said also, that as often as he saw Photion get up into the pulpit for orations to speak against him, Photion called the axe of Demosthenes orations. he was wont to say to his friends: see, the axe of my words riseth. And yet it is hard to judge, whether he spoke that in respect of his tongue, or rather for the estimation he had gotten, because of his great wisdom: thinking (as in deed it is true) that one word only, the twinkling of an eye, or a nod of his head of such a man (that through his worthiness is attained to that credit) hath more force to persuade, than all the fine reasons & devices of Rhetoric. But now for his bodily defects of nature, Demetrius PHALERIAN writeth, that he heard Demosthenes himself say, Demosthenes by industry reformeth his defects of nature. being very old, that he did help them by these means. First, touching the stammering of his tongue, which was very fat, and made him that he could not pronounce all syllables distinctly: he did help it by putting of little pybble stones into his mouth, which he found upon the sands by the rivers side, & so pronounced with open mouth the orations he had without book. And for his small and soft voice, he made that louder, by running up steep and high hills, uttering even with full breath some orations or verses that he had without book. And further it is reported of him, that he had a great looking glass in his house, and ever standing on his feet before it, he would learn and exercise himself to pronounce his orations. For proof hereof it is reported, that there came a man unto him on a time, and prayed his help to defend his cause, and told him that one had beaten him: and that Demosthenes said again unto him, I do not believe this is true thou tellest me, for surely the other did never beat thee. The playntif then thrusting out his voice aloud, said: what, hath he not beaten me? yes, in deed, q Demosthenes then: I believe it now, for I hear the voice of a man that was beaten in deed. Thus he thought, that the sound of the voice, the pronunciation or gesture in one sort or other, were things of force to believe or discredit that a man saith. His countenance when he pleaded before the people, Demosthenes' countenance and gesture misliked of the nobility. did marvelously please the common sort: but the noble men, and men of understanding, found it too base and mean, as Demetrius Phaleritus said, among others. And Hermippus writeth, that one called AEsion, being asked of the ancient Orators, and of those of his time, answered: that every man that had seen them, would have wondered with what honour, reverence, and modesty, they spoke unto the people: howbeit that Demosthenes orations (whosoever read them) were too artificial and vehement. And therefore we may easily judge, that the orations Demosthenes wrote are very severe and sharp. This notwithstanding, otherwhile he would give many pleasant and witty answers upon the sudden. Demosthenes' witty answers. As when Demades one day said unto him, Demosthenes will teach me: after the common proverb, the sow will teach Minerva. He answered strait again: This Minerva not long since, was in Collytus street, taken in adultery. A certain thief also called Chaleus (as much to say, as of copper) stepping forth to say somewhat of Demosthenes late sitting up a nights, and that he wrote and studied the most part of the night by lamp light: in deed, q Demosthenes, I know it grieves thee to see my lamp burn all night. And therefore, you, my Lords of ATHENS, me thinks you should not wonder to see such robberies in your city, considering we have thieves of copper, and the walls of our houses be but of clay. We could tell you of divers others of his like witty and pleasant answers, but these may suffice for this present: and therefore we will proceed to consider further of his nature and conditions, by his acts and deeds in the affairs of the common wealth. Now Demosthenes first beginning when he came to deal in the affairs of the state, The time of Demosthenes coming to practice in the assayres of the state. was in the time of the war made with the PHOCIANS, as himself reporteth: and as appeareth further in his orations which he made against Philip: of the which, the last were made after the war was ended, & the first do touch also some particular doings of the same. He made the oration against Midias, when he was but 32. year old, and was of small countenance & reputation in the common wealth: Displeasure betwixt Demosthenes and Midias. the want whereof was the chiefest cause (as I think) that induced him to take money for the injury he had done him, & to let his action fall against him. He was not of a meeld and gentle mind, But fierce and hasty to revenge by kind. But, knowing that it was no small enterprise, nor that could take effect by a man of so small power & authority as himself, to overthrow a man so wealth, so befriended, & so eloquent as Midias: he therefore yielded himself unto those, that did speak & entreat for him. Neither do I think that the three thousand Drachmas which he received, could have bridled the bitterness of his nature, if otherwise he had seen any hope or likelihood that he could have prevailed against him. Now at his first coming unto the common wealth, Demosthenes, an enemy to the Macedonians. taking a noble matter in hand to speak against Philip, for the defence & maintenance of the laws & liberties of the GRECIANS, wherein he handled himself so worthily: that in short space he wan him marvelous same for his great eloquence and plain manner of speech. Thereby he was marvelously honoured also through all GRAECE, and greatly esteemed with the king of PERSIA: and Philip himself made more account of him, then of all the Orators in ATHENS, & his greatest foes, which were most against him, were driven to confess that they had to do with a famous man. For, in the orations which AEschines & Hyperides made to accuse him, they writ thus of him. And therefore I marvel what Theopompus meant, when he wrote that Demosthenes had a sutell, unconstant mind, & could not long continued with one kind of men, nor in one mind for matters of state. For in contrary manner, in my judgement, he continued constant still to the end, The constancy of Demosthenes defended against Theopompus. in one self manner & order, unto the which he had betaken himself at the beginning: & that not only he never changed all his life time, but to the contrary he lost his life, because he would be no changeling. For he did not like Demades, who to excuse himself for that he had often turned coat in matters of government, said, that he went oftentimes against his own sayings, as matters fell out: but never against the benefit of the common wealth. Note the inconstancy and subtle evasion of these Orators. And Melanopus also, who was ever against Callistratus, having his mouth stopped many times with money, he would up to the pulpit for orations, & tell the people, that in deed Callistratus, which maintaineth the contrary opinion against me, is mine enemy, & yet I yield unto him for this time: for, the benefit of the common wealth must carry it. And another also, Nicodemus MESSENIAN, who being first of Cassander's side, took part afterwards with Demetrius, & then said, that he did not speak against himself, but that it was meet he should obey his superiors. They can not detect Demosthenes with the like, that he did ever halt or yield, either in word or deed: For he ever continued firm and constant in one mind in his orations. Demosthenes preferreth honesty, as a special rule in his orations. Insomuch that Panatius the Philosopher saith, that the most part of all his orations are grounded upon this maxim and principle: that for itself, nothing is to be taken or accepted, but that which is honest. As, the oration of the crown, the which he made against Aristocrates: that also which he made for the franches and freedom: and in fine, all his orations against Philip of MACEDON. And in all those he doth not persuade his country men to take that which is most pleasant, easiest, or most profitable: but he proveth that oftentimes honesty is to be preferred above safety or health. So that, had he in all his orations and doings, joined to his honesty, courtesy, and frank speech, valiantness in wars, and clean hands from bribery: Demosthenes, a timorous man, and given to bribes. he might deservedly have been compared, not with Myrocles, Polyeuctus, Hyperides and such other Orators: but even with the highest, with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles. For Photion, who took the worst way in government of the common wealth, because he was suspected that he took part with the MACEDONIANS: yet for valiantness, wisdom and justice, he was ever thought as honest a man, as Ephialtes, and Aristides. But Demosthenes on tother side (as Demetrius saith) was no man to trust to for wars, neither had he any power to refuse gifts and bribes. For, though he would never be corrupted with Philip king of MACEDON, yet he was bribed with gold and silver that was brought from the cities of SUSA & ECBATANA, & was very ready to praise & commend the deeds of their ancestors, but not to follow them. Truly, yet was he the honestest man of all other Orators in his time, excepting Photion. And beside, he did ever speak more boldly and plainly to the people than any man else, Demosthenes' frank speech in his orations and would openly contrary their minds, and sharply reprove the ATHENIANS for their faults, as appeareth by his orations. Theopompus also writeth, that the people on a time would have had him to accuse a man, whom they would needs have condemned. But he refusing to do it, the people were offended, and did mutiny against him. Thereupon he rising up, said openly unto them: my Lords ATHENIANS, I will always counsel ye to that which I think best for the benefit of the common wealth, although it be against your minds: but falsely to accuse one, to satisfy your minds, though you command me, I will not do it. Furthermore, that which he did against Antiphon, showeth plainly, that he was no people pleaser, and that he did lean more unto the authority of the Senate. For when Antiphon was quit by the people in an assembly of the city: Demosthenes notwithstanding took him, & called him again into the Court of the Areopagites, and did not pass upon the people's ill will, but there convinced him for promising Philip of MACEDON to burn the arsenal of ATHENS: so by sentence of that court he was condemned, & suffered for it. He did also accuse the Nun Theorides for many lewd parts committed, & amongst others, for that she taught slaves to deceive their masters: & so following the matter against her to death, she was condemned, and executed. It is thought also, that he made the oration Apollodorus spoke against the Praetor Timotheus, & proved thereby that he was a debtor to the common wealth, Demosthenes' orations which were true and which false. & so a naughty man: & that he wrote those orations also entitled unto Formio and Stephanus, for the which he was justly reproved. For Formio pleaded against Apollodorus with the oration which Demosthenes self had made for him: which was even alike, as if out of one self cutler's shop, he has sold his enemy's swords one to kill another. And for his known orations, those which he made against Androtion, Timocrates, and Aristocrates: he caused them to give them unto others, when he had not yet dealt in matters of state. For in deed when he did put them forth, he was not passing seven or eight and twenty year old. The oration which he made against Aristogiton, and the other also of liberty, against Ctesippus the son of Cabrias, he spoke them, as he saith himself, (or as others writ) openly unto the people, because he intended to marry Chabrias mother. Howbeit he did not, but married a SAMIAN woman, as Demetrius Magnesius writeth in his book he made entitled Synonyma, and in that he wrote against AEschines: where he accuseth him that he dealt falsely when he was Ambassador. It is not known whether it was ever recited or not, although Idomeneus writeth, that there lacked but thirty voices only to have quit AEschines. But in this me thinks he spoke not truly, and doth but conjecture it, by that the one & the other have said in their orations against the crown, in the which, neither the one nor the other do say precisely, that this accusation proceeded to judgement. But let other that list decide this doubt. Now before the war began, it was evident enough, to which part Demosthenes would incline in the common wealth: Demosthenes doings against Philip. For, he would never leave to reprove and withstand Philip'S doings. Therefore he being more spoken of in Philip'S Court, than any man else, he was sent unto him the tenth person with nine others in ambassade. Philippe gave them all audience one after an other: howbeit he was more careful and circumspect to answer Demosthenes' oration, than all the rest. But otherwise out of that place, he did not Demosthenes so much honour, nor gave him so good entertainment, as to his other companions. For Philip showed more kinds, and gave better countenance unto AEschines, and Philocrates, then unto him. Wherefore when they did highly praise Philip, and said that he was a well spoken Prince, a fair man, and would drink freely, and be pleasant in company: Demosthenes smiled at it, and turned all those things to the worst, saying, that those qualities were nothing commendable nor meet for a king. For, the first was a quality meet for a pleader, the second for a woman, and the third for a sponge. In fine, wars falling out between them, because Philip of the one side could not live in peace, & the ATHENIANS on the other side were still incensed & stirred up by Demosthenes daily orations. Whereupon, the ATHENIANS first sent into the isle of EUBOEA, (the which by means of certain private tyrants that had taken the towns, become subject again unto Philip) following a decree Demosthenes had preferred, & so went to expulse the MACEDONIANS again. After that also he caused them to sand aid unto the BIZANTINES, & unto the PERINTHIANS, with whom Philip made war. For he so persuaded the ATHENIANS, that he made them forget the malice they did bear unto those two nations, & the faults which either of both the cities had committed against them in the wars, touching the rebellion of their confederates: & he caused them to sand them aid, which kept them from Philip's force & power. Demosthenes stirreth up Graece against the Macedonians. Furthermore, going afterwards unto all the great cities of GRAECE as Ambassador, he did so solicit & persuade them, that he brought them all in manner to be against Philip. So that the army which their tribe should found at their common charge, was fifteen thousand footmen, all strangers, and two thousand horsemen, besides the Citizens of every city which should also serve in the wars at their charge: and the money levied for the maintenance of this war, was very willingly disturbed. Theophra●tus writeth, that it was at that time their confederates did pray that they would set down a certain sum of money, what every city should pay: and that Crobylus an Orator should make answer, that the war had no certain maintenance: inferring that the charges of war was infinite. Now all GRAECE being in arms; attending what should happen, and all these people and cities being unite in one league together: as, the EUBOEIANS the ATHENIANS, the CORINTHIANS, the MEGARIANS, the LEUCADIANS, and the CORCYRIAETAN● the greatest matter Demosthenes had to do, was to persuade the THEBANS also to enter into this league, because their country confined and bordered with ATTICA, beside, their force and power was of great importance, for that they carried the fame of all GRAECE at that time, for the valiantest soldiers. But it was no trifling matter to win the THEBANS, and to make them break with Philip, who but lately before had bound them unto him by many great pleasures which he had done to them, in the war of the PHOCIANS: beside also that betwixt ATHENS & THEBES, by reason of vicinity, there fell out daily quarrels and debates, the which with every little thing were soon renewed. This notwithstanding, Philippe being proud of the victory he had won by the city of AMPHISSE, when he came and invaded the country of ERATIA, and was entered into PHOCIDE: the ATHENIANS were then so amazed with it, that no man durst occupy the pulpit for orations, neither could they tell what way to take. Thus the whole assembly standing in a doubt with great silence, Demosthenes only step up, and did again give them counsel to seek to make league and alliance with the THEBANS: and so did further encourage the people, and put them in good hope, as he was always wont to do. Then with others he was sent Ambassador unto THEBES: and Philippe also for his part, sent Ambassadors unto the THEBANS, Amyntas and Clearchus, two gentlemen MACEDONIANS, and with them, Daochus, Thessalus, and Thrasydaeus, to answer and withstand the persuasions of the ATHENIAN Ambassadors. Thereupon the THEBANS began to advise themselves for the best and laid before their eyes the miserable fruits and calamities of war, their wounds being yet green and uncured, which they got by the wars of PHOCIDE. Notwithstanding, the great force of Demosthenes' eloquence (as Theopompus writeth) did so inflame the THEBANS courage with desire of honour, Demosthenes' force of eloquence joined the Thebans with the Athenians, and wan them from Philippe king of Macedon. that it trod under their feet all manner of considerations, and did see ravish them with the love and desire of honesty: that they cast at their heels, all fear of danger, all remembrance of pleasures received, and all reason persuading the contrary. This act of an Orator was of so great force, that Philippe forthwith sent Ambassadors unto the GRECIANS, to entreat for peace, and all GRAECE was up, to see what would become of this stir. Thus, not only the Captains of ATHENS obeyed Demosthenes, doing all that he commanded them: but the governors also of THEBES, and of all the country of BOEOTIA beside. And the assemblies also of the counsel of THEBES were as well governed by him, as the assemblies of ATHENS, being alike beloved both of the one and the other, and having a like authority to command both, and not undeservedly, as Theopompus saith, but by just desert. But some fatal destiny, and the revolution of time had determined the final end of the liberty of GRAECE at that time, clean contrary to his purpose and intent. There were also many celestial signs that did foreshow and prognosticate what end should ensue thereof. The overthrow of the Grecians foreshowed as Chaeronea, by signs and ancient oracles. And among others, Apollo's Nun gave these dreadful oracles: and this old prophecy of the SIBYLE was commonly sung in every body's mouth. What time the bloody battle shall be fought at Thermodon, God grant I may be far away, or else (to look thereon) Have eagles wings to sore above, among the clouds on high. For there the vanquished side shall weep, and Conqueror shall die. Men do report that this Thermodon is a little river of our country of CHAERONEA, The river of Thermodon or Haemon, in the country of Chaeronea. the which falleth into the river of Cephisus: howbeit at this present time there is never a river nor brook in all our country, that I know, called Thermodon. And I think, that that river which we call now Haemon, was in old time Thermodon: for it runneth by the temple of Hercules, where the GRECIANS lay in camp. And it may be, that because it was filled with dead bodies, and that it ran blood at the day of the battle, it changed her name, & was surnamed Haemon, because Haema in the Greek tongue, signifieth blood. Yet Duris writeth notwithstanding, that this Thermodon was no river, Another opinion of Thermodon. but that certain men setting up their tent, and trenching it about, found a little image of stone, whereupon were engraven these letters, whereby it appeareth that it was a man called Thermodon, who carried an AMAZON heart in his arms, & that for this image of Thermodon, they do sing such another old oracle as this: Te Ernes and Ranens tarry till the field of Thermodon: There will bestore of carcases of men to feed upon. This notwithstanding it is very hard to tell the troth of these things. But Demosthenes ●●sting to the valiantness and power of the GRECIANS, and being marvelously encouraged to see such a great number of valiant & resolute men, so willing to fight with the enemy: he bade them be of good courage, & not to basse about such oracles, & to give ear to those prophecies. And furthermore, he told them plainly, that he did mistrust the Nun Phythia did lean unto Philip, as favouring him, & did put the THEBANS in mind of their Captain Epaminondas, & the ATHENIANS of Pericles, & persuaded them, that those two famous men were always of opinion, that such prophecies were no other, but a fine cloak for cowards, & that taking no heed to them, they did dispatch their matters according to their own discretion. Until this present time, Demosthenes showed himself always an honest man: Demosthenes flieth from the battle. But when it came to the battle, he fled like a coward, and did no valiant act any thing answerable to the orations whereby he had persuaded the people. For he left his rank, & cowardly cast away his weapons to run the lighter, & was not ashamed at all, as Pythias said, of the words written upon his shield in golden letters, Demosthenes' word and devise upon his shield. which were, Good Fortune. Now Philip having won the battle, he was at that present so joyful, that he fell to commit many fond parts. For after he had drunk well with his friends, he went into the place where the overthrow was given, & there in mockery began to sing the beginning of the decree which Demosthenes had preferred, (by the which, the ATHENIANS accordingly proclaimed wars against him) rising and falling with his voice, and dancing it in measure with his foot: Demosthenes the son of Demosthenes Paeanian did put forth this. But afterwards beginning to wax sober, & leaving his drunkenness, & that he had remembered himself what danger he had been in: then his hear stood bolt upright upon his head, considering the force & power of such an Orator, that in a piece of a day had enforced him to hazard his Realm & life at a battle. Now Demosthenes fame was so great, that it was carried even to the great king of PERSIANS court, who wrote unto his Lieutenants & governors, that they should feed Demosthenes with money, & should procure to entertain him above all the men in GRAECE, as he that could best withdraw Philip, & trouble him with the wars and tumults of GRAECE. And this was afterwards proved by letters found of Demosthenes himself, the which came to king Alexander's hands in the city of SARDIS, and by other writings also of the governors & Lieutenants of the king of PERSIA: Demosthenes' corrected with money of the king of Persia in the which were named directly the express sums of money which had been sent & given unto him. Now, the GRECIANS being thus overthrown by battle, the other Orators, adversaries unto Demosthenes in the common wealth, began to set upon him, & to prepare to accuse him. But the people did not only clear him of all the accusations objected against him, but did continued to honour him more than before, & to call him to assemblies, as one that loved the honour and benefit of his country. So that when the bones of their country men which were slain at the battle of CHAERONEA, were brought to be openly buried according to the custom: Demosthenes praiseth them that were slain at the battle of Chaeronea. the people gave him the honour to make the funeral oration in praise of the dead, & made no show of sorrow or grief for the loss they had received: (as Theopompus witnesseth, and doth nobly declare) but rather in contrary manner showed that they did not repent them in following of his counsel, but did honour him that gave it. Demosthenes then did make the funeral oration. But afterwards in all the decrees he preferred to the people, he would never subscribe any, to prevent the sinister luck & misfortune of his name, but did pass it under his friends names one after another, until he grew courageous again, shortly after that he understood of the death of Philip, The death of Philip king of Macedon. who was slain immediately after the victory he wan at CHAERONEA. And it seemeth this was the meaning of the prophecy or oracle in the two last verses: The vanquished bewails his luckless lot, And he that wines, with life escapeth not. Now Demosthenes hearing of Philip's death, before the news were openly known, to prevent them, he would put the people again into a good hope of better luck to come. Thereupon he went with a cheerful countenance into the assembly of the counsel, & told them there, that he had had a certain dream that promised great good hap, & that out of hand unto the ATHENIANS: & immediately after, the messengers arrived that brought certain news of king Philip's death. Thereupon the ATHENIANS made sacrifices of joy to the gods for this happy news, and appointed a crown unto Pausanias that had slain him. Demosthenes also came abroad in his best gown, and crowned with flowers, seven days after the death of his daughter, Demosthenes preferreth the joy of his country, before the sorrow of his own daughter. as AEschines reporteth: who reproveth him for it, and noteth him to be a man having little loan or charity unto his own children. But in deed AEschines self deserveth more blame, to have such a tender womanish heart, as to believe, that weeping, and lamenting, are signs of a gentle and charitable nature, AEschinesse proved by Plutarch for his fond belief, that blubbering and sorrowing are signs of love and charity. condemning them that with patience and constancy do pass away such misfortunes. But now to the ATHENIANS again. I can neither think nor say that they did wisely to show such open signs of joy, as to wear crowns & garlands upon their heads, nor also to sacrifice to the gods for the death of a Prince, that behaved himself so Princely and courteously unto them in the victories he had won of them. For, though in deed all cruelty be subject to the revenge of the gods, yet is this an act of a vile and base mind, to honour a man, and while he lived to make him free of their city, & now that an other hath slain him, they to be in such an exceeding jollity withal, and to exceed the bonds of modesty so far, as to ramp in manner with both their feet upon the dead, and to sing songs of victory, as if they themselves had been the men that had valiantly slain him. In contrary manner also, I praise and commend the constancy and courage of Demosthenes, that he leaving the tears and lamentation of his home trouble unto women, Plutarch praiseth Demosthenes' constancy, for leaving of his mourning, to rejoice for his common country benefit. did himself in the mean time that he thought was for the benefit of the common wealth: and in my opinion, I think he did therein like a man of courage, and worthy to be a governor of a common wealth, never to stoop nor yield, but always to be found stable and constant, for the benefit of the common wealth, rejecting all his troubles, cares, and affections, in respect of the service of his country, and to keep his honour much more carefully, then common players use to do, when they play the parts of Kings and Princes, whom we see neither weep nor laugh when they list, though they be on the stage: but when the matter of the play falleth out to give them just occasion. But omitting those reasons, if there be no reason (as in deed there is not) to leave and forsake a man in his sorrow and trouble, without giving him some words of comfort, and rather to devise some matter to assuage his sorrow, and to withdraw his mind from that, to think upon some pleasant things: even as they should keep sore eyes seeing bright and glaring colours, in offering them green & darker. And from whence can a man take greater comfort for his troubles & grieves at home, when the common wealth doth well: then to join their private grieves with common joys, to the end, that the better may obscure & take away the worse? But thus far I disgressed from my history, enlarging this matter, because AEschines in his Oration touching this matter, did move the people's hearts too much to womanish sorrow. But now to the rest. The cities of GRAECE being again stirred up by Demosthenes, Demosthenes raiseth up the Grecians against Alexander. made a new league again together: and the THEBANS also having armed themselves by his practice, did one day set upon the garrison of the MACEDONIANS within their city, and slew many of them. The ATHENIANS prepared also to maintain war on the THEBANS behalf and Demosthenes was daily at all the assemblies of counsel, in the pulpit, persuading the people with his Orations: and he wrote also into ASIA unto the king of persia's lieutenants and Captains, to make war with Alexander on their side, calling him child, and Margites, as much to say, as fool. But after that Alexander having set all his things at stay within his realm, came himself in person with his army, and invaded the country of BOBOTIA: then fell the pride of the ATHENIANS greatly, & Demosthenes also plied the pulpit no more as he was wont. At length, the poor THEBANS being left unto themselves, forsaken of every man: they were compelled themselves alone to bear the brunt of this war, & so came their city to utter ruin and destruction. Thereby the ATHENIANS being in a marvelous fear and perplexity, did suddenly choose Ambassadors to sand unto this young king, and Demosthenes chief among others: who being afraid of Alexander's fury and wrath, durst not go to him, but returned from mount Cithaeron, and gave up the Ambassade. But Alexander sent to summon the ATHENIANS, to sand unto him ten of their Orators, Alexander required certain Orators of Athens. Demosthenes' ●ale of the sheep and wolves. as Idomeneus and Duris both do writ: or eight, as the most writers and best historiographers do report, which were these: Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephialtes, Lycurgus, Myrocles, Damon, calisthenes, and Charidemus. At which time, they write that Demosthenes told the people of ATHENS, the fable of the sheep and wolves, how that the wolves came on a time, and willed the sheep, if they would have peace with them, to deliver them their mastiffs that kept them. And so he compared himself, and his companions that traveled for the benefit of the country, unto the dogs that keep the flocks of sheep, and calling Alexander the wolf. And so forth, said he, like as you see these corn masters bringing a sample of their corn in a dish or napkin to show you, and by that little do cell all that they have: so I think you will all wonder, that delivering of us, you will also deliver yourselves into the hands of your enemies. Aristobulus of CASSANDRA reporteth this matter thus. Now the ATHENIANS being in consultation, not knowing how to resolve: Demades having taken five talents of them whom Alexander demanded, did offer himself, and promised to go in this Ambassade unto Alexander, and to entreat for them, either because he trusted in the love the king did bear him, or else for that he thought he hoped he should find him pacified, as a Lion glutted with the blood of beasts which he had slain. Howsoever it happened, he persuaded the people to sand him unto him, and so handled Alexander, that he got their pardon, and did reconcile him with the city of ATHENS. Thereupon Alexander being retired, Demades and his fellows bore all the sway and authority, and Demosthenes was under foot. In deed when Agis king of LACEDAEMON, came with his army into the field, he began a little to rouse himself, and to lift up his head: but he shrunk choler again soon after, because the ATHENIANS would not rise with the LACEDÆMONIANS, who were overthrown, and Agis slain in battle. At that time was the cause of the crown pleaded against Ctesiphon, The judgement of the crown unto Ctesiphon. and the plea was written a little before the battle of CHAERONEA, in the year when Charondas was Provost of ATHENS: howbeit no sentence was given but ten years after that Aristophon was Provost. This was such an open judgement, and so famous, as never was any, as well for the great fame of the Orators that pleaded in emulation one of the other, as also for the worthiness of the judges that gave sentence thereof: who did not leave Demosthenes to his enemies, although in deed they were of greater power than he, and were also supported with the favour and good will of the MACEDONIANS: but they did notwithstanding so well quit him, that AEschines had not so much as the fift part of men's voices and opinions in his behalf. Wherefore immediately after sentence given, he went out of ATHENS for shame, and traveled into the country of JONIA, and unto the RHODES, where he did teach Rhetoric. Shortly after, Harpalus flying out of Alexander's service, Harpalus a great money man came to Athens flying from Alexander. came unto ATHENS, being to be charged with many fowl matters he had committed by his exceeding prodigality: and also because he feared Alexander's fury, who was grown severe and cruel, unto his chiefest servants. He coming now amongst the ATHENIANS, with store of gold and silver, the Orators being greedy and desirous of the gold and silver he had brought: began strait to speak for him, and did counsel the people to receive & protect a poor suitor that came to them for succour. But Demosthenes gave counsel to the contrary, and bade them rather drive him out of the city, and take heed they brought not wars upon their backs, for a matter that not only was not necessary, but furthermore merely unjust. But within few days after, inventory being taken of all Harpalus goods, he perceiving that Demosthenes took great pleasure to see a cup of the kings, and considered very curiously the fashion & workmanship upon it: he gave it him in his hand, to judge what it weighed. Demosthenes' peasing it, wondered at the great weight of it, it was so heavy: so he asked how many pound weight it weighed. Harpalus smiling, answered him: it will weigh thee twenty talents. So when night was come, he sent him the cup, with the twenty talentes. This Harpalus was a very wise man, and found strait by Demosthenes' countenance that he loved money, and could presently judge his nature, by seeing his pleasant countenance, and his eyes still upon the cup. So Demosthenes refused not his gift, Demosthenes' bribed by Harpalus with oxenty ●ate●. and being overcomen withal, as if he had received a garrison into his house, he took Harpalus part. The next morning, he went into the assembly of the people, having his neck bound up with wool and rolls. So when they called him by his name to step up into the pulpit; to speak to the people as he had done before he made a sign with his head, that he had an impediment in his voice, & that he could not speak. But wise men laughing at his fine excuse, told him it was no sinanche that had stopped his weasel that night, as he would make them believe: but it was Harpalus argentsynanche which he had received, that made him in that case. Afterwards when the people understood that he was corrupted, Demosthenes going about to excuse himself, they would not abide to hear him: but made a noise and exclamation against him. Thereupon there rose up a pleasant conceited man, that said: why my masters, do ye refuse to hear a man that hath * This conceal can hardly be expressed in any other language, then in Greek. For he saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: allo●ding to the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to delight by pleasant speech or sound. such a golden tongue? The people thereupon did immediately banish Harpalus, and fearing lest king Alexander would require an account of the gold and silver which the Orators had rob and pilfered away among them: they made very diligent search and inquiry in every man's house, excepting Callicles house, the son of Arrenidas, whose house they would have searched by no means, because he was but newly married, and had his new spouse in his house, as Theopompus writeth. Now Demosthenes desiring to show that he was in fault, preferred a decree, that the court of the Areopagites should hear the matter, and punish them that were found faulty, and therewithal strait offered himself to be tried. Howbeit he was one of the first whom the court condemned in the sum of fifty talents, and for lack of payment, they put him in prison: where he could not endure long, both for the shame of the matter for the which he was condemned, as also for his sickly body. So he broke prison, partly without the privity of his keepers, and partly also with their consent: for they were willing he should make a escape. Demosthenes' banishment. Some do report that he fled not far from the city: where it was told him that certain of his enemies followed him, whereupon he would have hidden himself from them. But they themselves first called him by his name, and coming to him, prayed him to take money of them, which they had brought him from their houses to help him in his banishment: and that therefore they ran after him. Then they did comfort him the best they could, & persuaded him to be of good cheer, & not to despair for the misfortune that was comen unto him. This did pierce his heart the more for sorrow, that he answered them: why, would you not have me be sorry for my misfortune, that compelleth me to forsake the city where in deed I have so courteous enemies, that it is hard for me to find any where so good friends? So he took his banishment unmanly, Demosthenes took his banishment grievously. and remained the most part of his banishment in the city of AEGINA, or at the city of TROEZEN, where oftentimes he would cast his eyes towards the country of ATTICA, and weep bitterly. And some have written certain words he spoke, which showed no mind of a man of courage, nor were answerable to the noble things he was wont to persuade in his Orations. For it is reported of him, that as he went out of ATHENS, he looked back again, and holding up his hands to the castle, said in this sort: O Lady Minerva, Lady patroness of this city: why dost thou delight in three so mischievous beasts: Three mischievous beasts. the owl, the dragon, and the people? Besides, he persuaded the young men that came to see him, and that were with him, never to meddle in matters of state, assuring them, that if they had offered him two ways at the first, the one to go into the assembly of the people, to make Orations in the pulpit, and the other to be put to death presently, and that he had known as he did then, the troubles a man is compelled to suffer that meddleth with the affairs of the state, the fear, the envy, the accusations, and troubles in the same: he would rather have chosen the way to have suffered death. So, Demosthenes continuing in his exile, king Alexander died, and all GRAECE was up again: insomuch as Leosthenes being a man of great valour, had shut up Antipater in the city of LAMBA, and there kept him straightly besieged. Antipater besieged of the Athenians. Then Phytheas and Callimedon, surnamed Carabos, two Orators, and both of them banished from ATHENS, they took part with Antipater, and went from town to town with his Ambassadors and friends, persuading the GRECIANS not to stir, neither to take part with the ATHENIANS. But Demosthenes in contrary manner, joining with the Ambassadors sent from ATHENS into every quarter, to solicit the cities of GRAECE, to seek to recover their liberty: he did aid them the best he could, to solicit the GRECIANS, to take arms with the. ATHENIANS, to drive the MACEDONIANS out of GRAECE. And Phylarchus writeth, that Demosthenes encountered with Pytheas words in an open assembly of the people in a certain town of ARCADIA, Pytheas having spoken before him, had said: like as we presume always that there is some sickness in the house whether we do see asses milk brought: so must that town of necessity be sick, wherein the Ambassadors of ATHENS do enter. Demosthenes answered him again, turning his comparison against him: that in deed they brought asses milk, where there was need to recover health: and even so, the Ambassadors of ATHENS were sent, to heal and cure them that were sick. The people at ATHENS understanding what Demosthenes had done, they so rejoiced at it, that presently they gave order in the field, Demosthenes' called home from exile. that his banishment should be revoked. He that persuaded the decree of his revocation, was called Damon, PAEANIAN, that was his nephew: and thereupon the ATHENIANS sent him a galley to bring him to ATHENS, from the city of AEGINA. So Demosthenes being arrived at the haven of Piraea, there was neither Governor, Priest, nor almost any towns man left in the city, but went out to the haven to welcome him home. So that Demetrius MAGNESIAN writeth, that Demosthenes then lifting up his hands unto heaven said, that he thought himself happy for the honour of that journey, that the return from his banishment was far more honourable, then Alcibiades return in the like case had been. For Alcibiades was called home by force: & he was sent for with the good will of the citizens. This notwithstanding, he remained still condemned for his fine: for by the law, the people could not dispense withal, nor remit it. Demosthenes' fine of fifty talents remitted. Howbeit they devised a way to deceive the law: for they had a manner to give certain money unto them that did prepare and set out the altar of jupiter saviour, for the day of the solemnity of the sacrifice, the which they did yearly celebrated unto him: so they gave him the charge to make this preparation for the sum of fifty talents being the sum of the fine aforesaid wherein he was condemned. Howbeit, he did not long enjoy the good hap of his restitution to his country and goods. For the affairs of the GRECIANS were immediately after brought to utter ruin. For the battle of Cranon which they lost, was in the month Munichyon (to wit, julie) and in the month Boedromion next ensuing, (to wit, August) the garrison of the MACEDONIANS entered into the fort of Munichya. And in the month Pyanepsion (to wit, the October following) Demosthenes died in this manner. When news came to ATHENS, that Antipater and Craterus were coming thither with a great army, Demosthenes and his friends got out of the town a little before they entered, the people, by Demades persuasion, having condemned them to die. So, every man making shift for himself, Antipater sent soldiers after them to take them: and of them Archias was Captain, surnamed Phygadotheras, as much to say, as a hunter of the banished men. Archias Phygadotheras, a hunter of the banished men. It is reported that this Archias was borne in the city of THURIES', and that he had been sometimes a common player of tragedies: and that Polus also who was borne in the city of AEGINES, (the excellentest crafts master in that faculty of all men) was his scholar. Yet Hermippus doth recite him amongst the number of the scholars of Lacritus the Orator. And Demetrius also writeth, that he had been at Anaximenes' school. Now, this Archias having found the Orator Hyperides in the city of AEGINA, Aristonicus MARATHONIAN, and Himeraus the brother of Demetrius the PHALERIAN, which had taken sanctuary in the temple of Ajax: he took them out of the temple by force, and sent them unto Antipater, who was at that time in the city of CLEONES, where he did put them all to death: and some say, that he did cut of Hyperides tongue. Furthermore, hearing that Demosthenes had taken sanctuary in the isle of CALAURIA, he took little pinnasies, and a certain number of THRACIAN soldiers, & being comen thither, he sought to persuade Demosthenes to be contented to go with him unto Antipater, promising him that he should have no hurt. Demosthenes had a strange dream the night before, Demosthenes' dream. and thought that he had played a tragedy contending with Archias, and that he handled himself so well, that all the lookers on at the Theatre did commend him, and gave him the honour to be the best player: howbeit that otherwise, he was not so well furnished, as Archias and his players, and that in all manner of furniture he did far exceed him. The next morning when Archias came to speak with him, who using gentle words unto him, thinking thereby to win him by fair means to leave the sanctuary: Demosthenes looking him full in the face, sitting still where he was, without removing, said unto him: O Archias, thou didst never persuade me when thou playedst a play, neither shalt thou now persuade me, though thou promise' me. Then Archias began to be angry with him, and to threaten him. O, said Demosthenes, now thou speakest in good earnest, without dissimulation, as the Oracle of MACEDON hath commanded thee: for before, thou spakest in the clouds, and far from thy thought. But I pray thee stay a while, till I have written somewhat to my friends. After he had said so, he went into the temple as though he would have dispatched some letters, and did put the end of the quill in his mouth which he wrote withal, and bitten it as his manner was when he did use to writ any thing, and held the end of the quill in his mouth a pretty while together: then he cast his gown over his head, and laid him down. Archias soldiers seeing that, Demosthenes taketh poison to kill himself, in the temple of Neptune, in the isle of Calauria. being at the door of the temple, laughing him to scorn (thinking he had done so for that he was afraid to die) called him coward, and beast. Archias also coming to him, prayed him to rise, and began to use the former persuasions, to him, promising him that he would make Antipater his friend. Then Demosthenes feeling the poison work, cast open his gown, and boldly looking Archias in the face, said unto him: Now when thou wilt, play Creon's part, and throw my body to the dogs, without further grave or burial. For my part, O god Neptune, I do go out of thy temple being yet alive, because I will not profane it with my death: but Antipater, and the MACEDONIANS, have not spared to defile thy sanctuary with blood, and cruel murder. Having spoken these words, he prayed them to stay him up by his armholes, for his feet began already to fail him, and thinking to go forward, as he passed by the author of Neptune, he fell down, and giving one gasp, gave up the ghost. The death of Demosthenes. Now touching the poison, Aristo reporteth, that he sucked and drew it up into his mouth out of his quill, as we have said before. But one Pappus, (from whom Hermippus hath taken his history) writeth, that when he was laid on the ground before the altar, they found the beginning of a letter which said: Demosthenes unto Antipater, but no more. Now his death being thus sudden, the THRACIAN soldiers that were at the temple door, reported that they saw him pluck the poison which he put into his mouth, out of a little cloth he had, thinking to them that it had been a piece of gold he had swallowed down. Howbeit a maid of the house that served him, being examined by Archias about it: told him that he had carried it about him a long time, for a preseruatise for him. Eratosthenes writeth, that he kept this poison in a little box of gold made hollow within, the which he ware as a bracelet about his arm. There are many writers also that do report his death diversly, but to recite them all it were in vain: saving that there was one called Demochares (who was Demosthenes very friend) said, that he died not so suddenly by poison, but that it was the special favour of the gods (to preserve him from the cruelty of the MACEDONIANS) that so suddenly took him out of his life, and made him feel so little pain. Demosthenes died the sixteenth day of the month Pynepsion (to wit, The time of Demosthenes death. October) on the which day they do celebrated at ATHENS the feast of Ceres, called Tesmophoria, which is the dolefullest feast of all the year: on the which day also, the women remain all day long in the temple of the goddess, without meat or drink. Shortly after, the ATHENIANS to honour him according to his deserts, The Athenians honoured Demosthenes after his death. did cast his image in brass, & made a law beside, that the oldest man of his house should for ever be kept within the palace, at the charge of the common wealth: and engraved these verses also upon the base of his image. Hadst thou Demosthenes had strength according to thy heart, The Macedons should not have wrought the greeks such woe and smart. For they that think, that it was Demosthenes himself that made the verses in the isle of CALAURIA, before he took his poison: they are greatly deceived. But yet a little before my first coming to ATHENS, there went a report that such a thing happened. A certain soldier being sent for to come unto his Captain, did put such pieces of gold as he had into the hands of Demosthenes statue, which had both his hands joined together: and there grew hard by it a great plane tree, divers leaves whereof either blown of by wind by chance, or else put there of purpose by the soldier, covered so this gold, that it was there a long time, and no man found it: until such time as the soldier came again, and found it as he left it. hereupon this matter running abroad in every man's mouth, there were divers wise men that took occasion of this subject, to make epigrams in the praise of Demosthenes, as one who in his life was never corrupted. Furthermore, Demades did not long enjoy the honour he thought he had newly gotten. For the justice of the gods, revenger of the death of Demosthenes, brought him into MACEDON, to receive just punishment by death, of those whom he dishonestly flattered: being before grown hateful to them, and afterwards committed a fault whereby he could not escape. For there were letters of his taken, by the which he did persuade, and pray * He saith Antigonus, in the life of Phocius. Perdiccas, to make himself king of MACEDON, & to deliver GRAECE from bondage, saying that it hung but by a thread, and yet it was half rotten, meaning thereby, Antipater. Dinarchus CORINTHIAN accused him, that he wrote these letters: the which so grievously offended Cassander, that first he slew his own son in his arms, and then commanded they should afterwards kill Demades, Demades death and reward for his treason. making him feel then by those miseries (which are the cruelest that can happen unto man) that traitors betraying their own country do first of all betray themselves. Demosthenes had often forewarned him of his end, but he would never believe him. Thus, my friend Sossius, you have what we can deliver you, by reading, or raporte, touching Demosthenes' life and doings. THE LIFE OF Marcus Tullius Cicero. Cicero's parentage. AS touching Cicero's mother, whose name was Heluia, it is reported she was a gentlewoman borne, & lived always very honestly: but for his father, the reports of him are divers and infinite. For some say that he was borne and brought up in a fullers shop: others report that hè came of Tullius Actius, who while he lived was honoured among the VOLSCES as king, and made very sharp and cruel wars with the ROMANS. But surely it seems to me, that the first of that name called Cicero, was some famous man, and that for his sake his offpring continued still that surname, and were glad to keep it, though many men scorned it, because Cicer in English signifieth a rich pease. Cicero, why so called. That Cicero had a thing upon the tip of his nose, as it had been a little wart, much like to a rich pease, whereupon they surnamed him Cicero. But this Cicero, whose life we writ of now, nobly answered certain of his friends on a time giving him counsel to change his name, when he first made suit for office, and began to practise in matters of state: that he would endeavour himself to make the name of the Cicero's more noble and famous, than the Scauruses, or Catuli. After that, Cicero being made Treasurer in SICILY, Cicero Quaestor. he gave an offering of certain silver plate unto the gods, and at large engraved on it his two first names, Marcus Tullius: and in place of his third name, he pleasantly commanded the workman to cut out the form and fashion of a rich pease. Thus much they write of his name. Now for his birth, Cicero's birth. it was said that his mother was brought a bed of him without any pain, the third day of januarie: on which day the Magistrates and Governors of ROME do use at this present, yearly to make solemn prayers and sacrifices unto the gods, for the health and prosperity of the Emperor. Further, it is reported, that there appeared an image to his nurse, An image appeared to Cicero's nurs●. that did prognosticate unto her she gave a child suck, which in time to come should do great good unto all the ROMANS. Now though such things may seem but dreams and fables unto many, yet Cicero himself shortly after proved this prophecy true: because that when he came of age to learn, he grew so toward, Cicero's towardness and wit. and wan such fame among the boys, for his excellent wit and quick capacity. For thereupon came the other boy's fathers themselves to the school to see his face, and to be eye witnesses of the report that went of him, of his sharp and quick wit to learn. But others of the rude and base sort of men were offended with their sons, because to honour Cicero, they did always put him in the midst between them, as they went in the streets. Cicero in deed had such a natural wit and understanding, as Plato thought meet for learning, and apt for the study of Philosophy. For he gave himself to all kind of knowledge, and there was no art, nor any of the liberal sciences, that he disdained: notwithstanding in his first young years he was apt, and better disposed to the study of Poetry, Cicero a notable Poet. than any other. There is a pretty poem of his in verses of eight staves, called Pontius Glaucus, extant at this day, the which he made when he was but a boy. After that, being given more earnestly unto his study, he was not only thought the best Orator, but the best Poet also of all the ROMANS in his time: and yet doth the excellency of his eloquence, and commendation of his tongue continue, even to this day, notwithstanding the great alteration and change of the Latin tongue. But his Poetry hath lost the name and estimation of it, because there were many after him that become far more excellent therein then he. After he had left his childish studies, he become then Philoes' scholar, the Academic Philosopher, Cicero, Philoes' scholar, the Academic Philosopher. the only scholar of all Clitomachus scholars, whom the ROMANS esteemed so much for his eloquence, and loved more for his gentle behaviour and conversation. He gave himself also to be a follower of Mutius Scavola, Cicero a follower of Mutius Scavola. who at that time was a great man in ROME, and Prince of the Senate, and who did also instruct Cicero in the laws of ROME. He did also follow Sylla for a time, in the wars of the MARSIANS. But when he saw that the common wealth of ROME fell to civil wars, and from civil wars to a monarchy: then he returned again to his book and contemplative life, and frequented the learned men of GRAECE, and always studied with them, until Sylla had gotten the upper hand, and that he saw all the common wealth again at some stay. About that time, Sylla causing the goods of one that was said to be slain, to be sold by the ●rier: (being one of the outlaws and proscriptes, to wit, banished by bills set up on posts) Chrysogonus, one of Sulla's freed bondmen, and in great favour with his master, bought them for the sum of two thousand Drachmas. Therewithal the son and heir of the dead person called Roscius, being marvelously offended, he showed that it was too shameful an abuse: for his father's goods amounted to the sum of two hundred and fifty talentes. Sylla finding himself thus openly touched with public fraud and deceit, for the only gratifying of his man: he procured Chrysogonus to accuse him, that he had killed his own father. Roscius, p●● in si●●. Never an Orator durst speak in Roscius behalf to defend his cause, but shrunk colour, fearing Sulla's cruelty and severity. Wherefore poor Roscius the young man, seeing every man forsake him, had no other refuge but to go to Cicero, whom his friends did counsel and persuade boldly to take upon him the defence of Roscius cause: for he should never have a happier occasion, nor so noble a beginning to bring him self into estimation, as this. Thereupon Cicero determined to take his cause in hand, and did handle it so well, that he obtained the thing he sued for: whereby he wan him great fame and credit. But yet being afraid of Sulla's displeasure, he absented himself from ROME, and went into GRAECE, giving it out that his travel was for a disease he had upon him. In deed Cicero was dog lean, Cicero a weak man. a little eater, and would also eat late, because of the great weakness of his stomach: but yet he had a good loud voice, though it was somewhat harsh, and lacked grace and comeliness. Furthermore he was so earnest and vehement in his Oration that he mounted still with his voice into the highest tunes: insomuch that men were afraid it would one day put him in hazard of his life. When he came to ATHENS, he went to hear Antiochus of the city of ASCALONA, Cicero, Antiochus scholar. and fell in great liking with his sweet tongue, and excellent grace, though otherwise he misliked his new opinions in Philosophy. For Antiochus had then forsaken the opinions of the new Academic Philosophers, and the sect of the Carneades: being moved thereunto, either through the manifest proof of things, or by his certain judgement, or (as some say) for that of an ambition or dissension against the scholars and followers of Clitomachus and Philo, he had reproved the resolutions of the Academics, which he had of long time defended, only to lean for the most part to the Stoics opinions. Howbeit Cicero had most affection unto the Academics, and did study that sect more than all the rest, of purpose, that if he saw he were forbidden to practice in the common wealth at ROME, he would then go to ATHENS (leaving all pleas and Orators in the commonwealth) to bestow the rest of his time quietly in the study of Philosophy. At length, when he heard news of Sulla's death, and saw that his body was grown to good state and health by exercise, The commodity of exercise. and that his voice become daily more and more to fill men's ears with a sweet and pleasant sound, and yet was loud enough for the constitution of his body: receiving letters daily from his friends at ROME, that prayed him to return home, and moreover, Antiochus self also earnestly persuading him to practise in the common wealth: he began again to fall to the study of Rhetoric, and to frame himself to be eloquent, being a necessary thing for an Orator, and did continually exercise himself in making Orations upon any speech or proposition, and so frequented the chief Orators and masters of eloquence that were at that time. To this end therefore he went into ASIA unto RHODES, Cicero goeth into Asia, and to Rhodes. and amongst the Orators of ASIA, he frequented Xenocles ADRAMETTIN, and Dionysius MAGNESIAN, and studied also with Menippus CARIAN: at RHODES he heard Apollonius Molon, and the Philosopher Posidonius. And it is reported also, that Apollonius wanting the Latin tongue, he did pray Cicero for exercise sake, to declaim in greek. Cicero declamed in greek. Cicero was very well contented with it, thinking that thereby his faults should be the better corrected. When he had ended his declamation, all those that were present were amazed to hear him, and every man praised him one after an other. Howbeit Apollonius all the while Cicero spoke, did never show any glad countenance: and when he had ended, he stayed a great while and said never a word. Cicero misliking withal, Apollonius at length said unto him. Apollonius testimony of Cicero. As for me Cicero, I do not only praise thee, but more than that, I wonder at thee: and yet I am sorry for poor GRAECE, to see that learning and eloquence (which were the two only gifts and honour left us) are by thee obtained with us, and carried unto the ROMANS, Now Cicero being very well disposed, to go with good hope to practise at ROME, he was a little discouraged by an Oracle that was told him. For, enquiring of the god Apollo DELPHIAN, An Oracle given to Cicero. how he might do to win fame and estimation ● the Nun Pythias answered him he should obtain it, so that in his doings he would rather follow the disposition of his own nature, than the opinion of the common people. Wherefore when he came to ROME, at the first he proceeded very warily, and discreetly, Cicero's first practising in the common wealih. and did unwillingly seek for any office, and when he did, he was not greatly esteemed: for they commonly called him the GRECIAN, and scholar, which are two words, the which the artificers, (and such base mechanical people at ROME,) have ever ready at their tongues end. Now he being by nature ambitious of honour, and prick forward also by the persuasion of his father and friends: in the end he began to plead, and there obtained not the chiefest place by little and little, but so soon as he fell to practise, he was immediately esteemed above all the other Orators and pleaders in his time, and did excel them all. Yet it is reported notwithstanding, that for his gesture and pronunciation, having the self same defects of nature at the beginning, which Demosthenes had: to reform them, he carefully studied to counterfeit Roscius, an excellent commediant, and AEsope also a player of tragedies. Roscius and AEsopus common players. Of this AEsope men write, that he playing one day Atrius part upon a stage (who determined with himself how he might be revenged of his brother Thyestes) a servant by chance having occasion to run suddenly by him, he forgetting himself, striving to show the vehement passion and fury of this king, gave him such a blow on his head with the sceptre in his hand, that he slew him dead in the place. Even so Cicero's words were of so great force to persuade, by means of his grace and pronunciation. For he mocking the Orators that thrust out their heads, and cried in their Orations, was wont to say that they were like to lame men, who were driven to ride, because they could not go a foot: even so (said he) they cry out, because they can not speak. Truly pleasant tawntes do grace an Orator, and showeth a fine wit: Cicero, a fine Tawnser. but yet Cicero used them so commonly, that they were offensive unto many, and brought him to be counted a malicious scoffer and spiteful man. He was chosen Treasurer in the time of dearth, Cicero chosen Quaestor. when there was great scarcity of corn at ROME: and the province of SICILY fell to his lot. At his first coming thither, the SICILIANS misliked him very much, because he compelled them to send corn unto ROME: but after they had found his diligence, justice, and lenity, Cicero's diligence, justice, and lenity. they honoured him above any Governor that ever was sent from ROME. Now there were divers young gentlemen of ROME of noble houses, who being accused for sundry faults committed in wars against their honour, and martial discipline, had been sent back again unto the Praetor of SICILY: for whom Cicero pleaded, and did so excellently defend their cause, that they were pardoned every man. Thereupon, thinking well of himself, when his time expired, he went to ROME, and by the way there happened a pretty jest unto him. As he passed through the country of CAMPANIA, (otherwise called the land of labour) he met by chance with one of the chiefest ROMANS of all his friends. So falling in talk with him, he asked him what they said of him at ROME, and what they thought of his doings: imagining that all ROME had been full of the glory of his name and deeds. His friend asked him again: and where hast thou been Cicero all this while, that we have not seen thee at ROME? This killed his heart strait, when he saw that the report of his name and doings, entering into the city of ROME as into an infinite sea, was so suddenly vanquished away again, without any other same or speech. But after that, when he looked into himself, and saw that in reason he took an infinite labour in hand to attain to glory, wherein he saw no certain end whereby to attain unto it: it cut of a great part of the ambition he had in his head. And yet the great pleasure he took to hear his own praise, Cicero, ambitious, & desirous of praise. and to be overmuch given to desire of honour and estimation: those two things continued with him even to his dying day, and did eftsoons make him serve from justice. Furthermore, when he began thoroughly to practise in the affairs of the state, he thought it an ill thing that artificers and crafts men should have many sorts of instruments and tools without life, to know the names of every one of them, the places where they should take them, and the use whereto they should employ them: and that a man of knowledge and quality (who doth all things with the help and service of men) should be slothful, and careless, to learn to know the names of his citizens. Therefore he gave himself to know, not only men's names of quality, Cicero given to know men's names, their lands; and friends. but the streets also they dwelled in, what part of the city soever it was: their goodly houses in the country, the friends they made of, and the neighbours whom they companied with. So that when he went abroad into ITALY, wheresoever he become, Cicero could show and name his friends houses. He was not very rich, and yet he had enough to serve his turn: the which made men muse the more at him, and they loved him the better, because he took no see nor gift for his pleading, what cause soever he had in hand, but then specially, when he defended a matter against Verres. This Verres had been Praetor of SICILIA, Cicero's doings against Verres. and had committed many lewd parts there, for the which the SICILIANS did accuse him. Cicero taking upon him to defend their cause, made Verres to be condemned, not by pleading, but in manner without pleading, and in this sort. The Praetors being his judges, and favouring Verres, had made so many reiornementes and delays, that they had driven it of to the last day of hearing. Cicero perceiving than he should not have day light to speak all that he had to say against him, and that thereby nothing should be done and judged: he rose up, and said, that there needed no further plea in this matter, but only brought forth the witnesses before the judges, and having caused their depositions to be taken, he prayed they would proceed to sentence, according to their evidence given on that behalf. Yet some do report, that Cicero gave many pleasant tawntes and girds, in pleading the accusation of the SICILIANS against Verres. The ROMANS do call a boar, Verres. There was one Caecilius, the son of a freed bondman, who was suspected to hold with the superstition of the JEWS. This Caecilius would have put by the SICILIANS from following the accusation of Verres, and would have had the matter of his accusation only referred to him, for the prosecuting of it against him. Cicero scorning his suit, said unto him: what hath a JEWE to do with a swine? He spoke it because the jews do ease no swine's flesh. This Verres had a son somewhat above twenty years of age, who (as the report went) had a very ill name for his beauty. And therefore when Verres one day thought to mock Cicero, saying that he was too womanly: his children (said he) are to be reproved of that secretly at home. In this accusation, Hortensius the Orator durst not directly defend Verres: but touching the condemnation of his fine, he was then contented to answer for him, for he had a Sphinx of Ivory given him by Verres for his reward. Thereupon Cicero gave him a pretty nip by the way: but Hortensius not understanding him, said he could no skill of dark speeches. Well, said Cicero, yet hast thou a sphinx in thy house. In the end Verres being condemned, and a fine fet on his head to the value of seventy five myriads, Cicero notwithstanding was suspected to be bribed with money for agreeing to cast him in so small a sum. But yet when he came to be AEdilis, Cicero chosen AEdilis. the SICILIANS to show themselves thankful to him, both brought and sent him many presents out of SICILY. Of all that he took nothing to his own use, but only bestowed their liberality in bringing down the prizes of victuals at ROME. He had a goodly house within the confines of the city of ARPOS, a farm also by NAPLES, and an other about the city of POMPEII: but all these were no great things. Cicero's riches. Afterwards also he had the jointer of his wife Terentia, which amounted to the sum of twelve myriads, and besides all this, there came to him by inheritance, eleven myriads of their Denarij. Thereupon he lived very honestly and soberly, without excess, with his familiar friends that loved him, both GRECIANS and ROMANS, and would never go to supper till after sun set, not so much for any great business he had, as for the weakness of his stomach. But otherwise he was very curious, and careful of his person, and would be rubbed and nointed, and he would use also to walk a certain number of turns by proportion: and so exercising his body in that sort, he was never sick, and beside was always very strong and lusty of body, able to abide great pains and sorrows which he fell into afterwards. He gave his father's chief mansion house to his brother, Cicero's great courtesy and resort. and went to devil himself in the mount Palatine: because such as came to wait upon him to do him honour, should not take the pains to go so far to see him. For, he had as many men daily at his gate every morning, as either Crassus had for his wealth, or Pompey for his estimation among the soldiers both of them being at that time the chiefest men of ROME. Yea furthermore, Pompey's self came unto Cicero, because his Orations stood him to great purpose, for th'increase of him honour and authority. Now when Cicero came to make suit to be Praetor (which is, to be as an ordinary judge) though he had many competitors, Cicero chosen Praetor. and fellow suitors with him, yet was he first chosen afore them all: and he did so honestly behave himself in that office, that they did not so much as once suspect him of bribery or extortion. And for proof hereof, it is reported, that Licinius Macer (a man that of himself was of great power, and yet favoured and supported beside by Crassus) was accused before Cicero of theft and extortion in his office: but he trusting much to his supposed credit, and to the great fo● and labour his friends made for him, went home to his house before sentence proceeded against him (the judges being yet to give their opinions) and there speedily trimmed his beard, and put a new gown upon his back, as though he had been sure to have been quite of his accusation, and then returned again into the market place. But Crossus ween to meet him, and told him all the judges had condemned him. Licinius Macer condemned. Licinius Macer took such a grief and conceit upon it, that he went home to his house again, laid him down on his bed, and never rose after. This judgement wan Cicero great fame, for they praised him exceedingly for the great pains he tooks, to see justice duly executed. An other called also Vatinius, (a bedlam fellow, and one that behaved himself very unreverently to the Magistrates in his pleading, and beside had a swollen neck) came very arrogantly one day unto Cicero being in his Praetoriall seat, and asked him a thing which Cicero would not grant him there, but would think of it at better leisure. Thereupon Vatinius told him, that he would not be scrupulous to grant that, if he were Praetor. Cicero turning to him, answered him again: no more have I (said he) such a swollen neck as thou hast. Towards the end of his office, two or three days before his time expired, there was one accused Manilius before him, that he also had rob the common wealth. This Manilius was very well beloved of the common people, who were persuaded that he was put in suit, not for any fault he had committed, but only to despite Pompey with, whose familiar friend he was. So he required certain days to answer the matter he was accused of: but Cicero would give him no further respite, but to answer at the next day. The people therewith were marvelously offended, because the other Praetors in such like cases were wont to give ten days respite to others. The next morning when the Tribunes had brought him before the judges, and also accused him unto them: he besought Cicero to hear him patiently. Cicero made him answer, that having always used as much favour and courtesy as he possibly might by law, unto those that were accused, he thought he should offer Manilius too great wrong, if he should not do the like to him: wherefore, because he had but one day more to continue Praetor in office, he had purposely given him that day to make his answer before him. Cicero with one word pacified the offended Tribunes. For he thought that to leave his accusation to the hearing of an other Praetor, he could not have been thought a man that had borne him good will, and meant to pleasure him. These words did marvelously change the people's opinion and affection towards him, and every man speaking well of him, they prayed him to defend Manilius cause. He willingly granted them: and coming from the bench, standing at the bar like an Orator to plead for him, he made a notable Oration, and spoke both boldly and sharply against the chief men of the city, and those specially that did envy Pompey. This notwithstanding, when he came to sue to be Consul, Cicero made Consul. he found as great favour amongst the Nobility, as he did with the commonalty. For they did further his suit, for the common wealths sake, upon this occasion. The change and alteration of government the which Sylla brought in, was thought strange at the first among the people: but now men by process of time being used to it, it was thoroughly established, and no man misliked it. At that time many men practised to subvert the government, The conspiracy of Catiline. not for the benefit of the common wealth, but to serve their own covetous minds. For Pompey being then in the East parts, made wars with the kings of PONTUS and ARMENIA, and had not left sufficient force at ROME to oppress these seditious persons, that sought nothing but rebellion. These men had made Lucius Catilina their Captain: a desperate man to attempt any great enterprise, subtle, and malicious of nature. Catiline's wickedness. He was accused before (besides many other vile faults) for deflowering of his own daughter, and killing his brother: and being afraid to be put in suit for it, he prayed Sylla to put his brother amongst the number of the outlaws (or proscriptes) as if he had been then alive. These wicked rebels having chosen them such a Captain, were sworn and bound one to an other in this manner. They killed a man, and did eat of his flesh together, and had beside corrupted the most part of all the youth. For Catiline their Captain suffered every man to take his pleasure, as his youth was inclined unto: as to banquet, to follow harlots, and gave them money largely to bestow in these vain expenses. Furthermore all TUSCAN began to rise, and the most part of GAUL also, lying between the Alps and ITALY. The city of ROME itself was also in great danger of rising, for the inequality of the goods of the inhabitants. For the noble men, and of greatest courage, had spent all their lands in plays and feasts, or in building and common works, which they built at their own charge to curry favour with the common people, that they might obtain the chief offices: so that thereby they become very poor, and their goods were in the hands of mean men and wretches. Thus the state of ROME stood in great hazard of uproar, the which any man might easily have procured, that durst have taken upon him any change or alteration of government, there was then such division among them in the state. Catiline notwithstanding, to provide him of a strong bulwark to prosecute his intent, came to sue to be Consul, hoping that he should be chosen with Caius Antonius, a man that of himself was apt neither to do any great good, nor much hurt, and yet that could be a great strength and aid unto him that would attempt any thing. divers noble and wisemen foreseeing that, did procure Cicero to sue for the consulship. The people accepted him, and rejected Catiline. Antonius and Cicero thereupon were created Consuls, C. Antonius, and M.T. Cicero created Consuls. although that Cicero of all the suitors for the Consulship was but only a knights son, and not the son of a Senator of ROME. Now, though the common people understood not the secret practice and meaning of Catiline: yet at the beginning of Cicero's consulship, Great troubles at Rome, in the time of Cicero's consulship. there fell out great trouble and contention in the common wealth. For they of the one side, whom Sylla had by his ordinances deposed from their dignities and offices in ROME (who were no small men, neither few in number) began to creep into the people's good will, alleging many true and just reasons against the tyrannical power of Sylla: howbeit spoken in ill time, when it was out of time to make any change or alteration in the common wealth. The Tribunes on the other side preferred laws and ordinances to further this devise. They preferred the law to choose the Decemuiri, A law preferred for the creation and authority of the Decemuiri. with sovereign power and authority through all ITALY and SYRIA, and also through all the countries and provinces which Pompey had newly conquered to the Empire of ROME: to cell, and release all the lands belonging to the state of ROME, to accuse any man whom they thought good, to banish any man, to restore the Colonies with people, to take what money they would out of the treasury, to levy men of war, and to keep them in pay as long as they thought good. For this great and absolute power of the Decemuiri, there were many men of great account that favoured this law, but Antonius chief, being colleague and fellow Consul with Cicero, for he had good hope to be chosen one of these ten Commissioners: and furthermore, it was thought that he was privy unto Catiline's conspiracy, and that he misliked it not, because he was so much in debt. And this was it that the noble men most feared of all other things. Thereupon Cicero, to provide first to prevent this danger, granted him the province of the realm of MACEDON: and the province of GAUL being offered unto himself, he refused it. By this good turn, he wan Antonius like a hired player making him to promise' him that he would assist & aid him for the benefit of the common wealth, and that he would say no more, than he should will him. When he had brought him to this, and had won him to his mind: he than began to be the bolder, and more stoutly to resist them that were authors of this innovation and new laws. Cicero therefore in open Senate, did one day sharply reprove, and inveigh against this law of the Decemuiri, which the Tribunes would have established. But thereby he did so terrify the authors thereof, that there was not one man durst speak against him. This notwithstanding, the Tribunes afterwards attempted once again to have it to pass, & appointed the Consuls to appear before the people. Howbeit Cicero being nothing abashed at it, Cicero by his eloquence overthrow the law of the Decemuiri. he commanded the Senate to follow him. So he did not only overthrow this law of the Decemuiri, which the Tribunes did prefer: but furthermore they were utterly discouraged and out of hope to bring any of their matters to pass they intended, he struck them so dead with his eloquence. For Cicero only of all men in ROME made the ROMANS know, how much eloquence doth grace and beautify that which is honest, and how invincible right and justice are, being eloquently set forth: and also how that a man that will be counted a wise Governor of a common weal, should always in his doings rather prefer profit, than to seek to curry favour with the common people: yet so to use his words, that the thing which is profitable, may not be also unpleasant. And to prove his sweet & pleasant tongue, Cicero's sw●●● tongue. may be alleged that which he did in the time of his Consulship, touching the placing of men at the Theatre to see the pastimes. For before, the knights of ROME did sit mingled one with another amongst the common people, and took their place as they came. The first that made the difference between them, was * Others ●●● say Lucius Roscius Otho, Tribune of the people. Marcus Otho, at that time Praetor who made a law, by the which he appointed several seats for the knights, where they might from thenceforth see the pastimes. The people took this grievously, as a thing done to discountenance them: insomuch that Otho coming afterwards into the Theatre, all the common people fell a whistling at him, Roscius law for dividing of the Roman Knights from the common people. to shame him withal. The knights also in contrariwise made him room amongst them, with great clapping of hands, in token of honour. Therewith the people fell a whistling louder than before, and the knights in like manner to clapping of their hands, and so grew to words one with another: that all the Theatre was strait in uproar with it. Cicero understanding it, went thither himself, & calling the people to the temple of the goddess Bellona, he there so sharply reproved them, and therewith so persuaded them, that resuming presently to the Theatre, they did then welcome and receive Otho with clapping of their hands, and contended with the knights which of them should do him greatest honour. But now again, the rebels of Catiline's conspiracy (who were prettily cooled at the first for the fear they stood in) began to be lusty again, and to gather together, boldly encouraging one another to broach their practice, before Pompey returned, who was said to be on the way towards ROME with his army. But besides them, those soldiers that had served before in the wars under Sylla, Sulla's soldiers conspired with Catiline. being dispersed up and down ITALY, (but specially the best soldiers among them dwelling in the good towns of TUSCAN) did stir up Catiline to hasten the enterprise, persuading themselves that they should once again have goods enough at hand, to spoil and ransack at their pleasure. These soldiers having one Manlius to their Captain, that had borne office in the field under Sylla, conspired with Catiline, and came to ROME to assist him in his suit: who purposed once again to demand the Consulship, being determined at the election to kill Cicero, in the tumult and hurly burly. The gods also did plainly show by earthquakes, lightning & thunder, and by vision of spirits that did appear, the secret practice and conspiracy: beside also, there fell out manifest conjectures & proofs by men that came to reveal them, howbeit they had not power sufficient to encownter so noble a man, and of so great power as Catiline was. Cicero therefore deferring the day of election, Cicero examined Catalin in the Senate. called Catiline into the Senate, and there did examine him of that which was reported of him. Catiline supposing there were many in the Senate that had good wills to rebel, and also because he would show himself ready unto them that were of his conspiracy: he gave Cicero a gentle answer, & said thus, What do I offend, said he, if that being two bodies in this town, the one lean and weak, and thoroughly rotten, and hath a head: and the other being great, strong, & of power, having no head, I do give it one? meaning under this dark answer, to signify the people & Senate. This answer being made, Cicero was more afraid than before, insomuch that he put on a brigantine for the safety of his body, & was accompanied with the chiefest men of ROME, and a great number of young men beside, going with him from his house unto the field of Mars, where the elections were made: & had of purpose left open his jacket loose at the choler, that his brigantyne he had on might be seen, thereby to let every man that saw him, know the danger he was in. Every man misliked it when they saw it, and came about him to defend him, if any offered to assail him. But it so came to pass, that by voices of the people, Catiline was again rejected from the Consulship, and Syllanus and Murana chosen Consuls. Syllanus and Murana and Consuls. Shortly after this election, the soldiers of Tuscan being joined, which should have come to Catiline, and the day appointed being at hand to broach their enterprise: about midnight there came three of the chiefest men of ROME to Cicero's house (Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus) and knocking at his gate, called his porter, and bade him wake his master presently, and tell him how they three were at the gate to speak with him, about a matter of importance. At night after supper, Crassus' porter brought his master a packet of letters, Letters brought to Crassus, of Catiline's conspiracy. delivered him by a stranger unknown, which were directed unto divers persons, among the which one of them had no name subscribed, but was only directed unto Crassus himself. The effect of his letter was, that there should be a great slaughter in ROME made by Catiline, and therefore he prayed him that he would departed out of ROME to save himself. Crassus' having read his own letter, would not open the rest, but went forthwith unto Cicero, partly for fear of the danger, and partly also to clear himself of the suspicion they had of him for the friendship that was betwixt him and Catiline. Cicero counseling with them what was to be done, the next morning assembled the Senate very early, and carrying the letters with him, he did deliver them according to their direction, and commanded they should read them out aloud. All these letters, & every one of them particularly, did bewray the conspiracy. Furthermore, Quintus Arrius, a man of authority, and that had been Praetor, told openly the soldiers and men of war that were levied in Tuscan. And it was reported also, that Manlius was in the field with a great number of soldiers about the cities of Tuscan, gaping daily to hear news of some change at ROME. All these things being thoroughly considered, a decree passed by the Senate, that they should refer the care of the common wealth unto the Consuls, to th'end that with absolute authority they might (as well as they could) provide for the safety and preservation thereof. Such manner of decree and authority, was not often seen concluded of in the Senate, but in time of present fear and danger. Now Cicero having this absolute power, he referred all foreign matters to Quintus Metellus charge, and did himself take upon him the care and government of all civil affairs within ROME. On the day time when he went up and down the town, he had such a troop of men after him, that when he came through the great market place, he almost filled it with his train that followed him. Thereupon Catiline would no longer delay time, but resolved to go himself unto Manlius where their army lay. But before he departed, he had drawn into his confederacy one Martius, & an other called Cethegus, whom he commanded betimes in the morning to go to Cicero's house with short daggers to kill him, pretending to come to salute him, and to give him a good morrow. But there was a noble woman of ROME, called Fulvia, Fulvia betrayeth Catiline's intent to kill Cicero. who went over night unto Cicero, and bade him beware of that Cethegus, who in deed came the next morning betimes unto him: but being denied to be let in, he began to chafe and rail before the gate. This made him the more to be suspected. In th'end Cicero coming out of his house, called the Senate to the temple of jupiter Stator, (as much to say, a stayer) which standeth at the upper end of the holy street as they go to the Mount Palatine. There was Catiline with others, as though he meant to clear himself of the suspicion that went of him: howbeit there was not a Senator that would sit down by him, but they did all rise from the bench where Catiline had taken his place. And further, when he began to speak, he could have no audience for the great noise they made against him. So at length Cicero, rose, and commanded him to avoid out of ROME saying, that there must needs be a separation of walls between them two, considering that the one used but words, and the other force of arms. Catiline thereupon immediately departing the city with three hundred armed men, Catiline departed Rome. was no sooner out of the precint of the walls, but he made his sergeants carry axes and bundles of rods before him, as if he had been a Consul lawfully created, and did display his ensigns of war, & so went in this order to seek Manlius. When they were joined, he had not much less than twenty thousand men together, with the which he went to practise the towns to rebel. Now open war being thus proclaimed, Antonius, Cicero's colleague and fellow Consul, was sent against him to fight with him. In the mean space, Cornelius Lentulus surnamed Sura (a man of a noble house, but of a wicked disposition, and that for his ill life was put of the Senate) assembled all the rest which were of Catiline's conspiracy, and that remained behind him in ROME, and bade them be afraid of nothing. He was then Praetor the second time, as the manner is when any man comes to recover again the dignity of a Senator which he had lost. It is reported that this surname of Sura was given him upon this occasion. C. Lentulus why called Sura. He being Treasurer in Sulla's Dictatorship, did fond waste and consume a marvelous sum of money of the common treasure. Sylla being offended with him for it, and demanding an account of him before the Senate: he carelessly and contemptuously stepped forth, saying he could make him no other account, but showed him the calf of his leg, as children do, when they make a fault at tennis. And thereof it came that ever after that they called him Sura, because Sura in Latin signifieth, the calf of the leg. Another time also being accused for a lewd part he had committed, he bribed some of the judges with money, and being only quit two voices more which he had in his favour, he said he had lost his money he had given to one of those two judges, because it was enough for him to be cleared by one voice more. Oracles of three Cornelii that should reign at Rome. This man being of this disposition, was first of all incensed by Catiline, and lastly marred by certain wizards & false prognosticators that had mocked him with a vain hope, singing verses unto him which they had feigned and devised, and false prophecies also, which they bore him in hand they had taken out of Sybilles' books of prophecy, which said: that there should reign three Cornelii at ROME, of the which, two had already fulfilled the prophecy, Cinna and Sylla, and for the third, fortune laid it upon him, and therefore bade him go thorough withal, and not to dream it out losing opportunity as Catiline had done. Now this Lentulus undertook no small enterprise, Great treason practised in Rome by C. Lentulus, and Cethegus. but had an intent with him to kill all the whole Senate, and as many other Citizens as they could murder, and to set fire of ROME, sparing none but Pompey's sons, whom they would reserve for pledges, to make their peace afterwards with Pompey. For the rumour was very great and certain also, that he returned from very great wars and conquests which he had made in the East countries. So they laid a plat to put their treason in execution, in one of the nights of Saturn's feasts. Further, they had brought flax and brimstone, and a great number of armours and weapons into Cethegus house. Besides all this provision, they had appointed a hundred men in an hundred parts of the city, to the end that fire being raised in many places at one time, it should the sooner run through the whole city. Other men also were appointed to stop the pipes and water conduits which brought water to ROME, and to kill those also that came for water to quench the fire. In all this stir, by chance there were two Ambassadors of the ALLOBROGESES, whose country at that time did much mislike of the ROMANS, and were unwilling to be subject unto them. Lentulus' thought these men very fit instruments to 'cause all GAUL to rebel. Thereupon practising with them, he wan them to be of their conspiracy, and gave them letters directed to the counsel of their country, and in them did promise' them freedom. He sent other letters also unto Catiline, and persuaded him to proclaim liberty to all bondmen, and to come with all the speed he could to ROME: and sent with them one Titus of the city of CROTONA, to carry these letters. But all their counsels and purposes (like fools that never met together but at feasts, drinking drunk with light women) were easily found out by Cicero: who had a careful eye upon them, and very wisely and discreetly saw thorough them. For he had appointed men out of the city to spy their doings, which followed them to see what they intended. Furthermore he spoke secretly with some he trusted, (the which others also took to be of the conspiracy) and knew by them that Lentulus and Cethegus had practised with the Ambassadors of the ALLOBROGESES, and drawn them into their conspiracy. At length he watched them one night so narrowly, that he took the Ambassadors, The conspirators apprehended. and Titus CROTONIAN with the letters he carried, by help of the Ambassadors of the ALLOBROGESES, which had secretly informed him of all before. The next morning by break of day, Cicero assembled the Senate in the temple of Concord, and there openly read the letters, and heard the evidence of the witnesses. Further, there was one junius Syllanus a Senator that gave in evidence, that some heard Cethegus say they should kill three Consuls, and four Praetors. Piso a Senator also, and that had been Consul, told in manner the self same tale. And Caius Sulpitius a Praetor, that was sent into Cethegus house, reported that he had found great store of darts, armour, dagger's and sword new made. Lastly, the Senate having promised Titus CROTONIAN he should have no hurt, so he would tell what he knew of this conspiracy: Lentulus thereby was convinced, and driven to give up his office of Praetor before the Senate, and changing his purple gown, to take another meet for his miserable state. This being done, Lentulus and his consorts were committed to ward, to the Praetor's houses. Now growing towards evening, the people waiting about the place where the Senate was assembled, Cicero at length came out, and told them what they had done within. Thereupon he was conveyed by all the people unto a friends house of his hard by: for that his own house was occupied by the Ladies of the city, who were busy solemnly celebrating a secret sacrifice in the honour of the goddess, called of the ROMANS the good goddess, and of the GRECIANS Gynacia, to wit feminine: unto her this yearly sacrifice is done at the Consul's house, by the wife or mother of the Consul then being, the Vestal Nuns being present at it. Now Cicero being come● into his neighbour's house, began to bethink him what course he were best to take in this matter. For, to punish the offenders with severity, according to their deserts, he was afraid to do it: both because he was of a courteous nature, as also for that he would not seem to be glad to have occasion to show his absolute power and authority, to punish (as he might) with rigour, Citizens that were of the noblest houses of the city, & that had beside many friends. And contrariwise also, being remiss in so weighty a matter as this, he was afraid of the danger that might ensue of their rashness, mistrusting that if he should punish them with less than death, they would not amend for it, imagining they were well rid of their trouble, but would rather become more bold and desperate then ever they were: adding moreover the sting and spite of a new malice unto their accustomed wickedness, besides that he himself should be thought a coward and timorous man, whereas they had already not much better opinion of him. Cicero being perplexed thus with these doubts, there appeared a miracle to the Ladies, doing sacrifice at home in his house. For the fire that was thought to be clean out upon the altar where they had sacrificed, there suddenly rose out of the embers of the ryend or barks which they had burnt, a great flame, which amazed all the other Ladies. Howbeit the Vestal nuns willed Terential (Cicero's wife) to go strait unto her husband, & to bid him not to be afraid to execute that boldly which he had considered of, for the benefit of the common wealth: and that the goddess had raised this great flame, to show him that he should have great honour by doing of it. Terentia, that was no timorous nor faint hearted woman, but very ambitious, and furthermore had gotten more knowledge from her husband of the affairs of the state, then otherwise she had acquainted him with her housewivery in the house, as Cicero himself reporteth: she went to make report thereof unto him, and prayed him to do execution of those men. The like did Quintus Cicero his brother, and also Publius Nigidius, his friend and fellow student with him in Philosophy, and whose counsel also Cicero followed much in the government of the common wealth. The next morning, the matter being propounded to the arbitrement of the Senate, Syllanus sentence of the conspirators. how these malefactors should be punished: Syllanus being asked his opinion first, said that they should be put in prison, and from thence to suffer execution. Others likewise that followed him, were all of that mind, but Caius Caesar, that afterwards came to be Dictator, and was then but a young man, and began to come forward, but yet such a one, as by his behaviour and the hope he had, took such a course, that afterwards he brought the common wealth of ROME into an absolute Monarchy. For at that time, Cicero had vehement suspicions of Caesar, but no apparent proof to convince him. And some say, that it was brought so near, Caesar privy to Catiline's conspiracy. as he was almost convicted, but yet saved himself. Other writ to the contrary, that Cicero wittingly dissembled, that he either heard or knew any signs which were told him against Caesar, being afraid in deed of his friends and estimation. For it was a clear case, that if they had accused Caesar with the rest, he undoubtedly had sooner saved all their lives, than he should have lost his own. Now when Caesar came to deliver his opinion touching the punishment of these prisoners: Caesar's opinion for the punishment of the conspirators. he stood up and said, that he did not think it good to put them to death, but to confiscate their goods: and as for their persons, that they should bestow them in prison, some in one place, some in another, in such cities of ITALY, as pleased Cicero best until the war of Catiline were ended. This sentence being very mild, and the author thereof marvelous eloquent to make it good: Cicero himself added thereunto a couterpease, inclining unto either of both the opinions, partly allowing the first, and partly also the opinion of Caesar. His friends thinking that Caesar's opinion was the safest for Cicero, because thereby he should deserve less blame for that he had not put the prisoners to death: they followed rather the second. Whereupon Syllanus also recanted that he had spoken, and expounded his opinion: saying, that when he spoke they should be put to death, he meant nothing so, but thought the last punishment a Senator of ROME could have, was the prison. But the first that contraried this opinion, was Catulus Luctatius, and after him Cato, who with vehement words enforced Caesar's suspicion, and furthermore filled all the Senate with wrath and courage: so that even upon the instant it was decreed by most voices, that they should suffer death. But Caesar stepped up again, & spoke against the confiscation of their goods, misliking that they should reject the gentlest part of his opinion, and that contrariwise they should stick unto the severest only: howbeit because the greatest number prevailed against him, he called the Tribunes to aid him, to the end they should withstand it: but they would give no ear unto him Cicero thereupon yielding of himself, did remit the confiscation of their goods, and went with the Senate to fetch the prisoners: who were not all in one house, but every Praetor had one of them. So he went first to take C. Lentulus, who was in the Mount Palatine, and brought him through the holy street and the market place, accompanied with the chiefest men of the city, who compassed him round about, and guarded his person. The people seeing that, quaked and trembled for fear, passed by, and said never a word: and specially the young men, who thought it had been some solemn mystery for the health of their country, that was so accompanied with the chief Magistrate, and the noble men of the city, The execution of the conspirators. with terror and fear. So when he had passed through the market place, and was come to the prison, he delivered Lentulus into the hands of the hangman, and commanded him to do execution. Afterwards also Cethegus, and then all the rest one after another, whom he brought to the prison himself, and caused them to be executed. Furthermore, seeing divers of their accomplices in a troop together in the market place, who knew nothing what he had done, and watched only till night were come, supposing then to take away their companions by force from the place where they were, thinking they were yet alive: he turned unto them, and spoke aloud, they lived. This is a phrase of speech which the ROMANS use sometime, when they will finely convey the hardness of the speech, They liued● A word usurped for the dead. to say he is dead. When night was comen, and that he was going homeward, as he came through the market place, the people did wait upon him no more with silence as before, but with great cries of his praise, Cicero's praise. and clapping of hands in every place he went, and called him Saviour, and second fownder of ROME. Besides all this, at every man's door there were links and torches lighted, that it was as light in the streets, as at noon days. The very women also did put lights out of the tops of their houses to do him honour, and also to see him so nobly brought home, with such a long train of the chiefest men of the city, (of the which many of them had ended great wars for the which they had triumphed, and had obtained many famous conquests to the Empire of ROME, both by sea and land) confessing between themselves one to another, that the ROMANS were greatly bound to many Captains and generals of armies in their time, for the wonderful riches, spoils, and increase of their power which they had won: howbeit that they were to thank Cicero only, for their health and preservation, having saved them from so great and extreme a danger. Not for that they thought it so wonderful an act to have stricken dead the enterprise of the conspirators, and also to have punished the offenders by death: but because the conspiracy of Catiline being so great and dangerous an insurrection as ever was any, he had quenched it, and pluck it up by the roots, with so small hurt, and without uproar, trouble, or actual sedition. For, the most part of them that were gathered together about Catiline, when they heard that Lentulus and all the rest were put to death, they presently forsook him: and Catiline himself also fight a battle with them he had about him, Catiline slain in battle by Antonius. against Antonius the other Consul with Cicero, he was slain in the field, and all his army defeated. This notwithstanding, there were many that spoke ill of Cicero for this fact, and meant to make him repent it, having for their heads Caesar, Caesar chosen Praetor. (who was already chosen Praetor for the year to come) Metellus and Bestia, Metellus and Bestia, Tribunes of the people. who should also be chosen Tribunes. They, so soon as they were chosen Tribunes, would not once suffer Cicero to speak to the people, notwithstanding that he was yet in his office of Consul for certain days. And furthermore, to let him that he should not speak unto the people, they did set their benches upon the pulpit for orations, which they call at ROME, Rostra: and would never suffer him to set foot in it, but only to resign his office, and that done, to come down again immediately. He granted thereunto, and went up to the pulpit upon that condition. So silence being made him, he made an oath, not like unto other Consul's oaths when they resign their office in like manner, Cicero resigneth his office. but strange, and never heard of before: swearing, that he had saved the city of ROME, and preserved all his country and the Empire of ROME from utter ruin and destruction. All the people that were present, confirmed it, and swore the like oath. Wherewithal Caesar and the other Tribunes his enemies were so offended with him, that they devised to breed him some new stir & trouble & amongst others, they made a decree, that Pompey should be sent for with his army to bridle the tyranny of Cicero. Cato, (who at that time was also Tribune) did him great pleasure in the furtherance of the common wealth, opposing himself against all their practices, with the like authority and power that they had, being a Tribune and brother with them, and of better estimation than they. So that he did not only easily break all their devices, but also in a goodly oration he made in a full assembly of the people, he so highly praised and extolled Cicero's Consulship unto them, Cicero's Consulship praised by Cato. and the things he did in his office: that they gave him the greatest honours that ever were decreed or granted unto any man living. For by decree of the people he was called, father of the country, Cicero the first man called, Father of the country. as Cato himself had called him in his oration: the which name was never given to any man, but only unto him, & also he bore greater sway in ROME at the time, than any man beside him. This notwithstanding, he made himself envy and misliked of many men, not for any ill act he did, or meant to do: but only because he did too much boast of himself. Cicero too much given to praise himself For he never was in any assembly of people, Senate, or judgement, but every man's head was full still to hear the sound of Catulus and Lentulus brought in for sport, and filling the books and works he compiled beside full of his own praises: the which made his sweet and pleasant style, tedious, and troublesome to those that heard them, as though this misfortune ever followed him to take away his excellent grace. But now, though he had this worm of ambition, and extreme covetous desire of honour in his head, yet did he not malice or envy any other's glory, but would very frankly praise excellent men, as well those that had been before him, Cicero friendly to praise others. as those that were in his time. And this appeareth plainly in his writings. They have written also certain notable words he spoke of some ancient men in old time, as of Aristotle: that he was like a golden flowing river: and of Plato, that if jupiter himself would speak, he would speak like him: and of Theophrastus, he was wont to call him his delight: & of Demosthenes' orations, when one asked him on a time which of them he liked best: the longest said he. There be divers writers also, who to show that they were great followers of Demosthenes, do follow Cicero's saying in a certain epistle he wrote unto one of his friends, wherein he said that Demosthenes slept in some of his orations: Cicero sayeth, Demosthenes sleepeth in his orations. but yet they forget to tell how highly he praised him in that place, and that he calleth the orations which he wrote against Antonius (in the which he took great pains, and studied more than all the rest) PHILIPPIANS: to follow those which Demosthenes wrote against Philip king of MACEDON. Furthermore, there was not a famous man in all his time, either in eloquence, or in learning, whose fame he hath not commended in writing, or otherwise in honourable speech of him. For he obtained of Caesar, when he had the Empire of ROME in his hands, that Cratippus the PERIPATETIC Philosopher was made Citizen of ROME. Further, he procured that by decree of the court of the Areopagites, he was entreated to remain at ATHENS, to teach and instruct the youth there: for that he was a great honour & ornament unto their city. There are extant also of Cicero's epistles unto Herodes, & others unto his son, willing him to follow Crattipus in his study and knowledge. He wrote an other letter also unto Gorgias the Rhetorician, and forbade him his sons company: because he understood he enticed him to drunkenness, & to other great dishonesty. Of all his epistles he wrote in greek, there is but that only written incholler, and another which he wrote unto Pelops BYZANTINE. And for that he wrote to Gorgias, he had great reason to be offended with him, and to tawnt him in his letter: because (as it seemed) he was a man of very lewd life and conversation. But in contrary manner, writing as he did to Pelops, finding himself grieved with him, for that he was negligent in procuring the BYZANTINES to ordain some public honours in his behalf; that me thinks proceeded of overmuch ambition, the which in many things made him too much forget the part of an honest man, and only because he would be commended for his eloquence. When he had on a time pleaded Munatius cause before the judges, Cicero's subtle end pleasant, ●●●ge. who shortly after accused Sabinus a friend of his: it is reported that he was so angry with him, that he told him, what Munatius, hast thou forgotten that thou wert discharged the last day of thine accusation, not for thine innocency, but for a mist I cast before the judges eyes, that made them they could not discern the fault? another time also, having openly praised Marcus Crassus in the pulpit, with good audience of the people: shortly after he spoke to the contrary, all the evil he could of him, in the same place. Why, how now, said Crassus: diddest thou not thyself highly praise me in this place, the last day? I can not deny it, said Cicero: but in deed I took an ill matter in hand to show mine eloquence. another time Crassus chanced to say in an open assembly, that none of all the Crassis of his house that ever lived above lx. years: and afterwards again repenting himself, he called it in again, and said, Sure I knew not what I did, when I said so. Cicero answered him again: thou knewest well enough the people were glad to hear it, and therefore spakest it to please them. Another time Crassus liking the opinion of the Stoic Philosophers, The Stoics opinion: A wise man is ever rich. that said the wise man was ever rich: Cicero answered him, and bade him consider whether they meant not thereby, that the wise man had all things. Crassus' covetousness was defamed of every man. Of Crassus' sons, one of them did much resemble Actius, and therefore his mother had an ill name by him: one day this son of Crassus made an oration before the Senate, which divers of them commended very much. So, Cicero being asked how he liked it: me thinks, said he, it is * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Actius of Crassus. About this time, Crassus being ready to take his journey into SYRIA, Actius, is a proper name of a Roman, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek signifieth, worthyt So the grace of the equivocation can not be expressed in any other language. he desired to have Cicero his friend, rather than his enemy. Therefore one night making much of him, he told Cicero that he would come and sup with him. Cicero said he should be welcome. Shortly after some of his friends told him of Vatinius, how he was desirous to be made friends with him, for he was his enemy. What, q Cicero, and will he come to supper too? Thus he used Crassus. Now this Vitinius having a swollen neck, one day pleading before Cicero: he called him the swollen Orator. Another time when he heard say that he was dead, and then that he was alive again: a vengeance on him, said he, that hath lied so shamefully. Another time when Caesar had made a law for the dividing of the lands of CAMPANIA unto the soldiers: divers of the Senate were angry with him for it, and among other, Lucius Gellius (a very old man) said, he would never grant it while he lived. Cicero pleasantly answered again, alas, tarry a little, the good old man will not trouble you long. Another time there was one Octavius, supposed to be * Because the africans have commonly their ears bored through an AFRICAN borne. He when Cicero on a time pleaded a matter, said that he heard him not: Cicero presently answered him again, and yet hast thou a hole bored through thine ear. Another time Metallus Nepos told him, that he had overthrown more men by his witness, than he had saved by his eloquence. I grant said Cicero, for in deed I have more faith, than eloquence in me. So was there also a young man that was suspected to have poisoned his father with a tart, that boasted he would revile Cicero: I had rather have that of thee, q Cicero, than thy tart. Publius Sextius also having a matter before the judges, entertained Cicero, with other of his Counsellors: but yet he would speak all himself, and give none of the Orators leave to say any thing. In the end, when they saw plainly that the judges would discharge him, being ready to give sentence: Cicero said unto him, bestir thee hardily to day for to morrow Sextius thou shalt be a private man. Another, one Publius Scotta, who would fain have been thought a wise Lawyer, and yet had little wit and understanding: Cicero appealed to him as a witness in a matter, and being examined, he answered he knew nothing of it. Cicero replied to him again: thou thinkest peradventure they ask thee touching the law. Again, Metellus Nepos, in a certain disputation he had with Cicero, did many times repeat, who is thy father? Cicero answered him again: thy mother hath made this question harder for thee to answer. This Nepos mother was reported to be a light housewife, and he as subtle witted and unconstant. For he being Tribune, left in a gear the exercise of his office, and went into SYRIA to Pompey, upon no occasion: and as fond again he returned thence, upon a sudden. His Schoolmaster Philager also being dead, he buried him very honestly, and set a crow of stone upon the top of his tomb. Cicero finding it, told him thou hast done very wisely: for thy Master hath taught thee rather to fly, then to speak. Another time Appius Clodius pleading a matter, said in his preamble that his friend had earnestly requested him to employ all his knowledge, diligence, and faith upon this matter. O gods, said Cicero, and hast thou showed thyself so hard hearted to thy friend, that thou hast performed none of all these he requested thee? Now to use these fine tawnts and girds to his enemies, it was a part of a good Orator: but so commonly to gird every man to make the people laugh, that wan him great ill will of many, as shall appear by some examples I will tell you. Marcus Aquinius had two sons in law, who were both banished: Cicero therefore called him Adrastus. Lucius Cotta by chance also was Censor at that time, when Cicero sued to be Consul: and being there at the day of the election, he was a thirst, and was driven to drink. But while he drank, all his friends stood about him, and after he had drunk, he said unto them. It is well done of ye, said he, to be afraid lest the Censor should be angry with me, because I drink water: for it was reported the Censor loved wine well. Another time Cicero meeting one Voconius, with three fowl Daughters of his with him, he cried out aloud: This man hath gotten children in despite of Phoebus. It was thought in ROME that Marcus Gellius was not borne of free parents by father and mother, who reading certain letters one day in the Senate very loud: Cicero said unto them that were about him, wonder not at it, q he, for this man hath been a crier in his days. Faustus, the son of Sylla Dictator of ROME, which set up bills outlawing divers ROMANS, making it lawful for any man to kill them without danger where they found them: this man after he had spent the most part of his father's goods, was so sore in debt, that he was driven to cell his household stuff, by bills set up on every post. Cicero when he saw them, yea marry said he, these bills please me better, than those which his father set up. These tawntes and common quips without purpose, made divers men to malice him. The malice betwixt Cicero & Clodius. The great ill will that Clodius bore him, began upon this occasion. Clodius was of a noble house, a young man, and very wild and insolent. He being in love with Pompeia Caesar's wife, found the means secretly to get into Caesar's house, appareled like a young singing wench, because on that day the Ladies of ROME did solemnly celebrated a secret sacrifice in Caesar's house, which is not lawful for men to be present at. So there was no man there but Clodius, who thought he should not have been known, because he was but a young man without any hear on his face, and that by this means he might come to Pompeia amongst the other women. He being gotten into this great house by night, not knowing the rooms and chambers in it: there was one of Caesar's mother's maids of her chamber called Aurelia, who seeing him wandering up and down the house in this sort, asked him what he was, and how they called him. So being forced to answer, he said he sought for Aura, one of Pompeias' maids. The maid perceived strait it was no woman's voice, and therewithal gave a great shriche, and called the other women: the which did see the gates fast shut, and then sought every corner up and down, so that at length they found him in the maids chamber, with whom he came in. His offence was strait blown abroad in the city, whereupon Caesar put his wife away: and one of the Tribunes also accused Clodius, and burdened him that he had profaned the holy ceremonies of the sacrifices. Cicero at that time was yet his friend, being one that had very friendly done for him at all times, and had ever accompanied him to guard him, if any man would have offered him injury in the busy time of the conspiracy of Catiline. Clodius stoutly denied the matter he was burdened with, and said that he was not in ROME at that time, but far from thence. Howbeit Cicero gave evidence against him, and deposed, that the self same day he came home to his house unto him, to speak with him about certain matters. This in deed was true, though it seemeth Cicero gave not this evidence so much for the truths sake, Cicero gave evidence against Clodius as to please his wife Terentia: for she hated Clodius to the death, because of his sister Clodia that would have married Cicero, and did secretly practise the marriage by one Tullius, who was Cicero's very friend, and because he repaired very often to this Clodia that dwelled hard by Cicero, Terentia began to suspect him. Terentia being a cruel woman, and wearing her husbands breeches: alured Cicero to set upon Clodius in his adversity, and to witness against him, as many other honest men of the city also did: Some that he was perjured, others that he committed a thousand lewd parts, The wicked parts of Clodius. that he bribed the people with money, that he had enticed and deflowered many women. Lucullus also brought forth certain Maidens which deposed that Clodius had deflowered the youngest of his own sisters, she being in house with him, and married. And there went a great rumour also, that he knew his two other sisters, of the which the one was called * Some old books do read Terit●. Terentia, and married unto king Martius: and the other Clodia, whom Metellus Celer had married, and whom they commonly called Quadrantaria: because one of her Paramours sent her a purse full of quad●ynes (which are little pieces of copper money) in stead of silver. Clodius was flaundered more by her, then with any of the other two. Notwithstanding, the people were very much offended with them, that gave evidence against him, and accused him. The judges being afraid of it, got a great number of armed men about them, at the day of his judgement, for the safety of their persons: and in the tables where they wrote their sentences, their letters for the most part were confusedly set down. This notwithstanding, it was found that he was quit by the greatest number: Clodius' 〈…〉, and found not guilty. and it was reported also that some of them were close fisted. Catulus therefore meeting with some of them going home, after they had given their sentence, told them: sutely ye had good reason to be well guarded for your safety, for you were afraid your money should have been taken from you, which you took for bribes. And Cicero said unto Clodius, who reproved him that his witness was not true he gave against him: clean contrary, q Cicero, for five and twenty of the judges have believed me, being so many that have condemned thee, and the thirty would not believe thee, for they would not quit thee before they had fingered money. Notwithstanding, in this judgement Caesar never gave evidence against Clodius: & said moreover, that he did not think his wife had committed any adultery, howbeit that he had put her away, Caesar's words of the putting away his wife Pompeia. because he would that Caesar's wife should not only be clean from any dishonesty, but also voided of all suspicion. Clodius being quit of this accusation and trouble, & having also found means to be chosen Tribune: Clodius' chosen Tribune of the people. he began strait to persecute Cicero, changing all things, and stirring up all manner of people against him. First he wan the good will of the common people by devising of new laws which he preferred, for their benefit and commodity: to both the Consuls he granted great and large provinces: unto Piso, MACEDON, and to Gabinius, Piso and Gabinius Consuls. SYRIA. He made also many poor men free Citizens, and had always about him a great number of slaves armed. At that present time there were three notable men in ROME, Crassus, Pompey, and Caesar, three of the greatest men in Rome, took part with Clodius against Cicero which carried all the sway: Crassus, that showed himself an open enemy unto Cicero: Pompey the other, made much both of the one and the other: the third was Caesar, who was prepared for his journey into GAUL with an army. Cicero did lean unto him, (though he knew him no fast friend of his, and that he mistrusted him for matters passed in Catiline's conspiracy) and prayed him that he might go to the wars with him, as one of his Lieutenants. Caesar granted him. Thereupon Clodius perceiving that by this means he got him out of the danger of his office of Tribuneship for that year, he made fair weather with him (as though he meant to reconcile himself unto him) and told him that he had cause rather to think ill of Terentia, for that he had done against him, then of himself, and always spoke very courteously of him as occasion fell out, and said he did think nothing in him, neither had any malice to him, howbeit it did a little grieve him, that being a friend, he was offered unkindness by his friend. These sweet words made Cicero no more affrayed, so that he gave up his Lievetenancie unto Caesar, and began again to plead as he did before. Caesar took this in such disdain, that he hardened Clodius the more against him, and beside, made Pompey his enemy. And Caesar himself also said before all the people, that he thought Cicero had put Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest, unjustly to death, and contrary to law, without lawful trial and condemnation. And this was the fault for the which Cicero was openly accused. Cicero accused of Clodius Thereupon Cicero seeing himself accused for this fact, he changed his usual gown he wore, and put on a mourning gown: and so suffering his beard and hear of his head to grow without any coeming, he went in this humble manner, and sued to the people. But Clodius was ever about him in every place and street he went, having a sight of rascals and knaves with him that shamefully mocked him for that he had changed his gown and countenance in that sort, and oftentimes they cast dirt and stones at him, breaking his talk and requests he made unto the people. This notwithstanding, The knights of Rome and Senate changed garments for Cicero's sake. all the knights of ROME did in manner change their gowns with him for company, and of them there were commonly twenty thousand young gentlemen of noble house which followed him with their hear about their ears, & were suitors to the people for him. Furthermore, the Senate assembled to decree that the people should mourn in blacks, as in a common calamity: But the Consuls were against it. And Clodius on tother side was with a band of armed men about the Senate, so that many of the Senators ran out of the Senate, crying, & tearing their clotheses for sorrow. Howbeit these men seeing all that, were nothing the more moaned with pity and shame: but either Cicero must needs absent himself, or else determine to fight with Clodius. Then went Cicero to entreat Pompey to aid him: But he absented himself of purpose out of the city, because he would not be entreated, and lay at one of his houses in the country, near unto the city of ALBA. So he first of all sent Piso his son in law unto 〈…〉 to entreat him, and afterwards went himself in person to him. Pompey would not see Cicero being accused. But Pompey being told that he was come, had not the heart to suffer him to come to him, to look him in the face: for he had been past all shame to have refused the request of so worthy a man, who had before showed him such pleasure, and also done and said so many things in his favour. Howbeit Pompey being the son in law of Caesar, did unfortunately (at his request) forsake him at his need, unto whom he was bound for so many infinite pleasures, as he had received of him afore: and therefore when he heard say he came to him, he went out at his back gate and would not speak with him. So Cicero seeing himself betrayed of him, and now having no other refuge to whom he might repair unto: he put himself into the hands of the two Consuls. Of them two, Gabinius was ever cruel, and churlish unto him. But Piso on tother side spoke always very courteously unto him, and prayed him to absent himself for a time, and to give place a little to Clodius' fury, and patiently to bear the change of the time: For in so doing, he might come again another time to be the preserver of his country, which was now for his sake in tumult and sedition. Cicero upon this answer of the Consul, consulted with his friends: among the which Lucullus gave him advise to tarry, and said that he should be the stronger. But all the rest were of contrary opinion, and would have him to get him away with speed: for the people would shortly wish for him again, when they had once been beaten with Clodius fury and folly. Cicero liked best to follow this counsel. Whereupon having had a statue of Minerva a long time in his house, the which he greatly reverenced: Cicero's exile he carried her himself, and gave her to the Capitol with this inscription: Unto Minerva, Protector of ROME. So, his friends having given him safe conduct, he went out of ROME about midnight, and took his way through the country of LUKE by land, meaning to go into SICILY. When it was known in ROME that he was fled, Clodius did presently banish him by decree of the people, and caused bills of inhibition to be set up, that no man should secretly receive him within five hundred miles compass of ITALY. Howbeit divers men reverencing Cicero, made no reckoning of that inhibition: but when they had used him with all manner of courtesy possible, they did conduct him beside at his departure, saving one city only in LUKE, called at that time HIPPONIUM, and now VIBONE: Hipponium, alias Vibone: a city in Luke where a SICILIAN called Vibius, (unto whom Cicero before had done many pleasures, and specially among others, had made him Master of the works in the year that he was Consul) would not once receive him into his house, but promised him he would appoint him a place in the country that he might go unto. And Caius Virgilius also, at that time Praetor and governor of SICILY, who before had showed himself his very great friend: wrote then unto him, that he should not come near unto SICILY. This grieved him to the heart. Thereupon he went directly unto the city of BRUNDISIUM, and there embarked to pass over the sea unto DYRRACHIUM, and at the first had wind at will: but when he was in the main sea, the wind turned, and brought him back again to the place from whence he came. But after that, he hoist sail again, and the report went, that at his arrival at DYRRACHIUM when he took land, the earth shook under him, and the sea gave back together: A wonder showed unto Cicero in his exile. Whereby the soothsayers interpreted, that his exile should not be long, because both the one and the other was a token of change. Yet Cicero, notwithstanding that many men came to see him for the goodwill they bore him, Cicero's faint heart in his exile. and that the cities of GRAECE contended who should most honour him, he was always sad, and could not be merry, but cast his eyes still towards ITALY, as passioned lovers do towards the women they love: showing himself faint hearted, and took this adversity more basely, than was looked for of one so well studied and learned as he. And yet he oftentimes prayed his friends, not to call him Orator, but rather Philosopher: saying, that Philosophy was his chiefest profession, & that for his eloquence he did not use it, but as a necessary instrument to one that pleadeth in the common wealth. But glory, The wonderful power of glory. and opinion, hath great power to take man's reason from him, even like a colour, from the minds of them that are common pleaders in matters of state, and to make them feel the self same passions that common people do, by daily frequenting their company: unless they take great heed of them, and that they come to practise in the common wealth with this resolute mind, to have to do with the like matters that the common people have, but not to entangle themselves with the like passions and moods, by the which their matters do rise. Now Clodius was not contented that he had banished Cicero out of ITALY, but further he burned all his houses in the country, and his house also in ROME standing in the market place, of the which he built a temple of liberty, and caused his goods to be sold by the crier: so that the crier was occupied all day long crying the goods to be sold, and no man offered to buy any of them. The chiefest men of the city beginning to be afraid of these violent parts, and having the common people at his commandment, whom he had made very bold and insolent: he began to inveigh against Pompey, and spoke ill of his doings in the time of his wars, the which every man else but himself did commend. Pompey then was very angry with himself that he had so forsaken: Cicero, Pompey changing mind, doth favour Cicero. and repented him of it, and by his friends procured all the means he could to call him home again from his banishment. Clodius was against it all he could. The Senate notwithstanding with one full consent ordained, that nothing should be established for the common wealth, before Cicero's banishment were first repealed. Lentulus was at that time Consul, Lentulus, Consul. and there grew such an uproar and stir upon it, that some of the Tribunes were hurt in the market place, and Quintus Cicero (the brother of Cicero) was slain and hidden under the dead bodies. Then the people began to change their minds. And Annius Milo, one of the Tribunes, was the first man that durst venture upon Clodius, and bring him by force to be tried before the judges. Pompey himself also having gotten a great number of men about him, aswell of the city of ROME as of other towns adjoining to it, being strongly guarded with them: he came out of his house, and compelled Clodius to get him out of the market place, and then called the people to give their voices, for the calling home again of Cicero. Cicero called home from banishment. It is reported that the people never passed thing with so great good will, nor so wholly together, as the return of Cicero. And the Senate for their parts also, in the behalf of Cicero, ordained that the cities which had honoured and received Cicero in his exile, should be greatly commended: and that his houses which Clodius had overthrown and razed, should be re-edified at the charge of the common wealth. So Cicero returned the sixteenth month after his banishment, and the towns and cities he came by, showed themselves so joyful of his return, that all manner of men went to meet and honour him, with so great love and affection, that Cicero's report thereof afterwards came in deed short of the very truth as it was. For he said, that ITALY brought him into ROME upon their shoulders. Insomuch as Crassus himself, who before his banishment was his enemy, went then with very good will unto him, and become his friend, saying: that he did it for the love of his son, who loved Cicero with all his heart. Now Cicero being returned, he found a time when Clodius was out of the city, and went with a good company of his friends unto the Capitol, Cicero taketh away the tables of Clodius acts out of the Capitol. and there took away the tables, and broke them, in the which Clodius had written all his acts that he had passed and done in the time of his Tribuneship. Clodius would afterwards have accused Cicero for it: But Cicero answered him, that he was not lawfully created Tribune, because he was of the PATRICIANS, and therefore all that he had done in his Tribuneship was void, and of none effect. Therewith Cato was offended, and spoke against him, not for that he liked any of Clodius doings: (but to the contrary, utterly misliked all that he did) but because he thought it out of all reason, that the Senate should cancel all those things which he had done and passed in his Tribuneship, and specially, because amongst the rest that was there which he himself had done in the isle of CYPRUS, and in the city of BYZANTIUM. hereupon there grew some strangeness betwixt Cicero and Cato, the which notwithstanding broke not out to open enmity: but only to an abstinence of their wonted familiarity, and access one to another. Shortly after, Milo slew Clodius. Clodius the Tribune, slain by Milo. Milo being accused of murder, prayed Cicero to plead his cause. The Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo, (who was a hardy man, and of quality beside) would move some sedition and uproar in the city: they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed aswell in this cause, as in other offences, that the city might be quiet, and judgement also executed with safety. Thereupon Pompey the night before took the highest places of the market place, by his soldiers that were armed, whom he placed thereabout. Milo fearing that Cicero would be affrayed to see such a number of harnessed men about him, being no usual matter, and that it might peradventure hinder him to plead his cause well: he prayed him he would come betimes in the morning in his litter into the market place, and there to stay the coming of the judges, Cicero fearful in wars, and timorous in pleading. till the place were full. For Cicero was not only fearful in wars, but timorous also in pleading. For in deed he never began to speak, but it was in fear: and when his eloquence was come to the best proof and perfection, he never left his trembling and timorousness. Insomuch that pleading a case for Mutius Muraena (accused by Cato,) striving to excel Hortensius, whose pleading was very well thought of: he took no rest all night, and what through watching, and the trouble of his mind he was not very well, Cicero pleadeth Miloes' case. so that he was not so well liked for his pleading, as Hortensius. So, going to defend Miloes' cause, when he came out of his litter, and saw Pompey set aloft as if he had been in a camp, and the market place compassed about with armed men, glistering in every corner: it so amated him, that he could scant fashion himself to speak, all the parts of him did so quake and tremble, and his voice could not come to him. But Milo on the other side stood boldly by him himself, without any fear at all of the judgement of his cause, neither did he let his here grow, as other men accused did: neither did he wear any mourning gown, the which was (as it seemed) one of the chiefest causes that condemned him. Yet many held opinion that this timorousness of Cicero came rather of the goodwill he bore unto his friends, then of any cowardly mind of himself. Cicero chosen Augur. He was also chosen one of the Priests of the soothsayers, which they call Augurs, in the room of P. Crassus' the younger, who was slain in the Realm of PARTHIA. Afterwards, the province of CILICIA being appointed to him, with an army of twelve thousand footmen, and two thousand five hundred horsemen, he took the sea to go thither. So when he was arrived there, he brought CAPPADOCIA again into the subjection and obedience of king Ariobarzanes according to his commission and commandment given by the Senate: moreover, both there and elsewhere he took as excellent good order as could be devised, in reducing of things to quietness, without wars. Furthermore, finding that the CILICIANS were grown somewhat stout and unruly, by the overthrow the ROMANS had of the PARTHIANS, and by reason of the rising and rebellion in SYRIA: he brought them unto reason by gentle persuasions, and never received gifts that were sent him, Cicero's integrity for the government of his provinces. not not from Kings and Princes. Furthermore, he did disburden the provinces of the feasts and banquets they were wont to make other governors before him. On the other side also, he would ever have the company of good and learned men at his table, and would use them well, without curiosity and excess. He had never porter to his gate, nor was seen by any man in his bed: For he would always rise at the break of day, and would walk or stand before his door. He would courteously receive all them that came to salute and visit him. Further they report of him, that he never caused man to be beaten with rods, nor to tear his own garments. In his anger he never reviled any man, neither did dispightfully set fine upon any man's head. Finding many things also belonging to the common wealth, which private men had stolen and imbecelled to their own use: he restored them again unto the cities, whereby they grew very rich and wealthy: and yet did he save their honour and credit that had taken them away, and did them no other hurt, but only constrained them to restore that which was the common wealths. He made a little war also, and drove away the thieves that kept about the Mountain Amanus, Mō● Amanus Cicero called Imperator. for the which exploit his soldiers called him Imperator, to say, chief Captain. About that time there was an Orator called Caecilius, who wrote unto him from ROME, to pray him to send him some Leoperds, or Panthers out of CILICIA, because he would show the people some pastime with them. Cicero boasting of his doings, wrote to him again, that there were no more Leoperds in CILICIA, but that they were all fled into CARIA for anger, that seeing all things quiet in CILICIA, they had leisure now to hunt them. So when he returned towards ROME, from the charge of his government, he came by RHODES: and stayed a few days at ATHENS, with great delight, to remember how pleasantly he lived there before, at what time he studied there. Thither came to him the chiefest learned men of the city, and his friends also, with whom he was acquainted at his first being there. In fine, having received all the honourable entertainment in GRAECE that could be: he returned unto ROME, where at his arrival he found great factions kindled, the which men saw plainly would grow in the end to civil war. Thereupon the Senate having decreed that he should enter in triumph into the city: he answered, that he would rather (all parties agreed) follow Caesar's coach in triumph. So he traveled very earnestly between Pompey and Caesar, eftsoons writing unto Caesar, and also speaking unto Pompey that was present, seeking all the means he could, Cicero seeketh to pacify the quarrel betwixt Pompey and Caesar. to take up the quarrel and misliking betwixt them two. But it was so impossible a matter, that there was no speech of agreement would take place. So Pompey hearing that Caesar was not far from ROME, he durst no longer abide in ROME, but fled with divers of the greatest men in ROME. Cicero would not follow him when he fled, and therefore men thought he would take part with Caesar: but this is certain, that he was in a marvelous perplexity, and could not easily determine what way to take. Whereupon he wrote in his Epistells: what way should I take? Pompey hath the juster and honester cause of war, but Caesar can better execute, Cicero's words of Pompey and Caesar. and provide for himself and his friends with better safety: so that I have means enough to fly, but none to whom I might repair. In all this stir, there was one of Caesar's friends called Trebatius, which wrote a letter unto Cicero, and told him that Caesar wished him in any case to come to him, and to run with him the hope & fortune he undertook: but if he excused himself by his age, that then he should get him into GRAECE, and there to be quiet from them both. Cicero marveling that Caesar wrote not to him himself, answered in anger, that he would do nothing unworthy of his acts all the days of his life thitherto: & to this effect he wrote in his letters. Cicero goeth unto Pompey. Now Caesar being gone into SPAIN, Cicero embarked immediately to go to Pompey. So when he came unto him, every man was very glad of his coming, but Cato. Howbeit Cato secretly reproved him for coming unto Pompey, saying: that for himself he had been without all honesty at that time to have forsaken that part, the which he had always taken and followed from the beginning of his first practice in the common wealth: but for him on tother side, that it had been better for the safety of his country, and chief for all his friends, that he had been a neuter to both, and so to have taken things as they had fallen out: and that he had no manner of reason nor instant cause to make him to become Caesar's enemy, and by coming thither to put himself into so great peril. These persuasions of Cato overthrew all Cicero's purpose and determination, besides that Pompey himself did not employ him in any matter of service or importance. But hereof himself was more in fault than Pompey, because he confessed openly that he did repent him he was come thither. Furthermore, he scorned and disdained all Pompey's preparations and counsels, the which in deed made him to be had in jealousy and suspicion. Also he would ever be steering and gibing at those that took Pompey's part, though he had no list himself to be merry. He would also go up and down the camp very sad and heavy, but yet he would ever have one jest or other to make men laugh, although they had as little lust to be merry as he: and surely, it shall do no hurt to call some of them to mind in this place. Domitius being very desirous to prefer a gentleman to have charge of men, to recommend him, he said he was an honest, wise, and sober man. Whereto Cicero presently answered. Why dost thou not keep him then to bring up thy children? another time when they commended Theophanes LESBIAN, (that was master of all the artificers of the camp) because he had notably comforted the RHODIANS when they had received a great loss of their navy: see, said Cicero, what a goodly thing it is to have a GRECIAN, master of artificers in the camp? When both battles came to join together, and that Caesar had in manner all the advantage, & kept them as good as besieged: Lentulus told him on a time, that he heard say all Caesar's friends were mad, and melancholy men. Why, q Cicero to him again: dost thou say that they do envy Caesar? An other called Martius, coming lately out of ITALY, said, that there ran a rumour in ROME, that Pompey was besieged. What, q Cicero to him again: and didst thou take ship to come and see him thyself, because thou mightest believe it, when thou hadst seen it? Pompey being overthrown, one Nonius said there was yet good hope left, because they had taken seven Eagles within Pompey's camp. Thy persuasion were not ill, q Cicero, so we were to fight but with pies or daws. Labienus reposed all his trust in certain Oracles, that Pompey of necessity must have the upper hand. Yea said Cicero, but for all this goodly stratagem of war, we have not long since lost our whole camp. After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato gave place to Cicero, and offered him the charge of the navy at Dyrrachium. where Cicero was not by reason of his sickness: Pompey being fled, and Cato at that time at DYRRACHIUM, where he had gathered a great number of men of war, & had also prepared a great navy: he prayed Cicero to take charge of all this army, as it pertained unto him, having been Consul. Cicero did not only refuse it, but also told them he would meddle no more with this war. But this was enough to have made him been slain: for the younger Pompey and his friends called him traitor, and drew their sword upon him to kill him, which they had done, had not Cato stepped between them and him, and yet had he much a do to save him, and to convey him safely out of the camp. When Cicero came to BRUNDISIUM, he stayed there a certain time for Caesar's coming, who came but slowly, by reason of his troubles he had in ASIA, as also in EGYPT. Howbeit news being brought at length that Caesar was arrived at TARENTUM, and that he came by land unto BRUNDISIUM: Cicero departed thence to go meet him, not mistrusting that Caesar would not pardon him, but rather being ashamed to come to his enemy being a conqueror, before such a number of men as he had about him. Yet he was not forced to do or speak any thing unseemly to his calling. For Caesar seeing him coming towards him far before the rest that came with him: he lighted from his horse and embraced him, and walked a great way a foot with him, still talking with him only, and ever after he did him great honour and made much of him. insomuch as Cicero having written a book in praise of Cato: Caesar on the other side wrote an other, and praised the eloquence and life of Cicero, matching it with the life of Pericles, and Theramenes. Cicero's book was entitled Cato, & Caesar's book called Anticato, as much to say, as against Cato. They say further, that Quintus Ligarius being accused to have been in the field against Caesar, Cicero took upon him to defend his cause: and that Caesar said unto his friends about him, what hurt is it for us to hear Cicero speak, whom we have not heard of long time? For otherwise Ligarius (in my opinion) standeth already a condemned man, for I know him to be a vile man, and mine enemy. But when Cicero had begun his Oration, he moved Caesar marvelously, The force of Cicero's eloquence, how it altered Caesar. he had so sweet a grace, and such in force in his words: that it is reported Caesar changed divers colours, and showed plainly by his countenance, that there was a marvelous alteration in all the parts of him. For, in th'end when the Orator came to touch the battle of Pharsalia, then was Caesar so troubled, that his body shook withal, and beside, certain books he had, fell out of his hands, and he was driven against his will to set Ligarius at liberty. Afterwards, when the common wealth of ROME came to be a kingdom, Cicero leaving to practise any more in the state, he gave himself to read Philosophy to the young men that came to hear him: by whose access unto him (because they were the chiefest of the nobility in ROME) he came again to bear as great sway and authority in ROME, Cicero's life under Caesar. as ever he had done before. His study and endeavour was, to write matters of Philosophy dialogue wise, and to translate out of greek into Latin, taking pains to bring all the Graeke words, which are proper unto logic and natural causes, unto Latin. For he was the first man by report that gave Latin names unto these Graeke words, which are proper unto Philosophers, as, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he termed, Visio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Assensus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Assensus cohibitio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Comprehensio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corpus individuum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Corpus simplex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vacuum, and many other such like words. But though he were not the first, yet was it he that most did devise and use them, and turned some of them by translation, others into proper terms: so that at length they came to be well taken, known, and understanded of every man. And for his readiness in writing of verses, he would use them many times for his recreation: for it is reported, that whensoever he took in hand to make any, he would dispatch five hundred of them in a night. Now, all that time of his recreation and pleasure, he would commonly be at some of his houses in the country, which he had near unto THVOCULUM, from whence he would write unto his friends, that he led Laertes life: either spoken merrily as his manner was, or else pricked forward with ambition, desiring to return again to be a practiser in the common wealth, being weary with the present time and state thereof. Howsoever it was, he came oftentimes to ROME, only to see Caesar to keep him his friend, and would ever be the first man to confirm any honours decreed unto him, and was always studious to utter some new matter to praise him and his doings. As that was he said touching the statues of Pompey's, the which being overthrown, Caesar commanded them to be set up again, and so they were. For Cicero said, that by that courtesy in setting up of Pompey's statues again, he did establish his own. So, Cicero being determined to write all the ROMAN history, and to mingle with them many of the GRECIANS doings, adding thereunto all the fables and devices which they do writ and report: he was hindered of his purpose against his will, by many open and private troubles that came upon him at once: whereof notwithstanding he himself was cause of the most of them. For first of all, he did put away his wife Terentia, Cicero did put away his wife Terentia. because she had made but small account of him in all the wars: so that he departed from ROME having no necessary thing with him to entertain him out of his country, and yet when he came back again into ITALY, she never showed any spark of love or good will towards him. For she never came to BRUNDISIUM to him, where he remained a long time: and worse than that, his daughter having the heart to take so long a journey in hand to go to him, she neither gave her company to conduct her, nor money or other furniture convenient for her, but so handled the matter, that Cicero at his return to ROME found bore walls in his house and nothing in it, and yet greatly brought in debt beside. And these were the honestest causes alleged for their divorce. But besides that Terentia denied all these, Cicero himself gave her a good occasion to clear herself, because he shortly after married a young maiden, Cicero married a young maiden. being fallen in fancy with her (as Terentia said) for her beauty: or, as Tyro his servant wrote, for her riches, to th'end that with her goods he might pay his dets. For she was very rich, & Cicero also was appointed her guardian, she being left sole heir. Now, because he aught a marvelous sum of money, his parents and friends did counsel him to marry this young maiden, notwithstanding he was too old for her, because that with her goods he might satisfy his creditors. But Antonius speaking of this marriage of Cicero, in his answers & Orations he made against the PHILIPPIANS: he doth reprove him for that he put away his wife, with whom he was grown old, being merry with him by the way for that he had been an idle man, and never went from the smoke of his chimney, nor had been abroad in the wars in any service of his country or common wealth. Shortly after that he had married his second wife, his daughter died in labour of child, in Lentulus' house, whose second wife she was, being before married unto Piso, who was her first husband. So the Philosophers and learned men came of all sides to comfort him: but he took her death so sorrowfully, that he put away his second wife, because he thought she did rejoice at the death of his daughter. And thus much touching the state and troubles of his house. Now touching the conspiracy against Caesar, Cicero not made privy to the conspiracy against Caesar. he was not made privy to it, although he was one of Brutus' greatest friends, and that it grieved him to see things in that state they were brought unto, and albeit also he wished for the time past, as much as any other man did. But in deed the conspirators were afraid of his nature, that lacked hardiness: and of his age, the which oftentimes maketh the stoutest and most hardiest natures, faint hearted & cowardly. Notwithstanding, the conspiracy being executed by Brutus and Cassius, Caesar's friends being gathered together, every man was afraid that the city would again fall into civil wars. And Antonius also, who was Consul at that time, did assemble the Senate, and made some speech and motion then to draw things again unto quietness. But Cicero having used divers persuasions fit for the time, in the end he moved the Senate to decree (following the example of the ATHENIANS) a general oblivion of things done against Caesar, and to assign unto Brutus and Cassius some governments of provinces. Howbeit nothing was concluded: for the people of themselves were sorry, when they saw Caesar's body brought through the market place, And when Antonius also did show them his gown all be bloodied, cut, & thrust through with sword: then they were like mad men for anger, and sought up and down the market place if they could meet with any of them that had slain him: and taking fire brands in their hands, they ran to their houses to set them a fire. But the conspirators having prevented this danger, saved themselves: and fearing that if they tarried at ROME, they should have many such alaroms, they forsook the city. Then Antonius began to look aloft, and become fearful to all men, as though he meant to make himself king: but yet most of all unto Cicero, above all others. For Antonius perceiving that Cicero began again to increase in credit and authority, Private grudge betwixt Antonius and Cicero. and knowing that he was Brutus very friend, he did mislike to see him come near him, and beside, there was at that time some jealousy betwixt them, for the diversity and difference of their manners and dispositions. Cicero being afraid of this, was first of all in mind to go with Dolabella, to his province of SYRIA, as one of his lieutenants. But they that were appointed to be Consuls the next year following after Antonius, two noble citizens, & Cicero's great friends, Hircius, & Pansa: they entreated him not to forsake them, undertaking that they would pluck down this overgreat power of Antonius, so he would remain with them. But Cicero, neither believing not altogether mistrusting them, forsook Dolabella, and promised Hircius and Pansa, that he would spend the summer at ATHENS, and that he would return again to ROME so soon as they were entered into their Consulship. With this determination Cicero took sea alone, to go into GRAECE. Cicero saileth into Greece. But as it chanceth oftentimes, there was some let that kept him he could not sail, and news came to him daily from ROME, as the manner is, that Antonius was wonderfully changed, and that now he did nothing any more without the authority & consent of the Senate, & that there lacked no thing but his person, to make all things well. Then Cicero condemning his dastardly fear, returned forthwith to ROME, not being deceived in his first hope. For there came such a number of people out to meet him, that he could do nothing all day long, but take them by the hands, and embrace them: who to honour him, came to meet him at the gate of the city, as also by the way to bring him to his house. The next morning Antonius assembled the Senate, and called for Cicero by name. Cicero refused to go, and kept his bed, feigning that he was weary with his journey and pains he had taken the day before: but in deed, the cause why he went not, was, for fear and suspicion of an ambush that was laid for him by the way, if he had gone, as he was informed by one of his very good friends. Antonius was marvelously offended that they did wrongfully accuse him, for laying of any ambush for him: and therefore sent soldiers to his house, and commanded them to bring him by force, or else to set his house a fire. After that time, Cicero and he were always at jar, Ill will betwixt Cicero & Antonius. but yet coldly enough, one of them taking heed of an other: until that the young Caesar returning from the city of APOLLONIA, came as lawful heir unto julius Caesar Dictator, and had contention with Antonius for the sum of two thousand five hundred myriads, the which Antonius kept in his hands of his father's goods. Thereupon, Cicero and Octavius Caesar joined in friendship. Philip who had married the mother of this young Caesar, and Marcellus, who had also married his sister, went with young Caesar unto Cicero, and there agreed together, that Cicero should help young Caesar with the favour of his authority, and eloquence, as well towards the Senate, as also to the people: and that Caesar in recompense of his good will should stand by Cicero, with his money and soldiers. For this young Caesar, had many of his father's old soldiers about him, that had served under him. Now there was an other cause that made Cicero glad to embrace the friendship of this young Caesar, and that was this. Whilst Pompey and julius Caesar were alive, and in good case: Cicero's dream of Octavius, the adopted son of julius Caesar. Cicero dreamt one night that the Senators sons were called into the Capitol, because jupiter had appointed to show them him, that one day should come to be Lord and king of ROME, and that the ROMANS being desirous to see who it should be, ran all unto the temple: and that all the children likewise were waiting there in their goodly guarded gowns of purple, until that suddenly the doors of the temple were open, & then that all the children rose one after an other, & went and passed by the image of jupiter, who looked upon them all, and sent them discontented, saving this young Caesar, unto whom he put forth his hand as he passed by, and said: My Lords of ROME, this child is he that shall end all your civil wars, when he cometh to be Lord of ROME. Some say, that Cicero had this vision in his dream, and that he carried in good memory the look of this child, howbeit that he knew him not: and that the next morning he went of purpose into the field of Mars, where these young boys did exercise themselves, who, when he came thither, had broken up from playing, and were going home, and that amongst them he first saw him whom he had dreamt of, and knew him very well, and musing at him the more, asked him whose son he was. The boy answered, that he was the son of one Octavius, (a man otherwise of no great calling) & of Accia, Octavius, and Accia: the parents of Octavius Caesar. the sister of julius Caesar: who having no child, made him his heir by his last will and testament, and left him all his lands and goods. After that time, it is reported, that Cicero was very glad to speak to him when he met with him, and that the boy also liked Cicero's friendship, and making of him: for by good hap the boy was borne the same year that Cicero was Consul. Octavius Caesar was borne in the year of Cicero's Consulship. And these be the reasons alleged, why Cicero did favour this young Caesar. But in truth, first of all the great malice he bore unto Antonius, and secondly his nature that was ambitious of honour, were (in my opinion) the chiefest causes why he become young Caesar's friend: knowing that the force and power of his soldiers, would greatly strengthen his authority and countenance in manedging the affairs of the state, besides that the young man could flatter him so well, that he called him father. But Brutus being offended with him for it, in his Epistells he wrote unto Atticus, he sharply reproveth Cicero, saying, that for fear of Antonius he flattered this young Caesar: whereby it appeared, he did not so much seek for the liberty of ROME, as he did procure himself a loving and gentle master. This notwithstanding, Brutus brought with him Cicero's son that studied Philosophy at ATHENS, and gave him charge of men under him, and employed him in great affairs, wherein he showed himself very forward, and valiant. Now Cicero's authority and power grew again to be so great in ROME, Cicero's great power ●● Rome. as ever it was before. For he did what he thought good, and so vexed Antonius, that he drove him out of the city, and sent the two Consuls Hircius and Pansa against him, to fight with him: and caused the Senate also to decree, that young Caesar should have sergeants to carry rods and axes before him, and all other furniture for a Praetor, as a man that fighteth for his country. After that Antonius had lost the battle, and that both the Consuls were slain, both the armies came unto Caesar. The Senate then being affrayed of this young man, that had so great good fortune, they practised by honours and gifts to call the armies from him, which he had about him, and so to minish the greatness of his power: saying, that their country now stood in no need of force, nor fear of defence, sith her enemy Antonius was fled and gone. Caesar fearing this, sent men secretly unto Cicero, to pray him to procure that they two together might be chosen Consuls, Octavius Caesar sueth to be Consul. and that when they should be in office, he should do and appoint what he thought good, having the young man at his commandment, who desired no more but the honour only of the name. Caesar himself confessed afterwards, that being afraid he should have been utterly cast away, to have been left alone: he finely served his turn by Cicero's ambition, having persuaded him to require the Consulship, through the help and assistance that he would give him. But there was Cicero finely colted, as old as he was, by a young man, when he was contented to sue for the Consulship in his behalf, and to make the Senate agreeable to it: wherefore his friends presently reproved him for it, and shortly after he perceived he had undone himself, and together also lost the liberty of his country. For this young man Octavius Caesar being grown to be very great by his means and procurement: when he saw that he had the consulship upon him, he forsook Cicero, and agreed with Antonius and Lepidus. Octavius Caesar forsaketh Cicero. Then joining his army with theirs, he divided the Empire of ROME with them, as if it had been lands left in common between them: and besides that, Note the fickelnes of youth. there was a bill made of two hundred men and upwards, whom they had appointed to be slain. But the greatest difficulty and difference that fell out between them, was about the outlawing of Cicero. For Antonius would harken to no peace between them, unless Cicero were slain first of all: The meeting of the Triumuiri: Antonius, Lepidus, Octavius Caesar. Lepidus was also in the same mind with Antonius: but Caesar was against them both. Their meeting was by the city of BOLONIA, where they continued three days together, they three only secretly consulting in a place environed about with a little river. Some say that Caesar stuck hard with Cicero the two first days, but at the third, that he yielded and forsook him. The exchange they agreed upon between them, was this. Caesar forsook Cicero: Lepidus, Cicero appointed to be slain. his own brother Paulus: and Antonius, Lucius Caesar, his uncle by the mother's side. Such place took wrath in them, as they regarded to kindred nor blood, and to speak more properly, they showed that no brute or savage beast is so cruel as man, if with his licentiousness he have liberty to execute his william. While these matters were a brewing, Cicero was at a house of his in the country, by the city of THUSCULUM, having at home with him also his brother Quintus Cicero. News being brought them thither of these proscriptions or outlawries, appointing men to be slain: they determined to go to ASTYRA, a place by the sea side where Cicero had an other house, there to take sea, and from thence to go into MACEDON unto Brutus. For there ran a rumour that Brutus was very strong, and had a great power. So, they caused themselves to be conveyed thither in two litters, both of them being so weak with sorrow and grief, that they could not otherwise have gone their ways. As they were on their way, both their litters going as near to each other as they could, they bewailed their miserable estate: but Quintus chief, who took it most grievously. For, remembering that he took no money with him when he came from his house, and that Cicero his brother also had very little for himself: he thought it best that Cicero should hold on his journey, whilst he himself made an arrant home to fetch such things as he lacked, and so to make hast again to overtake his brother. They both thought it best so, and then tenderly embracing one an other, the tears falling from their eyes, they took leave of each other. Within few days after, Quintus Cicero slain. Quintus Cicero being betrayed by his own servants, unto them that made search for him: he was cruelly slain, and his son with him. But Marcus Tullius Cicero being carried unto ASTYRA, and there finding a ship ready, embarked immediately, and sailed alongst the coast unto mount Circe, having a good gale of wind. There the mariners determining forthwith to make sail again, he came a shore, either for fear of the sea, or for that he had some hope that Caesar had not altogether forsaken him: and therewithal returning towards ROME by land, he had gone about a hundred furlong thence. But then being at a strait how to resolve, and suddenly changing his mind: he would needs be carried back again to the sea, where he continued all night marvelous sorrowful, and full of thoughts. For one while he was in mind to go secretly unto Octavius Caesar's house, & to kill himself by the hearth of his chimney, to make the furies of hell to revenge his blood: but being affrayed to be intercepted by the way, & cruelly handled, he turned from that determination. Then falling into other unadvised determinations, being perplexed as he was, he put himself again into his servants hands, to be conveyed by sea to an other place called * Some do read Cajete. CAPITES. There he had a very proper pleasant summer house, where the North winds, called Etesiae, do give a trim fresh air in the summer season. In that place also there is a little temple dedicated unto Apollo, not far from the sea side. From thence there came a great shoal of crows, making a marvelous noise, that came flying towards Cicero's ship, A wondrous matter foreshowed by crows unto Cicero. which rowed upon the shore side. This shoal of crows came and lighted upon the yard of their sail, some crying, and some pecking the cords with their bills: so that every man judged strait, that this was a sign of ill luck at hand. Cicero notwithstanding this, came a shore, and went into his house, and laid him down to see if he could sleep. But the most part of these crows came and lighted upon the chamber window where he lay, making a wonderful great noise: and some of them got unto Cicero's bed where he lay, the clotheses being cast over his head, and they never left him, till by little and little they had with their bills plucked of the clotheses that covered his face. His men seeing that, & saying to themselves that they were too vile beasts, if they would tarry to see their master slain before their eyes, considering that brute beasts had care to save his life, seeing his so unworthily entreated, and that they should not do the best they could to save his life: partly by entreaty, and partly by force, they put him again into his litter to carry him to the sea. But in the mean time came the murderers appointed to kill him, Herennius a Centurion, and Popilius Laena, Herennius, & Popilius, sent to kill M. T. Cicero. Tribune of the soldiers (to wit, Colonel of a thousand men, whose cause Cicero had once pleaded before the judges, when he was accused for the murder of his own father) having soldiers attending upon them. So Cicero's gate being shut, they entered the house by force, and missing him, they asked them of the house what was become of him. They answered they could not tell. Howbeit there was a young boy in the house called Philologus, a slave enfranchised by Quintus Cicero, whom Tullius Cicero had brought up in the Latin tongue, and had taught him the liberal sciences: he told this Herennius, that his servants carried him in a litter towards the sea, through dark narrow lanes, shadowed with wood on either side Popilius the Colonel taking some soldiers with him, ran about on the outside of the lane to take him at his coming out of them; and Herennius on tother side entered the lanes. Cicero hearing him coming, M.T. Cicero slain by Herennius commanded his men to set down his litter, and taking his bea●e to his left hand, as his manner was, he stoutly looked the murderers in the faces, his head and beard being all white, and his face lean & wrinkled, for the extreme sorrows he had taken; divers of them that were by, held their hands before their eyes, whilst Herennius did cruelly murder him. So Cicero being three score and four years of age, thrust his neck out of the litter, and had his head cut of by Antonius' commandment, and his hands also, which wrote the Orations (called the Philippians) against him. For so did Cicero call the Orations he wrote against him, for the malice he bore him: & do yet continued the same name until this present time. When these poor dismembered members were brought to ROME, Antonius by chance was busily occupied at that time about the election of certain officers who when as heard of them & saw them, he cried out aloud that now all his outlawries and prosecutions were executed: and thereupon commanded his head and his hands should strait be set up over the pulpit for Orations, Cicero's head and hands set up over the pulpit for Orations. in the place called Rostra. This was a fearful and horrible fight unto the ROMANS, who thought they saw not Cicero's face, but an image of Antonius life and disposition: who among so many wicked deeds as he committed, yet he did one act only that had some show of goodness, which was this. He delivered Philologus into the hands of Pomponia, A strange and cruel punishment taken by Pomponia (Quintus Cicero's wife) of Philologus for betraying of his master. the wife of Quintus Cicero: and when she had him, besides other cruel torments she made him abide, she compelled him to cut his own flesh of by little morsels, and to broil them, and then to eat them. Some historiographers do thus report it. But Tyro who was a slave enfranchised by Cicero, made no mention of the treason of this Philologus. Howbeit I understood that Caesar Augustus, long time after that, went one day to see one of his Nephews, who had a book in his hand of Cicero's: and he fearing lest his Uncle would be angry to find that book in his hands, thought to hide it under his gown. Caesar saw it, and took it from him, and red the most part of it standing, and then delivered it to the young boy, and said unto him: he was a wise man in deed, my child, and loved his country well. Augustus Caesar's testimony of Cicero. After he had slain Antonius, being Consul: he made Cicero's son his colleague and fellow Consul with him, Cicero's son, Consul with Augustus Caesar. in whose time the Senate ordained, that the images of Antonius should be thrown down, and deprived his memory of all other honours: adding further unto his decree, The decree of the Senate against Antonius being dead. that from thence forth none of the house & family of the Antonii should ever after bear the christian name of Marcus. So, God's justice made the extreme revenge and punishment of Antonius, to fall into the house of Cicero. THE COMPARISON OF Cicero with Demosthenes. THis is as much as we could gather by our knowledge touching the notable acts and deeds worthy of memory, written of Cicero and Demosthenes. Furthermore, leaving the comparison a side of the difference of their eloquence in their Orations: me thinks I may say thus much of them. Demosthenes' eloquence. That Demosthenes did wholly employ all his wit and learning (natural or artificial) unto the art of Rhetoric, and that in force, and virtue of eloquence, he did excel all the Orators in his time: and for gravity and magnificent style, all those also that only write for show or ostentation: and for sharpness and art, all the Sophisters and Masters of Rhetoric. And that Cicero was a man generally learned in all sciences, and that had studied divers books, as appeareth plainly by the sundry books of Philosophy if his own making, written after the manner of the Academic Philosophers. Cicero's rare and divers doctrines. Furthermore, they may see in his Orations he wrote in certain causes to serve him when he pleaded: that he sought occasions in his bytalke to show men that he was excellently well learned. Demosthenes and Cicero's manners. Furthermore, by their phrases a man may discern some spark of their manners and conditions. For Demosthenes' phrase hath no manner of fineness, geastes, nor grace in it, but is altogether grave and harsh, and smelleth not of the lamp, as Pytheas said when he mocked him: but showeth a great drinker of water, extreme pains, and therewith also a sharp and sour nature. But Cicero oftentimes fell from pleasant tawntes, unto plain scurrility: and turning all his pleadings of matters of importance, to sport and laughter, having a grace in it, many times he did forget the comeliness that become a man of his calling. As in his Oration for Caelius, where he sayeth, it is no marvel if in so great abundance of wealth and fineness he give himself a little to take his pleasure: and that it was a folly not to use pleasures lawful, and tolerable, sith the famousest Philosophers that ever were, did place the chief felicity of man, to be in pleasure. And it is reported also, that Marcus Cato having accused Muraena, Cicero being Consul, defended his cause, and in his Oration pleasantly girded all the sect of the Stoic Philosophers for Cato's sake, for the strange opinions they hold, which they call Paradoxes: insomuch as he made all the people and judges also fall a laughing a good. And Cato himself also smiling a little, said unto them that sat by him: what a laughing and mocking Consul have we, my Lords? but letting that pass, it seemeth that Cicero was of a pleasant and merry nature: for his face showed ever great life and mirth in it. Whereas in Demosthenes' countenance on other side, they might discern a marvelous diligence & care, and a pensive man, never weary with pain: insomuch that his enemies, (as he reporteth himself) called him a perverse & froward man. Furthermore, in their writings is discerned, that the one speaketh modesty in his own praise, Demosthenes' modest in praising of him selfes Cicero too fall of ostentation. so as no man can justly be offended with him: and yet not always, but when necessity enforceth him for some matter of great importance, but otherwise very discreet and modest to speak of himself. Cicero in contrary manner, using too often repetition of one self thing in all his Orations, showed an extreme ambition of glory, when incessantly he cried out: Let spear and shield give place to gown, And give the tongue the laurel Crown. Yea furthermore, he did not only praise his own acts and deeds, but the Orations also which he had written or pleaded: as if he should have contended against Isocrates, or Anaximenes, a master that taught Rhetoric, and not to go about to reform the people of ROME: Which were both fierce and stout in arms, And sit to work their enemy's harms. For, as it is requisite for a Governor of a common wealth to seek authority by his eloquence: so, to covet the praise of his own glorious tongue, or as it were to beg it, that showeth a base mind. And therefore in this point we must confess that Demosthenes is far graver, and of a nobler mind: who declared himself, that all his eloquence came only but by practice, the which also required the favour of his auditory: and further, he thought them fools and mad men (as in deed they be no less) that therefore would make any boast of themselves. In this they were both alike, Demosthenes and Cicero's cunning in their Orations in the common wealth. that both of them had great credit and authority in their Orations to the people, and for obtaining that they would propound: insomuch as Captains; and they that had armies in their hands, stood in need of their eloquence. As Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes, they all were holpen of Demosthenes: and Pompey, and Octavius Caesar the young man, of Cicero: as Caesar himself confesseth in his Commentaries he wrote unto Agrippa, and Maecenas. But nothing showeth a man's nature and condition more, (as it is reported, and so is it true) then when one is in authority: Authority showeth meant virtues and vices. for that bewrayeth his humour, and the affections of his mind, and layeth open also all his secret vices in him. Demosthenes could never deliver any such proof of himself, because he never bore any office, nor was called forward. For he was not General of the army, which he himself had prepared against king Philippe. Cicero on tother side being sent Treasurer into SICILY, Cicero's abstinense fre●● money. and Proconsul into CILICIA and CAPPADOCIA, in such a time as covetousness reigned most: (insomuch that the Captains & Governors whom they sent to govern their provinces, thinking it villainy and dastardliness to rob, did violently take things by force, at what time also to take bribes was reckoned no shame, but to handle it discreetly, he was the better thought of, and beloved for it) he showed plainly that he regarded not money, and gave forth many proofs of his courtesy and goodness. Furthermore, Cicero being created Consul by name, but Dictator in deed, having absolute power and authority over all things to suppress the rebellion and conspirators of Catiline: he proved Plato's prophecy true, which was: That the cities are safe from danger, when the chief Magistrates and Governors (by some good divine fortune) do govern with wisdom and justice. Demosthenes was reproved for his corruption, Demosthenes a money taker. and selling of his eloquence: because secretly he wrote one Oration for Phormio, and an other in the self same matter for Apollodorus, they being both adversaries. Further, he was defamed also for receiving money of the king of PERSIA, and therewithal condemned for the money which he had taken of Harpalus. And though some peradventure would object, that the reporters thereof (which are many) do lie: yet they can not possibly deny this, that Demosthenes had no power to refrain from looking of the presents which divers kings did offer him, praying him to accept them in good part for their sakes: neither was that the part of a man that did take usury by traffic on the sea, the extremest yet of all other. In contrary manner (as we have said before) it is certain that Cicero being Treasurer, refused the gifts which the SICILIANS offered him, there: and the presents also which the king of the CAPPADOCIANS offered him whilst he was Proconsul in CILICIA, and those especially which his friends pressed upon him to take of them, being a great sum of money, when he went as a banished man out of ROME. Furthermore, the banishment of the one was infamous to him, because by judgement he was banished as a thief. divers causes of the banishment of Demosthenes and Cicero. The banishment of the other was for as honourable an act as ever he did, being banished for ridding his country of wicked men. And therefore of Demosthenes, there was no speech after he was gone: but for Cicero, all the Senate changed their apparel into black, and determined that they would pass no decree by their authority, before Cicero's banishment was revoked by the people. In deed Cicero idly passed his time of banishment, and did nothing all the while he was in MACEDON: and one of the chiefest acts that Demosthenes did, in all the time that he dealt in the affairs of the common wealth, was in his banishment. For he went unto every city, and did assist the Ambassadors of the GRECIANS, and refused the Ambassadors of the MACEDONIANS. In the which he showed himself a better citizen, then either Themistocles, or Alcibiades, in their like fortune and exile. So when he was called home, and returned, he fell again to his old trade which he practised before, and was ever against Antipater, and the MACEDONIANS. Where Laelius in open Senate sharply took up Cicero, for that he sat still and said nothing, when that Octavius Caesar the young man made petition against the law, that he might sue for the consulship, and being so young, that he had never a hear on his face. And Brutus self also doth greatly reprove Cicero in his letters, for that he had maintained and nourished, a more grievous and greater tyranny, The difference betwixt Demosthenes and Cicero's death. then that which they had put down. And last of all, me thinketh the death of Cicero most pitiful, to see an old man carried up and down, (with tender love of his servants) seeking all the ways that might be to fly death, which did not long prevent his natural course: and in the end, old as he was, to see his head so pitifully cut of. Whereas Demosthenes, though he yielded a little, entreating him that came to take him: yet for that he had prepared the poison long before, that he had kept it long, and also used it as he did, he can not but be marvelously commended for it. For sith the god Neptune denied him the benefit of his sanctuary, he betook him to a greater, and that was death: whereby he saved himself out of the soldiers hands of the tyrant, and also scorned the bloody cruelty of Antipater. THE LIFE OF Demetrius. WHo first likened arts to our senses, How senses and arts do agreed & differ. seemeth to have respected especially that one property of them both, in receiving objects of contrary quality: for, in the use & end of their operation, there is great difference. The senses receive indifferently, without discretion and judgement, white and black, sweet and sour, soft and hard: for their office is only to admit their several objects, and to carry and refer the judgement thereof to the common sense. But arts being the perfection of reason, receive and allow those things only which make for their operation, regarding & eschewing the contraries. Thone chief, and for use: tother by the way, and with intent to avoid them. So Physic dealeth with diseases, Music with discords, to th'end to remove them, and work their contraries, and the great Ladies of all other arts. Temperance, justice, and wisdom, do not only consider honesty, uprightness, and profit: but examine withal, the nature and effects of lewdness, corruption, and damage. And innocency, which vaunteth her want of experience in undue practices: men call simplicity, and ignorance of things, that be necessary and good to be known. And therefore the ancient LACEDÆMONIANS in their solemn feasts forced their ILOTES to boundmen, to overcharge themselves with wine: The master of the Spartans to make their slaves drunk. and such they showed them unto their youth, by the apparent beastliness of drunken men, to work in them an abhorring of so loathsome vice. Wherein, although I can not much praise them for humanity or wisdom, that corrupt and spoil one man, by example of him, to correct and reclaim an other: yet (as I hope) it shall not be reprehended in me, if amongst the rest I put in one or two payer of such, as living in great place & account, have increased their fame with infamy. Which in truth, I do not, to please & draw on the reader with variety of report: but as Ismenias the THEBAN physician showed his scholars, both those that struck a clean stroke, with, do so, & such as bungled it, with, do not so: & Antigenidas thought men should like better, & with greater desire contend for skill, if they heard and discerned untunable notes: so think I, we shall be the forwarder in reading & following the good, if we know the lives, and see the deformity of the wicked. The cause of describing the lives of the wicked. This treaty containeth the lives of Demetrius, surnamed the Fortgainer, & M. Antony the Triumuir, & great examples to confirm the saying of Plato: Plato: of virtue and vice. That from great minds, both great virtues & great vices do proceed. They were both given over to women & wine, both valiant & liberal, both sumptuous & high minded, fortune served them both alike, not only in the course of their lives, in attempting great matters, sometimes with good, sometimes with ill success, in getting & losing things of great consequence, overthrowing both when they feared not, restoring both when they hoped not. But also in their end there was no great difference, th'one brought to his death by his mortal enemies, & the others fortune not much unlike. But now to our history. Antigonus had two sons by his wife 〈…〉 the daughter of Corraus, the one of them he named Demetrius, Demetrius' parentage. and the other Philip, after his father's name. Thus far the most writers do agreed: howbeit some hold opinion, that Demetrius was not the son of Antigonus, but his Nephew. But because his father died leaving him a child, and that his mother was strait married again unto Antigonus: thereupon came the report that he was Antigonus son. Howsoever it was, Philip, that was not much younger than Demetrius, died. The death of Philip the younger brother of Demetrius. Now for Demetrius, though he was a very big man, he was nothing so high as his father, but yet so passing and wonderful fair, that no painter could possibly draw his picture and counterfeit to his likeness. For they saw a sweet countenance, mixed with a kind of gravity in his face, a fear with courtesy, Demetrius' ba●●ie. and an incomparable Princely majesty accompanied with a lively spirit and youth, and his wit and manners were such, that they were both fearful, and pleasant unto men that frequented him. Demetrius' manners. For as he was most pleasant in company having leisure, and most given to banqueting, pleasant life, and more wanton given to follow any lust and pleasure, than any king that ever was: yet was he always very careful & diligent in dispatching matters of importance. And therefore he marvelously commended, and also endeavoured to follow Dionysius, (as much to say, as Bacchus) above all the other gods, as he that had been a wise and valiant Captain in war, and that in peace invented and used all the pleasure that might be. He marvelously loved and reverenced his father, and it seemeth that the dutiefulnes he showed unto his mother, was more to discharge the due obedience & duty of a son, than otherwise to entertain his father, for fear of his power, or hope to be his heir. And for proof hereof we read, that one day as he came home from hunting, he went unto his father Antigonus, Demetrius' love to his father. giving audience to certain Ambassadors, and after he had done his duty to him, and kissed him: he sat down by him even as he came from hunting, having his darts in his hand, which he carried out a hunting with him. Then Antigonus calling the Ambassadors aloud as they went their way, having received their answer: my Lords, said he, you shall carry home this report of my son and me, be witnesses I pray you, how we live one with an other. As meaning to show thereby, that the agreement betwixt the father and the son together, is a great safety to the affairs of a king, as also a manifest proof of his greatness: A king can abide no equal. so jealous is a king to have a companion, besides the hate and mistrust it should breed. So that the greatest Prince and most ancientest of all the successors of Alexander, boasted that he stood not in fear of his son, but did suffer him to sit by him, having a dart in his hand. So was this house only of all other the MACEDONIAN kings, lest defiled with such villainy, many successions after: and to confess a troth, in all Antigonus raze there was not one, but Philip only, that slew his own son. The sport of the East kings, was to kill their own children, wives, and mothers. But we have many examples of divers other houses of kings, that have put their sons, wives, and mothers to death: and for their brethren, it was an ordinary thing with them to kill them, and never stick at it. For like as Geometricians would have men grant them certain propositions which they suppose without proof: even so was this holden for a general rule, to kill their brethren, for the safety of their estate. But further, to show you more plainly that Demetrius was of a noble and courteous nature, Demetrius' courtesy. and that he dearly loved his friends: we may allege this example. Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, was his familiar friend and companion (for they were both in manner of an age) and he commonly followed Antigonus court, and never practised any villainy or treason to him, neither was he thought such a man: yet Antigonus did somewhat suspect him, because of a dream he had. Antigonus' dream. He thought that being in a goodly great field, he sowed of these scrapings of gold, and that of the seed, first of all came up goodly wheat which had ears of gold: howbeit that shortly after returning that way again, he found nothing but the straw, and the ears of the wheat cut of, and that he being angry and very sorry for it, some told him that Mithridates bade cut of these gold ears of wheat, and had carried them with him into the realm of PONY. Antigonus being maruelosly troubled with this dream, after he had made his son swear unto him that he would make no man alive privy to that he would tell him: he told him all his dream what he had dreamt, and therewith that he was determined to put this young man Mithridates to death. Demetrius was marvelous sorry for it, and therefore the next morning, this young noble Prince going as he was wont to pass the time away with Mithridates, he durst not by word of mouth utter that he knew, because of his oath: howbeit, taking him aside form his other familiars, when they were both together by themselves, he wrote on the ground with the end of his dart, Mithridates looking on him: fly Mithridates. Mithridates' found strait what he meant, Demetrius saveth Mithridates' life. and fled the very same night into CAPPADOCIA: and shortly after it was his destiny to fulfil Antigonus' dream. For he conquered many goodly countries, and it was he only that established the house of the kingdom of PONI, Mithridates' king of Poni. the which the ROMANS afterwards overthewe, about the eight succession. By these examples we may easily conjecture the good nature and courtesy of Demetrius. For like as the elements (according to Empedocles opinion) are ever at * Because he said that love and discord were ever the efficient causes of generation and corruption of all things. strife together, but specially those that are nearest each to other: even so, though all the successors of Alexander were at continual wars together, yet was it foonest kindled, and most cruel between them which bordered nearest unto each other, and that by being near neighbours, had always occasion of brawl together, as cell out at that time between Antigonus and Ptolemy. This Antigonus lay most commonly in the country of PHRYGIA: who having intelligence that Ptolemy was gone into CYPRUS, and that he overran all SYRIA, winning by force, or fair means, all the towns and cities subject unto them: Enmity betwixt Antigonus and Ptolemy. he sent his son Demetrius thither, being at that time but two and twenty years of age, and it was the first time that ever he took charge as general to his father, in matters of great importance. Demetrius, general to Antigonus, against Ptolemy. But he being a young man, and that had no skill of wars, fight a battle with an old soldier (trained up in the discipline of wars under Alexander the great, and that through him, and in his name, had fought many great battles) was soon overthrown, and his army put to flight; by the city of GAZA. At which overthrow were slain five thousand men, Demetrius overthrown in battle, by Ptolemy. and almost eight thousand raken: and beside, Demetrius lost his tents & pavilions, his gold and silver, and to be short, all his whole carriage. But Ptolemy sent him all his things again, and his friends also that were taken after the battle, with great courteous words: that he would not fight with them for all things together, The bountifulness of Ptolemy the Conqueror, unto Demetrius conquered. but only for honour, and Empire. Demetrius receiving them at his hands, besought the gods that he might not long live a debtor unto Ptolemy for this great courtesy, but that he might quickly requited it with the like again. Now Demetrius took not this overthrow like a young man, though it was his first soldierfare: but like an old and wife Captain, that had abidden many overthrows, be used great diligence to gather men again, to make new armours, and to keep the cities & countries in his hands under obedience, and did train and excercise his soldiers in arms, whom he had gathered together. Antigonus having news of the overthowe of his son Demetrius, said no more, but that Ptolemy had overcomen beardless men: and that afterwards he should sighed with bearded men. But now, because he would not discourage his son altogether, who craved leave once again to fight a battle with Ptolemy: he granted him. So, shortly after came Cilles, Ptolemy's general, with a great puissant army, to drive him altogether out of SYRIA. For they made no great account of Demetrius, because he had been once overthrown before. Demetrius' victory of Ptolemy. Howbeit Demetrius stolen upon him, gave him charge on the sudden, and made him so afraid, that he took both the camp, & the general, with seven thousand prisoners beside, and wan a marvelous treasure of money: which made him a glad man, not so much for the gain he should have by it, as for the opportunity he had thereby to come out of Ptolemy's debt, nothing regarding the treasure not the honour he had gotten by this victory, but only the benefit of his requital of Ptolemy's courtesy towards him. But yet he did nothing of his own head, before he had written to his father: and then receiving full grant and commission from him to dispose of all things as he thought good, Demetrius' thankfulness unto Ptolemy. he sent back Cilles unto Ptolemy, and all his other friends beside, with great and rich gifts which he bountifully bestowed on them. This misfortune and overthrow did utterly put Ptolemy out of all SYRIA, and brought Antigonus also from the city of CELAENES, for the exceeding joy he had of this victory, as also for the great desire he had to see his son. After that, he sent Demetrius into ARABIA, against a people called the NABATHAEIANS, to conquer them: but there be was in great danger and distress in the deserts for lack of water, howbeit he never showed any sign that he was afraid. Thereby he so astonished the barbarous people, Demetrius invaded Arabia. that he had leisure enough to retire with safety, and with a great booty of a thousand camels, which he brought away with him. About that time Seleucus, (whom Antigonus had driven BABYLON) returning thither again, he came and conquered it without other aid then of himself: and went with a great army against the people and nations consigning upon the INDIANS, and the provinces adjoining unto mount Caucasus, to conquer them. Thereupon Demetrius hoping to found MESOPOTAMIA without any guard or defence, Demetrius invadeth Mesopatamia. suddenly passed over the river of Euphrates, & came unlooked for unto BABYLON, and there distressed the garrison of Seleucus, that kept one of the castles or citadels of the city, being two of them: and then putting in seven thousand soldiers to keep them, he commanded the rest of his men to get what they could, & to bring, it away with them. After that, he marched towards the sea to return home, leaving thereby the Realm and kingdom of Seleucus in better state and safety, than it was when he invaded it. For it appeared that he had taken all the country from Seleucus, leaving him nothing in it, by spoiling and foraging all that was there. At this return home, news were brought him that Ptolemy lay at the liege of the city of HALYCARNASSUS: whereupon he drew thither with speed to make him raise the siege, and thereby saved the city from him. Now, because by this exploit they wan great fame, both of them, (Antigonus and Demetrius) fell into a marvelous desire to set all GRAECE at liberty, Antigonus & Demetrius do go about to set Graece at liberty. that which Ptolemy and Cassauder kept in servitude and bondage. Never king took in hand a more honourable nor juster war and enterprise, then that was. For, what power or riches he could gather together, in oppresing of the barbarous people: he bestowed it all in restoring the GRECIANS to their liberty, and only to win fame and honour by it. So, they being in consultation what way to take, to bring their purpose and desire to pass, and having taken order to begin first at ATHENS: one of Antigonus' chiefest friends about him, told him that he should take the city, and place a good garrison there for themselves, if they could once win it: for, said he, it will be a good bridge to pass further into all GRAECE. Antigonus would not hearken to that, but said, that the love and good will of men was a surer bridge, & that the city of ATHENS was as a beacon to all the land, the which would immediately make his doings shine through the world, as a cresset light, upon the top of a keep or watch tower. Thus Demetrius boysed sail, having five thousand silver talents, and a fleet of two hundred and fifty sail, and sailed towards the city of ATHENS: in the which Demetrius PHALERIAN was governor in the behalf of Cassander, Demetrius Phalerian, governor of Athens for Cassander. & kept a great strong garrison there within the haven and castle of MUNICHEA. He had an excellent good wind to further his journey, so that with his good foresight and speed he made, he arrived in the haven of PIRAEA, the five and twenty day of the month Thargelion, (now called may) before any man knew of his coming. Now when this fleet was within a kenning of the city, and less, that they might easily see them from thence: every man prepared himself to receive them, taking them to be Ptolemy's ships. But in fine, the Captains and governors understanding too late who they were, did what they could to help themselves: but they were all in hurly burly, as men compelled to fight out of order, to keep their enemies from landing, and to repulse them, coming so suddenly upon them. Demetrius having found the bar of the haven open, launched in presently. Then being comen to the view of them all, & standing upon the hatches of his galley, he made signs with his hand that he prayed silence. The tumult being pacified, he proclaimed aloud by one of his Heralds, that his father had sent him in happy hour to deliver the ATHENIANS from all their garrisons, and to restore them again to their ancient liberty and freedom, to enjoy their laws and ancient government of their forefathers. After the proclamation made, all the common people strait threw down their weapons and targets at their feet, to clap their hands with great shouts of joy: praying him to land, and calling him aloud their Saviour, and benefactor. Now for them that were with Demetrius PHALERIAN, Demetrius restoreth the Athenians to their liberties they all thought good to let the stronger in, although he performed not that he promised, and also sent Ambassadors unto him to treat of peace. Demetrius received them very courteously, and sent with them for pledge, one of the dearest friends his father had, Aristodemus MILESIAN. Furthermore, he was not careless of the health and safety of Demetrius PHALERIAN, who, by reason of the change and alteration of the government of the common wealth at ATHENS, stood more infeare of the people of ATHENS, than of his enemies. Therefore Demetrius regarding the same and virtue of the man, caused him to be conveyed (according to his desire) unto THEBES, Demetrius Antigonus, honoureth Demetrius Phalerius. with good and sufficient safe conduct. And for Demetrius himself, although he was very desirous to see the city, he said he would not come into it, before he had first restored it unto her ancient liberty and freedom, and also driven away the garrison thence: and thereupon he cast trenches round about the castle of MUNYCHIA. In the mean season because he would not be idle, he hoist sail, and coasted towards the city of MEGARA, within the which Cassander also kept a strong garrison. Demetrius busily following these matters, was advertised that Cratesipolis, surnamed Polyperchon, (who had been Alexander's wife) a Lady of passing fame and beauty, and lay at that time in the city of PATRAS, would be glad to see him: he leaving his army within the territory of the MEGARIANS, took his journey presently unto her, with a few of his lightest armed men, and yet the stolen from them, and made his tent to be set up a good way from them, because this Lady might not be seen when she came unto him. Demetrius' danger for lechery. Some of his enemies having present intelligence thereof, came and set upon him before he knew it. Demetrius was so scared, that he had no further leisure, but to cast an ill favoured cloak about him, the first that came to hand, and disguising himself to fly for life, and scaped very hardly, that he was not shamefully taken of his enemies for his incontinency. But though they miss him, they took his tent, and all his money in it. After that, the city of MEGARA was taken and won from Cassander's men, where Demetrius soldiers would have sacked all: Demetrius winneth the city of Megara, and restoreth it to her liberty. howbeit the ATHENIANS made humble intercession for them, that they might not be spoiled. Demetrius thereupon, after he had driven out Cassander's garrison, he restored it again to her former liberty. In doing that, he called to mind the Philosopher Stilpo, Stilpo, a famous Philosopher in Megara. a famous man in MEGARA, though he lived a quiet and contemplative life. He sent for him, and asked him if any of his men had taken any thing of his. Stilpo answered him, they had not: For, q he, I saw no man that took my learning from me. Stilpoes' sayings unto Demetrius. This notwithstanding, all the slaves of the city were in manner carried away. Another time, Demetrius making much of him, as he was going his way said unto him: well, Stilpo, I leave you your city free. It is true, O king, q he, for thou hast left us never a slave. Shortly after, he returned again unto ATHENS, and laid siege to the castle of MUNICHIA, the which he took, and drove out the garrison, & afterwards razed it to the ground. After that, through the entreaty and earnest desire of the ATHENIANS, who prayed him to come and refresh himself in their city: he made his entry into it, and caused all the people to assemble, and then restored unto them their ancient laws and liberty of their country, Demetrius restoreth the Athenians to their laws & liberty. promising them beside, that he would procure his father to send them a hundred and fifty thousand busshells of wheat, and as much wood and timber as should serve to make them a hundred and fifty galleys. Thus, the ATHENIANS through Demetrius means, recovered the Democratia again, Democrasias' popular government. (to wit, their popular government) fifteen years after they had lost it, and lived all the time between their loss and restitution from the war called Lamiacus war, and the battle that was fought by the city of CRANON, in the state of Oligarchia, Oligarchias the government of a few. to wit, under the government of a few governors in sight, but in truth a Monarchy or kingdom, because they were under the government of one man Demetrius PHALERIAN, that had absolute authority over them. But by this means they made their saviour and preserver of their country, Demetrius (who seemed to have obtained such honour and glory through his goodness and liberality) hateful and odious to all men, for the overgreat and unmeasurable honours which they gave him. Too much honours decreed to Demetrius by the Athenians. For first of all, they called Antigonus and Demetrius kings, who before that time had always refused the name, and the which, (among all other princely honours and prerogatives granted) they that had divided between them the Empire of Philip and Alexander, durst never once presume to challenge, nor to take upon them. So unto them only they gave the style and names of the god's saviours, and took away their yearly Mayor, whom they called Eponymos, because they did show the years of old time, by the names of them that had been Majors. Furthermore, in stead thereof they ordained in the counsel of the city, that there should yearly be chosen one by voices of the people, whom they should name the Priest of their saviour's, whose name they should writ and subscribe in all public grants and covenants, to show the year: and besides all this, that they should 'cause their pictures to be drawn in the veil or holy banner, in the which were set out the images of their gods, the patrons and protectors of their city. And furthermore they did consecrated the place, where Demetrius first came out of his coach, and there did set up an altar, and called it Demetrius altar coming out of his coach: and unto their tribes they added two other, the ANTIGONIDES and the DEMETRIADES. Their great counsel at large which they created yearly of five hundred men, was then first of all brought into six hundred, because every tribe must needs furnish of themselves, fifty counsellors. But yet the strangest act, and most new found invention of flattery, was that of Stratocles, The boldness of Stratocles Athenian. (being the common flatterer and people pleaser) who put forth this decree, by the which it was ordained: that those whom the common wealth should sand unto Antigonus and Demetrius, should in stead of Ambassadors be called Theori, as much to say, as ministers of the sacrifices. For so were they called, whom they sent to DELPHES to Apollo Pytheas, or unto ELIDE, to jupiter Olympias, at the common and solemn feasts of all GRAECE, to do the ordinary sacrifices and oblations for the health and preservation of the cities. This Stratocles in all things else was a desperate man, and one that had always led a wicked and dissolute life: & for his shameless boldness, he seemed wholly to follow the steps of Cleon's fool hardiness, and old insolency, which (when he lived) he showed unto the people. He openly kept a harlot in his house called Phylation. One day she having bought for his supper, beasts heads and necks commonly eaten, he said unto her: why, how now? Scratocles' cruel saying. thou hast bought me acates which we toss like balls, that have to do in the common wealth. Another time when the army of the ATHENIANS was overthrown by sea, by the isle of AMORGOS: he would needs prevent the news of this overthrow, and came through the street of Ceranicus, crowned with garlands of flowers, as if the ATHENIANS had won the battle: and was also the author of a decree, whereby they did sacrifice unto the gods, to give them thanks for the victory: and meat was given amongst every tribe, in token of common joy. But shortly after the Messengers arrived, which brought report of the shipwreck and overthrow. The people were in an uproar withal, and sent for Stratocles in a marvelous rage. But he with a face of brass came unto them, and arrogantly defended the people's ill will, and angrily told them well, and what hurt have I done you, if I have made you merry these two days? Such was Stratocles impudency and rashness. But, as the Poet Aristophanes saith: But whotter matters were that time in hand, Than fire that wasteth both by sea and land, For there was another that passed Stratocles in knavery. Who procured a decree, that as often as Demetrius came into the city of ATHENS, he should be received with all ceremonies and like solemnity, as they use in the feasts of Ceres and Bacchus: and further that they should give unto him that did excel all the rest in sumptuousness and riches, at such time as Demetrius made his entry into the city, so much money out of the common treasure, as should serve to make an image or other offering, which should be consecrated to the temples in memory of his liberality. And last of all, they changed the name of the month Munichion (to wit the month of january) and called it Demetrion: The month of Munychion altered, & called Demetrion, for the honour of Demetrius name Wonders. and the last day of the month which they called before the new and old moon, they then called it the Demetriade: and the feasts of Bacchus also called than Dionysia, they presently named Demetria. But the gods by divers signs and tokens showed plainly, that they were offended with these changes and alterations. For the holy banner in the which (according to the order set down) they had painted the images of Antigonus, and Demetrius, with the pictures of jupiter and Minerva: as they carried it a procession through the street Ceranicus, it was torn a sunder in the midst by a tempest of wind. And furthermore, about the altars which were set up in the honour of Demetrius and Antigonus, there grew a great deal of hemlock, Hemlock, the usual erbe, with the i●y● whereof they poisoned offenders at Athens. the which otherwise was unpossible to grow there. On the feast day also of Bacchus, they were compelled to leave the pomp or procession for that day, it was such an extreme hard frost out of all season: and beside, there cell such a mill dew and great frost upon it, that not only their vines and olives were killed with it, but also the most part of the wheat blades which were newly sprung up. And therefore the Poet Philippides (an enemy of the aforesaid Stratocles) in one of his comedies writeth certain verses against him to this effect. Philippides the Poet. The party for whose wickedness the veil warrant in ●wayne Which with the honour due to God did worship men most vain, Is he for whom our budding vines were blasted with the frost. Those things and not our comedies have us so dearly cost. This Philippides was very well beloved of king Lysimachus, insomuch that for his sake the king had done many pleasures to the common wealth of ATHENS. For he loved him so dearly, that as often as he saw him, or met with him at the beginning of any war, or matter of great importance: he was of opinion that he brought him good luck. For in deed he did not so much esteem him for the excellency of his art, but he was much more to be beloved & esteemed, for his virtuous and honest conditions. He was no troublesome man, neither was he infected with the fineness of court, as he showed one day when the king made much of him, and giving him good countenance said unto him: what wilt thou have me give thee of my things Philippides? even what it shall please thee, O king, so it be one of thy secrets. Thus much we thought good to speak of him in bytalke, Philippides notable answer unto king Lysimachus, not desiring to hear his secrets. because air honest player of comedies, should match with a shameless and impudent Orator of the people. But yet there was another Democlides, of the village of SPHETTUS, that dreamt out a more stranger kind of honour, touching the consecration of their targets, which they dedicated to the temple of Apollo in DELPHS, that is to say, that they should go & ask the oracle of Demetrius: But I will show you the very effect and form of the law as it was set down. In good howery the people ordain that he should be chosen one of the Citizens of ATHENS, which shall go unto our saviour: and after that he hath done due sacrifice unto him, he shall ask Demetrius our saviour, after what sort the people shall with greatest holiness and devotion, without delay, make consecration of their holiest gifts and offerings: and according to the oracle it shall please him to give them, the people shall duly execute it. Thus, laying upon Demetrius all these foolish mockeries, who beside was no great wise man, they made him a very fool. Demetrius being at that time at leisure in ATHENS, he married a widow called Eurydice, Demetrius married unto Eurydice, at Athens. which came of that noble and ancient house of Miltiades, and had been married before unto one Opheltas Prince of the CYRENIANS, and that after his death returned again to ATHENS. The ATHENIANS were very glad of this marriage, and thought it the greatest honour that came to their city, supposing he had done it for their sakes. Howbeit he was soon won to be married, for he had many wives, Demetrius had many wives together. but amongst them all, he loved Phila best, Phila: Demetrius wife. and gave her most honour and pre-eminence above them all: partly for the respect of her father Antipater, Antipater's Daughter, & Craterus widow. and partly also for that she had been first married unto Craterus, whom the MACEDONIANS loved best when he lived, and most lamented after his death, above all the other successors of Alexander. His father I suppose made him to marry her by force, although in deed her years was not meet for him: for he was marvelous young, and she very old. And when Demetrius seemed not to be contented withal, his father rouned him softly in the ear with this saying: refuse no woman near so old, The judgement of marriage, & obedience. Whoze marriage bringeth store of gold. Wherein he alluded cunningly to these verses of Euripides. refuse not to become a thrall, Where lucre may ensue withal. But so much did Demetrius honour his wife Phila, and all his other wives he married, that he was not ashamed to keep a number of Courtesans, and other men's wives beside: so that he only of all other kings in his time, was most detected with this vice of lechery. While these things passed on in this sort, he was commanded by his father, to fight with Ptolemy for the Realm of CYPRUS. So there was no remedy but he must needs obey him, although otherwise he was very sorry to leave the war he had begun, to set the GRECIANS at liberty, the which had been far more honourable and famous. Howbeit, before he departed from ATHENS, he sent unto Cleonides Ptolemy's general, that kept the cities of CORINTHE and SICYONE, to offer him money if he would set those cities at liberty. But Cleonides would no dealt withal that way. Thereupon Demetrius strait way took sea, and sailed with all his army towards CYPRUS, where at his first coming he overcame Meneleus Ptolemy's brother. But shortly after, Ptolemy went thither in person with a great army both by sea and land, and there passed betwixt them fierce threatenings and proud words to each other. For Ptolemy sent to Demetrius to bid him to departed if he were wise, before all his army came together: which would tread him under their feet, and march upon his belly, if he tarried their coming Demetrius on the other side sent him word, that he would do him this favour to let him escape, if he would swear and promise' unto him to withdraw his garrisons which he hadin● the cities of CORINTHE, and SYCIONE. So the expectation of this battle made these two Princes not only very pensive to fight one with the other, but also all the other Lords, Princes, and kings: Battle by sea in the isle of Cyprus, betwixt Demetrius Antigonus, and Ptolemy. because the success thereof was uncertain, which of them two should prevail. But every man judged this, that which of them obtained the victory, he should not only be Lord of the Realm of CYPRUS and SYRIA, but therewith also of greater power than all the rest. Ptolemy in person with fifty sail began to row against his enemy Demetrius, and commanded his brother Menelaus that when he saw them fast grappled in fight together, he should launch out of the haven of SALAMINA, and give charge upon the rearward of Demetrius ships, to break their order, with the three score galleys be had in charge. Demetrius on the other side prepared ten galleys against these threescore, thinking them enough to choke up the haven mouth being but narrow, so that none of the galleys that were within could come out: and furthermore, he dispersed his army by land upon the foreland points which reach into the sea, and went himself into the main sea with nine score galleys, and gave such a fierce charge upon Ptolemy, Demetrius' victory of Ptolemy. that he valiantly made him fly. Who when he saw his army broken, fled as speedily as he could with eight galleys only: for all the rest were either broken or sunk in fight, and those eight only escaped, besides three score and ton which were taken, and all their soldiers in them. And as for his carriage, his train, his friends, his officers, and household servants, his wives, his gold and silver, his armour, engines of battery, and all such other warlike furniture and munition as was conveyed aboard his carects and great ships riding at anchor: of all these things nothing escaped Demetrius hands, but all was brought into his camp. Among those spoils also was taken that famous Courtesan Lamia who at the first had her name only, Lamia, the famous Courtesan, taken by Demetrius, upon the defeating of Ptolemy. for her passing playing upon the flute: but after she fell to Courtesan trade, her countenance and credit increased the more. So that even then when her beauty through years fell to decay, and that she found Demetrius much younger than herself: yet she so wan him with her sweet conversation and good grace, that he only liked her, and all the other women liked him. After this victory by sea, Menelaus made no more resistance, but yielded up SALAMINA & his ships unto Demetrius, Salamina yielded up to Demetrius. and put into his hands also twelve hundred horsemen, and twelve thousand footmen well armed. This so famous & triumphant victory was yet much more beautified, by Demetrius great bounty and goodness which he showed in giving his enemies slain in battle honourable funerals, setting the prisoners at liberty without ransom paying, and giving moreover twelve hundred complete armours unto the ATHENIANS. After this, Demetrius sent Aristodemus MILESIAN unto his father Antigonus, to tell him by word of mouth the news of this victory. Aristodemus was the greatest flatterer in all Antigonus Court, Aristodemus a notorious flatterer in Antigonus Court. who devised then, as it seemeth to me, to add unto this exploit the greatest flattery possible. For when he had taken land after he was come out of the isle of CYPRUS, he would in no wise have the ship he came in to come near the shore, but commanded them to ride at anchor, and no man so hardy to leave the ship: but he himself got into a little boat, and went unto Antigonus, who all this while was in marvelous fear and perplexity for the success of this battle, as men may easily judge they are, which hope after so great incertainties. Now when word was brought him that Aristodemus was coming to him all alone, then was he worse troubled than afore, insomuch that he could scant keep within doors himself, but sent his servants and friends one after another to meet Aristodemus, to ask him what news, and to bring him word presently again how the world went. But not one of them could get any thing out of him, for he went on still fair and softly with a sad countenance, and very demurely, speaking never a word. Wherefore Antigonus heart being cold in his belly, he could stay no longer, but would himself go and meet with Aristodemus at the gate, who had a marvelous press of people following on him, besides those of the Court which ran out to hear his answer. At length when he came near unto Antigonus, holding out his right hand unto him, he cried out aloud, God save thee, O king Antigonus: we have overcome king Ptolemy in battle by sea, and have won the Realm of CYPRUS, with sixteen thousand and eight hundred prisoners. Then answered Antigonus, and God save thee to: Truly Aristodemus thou hast kept us in a trawnse a good while, but to punish thee for the pain thou hast put us to, thou shalt the later receive the reward of thy good news. Then was the first time that the people with a loud voice called Antigonus and Demetrius kings. The first time Antigonus & Demetrius were called kings. Now for Antigonus, his friends and familiars did at that present instant put on the royal band or diadem upon his head: But for Demetrius, his father sent it unto him, and by his letters called him king. They also that were in EGYPT with Ptolemy, understanding that, did also call and salute him by the name of king: because it should not seem that for one overthrow received, their hearts were dead. Thus this ambition by jealousy & emulation, went from man to man to all Alexander's successors. For Lysimachus then also beganue to wear the diadem, and likewise Seleucus, as often as he spoke with the GRECIANS: for before that time, he dealt in matters with the barbarous people as a king. But Cassander, though others wrote themselves kings, he only subscribed after his wonted manner. Now this was not only an increase of a new name, or changing of apparel, but it was such an honour, as it life up their hearts, and made them stand upon themselves: and besides it so framed their manner of life and conversation with men, that they grew more proud and stately, then ever they were before: like unto common players of tragedies, who appareling themselves to play their parts upon the stage, do change their gate, their countenance, their voice, their manner of sitting at the table, and their talk also. So that afterwards they grew more cruel in commanding their subjects, when they had once taken away the viser and dissimulation of their absolute power, which before made them far more lowly and gentle in many matters unto them. And all this came through one vile flatterer, that brought such a wonderful change in the world. Note the force of flattery by Aristodemus Milasian. Antigonus therefore puffed up with the glory of the victory of his son Demetrius, for the conquest of CYPRUS: he determined forthwith to set upon Ptolemy. Himself led the army by land, having his son Demetrius still rowing by the shore side with a great fleet of ships. Antigonus & Demetrius journey against Ptolemy. Medius dream. But one of his familiars called Medius, being asleep had a vision one night that told him, what should be the end and success of this journey. He thought he saw Antigonus run with all his army who should have the upper hand, and that at the first he ran with great force and swiftness: but that afterwards his strength and breath failed him so much, that when he should return, he had scant any poulse or breath, and with much ado retired again. And even so it chanced unto him. For Antigonus by land, was eftsoons in great danger: and Demetrius also by sea was often in hazard to leave the coast, and by storm and weather to be cast into places, where was neither haven, creeks, nor harbarough for his ships. And at length, having lost a great number of his ships, he was driven to return without any attempt given. Now Antigonus was at that time little less than four score year old, but yet his fat and corpulent body was more cumbersome to him then his years: therefore being grown unmeet for wars, he used his son in his place. Who for that he was fortunate, as also skilful through the experience he had gotten, did wisely govern the weightiest matters. His father beside did not pass for his youthful parts, lavish expenses, and common drunkenness he gave himself unto. For in time of peace, he was given over to all those vices: but in time of war, he was as sober and continent, as any man so borne by nature. And therefore it is reported, that Lamia being manifestly known to be Mistress over him, one day when he was come from hunting, he came (as his manner was) to kiss his father: and that Antigonus smile upon him said, what, how now Son, dost thou think thou art kissing of Lamia? Another time Demetrius was many days together drinking and rioting, and saw not his father: and then so excuse himself unto him, he told him he had gotten a rheum that made him keep his chamber, that he could not come to him. So I heard said Antigonus but was it of THASOS or CHIOS, Antigonus' mirth with his son Demetrius. that rheum? he spoke it, because that in either of those two islands, there were excellent good wines. Another time Demetrius sent his father word that he was not well. Thereupon Antigonus went to see him, and coming thither, he met a fair young boy at his door. So he went up to his chamber, and sitting down by his bed side, he took him by the hand to feel his poulse. Demetrius told him that his fever had left him but a little before. I know it well, said Antigonus: for I met the young boy even at the door as I came in. So Antigonus did gently bear with his sons faults, in respect of his many other virtues he had. The voice goeth that the SCYTHIANS, when they are disposed to drink drunk together, A strange custom of the Scythians in their drunkenness. do divers times twang the strings of their bows, as though that would serve to keep the strength of their courage and hardiness, which otherwise the pleasantness of the wine would take from them. But Demetrius gave himself to one thing at one self time. Sometime to take his pleasure, sometime to deal in matters of weight, and in all extremity he ever used but one of them, and would never mingle the one with the other: and yet this notwithstanding he was no less politic and circumspect to prepare all manner of munition for wars. For as he was a wise Captain to lead an army, Demetrius a skilful Captain, and an excellent Shipwright. so was he also very careful to provide all things meet for their furniture, and would rather have too much, than too little. But above all, he exceeded in sumptuous building of ships, and framing of all sorts of engines of battery, and specially for the delight he took to invent and devise them. For he had an excellent natural wit to devise such works, as are made by wit and hand, and did not bestow his wit and invention in handy crafts, Sundry delights of Princes. in trifling toys and babbles: as many other kings that have given themselves to play on flutes, others to paint and draw, and others also to Turner's craft. As AEropus king of MACEDON, who delighted to make fine tables, and pretty lamps. And Attalus, surnamed Philometor (to say, as lover of his mother) that would plant and set Physical herbs, as Helleborum, Lingewort, or bears foot: Hyoscynamum, Henbane, Cicuta, Hemlock, Aconitum, Libardbaine or Woolfebaine, and Dorycinum: for the which we have no English word: all these would he set himself with his own hands in the gardens of his palace, and also gather them in time of the year, to know the virtue and power of them. As Arsaces', the kings of PARTHIA, that boasted they could themselves make their arrow heads, and sharpen them. But the artificers works which Demetrius practised, Demetrius' wonderful works. showed that they came from a king. For his manner of workmanship had a certain greatness in it, the which even with the subtlety and fineness of his works, showed the trim handling of the workman: So that they appeared not only worthy the understanding and riches of a king, but also the forging and making by the hands of a great king. For his friends did not only wonder at their greatness, but his very enemies also were delighted with the beauty of them. And this is more true, then meet to be spoken: the enemies could but marvel when they saw his galleys rowing alongst the coast, with fifteen or sixteen banks of oars: and his engines of battery which they called Elepolis (to say, engines to take cities) were a spectacle of great admiration unto those whom he besieged, as the events following did thoroughly witness. For Lysimachus who of all other kings did malice Demetrius most, coming to raise the siege from the city of SOLI in CILICIA, the which Demetrius besieged: he sent unto him to pray him to let him see his engines of battery, and his galleys rowing upon the sea. Demetrius granting him, Lysimachus returned with wonderful admiration. The RHODIANS also having long time defended his siege, at the last made peace with him, and prayed him to leave some one of his engines with them, for a perpetual testimony & remembrance both of his power, and also of their courage and valiantness. The cause why Demetrius made war with the RHODIANS, Demetrius besieged Rhodes. was, because they were consederats with king Ptolemy, he brought against their walls the greatest engine he had, The description of Demetrius greatest engine of battery, called Elepolis. the foot whereof was like a tile, more long then broad, and at the base on either side it was eight and forty cubits long, and three score and six high, rising still narrow even to the very top: so that they upper parts were narrower than the neither, & within it were many pretty rooms and places conveyed for soldiers. The forepart of it was open towards the enemy, & every room or partition had windows, out of the which they bestowed all kind of shot, because they were full of armed men, fight with all sorts of weapons. But now, because it was so well framed and counterpeated, that gave no way, nor reeled of either side, which way soever they removed it, but that it stood fall and upright upon her foundation, making a terrible noise and sound: that made the work as wonderful to behold, as it was a marvelous pleasure for men to see it. In this war were brought unto Demetrius two notable armours weighing forty pound a piece, and made by one Zoilus an armourer: who to show the hardness and goodness of the temper, Two armours made of notable temper by Zoilus an 〈…〉 suffered them to be proved and shot at at six score paces, with the engines of their battery: and albeit the armours were shot at, and hit, yet were they never pierced, and but only a little race or skretch seen, as it were of abodkin or penknife, and had no more hurt. Demetrius always ware one of them in these wars, and Alcimus ALBANIAN the other, the strongest and valiantest and he had in all his host, and that only carried a complete armour weighing six score pound, Alcimus Albanian were an armour of six score pound, weight. where all other soldiers beware none above threescore. This Alcimus was slain at RHODES valiantly ●●ghting by the Theatre. In this siege the RHODIANS did valiantly defend them selue, that Demetrius could do no act worthy memory. This notwithstanding, although he saw he could not prevail, but loose his time, yet was he the more obstinately been against them, to be even with them: because they had taken a ship of his, in the which his wife Phil● sent unto him certain hangings of tapestry, The discourtesy of the Rhodians. linen, apparel, and letters, and because they had sent them all unto Ptolemy, assoon as they had taken them. But therein they did 〈…〉 follow the honest courtesy of the ATHENIANS: who having intercepted certain 〈…〉 Philip's that made war against them, they opened all the letters they carried and 〈…〉 saving only his wife Olympiaes letters she sent him, the which they sent unto king Philip sealed, as they were when they received them. The great courtesy of the Athenians unto king Philip Protogenes, borne in the city of Caunus: an excellent painter. Now though this part did much grieve and offend him, yet he could not find in his heart to serve them in that sort, when he might have done it not long after. For by chance at that time, Protogenes an excellent painter, borne in the city of CAUNUS, did paint them the draft of the city of JALYSUS. Demetrius found this table in a house in the suburbs of the city, being almost ended. The RHODIANS thereupon sending a Herald unto him, to beseech him to spare the defacing of so goodly a work he returned them answer, that he would rather suffer his father's images to be burnt, then so excellent and passing a work as that to be lost, and brought to nothing. For it is reported, that Protogenes was seven years drawing of the same: Protogenes table of the city of jalysus, greatly commended by Apelles himself. and it is also said, that Apelles himself when he saw it did so wonder at it, that his speech failed him, and he stood must a long time, and at last said: surely there is a wonderful piece of work, and of great labour, yet they want those graces and ornaments whereby those that I paint do reach unto heaven. This table afterwards being brought to ROME, and hanged up with others, was in the end burnt by fire. Now as the RHODIANS were desirous to be rid of this war, and that Demetrius also was willing to take any honest occasion to do it: the Ambassadors of the ATHENIANS came happily to serve both their desires, who made peace between them with these conditions. That the RHODIANS should be confederates with Antigonus and Demetrius, Demetrius concludeth peace with the Rhodians. against all men, but Ptolemy only. The ATHENIANS sent for Demetrius, upon Cassander coming to say siege to their city. Whereupon Demetrius immediately hoist sail towards ATHENS, with three hundred and thirty galleys, and a great number of men of war besides so that he did not only drive Cassander out of the province of ATTICA, but followed him even to the strait of THERMOPYLES, and there overthrew him in set battle, and received the ●●tie of HERACLEA, which willingly yielded unto him, and six thousand MACEDONIANS that came unto him to take his part. So in his return back, he set all the GRECIANS at liberty on this side the strait: Demetrius' victories in Graece. he made league with the BOEOTIANS, and took the city of CENECH●●ES, and the castles of PHYLE and PANACTOS, in the fronters and confines of ATTICA, in the which Cassander had left garrisons to keep the country in subjection: and after he had dr 〈…〉 them out of the country, he rendered the forts again unto the ATHENIANS. Therefore though it seemed the ATHENIANS had before bestowed to their uttermost power all kinds of honours that could be offered him, every man striving for life to prefer the same: yet they found out new devices to flatter and please him. For they ordained that the place behind the temple of Minerva, called Parthenon (as who would say, the temple of the virgin) should be prepared for his house to lie in: and they said, that the goddess Minarua did lodge him with her. But to say truly, he was too unchaste a guest, to think that a maiden goddess would be content he should lie with her. And yet his father Antigonus perceiving that they had lodged his son Philip on a time in a house, Antigonus' shame fastness. where there were three young women, he said nothing to Philip himself, but before him he sent for the harbinger, and said unto him: wilt thou not remove my son out of this strait lodging, & provide him of a better? And Demetrius, that should have reverenced the goddess Minerva, Demetrius' wantonness. though for no other respect, but because he called her his eldest sister, (for so he would she should be called) he defiled all the castle where was the temple of these holy virgins, with horrible and abominable insolences, both towards young boys of honest houses, as also unto young women of the city. So that this place seemed to be most pure and holy, at such time as he lay with his common. Courtesans Chrysis, Lamia, Demo, and Anticyra. The names of Demetrius Courtesans. It shall not be greatly for the honour of the city of ATHENS, to tell particularly all the abominable parts he committed there, But Democles virtue and honesty deserveth worthy and condign remembrance. This Democles was a young boy that had no hear on his face, of whose beauty Demetrius being informed by the surname he had, as commonly called through the city. Democles the fair: he sought divers ways to entice him, both by fair means, large promises and gifts, and also with threats beside. But when he saw no man could bring him to the bent of his bow, and that the young boy in the end seeing him so importunate upon him, came no more to the common places of exercise where other children used to recreate themselves, and that to avoid the common stoves, he went to wash himself in another secret stove: Demetrius watching his time and hour of going thither, followed him, and got in to him being alone. The boy seeing himself alone & that he could not resist Demetrius, took of the cover of the ketle or chawdron where the water was boiling, and leaping into it, drewned himself. Truly he was unworthy of so lamentable an end, but yet he showed a noble heart, worthy of his beauty and country. But he did not as another called Cleanetus', the son of Cleomedon, who brought letters from Demetrius directed to the people, whereby, through Demetrius' intercession & request, his father's fine of fifty talents in the which he was condemned (and for nonpayment remained prisoner) was clearly remitted and forgiven. But by this act, he not only shamed and dishonoured himself, but also troubled all the city. For the people thereupon released Cleomedon of his fine, but therewith they made a decree that no Citizen should thenceforth bring any more letters from Demetrius. But afterwards, understanding that Demetrius was marvelously offended with this decree: they did not, only revoke their first decree, but they did also put some of them to death, which were the procurers and authors of the decree, and others also they banished. And further they made a law, that the people of ATHENS should accounted all religious to the gods, and just unto men, whatsoever it pleased Demetrius to order and appoint. At that time there was one of the chiefest men of the city, that said Stratocles was a mad man to prefer such matters. In deed, qd Demochares surnamed LACONIAN, he were a mad man if he were otherwise: and he spoke it, because this Stratocles had many great pleasures at Demetrius hands for this flattery. Howbeit Demochares being accused and condemned upon these words, he was banished ATHENS. See after what sort the ATHENIANS used themselves, who seemed to be delivered from the garrison they had before, and to be restored unto their former liberty and freedom. From thence Demetrius went into PELOPONNESUS, Demetrius' journey into Peloponnesus. and never an enemy of his durst tarry his coming, but all fled before him, and left him their castles & towns. Thus Demetrius won unto himself all the country called ACT, and all ARCADIA, saving the city of MANTINAEA: & for the sum of an hundred talents given amongst them, he delivered the cities of ARGOS, SICYONE, and of CORINTHE, from the garrisons that lay amongst them. About that time fell out the great feast of juno in ARGOS, called Heraea. Therefore Demetrius, Demetrius married Deidamia, king Phyrrbus sister & changed the name of the city of Sicyone, and called it Demetriade. to honour this feast with the GRECIANS, married Deidamis (the Daughter of AEatides, king of the MOLOSSIANS, and sister of Pyrrbus) and persuaded the SICYONIANS to leave their city, and to come and build in an other goodly place near unto it where they now do devil: and so with the place and situation, he changed also the name of the city. For in stead of SICYONE, he made it to be called DEMETRIADE. Then at a general assembly of the states of GRAECE, which was kept in the strait of PELOPONNESUS, called ISTHMOS: Demetrius was chosen Lieutenant general of all the GRECIANS, Demetrius' chosen general of all Graece. as Philip & Alexander, (both kings of MACEDON) had been before him, unto whom he did not only compare himself, but thought himself greater than they, because fortune smiled on him, and for that he had so good success in all his affairs. Whereas Alexander did never take away the title and name of king, from any other kings: neither did ever call himself king of kings, although he had given unto divers of them the name and power of a king. And in contrary manner also, Demetrius laughed them to scorn which called any other Princes, kings, but his father and himself. Moreover he took great pleasure to hear his flatterers, who being at banquets called for wine to drink to king Demetrius, Demetrius' pride. and then to Seleucus' master of the Elephants, to Ptolemy Admiral, to Lysimachus keeper of the treasure, and to Agathocles SICILIAN, governor of the Iles. All the kings, but Lysimachus, laughed at these toys when they were reported to them: but Lysimachus was very angry, & thought great scorn that Demetrius should reckon him a gelding, for that it was an old custom commonly to give an Euenuke the charge of keeping the treasure. So Lysimachus of all other Princes did bear him most malice, and because he would finely tawnt him for that he ever kept Lamia his Courtesan with him: until this present time, said he, I never saw harlot play in a tragedy before. Demetrius answered him again, that his harlot was chaster, than Penelope his wife. So Demetrius departing for that time out of PELOPONNESUS, took his journey towards ATHENS, and wrote before to the ATHENIANS, that when he came thither he would be received into the fraternity of the holy mysteries, and that he meant they should show him at one self time, all that was to be seen, even from the lest to the highest secrets of their ceremonies, called Epoptices, because they made the brethren of the fraternity see them long time after that they had been first received into the lesser ceremonies: the which was not lawful then, neither was ever heard of before. For these smaller mysteries in old time were celebrated in the month of November, and the greater in the month of August: & beside it was not lawful to celebrated or use these ceremonies within the space of a year one of tother. When these letters were openly read, no man durst speak against them, but Pythodorus the Priest, who carried the torch lighted when they showed these mysteries. Howbeit his words prevailed not, for by the devise of Stratocles it was enacted at an assembly of the city, that the month of March in the which they were at that time, should be called and reputed November. And also, as they could best help it by their ordinances of the city, they did receive Demetrius into the fraternity of the mysteries: & afterwards again, this self month of March which they had translated into November, become suddenly August: and in the self same year was celebrated the other ceremony of these great mysteries, whereby Demetrius was admitted to see the most straightest and secretest ceremonies. Therefore Philippides the Poet inveighing against the sacrilege, Philippides verses against Stratocles the boaster. and impiety of religion profaned by Stratocles, made these verses of him: Into one month his coming hither Hath thrust up all the year together. And afterwards because Stratocles was the procurer that Demetrius was lodged in the temple of Minerva within the castle: Of chaste Mineruaze holy Church he makes a filthy stews, And in that Virgin's very sight his harlots doth abuse. But yet of all the insolent parts done at that time in ATHENS, (although many were committed) none of all the rest grieved the ATHENIANS more, than this did: that Demetrius commanded them they should presently furnish him with two hundred & fifty talents. The taxation of this payment was very hard unto them, both for the shortness of the time appointed them, as also for the impossibility of abating any part of it. When he had seen all this mass of money laid on a heap before him, he commanded it should be given to Lamia, & among his other Courtesans, to buy them soap. Demetrius' prodigal gift of 250. talents to his Courtesans to buy them soap. The shame the ATHENIANS received by this gift, grieved them more, than the loss of their money: & the words he spoke to the great contempt of them and their city, did more trouble them, than the payment they made. Some say notwithstanding, that Demetrius did not alone use the ATHENIANS thus shamefully, but the THESSALIANS also in the same manner. But passing this over: Lamia of herself, Lamia made Demetrius a supper of her own cost. & through her own countenance, did get a great sum of money together of divers persons for one supper she made unto Demetrius, the preparation whereof was of such exceeding charge, that Lycaeus' borne in the isle of SAMOS, did set down the order thereof in writing. And therefore a certain Poet no less pleasantly, then truly, called this Lamia, Elepolis: Lamia Elepolis. to were, an engine to take cities. And Demochares also borne in the city of SOLI, called Demetrius a fable, because he had Lamia ever with him: as in the fables which old women tell little children, there is ever lightly a Lamia, as much to say, as a witch, or sorceress. So that the great credit & authority this Lamia had, and the love which Demetrius bore her: did not only 'cause his wives suspect and envy him, but made him hated also of all his friends & familiars. And therefore certain gentlemen whom Demetrius sent in ambassade unto king Lysimachus, he talking famillierly with them, & passing the time away, showed them great wounds of the claws of a lion upon his arms and legs, telling them also how he was forced to fight with the lion, when through king Alexander's fury he was shut up in his den with him: they smiling to hear him, told him that the king their master had also certain marks and bitings on his neck, of a vile beast called Lamia. And to say truly, it was a wonderful thing, that marrying (as he did) his wife Philaso much against his will, because she was too old for him: how he was so ravished with Lamia, and did so constantly love her so long together, considering that she was also very old, & past the best. Therefore Demo, The saying of Demo a Courtesan, touching Lamia, & Demetrius. surnamed Mania, (as much to say, the mad woman) pleasantly answered Demetrius, ask her one night when Lamia had played on the flute all supper time, what she thought of Lamia? an old woman, O king, qd she. Another time when fruit was served in, after the board was taken up: do you see said Demetrius, how many pretty fine knacks Lamia sendeth me? My mother, answered Demo again, will sand you more than these, if you please to lie with her. It is reported of this Lamia, that she overthrew Bocchoris judgement in a matter. In Egypt there was a young man that had a marvelous fancy unto a famous Courtesan, called Thonis: A pretty suit commenced upon a lovers dream, and the judgement reversed by Lamia the Courtesan. who did ask him such a great sum of money to lie with her, that it was unpossible for him to give it her. At length, this amorous youth being so deep in love with her, dreamt one night he lay with her, and enjoyed her: so that for the pleasure he took by his conceit and imagination, when he awaked, his earnest love was satisfied. This Courtesan whom he had cast fancy to, hearing of his dream, did put him in suit before the judges, to be paid her higher for the pleasure the young man had taken of her by imagination. Bocchoris hearing the sum of her complaint, commanded the young man to bring before him in some vessel, at a day appointed, as much more 〈…〉 as she did ask him to lie with her. Then he bad him toss it too and fro in his hand before the Courtesan, that she should but only have the shadow and sight of it: for, qd he, imagination and opinion, is but a shadow of truth. The suttelrye of Lamia, reversing Bocchoris Seniece. Lamia said this was no equal judgement: for, saith she, the shadow only, or the sight of the money, did not satisfy the covetousness of the Courtesan, as the young man's lust was quenched by his dream. Thus enough spoken of Lamia. But now, the misfortunes and jests of him we presently writ of: they do transport our history, as from a comycall into a tragical theatre, that is to say, from pleasant and light matter, into lamentable and bitter tears. For all the Princes and Kings conspired generally agaynts Antigonus, The conspiracy of the kings against Antigonus. and joined all their force and armies together. Therefore Demetrius departed forthwith out of GRAECE, and came to join with his father, whose courage he found more lively and better given to this war, than his years required: besides that Demetrius coming made him the bolder, and did lift up his heart the more. And yet it seems to me, that if Antigonus would but have yielded up a few trifling things, and that he could or would have bridled his over immoderate covetous desire to reign: he had both kept for himself all the time of his life, and also left after his death unto his son, the supremest dignity and power, above all the other Kings and successors of Alexander. But he was so cruel, and rash of nature, and as insolent and brave in his doings, as in his words: that thereby he stirred up, and brought upon him as his enemies, many great and mighty Princes. For even at that present time he said, that he would as easily disperse and scatter a sunder that conspiracy against him, as chowghes or other little birds coming to peck up the corn newly sown, are easily scared away with a stone, or making any little noise. Antigonus & his enemy's army. So he carried to the field with him, above three score and ten thousand footmen, ten thousand horsemen, and three score and fifteen Elephants. His enemies had three score and four thousand footmen, and five hundred horsemen more than he, with four hundred Elephants, and six score carts of war. When the two armies were one near unto the other, me thinks he had some imagination in his head that changed his hope, but not his courage. For in all other battles and conflicts, having commonly used to look big of the matter, to have a loud high voice, and to use brave words, and sometime also even in the chiefest of all the battle to give some pleasant mock or other, showing a certain trust he had in himself, and a contempt of his enemy: then they saw him oftentimes alone, and very pensive, without ever a word to any man. One day he called all his army together, and presented his son unto the soldiers, recommending him unto them, as his heir and successor, and talked with him alone in his tent. Whereat men marveled the more, because that he never used before to impart to any man the secrets of his counsel and determination, not not to his own son, but did all things of himself: and then commanded that thing openly to be done, which he had secretly purposed. For proof hereof it is said, Demetrius being but a young man, asked him on a time when the camp should remove: and that Antigonus in anger answered him, art thou afraid thou shalt not hear the sound of the trumpet? Furthermore, there fell out many ill signs and tokens that killed their hearts. Demetrius' dream and signs. For Demetrius dreamt that Alexander the great appea●ed armed unto him at all pieces, and that he asked him what word or signal of battle they were determined to give at the day of the battle. He answered, that they were determined to give, jupiter, and Victory. Then said Alexander, I will go to thine enemies that shall receive me. And afterwards, at the very day of the overthrow, when all their army were set in battle ray: Antigonus coming out of his tent, had such a great fall, that he fell flat on his face on the ground, and hurt himself very sorely. So when he was taken up, then lifting up his hands to heaven, he made his prayers unto the gods, that it would please them to grant him victory, or sudden death without great pain, before he should see himself vanquished, and his army overthrown. When both battles came to join, and that they fought hand to hand: Demetrius upon the first onset, made Antiochus the son of Seleucus, fly. Ouerrashly chasting the enemies, he lost his victory, and was overcome. Demetrius that had the most part of the horsemen with him, went and gave charge upon Antiochus the son of Seleucus, and fought it out so valiantly on his side, that he overthrew his enemies, and put them to flight. But too fond following the chase of them that fled, and out of time: he marred all, and was the occasion of the loss of his victory. For when he returned from the chase, he could not join again with their footmen, because the Elephants were between both. Then Seleucus perceiving Antigonus battle was naked of horsemen, he did not presently set upon them, but turned at one side as though he would environ them behind, and made them afraid: yet making head as he would charge them, only to give them leisure to come on their side, as they did. For the most part of Antigonus host did forsake him, and yielded unto his enemies: & the rest of them fled every man. And when a great troop of men together went with great fury to give charge on that side where Antigonus was: one of them that were about him, said unto him: your grace had need take heed, for these men come to charge us. He answered again: but how should they know me? And if they did, my son Demetrius will come and help me. This was his last hope, and still he looked every way if he could see his son coming towards him: The death of king Antigonus. until at length he was slain with arrows, darts, & pikes. For of all his friends and soldiers there tarried not one man by his body, but Thorax of the city of LARISSA in THESSALY. Now the battle having such success as you have heard, the Kings and Princes that had won so glorious a victory, as if they had cut a great body into sundry pieces: they divided Antigonus kingdom among them, and every man had his part of all the provinces and countries which Antigonus kept, adding that unto their other dominions which they possessed afore. Now Demetrius flying with all possible speed that might be, Demetrius' flight. with five thousand footmen and four thousand horsemen, he got to the city of EPHESUS: where every man mistrusted, that being needy of money as he was, he would not spare the temple of Diana in EPHESUS, but would rifle all the gold and silver in it. And in contrary manner also, Demetrius being afraid of his soldiers, lest they would spoil it against his will: he suddenly departed thence, and sailed towards GRAECE, putting his greatest confidence & affiance in the ATHENIANS, because he had left his wife Deidamia at ATHENS, with ships and some money, supposing he could go no whether with better safety in his adversity, then to ATHENS, of whose good wills he thought himself assured. Wherefore when Ambassadors of the ATHENIANS came unto him, and found him not far from the Isles CYCLADES, as he sailed with great speed towards ATTICA, and that they had declared unto him, he should forbear to come unto their city, The unfaithfulness of the Athenians towards Demetrius. because the people had made an ordinance to suffer no more kings to come into ATHENS, and that they had sent Deidamia his wife honourably accompanied unto the city of MEGARA: then was Demetrius for very anger & passion of mind, clean out of countenance, although until that time he had patiently borne his adversity, and his heart had never failed him. But this nipped him to the heart, when he saw (that contrary to expectation) the ATHENIANS had deceived and failed him in his greatest need, and that in his adversity he found their former friendship counterfeit, and altogether dissembled. Whereby most plainly appeareth, that the most uncertain and deceivable prose of people's good wills and cities towards Kings and Princes, are the immeasurable and extreme honours they do unto them. Over great honours are signs of unconstant friendship. For sith it is so, that the truth and certainty of honour proceedeth from the good will of those that give it: the fear which the common people commonly stand in of the power of kings, is sufficient cause for them to mistrust that the people do it not with good will and from their hearts, considering that for fear they do the self same things, which they will also do for love. Therefore grave and wise Princes should not pass so much for the images and statues they set up for them, or the tables or divine honours they do decree unto them: as to regard their own works & deeds, and weighing them truly, so to believe and receive their honours for true, or otherwise to reject and mistrust them, as things done by compulsion. For commonly it is that which maketh the people to hate kings the more, when they do accept these immeasurable and extreme honours done unto them, but those sorts chief hate them most, that against their wills are forced to do them those honours. Demetrius seeing then how injuriously the ATHENIANS had used him, & at that time not knowing how to be revenged of them: he modestly sent unto them only to make his complaints, and to demand his ships, among the which was that galley of sixteen banks of owers. The which when he had received, he hoist sail immediately towards the strait of PELOPONNESUS, and there found all things to go against him. For in every place where he had left any garrison, the Captains that had the charge of them, either yielded them up, or else revolted, & kept them against him. Therefore leaving Pyrrhus his Lieutenant in GRAECE, he took sea again, & sailed towards CHERRONESUS, & there with the mischiefs he did, & with the spoils he got in king Lysimachus land, he paid his men, and enriched his army, the which began again to increase, & to be dreadful to his enemies. But now for Lysimachus, the other kings made no great account of him, neither did they stir to give him aid, because he was nothing inferior unto Demetrius: and for that he was of greater power and possessions than themselves, they therefore were the more afraid of him. Shortly after, Seleucus sent unto Demetrius, to require his daughter Stratonice in marriage, Seleucus requireth Stratonice (Demetrius' daughter) in marriage. notwithstanding that he had a son already called Antiochus, by his wife Apama a PERSIAN. Howbeit he thought that his affairs and greatness of his estate and kingdom, was able enough to maintain many successors after him. And furthermore, he considered with himself that he should have need of Demetrius alliance, because he saw Lysimachus himself match with one of Ptolemy's daughters, & his son Agathocles with his other daughter. Demetrius seeing this good fortune offered him beyond all hope, presently took his daughter with him, & sailed with all his ships directly towards SYRIA. In the which voyage he was constrained of necessity to land sometimes, and specially in CILICIA, the which Plistarchus the brother of Cassander kept at that time, Plistarchus, the brother of Cassander, at that time Governor of Cilicia. being given him by the other kings for his part and portion of the spoil of Antigonus, after he was overthrown. This Plistarchus thinking that Demetrius landed not to refresh himself, but to forage and spoil because he would complain of Seleucus for the alliance he made with their common enemy, without the consent and privity of all the other Kings and Princes confederates, he went purposely unto his brother Cassander. Demetrius having intelligence thereof, suddenly invaded the land, and spoiled as far as the city of CYNDES, Demetrius invadeth Cilicia. and carried away (which he had levied) twelve hundred talentes, which he found yet left of his father's treasure: and then with all the speed he could possible he returned to his ships, and hoist sail. Shortly after, his wife Phila also came unto him. So Seleucus received them all near unto the city of OROSSUS, and there their meeting was Princely, without sorrow or suspicion one of the other. First of all Seleucus did feast Demetrius in his tent, in the midst of his camp: & afterwards Demetrius feasted him again in his galley, with thirteen banks of owers. Thus they passed many days together, feasting and rejoicing each with other, being unarmed, and having no soldiers to wait upon them: until at length Seleucus with his wife Stratonice departed, Seleucus marrieth Stratonice. Demetrius' daughter. and took his way with great pomp towards the city of ANTIOCH. Now for Demetrius, he kept the province of CILICIA, and sent his wife Phila unto her brother Cassander, to answer the complaints and accusations of Plistarchus against him. In the mean time Deidamia his wife departed out of GRAECE to come unto him: who after she had remained with him a few days, died of a sickness. The death of Deidamia Demetrius wife. Afterwards Demetrius coming again in favour with Ptolemy, by Seleucus his son in laws means: he married his daughter Ptolemaide. Demetrius marrieth Ptolemaide, Ptolemy's daughter. Hitherunto Seleucus used Demetrius very courteously: but afterwards he prayed him to deliver him CILICIA again, for a sum of money that he offered him: but Demetrius plainly denied him. Then did Seleucus show a cruel and tyrannical covetousness: for in anger, and with fierce threats and countenance he asked him the cities of TYRE, and SIDON. But therein me thinks he lacked honesty and civility: Dissension betwixt Demetrius and Seleucus. as though he that had under his obedience and subjection all that which lay betwixt the INDIANS, and the sea of SYRIA, was in such need and poverty: that for two cities only, he should drive his father in law from him, who had sustained so hard & bitter change. But thereby he rightly confirmed Plato's saying: Plato's saying of riches. that he that will be rich in deed, must endeavour himself not to increase his riches, but rather to diminish his covetousness. For he shall never be but a beggar, and needy, whose covetous desire hath no end. This notwithstanding, Demetrius yielded not for fear, but provided to replenish the cities with good garrisons to keep them against him: saying, that though he had been overcome ten thousand times more in battle, yet it should never sink into his head that he should be contented, and think himself happy to buy Seleucus' alliance so dear. On tother side, being advertised that one Lachares having spied opportunity when the ATHENIANS were in civil wars one against the other, and that he had overcomen them, and did tyrannically usurp the government: he then persuaded himself that he might easily win it again, if he came thither upon the sudden. Thereupon he crossed the seas with a great fleet of ships, Demetrius' journey against the Athenians. without any danger: but he had such a great storm & tempest upon the coast of ATTICA, that he lost the most part of his ships, and a great number of his men beside. But for himself he scaped, and began to make a little war with the ATHENIANS. Yet perceiving that he did no good there, but lost his time: he sent some of his men to gather a number of ships again together, and he himself in the mean time went into PELOPONNESUS, to say siege to the city of MESSENA, where his person was in great danger. For fight hard by the wall, he had such a blow with a dart, that it hit him full in the mouth, and ran through his cheek. Notwithstanding this, after he was healed of that wound, he brought into his subjection again, certain towns that had rebelled against him. After that, he returned again into ATTICA, and took the cities of Eleusin, and of RHAMNUS: and then spoiled all the country, & took a ship freight with corn, and hung up the merchant that aught it, and the master of the ship that brought it. Thereby to terrify all other merchants, that they should be afraid to bring any more corn thither, and so to famish the city, by keeping them from all things necessary for their sustenance: and so it happened. For a bushel of salt was sold at ATHENS for forty silver Drachmas, and the bushel of wheat for three hundred Drachmas. In this extreme necessity, the ATHENIANS had but a short joy for the hundred and fifty galleys they saw near unto AEGINA, the which Ptolemy sent to aid them. For when the soldiers that were in them saw that they brought unto Demetrius a great number of ships out of PELOPONNESUS, out of CYPRUS, & divers other parts, which amounted in the whole to the number of three hundred sail: they weighed their anchors, and fled presently. Then Lachares forsook the city, and secretly saved himself. Now the ATHENIANS, The Athenians do yield unto Demetrius. who before had commanded upon pain of death, that no man should make any motion to the counsel, to treat of any peace with Demetrius: they did then upon Lachares flying, presently open the gates next unto Demetrius camp, and sent Ambassadors unto him, not looking for any grace or peace, but because necessity drove them to it. During this so hard and strait siege, there fell out many wonderful and strange things: but among others, this one is of special note. It is reported that the father and the son sitting in their house, void of all hope of life: there fell a dead rat before them from the top of the house, and that the father and son fought who should have it to eat. Moreover, that at the self same siege the Philosopher Epicurus maintained himself and his scholars, A rare devise of Epicurus, at the strait siege of Athens, to keep his scholars alive with beans. by getting them a proportion of beans every day, by the which they lived. Thus the city of ATHENS being brought unto this extremity, Demetrius made his entry into it, and gave commandment to all the citizens, that they should assemble every man within the Theatre: where he made them to be compassed in with armed soldiers, and then placed all his guard armed about the stage. Afterwards he came down himself into the Theatre, through high galleries and entries by the which the common players used to come to play their parts in tragedies, insomuch as the ATHENIANS were then worse afraid than before: howbeit Demetrius presently pacified their fear, as soon as he began to speak unto them. For he did not fashion his Oration with a hasty angry voice, neither did he use any sharp or bitter words: but only after he had courteously told them their faults and discourtesy towards him, he said he forgave them, Demetrius' clemency unto the Athenians. and that he would be their friend again: and furthermore, he caused ten millions of bushels of wheat to be given unto them, and established such Governors there, as the people misliked not of. Then Democles the Orator, seeing that the people gave out great shouts of joy in the praise of Demetrius, and that the Orators daily contended in the pulpit for Orations, who should exceed other in preferring new honours for Demetrius: he caused an order to be made, that the havens of PIRAEUS and MUNYCHIA should be put into Demetrius hands, to use at his pleasure. This being established by voices of the people, Demetrius of his own private authority did place a great garrison within the fort called MUSAEUM, Demetrius' journey against the Lacedæmonians. because the people should rebel no more against him, nor divert him from his other enterprises. Thus when he had taken ATHENS, he went to set upon the LACEDÆMONIANS. But Archidamus king of LACEDAEMON, came against him with a puissant army, whom he discomfited in battle, and put to flight, by the city of MANTINAEA. After that he invaded LACONIA with all his army, and made an inroad to the city of SPARTA, where he once again overthrew the LACEDÆMONIANS in set battle, took five hundred of them prisoners, and slew two hundred: insomuch that every man thought he might even then go to SPARTA without any danger to take it, Demetrius' variable fortune. the which had never yet been take afore by any. But there was never king that had so often and sudden changes of fortune as Demetrius, nor that in other affairs was ever so often little, and then great: so suddenly down, and up again: so weak, & strait so strong. And therefore it is reported, that in his great adversities when fortune turned so contrary against him, he was wont to cry out upon fortune, that which AEschylus speaketh in a place: Thou seemest to have begotten me, of purpose for to show Thy force in lifting of me up, me down again to throw. Demetrius' misfortunes. Now again when his affairs prospered so well, and that he was likely to recover a great force and kingdom: news were brought him, first that Lysimachus had taken all his towns from him, which he held in ASIA: and on the other side, that Ptolemy had won from him all the realm of CYPRUS, the city of SALAMINA only excepted, in the which he kept his mother and children very straightly besieged. This notwithstanding, fortune played with him, as the wicked woman Archilochus speaketh of, who, Did in the one hand water show, And in the other fire bestow. For taking him away, and (as it were) the city of SPARTA also out of his hands by these dreadful news, even when he was certain to have won it: she presently offered him hopes of other great and new things, by this occasion following. After the death of Cassander, Philip who was the eldest of all his other sons, and left his heir and successor in the kingdom of MACEDON: he reigned no long time over the MACEDONIANS, but deceased soon after his father was dead. Great dissertion and strife for the realm of Macedon, after the death of Cassander. Antipater & Alexander, the sons of Cassander. The two other brethren also fell at great variance, and wars together: so that the one called Antipater, slew his own mother Thessalonica: and the other being Alexander, called in to aid him Demetrius, and Pyrrhus, the one out of the realm of EPIRUS, and the other out of PELOPONNESUS. Pyrrhus came first before Demetrius, and kept a great part of MACEDON for recompense of his pains, coming to aid him at his desire: so that he become a dreadful neighbour unto Alexander himself, that had sent for him into his country. Furthermore, when he was advertised that Demetrius did presently upon the receipt of his letters, set forward with all his army to come to aid him: the young Prince Alexander, was twice as much more amazed and afraid, for the great estate and estimation of Demetrius. Demetrius invadeth Macedon. So he went to him notwithstanding, and received him at a place called Deion, and there embraced and welcomed him. But immediately after, he told him that his affairs were now in so good state, that praised be the gods he should not now need his presence to aid him. After these words the one began to mistrust the other. So it chanced one day, that as Demetrius went to Alexander's lodging where the feast was prepared: Wiles betwixt Alexander and Demetrius. there came one to him to tell him of an ambush that was laid for him, and how they had determined to kill him when he should think to be merry at the banker. But Demetrius was nothing abashed at the news, and only went a little softlier, not making such haste as he did before, and in the mean time sent to command his Captains to arm their men, and to have them in readiness: and willed his gentlemen and all the rest of his officers that were about him, (which were a greater number by many than those of Alexander's side) every man of them to go in with him into the hall, and to tarry there till he rose from the table. By this means the men whom Alexander had appointed to assault him, they durst not, being afraid of the great train he had brought with him. Furthermore, Demetrius feigning that he was not well at ease at that time to make merry, he went immediately out of the hall, and the next morning determined to departed, making him believe that he had certain news brought him of great importance: and prayed Alexander to pardon him, that he could no longer keep him company, for that he was driven of necessity to departed from him, and that an other time they would meet together, with better leisure and liberty. Alexander was very glad to see that Demetrius went his way out of MACEDON not offended, but of his own good will: whereupon he brought him into THESSALY, and when they were come to the city of LARISSA, they began again to feast one an other, to entrap each other: the which offered Demetrius occasion to have Alexander in his hand, as he would wish himself. For Alexander of purpose would not have his guard about him, fearing lest thereby he should teach Demetrius also to stand upon his guard. Thus Alexander turned his practice for an other, upon himself: for he was determined not to suffer Demetrius to scape his hands, if he once again came within danger. So Alexander being bidden to supper to Demetrius, he came accordingly. Demetrius rising from the board in the midst of supper, Alexander rose also, being afraid of that strange manner, and followed him foot by foot to the very door. Then Demetrius said but to his warders at the gate, kill him that followeth me. With those words he went out of the doors, and Alexander that followed him was slain in the place, Demetrius killeth Alexander the son of Cassander. and certain of his gentlemen with him which came to rescue him: of the which, one of them as they killed him said, that Demetrius had prevented them but one day. All that night, (as it is no other likely) was full of uproar and tumult. Howbeit, the next morning the MACEDONIANS being marvelously troubled & afraid of Demetrius great power, when they saw that no man came to assail them, but that Demetrius in contrary manner sent unto them to tell them that he would speak with them, and deliver them reason for that he had done: then they all began to be bold again, and willingly gave him audience. Now Demetrius needed not to use many words, not to make any long Orations, to win them unto him: for, because they hated Antipater as a horrible manqueller and murderer of his mother, and because they had no better man to prefer, Demetrius proclaimed king of Macedon. they easily chose Demetrius king of MACEDON, and thereupon brought him back into MACEDON, to take possession of the kingdom. This change was not misliked of the other MACEDONIANS that remained at home in their country, for that they yet remembered the traitorous and wicked fact of Cassander, against Alexander the great: for which cause they utterly hated & detested all his issue & posterity. And furthermore, if there were any spark of remembrance in their hearts, of the bounty & goodness of their grandfather Antipater: Demetrius received the fruit and benefit, for his wife Philaes' sake, by whom he had a son that should succeed him in the kingdom, and was a proper youth, in camp with his father. Demetrius having this great good hap and fortune comen unto him, he received news also that Ptolemy had not only raised his siege from the city of SALAMINA, where he kept his mother and children straightly besieged: but further, that he had done them great honour, and bestowed great gifts upon them. On the other side also he was advertised, that his daughter Stratonice, who had before been married unto Seleucus, was now married again unto Antiochus, Antiochus, the son of Seleucus married his mother in law Stratonice, with his father's good william. the son of the said Seleucus, and how that she was crowned Queen of all the barbarous nations inhabiting in the high provinces of ASIA: and that came to pass in this manner. It chanced that this young Prince Antiochus (as love overcometh all men) become in love with his mother in law Stratonice, who already had a son by Seleucus his father. She being young, & passing fair, he was so ravished with her, that though he proved all the ways possible to master his fury and passion that way: yet he was still the weaker. So that in the end, condemning himself to death because he found his desire abominable, his passion incurable, & his reason utterly overcome: he resolved to kill himself by little and little, with abstinence from meat and drink, and made no other reckoning to remedy his grief, feigning to have some secret inward disease in his body. Yet could he not so finely cloak it, Erasistratus Physician to Seleucus. but that Erasistratus the Physician easily found his grief, that love, not sickness, was his infirmity: howbeit it was hard for him to imagine with whom he was in love. Erasistratus being earnestly bend to find out the party he loved, he sat by this young Prince all day long in his chamber, and when any sayer young boy or wife came to see him, he earnestly looked Antiochus in the face, & carefully observed all the parts of the body, and outward movings, which do commonly bewray the secret passions & affections of the mind. So having marked him divers times, Erasistratus the physicians care, to find out the young Prince Antiochus love. that when others came to see him, whatsoever they were, he still remeined in one self state, and that when Stratonice his mother in law came alone or in company of her husband Seleucus to visit him, he commonly perceived those signs in him, which Sappho writeth to be in lovers (to wit, that his words and speech did fail him, his colour become read, his eyes still rolled to and fro, Sappho describeth the signs and tokens of a passioned lover. and then a sudden sweat would take him, his pulse would beat fast and rise high, and in the end, that after the force and power of his heart had failed him, and showed all these signs, he become like a man in an ecstasy & trance, & white as a kearcher) he then gathering a true conjecture by these so manifest signs and declarations, that it was only Stratonice whom this young Prince fancied, and the which he forced himself to keep secret to the death: thought that to bewray it to the king it would offend him much, but yet trusting to his great affection and fatherly love he bore to his son, he ventured one day to tell him, that his sons sickness was no other but love, and withal, that his love was impossible to be enjoyed, and therefore that he must of necessity die, for it was incurable. Seleucus was cold at the heart to hear these news: so he asked him, what, is he incurable? Yea, Sir, answered the Physician, because he is in love with my wife. Then replied Seleucus again, alas Erasistratus, I have always loved thee as one of my dearest friends, and wouldst thou not now do me this pleasure, to let my son marry thy wife, sith thou knowest it well that I have no more sons but he, and that I see he is but cast away, if thou help me not? But your grace would not do it yourself, said Erasistratus: if he were in love with Stratonice. O, said, Seleucus to him again, that it were the will of the gods, some god or man could turn his love that way: for mine own part, I would not only leave him the thing he loved, but I would give my kingdom also to save his life. Then Erasistratus seeing that the king spoke these words from his heart, and with abundance of tears: he took him by the right hand, and told him plainly, your grace needeth not Erasistratus help in this. For being father, husband, and king, yourself also may only be the Physician, to cure your sons disease. When Seleucus heard that, he called an assembly of the people, Seleucus' love unto his son Antiochus. and declared before them all that he was determined to crown his son Antiochus king of the high provinces of ASIA, & Stratonice Queen, to marry them together: and that he was persuaded that his son, (who had always showed himself obedient to his father's will) would not disobey him in this marriage. And as for Stratonice, if she misliked this marriage, and would not consent unto it because it was no common matter: then he prayed that his friends would persuade her she should think all good & comely that should please the king, and withal that concerned the general benefit of the realm and common wealth. hereupon Antiochus and Stratonice were married together. But now to return again to the history of Demetrius. Demetrius came by the kingdom of MACEDON and THESSALY, by this means as you have heard, and did moreover possess the best part of PELOPONNESUS, and on this side the strait, the cities of MEGARA, and ATHENS. Furthermore he led his army against the BOEOTIANS, who were at the first willing to make peace with him. But after that Cleonymus king of SPARTA was come into the city of THEBES with his army, the BOEOTIANS encouraged by the fair words and allurement of one Pisis, borne in the city of THESPIS, who at that time bore all the sway & chief authority amongst them: they gave up their treaty of peace they had begun with Demetrius & determined to make war. Thereupon Demetrius went to besiege the city of THEBES, & laid his engines of battery unto it: insomuch as Cleonymus for fear, stolen secretly out of the city. Thereupon the THEBANS being also afraid, The city of Thebes yielded unto Demetrius. yielded themselves unto Demetrius' mercy: who putting great garrisons into the cities, & having levied a great sum of money of the province, left them Hieronymus the historiographer, his Lieutenant & Governor there. Hieronymus the historiographer, Demetrius Lieutenant. So it appeared that he used them very courteously, & did them many pleasures, and specially unto Pisis. For when he had taken him prisoner, he did him no hurt, but received him very courteously, and used him well: and furthermore, he made him Polemarchus, (to wit, camp master) in the city of THESPIS. Shortly after these things were thus brought to pass, king Lysimachus by chance was taken by an other barbarous Prince called Dromichetes. Thereupon, Demetrius, to take such a noble occasion offered him, went with a great army to invade the country of THRACIA, supposing he should found no man to withstand him, but that he might conquer it at his pleasure. Howbeit, so soon as Demetrius back was turned, the BOEOTIANS revolted again from him, & therewithal news was brought him, that Lysimachus was delivered out of prison. Then he returned back with all speed, marvelously offended with the BOEOTIANS, whom he found already discomfited in battle, by his son Antigonus, & went again to lay siege to the city of THEBES, being the chief city of all that province of BOEOTIA. But at that present time, Pyrrhus came & foraged all THESSALY, and entered even to the strait of THERMOPYLES. Therefore Demetrius was constrained to leave his son to continue the siege at THEBES, whilst he himself went against Pyrrhus, who suddenly returned again into his realm. So Demetrius left ten thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen in THESSALY to defend the country, & returned with the rest of his army to win THEBES. Thereupon he brought his great engine of battery called Elepolis, against the wall, as you have heard before, the which was thrust forward by little & little, with great labour, by reason of the weight and heaviness of it: so that it could scant be driven forward two furlongs in two months. But the BOEOTIANS & the THEBANS did valiantly defend themselves: and Demetrius of a malicious mind & desire of revenge, (more oftener than needful, or to any purpose) compelled his men to go to the assault, & to hazard themselves: so that there were daily a great number of them slain. Antigonus his son perceiving it: alas, said he, why do we thus suffer our men to be slain and cast away to no purpose? Wherefore Demetrius angrily answered him again: what needest thou to care? Is there any * Corn unnethly distributed to the soldiers, as their wages. corn to be distributed to those that are dead? But notwithstanding, because men should not think he still meant to put others in danger, and durst not venture himself: he fought with them, till at length he was shot through the neck with a sharp arrow head, that was shot at him from the wall. Wherewithal he fell very sick, but yet raised not his siege, nor removed his camp, but took the city of THEBES again by assault: the which being not long before again replenished with people, was in ten years space twice won and taken. Now he put the THEBANS, in a marvelous fear, by his cruel threats he gave them at his coming into THEBES: so that they looked to have received the extremest punishment the vanquished could have, through the just wrath and anger of the conqueror. Howbeit after Demetrius had put thirteen of them to death, and banished some: he pardoned all the rest. About that time fell out the celebration of the feast called Pythia, in the honour of Apollo: and because the AETOLIANS kept all the high ways to bring them unto the city of DELPHES in the which of old time they did use to celebrated those sports aforesaid: he caused them to be kept & solemnized at ATHENS as in a place where this god in reason should be best honoured & reverenced, because he was patron of the city, and for that the ATHENIANS maintained that he was their progenitor. From thence he returned into MACEDON, & knowing that it was against his naure to live idly, & in peace, & seeing on the other side also that the MACEDONIANS did him more service, & were more obedient to him in wars, & that in time of peace they grew seditious, full of vanity & quarrel: he went to make war with the AETOLIANS, and after he had spoiled and destroyed their country, he left Pantauchus his Lieutenant there, Demetrius' journey against Pyrrhus. with a great part of his army. Demetrius himself went in the mean time with the rest of his army against Pyrrhus: and Pyrrhus also against him, but they miss of meeting each with other. Whereupon Demetrius passed further unto the realm of EPIRUS, the which he spoiled & foraged. Pyrrhus on the other side went on so far that he met with Pantauchus, Demetrius Lieutenant, with whom he fought a battle, and came to the sword with him: so that he did both hurt him, and was also hurt by him. But in the end Pyrrhus had the upper hand, he put Pantauchus to flight, & slew a great number of his men, & took five thousand prisoners: the which was the chief overthrow of Demetrius. For Pyrrhus won not the MACEDONIANS ill will so much for the mischiefs & hurts he had done unto them, as he got himself great fame & renown with them, because himself alone had with his own hands done all the noble exploits of war in that journey: for the which, he was afterwards had in great estimation among the MACEDONIANS. Now many of them began to say, that he was the only king of all others, in whom the lively image of the hardiness & valiantness of Alexander the great was to be seen: & that all the rest, (but specially Demetrius) did but counterfeit his gravity & Princely countenance, like players upon a stage that would counterfeit his countenance & gesture. Demetrius' insolency. And to say truly, there was much fineness and curiosity about Demetrius, to make him a playing stock in common plays. For some say, that he did not only wear a great hat with his diadem upon his head, & was appareled in purple gowns embroidered with gold: but also that he did use to wear certain woollen shoes on his feet died in purple colour, not woven, but fashioned together like a felt, and gilt upon it. And furthermore, he had long before caused a cloak to be made of a marvelous rich & sumptuous piece of work. Demetrius' cloak drawn with the figure of the world, and stars. For upon it was drawn the figure of the world, with stars and circles of heaven, the which was not thoroughly finished by the change of his fortune. So, there was never king of MACEDON after him that durst wear it: albeit there were many proud & arrogant kings that succeeded him. Now the MACEDONIANS were not only sorry, and offended to see such things, as they were not wont to be acquainted withal: but they much more misliked this curious manner of life, & specially because he was ill to come to, and worse to be spoken with. For he gave no audience, or if he did, he was very rough, & would sharply take them up that had to do with him. As, he kept the Ambassadors of the ATHENIANS two years, & would give them no answer: & yet made as though he loved them better, than any other people of GRAECE. Another time also he was offended, because the LACEDÆMONIANS had sent but one man only Ambassador unto him, The plain answer of the Ambassador of Sparta, unto Demetrius. taking it that they had done it in despite of him. And so did the Ambassador of the LACEDÆMONIANS answer him very gallantly, after the LACONIAN manner. For when Demetrius asked him, how chanceth it that the LACEDÆMONIANS do sand but one man unto me? Not more but one, said he, O king, unto one. On a time he came abroad more plainly & popularlike, than he was wont to do: whereby he put the people in good hope that they might the easilier speak with him, and that he would more courteously hear their complaints. Thereupon many came, and put up their humble supplications and bills of petition unto him. He received them, & put them up in the lap of his cloak. The poor suitors were glad of that, and waited upon him at his heels, hoping they should quickly be dispatched: but when he was upon the bridge of the river of Axius, he opened his cloak, & cast them all into the river. Axius ●●. This went to the hearts of the MACEDONIANS, who then thought they were no more governed by a king, but oppressed by a tyrant: & it grieved them so much more, because they did yet remember (either for that they had seen themselves, or otherwise heard their forefathers say) how courteous king Philip was in all such matters, The praise of king Philip's courtesy. and how that one day as he passed through the street, a poor old woman plucked him by the gown, and eftsoons humbly besought him to hear her, but he answered her he was not then at leisure. The bold speech of a poor woman to king Philip. Whereupon the poor woman plainly cried out to him, leave then to be king. This word so nettled him, and he took such a conceit of it, that he returned presently to his palace, & setting all other matters a part, did nothing else many days but gave himself to hear all suits, & began with this poor old woman. For truly nothing becometh a Prince better, than to minister justice: The chiefest office of a king. for Mars (as Timotheus saith) signifieth force, & is a tyrant: but justice & law, according to Pindarus, is Queen of all the world. Moreover, the wise Poet Homer saith not that Princes & Kings have received the custody of engines, & of munition, neither also strong & mighty ships of jupiter, to keep them to destroy towns withal: but with them to maintain law & justice. And therefore he calleth not the cruel & bloody king, but the just & merciful Prince, jupiter's friend & scholar. And Demetrius boasted that he had a name and title contrary unto jupiter, whom they called Polieus, or Poliouchos, signifying protector and preserver of cities: and that he was called Poliorcetes, a Fortgainer. Thus the ill was taken for the good, & vice preferred for virtue: Demetrius called a Fortgainer. because he could not discern the truth from falsehood, which turned his injustice to glory, & iniquity to honour. But now to return where we left: Demetrius fell into a great & dangerous sickness in the city of PELLA, during which time he almost lost all MACEDON, by a sudden invasion Pyrrhus made, who in manner road it all over, & came as far as the city of EDESSA. Howbeit so soon as he recovered health again, he easily drove him out, & afterwards made peace with him, because he would not fight with him (whom he should have daily at his doors still skirmishing sometime here, sometime there) loose the opportunity, and weaken himself to bring that to pass which he had determined. For he had no small matters in his head, but thought to recover all the realms his father had: & beside, the preparation he made was no less sufficient, than the purpose of such an imagination required. Demetrius' army & preparation for the recovering of his realm again. For he had levied & assembled an army of a hundred thousand footmen, lacking but two thousand: and unto them he had also well near twelve thousand horsemen, & had beside gotten above five hundred ships together, which were built part in the haven of PIRAEUS, part at CORINTH, part in the city of CHALCIS, and part about PELLA. He himself in person went through their workehouses, & showed the artificers how they should make them, & did help to devise them: so that every man wondered not only at his infinite preparation, but at the greatness & sumptuousness of his works. For at that time there was no man living that ever saw a galley of fifteen or sixteen banks of owers. But this is true, that afterwards Ptolemy, surnamed Philopator, built a galley of forty banks of owers, Ptolomy●● wonderful galley of forty banks of owers. the which was two hundred four score cubits long, & from the keel in height to the top of the poop, eight & forty cubits: & to look to the tackle & guide her, required four hundred mariners, & four thousand water men to row her, & besides all that she could yet carry above the hatches, well near three thousand fight men. Howbeit this galley never served to other purpose but for show, & was like to a house that never stirred: & it was never removed out of the place where it was built but with marvelous a do, & great danger, more to make men wonder at it, then for any service or commodity it could be employed unto. But now, the beauty of Demetrius ships did nothing hinder their swiftness & goodness for fight, neither did the hugeness of their building take away the use of them, but their swiftness and nimbleness deserved more commendation, than their sumptuousness & stateliness. Thus as this great power & preparation was in hand, Three kings Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus conspired against Demetrius. being such as never king before (since the time of Alexander the great) had assembled a greater to invade ASIA: these three kings, Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus, did all join together against him. And afterwards also, they sent Ambassadors unto Pyrrhus in the name of them all, to draw him to their side, alluring him to come into MACEDON, persuading him not to repose any trust in the peace Demetrius had made with him, to make account of it as a good & sure place: for, they said that Demetrius did not give him pledge that he would never make war with him, but rather first took opportunity himself to make war with whom he thought good. Pyrrhus considering so much, & finding their words true: there rose a sharp & cruel war on every side against Demetrius, who tracted time, & stayed yet to begin. For at one self time, Ptolemy with a great fleet of ships came down into GRAECE, and made all GRAECE revolt from him: & Lysimachus also on THRACIAES' side, & Pyrrhus upon the borders of EPIRUS, confining with the realm of MACEDON, they entered with a great army, & spoiled and sacked all as they went. Thereupon Demetrius leaving his son Antigonus in GRAECE, he returned with all possible speed into MACEDON, to go first against Lysimachus. But as he was preparing to go against him, news were brought him that Pyrrhus had already taken the city of BERRHOEA. This news being blown abroad amongst the MACEDONIANS, all Demetrius doings were turned topsie turuey. For all his camp was strait full of tears & complaints, & his men began openly to show their anger against him, speaking all the ill they could of him: so that they would tarry no longer, but every one prayed leave to departed, pretending to look to their business at home, but in truth to go & yield themselves unto Lysimachus. Wherefore Demetrius thought it best for him to get him as far from Lysimachus as he could, and to bend all his army against Pyrrhus: because the other was their country man, & familiarly known among the most of them, for that they had served together under Alexander the great, and that as he thought, the MACEDONIANS would not prefer Pyrrhus a stranger, before him. But there his judgement failed him. For as soon as Pyrrhus had pitched his camp hard by him, the MACEDONIANS that had everloved valiantness, & had of ancient time esteemed him worthier to be king, that was the best soldier & valiantest in the field, and furthermore had heard the report of his great clemency & courtesy he had showed to the prisoners he had taken: they having had good will of long time sought but good occasion to forsake Demetrius, & to yield themselves unto Pyrrhus, Demetrius' army forsaketh him, and goeth to Pyrrhus. or to any other prince whatsoever he were. Then they secretly began to steal away one after an other, by small companies at the first: but afterwards there rose such a general tumult against him throughout all the camp, that some of them were so desperate to go into his tent to bid him fly, & save himself, because the MACEDONIANS were too weary with fight for his curiosity. And yet Demetrius found these words more gentle, & modest, in respect of the vile & cruel words which others gave him. So he went into his tent, & cast a black cloak about his face, in stead of his rich & stately cloak he was wont to wear: not like unto a king, but like a common player when the play is done, & then secretly stolen away. When this was known in the camp, many of his soldiers ran to his tent to rifle it, and every man took such hold of it to have his part, that they tare it in pieces, & drew their swords to fight for it. But Pyrrhus coming in the midst of the tumult, pacified this stir, & presently without blow given, won all Demetrius camp: & afterwards he divided the realm of MACEDON with Lysimachus, in the which Demetrius had quietly reigned the space of seven years. Now Demetrius being thus miserably overthrown, & turned out of all his realm: he fled unto the city of CASSANDRIA. There he found his wife Phila, who took it marvelous heavily, and could not abide to see him again a private man, driven out of his kingdom, & the most miserable king that ever was of all other. Wherefore intending no more to follow vain hope, & detesting the fortune of her husband: she being more constant in calamity then in prosperity, Phila, Demetrius wife poisoneth herself. killed herself with poison she took. Demetrius went from thence into GRAECE, purposing to gather together the rest of his shipwrecks: and there assembled all his Captains and friends that he had. So it seemeth to me, the comparison Menelaus maketh of his fortune, in one of the tragedies of Sophocles, in these verses: Demetrius' strange fortune. My state doth turn continually about on fortune's wheel, Whose double dealing divers times enforced I am to feel: Resembling right the moon whose face abideth at no stay Two nights together, but doth change in shape from day to day: At first she riseth small with horns. And as in age she grows, With fuller cheeks and brighter light a greater face she shows. And when she cometh to the full, and shineth fair and bright, Among the goodly glistering stars the goodliest in the night: She fades and falls away again, and runs a counterpace, Until she have foregone the light and figure of her face. This comparison might I say much better be applied unto Demetrius fortune, to his rising and falling, and to his overthrow and relief again. For when every man thought his force and power utterly overthrown, then began he to rise again by repair of soldiers, which by little and little came unto him, and strait revived him with good hope. This was the first time that he was ever seen meanly appareled, like a private man up and down the country, without some show or tokens of a king. And there was one that seeing him in this estate at THEBES, pleasantly applied these verses of Euripides unto him: Demetrius' misery from Princely happiness. Of god immortal, now become a mortal wight: Ism●nus banks and Dirces' streams he haunteth in our sight. Now when he began to have some hope again, and was (as it were) entered into the great high way of kings, and had gotten soldiers about him, which made a body and show of royal power: he restored the THEBANS their liberty and government again. But the ATHENIANS once more revolted from him, and did revoke the dignity and Priesthood of Diphilus, who had been that year created Priest of the saviours, in stead of the Governor, which they called in old time Eponymos, as we have told you before: and made a law that from thenceforth the ancient and common Governors of their city should be restored again to their ancient manner: and they sent also into MACEDON unto king Pyrrhus, rather to terrify Demetrius (whom they saw begin to rise again) then for any hope they had he would come and help them. Howbeit Demetrius came against them with great fury, and did straightly besiege the city of ATHENS. Crates the Philosopher delivereth Athens from Demetrius siege. Then the ATHENIANS sent Crates the Philosopher to him, a man of great estimation and authority, who so handled him, partly by entreaty, and partly also through his wise persuasions and counsels he gave him for his profit: that Demetrius presently raised his siege. Wherefore, after he had gathered together so many ships as were left him, and had embarked twelve thousand footmen, and a small number of horsemen: he presently took sea, and sailed towards ASIA, meaning to take the provinces of CARIA and LYDIA from Lysimachus, and to make them to rebel against him. There Eurydice, sister to his wife Phila, received him by the city of MILETUM, having with her one of Ptolemy's daughters & hers, called Ptolemaide, the which had been afore affianced to him by Seleucus means. Demetrius marrieth Ptolemaide. So he married Ptolemaide there, with the good will and consent of her mother Eurydice. After his marriage he presently went into the field again, and did set forwards to win some cities, whereof many willingly received him, and others he took by force. Among them he took the city of SARDIS, whether came divers Captains unto him of king Lysimachus, who yielded themselves, and brought him a great number of men, and much money beside. But Demetrius receiving advertisement that Agathocles, Lysimachus son, followed him with a great army: he went thence into PHRYGIA, making account, and also hoping, that if he could win ARMENIA, he might easily make MEDIA rebel, and then that he would see if he could conquer the high provinces of ASIA, where he might have many places of refuge, if fortune turned against him. Agathocles followed him very near, and yet skirmishing divers times with him, Demetrius always had the better: howbeit Agathocles did cut of his victuals from him every way and kept him at such a strait, that his men durst no more stray from the camp to forage: wherefore, they sustained great want of victuals, and then began his men to be afraid, Demetrius troubles in Asia. and to mistrust that he would make them follow him into ARMENIA and MEDIA. The famine daily increased more and more in his army, and it chanced beside, that missing his way, and failing to gauge the ford well as he passed over the river of Lycus, the fury and force of the river carried his men down the stream, and drowned great number of them: and yet notwithstanding these great troubles, they mocked him beside. For one wrote at the entry and coming in to his tent, the first verse of the tragedy of Oedipus COLONIAN, written by Sophocles, changing only some word. Thou imp of old and blind Antigonus, To what a point hast thou now carried us? But in the end, the plague began also in the midst of this famine, (a common thing, and almost a matter of necessity, Plague, by ill meat. it should so be) because that men being driven to need and necessity, do frame themselves to eat all that comes to hand: whereupon he was driven to bring back those few men that remained, having lost of all sorts (good and bad) not so few as eight thousand fully told. When he came into the province of TARSUS, he commanded his men in no case to meddle with any thing, because the country was subject unto king Seleucus, whom he would in no wise displease. But when he saw it was impossible to stay his men being now brought to such extremity and need, & that Agathocles had barred up the straits and passages of mount Taurus against him: he wrote a letter unto Seleucus, first declaring his miserable state and hard fortune, Demetrius' famine. and then presenting his humble petition and request unto him, praying him to take pity upon his friend, whom spiteful fortune had thrown into such misery and calamity, that could not but move his greatest enemies to have compassion of him. These letters somewhat softened Seleucus heart, insomuch that he wrote to his Governors and lieutenants of those parts, to furnish Demetrius' person with all things needful for a Prince's house, and victuals sufficient to maintain his men. But one Patrocles, Patrocles stirreth up Seleucus against Demetrius. a grave wise man accounted, and Seleucus faithful friend also, came to tell him, that the charge to entertain Demetrius soldiers, was not the greatest fault he made therein, & most to be accounted of: but that he did not wisely look into his affairs, to suffer Demetrius to remain in his country, considering that he had always been a more fierce and venturous Prince than any other; to enterprise any matters of great importance, and now he was brought to such despair and extremity, that he had framed his men which were but rank cowards (contrary to their nature) to be most desperate & hardy in greatest dangers. Seleucus being moved with these persuasions, presently took his journey into CILICIA with a great army. Demetrius being astonished with this sudden change, and dreading so great an army, got him to the strongest places of mount Taurus. Then he sent unto Seleucus, first of all to pray him to suffer to conquer certain barbarous people thereabouts, who lived according to their own laws, and never had king: to th'end that he might yet there with safety end the rest of his life and exile, staying at length in some place where he might be safe. Secondly if that liked him not, then that it would yet please him to victual his men for the winter time only, in the same place where they were, and not to be so hard hearted unto him as to drive him thence; lacking all needful things, and so to put him into the mouth of his most cruel and mortal enemies. But Seleucus mistrusting his demands, sent unto him that he should winter if he thought good, two months, but no more, in the country of CATAONIA, so he gave him the chiefest of his friends for hostages: howbeit in the mean he stopped up all the ways & passages going from thence into SYRIA. Demetrius now seeing himself kept in of all sides, like a beast to be taken in the toil: he was driven to trust to his own strength. Thereupon he overtanne the country thereabouts, and as often as it was his chance to have any skirmish or conflict with Seleucus, he had ever the better of him: and sometime also when they drove the armed carts with scythes against him, he overcame them, and put the rest to flight. Then he drove them away that kept the top of the mountains, and had barred the passages to keep him that he should not go into SYRIA, and so kept them himself. In fine, finding his men's hearts lift up again, and prettily encouraged: his heart also grew so big, that he determined to fight a battle with Seleucus, and to set all at six and seven. So that Seleucus was at a strait with himself, and witted now what to do. For he had returned back the aid which Lysimachus sent unto him, because he was afraid of him, and mistrusted him. On tother side also he durst not fight with Demetrius alone, Desperate men are not to be sought with. being afraid to venture himself with a desperate man: and also mistrusting much his unconstant fortune, the which having brought him to great extremity, raised him up again to great prosperity. But in the mean space Demetrius fell into a great sickness, the which brought his body very weak and low, and had almost utterly overthrown his affairs. For his soldiers, some of them yielded themselves to his enemies, and others stolen away without leave, and went where they lifted. Afterwards when he had hardly recovered his health, and within forty days space was prettily grown to strength again: with those few soldiers that remained with him, he seemed to his enemies, that he would go and invade CILICIA. But then suddenly in the night without sounding any trumpet, he removed his camp, and went another way: and having passed over mount Amanus, Amanus ●●● he spoiled all the country under it, as far as the region of CYRRESTICA. But Seleucus followed him, and camped hard by him. Thereupon Demetrius suddenly armed his men, and went out by night to assault Seleucus and to take him sleeping when he mistrusted nothing. So that Seleucus knew nothing of his stealing on him but late enough, until that certain traitors of Demetrius camp that fled before, Demetrius despairing of his good success: an em●●eth to assault Seleucus by night. went quickly to advertise him finding him asleep, and brought him news of the danger he was in. Then Seleucus in a maze and fear withal, got up, and sounded the alarum: and as he was putting on his hose and making him ready he cried out, (speaking to his friends and familiars about him) we have now a cruel and dangerous beast to deal with. Demetrius on the other side perceiving by the great stir & noise he heard in the enemy's camp, that his enterprise was discovered: he retired again with speed, and the next morning by break of day, Seleucus went and offered him battle. Demetrius prepared himself to join with him, and having given one of his faithful friends the leading of one of the wings of his army, himself led the other, and overthrow some of his enemies on his side. But Seleucus in the midst of the battle lighted from his horse, and taking his helmet from his head, he took a target on his arm, and went to the first ranks of his army, to make himself known unto Demetrius men: persuading them to yield themselves unto him, and to acknowledge in the end, that he had so long time deferred to give them battle, rather to save them, then to spare Demetrius. Demetrius' soldiers hearing him say so, they Demetrius' army forsook him, and yielded themselves to Seleucus. did him humble reverence, and acknowledging him for their king, they all yielded unto him. Demetrius having sundry times before proved so many changes & overthrows of fortune, thinking yet to scape this last also, & to pass it over: he fled unto the gates Amanides, which are certain straits of the mount Amanus. There he found certain little thick groves, Demetrius flieth from Seleucus. where he determined to stay all night with certain gentlemen of his house, and a few other of his household servants & officers which had followed him: meaning, if he could possible, to take his way towards the city of CAUNUS, to go to that sea coast, hoping to hear of his ships there. But when it was told him he had no victuals nor provision left only to serve him that day: he began then to devise some other way. At length, one of his familiar friends Sosigenes came unto him, that had four hundred pieces of gold about him in his girdle. So hoping that with the same money he might fly to the sea, they took their way by night directly, to the top of the mountain. But when they perceived that the enemies kept watch there, and that there were great store of fires hard by them: they than despaired to pass any further, lest they should be seen. So they returned to the self same place from whence they came, not all of them, for some of them fled: neither had they that remained also any life in them as before. So, one among the rest took upon him, to say, that there was no other way to scape, but to put Demetrius into Seleucus hands. Demetrius therewithal drew out his sword, and would have slain himself: but his friends about him would not suffer him, but persuaded him to yield himself unto Seleucus. Thereupon he sent unto Seleucus, to tell him that he yielded himself unto him. Seleucus was so joyful of the news, that he said it was not Demetrius good fortune that saved him, but his own: Demetrius yieldeth himself unto Seleucus. who besides many other happy good turns she had done him, gave him yet so honourable occasion and good hap, as to make the world to know his clemency & courtesy. Thereupon immediately he called for his officers of household, and commanded them to set up his richest pavilion, and to prepare all things meet to receive him honourably. There was one Appolonides a gentleman in Seleucus' Court, who sometime had been very familiar with Demetrius: Him Seleucus sent immediately unto Demetrius, to will him to be of good cheer, and not to be afraid to come to the king his Master, for he should found him his very good friend. So soon as the king's pleasure was known, a few of his Courtiers went at the first to meet him: but afterwards, every man strived who should go meet him first, because they were all in hope that he should presently be much made of, and grow in credit with Seleucus. But hereby they turned Seleucus pity into envy, and gave occasion also to Demetrius enemies and spiteful men, to turn the kings bowntifull good nature from him. For they put into his head many doubts and dangers, saying, that certainly so soon as the soldiers saw him, there would grow great stir and change in their camp. And therefore, shortly after that Apollonides was come unto Demetrius, being glad to bring him these good news, and as others also followed him one after another, bringing him some good words from Seleucus, and that Demetrius himself after so great an overthrow (although that before he thought it a shameful part of him to have yielded his body into his enemy's hands) changed his mind at that time, and began then to grow bold, & to have good hope to recover his state again: behold, there came one of Seleucus Captains called Pa●sanias, accompanied with a thousand footmen & horsemen in all, who compassed in Demetrius with them, and made the rest departed that were come unto him before, having charge given him not to bring him to the Court, but to convey him into CHERRONESUS of SYRIA, Demetrius kept as a prisoner in Syria by Seleucus. whether he was brought, and ever after had a strong garrison about him to keep him. But otherwise, Seleucus sent him Officers, money, and all things else meet for a Prince's house: and his ordinary fare was so delicate, that he could wish for no more than he had. And furthermore, he had places of liberty and pleasure appointed him, both to ride his horse in, and also pleasant walks, and goodly arbours to walk or sit in, & fine parks full of beasts where he might b 〈…〉 moreover, the king suffered his own household servants that followed him when he fled, to remain with him if they would. And furthermore, there daily came some one or other unto him from Seleucus, to comfort him, and to put him in hope, that so soon as Antiochus & Stratonice where come, they would make some good agreement and peace between them. Demetrius remaining in this estate, wrote unto his son Antigonus, and to his friends and Lieutenants which he had at CORINTHE, & ATHENS, that they should give no credit to any letters written in his name, though his seal were to them: but that they should keep the towns they had in charge for his son Antigonus, and all the rest of his forces, as if himself were dead. When Antigonus heard the pitiful captivity of his father, The natural love of Antigonus to his father Demotrius. he marvelous grievously took his hard fortune, wearing blacks for sorrow, and wrote unto all the other kings, but unto Seleucus specially, beseeching him to take him as a pledge for his father, & that he was ready to yield up all that he kept, to have his father's liberty. The like request did many cities make unto him, and in manner all Princes, but Lysimachus: who promised Seleucus a great sum of money to put Demetrius to death. But Seleucus, who of long time had no great fancy to Lysimachus, but rather utterly despised him: did then think him the more cruel and barbarous, for this vile and wicked request he made unto him. Wherefore he still delayed time, because he would have Demetrius delivered by his son. Antiochus and Stratonices means, for that Demetrius should be bound to them for his delivery, and for ever should acknowledge it to them. Now for Demetrius, as he from the beginning patiently took his hard fortune, so did he daily more and more forget the misery he was in. For first of all, he gave himself to riding and hunting, as far as the place gave him liberty. Demetrius turned his captivity into pleasure. Then by little and little he grew to be very gross, and to give over such pastimes, and therewithal he fell into drunkenness and dying so that in that sort he passed away the most part of his time, as it should seem, either to avoid the grievous thoughts of his hard fortune, which came into his mind when he was sober: or else under colour of drunkenness and eating, to shadow the thoughts he had: or else finding in himself that it was that manner of life he had long desired, and that through his vain ambition and folly till that time he could never attain unto, greatly turmoiling and troubling himself and others, supposing to found in wars, by sea & land, the felicity and delight which he had found in ease and idleness, when he neither thought of it, nor looked for it. For what better end can evil and unadvised kings and Princes look for, of all their troubles, dangers, and wars? who in deed deceive themselves greatly, not only for that they follow their pleasure and delights as their chiefest felicity, in steed of virtue and honest life: but also, because that in truth they can not be merry, and take their pleasure as they would. So, Demetrius after he had been shut up in CHERRONESUS three years together, The death of Demetrius in Cherronasus. by ease, grossness, & drunkenness, fell sick of a disease whereof he died, when he was four and fifty year old. Therefore was Seleucus greatly blamed, and he himself also did much repent him that he so suspected him as he did, and that he followed not Dromichetes courtesy, a barbarous man borne in THRACIA, who had so royally and courteously entreated Lysimachus, whom he had taken prisoner in the wars. But yet there was some tragical pomp in the order of his funeral. For his son Antigonus understanding that they brought him the ashes of his body, The funerals of Demetrius he took sea with all his ships, and went to meet them, to receive them in the Isles: and when he had received them, he set up the funeral pot of gold (in the which were his embers) upon the poop of his Admiral galley. So, all the cities and towns whereby they passed, or harbered, some of them did put garlands of flowers about the pot, others also sent a number of men thither in mourning apparel, to accompany and honour the convoy, to the very solemnity of his funerals. In this sort sailed all the whole fleet towards the city of CORINTHE, the pot being plainly seen far of, standing on the top of the Admiral galley: all the place about it being hanged about with purple, and over it, the diadem or royal band, and about it also were goodly young men armed, which were as Pensioners to Demetrius. Furthermore, Xenophantus the famousest Musician in that time, Xenophantus a famous musician being set hard by it, played a sweet and lamentable song on the flute, wherewithal the oars keeping stroke and measure, the sound did meet with a gallant grace, as in a convoy where the mourners do knock their breasts, at the foot of every verse. But that which most made the people of CORINTHE to weep and lament, which ran to the peer, and all alongst the shore side to see it: was Antigonus, whom they saw all beblubbored with tears, appareled as a mourner in blacks. Now, after they had brought a wonderful number of garlands and nosegays, and cast them upon the funeral pot, and had solemnized all the honours possible for the funerals at CORINTHE: Antigonus carried away the pot to bury it in the city of DEMETRIADE, the which bore the name of Demetrius that was dead, and was a new city, that had been replenished with people, and built of little towns which are about JOLCOS'. Demetrius left two children by his first wife Phila, Demetrius' posterity. to weet, Antigonus, and Stratonice: and two other sons, both of them named Demetrius, the one surnamed the lean, of a woman of ILLYRIA, and the other king of the CYRENIANS, of his wife Ptolemaeide: and another by Deidamiaes called Alexander, who lived in EGYPT. And it is reported also, that he had another son called Corrhabus, by his wife Eurydice, and that his posterity reigned by succession from the father to the son, until the time of Perseus: Perseus' king of Macedon, (the last king of Macedon) came of the posterity of Demetrius. who was the last king of MACEDON, whom the ROMANS overcame by Paulus AEmylius, & wan all the Realm of MACEDON unto the Empire of ROME. Now that the MACEDONIAN hath played his part, give the ROMAN also leave to come upon the stage. THE LIFE OF Marcus Antonius. ANTONIUS' grandfather was that famous Orator whom Marius slew, Antonius' pareneage. because he took Sulla's part. His father was an other Antonius surnamed * Because that by his death he ended the war which he unfortunately made against those of Creta. Cretan, who was not so famous, nor bore any great sway in the common wealth: howbeit otherwise he was an honest man, and of a very good nature, and specially very liberal in giving, as appeareth by an act he did. He was not very wealthy, and therefore his wife would not let him use his liberality and frank nature. One day a friend of his coming to him to pray him to help him to some money, having great need: The liberality of Antonius father. Antonius by chance had no money to give him, but he commanded one of his men to bring him some water in a silver basin, & after he had brought it him, he washed his beard as though he meant to have shaven it, and then found an arrant for his man to sand him out, and gave his friend the silver basin, and bade him get him money with that. Shortly after, there was a great stir in the house among the servants, seeking out this silver basin. Insomuch as Antonius seeing his wife marvelously offended for it, & that she would examine all her servants, one after another about it, to know what was become of it: at length he confessed he had given it away, & prayed her to be contented. His wife was julia, julia the mother of M. Antonius. of the noble house and family of julius Caesar: who for her virtue & chastity, was to be compared with the noblest Lady of her time. M. Antonius was brought up under her, being married after her first husband's death, unto Cornelius Lentulus, whom Cicero put to death with Cethegas, and others, for that he was of Catiline's conspiracy against the common wealth. And this seemeth to be the original cause and beginning of the cruel and mortal hate Antonius bore unto Cicero. For Antonius' self saith, that he would never give him the body of his father in law to bury him, before his mother went first to entreat Cicero's wife: the which undoubtedly was a flat lie. For Cicero denied burial to none of them, whom he executed by law. Now Antonius being a fair young man, and in the prime of his youth: he fell acquainted with Curio, Antonius' corrupted by Curio. whose friendship and acquaintance (as it is reported) was a plague unto him. For he was a dissolute man, given over to all lust and insolency, who to have Antonius the better at his commandment, trained him on into great follies, and vain expenses upon women, in rioting & banqueting. So that in short time, he brought Antonius into a marvelous great debt, & too great for one of his years, to wete: of two hundred & fifty talents, for all which sum Curio was his surety. His father hearing of it, did put his son from him, and for bad him his house. Then he fell in with Clodius, one of the desperatest and most wicked Tribunes at that time in ROME. Him he followed for a time in his desperate attempts, who bred great stir and mischief in ROME: but at length he forsook him, being weary of his rashness and folly, or else for that he was afraid of them that were bend against Clodius. Thereupon he left ITALY, and went into GRAECE, and there bestowed the most part of his time, sometime in wars, and otherwhile in the study of eloquence. He used a manner of phrase in his speech, called Asiatik, Antonius' used in his pleading the Asiatik phrase. which carried the best grace and estimation at that time, and was much like to his manners and life: for it was full of ostentation, foolish bravery, and vain ambition. After he had remained there some time, Gabinius Proconsul, going into SYRIA, persuaded him to go with him. Antonius told him he would not go as a private man: Wherefore Gabinius gave him charge of his horsemen, Antonius' bad charge of horsemen, under Gabinius Proconsul going into Syria. and so took him with him. So first of all he sent him against Aristobulus, who had made the JEWS to rebel, & was the first man himself that got up to the wall of a castle of his, and so drove Aristobulus out of all his holds: and with those few men he had with him, he overcame all the JEWS in set battle, which were many against one, and put all of them almost to the sword, Antonius' acts against Aristobulus. and furthermore, took Aristobulus himself prisoner with his son. Antonius took Aristobulus prisoner Afterwards Ptolemy king of EGYPT, that had been driven out of his country, went unto Gabinius to entreat him to go with his army with him into EGYPT, to put him again into his kingdom: and promised him if he would go with him, ten thousand talents. The most part of the Captains thought it not best to go thither, & Gabinius himself made it dainty to enter into his war: although the covetousness of these ten thousand talents stuck sorely with him. But Antonius that sought but for opportunity and good occasion to attempt great enterprises, and that desired also to gratify Ptolemy's request: he went about to persuade Gabinius to go this voyage. Now they were more afraid of the way they should go, to come to the city of PELUSIUM, than they feared any danger of the war beside: because they were to pass through deep sands & desert place, where was no fresh water to be had all the marisses through, which are called the marisses Sethonides, which the EGYPTIANS call the exhalations of sum, by the which the Giant Typhon breathed. But in truth it appeareth to be the overflowing of the read sea, which breaketh out under the ground in that place, where it is divided in the narrowest place from the sea on this side. So Antonius was sent before into EGYPT with his horsemen, Antonius' acts in Egypt under Gabinius. who did not only win that passage, but also took the city of PELUSIUM, (which is a great city) with all the soldiers in it: and thereby he cleared the way, and made it safe for all the rest of the army and the hope of the victory also certain for his Captain. Now did the enemies themselves feel the fruits of Antonius courtesy, and the desire he had to win honour. For when ptolemy after he had entered into the city of PELUSIUM) for the malice he bore unto the city, would have put all the EGYPTIANS in it to the sword: Antonius withstood him, & by no means would suffer him to do it. And in all other great battles and skirmishes which they fought, and were many in number, Antonius did many noble acts of a valiant and wise Captain: but specially in one battle, where he compassed in the enemies behind, giving them the victory that fought against them, whereby he afterwards had such honourable reward, as his valiantness deserved. So was his great courtesy also much commended of all, the which he showed unto Archelaus. Antonius' courtesy unto Archelaus being dead. For having been his very friend, he made war with him against his will while he lived: but after his death he sought for his body, and gave it honourable burial. For these respects he wan himself great fame of them of ALEXANDRIA, and he was also thought a worthy man of all the soldiers in the ROMANS camp. But besides all this, Antonius' shape & presence. he had a noble presence, and showed a countenance of one of a noble house: he had a goodly thick beard, abroad forehead, crook nosed, and there appeared such a manly look in his countenance, as is commonly seen in Hercules pictures, stamped or graven in metal. The house of the Antonii descended from Hercules Now it had been a speech of old time, that the family of the Antonii were descended from one Anton, the son of Hercules, whereof the family took name. This opinion did Antonius seek to confirm in all his doings: not only resembling him in the likeness of his body, as we have said before, but also in the wearing of his garments. For when he would openly show himself abroad before many people, he would always wear his cafsocke girt down low upon his hips, with a great sword hanging by his side, and upon that, some ill favoured cloak. Furthermore, things that seem intolerable in other men, as to boast commonly, to jest with one or other, to drink like a good fellow with every body, to sit with the soldiers when they dine, and to eat and drink with them soldierlike: it is incredible what wonderful love it wan him amongst them. And furthermore, being given to love: that made him the more desired, and by that means he brought many to love him. For he would further every man's love, and also would not be angry that men should merrily tell him of those he loved. But besides all this, that which most procured his rising and advancement, was his liberality, Antonius' liberality. who gave all to the soldiers, and kept nothing for himself: and when he was grown to great credit, than was his authority and power also very great, the which notwithstanding himself did overthrow, by a thousand other faults he had. In this place I will show you one example only of his wondered liberality. He commanded one day his cofferer that kept his money, to give a friend of his 25. myriads: which the ROMANS call in their tongue, Decies. His cofferer marveling at it, and being angry withal in his mind, brought him all this money in a heap together, to show him what a marvelous mass of money it was. Antonius seeing it as he went by, asked what it was: his cofferer answered him, it was the money he willed him to give unto his friend. Then Antonius perceiving the spite of his man, I thought, said he, that Decies had been a greater sum of money than it is, for this is but a trifle: and therefore he gave his friend as much more another time, but that was afterwards. Now the ROMANS maintaining two factions at ROME at that time, one against the other, of the which, they that took part with the Senate, did join with Pompey being then in ROME: and the contrary side taking part with the people, sent for Caesar to aid them, who made wars in GAUL. Then Curio Antonius friend, that had changed his garments, and at that time took part with Caesar, whose enemy he had been before: be wan Antonius, and so handled the matter, partly through the great credit and sway he bore amongst the people, by reason of his eloquent tongue: and partly also by his exceeding expense of money he made which Caesar gave him: that Antonius was chosen Tribune, and afterwards made Augur. Antonius' Tribune of the people, and Augur. But this was a great help and furtherance to Caesar's practices. For so soon as Antonius become Tribune he did oppose himself against those things which the Consul Marcellus preferred: (who ordained that certain legions which had been already levied and billed, should be given unto Cneus Pompey, with further commission and authority to leavy others unto them) and set down an order, that the soldiers which were already levied and assembled, should be sent into SYRIA, for a new supply unto Marcus Bibulus, who made war at that time against the PARTHIANS. And furthermore, prohibition that Pompey should levy no more men, and also that the soldiers should not obey him. Secondly, where Pompey's friends and followers would not suffer Caesar's letters to be received, and openly read in the Senate: Antonius having power and warrant by his person, Antonius' acts for Caesar. through the holiness of his tribuneship, did read them openly, and made divers men change their minds: for it appeared to them that Caesar by his letters required no unreasonable matters. At length, when they preferred two matters of consideration unto the Senate, whether they thought good that Pompey, or Caesar, should leave their army: there were few of the Senators that thought it meet Pompey should leave his army, but they all in manner commanded Caesar to do it. Then Antonius rising up, asked whether they thought it good that Pompey and Caesar both, should leave their armies. Thereunto all the Senators jointly together gave their whole consent, and with a great cry commending Antonius, they prayed him to refer it to the judgement of the Senate. But the Consuls would not allow of that. Therefore Caesar's friends preferred other reasonable demands and requests again, but Cato spoke against them: and Leutulus, one of the Consuls drove Antonius by force out of the Senate, who at his going out made grievous curses against him. After that, he took a slaves gown, and speedily fled to Caesar, Antonius flieth from Rome unto Caesar. with Quintus Cassius, in a hired coach. When they came to Caesar, they cried out with open mouth, that all went hand over head at ROME: for the Tribunes of the people might not speak their minds, and were driven away in great danger of their lives, as many as stood with law and justice. hereupon Caesar incontinently went into ITALY with his army, which made Cicero say in his Philippides: that as Helen was cause of the war of TROY, so was Antonius the author of the civil wars, which in deed was a stark lie. Cicero reproved for lying. For Caesar was not so fickle headed, nor so easily carried away with anger, that he would so suddenly have gone and made war with his country, upon the sight only of Antonius and Cassius, being fled unto him in miserable apparel, and in a hired coach: had he not long before determined it with himself. But sith in deed Caesar looked of long time but for some colour, this came as he wished, and gave him just occasion of war. But to say truly, nothing else moved him to make war with all the world as he did, but one self cause, which first procured Alexander and Cyrus also before him: Alexander, Cyrus, & Caesar: all contended to reign. to wit, an insatiable desire to reign, with a senseless covetousness to be the best man in the world, the which he could not come unto, before he had first put down Pompey, and utterly overthrown him. Now, after that Caesar had gotten ROME at his commandment, Caesar's ambition the only cause of the civil war. & had driven Pompey out of ITALY, he purposed first to go into SPAIN, against the legions Pompey had there: and in the mean time to make provision for ships and marine preparation, to follow Pompey. In his absence, he left Lepidus that was Praetor, governor of ROME: and Antonius that was Tribune, he gave him charge of all the soldiers, and of ITALY. Caesar gave the charge of Italy unto Antonius. Then was Antonius strait marvelously commended and beloved of the soldiers, Antonius' vices. because he commonly exercised himself among them, and would oftentimes eat and drink with them, and also be liberal unto them, according to his ability. But then in contrary manner, he purchased divers other men's evil wills, because that through negligence he would not do them justice that were injuried, & dealt very churlishly with them that had any suit unto him: and besides all this, he had an ill name to entice men's wives. To conclude, Caesar's friends that governed under him, were cause why they hated Caesar's government (which in deed in respect of himself was no less than a tyranny) by reason of the great insolences & outrageous parts that were committed: amongst whom Antonius, that was of greatest power, and that also committed greatest faults, deserved most blame. But Caesar notwithstanding, when he returned from the wars of SPAIN, made no reckoning of the complaints that were put up against him: but contrarily, because he found him a hardy man, & a valiant Captain, he employed him in his chiefest affairs, and was no whit deceived in his opinion of him. So he passed over the IONIAN sea unto BRUNDISIUM, being but slenderly accompanied: & sent unto Antonius, & Gabinius, that they should embark their men as soon as they could, and pass them over into MACEDON. Gabinius was afraid to take the sea, because it was very rough, and in the winter time: & therefore fetched a great compass about by land. But Antonius fearing some danger might come unto Caesar, because he was compassed in with a great number of enemies: first of all he drove away Libo, who road at anchor with a great army, before the haven of BRUNDISIUM. For he manned out such a number of pynnasies, barks, and other small boats about every one of his galleys, that he drove him thence. After that, he embarked into ships twenty thousand footmen, and eight hundred horsemen, and with this army he hoist sail. When the enemies saw him, they made out to follow him: Antonius taketh sea with his army at Brundisium, and goeth unto Caesar. but the sea rose so high, that the billows put back their galleys that they could not come near him, and so he scaped that danger. But withal he fell upon the rocks with his whole fleet, where the sea wrought very high: so that he was out of all hope to save himself. Yet by good fortune, suddenly the wind turned south-west, and blue from the gulf, driving the waves of the river into the main sea. Thus Antonius losing from the land, and sailing with safety at his pleasure, soon after he saw all the coasts full of shippewracks. For the force and boysterousnes of the wind, did cast away the galleys that followed him: of the which, many of them were broken and splitted, and divers also cast away, and Antonius took a great number of them prisoners, with a great sum of money also. Besides all these, he took the city of LYSSUS, and brought Caesar a great supply of men, and made him courageous, coming at a pinch with so great a power to him. Now there were divers hot skytmishes and encownters, in the which Antonius sought so valiantly, Antonius' manthood in wars. that he carried the praise from them all: but specially at two several times, when Caesar's men turned their backs, and fled for life. For he stepped before them, and compelled them to return again to fight: so that the victory fell on Caesar's side. For this cause he had the second place in the camp among the soldiers, and they spoke of no other man unto Caesar, but of him: who showed plainly what opinion he had of him, when at the last battle of PHARSALIA (which in deed was the last trial of all, to give the Conqueror the whole Empire of the world) he himself did lead the right wing of his army, and gave Antonius the leading of the left wing, Antonius led the left wing of Caesar's battle at Pharsalla where Pompey left the field. as the valiantest man, and skilfullest soldier of all those he had about him. After Caesar had won the victory, and that he was created Dictator, he followed Pompey step by step: howbeit before, he named Antonius general of the horsemen, and sent him to ROME. The general of the horsemen is the second office of dignity, The dignity of the general of the horsemen. when the Dictator is in the city: but when he is abroad, he is the chiefest man, and almost the only man that remaineth, and all the other officers and Magistrates are put down, after there is a Dictator chosen. Notwithstanding, Dolabella being at that time Tribune, and a young man desirous of change and innovation: he preferred a law which the ROMANS call Novas tabulas (as much to say, as a cutting of and canceling of all obligations and specialties, & were called the new tables, because they were driven then to make books of daily receipt and expense) and persuaded Antonius his friend (who also gaped for a good occasion to please and gratify the common people) to aid him to pass this law. But Trebellius & Asinius dissuaded from it all they could possible. So by good hap it chanced that Antonius mistrusted Dolabella for keeping of his wife, Dissension betwixt Antonius and Dolabella. and took such a conceit of it, that lie thrust his wife out of his house being his Cousin German, & the daughter of C. Antonius, who was Consul with Cicero: & joining with Asinius, he resisted Dolabella, & fought with him. Dolabella had gotten the market place where the people do assemble in counsel, & had filled it full of armed men, intending to have this law of the new tables to pass by force. Antonius by commandment of the Senate, who had given him authority to levy men, to use force against Dolabella: he went against him, & sought so valiantly, that men were slain on both sides. But by this means, he got the ill will of the common people, & on the other side, the noble men (as Cicero saith) did not only mislike him, but also hate him for his naughty life: for they did abhot his banquets & drunken feasts he made at unseasonable times, & his extreme wasteful expenses upon vain light housewives, & then in the day time he would sleep or walk out his drunkenness; thinking to wear away the fume of the abundance of wine which he had taken over night. Antonius' abominable life. In his house they did nothing but feast, dance, & mask: and himself passed away the time in hearing of foolish plays, or in marrying these players, tumblers, jesters, & such sort of people. As for prose hereof it is reported, that at Hippias marriage, one of his jesters, he drank wine so lustily all night, that the next morning when he came to plead before the people assembled in counsel, who had sent for him: he being queasy stomached with his surfeit he had taken, Antonius' laid up his stomach before the whole assembly. was compelled to lay all before them, & one of his friends held him his gown in stead of a basin. He had another pleasant player called Sergius, that was one of the chiefest men about him, & a woman also called Cytheride, of the same profession, whom he loved dearly: he carried her up & down in a litter unto all the towns he went, Antonius' insolency. & had as many men waiting upon her litter, she being but a player, as were attending upon his own mother. It grieved honest men also very much, to see that when he went into the country, he carried with him a great number of cupboards full of silver & gold plate, openly in the face of the world, as it had been the pomp or show of some triumph: & that eftsoons in the midst of his journey he would set up his hales and tents hard by some green grove or pleasant river, and there his Cooks should prepare him a sumptuous dinner. And furthermore. Lions were harnesed in traces to draw his carts: and beside also, in honest men's houses in the cities where he came, he would have common harlots, courtesans, & these tumbling gillots lodged. Now it grieved men much; to see that Caesar should be out of ITALY following of his enemies, to end this great war, with such great peril and danger: and that others in the mean time abusing his name and authority, should commit such insolent and outrageous parts unto their Citizens. This me thinks was the cause that made the conspiracy against Caesar increase more and more, and laid the reins of the bridle upon the soldiers necks, whereby they durst boldlier commit many extortions, cruelties and robberies. And therefore Caesar after his return pardoned Dolabella, & being created Consul the third time, he took not Antonius, but chose Lepidus, Caesar, & Lepidus, Consuls Antonius buyeth Pompey's house. his colleague and fellow Consul. Afterwards when Pompey's house was put to open sale, Antonius bought it: but when they asked him money for it, he made it very strange, and was offended with them, and writeth himself that he would not go with Caesar into the wars of AFRICA, because he was not well recompensed for the service he had done him before. Yet Caesar did somewhat bridle his madness and insolency, not suffering him to pass his fault so lightly away, making as though he saw them not. And therefore he left his dissolute manner of life, and married Fulvia that was Clodius widow, Antonius' married Fulvia, Clodius widow Fulvia ruled Antonius, at home, and abroad. a woman not so basely minded to spend her time in spinning and housewivery, and was not contented to master her husband at home, but would also rule him in his office abroad, and command him, that commanded legions and great armies: so that Cleopatra was to give Fulvia thanks for that she had taught Antonius this obedience to women, that learned so well to be at their commandment. Now, because Fulvia was somewhat sour, and crooked of condition, Antonius devised to make her pleasant, & somewhat better disposed: and therefore he would play her many pretty youthful parts to make her merry. As he did once, when Caesar returned the last time of all Conqueror out of SPAIN, every man went out to meet him: and so did Antonius with the rest. But on the sudden there ran a rumour through ITALY, that Caesar was dead, and that his enemies came again with a great army. Thereupon he returned with speed to ROME, and took one of his men's gowns, and so appareled came home to his house in a darkenight, saying that he had brought Fulvia letters from Antonius. So he was let in, and brought to her muffled as he was, for being known: but she taking the matter heavily, asked him if Antonius were well. Antonius gave her the letters, and said never a word. So when she had opened the letters, and began to read them: Antonius ramped of her neck, and kissed her. We have told you this tale for examples sake only, and so could we also tell you of many such like as these. Now when Caesar was returned from his last war in SPAIN, all the chiefest nobility of the city road many days journey from ROME to meet him, where Caesar made marvelous much of Antonius, above all the men that came unto him. For he always took him into his coach with him, through out all ITALY: and behind him, Brutus Albinus, and Octavius, the son of his Niece, who afterwards was called Caesar, and become Emperor of ROME long time after. So Caesar being afterwards chosen Consul the fift time, he immediately chose Antonius his colleague and companion: Caesar, & Antonius, Consuls. and desired by deposing himself of his Consulship, to make Dolabella Consul in his room, and had already moved it to the Senate. But Antonius did stoutly withstand it, and openly reviled Dolabella in the Senate: and Dolabella also spared him as little. Thereupon Caesar being ashamed of the matter, he let it alone. Another time also when Caesar attempted again to substitute Dolabella Consul in his place, Antonius cried out, that the signs of the birds were against it: so that at length Caesar was compelled to give him place, and to let Dolabella alone, who was marvelously offended with him. Now in truth, Caesar made no great reckoning of either of them both. For it is reported that Caesar answered one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some matter of conspiracy: tush said he, they be not those fat fellows and fine combed men that I fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men, meaning by Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his death, and slew him. Antonius unwares afterwards, gave Caesar's enemies just occasion and colour to do as they did: Antonius unwittingly gave Caesar's enemies occasion to conspire against him. as you shall hear. The ROMANS by chance celebrated the feast called Lupercalia, & Caesar being appareled in his triumphing rob, was set in the Tribune where they use to make their orations to the people, and from thence did behold the sport of the runners. The manner of this running was this. On that day there are many young men of noble house, and those specially that be chief Officers for that year: who running naked up & down the city anointed with the oil of olive, for pleasure do strike them they meet in their way, with white leather thongs they have in their hands. Antonius being one among the rest that was to run, leaving the ancient ceremonies & old customs of that solemnity: he ran to the Tribune where Caesar was set, and carried a laurel crown in his hand, having a royal band or diadem wreathed about it, which in old time was the ancient mark and token of a king. When he was come to Caesar, he made his fellow ronners with him lift him up, & so he did put this laurel crown upon his head, Antonius Lupercian putteth the diadem upon Caesar's head. signifying thereby that he had deserved to be king. But Caesar making as though he refused it, turned away his head. The people were so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their hands for joy. Antonius again did put it on his head: Caesar again refused it, and thus they were striving of and on a great while together. As often as Antonius did put this laurel crown unto him, a few of his followers rejoiced at it: & as often also as Caesar refused it, all the people together clapped their hands. And this was a wonderful thing, that they suffered all things subjects should do by commandment of their kings: & yet they could not abide the name of a king, detesting it as the utter destruction of their liberty. Caesar in a rage rose out of his seat, and plucking down the choler of his gown from his neck, he showed it naked, bidding any man strike of his head that would. This laurel crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of Caesar's statues or images, the which one of the Tribunes plucked of. The people liked his doing therein so well, that they waited on him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit Caesar did turn them out of their offices for it. This was a good incoragement for Brutus & Cassius to conspire his death, Brutus & Cassius conspire Caesar's death. who fell into a comfort with their trustiest friends, to execute their enterprise: but yet stood doubtful whether they should make Antonius privy to it or not. All the rest liked of it, saving Trebonius only. He told them, that when they road to meet Caesar at his return out of SPAIN, Antonius & he always keeping company, & lying together by the way, he felt his mind a far of: but Antonius finding his meaning, would hearken no more unto it, & yet notwithstanding never made Caesar acquainted with this talk, but had faithfully kept it to himself. After that they consulted whether they should kill Antonius with Caesar. Consultation about the murder of Antonius with Caesar. But Brutus would in no wise consent to it, saying: that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law & justice, it aught to be clear from all villainy. Yet they fearing Antonius' power, & the authority of his office, appointed certain of the conspiracy, that when Caesar were gone into the Senate, and while others should execute their enterprise, they should keep Antonius in a talk out of the Senate house. Even as they had devised these matters, so were they executed: and Caesar was slain in the midst of the Senate. Antonius being put in a fear withal, cast a slaves gown upon him, and hid himself. But afterwards when it was told him that the murderers slew no man else, and that they went only into the Capitol: he sent his son unto them for a pledge, & bade them boldly come down upon his word. The self same day he did bid Cassius to supper, and Lepidus also bad Brutus. The next morning the Senate was assembled, & Antonius himself preferred a law that all things past should be forgotten, and that they should appoint provinces, unto Cassius and Brutus: the which the Senate confirmed, and further ordained, that they should cancel none of Caesar's laws. Thus went Antonius out of the Senate more praised, and better esteemed, then ever man was: because it seemed to every man that he had cut of all occasion of civil wars, and that he had showed himself a marvelous wise governor of the common wealth, for the appeasing of these matters of so great weight & importance. But now, the opinion he conceived of himself after he had a little felt the good will of the people towards him, hoping thereby to make himself the chiefest man if he might overcome Brutus: did easily make him altar his first mind. Antonius maketh uproar among the people, for the murder of Caesar. And therefore when Caesar's body was brought to the place where it should be buried, he made a funeral oration in commendation of Caesar, according to the ancient custom of praising noble men at their funerals. When he saw that the people were very glad and desirous also to hear Caesar spoken of, & his praises uttered: he mingled his oration with lamentable words, and by amplifying of matters did greatly move their hearts and affections unto pity & compassion. In fine to conclude his oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through in many places with their swords, & called the malefactors, cruel & cursed murderers. With these words he put the people into such a fury, that they presently took Caesar's body, & burned it in the market place, with such tables & forms as they could get together. Then when the fire was kindled, they took firebrands, & ran to the murderers houses to set them afire, & to make them come out to fight. Brutus therefore & his accomplices, for safety of their persons were driven to fly the city. Then came all Caesar's friends unto Antonius, & specially his wife Calpurnia putting her trust in him, Calpurnia, Caesar's wife. she brought the most part of her money into his house, which amounted to the sum of four thousand talents, & furthermore brought him all Caesar's books & writings, in the which were his memorials of all that he had done & ordained. Antonius did daily mingle with them such as he thought good, and by that means he created new officers, made new Senators, called home some that were banished, and delivered those that were prisoners: and then he said that all those things were so appointed and ordained by Caesar. Therefore the ROMANS mocking them that were so moved, they called them CHARONITES: Charonites, why so called. because that when they were overcome, they had no other help but to say, that thus they were found in Caesar's memorials, who had sailed in Charon's boat, and was departed. Thus Antonius ruled absolutely also in all other matters, because he was Consul, and Caius one of his brethren Praetor, and Lucius the other, Tribune. M. Antonius Consul. Caius Antonius Praetor. Lucius Antonius Tribune, all three brethren. Now things remaining in this state at ROME, Octavius Caesar the younger came to ROME, who was the son of julius Caesar's Niece, as you have heard before, and was left his lawful heir by will, remaining at the time of the death of his great Uncle that was slain, in the city of APOLLONIA. This young man at his first arrival went to salute Antonius, as one of his late dead father Caesar's friends, who by his last will and testament had made him his heir: and withal, he was presently in hand with him for money and other things which were left of trust in his hands, because Caesar had by will bequeathed unto the people of ROME, three score and fifteen silver Drachmas to be given to every man, the which he as heir stood charged withal. Antonius at the first made no reckoning of him, because he was very young: and said he lacked wit, and good friends to advise him, if he looked to take such a charge in hand, as to undertake to be Caesar's heir. Variance betwixt Antonius and Octavius Caesar heir unto julius Caesar. But when Antonius saw that he could not shake him of with those words, and that he was still in hand with him for his father's goods, but specially for the ready money: then he spoke and did what he could against him. And first of all, it was he that did keep him from being Tribune of the people: and also when Octavius Caesar began to meddle with the dedicating of the chair of gold, which was prepared by the Senate to honour Caesar with: he threatened to sand him to prison, and moreover desisted not to put the people in an unprore. This young Caesar seeing his doings, went unto Cicero and others, Octavius Caesar joined to friendship with Cicero. which were Antonius enemies, and by them crept into favour with the Senate: and he himself sought the people's good will every manner of way, gathering together the old soldiers of the late deceased Caesar, which were dispersed in divers cities and colonies. Antonius being afraid of it, talked with Octavius in the capitol, and become his friend. Antonius and Octavius become friends. But the very same night Antonius had a strange dream, Antonius' dream. who thought that lightning fell upon him, & burned his right hand. Shortly after word was brought him, that Caesar lay in wait to kill him. Caesar cleared himself unto him, and told him there was no such matter: but he could not make Antonius believe the contrary. Whereupon they become further enemies than ever they were: insomuch that both of them made friends of either side to gather together all the old soldiers through ITALY, that were dispersed in divers towns: & made them large promises, & sought also to win the legions of their side, which were already in arms. Cicero on the other side being at that time the chiefest man of authority & estimation in the city, he stirred up all men against Antonius: so that in the end he made the Senate pronounce him an enemy to his country, & appointed young Caesar sergeants to carry axes before him, & such other signs as were incident to the dignity of a Consul or Praetor: & moreover sent Hircius and Pausa, than Consuls, Antonius' judged an enemy by the Senate Hircius and Pausa Consuls. to drive Antonius out of ITALY. These two Consuls together with Caesar, who also had an army, went against Antonius that besieged the city of MODENA, and there overthrew him in battle: but both the Consuls were slain there. Antonius flying upon this overthrow, Antonius' overthrown in battle by the city of Modena. fell into great misery all at once: but the chiefest want of all other, & that pinched him most, was famine. Howbeit he was of such a strong nature, that by patience he would overcome any adversity, Antonius' patient in adversity. and the heavier fortune lay upon him, the more constant showed he himself. Every man that feeleth want or adversity, knoweth by virtue and discretion what he should do: but when in deed they are overlayed with extremity, and be sore oppressed, few have the hearts to follow that which they praise and commend, and much less to avoid that they reprove and mislike. But rather to the contrary, they yield to their accustomed easy life: and through faint heart, & lack of courage, do change their first mind and purpose. And therefore it was a wonderful example to the soldiers, to see Antonius that was brought up in all fineness and superfluity, Antonius' hardness in adversity, notwithstanding his fine bringing up. ●● easily to drink puddle water, and to eat wild fruits and roots: and moreover it is reported that even as they passed the Alps, they did eat the barcks of trees, and such beasts, as never man tasted of their flesh before. Now their intent was to join with the legions that were on the other side of the Mountains, under Lepidus' charge: whom Antonius took to be his friend, because he had holpen him to many things at Caesar's hand, through his means. When he was come to the place where Lepidus was, he camped hard by him: and when he saw that no man came to him to put him in any hope, he determined to venture himself, and to go unto Lepidus. Since the overthrow he had at MODENA, he suffered his beard to grow at length and never clipped it, that it was marvelous long, and the hear of his head also without koming: and besides all this, he went in a mourning gown, and after this sort came hard to the trenches of Lepidus camp. Then he began to speak unto the soldiers, and many of them their hearts yearned for pity to see him so poorly arrayed, and some also through his words began to pity him: insomuch that Lepidus began to be afraid, and therefore commanded all the trumpets to sound together to stop the soldiers ears, that they should not hearken to Antonius. This notwithstanding, the soldiers took the more pity of him, & spoke secretly with him by Clodius & Laelius means, whom they sent unto him disguised in women's apparel, & gave him counsel that he should not be afraid to enter into their camp, for there were a great number of soldiers that would receive him, and kill Lepidus, if he would say the word. Antonius would not suffer them to hurt him, but the next morning he went with his army to wade a ford, at a little river that ran between them: and himself was the foremost man that took the river to get over, seeing a number of Lepidus camp that gave him their hands, plucked up the stakes, and laid flat the bank of their trench to let him in to their camp. Antonius' won all Lepidus army from him. When he was come into their camp, and that he had all the army at his commandment: he used Lepidus very courteously, embraced him, and called him father: and though in deed Antonius did all, and ruled the whole army, yet he always gave Lepidus the name and honour of the Captain. Munatius Plancus, lying also in camp hard by with an army: understanding the report of Antonius courtesy, he also came and joined with him. Thus Antonius being a foot again, and grown of great power, repassed over the Alps, leading into ITALY with him seventeen legions, and ten thousand horsemen, besides six legions he left in garrison among the GAULES, under the charge of one Varius, Varius, surnamed Cotylon. a companion of his that would drink lustily with him, and therefore in mockery was surnamed Cotylon: to wit, a bibber. So Octavius Caesar would not lean to Cicero, when he saw that his whole travail and endeavour was only to restore the common wealth to her former liberty. Therefore he sent certain of his friends to Antonius, to make them friends again: and thereupon all three met together, (to wete, The conspiracy and meeting of Caesar, Antonius, & Lepidus. Caesar, Antonius, & Lepidus) in an Island environed round about with a little river, & there remained three days together. Now as touching all other matters, they were easily agreed, & did divide all the Empire of ROME between them, as if it had been their own inheritance. But yet they could hardly agreed whom they would put to death: for every one of them would kill their enemies, and save their kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, giving place to their greedy desire to be revenged of their enemies, they spurned all reverence of blood, and holiness of friendship at their feet. The prescription of the Tr 〈…〉. For Caesar left Cicero to Antonius will, Antonius also forsook Lucius Caesar, who was his Uncle by his mother: and both of them together suffered Lepidus to kill his own brother Paulus. Yet some writers affirm, that Caesar & Antonius requested Paulus might be slain, & that Lepidus was contented with it. In my opinion there was never a more horrible, unnatural, & crueler change than this was. For thus changing murder for murder, they did aswell kill those whom they did forsake & leave unto others, as those also which others left unto them to kill: but so much more was their wickedness & cruelty great unto their friends, for that they put them to death being innocents, & having no cause to hate them. After this plat was agreed upon between them: the soldiers that were thereabouts, would have this friendship & league betwixt them confirmed by marriage, & that Caesar should marry Claudia, the daughter of Fuluiae, & Antonius' wife. This marriage also being upon, they condemned three hundred of the chiefest citizens of ROME, to be put to death by proscription. And Antonius also commanded them to whom he had given commission to kill Cicero, Antonius' cruelty unto Cicero. that they should strike of his head & right hand, with the which he had written the invective Orations (called Philippides) against Antonius. So when the murderers brought him Cicero's head & hand cut of, he beheld them a long time with great joy, & laughed heartily, & that oftentimes for the great joy he felt. Then when he had taken his pleasure of the sight of them, he caused them to be set up in an open place, over the pulpit for Orations (where when he was alive, he had often spoken to the people) as if he had done the dead man hurt, and not bleamished his own fortune, showing himself (to his great shame and infamy) a cruel man, and unworthy the office and authority he bore. His uncle Lucius Caesar also, as they sought for him to kill him, and followed him hard, fled unto his sister. The murderers coming thither, forcing to break into her chamber, she stood at her chamber door with her arms abroad, crying out still: you shall not kill Lucius Caesar, Lucius Caesar's life saved, by his sister. before you first kill me, that bore your Captain in my womb. By this means she saved her brother's life. Now the government of these Triumuiri grew odious and hateful to the ROMANS, for divers respects: but they most blamed Antonius, Antonius' riot in his Trium●●-rate. because he being elder than Caesar, and of more power and force then Lepidus, gave himself again to his former riot and excess, when he left to deal in the affairs of the common wealth. But setting aside the ill name he had for his insolency, he was yet much more hated in respect of the house he dwelled in, the which was the house of Pompey the great: The praise of Pompey the great. a man as famous for his temperance, modesty, and civil life, as for his three triumphs. For it grieved them to see the gates commonly shut against the Captains, Magistrates of the city, and also Ambassadors of strange nations, which were sometimes thrust from the gate with violence: and that the house within was full of tumblers, antic dancers, jugglers, players, jesters, and drunkards, quaffing and goseling, and that on them he spent and bestowed the most part of his money he got by all kind of possible extortions, bribery and policy. For they did not only cell by the crier, the goods of those whom they had outlawed, and appointed to murder, slanderously deceived the poor widows and young orphans, & also raised all kind of imposts, subsidies, and taxes: but understanding also that the holy vestal Nuns had certain goods & money put in their custody to keep, both of men's in the city, and those also that were abroad: they went thither, and took them away by force. Octavius Caesar perceiving that no money would serve Antonius turn, he prayed that they might divide the money between them, and so did they also divide the army, for them both to go into MACEDON to make war against Brutus and Cassius: and in the mean time they left the government of the city of ROME unto Lepidus. When they had passed over the seas, and that they began to make war, they being both camped by their enemies, to wit, Antonius against Cassius, and Caesar against Brutus: Caesar did no great matter, but Antonius had always the upper hand, The valiantness of Antonius against Brutus. and did all. For at the first battle Caesar was overthrown by Brutus, and lost his camp, and very hardly saved himself by flying from them that followed him. Howbeit he writeth himself in his Commentaries, that he fled before the charge was given, because of a dream one of his friends had. Antonius on the other side overthrew Cassius in battle, though some writ that he was not there himself at the battle, but that he came after the overthrow, whilst his men had the enemies in chase. So Cassius at his earnest request was slain by a faithful servant of his own called Pindarus, The death of Cassius. whom he had enfranchised: because he knew not in time that Brutus had overcomen Caesar. Shortly after they fought an other battle again, in the which Brutus was overthrown, who afterwards also slew himself. Brutus slew himself. Thus Antonius had the chiefest glory of all this victory, specially because Caesar was sick at that time. Antonius having found Brutus body after this battle, blaming him much for the murder of his brother Caius, whom he had put to death in MACEDON for revenge of Cicero's cruel death, and yet laying the fault more in Hortensius then in him: Antonius gave honourable burial unto Brutus. he made Hortensius to be slain on his brother's tomb. Furthermore, he cast his coat armour (which was wonderful rich and sumptuous) upon Brutus' body, and gave commandment to one of his slaves enfranchised, to defray the charge of his burial. But afterwards, Antonius hearing that his enfranchised bondman had not burnt his coat armour with his body, because it was very rich, and worth a great sum of money, and that he had also kept back much of the ready money appointed for his funeral & tomb: he also put him to death. After that Caesar was conveyed to ROME, and it was thought he would not live long, nor scape the sickness he had. Antonius on tother side went towards the East provinces and regions, to levy money: and first of all he went into GRAECE, and carried an infinite number of soldiers with him. Now, because every soldier was promised five thousand silver Drachmas, he was driven of necessity to impose extreme tallages and taxations. At his first coming into GRAECE, he was not hard nor bitter unto the GRECIANS, but gave himself only to hear wise men dispute, to see plays, and also to note the ceremonies & sacrifices of GRAECE, Antonius' great courtesy in Graece. ministering justice to every man, and it pleased him marvelously to hear them call him Philellen, (as much to say, a lover of the GRECIANS) and specially the ATHENIANS, to whom he did many great pleasures. Wherefore the MEGARIANS, to exceed the ATHENIANS, thinking to show Antonius a goodly sight: they prayed him to come & see their Senate house, & counsel hall. Antonius went thither to see it: so when he had seen it at his pleasure, they asked him, my Lord, how like you our hall? Me thinks (q he) it is little, old, and ready to fall down. Furthermore, he took measure of the temple of Apollo Pythias, and promised the Senate to finish it. But when he was once come into ASIA, having jest Lucius Censorinus Governor in GRAECE, and that he had felt the riches and pleasures of the East parts, and that Princes, great Lords and Kings, came to wait at his gate for his coming out, and that Queens and Princesses to excel one an other, gave him very rich presents, and came to see him, curiously setting forth themselves, and using all art that might be to show their beauty, to win his favour the more: (Caesar in the mean space turmoiling his wits and body in civil wars at home, Antonius living merrily & quietly abroad) he easily fell again to his old licentious life. For strait one Anaxenor a player of the cithern, The plagues of Italy, in riot. Xoutus a player of the flutes, Metrodorus a tombler, and such a rabble of minstrels & fit ministers for the pleasures of ASIA, (who in fineness & flattery passed all the other plagues he brought with him out of ITALY) all these flocked in his court, & bore the whole sway: & after that, all went awry. For every one gave themselves to riot and excess, when they saw he delighted in it: and all ASIA was like to the city Sophocles speaketh of in one of his tragedies: Was full of weet perfumes, and pleasant songs, With woeful weeping mingled there amongs. For in the city of EPHESUS, women attired as they go in the feasts and sacrifice of Bacchus, came out to meet him with such solemnities & ceremonies, as are then used: with men and children disguised like Fawns and satires. Moreover, the city was full of juey, & darts wreathed about with juey, psalterions, flutes and howboyes, and in their songs they called him Bacchus, father of mirth, courteous, and gentle: and so was he unto some, but to the most part of men, cruel, and extreme. Antonius' cruelty in Asia. For he rob noble men and gentle men of their goods, to give it unto vile flatterers: who oftentimes begged men's goods living, as though they had been dead, and would enter their houses by force. As he gave a citizen's house of MAGNESIA unto a cook, because (as it is reported) he dressed him a fine supper. In the end he doubled the taxation, and imposed a second upon ASIA. But then Hybraeas the Orator sent from the estates of ASIA, Hybraeas words unto Antonius, touching their great payments of money unto him. to tell him the state of their country, boldly said unto him: if thou wilt have power to lay two tributes in one year upon us, thou shouldest also have power to give us two summers, two autumns, and two harvests. This was gallantly and pleasantly spoken unto Antonius by the Orator, and it pleased him well to hear it: but afterwards amplifying his speech, he spoke more boldly, and to better purpose. ASIA hath paid the two hundred thousand talents. If all this money be not come to thy coffers, then ask account of them that levied it: but if thou have received it, and nothing be left of it, then are we utterly undone. Hybraeas words nettled Antonius roundly. For he understood not many of the thefts and robberies his officers committed by his authority, in his treasure and affairs: not so much because he was careless, as for that he oversimply trusted his men in all things. Antonius' simplicity. For he was a plain man, without subtlety, and therefore overlate sound out the fowl saultes they committed against him: but when he heard of them, he was much offended, and would plainly confess it unto them whom his officers had done injury unto, by countenance of his authority. He had a noble mind, as well to punish offenders, as to reward well doers: and yet he did exceed more in giving, then in punishing. Now for his outrageous manner of railing he commonly used, Antonius' manners. mocking and flouting of every man: that was remedied by itself. For a man might as boldly exchange a mock with him, & he was as well contented to be mocked, as to mock others. But yet it oftentimes marred all. For he thought that those which told him so plainly, & truly in mirth: would never flatter him in good earnest, in any matter of weight. But thus he was easily abused by the praises they gave him, not finding how these flatterers mingled their flattery, under this familiar and plain manner of speech unto him, as a fine devise to make difference of meats with sharp and tart sauce, & also to keep him by this frank jesting & boarding with him at the table, that their common flattery should not be troublesome unto him, as men do easily mislike to have too much of one thing: and that they handled him finely thereby, when they would give him place in any matter of weight, and follow his counsel, that it might not appear to him they did it so much to please him, but because they were ignorant, and understood not so much as he did. Antonius being thus inclined, the last and extremest mischief of all other (to wit, the love of Cleopatra) lighted on him, who did waken a stir up many vices yet hidden in him, and were never seen to any: and if any spark of goodness or hope of rising were left him, Cleopatra quenched it strait, and made it worse than before. The manner how he fell in love with her was this. Antonius going to make war with the PARTHIANS, sent to command Cleopatra to appear personally before him, when he came into CILICIA, Antonius' lou● to Cleopatra whom he sent for into Cilicia. to answer unto such accusations as were laid against her, being this: that she had aided Cassius and Brutus in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleopatra to make this summons unto her, was called Dellius: who when he had thoroughly considered her beauty, the excellent grace and sweetness of her tongue, he nothing mistrusted that Antonius would do any hurt to so noble a Lady, but rather assured himself, that within few days she should be in great favour with him. Thereupon he did her great honour, and persuaded her to come into CILICIA, as honourably furnished as she could possible, and bade her not to be afraid at all of Antonius, for he was a more courteous Lord, than any that she had ever seen. Cleopatra on tother side believing Dellius words, and guessing by the former access and credit she had with julius Caesar, and Cueus Pompey (the son of Pompey the great) only for her beauty: she began to have good hope that she might more easily win Antonius. For Caesar and Pompey knew her when she was but a young thing, & knew not then what the world meant: but now she went to Antonius at the age when a woman's beauty is at the prime, and she also of best judgement. So, she furnished herself with a world of gifts, store of gold and silver, and of riches and other sumptuous ornaments, as is credible enough she might bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy and rich a realm as EGYPT was. But yet she carried nothing with her wherein she trusted more than in herself, and in the charms and enchantment of her passing beauty and grace. Therefore when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from Antonius himself, and also from his friends, she made so light of it, and mocked Antonius so much, that she disdained to set forward otherwise, The wonderful sumptuousness of Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, going unto Antonius. but to take her barge in the river of Cydnus, the poop whereof was of gold, the sails of purple, and the owers of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after the sound of the music of flutes, how boys, citherns, viols, and such other instruments as they played upon in the barge. And now for the person of herself: she was laid under a pavilion of cloth of gold of tissue, appareled and attired like the goddess Venus, commonly drawn in picture: and hard by her, on either hand of her, Cydnus fl.. pretty fair boys appareled as painters do set forth god Cupid, with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned wind upon her. Her Ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of them were appareled like the nymphs Nereids (which are the mermaids of the waters) and like the Graces, some steering the helm, others tending the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of the which there came a wonderful passing sweet savour of perfumes, that perfumed the wharfes' side, pestered with innumerable multitudes of people. Some of them followed the barge all alongst the rivers side: others also ran out of the city to see her coming in. So that in th'end, there ran such multitudes of people one after an other to see her, that Antonius was left post alone in the market place, in his Imperial seat to give audience: and there went a rumour in the people's mouths, that the goddess Venus was come to play with the god Bacchus, for the general good of all ASIA. When Cleopatra landed, Antonius sent to invite her to supper to him. But she sent him word again, he should do better rather to come and sup with her. Antonius therefore to show himself courteous unto her at her arrival, was contented to obey her, & went to supper to her: where he found such passing sumptuous fare, The sumptuous preparations of the suppers of Cleopatra and Antonius. that no tongue can express it. But amongst all other things, he most wondered at the infinite number of lights and torches hanged on the top of the house, giving light in every place, so artificially set and ordered by devices, some round, some square: that it was the rarest thing to behold that eye could discern, or that ever books could mention. The next night, Antonius feasting her, contended to pass her in magnificence and fineness: but she overcame him in both. So that he himself began to scorn the gross service of his house, in respect of Cleopatra's sumptuousness and fineness. And when Cleopatra found Antonius' jests and slents to be but gross, and soldier like, in plain manner: she gave it him finely, Cleopatra's beauty. and without fear taunted him thoroughly. Now her beauty (as it is reported) was not so passing, as unmatchable of other women, nor yet such, as upon present view did enamor men with her: but so sweet was her company and conversation, that a man could not possibly but be taken. And besides her beauty, the good grace she had to talk and discourse, her courteous nature that tempered her words & deeds, was a spur that pricked to the quick. Furthermore, besides all these, her voice and words were marvelous pleasant: for her tongue was an instrument of music to divers sports and pastimes, the which she easily turned to any language that pleased her. She spoke unto few barbarous people by interpreter, but made them answer herself, or at the lest the most part of them: as the AETHIOPIANS, the ARABIANS, the TROGLODYTES, the HEBRVES, the SYRIANS, the MEDES, and the PARTHEANS, and to many others also, whose languages she had learned. Whereas divers of her progenitors, the kings of EGYPT, could scarce learn the EGYPTIAN tongue only, and many of them forgot to speak the MACEDONIAN. Now, Antonius was so ravished with the love of Cleopatra, that though his wife Fulvia had great wars, and much a do with Caesar for his affairs, and that the army of the PARTHIANS, (the which the king's lieutenants had given to the only leading of Labieaus) was now assembled in MESOPOTAMIA ready to invade SYRIA: yet, as though all this had nothing touched him, he yielded himself to go with Cleopatra into ALEXANDRIA, where he spent and lost in childish sports, (as a man might say) and idle pastimes, the most precious thing a man can spend, as Antiphon saith: and that is, time. For they made an order between them, An order set up by Antonius & Cleopatra. which they called Amimetobion (as much to say, no life comparable and matcheable with it) one feasting each other by turns, and in cost, exceeding all measure and reason. And for proof hereof, I have heard my grandfather Lampryas report, The excessive expenses of Antonius and Cleopatra in Egypt. that one Philotas a Physician, borne in the city of AMPHISSA, told him that he was at that present time in ALEXANDRIA, and studied Physic: and that having acquaintance with one of Antonius cooks, he took him with him to Antonius' house, (being a young man desirous to see things) to show him the wonderful sumptuous charge and preparation of one only supper. When he was in the kitchen, and saw a world of diversities of meats, and amongst others, eight wild boars roasted whole: Eight wild boars roasted whole. he began to wonder at it, and said, sure you have a great number of guests to supper. The cook fell a laughing, and answered him, not (qd he) not many guests, nor above twelve in all: but yet all that is boiled or roasted must be served in whole, or else it would be marred strait. For Antonius peradventure will sup presently, or it may be a pretty while hence, or likely enough he will defer it longer, for that he hath drunk well to day, or else hath had some other great matters in hand: and therefore we do not dress one supper only, but many suppers, because we are uncertain of the hour he will sup in. Philotas the Physician told my grandfather this tale, and said moreover, Philotas a Physician, borne in Amphissa, reporter of this feast. that it was his chance shortly after to serve the eldest son of the said Antonius, whom he had by his wife Fulvia: and that he sat commonly at his table with his other friends, when he did not dine nor sup with his father. It chanced one day there came a Physician that was so full of words, Philotas, Physician to the younger Antonius. that he made every man weary of him at the board: but Philotas to stop his mouth, put out a subtle proposition to him. Philotas' subtle proposition. It is good in some form to let a man drink cold water that hath an ague: every man that hath an ague hath it in some sort, ergo it is good foreman that hath an ague to drink cold water. The Physician was so graveled and amated withal, that he had not a word more to say. Young Antonius burst out in such a laughing at him, and was so glad of it, that he said unto him: Philotas, take all that, I give it thee: showing him his cupboard full of plate, with great pots of gold and silver. Philotas thanked him, and told him he thought himself greatly bound to him for this liberality, but he would never have thought that he had had power to have given so many things, and of so great value. But much more be marveled, when shortly after one of young Antonius' men brought him home all the pots in a basket, bidding him set his mark and stamp upon them, and to lock them up. Philotas returned the bringer of them, fearing to be reproved if he took them. Then the young gentleman Antonius said unto him: alas poor man, why dost thou make it nice to take them? Knowest thou not that it is the son of Antonius that gives them thee, and is able to do it? If thou wilt not believe me, take rather the ready money they come to: because my father peradventure may ask for some of the plate, for the antic & excellent workmanship of them. This I have heard my grandfather tell oftentimes. But now again to Cleopatra. Plato writeth that there are four kinds of flattery: Plato writeth of four kind of flattery. but Cleopatra divided it into many kinds. Cleopatra Queen of all flatterers. For she, were it in sport, or in matter of earnest, still devised sundry new delights to have Antonius at commandment, never leaving him night nor day, nor once letting him go out of her sight. For she would play at dice with him, drink with him, and hunt commonly with him, and also be with him when he went to any exercise or activity of body. And sometime also, when he would go up and down the city disguised like a slave in the night, & would peer into poor men's windows & their shops, and scold & brawl with them within the house: Cleopatra would be also in achamber maids array, & amble up & down the streets with him, so that oftentimes Antonius bore away both mocks & blows. Now, though most men misliked this manner, yet the ALEXANDRIANS were commonly glad of this jollity, & liked it well, saying very gallantly, and wisely: that Antonius showed them a comical face, to wit, a merry countenance: and the ROMANS a tragical face, to say, a grim look. But to reckon up all the foolish sports they made, reveling in this sort: it were too fond a part of me, and therefore I will only tell you one among the rest. On a time he went to angle for fish, Antonius fishing in Egypt. and when he could take none, he was as angry as could be, because Cleopatra stood by. Wherefore he secretly commanded the fisher men, that when he cast in his line, they should strait dive under the water, and put a fish on his hook which they had taken before: and so snatched up his angling rod, and brought up fish twice or thrice. Cleopatra found it strait, yet she seemed not to see it, but wondered at his excellent fishing: but when she was alone by herself among her own people, she told them how it was, and bade them the next morning to be on the water to see the fishing. A number of people came to the haven, and got into the fishes boats to see this fishing. Antonius then threw in his line and Cleopatra strait commanded one of her men to dive under water before Antonius' men, and to put some old salt fish upon his bait, like unto those that are brought out of the country of PONT. When he had hung the fish on his hook, Antonius thinking he had taken a fish in deed, snatched up his line presently. Then they all fell a laughing. Cleopatra laughing also, said unto him: leave us (my Lord) EGYPTIANS (which devil in the country of PHARUS and CANOBUS) your angling rod: this is not thy profession: thou must hunt after conquering of realms and countries. Now Antonius delighting in these fond and childish pastimes, very ill news were brought him from two places. The first from ROME, that his brother Lucius, and Fulvia his wife, fell out first between themselves, and afterwards fell to open war with Caesar, The wars of Lucius Antonius and Fulvia, against Octavius Caesar. & had brought all to naught, that they were both drives to fly out of ITALY. The second news, as bad as the first: that Labienus conquered all ASIA with the army of the PARTHIANS, from the river of Euphrates, and from SYRIA, unto the countries of LYDIA and JONIA. Then began Antonius with much a do, a little to rouse himself as if he had been wakened out of a deep sleep, and as a man may say, coming out of a great drunkenness. So, first of all he bent himself against the PARTHIANS, and went as far as the country of PHOENICIA: but there he received lamentable letters from his wife Fulvia. Whereupon he strait returned towards ITALY, with two hundred sail: and as he went, took up his friends by the way that fled out of ITALY, to come to him. By them he was informed, formed, that his wise Fuluis was the only cause of this war: who being of a peevish, crooked, and troublesome nature, had purposely raised this uproar in ITALY, in hope thereby by towards draw him from Cleopatra. The death of Fulvia Antonius wife. But by good fortune, his wife Fulvia going to meet with Antonius, sickened by the way, and died in the city of SICYONE: and therefore Octavius Caesar, and he were the easilier made friends together. For when Antonius landed in ITALY, and that 〈…〉 saw Caesar asked nothing of him, and that Antonius on the other side laid all the fault & burded on his wife Fulvia: the friends of both parties would not suffer them to unrip any old matters, and to prove or defend who had the wrong or right, and who was the first procurer of this war, fearing to make matters wrose between them: but they made them friends together, and divided the Empire of ROME between them, making the sea jonium the bound of their division. All the Empire of Rome divided between the Triamuris, Octania, the half sister of Octavius Caesar, & daughter of Anchavia which was not Caesar's mother. For they gave all the provinces Eastward, unto Antonius: and the countries Westward, unto Caesar: and left AFRICA unto Lepidus: and made a law, that they three one after an other should make their friends Consuls, when they would not be themselves. This seemed to be a sound counsel, but yet it was to be confirmed with a straighter bond, which fortune offered thus. There was Octavia the eldest sister of Caesar, not by one mother, for the came of Ancharia, & Caesar himself afterwards of Accia. It is reported, that he dearly loved his sister Octavia, for in deed she was a noble Lady, and left the widow of her first husband Gaius Mercellus, who died not long before: and it seemed also that Antonius had been widower even since the death of his wife Fulvia. For he denied not that he kept Cleopatra, but so did he not confess that he had her as his wife: & so with reason he did defend the love he bore unto this EGYPTIAN Cleopatra. Thereupon every man did set forward this marriage, hoping thereby that this Lady Octavia, having an excellent grace, wisdom, & honesty, joined unto so rare a beauty, that when she were with Antonius (he loving her as so worthy a Lady deserveth) she should be a good mean to keep good love & amity betwixt her brother and him. So when Caesar & he had made the match between them, they both went to ROME about this marriage, although it was against the law, A law at Rome for marrying of widows. Antonius' married Octavia, Octavius Caesar half sister. that a widow should be married within ten months after her husbands death. Howbeit the Senate dispensed with the law, and so the marriage proceeded accordingly. Sextus Pompeius at that time kept in SICILIA, and so made many an inroad into ITALY with a great number of pynnasies and other pirate's ships, of the which were Captains two notable pirates, Menas, and Menecrates, who so scoored all the sea thereabouts, that none durst peep out with a sail. Furthermore, Sextus Pompeius had dealt very friendly with Antonius, for he had courteously received his mother, when she fled out of ITALIA with Fulvia: and therefore they thought good to make peace with him. Antonius and Octavius Caesar, do make peace with Sexius Pompeius. So they met all three together by the mount of Misena, upon a hill that runneth far into the sea: Pompey having his ships riding hard by at anchor, and Antonius and Caesar their armies upon the shore side, directly over against him. Now, after they had agreed that Sextus Pompeius should have SICILY and SARDINIA, with this condition, that he should rid the sea of all thieves and pirates, and make it safe for passengers, and withal that he should sand a certain of wheat of ROME one of them did feast an other, and drew cuts who should begin. It was Pompeius' chance to invite them first. Whereupon Antonius asked him: & where shall we sup? There, said Pompey and showed him his admiral galley which had six banks of owers: that (said he) is my father house they have left me. He spoke it to taunt Antonius, Sextus Pompeius taunt to Antonius. because he had his father's house, that was Pompey the great. So he cast anchors enough into the sea, to make his galley fast, and then bulls a bridge of wood to convey them to his galley, from the head of mount Misena: and there he welcomed them, and made them great cheer. Now in the midst of the feast, Sexius Pompius being, offered wonderful great fortune for his honesty and faiths sake, refused it. when they cell to be merry with Antonius' love unto Cleopatra: Manas the pirate came to Pompey, and whispering in his care, said unto him: shall I cut the gables of the anchors, and make thee Lord not only of SICILY and SARDINIA, but of the whole Empire of ROME beside? Pompey having paused a while upon it, at length answered him: thou shouldest have done it, and neither have told it me, but now we must content us with that we have. As for myself, I was never taught to break my faith, nor to be counted a traitor. The other two also did likewise feast him in their camp, and then he returned into SICILY. Antonius after this agreement made sent Ventidius before into ASIA to stay the PARTHIANS, and to keep them they should come no further: and he himself in the mean time, to gratify Caesar, was contented to be chosen julius Caesar's priest and sacrificer, & so they jointly together dispatched all great matters, concerning the state of the Empire. But in all other manner of sports and exercises, wherein they passed the time away the one with the other: Antonius was ever inferior unto Caesar, and always lost, which grieved him much. With Antonius there was a soothsayer or astronomer of AEGYT, that could cast a figure, and judge of men's nativities, to tell them what should happen to them. He, either to please Cleopatra, or else for that he found it so by his art, told Antonius plainly, that his fortune (which of itself was excellent good, and very great) was altogether bleamished, Antonius' told by a Soothsayer, that his fortune was inferior unto Octavius Caesar. and obscured by Caesar's fortune: and therefore he counseled him utterly to leave his company, and to get him as far from him as he could. For thy Daemon said he, (that is to say, the good angel and spirit that keepeth thee) is affrayed of his: and being courageous & high when he is alone, becometh fearful and timorous when he cometh near unto the other. Howsoever it was, the events ensuing proved the EGYPTIANS words true. For, it is said, that as often as they two drew cuts for pastime, Antonius' unfortunate in sport and earnest, against Octavius Caesar. who should have any thing, or whether they played at dice, Antonius always lost. Oftentimes when they were disposed to see cockefight, or quails that were taught to fight one with an other: Caesar's cocks or quails did ever overcome. The which spited Antonius in his mind, although he made no outward show of it: and therefore he believed the EGYPTIAN the better. In fine, he recommended the affairs of his house unto Caesar, & went out of ITALY with Octavia his wife, whom he carried into GRAECE, after he had had a daughter by her. So Antonius lying all the winter at ATHENS, news came unto him of the victories of Ventidius, who had overcome the PARTHIANS in battle, in the which also were slain, Labienus, and Pharnabates, the chiefest Captain king Orodas had. Orades king of Parthia. For these good news be feasted all ATHENS, and kept open house for all the GRECIANS, and many games of price were played at ATHENS, of the which he himself would be judge. Wherefore leaving his guard, his axes, and tokens of his Empire at his house, he came into the show place (or lists) where these games were played, in a long gown and slippers after the GRECIAN fashion, and they carried tippestaves before him, as marshals men do carry before the judges to make place: and he himself in person was a stickler to part the young men, when they had fought enough. After that, preparing to go to the wars, he made him a garland of the holy Olive, and carried a vessel with him of the water of the fountain Clepsydra, because of an Oracle he had received that so commanded him. In the mean time, Ventidius once again overcame Pacorus, Ventidius notable victory of the Parthians. (Orodes son king of PARTHIA) in a battle fought in the country of CYRRESTICA, he being come again with a great army to invade SYRIA: at which battle was slain a great number of the PARTHIANS, & among them Pacorus, the kings own son slain. The death of Pacorus, the king of Parthians son. This noble exploit as famous as ever any was, was a full revenge to the ROMANS, of the shame and loss they had received before by the death of Marcus Crassus: and he made the PARTHIANS fly, and glad to keep themselves within the confines and territories of MESOPOTAMIA, and MEDIA, after they had thrice together been overcome in several battles. Howbeit Ventidius durst not undertake to follow them any further, fearing lest he should have gotten Antonius dipleasure by it. Notwithstanding, he led his army against them that had rebelled, and conquered them again: amongst whom he besieged Antiochus, king of COMMAGENA, who offered him to give a thousand talents to be pardoned his rebellion, and promised ever after to be at Antonius' commandment. But Ventidius made him answer, that he should sand unto Antonius, who was not far of, and would not suffer Ventidius to make any peace with Antiochus, to the end that yet this little exploit should pass in his name, and that they should not think he did any thing but by his Lieutenant Ventidius. The siege grew very long, because they that were in the town, seeing they could not be received upon no reasonable composition: determined valiantly to defend themselves to the last man. Thus Antonius did nothing, and yet received great shame, repenting him much that he took not their first offer. And yet at last he was glad to make truce with Antiochus, and to take three hundred talentes for composition. Ventidius the only man of the Romans, that triumphed for the Parthians. Thus after he had set order for the state & affairs of SYRIA, he returned again to ATHENS: and having given Ventidius such honours as he deserved, he sent him to ROME, to triumph for the PARTHIANS. Ventidius was the only man that ever triumphed of the PARTHIANS until this present day, a mean man borne, and of no noble house nor family: who only came to that he attained unto, through Antonius' friendship, the which delivered him happy occasion to achieve to great matters. And yet to say truly, he did so well quit himself in all his enterprises, that he confirmed that which was spoken of Antonius and Caesar: to wit, that they were always more fortunate when they made war by their Lieutenants, then by themselves. For Sossius, one of Antonius lieutenants in SYRIA, did notable good service: and Canidius, whom he had also left his Lieutenant in the borders of ARMENIA, Canidius conquest. did conquer it all. So did he also overcome the kings of the IBERIANS and ALBANIANS, and went on with his conquest unto mount Caucasus. By these conquests, the same of Antonius power increased more and more, and grew dreadful unto all the barbarous nations. But Antonius notwithstanding, grew to be marvelously offended with Caesar, upon certain reports that had been brought unto him: and so took sea to go towards ITALY with three hundred sail. New displeasures betwixt Antonius and Octavius Caesar. And because those of BRUNDISIUM would not receive his army into their haven, he went further unto TARENTUM. There his wife Octavia that came out of GRAECE with him, besought him to sand her unto her bother: the which he did. Octavia at that time was great with child, and moreover had a second daughter by him, and yet she put herself in journey, and met with her brother Octavius Caesar by the way, who brought his two chief friends, Macenas and Agrippa with him. She took them aside, and with all the instance she could possible, The words of Octavia unto Macinas and Agrippa. entreated them they would not suffer her that was the happiest woman of the world, to become now the most wretched and unfortunatest creature of all other. For now, said she, every man's eyes do gaze on me, that am the sister of one of the Emperors and wife of the other. And if the worst council take place, (which the gods forbid) and that they grow to wars: for yourselves, it is uncertain to which of them two the gods have assigned the victory, or overthrow. But for me, on which side soever victory fall, my state can be but most miserable still. These words of Octavia so softened Caesar's heart, that he went quickly unto TARENTUM. Octavia pacifieth the quarrel betwixt Antonius, and her brother Octanius Caesar. But it was a noble sight for them that were present, to see so great an army by land not to stir, and so many ships aslote in the road, quietly and safe: and furthermore, the meeting and kindness of friends, lovingly embracing one an other. First, Antonius feasted Caesar, which he granted unto for his sister's sake. Afterwards they agreed together, that Caesar, should give Antonius two legions to go against the PARTHIANS: and that Antonius should let Caesar have a hundred galleys armed with brazen spurs at the prooes. Besides all this, Octavia obtained of her husband, twenty brigantine; for her brother: and of her brother for her husband, a thousand armed men. After they had taken leave of each other, Caesar went immediately to make war with Sextus Pompeius, to get SICILIA into his hands. Antonius also leaving his wife Octavia and little children begotten of her, with Caesar, and his other children which he had by Fulvia: he went directly into ASIA. Then began this pestilent plague and mischief of Cleopatra's love (which had slept a long time, and seemed to have been utterly forgotten, and that Antonius had given place to better counsel) again to kindle, Plato calleth concupiscence: the laws of the mind. Antonius' sent for Cleopatra into Syria. and to be in force, so soon as Antonius came near unto SYRIA. And in the end, the horse of the mind as Plato termeth it, that is so hard of rain (I mean the unreyned lust of concupiscence) did put out of Antonius head, all honest and commendable thoughts: for he sent Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra into SYRIA. Unto whom, to welcome her, he gave no trifling things: but unto that she had already, he added the provinces of PHOENICIA, those of the nethermost SYRIA, the isle of CYPRUS, and a great part of CILICIA, Antonius gave great provinces unto Cleopatra. and that country of Jewry where the true balm is, and that part of ARABIA where the NABATHEIANS do devil, which stretcheth out towards the Ocean. These great gifts much misliked the ROMANS. But now, though Antonius did easily give away great signiories, realms, Antigonius king of juurie the first king beheaded by Antonius. Antonius' twins by Cleopatra, & their names. & mighty nations unto some private men, and that also he took from other kings their lawful realms: (as from Antigonus king of the JEWS, whom he openly beheaded, where never king before had suffered like death) yet all this did not so much offend the ROMANS, as the unmeasurable honours which he did unto Cleopatra. But yet he did much more aggravate their malice & ill will towards him, because that Cleopatra having brought him two twins, a son and a daughter; he named his son Alexander, & his daughter Cleopatra, and gave them to their surnames; the Sun to the one, & the moon to the other. This notwithstanding, he that could finely cloak his stramefull deeds with fine words, said that the greames & magnificence of the Empire of ROME appeared most, not where the ROMANS took, but where they gave much: & nobility was multiplied amongst men, by the posterity of kings, when they left of their seed in divers places: and that by this means his first ancestor was begotten of Hercules, who had not left the hope and continuance of his line and posterity, in the womb of one only woman, fearing Solon's laws, or regarding the ordinances of men touching the procreation of children but that he gave it unto nature, and established the foundation of many noble races and families in divers places. Now when Phraortes had slain his father Orodes, Phraortes slew his father Orodes king of Persia. and possessed the kingdom many gentlemen of PARTHIA forsook him, and fled from him. Among them was Manaset, a noble man, and of great authority among his country men, who came unto Antonius, that received him, & compared his fortune unto Themistocles, and his own riches & magnificence, unto the king of PERSIA. For he gave Monases three cities, LARISSA, ARETHUSA, & HIERAPOLIS; which was called before BOMBYCE. Howbeit the king of PARTHIA shortly after called him home again, upon his faith & word. Antonius was glad to let him go, hoping thereby as steal upon Phraortes unprovided. For he sent unto him, & told him that they would remain good friends, & have peace together, so he would but only redeliver the standards & ensigns of the ROMANS, which the PARTHIANS had won in the battle where Marcus Crassus was slain, & the men also that remained yet prisoners of this overthrow. In the mean time he sent Cleopatra back into EGYPT, & took his way towards ARABIA & ARMENIA, & there took a general muster of all his army he had together, & of the kings his consederats that were come by his commandment to aid him, being a marvelous number: of the which, the chiefest was Artavasdes, king of ARMENIA, who did furnish him with six thousand horsemen, and seven thousand footmen. There were also of the ROMANS about three score thousand footmen, Antonius' great & puissant army. & of horsemen (SPANIARDS & GAULES reckoned for ROMANS) to the number of ten thousand; & of other nations thirty thousand men, reckoning together the horsemen and light armed footmen. This so great & puissant army which made the INDIANS quake for fear, dwelling about the country of the BACTRIANS, and all ASIA also to tremble: served him to no purpose, & all for the love he bore to Cleopatra. Antonius' drunk with the love of Cleopatra. For the earnest great desire he had to lie all winter with her, made him begin his war out of due time, and for haste, to put all in hazard, being so ravished & enchanted with the sweet poison of her love, that he had no other thought but of her, & how he might quickly return again: more than he how might overcome his enemies. For first of all, where he should have wintered in ARMENIA to refresh his men, wearied with the long journey they had made, having comen eight thousand furlongs, and then at the beginning of the spring to go and invade MEDIA, before the PARTHIANS should stir out of their houses & garrisons: he could tarry no longer, but led them forthwith unto the province of ATROFATENE, leaving ARMENIA on the left hand, & foraged all the country. Furthermore, making all the hast he could, he left behind him engines of battery which were carried with him in three hundred carts, (among the which also there was a ram four score foot long) being things most necessary for him, and the which he could not get again for money if they were once lost or marted. For the high province 〈…〉 ASIA have no trees growing of such height and length, neither strong nor strait enough to make such like engines of battery. This notwithstanding, he left them all behind him, as a hindrance to bring his matters & intent speedily to pass: and left a certain number of men to keep them, and gave them in charge unto one Tatianus. Then he went to besiege the city of PHRAATA, Antonius besiegeth the city of Phraata in Media. being the chiefest and greatest city the king of MEDIA had, where his wife and children were. Then he strait sound his own fault, and the want of his artillery he left behind him, by the work he had in hand: for he was fain for lack of a breach (where his men might come to the swords with their enemies that defended the wall) to force a mount of earth hard to the walls of the city, the which by little and little with great labour, rose to some height. In the mean time king Phraortes came down with a great army: who understanding that Antonius had left his engines of battery behind him, he sent a great number of horsemen before, which environed Tatianus with all his carriage, and slew him, and ten thousand men he had with him. After this, the barbarous people took these engines of battery and burnt them, The Parthidns took Antonius' engines of battery. and got many prisoners, amongst whom they took also king Polemon. This discomfiture marvelously troubled all Antonius army, to receive so great an overthrow (beyong their expectation) at the beginning of their journey: insomuch that Artahazus, king of the ARMENIANS, despairing of the good success of the ROMANS: departed with his men, notwithstanding that he was himself the first procurer of this war and journey. On the other side, the PARTHIANS came courageously unto Antonius' camp, who lay at the siege of their chiefest city, and cruelly reviled and threatened him. Antonius therefore fearing that if he lay still and did nothing, his men's hearts would fail them: he took ten legions, with three cohorts or ensigns of the Praetors, (which are companies appointed for the guard of the General) and all his horsemen, and carried them out to sorrage, hoping thereby he should easily allure the PARTHIANS to fight a battle. But when he had marched about a days journey form his camp, he saw the PARTHIANS wheeling round about him to give him the onset, & to skirmish with him, when he would think to march his way. Therefore he set out his signal of battle, & yet caused his tents and fardels to be trussed up, as though he meant not to fight, but only to lead his men back again. Then he marched before the army of the barbarous people, the which was marshalled like a crescent or half moon: and commanded his horsemen, that as soon as they thought the legions were near enough unto their enemies to set upon the vanguard, that then they should set spurs to their horses, Battle betwixt the Parthians & Antonius. & begin the charge. The PARTHIANS standing in battle ray, beholding the countenance of the ROMANS as they marched: they appeared to be soldiers in deed, to see them march in so good array as was possible. For in their march, they kept the ranks a like space one from an other, not straggling out of order, and shaking their pikes, speaking never a word. The Romans good order in their march. But so soon as the allarom was given, the horsemen suddenly turned head upon the PARTHIANS, and with great cries gave charge on them: who at the first received their charge courageously, for they were joined nearer than within an arrows shoot. But when the legions also came to join with them, shouting out aloud, & rattling of their armours: the PARTHIANS horses and themselves were so afraid and amazed withal, that they all turned tail and fled, before the ROMANS could come to the sword with them. Then Antonius followed them hard in chase, being in great good hope by this conflict to have brought to end all, or the most part of this war. But after that his footmen had chased them fifty furlongs of, and the horsemen also thrice as far: they found in all but thirty prisoners taken, and about four score men only slain. But this did much discourage them, when they considered with themselves, that obtaining the victory, they had slain so few of their enemies: and where they were overcome, they lost as many of their men, as they had done at the overthrow when the carriage was taken. The next morning, Antonius' army trussed up their carriage, and marched back towards their camp: and by the way in their return they met at the first a few of the PARTHIANS: then going further, they met a few more. So at length when they all came together, they reviled them, & troubled them on every side, as freshly & courageously, as if they had not been overthrown: so that the ROMANS very hardly got to their camp with safety. The MEDES on the other side, that were besieged in their chief city of PHRAATA, made a sally out upon them that kept the mount, which they had forced and cast against the wall of the city, and drove them for fear, from the mount they kept. Antonius was so offended withal, that he executed the Decimation. Decimation a marshall punishment. For he divided his men by ten legions, and then of them he put the tenth legion to death, on whom the lot fell: and to the other nine, he caused them to have barley given them in stead of wheat. Thus this war fell out troublesome unto both parties, and the end thereof much more fearful. For Antonius could look for no other of his side, but famine: because he could forage no more, nor fetch in any victuals, without great loss of his men. Phraortes on the other side, he knew well enough that he could bring the PARTHIANS to any thing else, but to lie in camp abroad in the winter. Therefore he was afraid, that if the ROMANS continued their siege all winter long, & made war with him still: that his men would forsake him, & specially because the time of the year went away apace, & the air waxed cloudy, & cold, in the equinoctial autumn. Thereupon he called to mind this devise. He gave the chiefest of his gentlemen of the PARTHIANS charge, that when they met the ROMANS out of their camp, going to forage, or to water their horse, or for some other provision: that they should not distress them too much, The craft of the Parthians against the Romans. but should suffer them to carry somewhat away, and greatly commend their valiantness and hardiness, for the which their king did esteem them the more, and not without cause. After these first baits and allurements, they began by little and little to come nearer unto them, and to talk with them a horseback, greatly blaming Antonius' selfewill that did not give their king Phraortes occasion to make a good peace, who desired nothing more, then to save the lives of so goodly a company of valiant men: but that he was too fond bend to abide two of the greatest and most dreadful enemies he could have, to wit: winter, and famine, the which they should hardly away withal, though the PARTHIANS did the best they could to aid & accompany them. These words being oftentimes brought to Antonius, they made him a little pliant, for the good hope he had of his return: but yet he would not send unto the king of PARTHIA, before they had first asked these barbarous people that spoke so courteously unto his men, whether they spoke it of themselves, or that they were their masters words. When they told them the king himself said so, and did persuade them further not to fear or mistrust them: then Antonius sent some of his friends unto the king, to make demand for the delivery of the ensigns and prisoners he had of the ROMANS, since the overthrow of Crassus: to the end it should not appear, that if he asked nothing, they should think he were glad that he might only scape with safety out of the danger he was in. The king of PARTHIA answered him: that for the ensigns & prisoners he demanded, he should not break his head about it: notwithstanding, that if he would presently departed without delay, he might departed in peaceable manner, and without danger. Wherefore Antonius after he had given his men some time to truss up their carriage, he raised his camp, & took his way to departed. But though he had an excellent tongue at will, and very gallant to entertain his soldiers and men of war, and that he could passingly well do it, as well, or better than any Captain in his time: yet being ashamed for respects, he would not speak unto them at his removing, Antonius returneth from the journey of the Parthian. but willed Domitius AEnobarbus to do it. Many of them took this in very ill part, & thought that he did it in disdain of them: but the most part of them presently understood the truth of it, and were also ashamed. Therefore they thought it their duties to carry the like respect unto their Captain, that their Captain did unto them: and so they become the more obedient unto him. So Antonius was minded to return the same way he came, being a plain barren country without wood. But there came a soldier to him, borne in the country of the MARDIANS, who by often frequenting the PARTHIANS of long time, knew their fashions very well, and had also showed himself very true & faithful to the ROMANS, in the battle where Antonius engines of battery and carriage were taken away. This man came unto Antonius, to counsel him to beware how he went that way, and to make his army a pray, being heavily armed, unto so great a number of horsemen, all archers in the open field, where they should have nothing to let them to compass him round about: and that this was Phraortes fetch to offer him so friendly conditions & courteous words to make him raise his siege, that he might afterwards meet him as he would, in the plains: howbeit, that he would guide him, if he thought good, an other way on the right hand, through woods & mountains, a far nearer way, and where he should find great plenty of all things needful for his army. Antonius hearing what he said, called his counsel together, to consult upon it. For after he had made peace with the PARTHIANS, he was loath to give them cause to think he mistrusted them: and on tother side also he would gladly shorten his way, and pass by places well inhabited, where he might be provided of all things necessary: therefore he asked the MARDIAN what pledge he would put in, to perform that he promised. The MARDIAN gave himself to be bound hand and foot, till he had brought his army into the country of ARMENIA. So he guided the army thus bound, two days together, without any trouble of sight of enemy. But the third day, Antonius thinking the PARTHIANS would no more follow him, & trusting therein, suffered the soldiers to march in disorder as every man listed. The MARDIAN perceiving that the dams of a river were newly broken up, which they should have passed over, & that the river had overflown the banks and drowned all the way they should have gone: he guessed strait that the PARTHIANS had done it, and had thus broken it open, to stay the ROMANS for getting too far before them. Thereupon he bade Antonius look to himself, and told him that his enemies were not far from thence. Antonius having set his men in order, as he was placing of his archers & sling men to resist the enemies, & to drive them back: they descried the PARTHIANS that wheeled round about the army to compass them in on every side, The Parthian do see upon Antonius in his return. & to break their ranks, & their light armed men gave charge upon them. So after they had hurt many of the ROMANS with their arrows, and that they themselves were also hurt by them with their darts and plummets of lead: they retired a little, and then came again and gave charge. Until that the horsemen of the GAULES turned their horses, & fiercely galloped towards them, that they dispersed them so, as all that day they gathered no more together. Thereby Antonius knew whatto do, and did not only strengthen the rearward of his army, but both the flanks also, with darters and sling men, and made his army march in a square battle: commanding the horsemen, that when the enemies should come to assail them, they should drive them back, but not follow them too far. Thus the PARTHIANS four days after, seeing they did no more hurt to the ROMANS, than they also received of them: they were not so hot upon them as they were commanded, but excusing themselves by the winter that troubled them, they determined to return back again. The fist day, Flavius Gallus, The bold act of Flavius Gallus. a valiant man of his hands, that had charge in the army: came unto Antonius to pray him to let him have some more of his light armed men than were already in the rearward, and some of the horsemen that were in the vanguard, hoping thereby to do some notable exploit. Antonius granting them unto him, when the enemies came according to their manner to set upon the tail of the army, and to skirmish with them: Flavius courageously made them retire, but not as they were wont to do before, to retire and join presently with their army, for he overrashly thrust in among them to fight it out at the sword. The Captains that had the leading of the rearward, seeing Flavius stray too far from the army: they sent unto him to will him to retire, but he would not hearken to it. And it is reported also, that Titius himself the Treasurer, took the ensigns, & did what he could to make the ensign bearers return back, reviling Flavius Gallus, because that through his folly and desperateness he caused many honest and valiant men to be both hurt & slain to no purpose. Gallus also fell out with him, and commanded his men to stay. Wherefore Titius returned again into the army, and Gallus still overthrowing and driving the enemies back whom he met in the vanguard, he was not ware that he was compassed in. Then seeing himself environed of all sides, he sent unto the army, that they should come and aid him: but there the Captains that led the legions (among the which Canidius, a man of great estimation about Antonius made one) committed many faults. Canidius fault, Antonius' Captain. For where they should have made head with the whole army upon the PARTHIANS, they sent him aid by small companies: and when they were slain, they sent him others also. So that by their beastliness and lack of consideration, they had like to have made all the army fly, if Antonius himself had not come from the front of the battle with the third legion, the which came through the midst of them that fled, until they came to front of the enemies, & that they stayed them from chase any further. Howbeit at this last conflict there were slain no less than three thousand men, and five thousand beside brought sore hurt into the camp, and amongst them also Flavius Gallus, whose body was shot through in four places, whereof he died. Flavius Gallus slain. Antonius' care of the● that were wounded. Antonius went to the tents to visit & comfort the sick & wounded, and for pity's sake he could not refrain from weeping: and they also showing him the best countenance they could, took him by the hand, and prayed him to go and be dressed, and not to trouble himself for them, most reverently calling him their Emperor & Captain: & that for themselves, they were whole & safe, so that he had his health. For in deed to say truly, there was not at that time any Emperor or Captain that had so great & puissant an army as his together, both for lusty youths, & courage of the soldiers, as also for their patience to away with so great pains & trouble. Furthermore, the obedience & reverence they showed unto their captain, The love and reverence of the soldiers unto Antonius. with a marvelous earnest love & good will, was so great: & all were indifferently (as well great as small, the noble men, as mean men, the Captains and soldiers) so earnestly bend to esteem Antonius good will & favour, above their own life & safety: that in this point of marshall discipline, the ancient ROMANS could not have done any more. The rare and singular gifts of Antonius. But divers things were cause thereof, as we have told you before: Antonius nobility & ancient house, his eloquence, his plain nature, his liberality & magnificence, & his familiarity to sport & to be merry in company; but specially the care he took at that time to help, visit, & lament those that were sick & wounded, seeing every man to have that which was meet for him: that was of such force & effect, as it made them that were sick & wounded to love him better, & were more desirous to do him service, than those that were whole & sound. This victory so encouraged the enemies, (who otherwise were weary to follow Antonius any further) that all night long they kept the fields, and hovered about the ROMANS camp, thinking that they would presently fly, & then that they should take the spoil of their camp. So the next morning by break of day, there were gathered together a far greater number of the PARTHIANS, than they were before. For the rumour was, that there were not much fewer than forty thousand horse, because their king sent thither even the very guard about his person, as unto a most certain and assured victory, that they might be partners of the spoil and booty they hoped to have had: for as touching the king himself, The king of Parthia never came to fight in the field. he was never in any conflict or battle. Then Antonius desirous to speak to his soldiers, called for a black gown, to appear the more pitiful to them: but his friends did dissuade him from it. Therefore he put on his coat armour, and being so appareled, made an oration to his army: in the which he highly commended them that had overcome and driven back their enemies, and greatly rebuked them that had cowardly turned their backs. So that those which had overcome, prayed him to be of good cheer: the other also to clear themselves, willingly offered to take the lots of Decimation if he thought good, or otherwise, to receive what kind of punishment it should please him to say upon them, so that he would forget any more to mislike, or to be offended with them. Antonius seeing that, did lift up his hands to heaven, and made his prayer to the gods, that if in exchange of his former victories, they would now send him some bitter adversity: then that all might light on himself alone, and that they would give the victory to the rest of his army. Antonius' charitable prayer to the gods for his army. The next morning, they gave better order on every side of the army, and so marched forward: so that when the PARTHIANS thought to return again to assail them, they came far short of the reckoning. For where they thought to come not to fight, but to spoil and make havoc of all: when they came near them, they were sore hurt with their slings and darts, and such other javelinings as the ROMANS darted at them, & the PARTHIANS found them as rough and desperate in fight, as if they had been fresh men they had dealt withal. Whereupon their hearts began again to fail them. But yet when the ROMANS came to go down any steep hills or mountains, than they would set on them with their arrows, because the ROMANS could go down but fair and softly. But then again, the soldiers of the legion that carried great shields, returned back, and enclosed them that were naked or light armed, in the midst amongst them, and did kneel of one knee on the ground, and so set down their shields before them: The Romans ●estudo, and covering against shot. and they of the second rank also covered them of the first rank, and the third also covered the second, and so from rank to rank all were covered. Insomuch that this manner of covering and shedding themselves with shields, was devised after the fashion of laying tiles upon houses, and to sight, was like the degrees of a Theatre, and is a most strong defence and bulwark against all arrows and shot that falleth upon it. When the PARTHIANS saw this countenance of the ROMAN soldiers of the legion, which kneeled on the ground in that sort upon one knee, supposing that they had been wearied with travel? they laid down their bows, & took their spears & lances, and came to fight with them man for man. Then the ROMANS suddenly rose upon their feet, and with the darts that they threw from them, they slew the foremost, and put the rest to flight, and so did they the next days that followed. But by means of these dangers and lets, Antonius' army could win no way in a day, by reason whereof they suffered great famine: for they could have but little corn, and yet were they driven daily to fight for it, and besides that, they had no instruments to grind it, to make bread of it. For the most part of them had beneleft behind, because the beasts that carried them were either dead, or else employed to carry them that were sore and wounded. For the famine was so extreme great, Great famine in Antonius' army. that the eight part of a bushel of wheat was sold for fifty Drachmas, and they sold barley bread by the weight of silver. In the end, they were compelled to live of erbes and roots, but they found few of them that men do commonly eat of, and were enforced to taste of them that were never eaten before: among the which there was one that killed them, A deadly erbe incurable without wine. and made them out of their wits. For he that had once eaten of it, his memory was gone from him, and he knew no manner of thing, but only busied himself in digging and hurling of stones from one place to another, as though it had been a matter of great weight, and to be done with all possible speed. All the camp over, men were busily stooping to the ground, digging and carrying of stones from one place to another: but at the last, they cast up a great deal of choler, and died suddenly, because they lacked wine, which was the only sovereign remedy to cure that disease. It is reported that Antonius seeing such a number of his men die daily, and that the PARTHIANS left them not, neither would suffer them to be at rest: he oftentimes cried out sighing, and said: O, ten thousand. He had the valiantness of ten thousand GRECIANS in such admiration, whom Xenophon brought away after the overthrow of CYRUS: The valiantness of ten thousand Grecians, whom Xenophon brought away after the overthrow of Cyrus because they had comen a farther journey from BABYLON, and had also fought against much more enemies many times told, than themselves, and yet came home with safety. The PARTHIANS therefore seeing that they could not break the good order of the army of the ROMANS, and contrarily that they themselves were oftentimes put to flight, and well-favouredly beaten: they fell again to their old crafty subtleties. The Parthians very subtle and crafty people. For when they found any of the ROMANS scattered from the army to go forage, to seek some corn, or other victuals: they would come to them as if they had been their friends, and showed them their bows unbent, saying, that themselves also did return home to their country as they did, and that they would follow them no further, howbeit that they should yet have certain MEDES that would follow them a days journey or two, to keep them that they should do no hurt to the villages from the high ways: and so holding them with this talk, they gently took their leave of them, and bade them farewell, so that the ROMANS began again to think themselves safe. Antonius also understanding this, being very glad of it, determined to take his way through the plain country, because also they should found no water in the mountains, as it was reported unto him. So as he was determined to take this course, there came into his host one Mithridates, Mithridates a Parthian, bewrayeth unto Antonius the conspiracy of his own country men against him. a gentleman from the enemy's camp, who was cozen unto Monaezes that fled unto Antonius, and unto whom he had given three cities. When he came to Antonius' camp, he prayed them to bring him one that could speak the PARTHIAN, or SYRIAN tongue. So one Alexander ANTIOCHIAN, a familiar of Antonius, was brought unto him. Then the gentleman told him what he was, and said, that Monaezes had sent him to Antonius, to requited the honour and courtesy he had showed unto him. After he had used this ceremonious speech, he asked Alexander if he saw those high Mountains a far of, which he pointed unto him with his finger. Alexander answered he did. The PARTHIANS (said he) do lie in ambush at the foot of those Mountains, under the which lieth a goodly plain champion country: and they think that you being deceived with their crafty suttill words, will leave the way of the Mountains, and turn into the plain. For the other way, it is very hard and painful, and you shall abide great thirst, the which you are well acquainted withal: but if Antonius take the lower way, let him assure himself to run the same fortune that Marcus Crassus did. So Mithridates having said, he departed. Antonius was marvelously troubled in his mind when he heard thus much, & therefore called for his friends, to hear what they would say to it. The MARDIAN also that was their guide, being asked his opinion, answered: that he thought as much as the gentleman Mithridates had said. For, said he, admit that there were no ambush of enemies in the valley, yet it is a long crooked way, and ill to hit: where taking the Mountain way, though it be stoyne and painful, yet there is no other danger, but a whole days traveling without any water. So Antonius changing his first mind and determination, removed that night, and took the Mountain way, commanding every man to provide himself of water. But the most part of them lacking vessels to carry water in, some were driven to fill their salletts and murrians with water, and others also filled goats skins to carry water in. Now they marching forward, word was brought unto the PARTHIANS that they were removed: whereupon, contrary to their manner, they presently followed them the self same night, so that by break of day they overtook the rearward of the ROMANS, who were so lame and wearied with going, and lack of sleep, that they were even done. For, beyond expectation, they had gone that night, two hundred and forty furlong, and further, to see their enemies so suddenly at their backs, that made them utterly despair: but most of all, the fighting with them increased their thirst, because they were forced to fight as they marched, to drive their enemies back, yet creeping on still. The vanguard of the army by chance met with a river that was very clear, and cold water, but it was salt and by venomous to drink: A salt river. for strait it did gnaw the guts of those that had drunk it; and made them marvelous dry, and put them into a terrible ache and pricking. And notwithstanding that the MARDIAN had told them of it before, yet they would not be ruled, but violently thrust them back that would have kept them from drinking, and so drank: But Antonius going up and down amongst them, prayed them to take a little patience for a while, for hard by there was another river that the water was excellent good to drink, & that from thenceforth the way was so stony and ill for horsemen, that the enemies could follow them no further. So he caused the retreat to be sounded to call them back that fought, and commanded the tents to be set up, that the soldiers might yet have shadow to refresh them with. So when the tents were set up, and the PARTHIANS also retired according to their manner: the gentleman Mithridates before named, returned again as before, and Alexander in like manner again brought unto him for Interpreter. Then Mithridates advised him, that after the army had reposed a little, the ROMANS should remove forthwith, and with all possible speed get to the river: because the PARTHIANS would go no further, but yet were cruelly bend to follow them thither. Alexander carried the report thereof unto Antonius, who gave him a great deal of gold plate to bestow upon Mithridates. Mithridates took as much of him as he could well carry away in his gown, and so departed with speed. So Antonius raised his camp being yet day light, Antonius' great liberality unto Mithridates, for the care he had of his safety. and caused all his army to march, & the PARTHIANS never troubled any of them by the way: but amongst themselves it was as ill and dreadful a night as ever they had. For there were Villains of their own company, who cut their fellows throats for the money they had, and besides that, rob the sumpters and carriage of such money as they carried: and at length, they set upon Antonius slaves that drove his own sumpters and carriage, The tumult of Antonius soldiers through courteousness. they broke goodly tables & rich plate in pieces, and divided it among themselves. Thereupon all the camp was strait in tumult and uproar: For the residue of them were afraid it had been the PARTHIANS that had given them this alarum, and had put all the army out of order. Insomuch that Antonius called for one Rhamnus, one of his slaves enfranchised that was of his guard, and made him give him his faith that he would thrust his sword through him when he would bid him, Antonius' desperate mind. and cut of his head: because he might not betaken alive of his enemies, nor known when he were dead. This grieved his friends to the heart, that they burst out a weeping for sorrow. The MARDIAN also did comfort him, and assured him that the river he sought for was hard by, and that he did guess it by a sweet moist wind that breathed upon them, and by the air which they found fresher than they were wont, and also, for that they fetched their wind more at liberty: and moreover, because that since they did set forward, he thought they were near their journeys end, not lacking much of day. On the other side also, Antonius was informed, that this great tumult and trouble came not through the enemies, but through the vile covetousness and villainy of certain of his soldiers. Therefore Antonius to set his army again in order, and to pacify this uproar, sounded the trumpet that every man should lodge. Now day began to break, and the army to fall again into good order, and all the hurly burly to cease, when the PARTHIANS drew near, and that their arrows lighted among them of the rearward of his army. Thereupon the signal of battle was given to the light armed men, and the legioners did cover themselves as they had done before with their shields, with the which they received & defended the force of the PARTHIANS arrows, who never durst any more come to hand strokes with them: and thus they that were in the vanguard, went down by little and little, till at length they spied the river. There Antonius placed his armed men upon the sands to receive and drive back the enemies, and first of all, got over his men that were sick and hurt, and afterwards all the rest. And those also that were left to resist the enemies, had leisure enough to drink safely, and at their pleasure. For when the PARTHIANS saw the river, they unbent their bows, and bad the ROMANS pass over without any fear, and greatly commended their valiantness. When they had all passed over the river at their ease, they took a little breath, and so marched forward again, not greatly trusting the PARTHIANS. The sixth day after this last battle, they came to the river of Araxes, Hroxes' ft.. which divideth the country of ARMENIA from MEDIA: the which appeared unto them very dangerous to pass, for the depth and swiftness of the stream. And furthermore, there ran a rumour through the camp, that the PARTHIANS lay in ambush thereabouts, and that they would come & set upon them whilst they were troubled in passing over the river. But now, after they were all comen safely over without any danger, and that they had gotten to the other side, into the province of ARMENIA: then they worshipped that land, as if it had been the first land they had seen after a long and dangerous voyage by sea, being now arrived in a safe and happy haven: and the tears ran down their cheeks, and every man embraced each other for the great joy they had. But now, keeping the fields in this fruitful country so plentiful of all things, after so great a famine and want of all things: they so crammed themselves with such plenty of victuals, that many of them were cast into flyxes and dropsies. There Antonius mustering his whole army, found that he had lost twenty thousand footmen, and four thousand horsemen, which had not all been slain by their enemies: for the most part of them died of sickness, making seven and twenty days journey, coming from the city of PHRAATA into ARMENIA, and having overcome the PARTHIANS in eighteen several battles. 18. several battles fought with the Parthians. But these victories were not thoroughly performed nor accomplished, because they followed no long chase: and thereby it easily appeared, that Artabazus king of ARMENIA, had reserved Antonius to end this war. The treachery of Artabazus king of Armenia, unto Antonius. For if the sixteen thousand horsemen which he brought with him out of MEDIA, had been at these battles, considering that they were armed and appareled much after the PARTHIANS manner, and acquainted also with their fight: When the ROMANS had put them to flight that sought a battle with them, & that these ARMENIANS had followed the chase of them that fled, they had not gathered themselves again in force, neither durst they also have returned to fight with them so often, after they had been so many times overthrown. Therefore, all those that were of any credit and countenance in the army, did persuade and egg Antonius to be revenged of this ARMENIAN king. But Antonius wisely dissembling his anger, he told him not of his treachery, nor gave him the worse countenance, nor did him less honour than he did before: because he knew his army was weak, & lacked things necessary. Howbeit afterwards he returned again into ARMENIA with a great army, and so with fair words, and sweet promises of Messengers, he alured Artabazus to come unto him: Antonius' triumphed of Artabazus king of Armenia, in Egypt. whom he then kept prisoner, and led in triumph in the city of ALEXANDRIA. This greatly offended the ROMANS, and made them much to mislike it: when they saw that for Cleopatra's sake he deprived his country of her due honour and glory, only to gratify the EGYPTIANS. But this was a pretty while after. Howbeit then, the great haste he made to return unto Cleopatra, caused him to put his men to so great pains, forcing them to lie in the field all winter long when it snew unreasonably, that by the way he lost eight thousand of his men, and so came down to the seaside with a small company, to a certain place called BLANCBOURG, which standeth betwixt the cities of BERYTUS and SIDON, and there tarried for Cleopatra. And because she tarried longer than he would have had her, he pined away for love and sorrow. Antonius pined away looking for Cleopatra. So that he was at such a strait, that he witted nor what to do, and therefore to wear it out, he gave himself to quaffing and feasting. But he was so drowned with the love of her, that he could not abide to sit at the table till the feast were ended: but many times while others banqueted, he ran to the sea side to see if she were coming. Cleopatra come to Blancbourg unto Antonius. At length she came, and brought with her a world of apparel and money to give unto the soldiers. But some say notwithstanding, that she brought apparel, but no money, and that she took of Antonius money, and caused it to be given among the soldiers in her own name, as if she had given it them. In the mean time it chanced, that the king of the MEDES, and Phraortes king of the PARTHIANS, fell at great wars together, the which began (as it is reported) for the spoils of the ROMANS: and grew to be so hot between them, Wars betwixt the Parthians and Medes. that the king of MEDES was no less afraid, then also in danger to loose his whole Realm. Thereupon he sent unto Antonius to pray him to come and make war with the PARTHIANS, promising him that he would aid him to his uttermost power. This put Antonius again in good comfort, considering that unlooked for, the only thing he lacked, (which made him he could not overcome the PARTHIANS, meaning that he had not brought horsemen, and men with dares and slings enough) was offered him in that sort: that he did him more pleasure to accept it, than it was pleasure to the other to offer it. hereupon, after he had spoken with the king of MEDES at the river of Araxes, he prepared himself once more to go through ARMENIA, and to make more cruel war with the PARTHIANS, than he had done before. Now whilst Antonius was busy in this preparation, Octavia his wife, whom he had left at ROME, would needs take sea to come unto him. Her brother Octavius Caesar was willing unto it, not for his respect at all (as most authors do report) as for that he might have an honest colour to make war with Antonius if he did misuse her, and not esteem of her as she aught to be. But when she was come to ATHENS, Octavia, Antonius wife, came to Athens to meet with him. she received letters from Antonius, willing her to stay there until his coming, & did advertise her of his journey and determination. The which though it grieved her much, and that she knew it was but an excuse: yet by her letters to him of answer, she asked him whether he would have those things sent unto him which she had brought him, being great store of apparel for soldiers, great number of horse, sum of money, and gifts, to bestow on his friends and Captains he had about him: and besides all those, she had two thousand soldiers chosen men, all well armed, like unto the Praetor's bands. When Niger, one of Antonius friends whom he had sent unto ATHENS, had brought these news from his wife Octavia, and withal did greatly praise her, as she was worthy, and well deserved: Cleopatra knowing that Octavia would have Antonius from her, and fearing also that if with her virtue and honest behaviour, (besides the great power of her brother Caesar) she did add thereunto her modest kind love to please her husband, that she would then be too strong for her, and in the end win him away: she subtly seemed to languish for the love of Antonius, The flickering enticements comments of Cleopatra, unto Antonius. pining her body for lack of meat. Furthermore, she every way so framed her countenance, that when Antonius came to see her, she cast her eyes upon him, like a woman ravished for joy. Strait again when he went from her, she fell a weeping and blubbering, looked ruefully of the matter, and still found the means that Antonius should oftentynes find her weeping: and then when he came suddenly upon her, she made as though she dried her eyes, and turned her face away, as if she were unwilling that he should see her weep. All these tricks she used, Antonius being in readiness to go into SYRIA, to speak with the king of MEDES. Then the flatterers that furthered Cleopatra's mind, blamed Antonius, and told him that he was a hard natured man, and that he had small love in him, that would see a poor Lady in such torment for his sake, whose life depended only upon him alone. For, Octavia, said they, that was married unto him as it were of necessity, because her brother Caesar's affairs so required it: hath the honour to be called Antonius lawful spouse and wife: and Cleopatra, being borne a Queen of so many thousands of men, is only named Antonius Leman, and yet that she disdained not so to be called, if it might please him she might enjoy his company, and live with him: but if he once leave her, that then it is unpossible she should live. To be short, by these their flatteries and enticements, they so wrought Antonius effeminate mind, that fearing lest she would make herself away: he returned again unto ALEXANDRIA, and referred the king of MEDES to the next year following, although he received news that the PARTHIANS at that time were at civil wars among themselves. This notwithstanding, he went afterwards and made peace with him. For he married his Daughter which was very young, unto one of the sons that Cleopatra had by him: and then returned, being fully bend to make war with Caesar. The occasion of civil wars betwixt Antonius and Caesar. When Octavia was returned to ROME from ATHENS, Caesar commanded her to go out of Antonius house, and to devil by herself, because he had abused her. Octavia answered him again, that she would not forsake her husband's house, and that if he had no other occasion to make war with him, she prayed him then to take no thought for her: for said she, it were too shameful a thing, that two so famous Captains should bring in civil wars among the ROMANS, the one for the love of a woman, & the other for the ielously betwixt one an other. The love of Octavia to Antonius her husband, and her wise and womanly behaviour. Now as she spoke the word, so did she also perform the deed. For she kept still in Antonius' house, as if he had been there, and very honestly and honourably kept his children, not those only she had by him, but the other which her husband had by Fulvia. Furthermore, more, when Antonius sent any of his men to ROME, to sue for any office in the common wealth she received him very courteously, and so used herself unto her brother, that she obtained the thing she requested. Howbeit thereby, thinking no hurt, she did Antonius great hurt. For her honest love and regard to her husband, made every man hate him, when they saw he did so unkindly use so noble a Lady: but yet the greatest cause of their malice unto him, was for the division of lands he made amongst his children in the city of ALEXANDRIA. And to confess a troth, it was too arrogant and insolent a part, and done (as a man would say) in derision and contempt of the ROMANS. For he assembled all the people in the show place, where young men do exercise themselves, and there upon a high tribunal silvered, he set two chairs of gold, Antonius arrogantly only divideth divers provinces unto his children by Cleopatra. the one for himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and lower chairs for his children: then he openly published before the assembly, that first of all he did establish Cleopatra Queen of EGYPT, of CYPRUS, of LYDIA, and of the lower SYRIA, and at that time also, Caesarion king of the same Realms. This Caesarion was supposed to be the son of julius Caesar, Caesarian, the supposed son of Caesar by Cleopatra. who had left Cleopatra great with child. Secondly he called the sons he had by her, the kings of kings, and gave Alexander for his portion, ARMENIA, MEDIA, and PARTHIA, when he had conquered the country: and unto Ptolemy for his portion, PHENICIA, SYRIA, and CILICIA. And therewithal he brought out Alexander in a long gown after the fashion of the MEDES, Alexander & Ptolemy, Antonius sons by Cleopatra. with a high copped tank hat on his head, norrow in the top, as the kings of the MEDES and ARMENIANS do use to wear them: and Ptolemy appareled in a cloak after the MACEDONIAN manner, with slippers on his feet, and a broad hat, with a royal band or diadem. Such was the apparel and old attire of the ancient kings and successors of Alexander the great. So after his sons had done their humble duties, and kissed their father and mother: presently a company of ARMENIAN soldiers set there of purpose, compassed the one about, and a like company of the MACEDONIANS the other. Now for Cleopatra, she did not only wear at that time (but at all other times else when she came abroad) the apparel of the goddess Isis, and so gave audience unto all her subjects, as a new Isis. Octavius Caesar reporting all these things unto the Senate, and oftentimes accusing him to the whole people and assembly in ROME: Accusations betwixt Octavius Caesar, & Antonius. he thereby stirred up all the ROMANS against him Antonius on tother side sent to ROME likewise to accuse him, and the chiefest points of his accusations he charged him with, were these. First, that having spoiled Sextus Pompeius in SICILY, he did not gave him his part of the isle. Secondly, that he did detain in his hands the ships he lent him to make that war. Thirdly, that having put Lepidus their companion and triumvirate out of his part of the Empire, and having deprived him of all honours: he retained for himself the lands and revenues thereof, which had been assigned unto him for his part. And last of all, that he had in manner divided all ITALY amongst his own soldiers, and had left no part of it for his soldiers. Octavius Caesar answered him again: that for Lepidus, he had in deed deposed him, and taken his part of the Empire from him, because he did overcruelly use hid authority. And secondly, for the conquests he had made my force of arms, he was contented Antonius should have his part of them, so that he would likewise let him have his part of ARMENIA. And thirdly, that for his soldiers, they should seek for nothing in ITALY, because they possessed MEDIA and PARTHIA, the which provinces they had added to the Empire of ROME, valiantly fight with their Emperor and Captain. Antonius hearing these news, being yet in ARMENIA, commanded Canidius to go presently to the sea side with his sixteen legions he had: and he himself with Cleopatra, went unto the city of EPHESUS, & there gathered together his galleys and ships out of all parts, which came to the number of eight hundred, reckoning the great ships of burden: Antonius came with eight hundred sail against Octavius Caesar. and of those, Cleopatra furnished him with two hundred, and twenty thousand talents beside, and provision of victuals also to maintain all the whole army in this war. So Antonius, through the persuasions of Domitius, commanded Cleopatra to return again into EGYPT, and there to understand the success of this war. But Cleopatra, fearing lest Antonius should again be made friends with Octavius Caesar, by the means of his wife Octavia: she so plied Canidius with money, and filled his purse, that he become her spokes man unto Antonius, and told him there was no reason to sand her from this war, who defrayed so great a charge: neither that it was for his profit, because that thereby the EGYPTIANS would then be utterly discouraged, which were the chiefest strength of the army by sea; considering that he could see no king of all the kings their confederates, that Cleopatra was inferior unto, either for wisdom or judgement, seeing that long before she had wisely governed so great a realm as EGYPT, & besides that she had been so long acquainted with him, by whom she had learned to manedge great affairs. These fair persuasions won him: for it was predestined that the government of all the world should fall into Octavius Caesar's hands. Antonius carrieth. Cleopatra with him to the wars, against Octavius Caesar's & kept great feasting at the isle of Samos together. Thus, all their forces being joined together, they hoist sail towards the isle of SAMOS, and there gave themselves to feasts and solace. For as all the kings, Princes, & commonalties, peoples and cities from SYRIA, unto the marshes Maeotides, and from the ARMENIANS to the ILLYRIANS, were sent unto, to sand and bring all munition and warlike preparation they could: even so all players, minstrels, tumblers, fools, and jesters, were commanded to assemble in the isle of SAMOS. So that, where in manner all the world in every place was full of lamentations, sighs and tears: only in this isle of SAMOS there was nothing for many days space, but singing and piping, and all the Theatre full of these common players, minstrels, and singing men. Besides all this, every city sent an ox thither to sacrifice, and kings did strive one with another who should make the noblest feasts, & give the richest gifts. So that every man said, what can they do more for joy of victory, if they win the battle? When they make already such sumptuous feasts at the beginning of the war? When this was done, he gave the whole rabble of these minstrels, & such kind of people, the city of PRIENE to keep them withal, during this war. Then he went unto the city of ATHENS, and there gave himself again to see plays and pastimes, and to keep the theatres. Cleopatra on the other side, being jealous of the honours which Octavia had received in this city, where in deed she was marvelously honoured and beloved of the ATHENIANS: to win the people's good will also at ATHENS, she gave them great gifts: and they likewise gave her many great honours, and appointed certain Ambassadors to carry the decree to her house, among the which Antonius was one, who as a Citizen of ATHENS reported the matter unto her, & made an oration in the be half of the city. Afterwards he sent to ROME to put his wife Octavia out of his house, Antonius put his wife Octavia out of his house at Rome. who (as it is reported) went out of his house with all Antonius children, saving the eldest of them he had by Fulvia, who was with her father, bewailing & lamenting her cursed hap that had brought her to this, that she was accounted one of the chiefest causes of this civil war. The ROMANS did pity her, but much more Antonius, & those specially that had seen Cleopatra: who neither excelled Octavia in beauty, nor yet in young years. Octavius Caesar understanding the sudden & wondered great preparation of Antonius, he was not a little astonished as it, (fearing he should be driven to fight that summer) because he wanted many things, & the great and grievous exactions of money did sorely oppress the people. For all manner of men else, were driven to pay the fourth part of their goods and revenue: but the Libertines, (to were, those whose fathers or other predecessors had some time been bond men) they were sessed to pay the eight part of all their goods at one payment. hereupon, Octavius Caesar exacteth grievous payments of the Romans. there rose a wonderful exclamation and great uproar all ITALY over: so that among the greatest faults that ever Antonius committed, they blamed him most, for that he delayed to give Caesar battle. For he gave Caesar leisure to make his preparations, and also to appease the complaints of the people. When such a great sum of money was demanded of them, they grudged at it, and grew to mutiny upon it: but when they had once paid it, they remembered it no more. Furthermore, Titius and Plancus (two of Antonius' chiefest friends and that had been both of them Consuls) for the great injuries Cleopatra did them, because they hindered all they could, that she should not come to this war: they went and yielded themselves unto Caesar, Titius and Plancus revolt from Antonius, and do yield to Caesar. and told him where the testament was that Antonius had made, knowing perfectly what was in it. The will was in the custody of the Vestal Nuns: of whom Caesar demanded for it. They answered him, that they would not give it him: but if he would go and take it, they would not hinder him. Thereupon Caesar went thither, & having read it first to himself, he noted certain places worthy of reproach: so assembling all the Senate, he read it before them all. Whereupon divers were marvelously offended, and thought it a strange matter that he being alive, should be punished for that he had appointed by his will to be done after his death. Caesar chief took hold of this that he ordained touching his burial: for he willed that his body, though he died at ROME, should be brought in funeral pomp through the midst of the market place, and that it should be sent into ALEXANDRIA unto Cleopatra, Furthermore, among divers other faults wherewith Antonius was to be charged, for Cleopatra's sake: Caluisius, one of Caesar's friends reproved him, because he had frankly given Cleopatra all the libraries of the royal city of PERGAMUM, A famous library in the city of Pergamum. in the which she had above two hundred thousand several books. Again also, that being on a time set at the table, he suddenly rose from the board, and trod upon Cleopatra's foot, which was a sign given between them, that they were agreed of. That he had also suffered the EPHESIANS in his presence to call Cleopatra, their sovereign Lady. That divers times sitting in his tribunal and chair of state, giving audience to all kings and Princes: he had received love letters from Cleopatra, written in tables of onyx or crystal, and that he had read them, sitting in his imprerial seat. That one day when Furnius, a man of great account, and the elonquentest man of all the ROMANS, pleaded a matter before him: Furnius, an eloquent Orator among the Romans. Cleopatra by chance coming through the market place in her litter where Furnius was a pleading: Antonius strait rose out of his seat, and left his audience to follow her litter. This notwithstanding, it was thought Caluisius devised the most part of all these accusations of his own head. Nevertheless they that loved Antonius, were intercessors to the people for him, and amongst them they sent one Geminius unto Antonius, Geminius sent from Rome to Antonius, to bid him take heed to himself. to pray him he would take heed, that through his negligence his Empire were not taken from him, and that he should be counted an enemy to the people of ROME. This Geminius being arrived in GRAECE, made Cleopatra jealous strait of his coming: because she surmised that he came not but to speak for Octavia. Therefore she spared not to tawnt him all supper time, and moreover to spite him the more, she made him be set lowest of all at the board, the which he took patiently, expecting occasion to speak with Antonius. Now Antonius commanding him at the table to tell him what wind brought him thither: he answered him, that it was no table talk, and that he would tell him to morrow morning fasting: but drunk or fasting, howsoever it were, he was sure of one thing, that all would not go well on his side, unless Cleopatra were sent back into EGYPT. Antonius took these words in very ill part. Cleopatra on the other side answered him, thou dost well Geminius, said she, to tell the truth before thou be compelled by torments: but within few days after, Gemenius stolen away, and fled to ROME. The flatterers also to please Cleopatra, did make her drive many other of Antonius faithful servants and friends from him, Many of Antonius friends do forsake him. who could not abide the injuries done unto them: among the which these two were chief, Marcus Syllanus, and Dellius the Historiographer: who wrote that he fled, because her Physician Glaucus told him, that Cleopatra had set some secretly to kill him. Furthermore he had Cleopatra's displeasure, because he said one night at supper, that they made them drink sour wine, where Sarmentus at ROME drank good wine of FALERNA. This Sarmentus was a pleasant young boy, such as the Lords of ROME are wont to have about them to make them pastime, which they call their joys, and he was Octavius Caesar's boy. Now, after Caesar had made sufficient preparation, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra, and made the people to abolish the power and Empire of Antonius, because he had before given it up unto a woman. Antonius' Empire taken from him. And Caesar said furthermore, that Antonius was not Maiester of himself, but that Cleopatra had brought him beside himself, by her charms and amorous poisons: and that they that should make war with them, should be Mardian and Euenuke, Photinus, and Iras, a woman of Cleopatra's bed chamber, that friseled her hear, and dressed her head, and Charmion, the which were those that ruled all the affairs of Antonius Empire. Before this war, as it is reported, many signs & wonders fell out. Signs and wonders before the civil wares betwixt Antonius and Oct. Caesar. First of all, the city of PISAURUM which was made a colony to ROME, and replenished with people by Antonius, standing upon the shore side of the sea Adriatic, was by a terrible earthquake sunk into the ground. One of the images of stone which was set up in the honour of Antonius, in the city of ALBA, did sweat many days together: and though some wiped it away, Pesaro, a city in Italy, sunk into the gretle by an earthquake. yet it jest not sweeting still. In the city of PATRAS, whilst Antonius was there, the temple of Hercules was burnt with lightning. And at the city of ATHENS also, in a place where the war of the giants against the goddess is set out in imagery: the statue of Bacchus with a terrible wind was thrown down in the Theatre. It was said that Antonius came of the race of Hercules, as you have heard before, and in the manner of his life he followed Bacchus: therefore he was called the new Bacchus. Furthermore, the same bluftering storm of wind, overthrew the great monstrous images at ATHENS, that were made in the honour of Eumenes and Attalus, the which men had named and entitled, the Antonians, and yet they did hurt none of the other images which were many beside. The Admiral galley of Cleopatra, was called Antoniade, An ill sign, foreshoned by swallows breeding in Cleopatraeas ship Antonius' power against Oct. Caesar. in the which there chanced a marvelous ill sign. Swallows had bred under the poop of her ship, & there came others after them that drove away the first, & plucked down their nest. Now when all things were ready, and that they drew near to fight: it was found that Antonius had no less than five hundred good ships of war, among the which there were many galleys that had eight & ten banks of owers, the which were sumptuously furnished, not so meet for fight, as for triumph: a hundred thousand footmen, & twelve thousand horsemen, Antonius had eight king, & then power to aid him. & had with him to aid him these kings and subjects following. Bocchus king of LYBIA, Tarcondemus king of high CILICIA Archelaus king of CAPPADOCIA, Philadelphus' king of PAPHLAGONIA, Mithridates' king of C) ●●●●●● and Adallas king of THRACIA. All the which were there every man in person. The residue that were absent sent their armies, as Polemon king of PONT, Manchus king of ARABIA, Herodes king of JURY: & furthermore, Amyntas king of LYCAONIA, & of the GALATIANS: and besides all these, he had all the aid the king of MEDES sent unto him. Now for Caesar, The army & power of Octavius Caesar against Antonius. he had two hundred and fifty ships of war, four score thousand footmen, & well near as many horsemen as his enemy Antonius. Antonius for his part, had all under his dominion from ARMENIA, Antonius' dominions. & the river of Euphrates, unto the sea JONIUM & ILLYRICUM. Octavius Caesar had also for his part, Octavius Caesar's dominions. all that which was in our HEMISPHERE, or half part of the world, from ILLYRIA, unto the Ocean sea upon the west: then all from the Ocean, unto Mare Siculun: & from AFRICA, all that which is against ITALY, as GAUL, & SPAIN. Furthermore, all from the province of CYRENIA, unto AETHIOPIA, was subject unto Antonius. Antonius we which ruled by Cleopatra. Now Antonius was made so subject to a woman's will, that though he was a great deal the stronger by land, yet for Cleopatra's sake, he would needs have this battle tried by sea: though he saw before his eyes, that for lack of water men, his Captains did press by force all sorts of men out of GRAECE that they could take up in the field, as travelers, muletters, reapers, harvest men, and young boys, and yet could they not sufficiently furnish his galleys: so that the most part of them were empty, and could scant row, because they lacked water men enough. But on the contrary side Caesar's ships were not built for pomp, high, and great, only for a sight and bravery, but they were light of yarage, armed and furnished with water men as many as they needed, and had them all in readiness, in the havens of TARENTUM, and BRUNDISIUM. So Octavius Caesar sent unto Antonius, to will him to delay no more time, but to come on with his army into ITALY and that for his own part he would give him safe harbour, to land without any trouble, and that he would withdraw his army from the sea, as far as one horse could run, until he had put his army a shore, & had lodged his men. Antonius on the other side bravely sent him word again, and challenged the combat of him man to man, though he were the elder: and that is he refused him so, he would them fight a battle with him in the fields of PHARSALIA, as julius Caesar, and Pompey had done before. Now whilst Antonius road at anchor, lying idly in harbour at the head of ACTIUM, in the place where the city of NICOPOLIS standeth at this present Caesar had quickly passed the sea jonium, Antonius road at anchor at the head of Action. where the city of Nicopolis standeth. and taken a place called TORYNE, before Antonius understood, that he had taken ship. Then began his men to be afraid, because his army by land was left behind. But Cleopatra making light of it: and what danger, I pray you, said she, if Caesar keep at * The grace of this tacleit can not properly be expressed in any other tongue, because of the equivocation of this word Toryne, which signifieth city Albania, and also, a Ladle to scoome the pot with: as if she meant, Caesar sat by the fire side, scomming of the pot. TORYNE? The next morning by break of day, his enemies coming with full force of owers in battle against him, Antonius was afraid that if they came to join, they would take and carry away his ships that had no men of war in them. So he armed all his water men, and set them in order of battle upon the forecastell of their ships, and then lift up all his ranks of owers towards the element, as well of the one side, as the other, with the prooes against the enemies, at the entry and mouth of the gulf, which beginneth at the point of ACTIUM, and so kept them in order of battle, as if they had been armed and furnished with water men and soldiers. Thus Octavius Caesar being finely deceived by this stratagem, retired presently, and therewithal Antonius very wisely and suddenly did cut him of from fresh water. For, understanding that the places where Octavius Caesar landed, had very little store of water, and yet very bad: he shut them in with strong ditches and trenches he cast, to keep them from sallying out at their pleasure, and so to go seek water further of. Furthermore, he dealt very friendly and courteously with Domitius, and against Cleopatra's mind. For, he being sick of an ague when he went and took a little boat to go to Caesar's camp, Antonius was very sorry for it, but yet he sent after him all his carriage, train, and men: and the same Domitius, Domitius forsaketh Antonius, & goeth unto Octavius Caesar. as though he gave him to understand that he repented his open treason, he died immediately after. There were certain kings also that forsook him, and turned on Caesar's side: as Amyntas, and Deiotarus. Amyntas, and Deiotarus, do both revolt from Antonius, and go unto Caesar. Furthermore, his fleet and navy that was unfortunate in all things, and unready for service, compelled him to change his mind, and to hazard battle by land. And Canidius also, who had charge of his army by land, when time came to follow Antonius' determination: he turned him clean contrary, and counseled him to sand Cleopatra back again, and himself to retire into MACEDON, to fight there on the main land. And furthermore told him, that Dicomes king of the GETES, promised him to aid him with a great power: and that it should be noshame nor dishonour to him to let Caesar have the sea, (because himself & his men both had been well practised & exercised in battles by sea, in the war of SICILIA against Sextus Pompeius) but rather that he should do against all reason, he having so great skill and experience of battles by land as he had, if he should not employ the force and valiantness of so many lusty armed footmen as he had ready, but would weaken his army by dividing them into ships. But now, notwithstanding all these good persuasions, Cleopatra forced him to put all to the hazard of battle by sea: considering with herself how she might fly, & provide for her safety, not to help him to win the victory, but to fly more easily after the battle lost. Betwixt Antonius' camp & his fleet of ships, there was a great high point of firm land that ran a good way into the sea, the which Antonius often used for a walk, without mistrust of fear or danger. Antonius in danger of taking as Act●um. One of Caesar's men perceived it, & told his Master that he would laugh & they could take up Antonius in the midst of his walk. Thereupon Caesar sent some of his men to lie in ambush for him, & they miss not much of taking of him: for they took him that came before him, because they discovered to soon, & so Antonius scaped very hardly. So when Antonius had determined to fight by sea, he set all the other ships a fire, but three score ships of EGYPT, & reserved only but the best & greatest galleys, from three banks, unto ten banks of owers. Into them he put two & twenty thousand fight men, with two thousand darters & slingers. Now, as he was setting his men in order of battle, there was a Captain, & a valiant man, that had served Antonius in many battles & conflicts, & had all his body hacked & cut: Antonius regardeth not the good counsel of his soldier. who as Antonius passed by him, cried out unto him, & said: O, noble Emperor, how cometh it to pass that you trust to these vile brittle ships? what, do you mistrust these wounds of mine, and this sword? let the EGYPTIANS & PHAENICIANS fight by sea, and set us on the main land, where we use to conquer, or to be slain on our feet Antonius passed by him, and said never a word, but only beckoned to him with his hand & head, as though he willed him to be of good courage, although in deed he had no great courage himself. For when the Masters of the galleys & Pilots would have let their sails alone, he made them clap them on, saying to colour the matter withal, that not one of his enemies should scape. All that day, & the three days following, the sea rose so high, & was so boisterous, that the battle was put of. The fift day the storm ceased, & the sea calmed again, & then they rowed with force of owers in battle one against the other: Antonius leading the right wing with Publicola, & Caelius the left, & Marcus Octavius, & Marcus justeius the midst. Octavius Caesar on tother side, had placed Agrippa in the left wing of his army, and had kept the right wing for himself. For the armies by land, Canidius was general of Antonius side, and Taurus of Caesar's side: who kept their men in battle ray the one before the other, upon the sea side, Battle by sea as Actium, betwixt Antonius and Caesar. without stirring one against the other. Further, touching both the Chieftains: Antonius being in a swift pinnase, was carried up and down by force of owers through his army, & spoke to his people to encourage them to fight valiantly, as if they were on main land, because of the steadiness & heaviness of their ships: & commanded the Pilots & masters of the galleys, that they should not stir, none otherwise then if they were at anchor, and so to receive the first charge of their enemies, and that they should not go out of the strait of the gulf. Caesar betimes in the morning going out of his tent, A lucky sign unto Octavius Caesar. to see his ships through out met a man by chance that drove an ass before him. Caesar asked the man what his name was. The poor man told him, his name was Eutychus, to say, fortunate: and his asses name Nicon, to say, Conqueror. Eutychus Nicon, fortunate Conqueror. Therefore Caesar after he had won the battle, setting out the market place with the spurs of the galleys he had taken, for a sign of his victory: he caused also the man, and his ass to be set up in brass. When he had visited the order of his army through out, he took a little pinnase, and went to the right wing, and wondered when he saw his enemies lie still in the strait, & stirred not. For, decerning them a far of, men would have thought they had been ships riding at anchor, and a good while he was so persuaded: So he kept his galleys eight furlong from his enemies. About noon there rose a little gale of wind from the sea, and then Antonius men waxing angry with tarrying so long, and trusting to the greatness and height of their ships, as if they had been invincible: they began to march forward with their left wing, Caesar seeing that, was a glad man, and began a little to give back from the right wing, to allure them to come further out of the strait & gulf: to th'end that he might with his light ships well manned with water men, turn and environ the galleys of the enemies, the which were heavy of yarage, both for their bigness, as also for lack of watermen to row them. When the skirmish began, and that they came to join, there was no great hurt at the first meeting, neither did the ships vehemently hit one against the other, as they do commonly in fight by sea. For on the one side, Antonius' ships for their heaviness, could not have the strength and swiftness to make their blows of any force: and Caesar's ships on tother side took great heed, not to rush & shock with the forecastells of Antonius ships, whose proves were armed with great brazen spurs. Furthermore they durst not flank them, because their points were easily broken, which way soever they came to set upon his ships, that were made of great main square pieces of timber, bound together with great iron pings: so that the battle was much like to a battle by land, or to speak more properly, to the assault of a city. For there were always three or four of Caesar's ships about one of Antonius ships, and the soldiers fought with their pikes, halberds, and darts, and threw pots and darts with fire. Antonius' ships on the other side bestowed among them, with their crossbows and engines of battery, great store of shot from their high towers of wood, that were upon their ships. Now Publicola seeing Agrippa put forth his left wing of Caesar's army, to compass in Antonius' ships that fought: he was driven also to lose of to have more room, & going a little at one side, to put those further of that were afraid, and in the midst of the battle. For they were fore distressed by Aruntius. Howbeit the battle was yet of even hand, and the victory doubtful, being indifferent to both: when suddenly they saw the three score ships of Cleopatra busy about their yard masts, and hoisting sail to fly. Cleopatra flieth. So they fled through the midst of them that were in fight, for they had been placed behind the great ships, & did marvelously disorder the other ships. For the enemies themselves wondered much to see them sail in that sort, with full sail towards PELOPONNESUS. There Antonius showed plainly, that he had not only lost the courage and heart of an Emperor, but also of a valiant man, & that he was not his own man: (proving that true which an old man spoke in mirth, that the soul of a lover lived in another body, The soul of a lover liveth in another body. and not in his own) he was so carried away with the vain love of this woman, as if he had been glued unto her, & that she could not have removed without moving of him also. For when he saw Cleopatra's ship under sail, Antonius flieth after Cleopatra. he forgot, forsook, & betrayed them that fought for him, & embarked upon a galley with five banks of owers, to follow her that had already begun to everthrow him, & would in the end be his utter destruction. When she knew this galley a far of, she lift up a sign in the poop of her ship, and so Antonius coming to it, was plucked up where Cleopatra was, howbeit he saw her not at his first coming, nor she him, but went and sat down alone in the prow of his ship, and said never a word, clapping his head between both his hands. In the mean time came certain light brigantynes of Caesar's that followed him hard. So Antonius strait turned the prow of his ship, and presently put the rest to flight, saving one Eurycles LACEDAEMONIAN, that followed him near, and priest upon him with great courage, shaking a dart in his hand over the prow, as though he would have thrown it unto Antonius. Antonius seeing him, came to the fore castle of his ship, & asked him what he was that durst follow Antonius so near? I am, answered he, Eurycles the son of Lachares, who through Caesar's good fortune seeketh to revenge the death of my father. This Lachares was condemned of felony, and beheaded by Antonius. But yet Eurycles durst not venture on Antonius' ship, but set upon the other Admiral galley (for there were two) and fell with him with such a blow of his brazen spur, that was so heavy and big, that he turned her round, and took her, with another that was laden with very rich stuff and carriage. After Eurycles had left Antonius, he returned again to his place, and sat down, speaking never a word as he did before: and so lived three days alone, without speaking to any man. But when he arrived at the head of Taenarus, there Cleopatra's women first brought Antonius and Cleopatra to speak together, and afterwards, to sup and lie together. Then began there again a great number of Merchants ships to gather about them, and some of their friends that had escaped from this overthrow: who brought news, that his army by sea was overthrown, but that they thought the army by land was yet whole. Then Antonius sent unto Canidius, to return with his army into ASIA, by MACEDON. Now for himself, he determined to cross over into AFRICA, & took one of his carects or hulks laden with gold and silver, and other rich carriage, and gave it unto his friends: Antonius lycenceth his friends to departed, and giveth there a ship laden with gold and silver. commanding them to departed, and to seek to save themselves. They answered him weeping, that they would neither do it, nor yet forsake him. Then Antonius very courteously and lovingly did comfort them, and prayed them to departed: and wrote unto Theophilus' governor of CORINTHE, that he would see them safe, and help to hide them in some secret place, until they had made their way and peace with Caesar. This Theophilus was the father of Hipparchus, who was had in great estimation about Antonius. He was the first of all his enfranchised bondmen that revolted from him, and yielded unto Caesar, and afterwards went and dwelled at CORINTHE. And thus it stood with Antonius. Now for his army by sea, that fought before the head or foreland of ACTIUM: they held out a long time, and nothing troubled them more than a great boisterous wind that rose full in the prooes of their ships, and yet with much a do, his navy was at length overthrown, Antonius' navy overthrown by Caesar. five hours within night. There were not slain above five thousand men: but yet there were three hundred ships taken, as Octavius Caesar writeth himself in his commentaries. Many plainly saw Antonius fly, and yet could hardly believe it, that he that had nyneteene legions whole by land, and twelve thousand horsemen upon the sea side, would so have forsaken them, and have fled so cowardly: as if he had not oftentimes proved both the one and the other fortune, & that he had not been thoroughly acquainted with the divers changes and fortunes of battles. And yet his soldiers still wished for him, and ever hoped that he would come by some means or other unto them. Furthermore, they showed themselves so valiant and faithful unto him, that after they certainly knew he was fled, they kept themselves whole together seven days. In the end Canidius, Antonius Lieutenant, flying by night, and forsaking his camp: when they saw themselves thus destitute of their heads and leaders, they yielded themselves unto the stronger. Antonius' legions do yield themselves unto Octavius Caesar. This done, Caesar sailed towards ATHENS, and there made peace with the GRECIANS, and divided the rest of the corn that was taken up for Antonius' army, unto the towns and cities of GRAECE, the which had been brought to extreme misery & poverty, clean without money, slaves, horse, & other beasts of carriage. So that my grandfather Nicarchus told, that all the Citizens of our city of CHAERONEA, (not one excepted) were driven themselves to carry a certain measure of corn on their shoulders to the sea side, that lieth directly over against the isle of ANTICYRA, & yet were they driven thither with whips. They carried it thus but once: for, the second time that they were charged again to make the like carriage, all the corn being ready to be carried, news came that Antonius had lost the battle, & so scaped our poor city. For Antonius' soldiers & deputies fled immediately, & the citizens divided the corn amongst them. Antonius being arrived in LIBYA, he sent Cleopatra before into EGYPT from the city of PARAETONIV●● & he himself remained very solitary, having only two of his friends with him, with whom he wandered up & down, both of them orators, the one Aristocrates a GRECIAN, & the other Lucilius a ROMAN. Lucilius spok● of in Brutus' life. Of whom we have written in an other place, that at the battle where Brutus was overthrown, by the city of PHILIPPES, he came & willingly put himself into the hands of those that followed Brutus, saying that it was he: because Brutus in the mean time might have liberty to save himself. And afterwards because Antonius saved his life, The fidelity of Lucilius unto Antonius. he still remained with him: and was very faithful and friendly unto him till his death. But when Antonius heard, that he whom he had trusted with the government of LIBYA, and unto whom he had given the charge of his army there, had yielded unto Caesar: he was so mad withal, that he would have slain himself for anger, had not his friends about him withstood him, and kept him from it. So he went unto ALEXANDRIA, and there found Cleopatra about a wonderful enterprise, and of great attempt. The wondered attempt of Cleopatra. Betwixt the red sea, and the sea between the lands that point upon the coast of EGYPT, there is a little piece of land that divideth both the seas, and separateth AFRICA from ASIA: the which strait is so narrow at the end where the two seas are narrowest, that it is not above three hundred furlongs over. Cleopatra went about to lift her ships out of the one sea, and to hale them over the strait into the other sea: that when her ships were come into this gulf of ARABIA, she might then carry all her gold & silver away, and so with a great company of men go and devil in some place about the Ocean sea far from the sea Mediterranium, to scape the danger and bondage of this war. But now, because the ARABIANS dwelling about the city of PETRA, did burn the first ships that were brought aland, and that Antonius thought that his army by land, which he left at ACTIUM was yet whole: she left of her enterprise, and determined to keep all the ports and passages of her realm. Antonius, he forsook the city and company of his friends, Antonius followeth the life and example of Timon Misanthropus the Athenian. and built him a house in the sea, by the isle of PHAROS, upon certain forced mounts which he caused to be cast into the sea, and dwelled there, as a man that banished himself from all men's company: saying that he would lead Timon's life, because he had the like wrong offered him, that was afore offered unto Timon: and that for the unthankfulness of those he had done good unto, and whom he took to be his friends, he was angry with all men, and would trust no man. This Timon was a citizen of ATHENS, that lived about the war of PELOPONNESUS, as appeareth by Plato, and Aristophanes' comedies: Plato, & Aristophanes' testimony of Timon Misanthropus, what he was. in the which they mocked him, calling him a viper, & malicious man unto mankind, to shun all other men's companies, but the company of young Alcibiades, a bold and insolent youth, whom he would greatly feast, and make much of, and kissed him very gladly. Apemantus wondering at it, asked him the cause what he meant to make so much of that young man alone, and to hate all others: Timon answered him, I do it said he, because I know that one day he shall do great mischief unto the ATHENIANS. This Timon sometimes would have Apemantus in his company, because he was much like to his nature & conditions, and also followed him in manner of life. On a time when they solemnly celebrated the feasts called Choae at ATHENS, (to wit, the feasts of the dead, where they make sprinklings and sacrifices for the dead) and that they two then feasted together by themselves, Apemantus said unto the other: O, here is a trim banquet Timon. Timon answered again, yea said he, so thou wert not here. It is reported of him also, that this Timon on a time (the people being assembled in the market place about dispatch of some affairs) got up into the pulpit for Orations, where the Orators commonly use to speak unto the people: & silence being made, every man listening to hear what he would say, because it was a wonder to see him in that place: at length he began to speak in this manner. My Lords of ATHENS. I have a little yard in my house where there groweth a fig tree, on the which many citizens have hanged themselves: & because I mean to make some building upon the place, I thought good to let you all understand it, that before the fig tree be cut down, if any of you be desperate, you may there in time go hung yourselves. He died in the city of HALES, and was buried upon the sea side. Now it chanced so, that the sea getting in, it compassed his tomb round about, that no man could come to it: and upon the same was written this epitaph. Hear lies a wretched corpse, of wretched soul bereft, Seek not my name: a plague consume you wicked wretches left. The epitaph of Timon Misan●hropus. It is reported, that Timon himself when he lived made this epitaph: for that which is commonly rehearsed was not his, but made by the Poet Callimathus. Hear lie I Timon who alive all living men did hate, Pass by, and curse thy fill: but pass, and stay not here thy gate. Many other things could we tell you of this Timon, but this little shall suffice at this present. But now to return to Antonius again. Canidius himself came to bring him news, that he had lost all his army by land at ACTIUM. On tother side he was advertised also, that Herodes king of Jewry, who had also certain legions and bands with him, was revolted unto Caesar, and all the other kings in like manner: so that, saving those that were about him, he had none left him. All this notwithstanding did nothing trouble him, and it seemed that he was contented to forego all his hope, and so to be rid of all his care and troubles. Thereupon he left his solitary house he had built in the sea which he called Timoneon, and Cleopatra received him into her royal palace. He was no sooner comen thither, Antonius rioting in Alexandria after his great loss & overthrew. but he strait set all the city of rioting and banqueting again, and himself, to liberality and gifts. He caused the son of julius Caesar and Cleopatra, to be enroled (according to the manner of the ROMANS) amongst the number of young men: & gave Antyllus, his eldest son he had by Fulvia, Toge virilis. Antillus', the eldest son of Antonius by his wife Fulvia. the man's gown, the which was a plain gown, without guard or embroidery of purple. For these things, there was kept great feasting, banqueting, and dancing in ALEXANDRIA many days together. In deed they did break their first order they had set down, which they called Amimetobion, (as much to say, no life comparable) & did set up an other which they called Synapothanumenon (signifying the order and agreement of those that will die together) the which in exceeding sumptuousness and cost was not inferior to the first. An order erected by Antonius, and Cleopatra, called Synapothanumenon, revoking the former called Amimetobion. For their friends made themselves to be enrolled in this order of those that would die together, and so made great feasts one to an other: for every man when it came to his turn, feasted their whole company and fraternity. Cleopatra in the mean time was veríe careful in gathering all sorts of poisons together to destroy men. Now to make proof of those poisons which made men die with lest pain, she tried it upon condemned men in prison. For when she saw the poisons that were sudden and vehement, and brought speedy death with grievous torments: & in contrary manner, that such as were more mild and gentle, had not that quick speed and force to make one die suddenly: she afterwards went about to prove the stinging of snakes and adders, and made some to be applied unto men in her sight, some in one sort, and some in an other. Cleopatra very busy in proving the force of poison. So when she had daily made divers and sundry proofs, she found none of all them she had proved so fit, as the biting of an Aspic, The property of the biting of an Aspic. the which only causeth a heaviness of the head, without swooning or complaining, and bringeth a great desire also to sleep, with a little sweat in the face, and so by little and little taketh away the senses and vital powers, no living creature perceiving that the pacientes feel any pain. For they are so sorry when any body waketh them, and taketh them up: as those that being taken out of a sound sleep, are very heavy and desirous to sleep. This notwithstanding, they sent Ambassadors unto Octavius Caesar in ASIA, Antonius and Cleopatra sand Ambassadors unto Octavius Caesar. Cleopatra requesting the realm of EGYPT for her children, and Antonius praying that he might be suffered to live at ATHENS like a private man, if Caesar would not let him remain in EGYPT. And because they had no other men of estimation about them, for that some were fled, and those that remained, they did not greatly trust them: they were enforced to send Euphronius the schoolmaster of their children. For Alexas LAODICIAN, who was brought into Antonius' house and favour by means of Timagenes, and afterwards was in greater credit with him, than any other GRAECIAN: (for that he had always been one of Cleopatra's ministers to win Antonius, and to overthrow all his good determinations to use his wife Octavia well) him Antonius had sent unto Herodes king of Jewry, hoping still to keep him his friend, that he should not revolt from him. But he remained there, and betrayed Antonius. For where he should have kept Herodes from revolting from him, he persuaded him to turn to Caesar: & trusting king Herodes, he presumed to come in Caesar's presence. Howbeit Herodes did him no pleasure: for he was presently taken prisoner, Alexas treason justly punished. and sent in chains to his own country, & there by Caesar's commandment put to death. Thus was Alexas in Antonius' life time put to death, for betraying of him. Furthermore, Caesar would not grant unto Antonius' requests: but for Cleopatra, he made her answer, that he would deny her nothing reasonable, so that she would either put Antonius to death, or drive him out of her country. Therewithal he sent Thyreus one of his men unto her, a very wise and discreet man, who bringing letters of credit from a young Lord unto a noble Lady, and that beside greatly liked her beauty, might easily by his eloquence have persuaded her. He was longer in talk with her then any man else was, and the Queen herself also did him great honour: insomuch as he made Antonius jealous of him. Whereupon Antonius caused him to be taken and well favouredly whipped, and so sent him unto Caesar: and bade him tell him that he made him angry with him, because he showed himself proud and disdainful towards him, and now specially when he was easy to be angered, by reason of his present misery. To be short, if this mislike thee said he, thou hast Hipparchus one of my enfranchised bondmen with thee: hung him if thou wilt, or whip him at thy pleasure, that we may cry quirtaunce. From thenceforth, Cleopatra to clear herself of the suspicion he had of her, she made more of him then ever she did. For first of all, where she did solemnize the day of her birth very meanly and sparingly, fit for her present misfortune: she now in contrary manner did keep it with such solemnity, that she exceeded all measure of sumptuousness and magnificence: so that the guests that were bidden to the feasts, and came poor, went away rich. Now things passing thus, Agrippa by divers letters sent one after an other unto Caesar, prayed him to return to ROME, because the affairs there did of necessity require his person and presence. Thereupon he did defer the war till the next year following: but when winter was done, he returned again through SYRIA by the coast of AFRICKS', to make wars against Antonius, and his other Captains. When the city of PELUSIUM was taken, Pelusium was yielded up to Octavius Caesar. there ran a rumour in the city, that Seleucus, by Cleopatra's consent, had surrendered the same. But to clear herself that she did not, Cleopatra brought Seleucus' wife and children unto Antonius, to be revenged of them at his pleasure. Furthermore, Cleopatra had long before made many sumptuous tombs and monuments, as well for excellency of workmanship, as for height and greatness of building, joining hard to the temple of Isis. Cleopatra's monuments set up by the temple of Isis. Thither she caused to be brought all the treasure & precious things she had of the ancient kings her predecessors: as gold, silver, emerods, pearls, ebbanie, ivory, and sinnamon, and besides all that, a marvelous number of torches, faggots, and flax. So Octavius Caesar being afraid to lose such a treasure and mass of riches, and that this woman for spite would set it a fire, and burn it every whit: he always sent some one or other unto her from him, to put her in good comfort, whilst he in the mean time drew near the city with his army. So Caesar came, and pitched his camp hard by the city, in the place where they run and manage their horses. Antonius made a faly upon him, and fought very valiantly, so that he drove Caesar's horsemen back, fight with his men even into their camp. Then he came again to the palace, greatly boasting of this victory, and sweetly kissed Cleopatra, armed as he was, when he came from the fight, recommending one of his men of arms unto her, that had valiantly fought in this skirmish. Cleopatra to reward his manliness, gave him an armour and head piece of clean gold: howbeit the man at arms when he had received this rich gift, stolen away by night, and went to Caesar. Antonius sent again to challenge Caesar, to fight with him hand to hand. Caesar answered him, that he had many other ways to die then so. Then Antonius seeing there was no way more honourable for him to die, then fight valiantly: he determined to set up his rest, both by sea and land. So being at supper, (as it is reported) he commanded his officers and household servants that waited on him at his board, that they should fill his cups full, and make as much of him as they could: for said he, you know not whether you shall do so much for me to morrow or not, or whether you shall serve an other master: and it may be you shall see me no more, but a dead body. This notwithstanding, perceiving that his friends and men fell a weeping to hear him say so: to salve that he had spoken, he added this more unto it, that he would not lead them to battle, where he thought not rather safely to return with victory, then valiantly to die with honour. Furthermore, the self same night within little of midnight, when all the city was quiet, full of fear, and sorrow, thinking what would be the issue and end of this war: Strange noises heard, and nothing seen. it is said that suddenly they heard a marvelous sweet harmony of sundry sorts of instruments of music, with the cry of a multitude of people, as they had been dancing, and had song as they use in Bacchus' feasts, with movings and turnings after the manner of the satires: & it seemed that this dance went through the city unto the gate that opened to the enemies, & that all the troop that made this noise they heard, went out of the city at that gate. Now, such as in reason sought the depth of the interpretation of this wonder, thought that it was the god unto whom Antonius bore singular devotion to counterfeit and resemble him, that did forsake them. The next morning by break of day, he went to set those few footmen he had in order upon the hills adjoining unto the city: and there he stood to behold his galleys which departed from the haven, and rowed against the galleys of his enemies, and so stood still, looking what exploit his soldiers in them would do. But when by force of rowing they were come near unto them, they first saluted Caesar's men: and then Caesar's men resaluted them also, Antonius' navy do yield themselves unto Caesar. and of two armies made but one, and then did all together row toward the city. When Antonius saw that his men did forsake him, and yielded unto Caesar, and that his footmen were broken and overthrown: Antonius' overthrown by Octavius Caesar. he then fled into the city, crying out that Cleopatra had betrayed him unto them, with whom he had made war for her sake. Then she being affrayed of his fury, fled into the tomb which she had caused to be made, and there locked the doors unto her, and shut all the springs of the locks with great bolts, and in the mean time sent unto Antonius to tell him that she was dead. Antonius believing it, said unto himself: Cleopatra flieth into her tomb or monument. what dost thou look for further, Antonius, sith spiteful fortune hath taken from thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom thou yet reseruedst thy life? when he had said these words, he went into a chamber & unarmed himself, and being naked said thus: O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not that I have lost thy company, for I will not be long from thee: but I am sorry, that having been so great a Captain and Emperor, I am in deed condemned to be judged of less courage and noble mind, than a woman. Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he loved and trusted much, and whom he had long before caused to swear unto him, that he should kill him when he did command him: and then be willed him to keep his promise. His man drawing his sword, list it up as though he had meant to have stricken his master: Eros Antonius servant, slew himself. but turning his head at one side, he thrust his sword into himself, and fell down dead at his masters foot. Then said Antonius, O noble Eros, I thank thee for this, and it is valiantly done of thee, to show me what I should do to myself, which thou couldst not do for me. Therewithal he took his sword, and thrust it into his belly, and so fell down upon a little bed. Antonius did thrust his sword into himself, but died not presently. The wound he had killed him not presently, for the blood stinted a little when he was laid: and when he came somewhat to himself again, he prayed them that were about him to dispatch him. But they all fled out of the chamber, and jest him crying out & tormenting himself: until at last there came a secretary unto him called Diomedes, who was commanded to bring him into the tomb or monument where Cleopatra was. When he heard that she was alive, he very earnestly prayed his men to carry his body thither, Antonius' carried unto Cleopatra's tomb. and so he was carried in his men's arms into the entry of the monument. Notwithstanding, Cleopatra would not open the gates, but came to the high windows, and cast out certain chains and ropes, in the which Antonius was trussed: and Cleopatra her own self, with two women only, which she had suffered to come with her into these monuments, trised Antonius up. A lamentable sight to see Antonius and Cleopatra. They that were present to behold it, said they never saw to pitiful a sight. For, they plucked up poor Antonius all bloody as he was, and drawing on with pangs of death, who holding up his hands to Cleopatra, raised up himself as well as he could. It was a hard thing for these women to do, to lift him up: but Cleopatra stooping down with her head, putting to all her strength to her uttermost power, did lift him up with much a do, and never let go her hold, with the help of the women beneath that bad her be of good courage, and were as sorry to see her labour so, as she herself. So when she had gotten him in after that sort, and laid him on a bed: she rend her garments upon him, clapping her breast, and scratching her face & stomach. Then she dried up his blood that had bewrayed his face, and called him her Lord, her husband, and Emperor, forgetting her own misery and calamity, for the pity and compassion she took of him. Antonius made her cease her lamenting, and called for wine, either because he was a thirst, or else for that he thought thereby to hasten his death. When he had drunk, he earnestly prayed her, and persuaded her, that she would seek to save her life, if she could possible, without reproach and dishonour: and that chief she should trust Proculeius above any man else about Caesar. And as for himself, that she should not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his fortune at the end of his days: but rather that she should think him the more fortunate, for the former triumphs & honours he had received, considering that while he lived he was the noblest and greatest Prince of the world, & that now he was overcome, not cowardly, but valiantly, a ROMAN by an other ROMAN, As Antonius gave the last gasp, The death of Antonius. Proculeius came that was sent from Caesar. For after Antonius had thrust his sword in himself, as they carried him into the tombs and monuments of Cleopatra, one of his guard called Dercetaeus, took his sword with the which he had stricken himself, and hid it: then he secretly stolen away, and brought Octavius Caesar the first news of his death, & showed him his sword that was bloodied. Octavius Caesar lamenteth Antonius death. Caesar hearing these news, strait withdrew himself into a secret place of his tent, and there burst out with tears, lamenting his hard and miserable fortune, that had been his friend and brother in law, his equal in the Empire, and companion with him in sundry great exploits and battles. Then he called for all his friends, and showed them the letters Antonius had written to him, and his answers also sent him again, during their quarrel and strife: & how fiercely and proudly the other answered him, to all just and reasonable matters he wrote unto him. After this, he sent Proculeius, Proculeius sent by Octavius Caesar to bring Cleopatra alive. and commanded him to do what he could possible to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest otherwise all the treasure would be lost: and furthermore, he thought that if he could take Cleopatra, and bring her alive to ROME, she would marvelously beautify and set out his triumph. But Cleopatra would never put herself into Proculeius hands, although they spoke together. For Proculeius came to the gates that were very thick & strong, and surely barred, but yet there were some cranewes through the which her voice might be heard, and so they without understood, that Cleopatra demanded the kingdom of EGYPT for her sons: and that Proculeius answered her, that she should be of good cheer, and not be afraid to refer all unto Caesar. After he had viewed the place very well, he came and reported her answer unto Caesar. Who immediately sent Gallus to speak once again with her, and bade him purposely hold her with talk, whilst Proculeius did set up a ladder against that high window, by the which Antonius was trised up, and came down into the monument with two of his men hard by the gate, where Cleopatra stood to hear what Gallus said unto her. One of her women which was shut in her monuments with her, saw Proculeius by chance as he came down, and shrieked out: O, poor Cleopatra, thou art taken. Then when she saw Proculeius behind her as she came from the gate, she thought to have stabbed herself in with a short dagger she ware of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came suddenly upon her, Cleopatra taken. and taking her by both the hands, said unto her. Cleopatra, first thou shalt do thyself great wrong, and secondly unto Caesar: to deprive him of the occasion and opportunity, openly to show his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemy's cause to accuse the most courteous and noble Prince that ever was, and to appeach him, as though he were a cruel and mercielesse man, that were not to be trusted. So even as he spoke the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook her clotheses for fear of any poison hidden about her. Afterwards Caesar sent one of his enfranchised men called Epaphroditus, whom he straightly charged to look well unto her, and to beware in any case that she made not herself away: and for the rest, to use her with all the courtesy possible. And for himself, he in the mean time entered the city of ALEXANDRIA, and as he went, talked with the Philosopher Arrius, Caesar took the city of Alexandria. Caesar greatly honoured Arrius the Philosopher. and held him by the hand, to the end that his country men should reverence him the more, because they saw Caesar so highly esteem and honour him. Then he went into the show place of exercises, and so up to his chair of state which was prepared for him of a great height: and there according to his commandment, all the people of ALEXANDRIA were assembled, who quaking for fear, fell down on their knees before him, and craved mercy. Caesar bade them all stand up, and told them openly that he forgave the people, and pardoned the felonies and offences they had committed against him in this war. First, for the founder's sake of the same city, which was Alexander the great: secondly, for the beauty of the city, which he much esteemed and wondered at: thirdly, for the love he bore unto his very friend Arrius. Thus did Caesar honour Arrius, who craved pardon for himself and many others, & specially for Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the sophisters and Orators of his time, Philostratus the eloquentest Orator in his time, for present speech upon a sudden. for present and sudden speech: howbeit he falsely named himself an Academic Philosopher. Therefore, Caesar that hated his nature & conditions, would not hear his surt. Thereupon he let his grey beard grow long, and followed Arrius step by step in a long mourning gown, still bussing in his ears this Greek verse: A wise man it that he be wise in deed, May by a wise man have the better speed. Caesar understanding this, not for the desire he had to deliver Philostratus of his fear, as to rid Arrius of malice & envy that might have fallen out against him: he pardoned him. Now touching Antonius sons, Antyllus, his eldest son by Fulvia was slain, Antyllus, Antonius' eldest son by Fulvia, slain. because his schoolmaster Theodorus did betray him unto the soldiers, who struck of his head. And the villain took a precious stone of great value from his neck, the which he did sow in his girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it: but it was found about him, and so Caesar trussed him up for it. For Cleopatra's children, they were very honourably kept, with their governors and train that waited on them. But for Caesarion, who was said to be julius Caesar's son: his mother Cleopatra had sent him unto the INDIANS through AETHIOPIA, with a great sum of money. But one of his governors also called Rhodon, even such an other as Theodorus, persuaded him to return into his country, & told him that Caesar sent for him to give him his mother's kingdom. So, as Caesar was determining with himself what he should do, Arrius said unto him. The saying of Arrius the Philosopher. Too Many Caesar's is not good. Alluding unto a certain verse of Homer that saith: Too Many Lords doth not well. Caesarion Cleopatra's son, put to death. Therefore Caesar did put Caesarion to death, after the death of his mother Cleopatra. Many Princes, great kings and Captains did crave Antonius' body of Octavius Caesar, to give him honourable burial: but Caesar would never take it from Cleopatra, who did sumptuously and royally bury him with her own hands, Cleopatra burieth Antonius. whom Caesar suffered to take as much as she would to bestow upon his funerals. Now was she altogether overcome with sorrow & passion of mind, for she had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had martyred it, and in divers places had raised ulsers and inflammations, so that she fell into a fever withal: whereof she was very glad, hoping thereby to have good colour to abstain from meat, and that so she might have died easily without any trouble. She had a Physician called Olympus, Olympus Cleopatra's Physician. whom she made privy of her intent, to th'end he should help her to rid her out of her life: as Olympus writeth himself, who wrote a book of all these things. But Caesar mistrusted the matter, by many conjectures he had, and therefore did put her in fear, & threatened her to put her children to shameful death. With these threats, Cleopatra for fear yielded strait, as she would have yielded unto strokes: and afterwards suffered herself to be cured and dicted as they listed. Shortly after, Caesar came himself in person to see her, Caesar came to see Cleopatra. and to comfort her. Cleopatra being laid upon a little low bed in poor estate, when she saw Caesar come into her chamber, she suddenly rose up, naked in her smock, and fell down at his feet marvelously disfigured: both for that she had plucked her hear from her head, Cleopatra, a martyred creature, through her own fashion and fury. as also for that she had martyred all her face with her nails, and beside, her voice was small and trembling, her eyes sunk into her head with continual blubbering and moreover, they might see the most part of her stomach torn in sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than her mind: yet her good grace and comeliness, and the force of her beauty was not altogether defaced. But notwithstanding this ugly and pitiful state of hers, yet she showed herself within, by her outward looks and countenance. When Caesar had made her lie down again, and sat by her beds side: Cleopatra began to clear and excuse herself for that she had done, laying all to the fear she had of Antonius. Caesar, in contrary manner, Seleucus, out of Cleopatra's treasurers. reproved her in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, and prayed him to pardon her, as though she were afraid to die, & desirous to live. At length, she gave him a breeze and memorial of all the ready money & treasure she had. Cleopatra bet her treasurer before Octavius Caesar. But by chance there stootle Seleucus by, one of her treasurers, who to seem a good servant, came strait to Caesar to disprove Cleopatra, that she had not set in all, but kept many things back of purpose. Cleopatra was in such a rage with him, that she flew upon him, and took him by the hear of the head, and boxed him wellfavoredly. Cleopatra's words unto Caesar. Caesar fell a laughing, and parted the fray. Alas, said she, O Caesar: is not this a great shame and reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the pains to come unto me, and hast done me this honour, poor wretch, and caitiff creature, brought into this pitiful & miserable estate: and that mine own servants should come now to accuse me, though it may be I have reserved some jewels & trifles meet for women, but not for me (poor soul) to set out myself withal, but meaning to give some pretty presents & gifts unto Octavia and Livia, that they making means & intercession for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and mercy upon me? Caesar was glad to hear her say so, persuading himself thereby that she had yet a desire to save her life. So he made her answer, that he did not only give her that to dispose of at her pleasure, which she had kept back, but further promised to use her more honourably and bountifully than she would think for: and so he took his leave of her, supposing he had deceived her, but in deed he was deceived himself. There was a young gentleman Cornelius Dolabella, that was one of Caesar's very great familiars, & beside did bear no evil will unto Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly as she had requested him, that Caesar determined to take his journey through SURIA, & that within three days he would send her away before with her children. When this was told Cleopatra, Cleopatra finely deceiveth Octavius Caesar, although she desired to live. she requested Caesar that it would please him to suffer her to offer the last oblations of the dead, unto the soul of Antonius. This being granted her, she was carried to the place where his tomb was, & there falling down on her knees, embracing the tomb with her women, the tears running down her cheeks, she began to speak in this sort: O my dear Lord Antonius, not long sithence I buried thee here, being a free woman: Cleopatra's lamentation over Antonius' tomb. and now I offer unto thee the funeral sprinklinges and oblations, being a captive and prisoner, and yet I am forbidden and kept from tearing & murdering this captive body of mine with blows, which they carefully guard and keep, only to triumph of thee: look therefore henceforth for no other honours, offerings, nor sacrifices from me, for these are the last which Cleopatra can give thee, sith now they carry her away. Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever our companies: but now at our death, I fear me they will make us change our countries. For as thou being a ROMAN, hast been buried in EGYPT: even so wretched creature I, an EGYPTIAN, shall be buried in ITALY, which shall be all the good that I have received by thy country. If therefore the gods where thou art now have any power and authority, sith our gods here have forsaken us: suffer not thy true friend and lover to be carried away alive, that in me, they triumph of thee: but receive me with thee, and let me be buried in one self tomb with thee. For though my griefs and miseries be infinite, yet none hath grieved me more, nor that I could less bear withal: then this small time, which I have been driven to live alone without thee. Then having ended these doleful plaints, and crowned the tomb with garlands and sundry nosegays, and marvelous lovingly embraced the same: she commanded they should prepare her bath, and when she had bathed and washed herself, she fell to her meat, and was sumptuously served. Now whilst she was at dinner, there came a contrieman, and brought her a basket. The soldiers that warded at the gates, asked him strait what he had in his basket. He opened the basket, and took out the leaves that covered the figs, and showed them that they were figs he brought. They all of them marveled to see so goodly figs. The contrieman laughed to hear them, and bade them take some if they would. They believed he told them truly, and so bade him carry them in. After Cleopatra had dined, she sent a certain table written and sealed unto Caesar, and commanded them all to go out of the tombs where she was, but the two women, than she shut the doors to her. Caesar when he received this table, and began to read her lamentation and petition, requesting him that he would let her be buried with Antonius, found strait what she meant, and thought to have gone thither himself: howbeit he sent one before in all haste that might be, to see what it was. Her death was very sudden. The death of Cleopatra. For those whom Caesar sent unto her ran thither in all hast possible, & found the soldiers standing at the gate, mistrusting nothing, nor understanding of her death. But when they had opened the doors, they found Cleopatra stark dead, laid upon a bed of gold, attired and arrayed in her royal robes, Cleopatra's two waiting woman dead with her. and one of her two women, which was called Iras, dead at her feet: and her other woman called Charmion half dead, and trembling, trimming the Diadem which Cleopatra ware upon her head. One of the soldiers seeing her, angrily said unto her: is that well done Charmion? Very well said she again, and meet for a Princes descended from the race of so many noble kings. She said no more, but fell down dead hard by the bed. Some report that this Aspic was brought unto her in the basket with figs, & that she had commanded them to hide it under the fig leaves, that when she should think to take out the figs, the Aspic should bite her before she should see her: howbeit, that when show would have taken away the leaves for the figs, she perceived it, Cleopatra killed with the biting of an Aspic. and said, art thou here then? And so, her arm being naked, she put it to the Aspic to be bitten. Other say again, she kept it in a box, and that she did prick and thrust it with a spindle of gold, so that the Aspic being angered withal, leapt out with great fury, and bit her in the arm. Howbeit sew can tell the troth. For they report also, that she had hidden poison in a hollow razor which she carried in the hear of her head: and yet was there no mark seen of her body, or any sign discerned that she was poisoned, neither also did they find this serpent in her tomb. But it was reported only, that there were seen certain fresh steps or tracks where it had gone, on the tomb side toward the sea, and specially by the doors side. Some say also, that they found two little pretty bitings in her arm, scant to be discerned: the which it seemeth Caesar himself gave credit unto, because in his triumph he carried Cleopatra's image, with an Aspic biting of her arm. The image of Cleopatra, carried in triumph at Rome, with an Aspic biting of her arm. And thus goeth the report of her death. Now Caesar, though he was marvelous sorry for the death of Cleopatra, yet he wondered at her noble mind and courage, and therefore commanded she should be nobly buried, and laid by Antonius: and willed also that her two women should have honourable burial. Cleopatra died being eight and thirty year old, after she had reigned two and twenty years, and governed above fourteen of them with Antonius. And for Antonius, some say that he lived three and five years: The age of Cleopatra and Antonius. and others say, six and fifty. All his statues, images, and metals, were plucked down and overthrown, saving those of Cleopatra which stood still in their places, by means of Archibius one of her friends, who gave Caesar a thousand talents that they should not be handled, as those of Antonius were. Antonius left seven children by three wives, of the which, Caesar did put Antyllus, the eldest son he had by Fulvia, to death. Octavia his wife took all the rest, Of Antonius' issue came Emperors. and brought them up with hers, and married Cleopatra, Antonius daughter, unto king juba, a marvelous courteous & goodly Prince. And Antonius, the son of Fulvia came to be so great, that next unto Agrippa, who was in greatest estimation about Caesar, and next unto the children of Livia, which were the second in estimation: he had the third place. Furthermore, Octavia having had two daughters by her first husband Marcellus, and a son also called Marcellus: Caesar married his daughter unto that Marcellus, and so did adopt him for his son. And Octavia also married one of her daughters unto Agrippa. But when Marcellus was dead, after he had been married a while, Octavia perceiving that her brother Caesar was very busy to choose some one among his friends, whom he trusted best to make his son in law: she persuaded him, that Agrippa should marry his daughter, (Marcellus widow) and leave her own daughter. Caesar first was contented withal, and then Agrippa: and so she afterwards took away her daughter and married her unto Antonius, and Agrippa married julia, Caesar's daughter. Now there remained two daughters more of Octavia and Antonius. Domitius AEnobarbus married the one: and the other, which was Antonia, so fair and virtuous a young Lady, was married unto Drusus the son of Livia, and son in law of Caesar. Of this marriage, came Germanicus and Clodius: of the which, Clodius afterwards came to be Emperor. And of the sons of Germanicus, the one whose name was Caius, came also to be Emperor: who, after he had licentiously reigned a time, was slain, with his wife and daughter. Agrippina also, having a son by her first husband AEnobarbus called Lucius Domitius: was afterwards married unto Clodius, who adopted her son, and called him Nero Germanicus. This Nero was Emperor in our time, and slew his own mother, and had almost destroyed the Empire of ROME, through his madness and wicked life, being the fift Emperor of ROME after Antonius. THE COMPARISON OF Demetrius with Antonius. NOw, sithence it falleth out, that Demetrius and Antonius were one of them much like to the other, having fortune a like divers and variable unto them: let us therefore come to consider their power and authority, and how they came to be so great. The power of Demetrius, & Antonius. First of all, it is certain that Demetrius power and greatness fell unto him by inheritance from his father Antigonus: who become the greatest and mightiest Prince of all the successors of Alexander, and had won the most part of ASIA, before Demetrius came of full age. Antonius in contrary manner, borne of an honest man, who otherwise was no man of war, and had not left him any mean to arise to such greatness: durst take upon him to contend for the Empire with Caesar, that had no right unto it by inheritance, but yet made himself successor of the power, the which the other by great pain and travel had obtained, and by his own industry become so great, without the help of any other: that the Empire of the whole world being divided into two parts, he had the one half, and took that of the greatest countenance and power. Antonius being absent, oftentimes overcame the PARTHIANS in battle by his lieutenants, and chased away the barbarous people dwelling about mount Caucasus, unto the sea Hyrcanium: insomuch as the thing they most reprove him for, did most witness his greatness. For, Demetrius father made him gladly marry Phila, Antipater's daughter, although she was too old for him: because she was of a nobler house than himself. Antonius on tother side was blamed for marrying of Cleopatra, a Queen that for power and nobility of blood, excelled all other kings in her time, but Arsaces': and moreover made himself so great, that others thought him worthy of greater things, than he himself required. Now for the desire that moved the one and the other to conquer realms: the desire of Demetrius was unblamable & just, Demetrius & Antonius' ambition to govern. desiring to reign over people, which had been governed at all times, & desired to be governed by kings. But Antonius desire was altogether wicked & tyrannical: who sought to keep the people of ROME in bondage and subjection, but lately before rid of Caesar's reign and government. For the greatest and most famous exploit Antonius ever did in wars (to wit, the war in the which he overthrew Cassius and Brutus) was begun to no other end, but to deprive his countrymen of their liberty and freedom. Demetrius in contrary manner, before fortune had overthrown him, never left to set GRAECE at liberty, and to drive the garrisons away, which kept the cities in bondage: and not like Antonius, that boasted he had slain them that had set ROME at liberty. The liberality and bounty of Demetrius and Antonius. The chiefest thing they commended in Antonius, was his liberality and bounty: in the which Demetrius excelled him so far, that he gave more to his enemies, than Antonius did to his friends: although he was marvelously well thought of, for the honourable and sumptuous funeral he gave unto Brutus' body. Howbeit Demetrius caused all his enemies be buried that were slain in battle, and returned unto Ptolemy all the prisoners he had taken, Demetrius & Antonius' time. with great gifts and presents he gave them. They were both in their prosperity, very riotously and licentiously given: but yet no man can ever say, that Demetrius did at any time let slip any opportunity or occasion to follow great matters, but only gave himself in deed to pleasure, when he had nothing else to do. And further, to say truly, he took pleasure of Lamia, as a man would have a delight to hear one tell tales, when he hath nothing else to do, or is desirous to sleep: but in deed when he was to make any preparation for war, he had not then juey at his darts end, nor had his helmet perfumed, nor came not out of Lady's closerts, picked and princt to go to battle: but he let all dancing and sporting alone, and become as the Poet Euripides faith, The soldier of Mars, cruel, and bloody. But to conclude, he never had overthrow or misfortune through negligence, nor by delaying time to follow his own pleasure: as we see in painted tables, where Omphale secretly stealeth away Hercules club, and took his lions skin from him. Even so Cleopatra oftentimes unarmed Antonius, and enticed him to her, making him loose matters of great importance, and very needful journeys, to come and be dandled with her, about the rivers of Canobus, and Taphosiris. Canobus, and Taphosiris fl.. In the end, as Paris fled from the battle, and went to hide himself in Helen's arms: even so did he in Cleopatra's arms, or to speak more properly, Paris hid himself in Helen's closet, but Antonius to follow Cleopatra, fled and lost the victory. Furthermore, Demetrius had many wives that he had married, Demetrius & Antonius wives. and all at one time: the which was not dissalowable or not forbidden by the kings of MACEDON, but had been used from Philippe and Alexander's time, as also king Lysimachus and Ptolemy had, and did honour all them that he married. But Antonius first of all married two wives together, Antonius the first Roman that ever married two wives together. the which never ROMAN dared do before, but himself. Secondly, he put away his first ROMAN wife, which he had lawfully married: for the love of a strange woman, he fond fell in fancy withal, and contrary to the laws and ordinances of ROME. And therefore Demetrius marriages never hurt him, for any wrong he had done to his wives: but Antonius contrarily was undone by his wives. Of all the lascivious parts Antonius played, Demetrius' lasciviousness. none were so abominable, as this only fact of Demetrius. For the historiographers writ, that they would not suffer dogs to come into the castle of ATHENS, because of all beasts he is too busy with bitcherie: Dogs not suffered in Athens castle, because of bitcherie. and Demetrius, in Minerva's temple itself lay with Courtesans, and there defiled many citizens wives. And besides all this, the horrible vice of cruelty, which a man would think were least mingled with these wanton delights, is joined with Demetrius concupiscene: who suffered, (or more properly compelled) the goodliest young boy of ATHENS, to die a most pitiful death, to save himself from violence, being taken. And to conclude, Antonius by his incontinency, did no hurt but to himself: The love and impiety: the faith & falsehood of Demetrius and Antonius. and Demetrius did hurt unto all others. Demetrius never hurt any of his friends: and Antonius suffered his Uncle by his mother's side to be slain, that he might have his will of Cicero to kill him: a thing so damnable, wicked, and cruel of itself, that he hardly deserved to have been pardoned, though he had killed Cicero, to have saved his uncles life. Now where they falsefied and broke their oaths, the one making Artabazus prisoner, and the other kill of Alexander: Antonius out of doubt had best cause, and justest colour. For Artabazus had betrayed him, and forsaken him in MEDIA. But Demetrius (as divers do report) devised a false matter to accuse Alexander, to cloak the murder he had committed: and some think he did accuse him, to whom he himself had done injury unto: Demetrius & Antonius acts in wars. and was not revenged of him, that would do him injury. Furthermore, Demetrius himself did many noble feats in war, as we have recited of him before: and contrarily Antonius, when he was not there in person, wan many famous and great victories by his lieutenants: and they were both overthrown being personally in battle, but yet not both after one sort. For the one was forsaken of his men being MACEDONIANS, and the other contrarily forsook his that were ROMANS: for he fled, & left them that ventured their lives for his honour. So that the fault the one did was, that he made them his enemies that fought for him: and the fault in the other, that he so beastly left them that loved him best, and were most faithful to him. And for their deaths, a man can not praise the one not the other, but yet Demetrius death the more reproachefull. For he suffered himself to be taken prisoner, and when he was sent away to be kept in a strange place, he had the heart to live yet three year longer, to serve his mouth and belly, as brute beasts do. Antonius on the other side slew himself, (to confess a troth) cowardly, and miserably, to his great pain and grief: and yet was it before his body came into his enemy's hands. THE LIFE OF Artaxerxes. ARtaxerxes, the first of this name of all the kings of PERSIA, a noble and courteous Prince as any of all his house: was surnamed long hand, because his right hand was longer than his left, and he was the son of king Xerxes. The parentage of Artaxerxes Mnemon. But the second, whose life we presently intent to write, was surnamed Mnemon, as much to say, great memory: and he was the son of the daughter of the first Artaxerxes. For king Darius, and his wife Parysatis, had four sons: of the which, the eldest was this Artaxerxes, the second Cyrus, and two other younger, Ostanes and Oxathres. Cyrus' from the beginning bore the name of the former ancient Cyrus, which in the PERSIAN tongue signifieth the sun. But Artaxerxes was called before Arsicas, although Dinon writeth, that he was called Oarses. Howbeit it is unlikely that Ctesias (although his books otherwise be full of fables, and as untrue as they are found) should forget the name of the Prince with whom he dwelled, whom he served, and continually followed, both him, his wife, and children. Cyrus' from his cradle was of a hot stirring mind, The diuers●● of natures betwixt Cyrus and Artaxerxes. and Artaxerxes in contrary manner, more mild and gentle in all his actions and doings. He was married to a very fair Lady, by his father and mother's commandment: & afterwards kept her against their wills, being forbidden by them. For king Darius his father, having put his sons wives brother to death, he would also have put her to death: but her husband with tears made such humble suit to his mother for her, that with much a do, he did not only get pardon for her life, but grant also that she should not be put from him. This notwithstanding, his mother always loved Cyrus better than him, and prayed that he might be king after his father's death. Wherefore Cyrus being in his provinces of ASIA by the sea side, when he was sent for to come to the Court, at what time his father lay sick of the disease he died: he went thither in good hope his mother had prevailed with his father, that in his will he would make him his heir of the realm of PERSIA. For his mother Parysatis alleged a matter very probable, and the which in old time did help king Xerxes in the like case, through Demaratus counsel. She said that Arsicas was borne before her husband Darius was king, & Cyrus after he was crowned king. All this could not prevail. For her eldest son Arsicas, surnamed Artaxerxes, was assigned king of PERSIA, Arsicas, surnamed Artaxerxes, assigned to be king of Persia. & Cyrus' governor of LYDIA, and the king's Lieutenant general of all the low countries of ASIA toward the sea side. Shortly after king Darius' death, the new king Artaxerxes went unto Pasargades, there to be consecrated and anointed king, by the Priests of the country of PERSIA. The place of this Pasargades, is a temple dedicated unto Minerus the goddess of battles, as I take it: where the new king must be consecrated, and when he cometh into the temple, he putteth of his gown, and putteth on that which the old ancient Cyrus' ware before he was king. The manner of the consecrating of the kings of Persia, as Pasargades. Furthermore, he must eat of a certain tart or fricassee made of figs with turpentine: and then he must drink a drink made with vinegar and milk. There are also certain other secret ceremonies which they must keep, and none do know, but the very Priests themselves. Now Artaxerxes being ready to enter into all these ceremonies, Tisaphernes came unto him, & brought him one of the Priests that had been Cyrus' schoolmaster in his youth, and had taught him magic: who by reason should have been more offended than any man else, for that he was not appointed king. And this was the cause why they believed him the better, when he accused Cyrus. Cyrus' accused unto his brother Artaxerxes. For he laid that Cyrus had conspired treason against the king his brothers own person, & that he meant traitorously to kill him in the temple, when he should put of his gown. Cyrus' lay in wait to kill Artaxerxes. Some do report, that Cyrus was apprehended upon this simple accusation by word of mouth. Others writ also, that Cyrus came into the temple, and hiding himself, he was taken with the manner, and bewrayed by the Priest. So as he going to suffer death, his mother took Cyrus in her arms, Note the flattery and dissimulation of a woman. and wound the hear of her head about his neck, and tied him straightly to her: and withal she wept so bitterly, and made such pitiful moan unto the king her son, that through her intercession, the king granted him his life, & sent him again into his country and government. But this satisfied not Cyrus, neither did he so much remember the king his brother's favour unto him, in granting him his life: as he did the despite he had offered him, to be made prisoner. Insomuch that for this grudge and evil will, he ever after had a greater desire than before to be king. Some writers allege, that he entered into actual rebellion against his brother by force of arms, because he had not sufficient revenue to defray the ordinary expense of his house: howbeit it is a mere folly to say so. For though he had had no other help but his mother, he might have had of her what he would have taken, and desired. Again, to show that of himself he had ability enough: we need but allege the soldiers and strangers he gave pay unto, in divers places, as Xenophon writeth. For he brought them not all together into one army, because he desired to keep his enterprise as secret as he could but he had friends and servants that levied them in divers places, and under divers colours. And furthermore, he had his mother always about the king, that cleared all suspicions conceived against him. He himself also on the other side, whilst he made these preparations, wrote very humbly unto his brother, sometime ask somewhat of him, and an other time accusing Tisaphernes: all to blind the king, to make him think that he bent all his malice and spite against him, besides that the king of his own nature was somewhat dull, and slow, which the common people thought to proceed of his courtesy and good nature. At his first coming to the crown, he followed the first Artaxerxes goodness and courtesy, Antaxerxes courteous, and easy to have access unto. by whom he had his name. For he gave more easy audience unto suitors, he did also more honourably reward & recompense those that had deserved well: & he used such moderation in punishing offenders, that it appeared he did it not of any malicious mind and desire of revenge, nor yet of will to hurt any man. When he had any thing given him, he took it as thankfully, as they offered it him, and did as willingly and frankly also give again. For, how little a thing soever was offered him, he took it well. And it is reported that one Romises on a time presented him a marvelous fair pomegarnet. By the sun said he, this man in a short time of a little town would make a great city, he that would make him governor of it. Another time there was a poor labourer seeing every man give the king a present, some one thing, some another as he passed by them he having nothing at hand to give him, ran to the rivers side, & took both his hands full of water, and came and offered it him. Artaxerxes liberality to apoore man that gave him a little water. King Artaxerxes was so glad of it, that he sent him in a cup of massy gold, a thousand Darecks, which were pieces of gold so named, because the image of Darius was stamped upon them. And unto one Euclidas a LACEDAEMONIAN, that presumed to give him bold words, it pleased him to answer him by one of his Captains: thou mayst say what thou list, and I as king, may say and do what I list. Another time as he was a hunting, Tiribazus showed the king his gown that was all to tattered: well, said the king, and what wouldst thou have me to do? Tiribazus answered him, I pray your grace take another, and give me that you have on. The king did so, and told him: Tiribazus, Tiribazus lightness, and Artaxerxes liberality. I give thee my gown, but I command thee not to wear it. Tiribazus took it, and cared not for the king's commandment that he should not wear it, not that he was any evil disposed man, but because he was a fond light headed fellow that cared for nothing: thereupon he strait put the king's gown on his back, and not contented therewith, he did beside set on many jewels of gold which kings only are wont to wear, and women's trinkets and ornaments. Therewithal every man in the Court murmured at him, because it was a presumption, directly against the laws and ordinances of PERSIA. Howbeit the king did but laugh at it, & told him: I give thee leave Tiribazus to wear those women's gauds as a woman, and the king's rob as a fool. Furthermore, where the manner was in PERSIA that no person sat at the king's board, but his mother and wife, of the which, his mother sat uppermost, & his wife lowermost: Artaxerxes made his two brethren Ostanes and Oxathres sit at his own board. But yet he pleased the PERSIANS best of all, because was content his wife Statyra should sit openly in her charter, Statira, king Artaxerxes wife. and that she might be seen and reverenced by the other Ladies of the country. And this made him singularly beloved of the people. Now, such as desired innovation and change, and that could not away with quite life: they gave out that the Realm of PERSIA required such a Prince as Cyrus, that was liberal of nature, given to arms, & greatly rewarded his servants, and that the greatness of the Empire of PERSIA stood in need of a king, whose mind was bend to high attempts and noble enterprises. So. Cyrus thereupon began to make war upon his brother, Cyrus maketh war against his brother Artaxerxes. not only trusting unto them that were of the low countries about him, but hoping of those also in the high provinces near unto the king. Furthermore he wrote also unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, to pray them to sand him men of war, promising to give the footmen they sent, horses: and the horsemen, coaches: landed men, whole villages: and to those that had villages, to give them cities. Cyrus' wonderful promises. Besides all this, that for the ordinary wages of them that should serve him in this war, he would not pay them by account, but by full measure: and boasting largely of himself, he said he had a greater mind than his brother, that he could better away with hardness than he, that he understood magic better than he, and that he could drink more wine than he, and carry it better. And that the king his brother in contrary manner was so womanishe and fearful, that when he went a hunting, he durst scarce get up upon his horse back: and when he went to the wars, he would hardly take his chariot. When the LACEDÆMONIANS had read his letters, they sent a little scroll unto Clearchus, commanding him to obey Cyrus in any thing he would command him. So Cyrus did set forward to make war against his brother, having levied a great number of fight men of barbarous nations, and of GRECIANS, little less than thirteen thousand men: sometime advertising one cause, sometime another, why he levied such a multitude of men. But his purpose could not be long dissembled: for Tisaphernes went himself unto the Court, to bring news of his attempt. Then all the Court was strait in an uproar withal. Many men also did accuse the Queen mother, for the practice of this war, & all her friends & servants were vehemently suspected to be conspyrators with Cyrus: but the greatest thing that troubled Parysatis most, was Queen Statyra her Daughter in law, who stormed marvelously to see this war begun against king Artaxerxes her husband, and incessantly cried out on her: O, where is the faith thou vowedst by oath? whereto are thy intercessions come thou madest, for the pardon of his life: who now conspyreth his brother's death? By saving of his life, art not thou now the cause of this war and troubles we see at hand? After this reproach and shame received by Statira, Parysatis, being a cruel and malicious woman of nature, so hated her, that from thenceforth she sought all the ways she could to put her to death. And Dinon the Historiographer saith, that during this war, she did execute her wicked purpose upon her: but Ctesias writeth, that it was after the war. And therefore it is liker, that he being daily in the king of persia's Court, should certainly know the time when she did execute her treason against her, and also there is no cause why he should rather writ it in any other time, then in that in the which the fact was done: although in many other places he commonly useth to fitten, and to writ devices of his own head. Therefore let us leave the report of this fact to the self same time and place as he hath written it. Now when Cyrus drew near unto his brother's country, he had news, and a rumour ran through his camp, that the king was not determined to come and fight with him so soon: and that he meant first to go further into PERSIA, and to tarry there till he had gathered his army together out of all parts. And for proof hereof, the king having cast a great trench of ten yards broad, and as many high, the space of four hundred furlong in length: he left it without guard, and let Cyrus win it, who came on further without any resistance, even to the very city self of BABYLON. Howbeit in the end, Tiribazus (as it is reported) was the first man that durst tell the king, that he should not fly fight in that sort, nor hide himself in the furthest part of PERSIA, leaving his enemy the Realms of MEDIA, BABYLON, and SUSA: considering also that he had many more soldiers in readiness then his enemy, and an infinite number of Captains more skilful, and abler to give counsel, and to fight, than he was. These words of Tiribazus made the king altar his mind, and to determine to give battle as soon as he could. Thereupon he marched forward against his enemy, with nine hundred thousand fight men, Artaxerxes army, of nine hundred thousand fight men, against his brother Cyrus. excellently well armed, and marching in very good order. That marvelously astonished Cyrus' men, and made them afraid at the first, when they saw them in so excellent good order before them: for that they were dispersed straggling here and there without any order, and men unarmed, trusting too much in themselves, in despising of their enemy: so that Cyrus had much a do to set his men in battle ray, and yet was it with great noise and tumult. But the GRECIANS wondered most of all other, when they saw the kings army march in so good order of battle without any noise. For they thought to have seen a wonderful great disorder and confusion, in such an infinite multitude of people: and supposed they would have made such a noise, that one of them should not have heard another. Where in deed to the contrary, all was so well marshaled, specially because he had placed before his battle the best carts he had armed with siethes, and drawn with the strongest and biggest great horse he had in all his army: hoping by the fierceness and fury of their career, to break into the ranks of the enemies, before they could come to join with theirs. But sith this battle is described by divers Historiographers, but specially by Xenophon, Xenophon the Historiographer excellently describeth this battle betwixt Artaxerxes and his brother Cyrus. who hath (as a man would say) lively set it out to the eye, & setteth it forth to the Reader, not as a battle already fought, but presently a fight, stirring up their minds as if themselves were in the action and instant danger, he hath so passingly set it down: it were but a folly therefore of me to take upon me to make any further description of it, saving to touch some special points worthy of note, which he peradventure hath left out. As, the place where the battle was fought, is called COUNAXA, five hundred furlongs from BABYLON: and how that before the battle, Clearchus gave Cyrus' counsel to keep behind the squadron of the GRECIANS; and not to hazard his person among the first: and that Cyrus answered him, what sayest thou Clearchus? wouldst thou have me that strives to be king, to show myself unworthy to be a king? But Cyrus having made this fault, not standing upon his safety and guard, Safety in a general, requisite in battle. but over rashly thrusting himself into great danger: Clearchus self also committed as great a fault (if it were not worse) when he would not set his men in order directly against the battle of the enemies, Clearchus' cowardliness reproved. where the king's person stood, but went and penned them up by the rivers side, being afraid lest they should have been compassed in behind. For if he would have looked so straightly to himself, and have provided every way for his safety, that no man might come to hurt him: he should have kept himself at home, and not have stirred one foot out of the dotes. But sith he had comen so far, as from the low countries of ASIA, unto the place where the field was fought, and uncompelled, only to put Cyrus in his father's seat & imperial crown, to go choose a place in the battle, not where he might do his Lord best service that had hired him, but rather where he might fight more at his ease, and at less danger: it was even as much, as if through cowardliness his wits had been taken from him when he should have fought, or that through treason he had forsaken his enterprise. For, to prove that the troupes which where about the kings person, had never been able to have received the charge of the GRECIANS, and that those being overthrown, the king had been slain in the field, or else forced to fly, and that Cyrus had won the field, and by this victory had been king: the success of this battle doth plainly show it. And therefore Clearchus over curious respect, deserved more blame for the loss of this battle: then Cyrus overhardines. For if king Artaxerxes would have chosen or wished a place where the GRECIANS might have done him less hurt: he could not have devised a fit place that was so far from him, and from whence the GRECIANS could neither see nor hear what was done where he was, as it fell out in sequel. For Cyrus was slain before he could prevail by Clearchus' victory, he was so far from him: and furthermore, Cyrus therein knew before what was meetest to be done. For he commanded Clearchus to place himself with his company in the midst of the battle: who answered him, he should take no thought for nothing, for he would see all things well ordered. And when he had said so, he marred all afterwards: For where the GRECIANS were, they overthrew the barbarous people that made head against them, & had them in chase while they were weary of following of them. Cyrus' being mownted upon a hot stirring horse, that had a hard head, and was very fierce and dogged, called Pasacas, Pasacas: Cyrus' horse. as Ctesias writeth: Artagerses, the governor of the province of the CADUSIANS, Artagerses the governor of the province of Cadusia, giveth charge upon Cyrus. spied him a far of, and when he had found him, clapped spurs to his horse, and came with full career unto him, and cried out: O traitor, and most unfaithful and desperate man, thou now dishonourest the name of Cyrus (which is the goodliest and most honourablest name of all the PERSIANS) for that thou hast brought so valiant GRECIANS hither to so wicked an enterprise, to spoil the PERSIANS goods, in hope to destroy thy sovereign Lord and only brother, who hath an infinite number of slaves and servants far honester men than thou wilt be while thou livest, and that thou shalt presently know by proof, for thou shalt die before thou see the king thy brother's face: and therewithal he threw his dart at him with all the force he had. But Cyrus' armour was so good, that it pierced him not: yet the blow came with such good will, that it made him stagger on his horse back. When Artagerses had given him that blow, he presently turned his horse. But Cyrus therewithal threw a dart at him so happily, that he slew him right in the place above the bone that joineth the two shoulders together: so that the head of his dart, ran quite through his neck. Now, that Cyrus slew Artagerses with his own hands in the field, Cyrus slew Artagerses. all the Historiographers do agreed upon it: but for the death of Cyrus, because Xenophon toucheth it but a little by the way, for that he was not present in the very place where he was slain: it shall not be hurtful particularly to set down the manner thereof, both according to the report of Dinon, and also of Ctesias. First, Dinon writeth, that after Cyrus had slain Artagerses, Dinon's report of Cyrus' death. he went with great fury, and slew in amongst the troop of them which were nearest unto the king's person, and that he came so near the king, that he slew his horse stark dead under him, and the king fell to the ground withal. But Tiribazuz that was hard by him, strait mownted the king again upon an other horse, and said unto him: your grace will remember this battle another day, for it is not to be forgotten. And Cyrus clapping spurs again to his horse, threw an other dart at Artaxerxes, and hit him. But at the third charge, the king told them that were about him, he could not abide this, and that he had rather die then suffer it: so therewithal he spurring his horse to charge Cyrus, (who came fiercely and desperately, having an infinite number of blows with darts thrown at him on every side) threw his dart at him also. So did all those that were about his person: and so was Cyrus slain in this conflict. Some say, that he was slain with the wound the king his brother gave him. Others say, that it was a man at arms of the country of CARIA, unto whom the king for reward of his good service, gave him the honour in all battles to carry before the first rank, a cock of gold on the top of a spear: for the PERSIANS do call the CARIANS cocks, because in the wars they use to wear crests in the top of their headpieces. The Cariens be called cocks, because they wear crests on their headpieces. And this is Dinon's report. But Ctesias, Ctesias report of Cyrus' death. to couch in few words that which Dinon reporteth at large, saith: that Cyrus after he had slain Artagerses, he galloped on the spur against the king himself, and the king against him, and not a word between them both. Ariaus, one of Cyrus' flatteres, threw the first dart at the king, but killed him not: and the king with all his force again threw his dart, thinking to have hit Cyrus, but he miss him, and slew Tisaphernes, one of the valiantest and stoutest men Cyrus had about him, and so fell down dead. Then Cyrus hit Artaxerxes so sore a blow on his breast, Artaxerxes hurt by Cyrus. that he pierced his armour, and entered into his flesh two fingers deep. The king with this blow fell down to the ground: wherewithal the most part of his men about him were so afraid, that they forsook him, and fled. Howbeit he got up again, with the help of others that were about him, amongst whom Ctesias said he was one: and so recovered a little hill not far of, to take a little breath. In the mean time, Cyrus' horse that was hot in the mouth, and hard headed as we have told you: carried his master spite of his heart far from his men, among his enemies, and no man knew him, because it was night, and his men were very busy in seeking for him. But Cyrus hoping he had won the victory, being of a hot stirring nature, and valiant: he went up and down in the thickest of his enemies, crying out in the PERSIAN tongue, save yourselves poor men, save yourselves. When they heard him say so, some made a lane for him to pass by them, and did him reverence: But by evil fortune his Tiara (which is the high royal hat after the PERSIAN manner) fell of of his head. Then a young PERSIAN called Mithridates, passing by him, hit him a blow with his dart upon one of his temples, Cyrus' hurt. hard by his eye, not knowing what he was. His wound strait fell of a marvelous bleeding. Whereupon, Cyrus staggering at it, fell to the ground in a swoon, and his horse ran away from him: but the capparison he had upon him fell to the ground all bloodied, and his page that had hurt him, took it up. Shortly after, Cyrus' being comen to himself again, some of his Eunuches (which were men gelt, and grooms of his chamber) that were about him, did lift him up, thinking to set him upon another horse, and to get him out of the press: but he was not able to sit on his horse. Thereupon he proved if he could better go a foot, & the Euenuks hold him up by the arms, & led him amazed as he was, not able to stand on his feet, although he thought he had won the battle: because he heard his enemies flying about him cry, the gods save king Cyrus, and they prayed him to pardon them, and to receive them to mercy. But in the mean time, there came certain poor men of the city of CAUNUS, who followed the king's camp, getting their living as drudges and slaves, to do most vile service. They joined with the troop where Cyrus was, supposing they had been the king's men: but when they perceived in the end by the read coats they ware upon their armours, that they were enemies, for that the king's men ware white coats: there was one among the rest that valiantly struck at Cyrus behind with his pertisan, not knowing in deed that it was Cyrus. The blow lighted full on the ham of his leg and cut his sinews so, that Cyrus fell withal, and falling, by misfortune fell upon a great stone with his brow, Cyrus' miserable destiny. where he had been hurt before, that he died forthwith. Thus doth Ctesias report it, where me thinketh he cutteth his throat with a dull edged knife, he hath such a do to bring Cyrus to his end. Now after Cyrus was dead, Artasyras, one of king Artaxerxes Eunuches, whom they called the king's eye in the Court: passing by a horseback, knew Cyrus' Eunuches that mourned very pitifully, lamenting the death of their master. So he asked the Euenuke whom Cyrus loved best: who is that that is dead, O Pariscas, that thou weepest so bitterly? Pariscas answered him again, seest thou not Artasyras, that it is Cyrus but newly dead? Artasyras wondered much when he saw him. So he comforted the Euenuke, and willed him in no case to go from the body: and in the mean time he galloped a pace to the king, who thought he had lost all, and was very ill beside, both for the great thirst he suffered, as also for his wound he had on his breast. Now when the Euenuke came unto the king, & told him with a smile countenance the news, how he had seen Cyrus' dead: The king was so joyful at the news, that he was desirous himself forthwith to go unto the place where he lay to see him, and commanded Artasyras to bring him thither. But after he had considered better of it, he was counseled not to go thither himself for fear of the GRECIANS, who they said won all, and were yet chase & kill them in the field, that fled: But rather that he should sand a good company of men thither, to bring him just report, whether the news were true of his death or not. Upon this advise he stayed, and sent thither thirty men, every man with torches in their hands? In the mean time, one of his Eunuches called Satibanzanes, ran up and down to see if he could get any water for the king, that was almost dead for thirst for there was no water near unto him where he was, and beside, his camp was far from him. His Euenuke having 〈…〉 up and down a great way to seek it, met by chance with these poor slaves and porters the CAUNIANS, among the which one of them carried in an old ragged goats skin, ● above eight glassefulles of naughty stinking water. So he presently carried the same to the king who drank it up every whit. When the king had drunk it, King Artaxerxes being a thirst, drank stinking puddle water, and said he never tasted sweeter. the Euenuke asked him, if that 〈…〉 ry water did him no hurt. The king swore by the gods unto him, that he never drank better wine, nor sweeter water than that was, nor that pleased him better than that did and therefore, said he, I beseech the gods if it be not my hap to find him th●● gave the●● this water to reward him, yet that it will please them to sand him good fortune. As the king was talking thus with his Euenuke, the thirty men with their torches returned unto him 〈…〉 altogether with joyful countenance, confirmed the good news he looked not for & 〈…〉 there were comen together again a great number of soldiers about him 〈…〉 still come more one after another, that he began again to be courageous. Then he came down into the plain, with a world of lights and torches about him, and went strait to the be place where his brother Cyrus' body lay. There, following the ancient manner of the PERSIANS against traitors to the king: The manner of the Persians in 〈…〉 against a traitor to the king. he caused his head and right hand to be stricken of, and then made his head be brought unto him, the which he took by the hears of his head (for Cyrus ware them, long and thick) and did himself show it unto them that fled still, and were afraid, to encourage them again. They wondering to see it, did him humble reverence, and so gathered by companies about the king, that in a small time there were, gathered together about him, three score and ten thousand fight men, with the which he took his way again towards the camp. In deed Ctesias saith, that he had but four hundred thousand fight men in all but Dinon and Xenophon say more. And for the number of them that were slain, Ctesias saith, that word was brought to the king, that there were not above nine thousand slain, howbeit that, to sight they seemed to be no less than twenty thousand. But for that point, he might be talked withal, in either of both. But furthermore, where he saith that the king did sand him with Phayllus ZACYNTHIAN unto the GRECIANS, and others with him: that is a flat lie. For Xenophon knew right well, that this Ctesias waited upon the king, Plutarch reproveth Ctesias for a liar. because he speaketh of him in divers places of his history: and if he had been appointed by the king to carry report unto the GRECIANS of so weighty a matter, it is like enough Xenophon would not have concealed it when he nameth Phayllus ZACYNTHIAN. But Ctesias (as it appeareth by his writings) was every ambitious man, and partial unto the LACEDÆMONIANS, but specially unto Clearchus & is glad when he can get any occasion to speak of himself for his glory, of LACEDAEMONIAN, & of Clearchus. Now after this battle, king Artaxerxes sent goodly rich gifts unto Artaxerxes son, How Artaxerxes 〈…〉 the good, and also punished the evil. whose father Cyrus had slain with his own hands, and as it is reported, did also greatly honour Ctesias and many others: and did not forget also to 'cause the poor SAUNIAN slain, to be sought out, that had given him the water to be carried to him which saved his life, and when he had found him out, of a poor wretch unknown before, he made him a rich noble man. He severely punished those also that had offended the martial law, amongst others, Arbaces, one of the MEDES: who when the battle was joined, he fled first on Cyrus' side and then when he understood he was slain, he returned again to the king's side. For supposing that it was rather timorousness and cowardly nature, then for treason or evil will he bore him he compelled him to carry a whore on his back stark naked, all day long about the market place. And to another, who beside he had yielded himself to his enemies, falsely boasted that he had slain two: he made his tongue to be bored through in three several places, with a cordiners' all. Now the king being of opinion that it was himself that had slain his brother Cyrus with his own hand, and being desirous that every man should so think & say: he sent presents unto Mithridates, that had hurt him first in the forehead, and commanded him that carried the gifts unto him, to tell him from the king: the king doth sand thee these presents, because thou finding first the capparison of Cyrus' horse, didst bring it unto the king. The CARIAN also that had cut the ham of his leg wherewith Cyrus fell down, asked his gift likewise: the which the king gave him, and bad the Messenger tell him, the king doth give thee this, because thou wast the second person that broughtest him the good news. For Artasyras was the first, and thou the second, that brought him news of the death of Cyrus, Now Mithridates, albeit he was not well pleased in his mind with those words, he went his way, and said nothing then, nor made any thing a do: but the unfortunate CARIAN fondly fell into a foolish vain, common unto men. For, the sudden joy he felt (as it seemeth) to see such a goodly rich present before him, as the king sent him: made him so forget himself, that he began to aspire, and to pretend greater things, than become his state and calling. And therefore he would not take the king's gift, as in respect that he had brought him word of Cyrus' death: but began to storm, and to rage, calling the gods to witness, that it was he only, and none other, that slew Cyrus, and that they did him great wrong, to take this honour from him. The king being told of it, The punishment of them that slew Cyrus. took it so angrily: that he presently commanded them to strike of his head. But Parysatis (the Queen mother) being present when the king gave this commandment, she prayed him not to put him to death in that sort: for the Villain, said she, let me alone, I will chastise him well enough for his presumption and rash speech. The king was contended she should have him. Thereupon she sent the sergeants to take this cursed CARIAN, Parysatis strange cruelty, praising the Carian in 〈…〉. and made him be hanged upon a gibbet ten days together, and at the ten days end, caused his eyes to be pulled out of his head, and last of all, poored molten metal into his ears, and so killed the Villain with this kind of torment. Mithridates also shortly after, died miserably, by a like sollye. He was bidden to supper at a feast, whether came also the king and Queen mother's Eunuches: and when they came, Mithridates sat down at the board in the king's golden gown he gave him. When they had supped, and that they began to drink one to another, one of Parysatis Eunuches said unto Mithridates: the king hath in deed given thee a goodly gown Mithridates, and goodly chains and carcanets of gold, and so is the sword very rich and good he gave thee, so that when thou hast that by thy side, there is no man I warrant thee but will think thee a happy man. Mithridates then, the wine fuming into his brain, answered strait: what meanest thou by that, Sparamixes? I deserved a better than this, when the battle was sought. Then Sparamixes langhing on him, answered, I do not speak it for any hurt or evil will I bear thee, Mithridates: but to speak frankly among ourselves, because the GRECIANS have a common proverb, that wine telleth true, I pray thee tell me, what valiant act was it to take up a capparison of a horse that fell on the ground, and to carry it to the king? which the Euenuke spitefully put forth unto him, not that he was ignorant who did it, but to provoke him to speak, and to put him in a rage, knowing that he was a hasty man of nature, & could not keep his tongue, & lest of all when he had drunk so well as he had done, See the peril of bast●es, & rash answer. and so it fell out in deed. For Mithridates could not bite it in, but replied strait: you may talk as long as you life of the capparison of a horse, & such trash, but I tell you plainly, that Cyrus was slain with mine own hands, and with no man's else. For I hit him not in vain as Artagerses did, but full in the forehead hard by his eye, and struck him through and through his head again, and so overthrew him, of which blow he died. He had no sooner spoken those words, but the rest that were at the board, cast down their eyes, foreseeing the death of this poor & unfortunate Mithridates. But then the master of the feast began to speak, and said unto him: friend Mithridates, I pray thee let us drink and be merry, and reverence and thank the good fortune of our king, and for the rest, let this talk go, it is too high for us. When the Euenuke went from thence, he told Parysatis the Queen mother what Mithridates had said before them all: and she went and told the king of it. Who was marvelously offended withal to be so belied, and to loose the thing that was most honourable, and best pleased him in his victory. For it was his mind, that all the world (both GRECIANS and barbarous people) should certainly believe, that in the battle betwixt him and his brother he was hurt, but yet that he slew Cyrus with his own hand. So the king commanded that Mithridates should suffer the pains of death in boats, The terrible death of offenders, in boats or troughs, among the Persians. the which is after this manner. They take two boats made of purpose so even, that the one is neither brother nor longer than the other, & then lay the offender in one of them upon his back, & so cover him with the other, & do sow both boats together: So that the parties feet, hands, & head do come out at holes made of purpose for him, the rest of his body is all hidden within. Now they give him meat as much as he will eat, & if he will not eat, they force him to it, by thrusting alles in his eyes: then when he hath eaten, they give him honey to drink mingled with milk, & they do not only power it into his mouth, but also all his face over, turning him full into the sun, so that his face is all covered over with flies: & furthermore, being driven to do his needs in that trough, of his excrements there engender worms that eat his body even to the very privities. Then, when they see the man is dead, they take of the uppermost boat, & found all his flesh devoured with vermin engendering of him, even to his very entrails. The miserable death of Mithridates. So, when Mithridates had miserably languished in this manner, seventeen days together: at length he died in extreme torments. Now Parysatis (the Queen mother) lacked no more to accomplish her wicked desire, but Mesabates, one of the king's Eunuches that had cut of Cyrus' head and hand: & seeing that he was very aware & circumspect in his behaviour, that she could not take him at any advantage: in the end she devised a fine way to entrap him. She had a marvelous wit, The devilish craft of Parysatis, & her great skill & cunning at dice. & among other things could play passingly well at all games at dice, & did many times play with the king her son before the wars: & after the wars also, when he had made peace, she did play at dice with him as she had done before, insomuch as she knew all his secret love, and furthered him to enjoy it. To be short, she would never be out of his sight but as little as she could, & would let his wife Statira have as little time with him as might be, that she might govern and rule him as she would: both because she hated her of all creatures living, and also for that she would bear the greatest sway and credit about him. When she saw the king one day at leisure, not knowing how to pass the time away: she enticed him to play a thousand Darecks at dice, and was contented to loose them willingly, and paid the thousand Darecks down, seeming notwithstanding to be angry with her loss. So she prayed him also to play one of his Eunuches with her: & the king was well contented with it. But before they would play, they agreed between them that they should both name & except five of the trustiest & chiefest Eunuches they had: & then, which of them lost, should presently deliver unto the winner his choice of all the other Eunuches he would demand. Parysatis craft and cruelly. Thus they fell to play, & she employing all the cunning she had, & playing as warily as she could possible, besides that the dice ran of her side, her luck served her so, that she wan: & then she required Mesabates for her winnings, being none of those the king had excepted. When she had him delivered her, she gave him to the hangmen, & willed them to slay him alive, & then that they should crucify him, & nail him to a cross, & hung his skin upon an other piece of timber by him: the which was done accordingly. The king was marvelous angry withal when he knew it, & grievously offended with his mother. Howbeit she sported it out, & laughing, told him: in deed it becomes thee well to be angry for losing an old gelded Villain, where I lost a thousand Darecks quietly, & said never a word. So there came no other thing of it, saving that the king was a little angry, & repented him that he had played so fond & was so finely mocked. But Queen Statira on the other side, besides that she was against her in all other things: she spared not to tell Queen mother plainly, that it was wickedly done of her, to put the kings good & faithful servants so cruelly to death, for Cyrus' sake. But now, after that Tisaphernes (king Artaxerxes Lieutenant) had deceived Clearchus, Tisaphernes betrayeth the Captains of Graece. & other captains of GRAECE, detestably falsifying his word he had given them, & that he had sent them bound unto the king: Ctesiaes' saith, that Clearchus prayed him to help him to a comb, & that having had one by his means, and also comed his head, it pleased him so well, that to requited his good will, he gave him his seal of arms from his finger wherewith he sealed his letters, for a witness of the great friendship that was between them two. He saith also that in the stone of this ring there was graven the dance of the CARYATIDES. And furthermore, that the other soldiers which were prisoners with Clearchus, did take away the most part of the victuals that were sent to him, and left him little or nothing: and that he did remedy all this, procuring a greater quantity to be sent unto them, & that they should put Clearchus' portion apart, and all the other soldiers part also by themselves. This he did, as he saith, by Parysatis consent & commandment, who knowing that amongst other victuals they daily sent Clearchus a gammon of bacon: she told him one day he should do well to hide a little knife in this gammon of bacon, and to sand it him, to th'end that the life of so noble & valiant a man as he was, should not fall to the cruelty of the king. Howbeit, that he was afraid to meddle withal, and durst not do it: & that the king swore, & promised his mother, (who was an earnest suitor to him for Clearchus) that he would not put him to death. This notwithstanding, the king being afterwards procured, and persuaded to the contrary, by Queen Statira his wife: Clearchus, & other Captains of Graece put to death, by king Artaxerxes. he put them all to death, but Menon. Therefore Parysatis, Queen mother, after that time (saith Ctesias) devised all the ways she could to poison Queen Statira, and to make her out of the way. But me thinketh this smelleth like a lie, that Parysatis should intend so wicked and dangerous an act, as to put the kings lawful wife to death, by whom he had sons that were to inherit the crown, only for the love and respect of Clearchus: and it is too plain that he coined that, to honour and magnify Clearchus' memory the more. But to prove it, a man may easily found it by the lies he addeth afterwards unto it: saying, that after the Captains were slain, Ctesias vanity all the bodies of the rest were torn a pieces by dogs & fowls: and also that there came a boisterous wind, and covered all Clearchus body with a great hill of dust, and that out of this hill of dust shortly after there sprung up many palm trees, which made a pretty thick grove, that it shadowed all that place. Insomuch that the king himself did afterwards marvelously repent him for putting of him to death, for that he was an honest man, & beloved of the gods. This was not for Clearchus' sake, but for an old cankered malice Parysatis had long time borne in her heart against Queen Statira: because she saw well enough, that the credit & authority herself had with the king, The cause of Parysatis hate unto her Daughter in law, Statyra. was in respect of a sons duty & obedience to his mother, & in contrary manner, Statiraes' credit & authority had a better ground & foundation, because it came of the love & good will the king did bear her. And this is the only cause that made her to practise the death of Queen Statira, having determined that herself, or daughter in law, must needs die. Now Queen mother had one of the women of her chamber called Gigis, Parysatis practiseth to poison Queen Statira. that was of great credit about her, & whom she only trusted. Di●on writeth, that this Gigis did help Parysatis to make the poison. But Ctesias writeth contrarily, & saith that she only knew it, but otherwise that it was against her will: & that he that made the poison, was one Belitaras, but Dinon calleth him Melantas'. Now, though in outward semblance and show Queen mother & Statira seemed to have forgotten all malice between them, & that they began again one of them to keep company with the other, & did eat & drink together: yet one of them mistrusted the other, & took great heed to themselves, both of them eating one self meat, & in one dish together, and were both served with one self officers & men. In PERSIA there is a little bird, of the which all the parts of it is excellent good to eat, & is full of fat within: Ryntaces a bird of Persia that hath no excrements. How Statira was poisoned. so that it is thought it liveth by air & dew, and in the PERSIAN tongue they call it Ryntaces. Parysatis, as Ctesias saith, took one of these birds, and cut it in the midst with a little knife, the which was poisoned only on one of the sides, and gave that half which was poisoned unto Statira. Yet Dinon writeth, that it was not Parysatis herself that gave it her, but her carver Melantas' that carved her meat, & still gave Queen Statyra of that meat which the side of his poisoned knife had touched. So Queen Statira presently fell sick of the disease whereof she died, with grievous pangs & gripings in her bowels, & found plainly that she was poisoned by Parysatis means: whereupon she told the king as much, who was of the same opinion, & thought it was his mother, because he knew her cruel revenging mind, that never pardoned any, against whom she conceived any grudge. The king therefore to know the troth, when his wife Statira was dead, apprehended all his mother's household servants & officers, & did put them to torments, to make them confess the troth, saving Gigis, whom Queen mother kept close in her chamber a long time, & would never suffer the king to have her: who earnestly requested her to deliver her unto him. Notwithstanding, Gigis herself at length prayed Queen mother to give her leave one night to go home to her house. The king understanding it, laid wait for her, and intercepted her by the way: and when she was taken, he condemned her to suffer the pains of death ordained for poisoners, the which in PERSIA is executed in this manner. The punishment for poisoners in Persia. They make them put their head upon a great plain stone, and with an other stone they press and strike it so long, till they have dashed the brains of the malefactor out of their head. After this sort was Gigis put to death. Now for Parysatis his mother, the king did her no other hurt, nor said no more unto her, but confined her unto BABYLON according to her desire, & swore, that whilst she lived, he would never see BABYLON. In this state stood the affairs of the king. But now, Artaxerxes having done the utmost he could to have overcomen the GRECIANS which came to make war with him in the heart of his Realm, and would have been as glad of that, as he was to have overcome Cyrus, & to keep his crown & Realm: he could never prevail against them. For though they had lost Cyrus that gave them entertainment, & all their private Captains that led them: they saved themselves notwithstanding, being in the heart of his Realm, and showed the PERSIANS by experience, that all their doings was nothing but gold & silver, curiosity, & fair women, & otherwise, nothing but pomp & vanity. hereupon all the GRECIANS become courageous, & despised the barbarous people: insomuch that the LACEDÆMONIANS thought it a great shame & dishonour unto them, if they did not deliver the GRECIANS that dwelled in ASIA, from the slavery & bondage of the PERSIANS, & kept them from the open violence & cruelty of the barbarous people. For they having at other times attempted to do it by their Captain Thimbron, & afterwards also by Dercyllidas, whom they sent thither with an army, & having done nothing worthy memory: at length they determined to sand their king Agesilaus thither in person, who passing through ASIA with his ships, began presently to make hot war against the PERSIANS as soon as ever he had landed his army. Agesilaus king of Lacedaemon, maketh war with the Persians. For, at the first conglict he overthrew Tisaphernes (the king of persia's Lieutenant) in battle, and made the most part of the cities of GRAECE that are in ASIA, to rebel against him. Artaxerxes looking into this war, & wisely considering what way & means he was to take, to make war with the GRECIANS: he sent into GRAECE one Hermocrates a RHODIAN, (of great credit about him) with a marvelous sum of gold & silver, bountifully to bestow in gifts among the nobility & chief rulers of the cities of GRAECE, to make all the other GRECIANS to rise against the LACEDÆMONIANS. Hermocrates wisely executed his commission, for he made the chiefest cities of GRAECE to rebel against LACEDAEMON: so that all PELOPONNESUS being up in arms, and in great garboil, the Ephori at LACEDAEMON were enforced to sand for Agesilaus home again. Agesilaus being sorry to departed out of ASIA, said unto his friends: that the king of PERSIA had driven him out of his Realm with thirty thousand archers: because that the PERSIAN coin is stamped with an archer, The Persian coin, how it is stamped. having a bow in his hand Artaxerxes also drove the LACEDÆMONIANS out of all their jurisdiction by sea, by the means of Conon, general of the ATHENIANS, Artaxerxes d●aue the Lacedantonians from all their dominion by sea. whom Pharnabazus (one of his Lieutenant) had won to take his part. For Conon, after he was overthrown in battle at a place called the goats river, kept ever after in the isle of CYPRUS, not so much for the safety of his person, as also for that it was a meet place to stay in, until the wars of GRAECE were appeased. He knowing that the devise he had in his head, lacked power to put it in execution, & on the contrary side, that the power of the king lacked a man of deep judgement to be employed: he wrote letters unto him of his devise what he thought to do, straightly charging him whom he delivered his letters unto, that if he could possibly, he should 'cause the same to be delivered unto the king by Zenon the CRETAN, one of the king's dancers, or by one Polycritus his Physician, born in the city of MENDE: & in both their absences, then to give it unto Ctesias, to deliver unto the king. It chanced so that this letter came to the hands of Ctesias: who (as it is reported) added moreover unto the contents of the letter, that the king should sand him unto Conon, because he was a necessary man to be employed in his service, but specially by sea, Ctesias saith not so, but writeth that the king of his own voluntary motion gave him this charge. Now, after Artaxerxes had through the leading of Conon & Pharnabazus, Gnidus Ins. won the battle by sea near to the isle of GNIDUS, & that thereby he had driven all the LACEDÆMONIANS from their jurisdiction by sea, all GRAECE had him in marvelous great estimation: so that he gave unto the GRECIANS with such conditions as he would, that so famous peace, called Antalcidas peace. Antalcidas peace. This Antalcidas was a citizen of SPARTA, the son of one Leon, who favouring king Artaxerxes affairs, procured by the treaty of this peace, that the LACEDÆMONIANS left unto Artaxerxes all the cities of GRAECE in ASIA, & all the Isles contained in the same, to enjoy quietly, making them pay tribute at his pleasure. This peace being concluded with the GRECIANS (if so shameful a treason, reproach, & common infamy to all GRAECE may be called a peace, as never war fell out more dishonourable & infamous for the vanquished) king Artaxerxes that otherwise hated the LACEDÆMONIANS to the death, & that esteemed them (as Dinon writeth) the impudentest men living: Antalcidas Lacedaemonian, greatly esteemed of Artaxerxes. did notwithstanding love Antalcidas passingly well, & entertained him very honourably, when he came into PERSIA unto him. It is reported that the king one day took a garland of flowers, & did wet it with the most precious & sweetest oil of perfume that was prepared for the feast, & sent the same unto Antalcidas: insomuch as every man marveled to see the king set so much by him. In deed he was a meet than to follow the vanity & curiosity of the PERSIANS, The persians full of vanity and curiosity. & had well deserved such a garland to be sent him: who was so bold to dance a dance before the PERSIANS, mocking & counterfeating Leonidas & Callicratidas, two of the valiantest men that ever were in GRAECE. Therefore one said at that time in the presence of king Agesilaus: O how unhappy is poor GRAECE at this day, when the LACEDÆMONIANS come to follow the PERSIANS? But Agesilaus presently answered him again, not so, said he: but rather the PERSIANS follow the LACEDÆMONIANS. Notwithstanding, this wise answer Agesilaus made, did not take away the shame of the fact: & shortly after, the LACEDÆMONIANS lost the battle of Leuctres, & therewith also the signiory & principality they had kept of long time over all GRAECE, although they had lost their estimation before, for consenting to so shameful & dishonourable a peace. When SPARTA flourished most, & was chief of all the other cities of GRAECE so long did Artaxerxes still continue to make so much of Antalcidas, & called him his friend. But after that the LACEDÆMONIANS had lost the battle of Leuctres, having received so great an overthrow, & wanting money: they sent Agesilaus into EGYPT, & Altalcidas into PERSIA unto king Artaxerxes, to pray him to aid and help the LACEDÆMONIANS. Howbeit the king made so small account of him, & disdained him so much, denying him, & his requests: that he returned back to SPARTA, as a man knocked on the head, without any thing done with the king. And there also seeing that his enemies mocked him, & fearing that the Ephori would commit him to prison: he killed himself with famine. About that time also, the THEBANS after they had won the battle of Leuctres, The death of Antalcidas Lacedaemonian. sent Ismenias & Pelopidas into PERSIA, unto king Artaxerxes: where Pelopidas did nothing unworthy of himself. Howbeit Ismenias being commanded to kneel to the king, he let fall his ring at his feet, and stooped to take it up: whereby it was thought of some that he did it to kneel to the king. Another time Artaxerxes liking a secret advertisement very well sent him from Timagoras the ATHENIAN: Timagoras Athenian, bribed by king Artaxerxes. he gave him ten thousand daricks by his Secretary called Belluris. And because he had a sickly body, & was driven to drink cows milk to restore him: the king therefore sent four score mylche kine with him to give milk to the pail, to have fresh milk every day. Furthermore, he sent him a bed thoroughly furnished with all things necessary, & grooms of the chamber to make his bed, saying, that the GRECIANS could not tell how to make it: & did also let him have men to carry him upon their arms to the sea side, because he was sick, & whilst he was at the Court, he entertained him very honourably & bountifully. So Ostanes, the king's brother, said one day unto him: Timagoras, remember how honourably thou art served at thy board, for it is not for no small matter thou art thus made of. This word was rather to cut him for his treason, then for any remembrance of the benefit received. So the ATHENIANS afterwards condemned the same Timagoras to die, Timagoras was put to death, for taking bribes and gifts of the king of Persia. because he had taken bribes & money of the king of PERSIA. But Artaxerxes in recompense of so many other things that he had done, to despite the GRECIANS with, he did one thing that pleased them marvelously: when he did put Tisaphernes to death, who was the dreadfullest enemy the GRECIANS had. Parysatis the Queen mother did help to bring this to pass, aggravating the accusations brought in against him. For the king kept not his anger long against his mother, King Artaxerxes killeth Tisaphernes. but fell in again with her, and sent for her, knowing that she had an excellent wit and noble courage to govern a great kingdom: and beside, Artaxerxes fell in again with his mother Parysatis, & sent for her to come to the Court. that there was nothing now to let them to come together as much as they would, to give any occasion of jealousy or malice to any person. So ever after, his mother Parysatis endeavoured herself to feed the king her sons humour every manner of way, seeming to mislike nothing that he did: Whereby she grew in great credit with him, that he denied her nothing whatsoever she asked him. So she perceived that the king was extremely in love with one of his own Daughters, that was called Atossa: howbeit that he dissembled his love the best he could, and kept it secret, chief for fear of her, although some writ, that in deed he had already had her maiden head. Now Parysatis having found his love, she began to make more of his Daughter than she did before, and talking with her father, sometime she praised her beauty, another time her grace and good countenance, saying that she was like a Queen and noble Princess. So that at length by little and little she persuaded him to mary her openly, not passing for the laws and opinions of the GRECIANS, considering that God had given him unto the PERSIANS, to stablish laws unto them, to decide right from wrong, and the good from the bad. Some Historiographers do writ, and amongst them Heraclides of CUMES: that Artaxerxes did not only marry the eldest of his Daughters, but the second also called Amestris, of whom we will speak hereafter. Now when he had married the eldest, Artaxerxes married his eldest Daughter Atossa. Atossa, he loved her so entirely well, that though she fell sick of the disease commonly called Vitiligo, that ran over all her body: he loved her not the worse for it, but prayed continually for her unto the goddess juno, honouring no other goddess but her only, and fell down on his knees before her image, and sent by his friends and Lieutenants so many offerings, that all the way from his Court gates unto the temple of juno, (which was sixteen furlong of) was full of gold, silver, rich purple silks, and horse that were sent thither. He began to make war also with the EGYPTIANS, and made Pharnabazus and Iphicrates ATHENIAN, his Lieutenants, who did no good, because they fell at variance th'one with tother. King Artaxerxes journey against the Cadusians. But afterwards, Artaxerxes himself went in person to conquer the CADUSIANS with three hundred thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. So he invaded their country, which was a very rude country, always dark and cloudy: The country of the Cadusians very barren. The earth bringeth forth nothing that man soweth, but doth only feed the inhabitants with pears, apples, and such like fruit, and yet the men be very strong and valiant notwithstanding. So when he was entered far into the country before he was ware, he fell into great want of victuals, and was also in great danger. For his soldiers found nothing in all the country that was good to eat, and worst of all, no victuals could come unto them from any place, because of the hardness and naughty ways of the country: So that his camp lived only with the flesh of their beasts of carriage, and yet they sold it dearly: for, an asses head was sold for three score silver Drachmas. To conclude, the famine was so great, that provision failed for the kings own mouth, Great famine in Artaxerxes army. and there were but few horse left, for all the rest were eaten. Then Tiribazus, that had oftentimes been chief about the king, because he was a valiant man, and that through his folly was many times also out of favour, as at that present time, when he had no authority nor estimation: Tiribazus stratageame saved Artaxerxes, and all his army. he devised a stratagem, whereby he saved the king and all his camp. In this country of the CADUSIANS, there were two kings in the field with their armies, both of them camped a sunder one from the other. Tiribazus, after he had spoken with king Artaxerxes, and had told him what he meant to do: he went unto one of the kings, and at the self same time also secretly sent his son unto the other king, and told either of them, that the other king had sent Ambassadors unto Artaxerxes to make peace with him, unwitting to his companion, and therefore he counseled him if they were wise, one of them to seek to prevent another with all the possible speed he could, and promised them both, one after another, to help them the best he could. Both the one and the other of the kings gave credit to his words, either of them both mistrusting one another: so that the one speedily sent his Ambassadors unto king Artaxerxes, with Tiribazus, and the other also his Ambassadors with his son. But Tiribazus tarrying long in his journey, king Artaxerxes began somewhat to suspect him, his enemies also did accuse him in his absence, and the king grew very chollerycke, and repented him that he had trusted him so far, and was willing to hear every man that spoke against him. Howbeit Tiribazus at length returned, and his son also, and either of them brought with them the Ambassadors of the CADUSIANS, and so peace was taken with them both. Then was Tiribazus aloft again, and in greater credit than ever he was, and so departed with the king. The king than showed plainly, that cowardliness proceedeth not of pomp and curiosity, as some take it, believing that it doth effeminate men's hearts, but rather of a vile base mind, that commonly followeth evil, and the worst counsel. Note, that soft apparel and riches, maketh not a men cowardly and effeminate: but a vile base mind, that followeth evil advise and counsel. For neither the jewels of gold, the kingly robes nor other sumptuous ornaments which the king ever aware about him, worth twelve thousand talents as it is reported, did not hinder him at that time to travail, and to take as much pain as any man in all his army. For he himself marched a foot the foremost man, carrying his own trufle in a scarf upon his shoulders, and his target on his arm, and traveled through high stony mountains. So that his soldiers seeing the courage and pain the king himself took, they marched so nymbly, that it seemed they had wings: for he daily marched above two hundred furlongs. The courage of king Artaxerxes, & his great pains in marching. Now the king at length by sore travel, came to one of his own houses, where there were goodly arbours and parks, with goodly trees passingly set forth: but all the country beside was naked and barren, so that there was not a tree a great way from thence, and it was marvelous cold. The king suffered his soldiers to hew down the goodly pines and cypress trees in his parks: and because they durst not presume to touch them, King Artaxerxes courtesy to his soldiers. he himself as he was took an axe in his hand and began to hew down the goodliest tree there. The soldiers seeing that, fell every man of them also to hewing: so that in a very short time they had provided themselves well with wood, and made them great fires in every place, and so passed over the night quietly by the fires side. This notwithstanding, he lost a great number of valiant men in this voyage, and almost all his horses. Therefore thinking his men would mock him, because he did fail of his purpose: he began to grow mistrustful, and to suspect the chiefest noble men he had about him: so that in a rage he put many of them to death, but much more of them remained, whom he mistrusted. For there is nothing more cruel, nor a greater blood sucker, than a cowardly tyrant: as in contrary manner nothing is more courteous, and less suspicious, than a valiant and hardy man. And therefore brute beasts that be never made tame nor mastered, are commonly cowardly, and timorous: and the other to the contrary, that are noble and courageous, are bold strait, and do come to know a man, because they have no fear, neither do they fry from their clapping and making much of them as they do. Afterwards king Artaxerxes being grown very old, heard that there was great stir and contention between his sons, which of them should be heir after his death, and that this contention fell out also among his friends and men, of great calling. The wisest of them wished, that as he himself came unto the crown, as his father's eldest son so: that he likewise should after his death leave it unto his eldest son, called Darius. Darius and Ochus, king Artaxerxes sons. But the younger, which was called Ochus, being a valiant man, and of a who stirring nature, had some in the Court also that took his part, and hoped to attain to his purpose, by the means of his sister Atossa, whom he loved and honoured, promising to marry her, and to make her Queen, if he might come to be king after his father's disease. And beside, there went a report abroad, that in their father's life time he secretly kept her: howbeit Artaxerxes never understood it. Now, because he would betimes put his son Ochus out of all hope to succeed him in the kingdom, lest this expectation might make him to go about to practise that which Cyrus did, and that by this means his Realm should grow into faction and civil wars: he proclaimed his eldest son Darius (being fifty year old) king after his death, Artaxerxes proclaimeth his son Darius' king. and furthermore gave him leave from thenceforth to wear the point of his hat right up. In PERSIA the custom is, that when any cometh to be proclaimed successor and heir apparent to the crown, he should require a gift of him that proclaimeth him successor. The which the other doth grant him, whatsoever it be that he asketh, so it be not impossible. Darius then asked his father a concubine called Aspasia, Aspasia junian, one of Artaxerxes concubines. who was first with Cyrus, & in greatest favour with him above all the rest, but then was for the kings own body. She was borne in the country of JONIA, of free parents: and being virtuously brought up, she was brought one night unto Cyrus as he was at supper with other women, who sat them down, without too curious bidding, hard by him, and were very glad when Cyrus offered to play and be merry with them, giving every one of them some pleasant word, and they made it not coy. But Aspasia stood on her feet by the table, and said never a word: and notwithstanding that Cyrus called her, she would not come at him. Moreover, when one of the grooms of his chamber would have taken her to have brought her to him: the first saith she, that layeth hands on me, shall repent it. Thereupon all those that were present, said she was a foolish thing, and simply brought up, and could not tell what was comely for her. Howbeit Cyrus' being glad of it, passed it over with laughing, and told him that had brought them unto him: dost thou not see, that of all these thou hast brought me, there is not an honest woman but she? After that, Cyrus began to make much of her, and loved her better continually than all the rest, & called her Aspasia the wise. This Aspasia was taken among the spoils of Cyrus' camp after he was overthrown, and Darius as we have told ye, did beg her of his father, who was very angry with it in his mind. For the barbarous people of all other things are marvelous jealous of their women, so that not only he should be put to death, The barbarous people can not 〈…〉 with ●inalitie in love. that durst but speak to, or touch any concubine of the kings but in sport: but also whosoever came near them, or near their coaches as they traveled. The king's daughter Atossa, whom he had married against all law, was yet living, and besides her he had also three hundred and three score passing fair concubines: and yet when his son Darius asked Aspasia of him, the king answered, she was a free woman borne, and therefore if she would, he was content he should have her: but if she were unwilling to go to him, than he would not have him force her by no means. So Aspasia was sent for, and she was asked with whom she had rather be. She answered, with Darius: contrary to king Artaxerxes expectation, who both by the custom, and also the law, was compelled to let him have her. But shortly after he took her from him again, saying that he would place her in a Nunnery of Diana, in the country of ECBATANE, where they call her Anitis, there to serve the goddess, and to live chaste all the days of her life: supposing by this means to punish his son, not rigorously, but moderately, with grief mixed with sport and earnest. Howbeit his son took it not so patiently, either because he was deeply in love with Aspasia, or else for that he saw his father mocked him in that point. Tiribazus finding this, and perceiving that Darius took it very grievously: he aggravated his anger against his father, Tiribazus incruseth Darius against his father Artaxerxes. knowing the passion of love in Darius, by his own, upon the like occasion. King Artaxerxes had many daughters, and had promised Pharnabazus one of them, called Apama: unto Orontes, Rodogoune: and to Tiribazus, Amestris. The king performed the other two marriages, & did put Tiribazus by his wife. For the king himself married his own daughter Amestris, and for her, he promised Tiribazus the younger, Atossa: with whom also he himself fell in love, and married her. Tiribazus hereupon was in such a rage with the king, that he hated him to the death: not because he was any traitor or seditious man in nature, but a mad harebrained fellow. Tiribazus manners, and conditions. For sometime he was aloft, and in as good credit and authority as the best: suddenly again he would play some mad part to anger the king, and then he was in as much disgrace, and out of countenance: and could not away with neither fortune. For when he was in authority, he made every man hate him for his pride: and being in disgrace, he could not humble himself, but look bigger than before. Now there was fire and brimstone met, when Tiribazus took part with Darius. For he daily blue into his ears, that it was to no purpose for him to wear his hat right up, if his affairs also went not rightly forward: and that he deceived himself much, if he did not know that his brother (by means of the women he kept) secretly aspired to the crown: and that his father being so unconstant as he was, he must not trust in any sort to succeed his father in the kingdom, what proclamation soever he hath made in his behalf to the contrary. For, said he, he that for a GRECIAN woman hath broken and violated the holiest law that was in PERSIA: thou must not look that he will perform that he hath promised thee. And furthermore he persuaded him, that it was not a like repulse unto Ochus, to be denied that which he looked for: as it was for him to be turned out of all that ever he had gotten. For said he, if it please Ochus to live like a private man, he may safely do it, and no man will trouble him: but for himself that was already proclaimed king, he must of necessity make himself king, or else he must not live. So the Poet Sophocles his saying most commonly proveth true: Ill counsel eazly takes place. For the way is large and plain for a man to believe as he list, and men commonly are given rather to believe the evil than the good, because most men know not what goodness meaneth. But now beside these persuasions, the greatness of the kingdom, and the fear Darius stood in of his brother Ochus, took great force and effect with him: and it may be also, that Venus herself did somewhat in the matter, for the malice and spite that Aspasia was taken from him. But whatsoever the cause was, thus was it handled: that Darius flatly conspired against his father Artaxerxes, Darius conspireth against Artaxerxes his father. together with Tiribazus. Now, they having gotten many conspirators to join with them, one of the king's Eunuches perceiving it, ran and told the king of it, and how they had suddenly determined to assail him, knowing certainly that it was agreed among themselves, that they should kill him in his bed in the night. Artaxerxes receiving this advertisement, thought it was not good to be careless of a matter of so great importance as his life: and also that it were too great lightness in him so suddenly to believe his Euenuke, without better proof or knowledge. So he took this way with himself. He commanded the Euenuke that had given him this information, to keep company still with the conspirators, A devise of Artaxerxes how to prevent the conspirators and to save himself. & to follow them wheresoever they went, to see their doings: and in the mean time he bet down his wall behind his bed, and made a door thorough, and set up a hanging of tapistry before it. When the time was come, as the Euenuke had advertised the king, that the traitors meant to do their feat; Artaxerxes being laid on his bed, rose not up till he had seen every traitor of them in the face that came to kill him. Then when he saw them coming towards him with their swords drawn, he suddenly lift up the hanging, and got in to his inner chamber, & shut the door after him, making an outcry, murder, murder. So the traitors being plainly seen and known by the king, fled the same way they came, and failed of their purpose, and bad Tiribazus save himself, because he was known. So they dispersed them selves, and scaped by flying. But Tiribazus was taken tardy, although he had slain divers of the king's guard, valiantly defending himself: yet they took him not, till he was stricken with a dart a good way, of which slew him. Tiribazus the traitor slain. Darius was also taken and apprehended, and brought prisoner with his sons: and the king referred him to be judged by his peers. For the king himself would not be present to give judgement of him, but deputed other in his place to accuse him: howbeit he commanded his secretaries to set down in writing the opinion and sentence of every one of the judges and to bring it him. In fine, they all cast him, and condemned him to die. Darius' condemned to die, and executed. Then the officers laid hold on him, and brought him into a chamber of the prison, where the hangman came with a razor in his hand with the which he used to cut men's throats so condemned to die. So the hangman coming into the chamber, when he saw it was Darius, he was afraid, and came out of the chamber again, his heart failing him, and durst not lay hands upon the person of the king. But the judges that stood without the chamber, bade him go and do it, unless he would have his own throat cut. So the hangman than came in, and took Darius by the hear of the head, and made him hold down his head, and so cut his neck with his razor he had in his other hand. Others do writ, that this sentence was given in the presence of king Artaxerxes self, and that Darius seeing himself convicted by manifest proofs brought in against him, he fell down at his father's feet, and besought him to pardon him: and then that his father being angry, rose up, and drew out his curtle-axe and wounded him in so many places withal, that at length he slew him. Then returning into the Court, he worshipped the sun, and turning him to his Lords that were about him, he said unto them. My Lords, God be with you, and be merry at home in your houses, and tell them that were not here, how the great Oromazes hath taken revenge of them that practised treason against me. This was the end of Darius' treason. Now Darius being dead, Ochus his brother stood in good hope to be next heir to the crown, & the rather, through the means and friendship of his sister Atossa: but yet of his legitimate brethren, he feared him called Ariaspes, King Artaxerxes son. who was only left of all the rest that were legitimate: and of his bastard brethren, Arsames: not because Ariaspes was elder than he, but for that he was of a soft & plain nature, the PERSIANS desired he might be their king. On the other side, Arsames was wise, and valiant: and Ochus saw that his father loved him dearly. So he determined to entrap them both. Now Ochus being a subtle and malicious natured man, he first showed his cruelty upon Arsames, and his malice upon Ariaspes his legitimate brother. For, because he knew he was but simple and plain, he sent daily some of the king's Eunuches unto him, who brought him threatening words and messages, as from the king: telling him that he had determined to put him to a shameful and cruel death. So, forging these news continually as things very secret, they did so terrify poor Ariaspes, telling him that the king was fully bend to put some of his threats in execution out of hand: that he was put in such fear and despair of his life, that he prepared himself apoyson, and drank it, to rid himself of his life. King Artaxerxes understanding of his death, took it very heavily, & began to mistrust the cause that made him to make himself away: howbeit he could not seek the proof of it, for his extreme age. But this chance made him love Arsames better than before, showing plainly that he trusted him better than Ochus, and did make him privy to all things. Ochus could no longer abide to desert his intent, and therefore enticed Harpaces, Tiribazus son, to kill his bastard brother Arsames: the which he did. Now Artaxerxes was so extreme old, that he was as good as done with age: but after he heard his son Arsames was murdered, The death of king Artaxerxes. he could bear it no longer, but took it so to his heart for sorrow, that when he had lived four score and fourteen years, and reigned three score and two, he died. When he was dead, Artaxerxes was 94 years old at his death. they then found that he had been a gracious & courteous Prince, and one that loved his people and subjects: when they saw the proof of his successor Ochus, that passed all men living, in cruelty and severity. THE LIFE OF Dion. LIke as Simonides, o Sossius Senecio, saith that the city of ILIUN was not offended with the CORINTHIANS, for that they came to make war with them with other GRECIANS, because Glaucus (whose first ancestors came from CORINTHE) had taken arms, & lovingly fought for the same: even so me thinks, that neither the GRECIANS nor ROMANS have cause to complain of the Academy, sith they be both alike praised of the same in this present book, in the which are contained the lives of Dion and Brutus. Dion & Brutus both Platonians. Of the which, the one of them having been very familiar with Plato himself, and the other from his childhood brought up in Plato's doctrine: they both (as it were) came out of one self schoolhouse, to attempt the greatest enterprises amongst men. And it is no marvel if they two were much like in many of their doings, proving that true which their schoolmaster Plato wrote of virtue: Plato de virtute. that to do any noble act in the government of a common wealth, which should be famous, How men's acts should be famous in the common wealth. and of credit, authority, and good fortune, must both meet in one self person, joined with justice and wisdom. For, as a certain fenser called Hippomachus said, that he knew his scholars far of, if he did but see them coming from the market with meat in their hands: so it must needs follow, that men having been virtuously brought up, must needs be wise in all their doings, and beside that it bringeth them to civility and honesty, even so it frameth their conditions much like one unto an other. Furthermore, their fortunes having also fallen out both alike, more by chance then by any reason, do make their lives very like to each other. For, they were both of them slain, before they could bring their enterprises to pass which they had determined. But the greatest wonder of all is this: that their deaths were foreshowed unto them both, A wicked spirit appeared unto Dion & Brutus. by a wicked spirit that visible appeared unto either of them: albeit there be some that can not abide those opinions, and do maintain that these sights and evil spirits do never appear to any man that hath his right wits, but that they are fancies of little children, or old women, or of some men that their wits are weakened by sickness, and so have a certain imagination of such strange sights, being of this superstitious mind, that they have a wicked spirit, and an evil angel in them. But if Dion and Brutus, both of them grave and learned Philosophers, and very constant men, not overcome by any sudden passion or imagination of mind, have been moved by such sights and spirits, and have also told it unto their friends: I can not tell whether we shall enforced, to grant the most strangest and oldest opinion of this, which saith: that there be evil spirits which envying the virtue of good men, to withdraw them from their godly minds, do make them afraid with these fearful sights, enticing them to forsake their godliness, lest that persisting therein, they should be rewarded with better life in the world to come, then theirs is. But let us refer this disputation to some other book, and now in this twelfth couple of these famous men's lives compared, let us first begin to writ the life of him that is the elder of these two men we speak of. Dionysius married Hermocrates daughter. Dionysius the elder, after he had the government of SICILIA in his hands, he married the daughter of Hermocrates, a citizen of SYRACUSE. But yet not being throughlie settled in his tyranny, that SYRACUSANS did rebel against him, & did so cruelly and abominably handle the body of his wife, that she willingly poisoned herself. So after he had established himself in his government with more surety than before, Dionysius wives, Doride, of Locres: Aristomaché, of Syracuse, Hipparinus daughter, and Dions' sister. he married again two other wives together, the one a stranger of the city of LOCRES, called Doride: and the other of the country itself, called Aristomaché, the daughter of Hipparinus the chiefest man of all SYRACUSE, and that had been companion with Dionysius, the first time he was chosen General. It was said that Dionysius married them both in one day, and that they could never tell which of them he knew first: but otherwise, that he made as much of the one, as he did of the other. For they commonly sat together with him at his table, and did either of them lie with him by turns: though the SYRACUSANS would have their own contrywoman preferred before the stranger. Howbeit the strange woman had this good hap, to bring forth Dionysius his eldest son, which was a good countenance to defend her, being a foreigner. Aristomaché in contrary manner, continued a long time with Dionysius, without fruit of her womb, although he was very desirous to have children by her: so that he put the LOCRIAN woman's mother to death, accusing her that she had with sorceries and witchcraft, kept Aristomaché from being with child. Dion being the brother of Aristomaché, Dion kindred with Dionysius. was had in great estimation at the first, for his sister's sake: but afterwards the tyrant finding him to be a wise man, he loved him then for his own sake. Insomuch, that among many sundry things & pleasures he did for him: he commanded his treasurers to let him have what money he asked of them, so they made him acquainted withal the self same day they gave him any. Now though Dion had ever before a noble mind in him by nature, yet much more did that magnanimity increase, when Plato by good fortune arrived in SICILY. For his coming thither surely was no man's devise, as I take it, but the very providence of some god: who (bringing far of the first beginning and foundation of the liberty of the SYRACUSANS, and to overthrow the tyrannical state) sent Plato out of ITALY unto the city of SYRACUSE, Plato came out of Italy unto Syracuse. and brought him acquainted with Dion, who was but a young man at that time, but yet had an apt wit to learn, and readier good will to follow virtue, than any young man else that followed Plato: Dion, Plato's scholar. as Plato himself writeth, and his own doings also do witness. For Dion having from a child been brought up with humble conditions under a tyrant, and acquainted with a servile timorous life, with a proud and insolent reign, with all vanity and curiosity, as placing chief felicity in covetousness: nevertheless, after he had felt the sweet reasons of Philosophy, teaching the broad way to virtue, his heart was inflamed strait with earnest desire to follow the same. And because he found that he was so easily persuaded to love virtue and honesty, he simply thinking (being of an honest plain nature) that the self same persuasions would move a like affection in Dionysius: obtained of Dionysius, that being at leisure, he was contented to see Plato, and to speak with him. When Plato came to Dionysius, Plato and Dionysius the elder talk together. all their talk in manner was of virtue, and they chiefly reasoned what was fortitude: where Plato proved that tyrants were no valiant men. From thence passing further into justice, he told him that the life of just men was happy, and contrarily the life of unjust men unfortunate. Thus the tyrant Dionysius perceiving he was overcomen, durst no more abide him, and was angry to see the standers by to make such estimation of Plato, and that they had such delight to hear him speak. At length he angrily asked him, what business he had to do there? Plato answered him, he came to seek a good man. Dionysius then replied again: what, in God's name, by thy speech than it seemeth thou hast found none yet. Now Dion thought that Dionysius anger would proceed no further, and therefore at Plato's earnest request, he sent him away in a galley with three banks of owers, the which polis a LACEDAEMONIAN Captain carried back again into GRAECE. Howbeit Dionysius secretly requested polis to kill Plato by the way, Dionysius malice unto Plato. as over he would do him pleasure: if not, yet that he would cell him for a slave, howsoever he did. For said he, he shall be nothing the worse for that: because if he be a just man, he shall be as happy to be a slave, as a freeman. Thus, as it is reported, this polis carried Plato into the isle of AEGINA, and there sold him. Plato sold in the isle of AEgina. For the AEGINETES having war at that time with the ATHENIANS, made a decree, that all the ATHENIANS that were taken in their Isle, should be sold. This notwithstanding, Dionysius refused not to honour and trust Dion, as much as ever he did before, and did also send him Ambassador in matters of great weight. As when he sent him unto the CARTHAGINIANS, where he behaved himself so well, that he won great reputation by his journey: and the tyrant could well away with his plain speech. For no man but he, durst say their minds so boldly unto him, to speak what he thought good: as on a time he reproved him for Gelon. Dions' boldness in speaking plainly to the tyrant. Gelon signifieth laughture. One day when they mocked Gelons' government before the tyrants face, and that Dionysius himself said (finely deskanting of his name, which signifieth laughture) that he was even the very laughing stock himself of SICILY: the Courtiers made as though they liked this encounter and interpretation of laughture passingly well. But Dion not being well pleased withal, said unto him: for his sake, men trusted thee, whereby thou camest to be tyrant: but for thine own sake they will never trust any man. For, to say truly, Gelon showed by his government, that it was as goodly a thing as could be, to see a city governed by an absolute Prince: but Dionysius by his government on tother side, made it appear as detestable a thing. This Dionysius had by his LOCRIAN wife three children, and by Aristomaché four: of the which, two were daughters, Sophrosynè, and Areté: the daughters of Dionysius by Aristomaché. the one called Sophrosynè, and the other Areté. Of them, Dionysius eldest son married Sophrosynè, and Areté was married unto his brother Thearides, after whose death Dion married her, being his Niece. Dion marrieth his Niece Areté the daughter of Dionysius & of his sister Aristomaché. Now when Dionysius her father fell sick, not likely to escape: Dion would have spoken with him for his children he had by his sister Aristomaché. Howbeit the Physicians about him, to curry savour with the next heir and successor of the tyranny, would never let him have any time or opportunity to speak with him. For, as Timaus writeth, they gave Dionysius the elder (as he had commanded them) a strong opiate drink to cast him in a sleep, and so thereby they took from him all his senses and joined death with his sleep. Notwithstanding, in the first counsel and assembly holden by his friends, to consult about the state and affairs of the younger Dionysius: The death of Dionysius the elder. Dion moved matter so necessary and profitable for that present time, that by his wisdom he showed they were all but children, and by his bold and frank speech, made them know that they were but slaves of the tyranny: because they beastly and cowardly gave such counsel and advise, as might best please and feed the young tyrants humour. But he made them most to wonder at him, when they fearing above all other things, the danger Dionysius state was in, by reason of CARTHAGE, he did promise' them, that if Dionysius would have peace, he would then go forthwith into AFRICA, and find the means honourably to quench the wars: or if otherwise he better liked of war, that he would furnish him at his own proper costs and charges, fifty galleys ready to row. Dionysius wondered greatly at the noble mind of Dion, and thanked him much for the good will he bore unto him, touching his estate. But all men else taking Dions' noble offer to be a reproach of their avarice, and his credit and authority, and impair unto theirs: they presently upon this liberal offer took occasion to accuse him, not sparing any reproachefull words against him, to move Dionysius to be offended with him. Flattering Courtiers do intense Dionysius the younger to hate Dion. For they complained of him, and said that he cunningly practised to possess the tyranny, making himself strong by sea, going about by his galleys to make the tyranny fall into the hands of the children of Aristomaché his sister. But the chiefest cause of all why they did malice and hate him, was his strange manner of life: that he neither would keep company with them, nor live after their manner. For they that from the beginning were crept in favour and friendship with this young evil brought up tyrant, by flattering of him, and feeding him with vain pleasures: studied for no other thing, but to entertain him in love matters, and other vain exercises, as to riot and banquet, to keep light women company, and all such other vile vicious pastimes and, recreations, by the which the tyranny become like iron softened by fire, and seemed to be very pleasant unto the subjects, because the overgreat Majesty and severity thereof was somewhat milder, not so much by the bounty and goodness, as by the folly and recklessness of the Lord. Thus, this little care and regard increasing more and more, still winning way with the young tyrant: did at length melt and break a sunder those strong diamond chains, with the which Dionysius the elder made his boast that he left his Monarchy and tyranny chained to his son. For sometime he would be three days together without intermission, still banqueting and being drunk: The vices of Dionysius the younger. and all that time his Court gates were kept shut unto grave and wise men, and for all honest matters, and was then full of drunkards, of common plays, dancings, masks, and mommeries, and full of all such trumpery and dissolute pastimes. And therefore Dion undoubtedly was much envied of them, because he gave himself to no sport nor pleasure: whereupon they accused him, and misnamed his virtues, vices, being somewhat to be resembled unto them. As in calling his gravity, pride: his plainness and boldness in his Oration, obstinacy: if he did persuade them, that he accused them: and because he would not make one in their fond pastimes: that therefore he despised them. For to say truly, his manners by nature had a certain haughtiness of mind and severity, Dions' manners, too grave and severe. and he was a sour man to be acquainted with: whereby his company was not only troublesome, but also unrepentant to this younger Dionysius, whose ears were so fine, that they could not away to hear any other thing but flattery. And furthermore, divers of his very friends and familiars, that did like and commend his plain manner of speech and noble mind: they did yet reprove his sternness, and austere conversation with men. For it seemed unto them, that he spoke too roughly, and dealt overhardlie with them that had to do with him, and more than become a civil or courteous man. And for proof hereof, Plato himself sometime wrote unto him (as if he had prophesied what should happen) that he should beware of obstinacy, the companion of solitariness, that bringeth a man in the end to be forsaken of every one. Obstinacy, follow and companion of solitariness. This notwithstanding, they did more reverence him at that time, than any man else: because of the state and government, and for that they thought him the only man that could best provide for the safety and quietness of the tyranny, the which stood then in tickle state. Now Dion knew well enough, that he was not so well taken and esteemed through the good will of the tyrant, as against his will, and for the necessity of the state and time. So Dion supposing that ignorance, and want of knowledge in Dionysius was the cause: he devised to put him into some honest trade or exercise, and to teach him the liberal sciences, to frame him to a civil life, that thenceforth he should no more be afraid of virtue, and should also take pleasure and delight in honest things. For Dionysius of his own nature, was none of the worst sort of tyrants, but his father fearing that if he came once to have a feeling and conceit of himself, or that he companied with wise and learned men, he would go near to enter into practice, and put him out of his feat: he ever kept him locked up in a chamber, and would suffer no man to speak with him. Then the younger Dionysius having nothing else to do, gave himself to make little chariots, candlesticks, chairs, stools, and tables of wood. For his father Dionysius was so fearful and mistrustful of every body, Dionysius the elder, a marvelous timorous & suspicious man. that he would suffer no man with a pair of barber's sissers to poll the hears of his head, but caused an image maker of earth to come unto him, and with a hot burning coal to burn his goodly bush of hear round about. No man came into his chamber where he was, with a gown on his back, not not his own brother nor son, but he was driven before he could come in, to put of his gown, and the guard of his chamber to strip him naked whatsoever he was: and then they gave him an other gown to cast upon him, but not his own. One day his brother Leptines, going about to describe unto him the situation of some place, he took a halberd from one of the guard, and with the point thereof began to draw out a plat of the same upon the ground. Dionysius was terribly offended with him, and did put the soldier to death that gave him his halberd. He said he was afraid of his friends, yea and of the wisest of them: because he knew that they desired rather to rule, then to be ruled, and to command, then to obey. He flew one of his Captains called Marsyas, whom he had preferred, and had given him charge of men: because he dreamt that he killed him: Dionysius dream. saying that he dreamt of this in the night, because that waking in the day he had determined to kill him. Now Dionysius that was so timorous, and whose mind through fearfulness was still miserably occupied: he was notwithstanding marvelously offended with Plato, because he did not judge him to be the noblest and valiantest man alive. Dion therefore seeing (as we have said) the younger Dionysius clean marred, and in manner cast away for lack of good education: persuaded him the best he could to give himself unto study, and by the greatest entreaty he could possibly make, to pray the Prince of all Philosophers to come into SICILY. And then when through his entreaty he were come, that he would refer himself wholly unto him, to th'end that reforming his life by virtue and learning, Dion persuadeth the younger Dionysius to fall to study. and knowing God thereby: (the best example that can be possible, and by whom all the whole world is ruled and governed, which otherwise were out of all order and confused) he should first obtain great happiness to him self, and consequently unto all his citizens also, who ever after through the temperance and justice of a father, would with good will do those things, which they presently unwillingly did for the fear of a Lord, and in doing this, from a tyrant he should come to be a king. For, the chains of a diamant to keep a realm in safety, were not force, and fear, The assured guard of Princes, is the love of their subjects. as his father Dionysius held opinion: neither the great multitude of young soldiers, nor the guard of ten thousand barbarous people: but in contrary manner, that they were the love and good will of their subjects, which the Prince obtaineth through virtue and justice: the which chains though they be slacker than the other that are so hard and stiff, yet are they stronger, and will last longer time, to keep a realm and kingdom in safety. And furthermore, the Prince (said he) is not desirous of honour, neither is a man that deserveth greatly to be praised and commended, that only studieth to wear sumptuous apparel, and that glorieth to see his Court richly furnished, and himself curiously served: and in the mean time doth not frame himself to speak better, to be wiser, and to carry a greater majesty than any other mean or common person, not esteeming to adorn and beautify the Princely palace of his mind, as becometh the royal majesty of a king. Dion oftentimes rehearsing these exhortations unto Dionysius, and otherwhile interlacing between, some reasons he had learned of Plato: he graffed in him a wonderful, and as it were a vehement desire to have Plato in his company, and to learn of him. So sundry letters came from Dionysius unto ATHENS, divers requests from Dion, and great entreaty made by certain Pythagorean Philosophers, that prayed and persuaded Plato to come into SICILY, Pla●● goeth into Sicilia, to teach Dionysius the younger. to bridle the light disposition of this young man, by his grave and wise instructions: who without regard of reason, led a dissolute and licentious life. Therefore Plato, as himself reporteth, blushing to himself, and fearing lest he should give men cause to think that it was but the opinion men had of him, and that of himself he was unwilling to do any worthy act: and further, hoping that doing good but unto one man alone, who was the only guide of all the rest, he should as it were recover all SICILIA from her corruption and sickness: he performed their requests that sent unto him. But Dion'S enemies fearing the change and alteration of Dionysius, they persuaded him to call Philistus the Historiographer home again from banishment, Philistus the Historiographer. who was a learned man, and had been brought up and acquainted with the tyrants fashions: to th'end he should serve as a counterpeace, to withstand Plato and his Philosophy. For this Philistus, from the first time that the tyranny began to be established, did show himself very willing and conformable to the establishment thereof, and had of long time kept the castle: and the voice went, that he kept the mother of Dionysius the elder, and as it was supposed, not altogether without the tyrants knowledge. But afterwards, Leptines having had two daughters by one woman, whom he enticed to folly being an other man's wife: he married one of these his daughters unto Philistus, and made not Dionysius privy to it before. The tyrant therewith was so offended, that he put Leptines woman in prison fast locked up, and drove Philistus out of SICILIA. Philistus the Historiographer banished out of Sicilia, by Dionysius the elder. He being banished thus, repaired unto some of his friends that dwelled about the Adriatic sea, where it seemeth he wrote the most part of all his history, being then at good leisure. For he was not called home again during the life of Dionysius the elder: but after his death, the malice the Courtiers bore unto Dion, caused them to procure Philistus calling home again, as we have told you, as the man they thought would stick stoutly in defence of the tyranny. So Philistus no sooner returned, but he stoutly began to defend the tyranny: & others in contrary manner, devised accusations to the tyrant against Dion, accusing him that he had practised with Theodotes and Heraclides, to overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius. For Dion, in my opinion, hoped by Plato's coming to bridle and lessen a little the overlicentious and imperious tyranny of Dionysius, and thereby to frame Dionysius a wise and righteous governor. But on the other side, if he saw he would not follow his counsel, and that he yielded not to his wise instructions: he then determined to put him down, & to bring the government of the common wealth into the hands of the SYRACUSANS: not that he allowed of Democratia (to wit, Democratia: the government of the people. where the people govern) but yet certainly thinking that Democratia was much better than the tyranny, when they could not come unto Aristocratia, to wit, the government of a few of the nobility. Now things being in this state, Plato arrived in SICILY, where he was marvelously received and honoured by Dionysius. Dion allowed not popular state. For when he landed on the shore, leaving his galley that brought him: there was ready for him one of the kings rich and sumptuous chariots to convey him to the castle: Aristocratia: the government of a few of the nobility. and the tyrant made sacrifice to give the god's thanks for his coming, as for some wondered great good hap chanced unto his signory. Furthermore, the wonderful modesty and temperance that was begun to be observed in feast and banquets, the Court clean changed, and the great goodness and clemency of the tyrant in all things, in ministering justice to every man: Plato came into Sicilia, unto Dionysius the younger. did put the SYRACUSANS in great good hope of change, and every man in the Court was very desirous to give himself to learning and Philosophy. So that, as men reported, the tyrants palace was full of sand and dust, with the numbers of students that drew plats and figures of Geometry. Shortly after Plato was arrived, The change of Dionysius, upon Plato's coming. by chance the time was comen about to do a solemn sacrifice within the castle, at which sacrifice the Herald (as the manner was) proclaimed aloud the solemn prayer accustomed to be done, that is would please the gods long to preserve the state of the tyranny: and that Dionysius being hard by him, said unto him, what, wilt thou not leave to curse me? This word grieved Philistus and his companions to the heart, thinking that with time, by little and little, Plato would win such estimation and great authority with Dionysius, that afterwards they should not be able to resist him: considering that in so short a time as he had been with Dionysius, he had so altered his mind and courage. And therefore they now began, not one by one, nor in, but all of them with open mowth together to accuse Dion: Philistus accusations against Dion. and said, that it was easy to be seen, how he charmed and enchanted Dionysius through Plato's eloquence, to make him willing to resign his government, because he would transfer it to the hands of the children of his sister Aristomaché. Others seemed to be offended, for that the ATHENIANS having comen before into SICILIA with a great army, both by sea and land, they were all lost and cast away, and could not win the city of SYRACUSE: & that now by one only Sophister, they utterly destroyed and overthrew the Empire of Dionysius, persuading him to discharge the ten thousand soldiers he had about him for his guard, to forsake the four hundred galleys, the ten thousand horsemen, and as many more footmen, to go to the Academy to seek an unknown happiness never heard of before, and to make him happy by Geometry, resigning his present happiness and felicity to be a great Lord, to have money at will, and to live pleasantly, unto Dion and his nephews. By such like accusations and wicked tongues, Dionysius began first to mistrust Dion, and afterwards to be openly offended with him, and to frown upon him. In the mean time they brought letters Dion wrote secretly unto the Governors of the city of CARTHAGE, Dions' letters unto Carthage. willing them that when they would make peace with Dionysius, they should not talk with him unless he stood by: assuring them that he would help them to set things in quietness, & that all should be well again. When Dionysius had read these letters with Philistus, & had taken his advise & counsel what he should do, as Timaeus said: he deceived Dion under pretence of reconciliation, making as though he meant him no hurt, & saying that he would become friends again with him. So he brought Dion one day to the sea side under his castle, and showed him these letters, burdening him to have practised with the CARTHAGINIANS against him. And as Dion went about to make him answer, to clear himself: Dionysius would not hear him, but caused him to be taken up as he was, and put into a pinnase, & commanded the marines' to set him a land upon the coast of ITALY. After this was done, and that it was known abroad in the city, every man thought it a cruel part of Dionysius: Dion sent away by Dionysius into Italy. insomuch that the tyrants palace was in a marvelous peck of troubles, for the great sorrow the women made for the departure of Dion. Moreover, the city self of SYRACUSE began to look about them, looking for some sudden great change & innovation, for the tumult & uproar that would happen by means of Dions' banishment, and for the mistrust also that all men would have of Dionysius. Dionysius considering this, and being afraid of some misfortune, he gave his friends and the women of his palace comfortable words, telling them that he had not banished him, but was contented that he should absent himself for a time: being afraid, that in his sudden angry mood he might peradventure be compelled to do him some worse turn if he remained, because of his obstinacy and selfewill. Furthermore, he gave unto Dions' friends two ships, to carry as much goods, money, and as many of Dions' servants as they would, and to convey them unto him unto PELOPONNESUS. Dion was a marvelous rich man, Dions' wealth. & for the pomp of his service, and sumptuous movables of his house, they were like unto the person of a tyrant. All these riches Dion'S friends brought aboard upon those ships, and carried them unto him besides many other rich gifts, which the women and his friends sent unto him. So that by means of his great riches, Dion was marvelously esteemed among the GRECIANS: who by the ●iches of a banished citizen, conjectured what the power of a tyrant might be. But now concerning Plato: when Dion was exiled, Dionysius caused him to be lodged in his castle, and by this means craftily placed, under cloak of friendship, an honourable guard about him, because he should not return into GRAECE to seek Dion, to tell him of the injury he had done unto him. Howbeit Dionysius often frequenting him company, (as a wild beast is made tame by company of man) he liked his talk so well, that he become in love with him, but it was a tyrannical love. For he would have Plato to love none but him, and that he should esteem him above all men living, being ready to put the whole realm into his hands. Dionysius tyrannical lo●● to Plato. And all his forces: so that he would think better of him, then of Dion. Thus was this passionate affection of Dionysius grievous unto Plato. For he was so drowned with the love of him, as men extremely jealous of the women they love: that in a moment he would suddenly fall out with him, and strait again become friends, and pray him to pardon him. And to say truly, he had a marvelous desire to hear Plato's Philosophy: but on the other side, he reverenced them that did dissuade him from it, and told him that he would spoil himself, if he entered overdeepelie into it. In the mean time fell out war, and thereupon he sent Plato again away, promising him that the next spring he would send for Dion him. Dionysius sent Plato from home. But he broke promise' therein, and yet sent him his revenues: and prayed Plato to pardon him, though he had not kept promise at his time appointed. For he alleged the war was the cause, and that so soon as he had ended his war, he would send for Dion: whom in the mean time he prayed to have patience and not to attempt any stir or alteration against him, nor to speak evil of him among the GRECIANS. This Plato sought to bring to pass, and brought Dion to study Philosophy, Dions' life in Graece. and kept him in the Academy at ATHENS. Dion lay in the city of ATHENS with one calippus, whom he had known of long time, howbeit he bought him a house in the country, to lie there sometime for his pleasure, the which he gave afterwards (at his return into SICILIA) unto Speusippus that kept him company, and was continually with him, more than with any other friend he had in ATHENS, through Plato's counsel: who to soften and recreate Dion'S manners, gave him the company of some pleasant conceited man, knowing that this Speusippus could modestly observe time and place to be pleasant and merry: for which respect, Timon in his Satirical jests, calleth Speusippus a good jester. Now Plato himself having undertaken to defray the charges of common plays in the dancings of young children: Dion took the pains to teach and exercise them, and moreover was himself at the whole charge of these plays, Plato suffering him to bestow that liberality and courtesy upon the ATHENIANS: the which wan Dion a great deal more good will, than Plato honour. Dion kept not still at ATHENS, but went also to see the other good cities of GRAECE, passing his time away. He being at common feasts and assemblies with the chiefest men, and best learned in matters of state and government, & never showing any light parts, nor sign of tyrannical pride in his manner of life, nor of a man that had been brought up with all pomp and pleasure, but like a grave virtuous man, and well studied in Philosophy, whereby he grew to be generally beloved and esteemed of all men: the cities granted him public honours, and sent him decrees of his glory, made in their counsels & assemblies. Furthermore, the LACEDÆMONIANS made him a SPARTAN & burges of the city, not passing for Dionysius displeasure, though at that time he had given them great aid, Dions' virtues and honours done unto him by the Grecians. in the war they made against the THEBANS. Some report, that Dion on a time was entreated by Ptaeodorus MEGARIAN, to come and see him at his house: and Dion went thither. This Ptaeodorus was a marvelous great rich man, & therefore Dion seeing a great number of people standing at his gates, and that it was a hard thing to come and speak with him he had such great business: he turned unto his friends that did accompany him, who were angry they made him tarry so long at the gate, and said unto them: what cause have we to think evil of him, sith we did the like when we were at SYRACUSE? But Dionysius being incensed with envy against him, and fearing the good will the GRECIANS bore him: he kept back his revenue, and would no more send it him, and seized all his goods, the which he gave to his receivers to keep. Furthermore, because he would clear himself of the infamy he had gotten amongst the Philosophers for Plato's sake, he sent for divers wise and learned men, and vainly coveting to excel them all in wisdom, he was driven improperly, and out of time, to allege many wise sayings he had learned of Plato. Thereupon he began again wish for him, and to condemn himself, for that he had no wit to use him well when he had him at his commandment, and that he had not heard so much as he should have done of him: and like a tyrant as he was, madly carried away with light desires, and easily changing mind from time to time, a sudden vehement desire took him in the head, to have Plato again. So he sought all the means and ways he could devise, to pray Archytas the Pythagorean Philosopher to tell him, Archytas a Pythagorean Philosopher. that he might boldly come, and to be his surety unto him for that he would promise' him: for first of all, they were acquainted together by his means. Therefore Archytas sent thither Archidamus the Philosopher. Dionysius also sent certain galleys, and some of his friends thither, to pray Plato to come to him: Dionysius sendeth again for Plato to come into Sicilia. and he himself wrote specially, and plainly, that it should not go well with Dion, if Plato came not into SICILIA: but if he would be persuaded to come, that then he would do what he would have him. Many letters and requests came unto Dion from his wife and sister, insomuch as Dion so used the matter, that Plato obeyed Dionysius, without making any excuse at all. So Plato writeth himself, that he was driven to come again the third time into the strait of SICILIA: Plato's third journey into Sicilia. To try if once again he could Charibdis' dangers pass. Now Plato being arrived in SICILIA, he made Dionysius a great joyful man, and filled all SICILIA again with great good hope: for they were all very desirous, and did what they could, to make Plato overcome Philistus and the tyranny, with his Philosophy. The women of Dionysius Court did entertain Plato the best they could: but above all, Dionysius seemed to have a marvelous trust and affiance in him, and more than in any other of all his friends. For he suffered Plato to come to him without searching of him, and oftentimes offered to give him a great sum of money: but Plato would take none of it. Therefore Aristippus CYRENIAN being at that time in the tyrants Court in SICILIA, said that Dionysius bestowed his liberality surely. For, to us that ask much he giveth little, and much unto Plato that requireth nothing. Aristippus saying of Dionysius. After Dionysius had given Plato his welcome, he began to move him again of Dion. Dionysius on the other side, at the first did use him with fine delays, but afterwards he showed himself angry in deed: and at length fell out with Plato, but yet so covertly, that others saw it not. For Dionysius dissembled that, and otherwise in all other things he did him as much honour as he could devise, practising thereby to make him to forsake Dions' friendship. Now Plato found him at the first, that there was no trust to be given to his words, and that all were but lies and devices he either said or did: howbeit he kept it to himself, and ever patiently bore all things, hoping for the best, and made as though he believed him. They two thus finely dissembling with each other, thinking to deceive all men, and that none should understand their secrets: Helicon CYZICENIAN, one of Plato's friends, did prognosticate the eclipse of the sun. Helicon a Mathematician. The same falling out as he had prognosticated, the tyrant esteemed marvelously of him, and gave him a silver talon for his labour. Then Aristippus sporting with other Philosophers, said he could tell them of a stranger thing to happen then that. Aristippus' divination. So when they prayed him to tell them what it was: I do prognosticate, said he, that Plato and Dionysius will be enemies ere it be long. In th'end it came to pass, that Dionysius made port sale of all Dion'S goods, and kept the money to himself, and lodged Plato that before lay the next Court to his palace, among the soldiers of his guard, whom he knew maliced him of long time, and sought to kill him: because he did persuade Dionysius to leave his tyranny and to live without his guard. Plato being in this instant danger, Archytas sent Ambassadors forthwith unto Dionysius, Architas requireth Plato of Dionysius. in a galley of thirty owers, to demand Plato again: declaring that Plato came again to SYRACUSE, upon his word and caution. Dionysius to excuse himself, and to show that he was not angry with him at his departure from him: he made him all the great cheer and feasts he could, and so sent him home with great shows of good william. One day among the rest, he said unto Plato: I am afraid Plato, said he, that thou wilt speak evil of me, when thou art among thy friends and companions in the Academy. Then Plato smiling, answered him again: the gods forbid that they should have such scarcity of matter in the Academy, as that they must needs talk of thee. Thus was Plato's return, as it is reported, although that which he himself writeth agreeth not much with this report. These things went to Dions' heart, so that shortly after he showed himself an open enemy unto Dionysius, but specially when he heard how he had handled his wife. Plato under covert words, sent Dionysius word of it by his letters. And thus it was. Dionysius married Dions' wife to an other man. After Dion was exiled Dionysius returning Plato back again, he willed secretly to feel Dions' mind, whether he would not be angry that his wife should be married to an other man: because there ran a rumour abroad (whether it were true, or invented by Dions' enemies) that he liked not his marriage, and could not live quietly with his wife. Therefore when Plato was at ATHENS, and had told Dion of all things, he wrote a letter unto Dionysius the tyrant, and did set all other things down so plainly, that every man might understand him, but this one thing only so darkly, that he alone, and none other could understand him, but him to whom he had written: declaring unto him, that he had spoken with Dion about the matter he wore of, and that he did let him understand he would be marvelous angry, if Dionysius did it. So at that time, because there was great hope of reconciliation between them, the tyrant did nothing lately touching his sister, but suffered her still to remain with Dions' son. But when they were so far out, that there was no more hope to return in favour again, and that he had also sent home Plato in disgrace and displeasure: then he married his sister Aretè (Dions' wife) against her will, unto one of his friends called Timocrates, not following therein his father's justice and lenity. For Polyxenus that had married his father's sister Thesta, Polyxenus married Thesta, his father Dionysius sister. being also become his enemy: he fled out of SICILIA. Dionysius the elder sent for his sister Thesta, and took her up very sharply, for that she knowing her husband would fly, she did not come and tell him of it. Thesta nobly answered him again, The noble answer of Thesta unto her brother Dionysius the elder. and never was afraid nor abashed: why, Dionysius, dost thou think me a woman so faint hearted and beastly, that if I had known my husband would have gone his way, and left me: that I would not have taken the sea with him, and both have run one fortune together? Truly I knew not of his departure till he was gone: for it had been more for mine honour to have been called the wife of the banished Polyxenus, than the sister of thee a tyrant. Dionysius marveled to hear his sister speak thus boldly, and the SYRACUSANS wondered at her noble courage: insomuch that when the tyranny was utterly destroyed, they did not refuse to do her all the honour they could devise, as unto a Queen. And when she was dead also, all the citizens of SYRACUSE by a common decree, did accompany her body at her burial. This little digression from our history, is not altogether unprofitable. But now again to our matter. Dion from thenceforth disposed himself altogether unto war, Dion beginneth to make war against Dionysius. against Plato's counsel and advise: who did his best endeavour to dissuade him from it, both for the respect of Dionysius good entertainment he had given him, as also for that Dion was of great years. Howbeit on the other side, Speusippus, and his other friends did provoke him unto it, and did persuade him to deliver SICILIA from the slavery and bondage of the tyrant, the which held up her hands unto him, and would receive him with great love and good william. For whilst Plato lay at SYRACUSE, Speusippus keeping the citizen's company more than Plato did, he knew their minds better than he. For at the first they were afraid to open themselves unto him, and frankly to speak what they thought, mistrusting he was a spy unto the tyrant, sent amongst them to feel their minds: but within a short time they began to trust him, and were all of one mind, for they prayed and persuaded Dion to come, and not to care otherwise for bringing of ships, soldiers, nor horses with him, but only to hire a ship, and to lend the SICILIANS his body and name against Dionysius. Speusippus reporting these news unto Dion, did put him in good heart again: whereupon he began secretly to levy men by other men's means, to hide his purpose and intent. The Philosophers do set forward Dion'S wars. The Philosophers advanced Dion'S war. Many citizens dealing in the affairs of the common wealth did aid him, and divers of them also that only gave their minds to the study of Philosophy: and among them, Eudemus CYPRIAN (on whose death Aristotle wrote his dialogue of the soul) and Timonides LEUCADIAN went with him. Aristotle's dialogue de anima. Furthermore, there joined also with him Miltas THESSALIAN, a Soothsayer, and that had been his companion in study in the Academy. Now of all them whom the tyrant had banished, (which were no less than a thousand persons) there were but only five and twenty that durst accompany him in this war. For all the other were such dastards, that they forsook him, and durst not go with him. The place where they appointed to meet, was the isle of ZACYNTHE, where they levied all their soldiers, Dions' army. that were not above eight hundred in all, but all of them brave soldiers, and valiant men, and excellently well trained in wars: and to conclude, such lusty men, as would encourage all the army Dion hoped of at his arrival in SICILY, to fight like valiant men with them. These hired soldiers, the first time that they understood it was to go into SICILIA, to make war with Dionysius: they were amazed at the first, and misliked the journey, because it was undertaken rather of malice and spite that Dion had to be revenged, then otherwise of any good cause or quarrel, who having no better hope, took upon him desperate and impossible enterprises. Therefore the soldiers were offended with their Captains that had pressed them, because they had not told them of this war before. But after that Dion by a notable Oration had told them, how tyrannies have evil foundations, & are subject unto ruin, & that he led them not into SICILIA so much for soldiers, as he did to make them Captains of the SYRACUSANS, & the other SICILIANS, who of long time desired nothing more than occasion to rise. And, when after him also Alcimenes, (a companion with him in this war, and the chiefest man of all the ACHAIANS, both for nobility & estimation) did speak unto them in like manner, than they were all contented to go whether they would lead them. It was then in the heart of summer, and the wind blew called the GRECIAN wind, the Moon being at the full, and Dion having prepared to make a sumptuous sacrifice unto the god Apollo, he led all his men armed with white corselets in procession into the temple● and after the sacrifice done, he made them a feast in the park or show place of the ZACYNTHIANS. There the tables were laid, and the soldiers wondered to see the great state & magnificence of the great number of pots of gold and silver, and such other furniture and preparation, Dions' sumptuous fare in feasting. as passed a private man's wealth: then they thought with themselves, that a man being so old, and Lord of so great a good, would not attempt things of such danger, without good ground, and great assurance of his friends aid & help. But after his oblations of wine, and common prayers made to the gods at feasts: suddenly the Moon eclipsed. Dion thought it not strange to see an eclipse, considering the revolutions of the eclipses, The eclipse of the Moon, and cause of the eclipse. and knowing very well it is a shadow that falleth upon the body of the Moon, because of the direct interposition of the earth betwixt her and the Sun. But because the soldiers that were afraid and astonished withal, stood in need of some comfort and encouragement: Miltas the Soothsayer standing up in the midst amongst them, said unto them. My fellow soldiers, be of good cheer, and assure yourselves that we shall prospero: for God doth foreshow us by this sight we see, that some one of the chiefest things now in highest place and dignity shall be eclipsed. And at this present time what thing carrieth greater glory and fame, than the tyranny of Dionysius? Therefore you must think, that so soon as you arrive in SICILIA, yourselves shall put out his light and glory. This interpretation of the eclipse of the Moon, did Miltas the Soothsayer make, before all the whole company. But touching the swarm of bees that lighted on the poop of Dions' ship, he told him, and his friends privately: Wonders showed unto Dion. that he was afraid his acts which should fall out famous and glorious, should last but a while, & flourishing a few days, would strait consume away. It is reported also, that Dionysius in like manner had many strange signs and wonderful tokens from above. Wonders appearing unto Dionysius. Among others, there came an Eagle that snatched the partisan out of the soldiers hands, and carried it quite away with her, and then let it fall into the sea. The sea also beating against the walls of the castle, was as sweet to drink a whole day together, as any conduit or running water: as those that tasted of it, found it true. Furthermore, a sow farrowed pigs that lacked no parts of the body, but only their ears. This the Soothsayers said did signify rebellion, and disobedience of his subjects: & that the Citizens would no more hear him, nor obey his tyranny. Furthermore, they told also, that the sweetness of the salt water prognosticated to the SYRACUSANS, change of cruel and evil time, unto good and civil government: and that the Eagle, jupiter's minister, and the partisan, the mark and token of the kingdom and Empire, did betoken that jupiter the chief of all gods had determined to destroy and put down the tyranny. Theopompus reporteth this matter thus. So Dion'S soldiers were embarked into two great ships of burden, and another third ship that was not very great, Dions' preparation. and two pynnases with thirty owers followed them. For their armour and weapon, beside those the soldiers had: he carried two thousand targets, a great number of bows and arrows, of darts, of pikes, and plenty of victuals: that they should lack nothing all the time they were upon the sea, considering that their journey stood altogether at the courtesy of the winds and sea, and for that they were afraid to land, understanding that Philistus road at anchor in the coast of APULGITA, with a fleet of ships that lay in wait for their coming. So having a pleasant gale of wind, they sailed the space of twelve days together, and the thirteen day they came to the foreland of SICILIA called Pachynus. Pachynus, the foreland of Sicilia. There the Pilot thought it best they should landlord presently: for if they willingly loosed into the sea, and lost that point, they were sure they should loose also many nights and days in vain in the midst of the sea, being then summer time, and the wind at the South. But Dion being afraid to land so near his enemies, he was desirous to go further, and so passed by the foreland of Pachynus. Then the north-wind rose so big and great, that with great violence it drane back their ships from the coast of SICILIA. Furthermore, lightning and thunder mingled withal (because it was at that time when the star Arcturus beginneth to show) it made so terrible a tempest, A tempest on the sea against Dion. and powered down such a sore shower of rain upon them, that all the Mariners were amazed withal, and knew not whether the wind would drive them: till that suddenly they saw the storm had cast them upon the isle of CERCINA, (which is on the coast of LIBYA) and specially where it is most dangerous to arrive for the rocks, for their ships were like to have run upon them, and to have made shipwreck. But with much a do they bore of the ships with their great long poles, and wandered up and down the sea, not knowing whether they went, until the storm ceased. Then they met a ship, whereby they knew that they were in the flat, which the Mariners call the heads of the great Syrte. Thus they wandering up and down, being marvelous angry that the sea was calm, there rose a little South wind from the land, although they lest looked for any such wind at that time, and little thinking it would so have changed: but seeing the wind rise bigger and bigger, they packed on all the sails they had, and making their prayers unto the gods they crossed the sea, and sailed from the coast of LIBYA, directly unto SICILY, and had the wind so lucky, that at the fift day they were near unto a little village of SICILIA, called MINOA, the which was subject to the CARTHAGINIANS. Synalus CARTHAGINIAN, being at that time Captain and governor of the town of MINOA, Synalus, Captain of Minoa for the Carthaginians and Dions' friend, was there by chance at that present, who being ignorant of his enterprise & coming, did what he could to keep Dions' soldiers from landing. But they notwithstanding suddenly leapt a land armed, but slew no man. For Dion had commanded them the contrary, for the friendship he bore the Captain: and they following the towns men hard that fled before them, entered the town, hand over head amongst them, Dion wan Minoa. and so wan the market place. When both the Captains met, and that they had spoken together, Dion redelivered the town into Synalus hands again, without any hurt or violence offered him. Synalus on the other side did endeavour himself all he could to make much of the soldiers, and holp Dion to provide him of all things necessary. But this did most of all encourage the soldiers, because Dionysius at their arrival, was not then in SICILIA: for it chanced so, that not many days before he went into ITALY, with four score sail. Therefore when Dion willed them to remain there a few days to refresh themselves, because they had been so sore sea beaten a long time together: they themselves would not, they were so glad to embrace the occasion offered them, and prayed Dion to lead them forthwith to SYRACUSE. Dion leaving all his superfluous armour and provision in the hands of Synalus, and praying him to send them to him when time served: he took his way towards SYRACUSE. Dion goeth to Syracuse. So by the way, two hundred horsemen of the AGRIGENTINES, which devil in that part called ECNOMUS, came first to join with him, and after them, the GELOIANS. The rumour of their coming ran strait to SYRACUSE. Thereupon Timocrates that had married Aretè, Dions' wife, and Dionysius the father's sister, and unto whom Dionysius the younger had left the charge and government of all his men and friends in the city: he presently dispatched a post with letters, to advertise Dionysius of Dions' coming. He himself also in the mean time had taken such order, that there rose no tumult nor mutiny in the city, though they all of them lacked no good will to rebel: but because they were uncertain whether this rumour was true or false, being afraid, every man was quiet. Now there chanced a strange misfortune unto the Messenger, that carried the letters unto Dionysius. A strange chance happened unto the Messenger, sent to Dionysius. For after he had passed the strait, and that he was arrived in the city of RHEGGIO of ITALYES side, making haste to come to the city of CAULONIA, where Dionysius was: he met by the way one of his acquaintance that carried a mutton but newly sacrificed. This good fellow gave him a piece of it, and the Messenger spurred away with all the speed he could possible. But when he had ridden the most part of the night, he was so weary and drowsy for lack of sleep, that he was driven to lie down. So he lay down upon the ground, in a wood hard by the high way. The savour of this flesh brought a wolf to him, that carried away the flesh and the portmantew it was wrapped in, A wolf carried away the Messengers portmanteau. and in the which also were his letters of advertisement, which he carried unto Dionysius. When he awoke out of his sleep, and saw that his portmantew was gone: he inquired for it, and went wandering up and down a long time to seek it: howbeit all in vain, for he could never found it. Therefore he thought it was not good for him to go to the tyrant without his letters, but rather to fly into some unknown place where no body knew him. Thus overlate received Dionysius advertisement by others of this war, which Dion made in SICILIA. In the mean time, the CAMARINIANS came and joined with Dions' army, in the high way towards SYRACUSE: and still there came unto him also a great number of the SYRACUSANS that were up in arms, which were gotten into the field. On the other side, certain CAMPANIANS and LEONTINES, which were gotten into the castle of EPIPOLES with Timocrates, of purpose to keep it: Upon a false rumour Dion gave out (and which came unto them) that he would first go against their towns: they forsook Timocrates, and went to take order to defend their own goods. Dion understanding that, being lodged with his army in a place called MACRAE: he presently removed his camp being dark night, and marched forward till he came unto the river of Anapus, Anapus ti. which is not from the city above ten furlongs of: and there staying a while, he sacrificed unto the river, and made his prayer, and worshipped the rising of the Sun. At the self same instant also, the Soothsayers came and told him, that the gods did promise' him assured victory. And the soldiers also seeing Dion wear a garland of flowers on his head, which he had taken for the ceremony of the sacrifice: all of them with one self good will, took every man one of them, (being no less than five thousand men that were gathered together by the way, and but slenderly armed with such things as came first to hand, howbeit supplying with good will their want of better furniture and armour) and when Dion commanded them to march, for joy they ran, and encouraged one another with great cries, to show themselves valiant for recovery of their liberty. Now for them that were within the city self of SYRACUSE, the noble men & chief Citizens went to receive them at the gates in their best gowns. The common people on the other side ran and set upon them that took part with the tyrant, and spoiled them that were called the PROSAGOGIDES (as much to say, the common Promoters of men) the detestablest villains, hateful to the gods and men. For they like sycophants and busy tale bearers, would jet up and down the city, and mingle among the Citizens, having an o'er in every man's matter, being full of prittle prattle, and busy headed, to know what every man said and did, and then to go carry it to the tyrant. These men were they that had their payment first of all, Dionysius pick thanks slain. for they killed them with dry blows, beating them to death with staves. When Timocrates could not enter into the castle with them that kept it, he took his horse back, and fled out of the city, and flying made all men afraid and amazed where he came, enlarging Dion'S power by his report, because it should not seem that for fear of a trifle, he had forsaken the city. In the mean time, Dion came on towards the city with his men, and was come so near, that they might see him plainly from the city, marching foremost of all, armed with a fair bright white corselet, having his brother Megacles on his right hand of him, & calippus ATHENIAN on the left hand, crowned with garlands of flowers: and after him also there followed a hundred soldiers that were strangers, chosen for his guard about him, and the rest came marching after in good order of battle, being led by their Captains. The SYRACUSANS saw him coming, Dion received into Syracuse. and went out and received him as a holy and blessed procession, that brought them their liberty & popular state again, the which they had lost the space of eight and forty years. When Dion was come into the city by the gate called Menitide, he caused his trumpeter sound to appease the rumour and tumult of the people. Dion restoreth the Syracusans to liberty. Then he commanded a Herawld to pryoclayme aloud, that Dion and Megacles, who were come to put down the tyranny, did set all the SYRACUSANS at liberty, and all the other SICILIANS also, from the bondage and subjection of the tyrant: and because Dion himself was desirous to speak unto the people, he went to the upper part of the town called ACRADINA. The SYRACUSANS all the streets through as he passed by, had on either hand of him prepared sacrifices, and set up tables, and cups upon them: and as he passed by their houses, they cast flowers and fruits on him, and made prayers unto him, as if he had been a god. Now under the castle there was a place called Pentapyla, Dionysius clock. a clock to know by the Sun how the day went, the which Dionysius had caused to be made, and it was of a good pretty height. Dion got up upon it, and from thence made his oration to the people that were gathered round about him, exhorting and persuading his country men to do their endeavour to recover their liberty again, and to maintain it. They being in a marvelous joy withal, and desirous to please Dion: did choose him and his brother Megacles their Lieutenants general, with absolute power and authority. Afterwards also, by the consent of Dion himself and his brother, and at their requests in like manner, they chose twenty other Captains, of the which the most part of them had been banished by the tyrant, and were returned again with Dion. The Soothsayers and Prognosticators liked it well, The predictions of the Soothsayers. and said it was a good sign for Dion, that he trod that sumptuous building and workmanship of the tyrant under his feet, when he made his oration: but because the hand of the dial did show the course of the Sun, which never leaveth going, upon the which he got up when he was chosen Lieutenant general with absolute power and authority: they were afraid again, that it was a sign Dions' affairs should have a sudden change of fortune. After this, Dion having taken the castle of EPIPOLES, he set all the Citizens at liberty which were kept there as prisoners in captivity by the tyrant, and environed the castle round about with a wall. Within seven days after, Dionysius returned by sea to the castle of SYRACUSE, and therewithal also came the carts laden with armour and weapon to SYRACUSE, the which Dion had left with Synalus: the which Dion caused to be distributed among the Citizens of SYRACUSE that had none. Others did furnish themselves as well as they could, and showed that they had courage and good will to fight for the maintenance and defence of their liberty. In the mean time, Dionysius sent Ambassadors, first unto Dion privately, Dionysius sent Ambassadors unto Dion. to see if he would yield to any composition. But Dion would not hear them, but bade them tell the SYRACUSANS openly what they had to say, being men that were free, and enjoyed liberty. Then the Ambassadors spoke in the behalf of the tyrant, unto the people of SYRACUSE, promising them with mild and gentle words, that they should pay no more subsedies and taxes, but very little, and should be no more troubled with wars, other than such as they themselves should like of. The SYRACUSANS made a mockery at those offers, and Dion also answered the Ambassadors, and willed Dionysius to sand no more to the SYRACUSANS, before he had dispossessed himself of his tyranny: & so that he would leave it, he would be his mean to obtain all things just and reasonable of the people. Dionysius liked very well of this good offer, and therefore sent his Ambassadors again to pray the SYRACUSANS that they would appoint some amongst them to come to the castle, to talk with him for the benefit and commodity of the common wealth, that he might hear what they would allege, and they also what answer he would make. Dion chose certain whom he sent unto him. Now there ran a rumour in the city among the SYRACUSANS, which came from the castle: that Dionysius would willingly of himself, rather than by reason of Dions' coming, depose himself of the tyranny. But this was but a false alarum, and crafty fetch of Dionysius, to entrap the SYRACUSANS by. For those that were sent him from the city, he kept them prisoners every man of them: and one morning having made his soldiers drink wine lustily, which he kept in pay to guard his person, he sent them with great fury to assault the wall the SYRACUSANS had built against the castle. Now, because the SYRACUSANS looked for nothing less than for the sudden assault, and for that these barbarous people with a wonderful courage & great tumult overthrew the wall, and others of them also did set upon the SYRACUSANS: there was not a man of them that durst make head to fight with them, saving the soldiers that were strangers, whom Dion had brought with him. Who, when they heard the noise, ran strait to repulse them, and yet they themselves could not well tell what they should do upon that sudden. For they could hear nothing, for the great noise and hurly burley of the SYRACUSANS which fled with great disorder, and came and mingled themselves amongst them. Till at length, Dion perceiving he could not be heard, Dion fighteth with Dionysius. to show them by deed what they should do: he went first himself against these barbarous people, and about him there was a cruel and bloody fight. For his enemies knew him as well as his own men, and they all ran upon him with great cries. Now for Dion himself, in deed because of his age, he was heavier than was requisite for one that should away with the pains of such battles: but he had such a valiant courage in him, that he went through withal lustily, and slew them that did assail him. Dion hurt. Yet he had his hand also thrust through with a pike, and very hardly did his cuirasses hold out the blows of the darts and thrusts by hand which he received on them, they were so mangled and hacked with such a number of darts and pikes passed through his shield and broken on him, that in the end he was beaten down: howbeit his soldiers rescued him strait. Then he made Timonides their Captain, and he himself took his horse back, and went up and down the city, staying and quieting the flying of the SYRACUSANS. Then he sent for his soldiers the strangers, which he had put in garrison in that part of the city called the ACRADINE to keep it, and brought them being fresh, against the barbarous people of the castle that were wearied, and almost all of them discouraged to attempt any further enterprise. For they had made this sail out, in hope to have taken all the city at the first onset, only running up and down: but when contrary to their expectation, they met these valiant soldiers and fresh supply, they then began to retire again unto the castle. And the GRECIAN soldiers on the other side, perceiving they gave back, they came the faster upon them, so that they were compelled to turn their backs, and were driven within their walls, after they had slain three score and fourteen of Dions' men, and lost a great number of their own. Dions' victory of Dionysius. This was a noble victory and therefore the SYRACUSANS gave the soldiers that were strangers, an hundred silver Minas, in reward for their good service: & they gave Dion their general, a crown of gold. After this, there came letters to Dion by a trumpet from the castle, written from the women of his house: and among the packet of letters, there was one of them directed: to my father: the which Hipparinus wrote unto him. Hipparinus, Dions' son. For that was Dion'S sons name, though Timaeus writeth he was called Areteus, after his mother's name Areta. But in such matters, me thinks Timonides is better to be credited, because he was his friend and companion in arms. All the other letters that were sent, were openly read before the assembly of the SYRACUSANS, and did only concern requests of these women unto Dion. The SYRACUSANS would not have the supposed letter of his son to be openly read: Dionysius craft unto Dion. but Dion against their minds opened it, and found that it was Dionysius letter, who by words, made the direction of it unto Dion, but in effect, he spoke unto the STRACUSANS. For in sight, it seemed a manner of request and justification of himself: but in truth, it was written of purpose to accuse Dion. First of all he remembered him of the things he had done before, for the establishing and preservation of the tyranny: and afterwards of cruel threats against those whom he should love best, as his wife, his son and sister: and last of all, full of most humble requests and entreaties with sorrow and lamentation. But that which most moved Dion of all other was, that he required him not to destroy the tyranny, but rather to take it for himself, and not to set them at liberty that hated him, and would always remember the mischief he had done unto them: & that he would himself take upon him to be Lord, saving by that means the lives of his parents and friends. When these letters had been read before the whole assembly of the people, the SYRACUSANS thought not how to reverence (as they aught) with admiration, the inflexible constancy and magnanimity of Dion, that stood firm and fast for justice and virtue, against such vehement entreaty and persuasion of his kinsfolk and friends: but they contrarily began to be afraid, and to mistrust him, as he that of necessity should be forced to pardon the tyrant, for the great pledges and hostages he had of him. Wherefore, they began to choose them new governors, and the rather, because they heard that Heraclides was coming unto them, whom they loved singularly well. This Heraclides was one of them that had been banished, Heraclides what he was. a good soldier and Captain, and well esteemed of for the charge and office he bore under the tyrants: howbeit a very unconstant man in every thing, & would not continued long in a mind, & least constant in wars, where he had great charge of honour in hand. He had fallen out with Dion in PELOPONNESUS, wherefore he determined to come with a power by himself, and with his own fleet against the tyrant. So he arrived at length at SYRACUSE, Heraclides returneth to Syracuse. with seven galleys, and three other ships, where he found Dionysius again shut up into his castle with a wall, and the SYRACUSANS also to have the better hand of him. Then he began to curry favour with the common people all the ways he could possibly devise, having by nature a certain pleasing manner to win the common people, which seek nothing else but to be flattered. Furthermore, he found it the easier for him to win them, because the people did already mislike Dions' severity, as a man too severe and cruel to govern a common wealth. For they had now their will so much, and were grown so strong headed, because they saw themselves the stronger: that they would be flattered (as commonly the people be in free cities, where they only be Lords, and do rule) before they were fully set at liberty. Therefore first of all, not being called together by the authority of the governors: they all ran in a fury, of their own light heads, unto the place of common assemblies, and there chose Heraclides Admiral. The Syracusans do choose Heraclides Admiral, to spite Dion. Then Dion understanding this, came to complain of the injury they had done him, declaring unto them, that to give this power now unto Heraclides, was to take that away which they had first given unto him: because he should no more be general, if they chose any other Admiral by sea then himself. The SYRACUSANS then, as it were against their wills, did revoke the power they had given unto Heraclides: but afterwards Dion sent for Heraclides, to pray him to come home to him. When he came, he rebuked him a little, and told him that it was not honestly, nor profitably done of him, to sue to the people, & to contend for honour against him in so dangerous a time, when the lest occasion in the world was enough to have marred all. Afterwards Dion himself called an assembly again of the city, and established Heraclides Admiral: and persuaded the Citizens to give him soldiers, as he had in deed. Heraclides outwardly seemed to honour Dion, and confessed openly that he was greatly bound unto him, and was always at his heels very lowly, Heraclides, a dissembler, practising to make the people to rebel against Dion. being ready at his commandment: but in the mean time, secretly he enticed the common people to rebel, & to stir up those whom he knew meet men to like of change. Whereby he procured Dion such trouble, and brought him into such perplexity, that he knew not well what way to take. For if he gave them advise to let Dionysius quietly come out of the castle: then they accused him, and said he did it to save his life. It on the other side, because he would not trouble them, he continued siege still, and did establish nothing: then they thought he did it of purpose to draw out the wars in length, because he might the longer time remain their chieftain general, and so to keep the Citizens longer in fear. At that time there was one Sosis in SYRACUSE, Sosis a wicked man, moveth sedition against Dion. a man of no name, but noted among the SYRACUSANS for his villainy and wickedness, esteeming that full and ample liberty, when he might unchecked licentiously speak what he would, as in deed he did. For he seeking to do Dion a displeasure: first of all one day at a common counsel he stood up on his feet, and called the SYRACUSANS beasts, (amongst many other vile words he gave them) if they did not perceive, that being come from a fond and drunken tyranny, they had now received a sober master, and a wise and aware tyrant. So when he had thus openly showed himself an enemy unto Dion, he came no more that day into the market place: but the next morning he was seen ronning up and down the city naked, his head and face all of a gore blood, as if he had been followed by men to have slain him. Thus Sosis coming in this manner into the midst of the market place, cried out, that Dions' strangers had lain in wait for him, and had handled him in this sort, showing his wound on his head. Many of the people took this matter very grievously, and cried out upon Dion, and said it was vilely and tyrannically done of him: by fear of murder and danger, to take away the liberty from the Citizens to speak. Now though the whole assembly hereupon fell into an uproar withal, Dion notwithstanding came thither to clear himself of these accusations, Dion cleareth Sosis accusation against him. and made them presently see, that this Sosis was brother to one of Dionysius guard: who had put into his head, in this sort to put the city of SYRACUSE in an uproar, because Dionysius had no other hope nor means to escape, but by stirring up faction and sedition among them, to make one of them fall out with another. The Surgeons were sent for forthwith to search the wound of this Sosis: who found that it was rather a little scratch, than any violent wound given him. For the wounds or cuts of a sword, are ever deepest in the midst: and Sosis cut was but very little, and not deep, having had many beginnings, and given him (as it seemed) at sundry times, that for very pain, the party that cut him was driven to leave of, & so came to cut him at divers times. Furthermore, there came certain of his friends in the mean time, that brought a razor before the assembly, and reported that as they came, they met Sosis by the way all bloodied: who said, that he fled from Dions' soldiers, which had but newly hurt him. Whereupon they presently followed them, but found no man, and only they saw a razor, which some body had cast upon a hollow stone thereabout, where they first saw him coming unto them. Thus Sosis devise had but evil success. For beside all these proofs and tokens, Dions' household servants came to be a witness against him: that very early in the morning he went abroad alone with a razor in his hand. Then they that before did burden and accuse Dion, knew not what to say the matter, but shroncke away: whereupon the people condemning Sosis to death, Sosis condemned to death. they were quiet again with Dion. Yet were they always afraid of these soldiers that were strangers, specially when they saw the greatest conflicts they had with the tyrant, was by sea, after that Philistus was come from the coast of APUGLIA with a great number of galleys to aid the tyrant. For than they thought, that these soldiers the strangers being armed at all parts to fight by land, they would do them no more service by sea: because the Citizens themselves were they that kept them in safety, for that they were men practised to fight by sea, and were also the stronger by means of their ships. But beside all this, the only thing that made them to be courageous again, was the good fortune they had at the battle by sea, in the which when they had overcome Philistus, Philistus slain. they cruelly and barbarously used him. Truly Ephorus saith, that Philistus slew himself, when he saw his galley taken. Howbeit Timonides (who was always with Dion from the first beginning of this war) writing unto Speusippus the Philosopher, saith that Philistus was taken alive, because his galley ran a land: and that the SYRACUSANS first took of his cuirasses, and stripped him naked, and after they had done him all the villainy and spite they could, they cut of his head, and gave his body unto boys, commanding them to drag it into that part of the city called ACRADINE, and then to cast it into the common privy. Timaus also to spite him the more, saith that the boys tied the dead body by his lame leg, and so dragged him up and down the city, where all the SYRACUSANS did what villainy to it they could, being glad to see him dragged by the leg, that had said Dionysius should not fly from the tyranny upon a light horse, but that they should pull him out by the leg against his william. Now Philistus reporteth this matter thus, not as spoken to Dionysius by himself, Timaus, and Ephorus the Historiographers reproved. but by some other. But Timaus taking a just occasion and colour to speak evil of the good will, fidelity, and care that Philistus had always seemed to show in the confirmation & defence of the tyranny: doth liberally bestow iniutious words on him in this place. Now for them whom he had in deed offended, if they of malice and spite to be revenged, did offer him cruelty, peradventure they were not much to be blamed: but for them that since his death have written the jests, who were never offended by him in his life time, and who aught to show themselves discreet in their writing, me thinks that if they had regarded their own credit and estimation, they should not so fond and outrageously have reproved the adversities and misfortunes, which by fortune may as well chance to the honestest man, as unto him. Thus fondly doth Ephorus praise Philistus, who though he have an excellent fine wit to counterfeit goodly excuses, and cunningly to hide wicked and dishonest parts, and eloquently to devise by honest words to defend an evil cause: yet can not he with all the five wits he hath excuse himself, that he hath not been the only man of the world that hath most favoured tyrants, and that hath ever loved, and specially desired power, wealth, and alliance with tyrants. But he in my opinion taketh the right course of an Historiographer, that neither doth commend Philistus doings, nor yet casteth his adversities in his teeth to his reproach. After Philistus death, Dionysius sent unto Dion, to make him an offer to deliver him the castle, armour, munition, and soldiers that were in it, with money also to pay them for five months space. For himself, he prayed that he might be suffered to go safely into ITALY, and to lie there, to take the pleasure of the fruits of the country called GYARTA, which was within the territory of SYRACUSE, and lieth out from the sea towards the main land. Dion refused this offer, and answered the Ambassadors that they must move the SYRACUSANS in it. They supposing they should easily take Dionysius alive, would not hear the Ambassadors speak, but turned them away. Dionysius seeing no other remedy, Dionysius flieth from Syracuse. left the castle in the hands of his eldest son Apollocrates, Apollocrates the eldest son of Dionysius the younger. and having a lusty gale of wind, he secretly embarked certain of his men he loved best, with the richest things he had, and so hoist sail, unwares to Heraclides, the Admiral of SYRACUSE. The people were marvelously offended with Heraclides for it, and began to mutiny against him. But Heraclides, to pacify this tumult of the people, suborned one Hippon an Orator, who preferred the law Agraria unto the people, for the division of all the Island amongst them: and that the beginning of liberty was equality, and of bondage poverty, unto them that had no lands. Heraclides giving his consent to this decree, and stirring the common people to sedition against Dion, that withstood it: persuaded the SYRACUSANS not only to confirm the law Hippon had propounded, but also to discharge the hired strangers, to choose other Captains and governors, and to rid themselves of Dions' severe government. But they supposing strait to have been rid from the tyranny, as from a long and grievous sickness, overrashly taking upon them like people that of long time had been at liberty, they utterly undid themselves, and overthrew Dions' purpose who like a good Physician was careful to see the city well ordered and governed. So when they were assembled to choose new officers in the midst of summer, there fell such horrible thunders, Signs appearing to the Syracusans. and other terrible storms, & unfortunate signs in the element, that for the space of fifteen days together, the people were still scattered and dispersed when they were assembled: insomuch, that being afraid of these signs above, they durst not at that time created any new Captains. Certain days after, as the Orators had chosen a fair time to proceed to the election of officers: an ox drawing in a cart (being daily acquainted with every sight and noise) suddenly without any occasion offered, fell into a madness against the carter that drove him, and breaking his yoke asunder, ran strait to the Theatre, and there made the people run into every corner, to fly and save themselves: and then flinging, and bearing all down before him that stood in his way, he ran through as much of the city, as the enemies afterwards wan of them. This notwithstanding, the SYRACUSANS making light account of all these signs, they chose five and twenty Captains, of the which Heraclides was one: and secretly they sent to feel the hired soldiers, to see if they could entice them from Dion, to 'cause them to take their part, and made them large promises to make them free men, as themselves of SYRACUSE. The soldiers would not be enticed from him, but faithfully & lovingly took Dion amongst them with their armour and weapon, and putting him in the midst of them, Dion departeth out of Syracuse. led him in this manner out of the city, and did no man hurt, but reproving their unthankfulness and villainy unto all those they met by the way. Then the SYRACUSANS despising them for their small number, & because they did not first set upon them, but trusting on the other side to themselves for that they were the greater number: they came to assail them, supposing they should easily overcome them in the city, & kill every man of them. Dion being thus at a strait, that of necessity he must fight against his own country men, or else be slain himself with his soldiers: he held up his hands to the SYRACUSANS & very earnestly prayed them to be content, pointing them with his finger to the castle that was full of their enemies, which showed themselves upon the walls, & saw what they did. In the end, when he saw that he could not pacify their fury & tumult, and that all the city was in an uproar with the prittle prattle of these seditious people, who like the sea were carried with the wind: he did yet forbid his soldiers to give any charge upon them, who notwithstanding made a countenance with great cries, and rattling of their harness, as if they had meant to run on them. Then the SYRACUSANS durst not abide by it, but ran away like sheep through the streets, & no man chased them. The cowardliness of the Syracusans. So Dion called back his men again, & led them directly into the country of the LEONTINES. Then the new officers & governors of SYRACUSE, perceiving that the women laughed them to scorn: because they would recover the shame they had lost, they armed their men a new again, & did march after Dion to fight with him, whom they overtook at a river, as he was ready to pass over. Then began their horsemen a little to skirmish with Dions' company. But when they saw he did no more bear with their faults for countries sake, but frowned in deed upon them, & did set his men in battle ray against them: then they turned their backs again, with more shame and reproach then before, and so fled unto the city of SYRACUSE, & had not many of their men slain. The LEONTINES received Dion very honourably, The Leontines do receive Dion. took the strangers his soldiers, and gave them pay, & made them free Citizens with them: & sent Ambassadors also unto the SYRACUSANS, to will them to let the strangers have their pay. The SYRACUSANS on their side also, sent Ambassadors unto the LEONTINES to accuse Dion. So all their confederates were assembled in the city of the LEONTINES, & in that assembly, after both parties had been heard, to hear what they would say: it was judged that the SYRACUSANS were to blame. Howbeit they would not stand to the judgement of their confederates, for they were now grown proud & careless, because they were governed by no man, but had Captains that studied to please them, & were afraid also to displease them. After that, there arrived certain galleys of Dionysius, at SYRACUSE, of the which, Nypsius NEAPOLITAN was captain: which brought victuals & money, to help them that were besieged within the castle. These galleys were fought with, & the SYRACUSANS obtained victory, and took four of the tyrants galleys the three banks of owers a piece: howbeit they fond abused their victory. For they having no body to command nor rule them, employed all their joy, The negligence and troubles of the Syracusans. in rioting and bancketting, and in fond and dissolute meetings, taking so little care and regard to their business, that now when they thought the castle was sure their own, they almost lost their city. For Nypsius perceiving that every part of the city was out of order, and that the common people did nothing all day long unto dark night, but bybbe and drink drunk, dancing after their pipes and howboyes, and that the governors themselves were very glad also to see such feasting, or else for that they dissembled it, and durst not command and compel them that were drunk: he wisely took the occasion offered him, and scaled the wall which had shut up the castle, and wan it, and overthrew it. Then he sent the barbarous soldiers into the city, and commanded them to do with them they met, what they would or could. The SYRACUSANS then too late found their fault, and hardly gave present remedy, they were so amazed and suddenly set on: for in deed they made a right sack of the city. Here men were killed, there they overthrew the wall, in another place they carried away women and little children prisoners into the castle, weeping and crying out: and lastly, they made the Captains at their wit's end, who could give no present order, nor have their men to serve them against their enemies, that came hand over head on every side amongst them. The city being thus miserably in garboil, and the ACRADINE also in great hazard of taking, in the which they put all their hope and confidence to rise again: every man thought then with himself that Dion must be sent for, but yet no man moved it notwithstanding, being ashamed of their unthankfulness and overgreat folly they had committed, in driving him away. Yet necessity enforcing them unto it, there were certain of the horsemen and of their confederates that cried, they must sand for Dion, and the PELOPONNESIANS his soldiers, which were with him in the territory of the LEONTINES. Assoon as the first word was heard, and that one had the heart to tell it to the people, all the SYRACUSANS cried out, there was the point: and they were so glad of it, that the water stood in their eyes for joy, and besought the gods it would please them to bring him unto them, they were so desirous to have him again. For they called to mind how valiant and resolute he was in danger, and how that he was never afraid, but did encourage them with his manhood in such sort, that being led by him, they were not afraid to set upon their enemies. So the confederates for them, sent presently Archonides and Telesides unto him: and the noble men that served on horseback, The Syracusans do sand for Dion again. they sent him also five amongst them, beside Hellanicus. Who took their horses, and posted for life, so that they came to the city of the LEONTINES about Sun set, and lighting from their horses, they went first of all and kneeled down at Dions' feet, and weeping, told him the miserable state of the SYRACUSANS. Strait there came divers of the LEONTINES, and many of the PELOPONNESIAN soldiers unto Dion, mistrusting then that there was some news in hand, to see the earnest and humble suit the Ambassadors of SYRACUSE made unto him. Wherefore Dion took them presently with him, and brought them himself unto the Theatre, where the common counsels and assemblies of the city were holden. Thither ran every man to hear what the matter was. Then Archonides and Hellanicus brought in by Dion, told openly before the whole assembly, the greatness of their misery, and requested the hired soldiers to come and aid the SYRACUSANS, forgetting the injury they had received: considering that they had more dearly paid for their folly, than they themselves whom they had so injured, would have made them to have suffered. When they had said their minds, there was a great silence through all the Theatre: and then Dion rose up, and began to speak. But the great tears that fell from his eyes would not suffer him to speak: wherefore the hired soldiers being sorry to see him weep, prayed him not to trouble himself, but to be of good courage. Then Dion letting go the sorrow and grief he had conceived, he began to speak unto them in this manner. Dions' oration unto his soldiers, persuading them to aid the Syracusans. My Lords of PELOPONNESUS, and you also the confederates: I have called you together to consult with you, what you should do. For myself, it were no honesty for me to consult what I should do now, when the city of SYRACUSE standeth in peril of destruction: & therefore if I can not save it from destruction, yet at the lest I will bury myself in the fire and ruin of my country. But for you, if it please you once more to help us, unadvised & more unfortunate people you shall by your means set the poor distressed city of SYRACUSE again a foot, which is your deed. Or if it be so, that remembering the injuries the SYRACUSANS have offered you, you will suffer it to be destroyed: yet I beseech the gods that at the lest they will requited your valiantness, fidelity, & good love you have borne me until this present, beseeching you to remember Dion, who neither forsook you at any time when you have been injuried, nor his country men, when they were in trouble. So, going on still with his tale, the mercenary strangers stepped forth with great noise, & prayed him to lead them to aid SYRACUSE. Then the Ambassadors also that were sent from the SYRACUSANS, saluted & embraced them, & prayed the gods to bless Dion & them, with all the good hap that might be. So when all was wished & quiet, Dion willed them forthwith to go & prepare themselves, & that they should be there ready armed after supper, determining the very same night to go to aid SYRACUSE. But now at SYRACUSE, while day light lasted, Dionysius soldiers & captains did all the mischief & villainy they could in the city: & when night came, they retired again into their castle, having lost very few of their men. Then the seditious governors of the SYRACUSANS took heart again unto them, hoping that the enemies would be contented with that they had done: & therefore began a new to persuade the citizens to let Dion alone, & not to receive him with his mercenary soldiers if they came to aid him, saying, that they themselves were honester men than the strangers, to save their city, & to defend their liberty without help of any other. So other Ambassadors were sent again unto Dion, The inconstancy of the Syracusans. some from the captains & governors of the city, to stay them that they should not come & others also from the horsemen, & noble Citizens his friends to hasten his journey. Whereupon by reason of this variance, Dion marched very softly at his ease. Now by night, Dion'S enemies within the city got to the gates, & kept them that Dion should not come in. Nypsius on the other side made a sally out of the castle with his mercenary soldiers, being better appointed, & a greater number of them then before: & with them he strait plucked down all the wall which they had built before the castle, & ran & sacked the city. At this sally out of the castle, they did not only kill the men they met, but women & little children also, & stayed no more to spoil, but to destroy & put all to havoc. For, because Dionysius saw that he was brought to a strait & desperate case, he bore such mortal malice against the SYRACUSANS, that sith there was no remedy but that he must needs forego his tyranny: he determined to bury it, with the utter destruction & desolation of their city. And therefore, to prevent Dions' aid, & to make a quick dispatch to destroy all: they came with burning torches in their hands, & did set fire of all things they could come to: & further of, they fired their darts & arrows, & bestowed them in every place of the city. So, they that fled for the fire, were met withal, & slain in the streets by the soldiers, and others also that ran into their houses, were driven out again by force of fire. Syracuse set a fire by Dionysius soldiers. For there were a number of houses that were afire, and fell down upon them that went and came. This misery was the chiefest cause why all the SYRACUSANS agreed together, to set open the gates unto Dion. For when Dion heard by the way, that Dionysius soldiers were gone again into the castle, he made no great haste to march forward: but when day was broken, there came certain horsemen from SYRACUSE unto Dion, who brought him news that the enemies had once again taken the city. Then also came other of his enemies unto him, and prayed him to make haste. Now their misery increasing still, and they being brought into hard state: Heraclides first sent his brother unto Dion, and then Theodotes his Uncle, to pray him to come quickly, and help them. For now there was no man left to resist the enemies, because he himself was hurt, and the city also was in manner clean burnt & destroyed. When these news came to Dion, he was yet about three score furlong from the town. So he told his mercenary soldiers the danger the town was in, & having encouraged them, he led them no more fair & softly, but running towards the city, & meeting Messengers one of another's neck as he went, that prayed him to make all the possible speed he could. By this means, the soldiers marching with wonderful speed & good will together, he entered the gates of the city at a place called HECATOMPEDON. First of all, he sent the lightest armed he had, against the enemies, to th'end that the SYRACUSANS seeing them, they might take a good heart again to them: whilst he himself in the mean time did set all the other heavy armed soldiers and Citizens that came to join with him, in battle ray, & did cast them into divers squadrons, of greater length than breadth, and appointed them that should have the leading of them, to th'end that letting upon the enemies in divers places together, they should put them in the greater fear & terror. When he had set all things in this order, & had made his prayers unto the gods, & that they saw him marching through the city against their enemies: then there rose such a common noise & rejoicing, & great shout of the soldiers, mingled with vows, prayers, and persuasions of all the SYRACUSANS: that they called Dion their god & saviour, & the mercenary soldiers their brethren & fellow Citizens. Furthermore, there was not a SYRACUSAN that so much regarded his own life & person, but he seemed to be more afraid of the loss of Dion only, then of all the rest. For they saw him the foremostman ronning through the danger of the fire, treading in blood, & upon dead bodies that lay slain in the midst of the streets. Now, in deed to charge the enemies, Dions' fight in the city of Syracuse. it was a marvelous dangerous enterprise: for they were like mad beasts, & stood beside in battle ray alongst the wall which they had overthrown, in a very dangerous place, & hard to win. Howbeit the danger of the fire did most of all trouble & amaze the strangers, & did stop their way. For, on which side soever they turned them, the houses round about them were all of a fire, and they were driven to march over the burnt timber of the houses, and to run in great danger of the walls of the house sides that fell on them, & to pass through the thick smoke mingled with dust, & beside, to keep their ranks with great difficulty. And when they came to assail the enemies, they could not come to fight hand to hand, but a few of them in number, because of the straightness of the place: howbeit the SYRACUSANS with force of cries & shouts did so animate, & encourage their men, that at length they drove Nypsius & his men to forsake the place. Nypsius compelled by Dion to fly into the castle. The most part of them got into the castle, being very near unto them the other that could not get in in time, fled stragglingly up and down, whom the GRECIAN soldiers slew, chase of them. The extremity of the time did not presently suffer the Conquerors to reap the fruit of their victory, neither the joys & embracings meet for so great an exploit. For the SYRACUSANS went every man home to his own house, to quench the fire, the which could scarcely be put out all the night. When day broke, there was none of these seditious flatterers of the people that durst tarry in the city, but condemning themselves, they fled to take their fortune. Heraclides and Theodotes came together of their own good wills to yield themselves unto Dion, confessing that they had done him wrong, and humbly praying him to show himself better unto them, than they had showed themselves unto him: & that it was more honourable for him, being every way unmatchable for his virtues, to show himself more noble to conquer his anger, than his unthankful enemies had done: who contending with him before in virtue, did now confess themselves to be far inferior unto him. This was the sum & effect of Heraclides & Theodotes submission unto Dion. But his friends did persuade him not to pardon two such wicked men, who did malice & envy his honour: and as he would do the strangers his soldiers any pleasure, that he should put Heraclides into their hands, to root out of the common wealth of SYRACUSE, his vile manner to flatter and curry favour with the people, the which was as dangerous and great a plague to a city, as the tyranny. Dion pacifying them, answered. Other generals of armies, said he, do employ all their wits in marshall exercise & wars: Dions' mercy to his enemies & the great profit he took by study, in the Academy at Athens. but for himself, that he had of long time studied, & learned in the school of the Academy, to overcome anger, envy, & all malice & contention. The noble proof whereof is most seen, not in using honest men and his friends moderately, but showing mercy also unto his enemies, & forgetting his anger against them that have offended him: and that for his part, he had rather overcome Heraclides, not in riches and wisdom, but in clemency & justice, for therein chief consisted excellency, sith no man else in wars can challenge power & government, but fortune, that ruleth most. And though Heraclides, said he, No man should be worse by an other's wickedness. through envy hath done like a wicked man: must Dion therefore through anger bleamish his virtue? In deed by man's law it is thought meeter, to revenge an injury offered, then to do an injury: but nature showeth, that they both proceed of one self imperfection. Now, though it be a hard thing to change and altar the evil disposition of a man, after he is once nuseled in villainy: yet is not man of so wild & brutish a nature, that his wickedness may not be overcome with often pleasures, when he seeth that they are continually showed him. Dion answering his friends thus, he forgave Heraclides, & beginning again to shut up the castle with a wall round about, he commanded the SYRACUSANS every man of them to cut down a stake, & to bring it thither. So, when night was come, setting his soldiers the strangers in hand withal, whilst the SYRACUSANS slept & took their ease: by morning he had compassed the castle round about with a pale. The next day, they that saw the greatness & sudden expedition of this work, wondered much at it, as well the enemies, as also the Citizens: & when he had buried the dead bodies, & redeemed them that were taken prisoners, (which were not much less than two thousand persons) he called a common counsel of the city, in the which Heraclides made a motion, that Dion should be chosen general of SYRACUSE, with absolute power & authority, both by sea & land. The chiefest men of the city liked very well of it, and would have had the people to have past it. But the rabble of these mariners, and other mechanical people living by their labour, would not suffer Heraclides to be put from his Admiralship, but fell to mutiny, thinking that though Heraclides did them no pleasure else, yet he would ever be a more popular man than Dion, The frowardness of the Syracusans against Dion. & please the common people better. Dion granted their desire, & made Heraclides Admiral again of the sea: howbeit he did anger them as much an other way, when he did not only reject the earnest suit they made to have the law Agraria pass for division of lands in equality amongst them, but did also cancel & revoke all that had been done before. Wherefore Heraclides remaining at MESSINA, began thenceforth to enter into new practices again, & to flatter the soldiers & sea fairing men he had brought thither with him, & to stir them up to rebel against Dion, Heraclides again stirreth up the Syracusans, to rebel against Dion. saying, that he would make himself tyrant: & himself in the mean time secretly practised with Dionysius, by means of a SPARTAN called Pharax. The noblest men of the SYRACUSANS mistrusted it, & thereupon there fell out great mutiny in their camp, whereby also followed great famine in SYRACUSE: so that Dion was at such a strait, that he could not tell what to say to it, & was reproved of all his friends for that he had again preferred to great authority against himself, so untractable a man, & so malicious & wicked a person as Heraclides was. Now, when Pharax lay in camp with an army near unto the city of NAPLES, in the marches of the AGRIGENTINES: Dion did bring the army of the SYRACUSANS into the field, being yet determined not to fight with him till another time. But through Heraclides, & the sea mens crying out, that said he would not try this war by battle, but would draw it out in length because he would be still general: he was forced to give battle, and lost it. Howbeit the overthrow was not great, and happened rather because his men were at a jar among themselves, by reason of their faction and division, than otherwise. Dion therefore prepared to fight another battle, and gathered his men together again, encouraging them, when even at twilight word was brought him that Heraclides with all his fleet was under sail towards SYRACUSE, meaning to take the city, & to shut Dion & his army out of it. Wherefore he presently took with him the chiefest men of authority in the city, and the most willingest men, and road all night with them in such haste, that they were at the gates of SYRACUSE the next morning by nine of the clock, having ridden seven hundred furlong. Heraclides that had sailed with all the possible speed he could to prevent him with his ships, perceiving that he came short, he turned sail, and taking seas at all adventure, by chance he met with Gaesylus LACEDAEMONIAN, Gaesylus' Lacedaemonian cometh to Syracuse, to be general of the Syracusans. who told him he was sent from LACEDAEMON, to be general to the SICILIANS in this war, as Gylippus was sent at other times before. He was glad he had met with him, to have such a remedy and defence against Dion, & boasted of it unto the friends & confederates of SYRACUSE, and sent a Herald before unto the SYRACUSANS, summoning them to receive Gaesylus LACEDAEMONIAN, who was sent to be their general. Dion made answer: that the SYRACUSANS had governors enough, & though that their affairs did of necessity require a LACEDAEMONIAN Captain, yet that himself was he, for that he was made free in SPARTA. Then Gaesylus perceiving he could not obtain to be general, Gaesylus maketh Dion & Heraclides friends again. he went unto SYRACUSE, & came to Dion, & there made Heraclides & him friends again, by the great and solemn oaths he made: & because Gaesylus also swore, that he himself would be revenged of him for Dions' sake, & punish Heraclides, if ever after he did once more conspire against him. After that, the SYRACUSANS broke up their army by sea, because it did them then no service, and was beside chargeable keeping of it, and further did also breed sedition and trouble amongst their governors: and so went to lay straighter siege to the castle then ever they did, and built up the wall again, which the enemies had overthrown. Then Dionysius son seeing no aid to come to him from any part, and that victuals failed them, and further, that the soldiers began to mutiny, being unable to keep them: he fell to a composition with Dion, and delivered up the castle into his hands, The castle of Syracuse surrendered unto Dion. with all the armour and munition in it: and so took his mother & his sisters of Dion, and put them aboard upon five galleys, with the which he went unto his father, through the safe conduit of Dion. There was not a man at that time in all SYRACUSE, but was there to see this sight, or if by chance there were any absent, the other that were there called them thither as loud as they could cry, saying, that they did not see the goodliest day and sun shine, which the city of SYRACUSE might see then at her rising, the same being now restored again to her former liberty. If until this present day they do reckon the flying of Dionysius, for one of the rarest examples of fortunes change, as one of the greatest and notablest thing that ever was: what joy think we had they that drove him our, & what pleasure had they with themselves, that with the lest mean that could be possible, did destroy the greatest tyranny in the world? So, when Apollocrates Dionysius son was embarked, and that Dion was entered into the castle: the women within the castle would not tarry till he came into the house, but went to meet him at the gates, Aristomaché leading Dions' son in her hand, and Areta following her weeping, being very fearful how she should call and salute her husband, having lain with an other man. Dion first spoke to his sister, and afterwards to his son: and then Aristomaché offering him Areta, The words of Aristomaché unto Dion, at his entry into the castle of Syracuse. said unto him. Since thy banishment, O Dion, we have led a miserable and captive life: but now that thou art returned home with victory, thou hast rid us out of care and thraldom, and hast also made us again bold to lift up our heads, saving her here, whom I wretched creature have by force (thy self alive) seen married unto an other man. Now then, sith fortune hath made thee Lord of us all, what judgement givest thou of this compulsion? How wilt thou have her to salute thee, as her Uncle, or husband? As Aristomaché spoke these words, the water stood in Dions' eyes: so, he gently and lovingly taking his wife Areta by the hand, he gave her his son, Dion taketh his wife Areta again, which had forcibly been married unto another man. and willed her to go home to his house where he than remained, and so delivered the castle to the SYRACUSANS. He having this prosperous success and victory, would not reap any present benefit or pleasure thereby, before he had showed himself thankful to his friends, given great gifts also unto the confederates of SYRACUSE, and specially, before he had given every one of his friends in the city, and his mercenary soldiers the strangers, some honourable reward according to their deserts, Dions' temperance and thriftiness. exceeding his ability with magnanimity of mind: when he himself lived soberly, and kept a moderate diet, contenting him with any thing that came first to hand. Every man that heard of it, wondered at him, considering that not only all SICILIA and CARTHAGE, but generally all GRAECE looked upon his great prosperity and good fortune, thinking no man living greater than himself, nor that any Captain ever attained to such fame and wonderful fortune, as he was come unto. This notwithstanding, Dion lived as temperately and modestly in his apparel, and also in his number of servants, and service as his board, as if he had lived with Plato in the Academy at ATHENS, and had not been conversant amongst soldiers and Captains, which have no other comfort nor pleasure for all the pains and dangers they suffer continually, but to eat and drink their fill, and to take their pleasure all day long. Plato wrote unto him, that all the world had him in admiration. But Dion, in my opinion, had no respect but to one place, and to one city (to wit, the Academy) and would have no other judges nor lookers into his doings, but the scholars of the same: who neither wondered at his great exploits, valiantness, nor victory, but only considered if he did wisely and modestly use this fortune he had, and could so keep himself within modest bounds, having done so great things. Furthermore, touching the gravity he had when he spoke to any body, and his inflexible severity which he used towards the people, he determined never to altar or change it: notwithstanding that his affairs required him to show courtesy and lenity, and that Plato also reproved him for it, and wrote, that severity and obstinacy (as we said before) was the companion of solitariness. But it seemeth to me that Dion did use it for two respects. The first, because nature had not framed him courteous and affable to win men: secondly, he did what he could to draw the SYRACUSANS to the contrary, who were overlicentious, & spoiled with too much flattery: for Heraclides began again to be busy with him. Heraclides conspireth again against Dion. First of all, Dion sending for him to come to counsel, he sent him word he would not come: and that being a private citizen, he would be at the common counsel amongst others when any was kept. Afterwards he accused him, for that he had not overthrown and razed the castle: and also because he would not suffer the people to break open the tomb of Dionysius the elder, to cast out his body: & because he sent for counsellors to CORINTHE, and disdained to make the citizens his companions in the government of the common wealth. In deed to confess a troth, Dion had sent for certain CORINTHIANS, Dion sent to the Corinthians to establish a common wealth to the Syracusans. hoping the better to establish the form of a common wealth, which he had in his mind, when they were come. For his mind was utterly to break the government of Democratia, Dion meant to abolish Democratia, and to advance Aristocratia. (to wit, the absolute government and authority of the people in a city, not being as it were a common wealth, but rather a fair and market where things are sold, The authority of the people, resembled by Plato to a fair, or market. as Plato saith) and to stablish the LACONIAN or CRETAN common wealth, The common wealth of the Corinthians. mingled with a Princely, and popular government: & that should be, Aristocratia, to wit, the number of a few noble men that should govern and direct the chiefest and weightiest matters of state. And for that purpose, he thought the CORINTHIANS the meetest men to help him to frame this common wealth, considering that they governed their affairs more by choosing a few number of the nobility, than otherwise, and that they did not refer many things to the voice of the people. And because he was assured that Heraclides would be against him in it all that he could, and that otherwise he knew he was a seditious, a troublesome, and light headed fellow: he than suffered them to kill him who had long before done it, if he had not kept them from it, & so they went home to his house, and slew him there. The murder of Heraclides was much misliked of the SYRACUSANS: The murder of Heraclides. howbeit Dion caused him to be honourably buried, and brought his body to the ground, followed with all his army. Then he made an Oration himself to the people, and told them, that it was impossible to avoid sedition and trouble in the city, so long as Dion and Heraclides did both govern together. At that time there was one calippus an ATHENIAN, a familiar of Dions, who (as Plato saith) came not acquainted with Dion through the occasion of his study in Philosophy: but because he had been his guide to bring him to see the secret mysteries and ceremonies of the sacrifices, and for such other like common talk and company. This notwithstanding, calippus did accompany him in all this war, and was very much honoured of him, and was one of the first of all his friends that entered into SYRACUSE with him, and did valiantly behave himself in all the battles and conflicts that were fought. This calippus seeing that Dions best & chiefest friends were all slain in this war, calippus Athenian, conspireth against Dion. & that Heraclides also was dead, that the people of SYRACUSE had no more any head, and beside, that the soldiers which were with Dion did love him better than any other man: he become the unfaithfullest man and the veriest villain of all other, hoping that for reward to kill his friend Dion, he should undoubtedly come to have the whole government of all SICILIA, and as some do report, for that he had taken a bribe of his enemies of twenty talents for his labour to commit this murder. So he began to practise, to bribe, and to suborn certain of the mercenary soldiers against Dion, and that by a marvelous crafty and subtle fetch. For, using commonly to report unto Dion certain seditious words, Note the subtlety of tale bearers. spoken peradventure by the soldiers in deed, or else devised of his own head: he won such a liberty and boldness by the trust Dion had in him, that he might safely say what he would to any of the soldiers, and boldly speak evil of Dion by his own commandment: to th'end he might thereby understand the better whether any of the soldiers were angry with him, or wished his death. By this policy, calippus strait found out those that bore Dion grudge, & that were already corrupted, whom he drew to his conspiracy. And if any man unwilling to give ear unto him, went and told Dion, that calippus would have enticed him to conspire against him: Dion was not angry with him for it, thinking that he did, but as he had commanded him to do. Now as this treason was practising against Dion, A spirit appeared unto Dion. there appeared a great and monstrous ghost or spirit unto him. By chance sitting late one evening all alone, in a gallery he had, and being in a deep thought with himself, suddenly he heard a noise: and therewith casting his eye to th'end of his gallery, (being yet day light) he saw a monstrous great woman, like unto one of the furies showed in plays, and saw her sweeping of the house with a broom. This vision so amazed and affrighted him, that he sent for his friends, and told them what a sight he had seen: and prayed them to tarry with him all night, being as it were a man beside himself, fearing lest the spirit would come to him again if they left him alone, of the which notwithstanding he never heard more afterwards. The lamentable death of Dions' son. Howbeit shortly after, his son being grown to man's state, for a certain light anger he had taken when he was but a boy, he cast himself headlong down from the top of the house, and so was slain. Dion being in this state, calippus went on still with his treason, and spread a rumour abroad among the SYRACUSANS, that Dion seeing himself now destitute of children, was determined to sand for Apollocrates, Dionysius son, Apollocrates Dionysius son. to make him his heir and successor, being cousin germane to his wife, and his sister's daughters son. Then began Dion, his wife, and sister to mistrust calippus practices, and they were told of it by divers sundry and manifest proofs. But Dion being sorry (as I suppose) for Heraclides death, and inwardly taking that murder in very evil part, as a fowl blot to his life and doings: he said he had rather die a thousand deaths, and to offer his throat to be cut to any that would, rather than he would live in that misery, to be compelled to take heed as well of his friends, as of his enemies. calippus then seeing the women so busy and inquisitive of his doings, & fearing lest he should be bewrayed: he came weeping unto them, and told them it was nothing, and that he was ready to assure them of it by any manner of way they would devise. The women than willed him to swear by the great oath, The great oath of the Syracusant. which was in this manner. He that must take this oath, cometh into the temple of the goddesses Thesmophores, which are, Ceres and Proserpina. And after certain sacrifices done, he putteth on the purple chaplet of the goddess Proserpina, holding a burning torch in his hand and sweareth in this manner. calippus having done all these ceremonies, and made the oath in form as I have told you: he made so light account of the goddesses, that he tarried no longer to do the murder he had determined, but till the very feast day of the goddess should come, by whom he had sworn: Dion slain by calippus Athenian. and slew him on the day of the feast of Proserpina. Now, I do not think that he chose that day of set purpose, knowing right well that he did always sin against her, what time soever he had killed his brother, being by his means specially admitted to the society and brotherhood with him, of the fraternity and mysteries of Ceres & Proserpina. Of this conspiracy there were divers. For, as Dion was set in his chamber talking with his friends where there were many beds to sit on: some compassed the house round about, others came to the doors and windows of his chamber, and they that should do the deed to dispatch him, which were the ZACYNTHIAN soldiers, came into his chamber in their coats without any sword. But when they were come in, they that were without did shut the doors after them, and locked them in, lest any man should come out: and they that were within, fell upon Dion, and thought to have strangled him. But when they saw they could not, they called for a sword. Never a man that was within, durst open the doors, though there were many with Dion. For they thought every man to save their own lives, by suffering him to be killed, and therefore durst not come to help him. So the murderers tarried a long time within, and did nothing. At length there was one Lycon a SYRACUSAN, that gave one of these ZACYNTHIAN soldiers a dagger in at the window, with the which they cut Dions' throat, as a weather they had holden a long time in their hands, even dead for fear. The murder being executed, they cast his sister, and wife, great with child, into prison, and there the poor Lady was pitiefullie brought to bed of a goodly boy: the which they rather determined to bring up, Dions' wife brought to bed of a son in prison. then otherwise to do any thing with the child. Their keepers that had the charge of them, were contented to let them do it, because calippus began then a little to grow to some trouble. For at the first, after he had slain Dion, he bore all the whole sway for a time, and kept the city of SYRACUSE in his hands: & wrote unto ATHENS, the which next unto the immortal gods he was most afraid of, having defiled his hands in so damnable a treason. And therefore, in my opinion, it was not evil spoken, that ATHENS is a city of all other that bringeth forth the best men when they give themselves to goodness, & the wickedest people also, when they do dispose themselves to evil: as their country also bringeth forth the best honey that is, and hemlock in like manner that quickly dispatcheth a man of his life. Howbeit the gods, The punishment of calippus. and fortune, did not suffer this treason and wicked man to reign long, having comen to the government of a realm by so damnable a murder: but shortly after they gave him his payment he had deserved. For calippus going to take a little town called CATANA, he lost the city of SYRACUSE: whereupon he said that he had lost a city, and got a * 〈…〉 in corrupt speech signifieth a knife to scrape or cut cheese, which it truelier called 〈…〉. julius Pollux lib. 10 cap. 24. cheese-knife. Afterwards he went to assail the MESSENIANS, and there he lost a great number of his men, and amongst them were slain those that killed Dion. Now calippus finding no city in all SICILIA, that would receive him, but that they all did hate and abhor him: he went to take the city of RHEGIO in ITALY. There being in great distress and need of all things, and not able to maintain his soldiers: he was slain by Leptines, and Polyperchon, with the self same dagger wherewith Dion before was slain: calippus slain with the same dagger that slew Dion. the which was known by the fashion, being short after the LACONIAN daggers, and also by the workmanship upon it, that was very excellently wrought. And thus was the end and death of calippus. Now for Aristomaché and Areta, they were taken out of prison: and Icetes SYRACUSAN, that sometimes had been one of Dions' friends, took them home to his own house, and used them very well and faithfully for a certain time, but afterwards was won and corrupted by Dions' enemies. So he caused a ship to be provided for them, and bore them in hand that he would send them into PELOPONNESUS: but he gave them charge that carried them away, to kill them as they went, and to throw them over board into the sea. The cruelty of the Syracusans unto Dion and his posterity. Some say, that the two women, and the little young boy, were cast alive into the sea. But this reward of the sinful act that he committed, returned again upon himself, as it had done before unto others. For he was taken by Timoleon that put him to death: and beside, the SYRACUSANS did also kill two of his daughters in revenge of the unfaithfulness he had showed unto Dion. THE LIFE OF Marcus Brutus. MArcus Brutus came of that junius Brutus, for whom the ancient ROMANS made his statue of brass to be set up in the Capitol, with the images of the kings, holding a naked sword in his hand: because he had valiantly put down the TARQVINES from their kingdom of ROME. But that junius Brutus being of a sour stern nature, The parentage of Brutus. not softened by reason, being like unto sword blades of too hard a temper: was so subject to his choler and malice he bore unto the tyrants, that for their sakes he caused his own sons to be executed. But this Marcus Brutus in contrary manner, Brutus' manners. whose life we presently write, having framed his manners of life by the rules of virtue and study of Philosophy, and having employed his wit, which was gentle and constant, in attempting of great things: me thinks he was rightly made and framed unto virtue. So that his very enemies which wish him most hurt, because of his conspiracy against julius Caesar: if there were any noble attempt done in all this conspiracy, they refer it wholly unto Brutus, and all the cruel and violent acts unto Cassius, who was Brutus familiar friend, but not so well given, and conditioned as he. His mother Seruilia, Seruilia M. Brutus mother. it is thought came of the blood of Servilius Hala, who, when Spurius Melius went about to make himself king, and to bring it to pass had enticed the common people to rebel: took a dagger and hide it close under his arm, and went into the market place. When he was come thither, he made as though he had somewhat to say unto him, and pressed as near him as he could: wherefore Melius stooping down with his head, to hear what he would say, Brutus stabbed him in with his dagger, and slew him. Thus much all writers agreed for his mother. Now touching his father, some for the evil will & malice they bate unto Brutus, Brutus' parentage by his father. because of the death of julius Caesar, do maintain that he came not of junius Brutus that drove out the TARQVINES: for there were none left of his race, considering that his two sons were executed for conspiracy with the TARQVINES: and that Marcus Brutus came of a mean house, the which was raised to honour and office in the common wealth, but of late time. Posidonius the Philosopher writeth the contrary, that junius Brutus in deed slew two of his sons which were men grown, as the histories do declare: howbeit that there was a third son, being but a little child at that time, from whom the house and family afterwards was derived: and furthermore, that there were in his time certain famous men of that family, whose stature and countenance resembled much the image of junius Brutus. And thus much for this matter. Marcus Cato the Philosopher was brother unto Seruilia M. Brutus mother: Seruilia Cato's sister. whom Brutus studied most to follow of all the other ROMANS, because he was his Uncle, and afterwards he married his daughter. Brutus studies Now touching the GRECIAN Philosophers, there was no sect nor Philosopher of them, but he heard and liked it: but above all the rest, he loved Plato's sect best, & did not much give himself to the new nor mean Academy as they call it, Brutus followed the old Academyks. but altogether to the old Academy. Therefore he did ever greatly esteem the Philosopher Antiochus, of the city of ASCALON: but he was more familiar with his brother Ariston, who for learning and knowledge was inferior to many other Philosophers, but for wisdom & courtesy, equal with the best and chiefest. Touching Empylus, whom Marcus Brutus himself doth mention in his Epistells, and his friends also in many places: he was an Orator, Empylus an Orator, wrote a book of Caesar's death, and entitled it, Brutus. and left an excellent book he wrote of the death of julius Caesar, and tituled it Brutus. He was properly learned in the Latin tongue, and was able to make long discourse in it, beside that he could also pled very well in Latin. But for the Graeke tongue, they do note in some of his Epistells, that he counterfeated that brief compendious manner of speech of the LACEDÆMONIANS. Brutus' manner of writing his epistles in greek. As when the war was begun, he wrote unto the PARGAMENIANS in this sort. I understand you have given Dolabella money: if you have done it willingly, you confess you have offended me: if against your wills, show it then by giving me willingly. another time again unto the SAMIANS: A brief letter to the Samians. Your counsels be long, your doings be slow, consider the end. And in an other Epistell he wrote unto the PATAREIANS: The XANTHIANS despising my good will, have made their country a grave of despair: and the PATAREIANS that put themselves into my protection, have lost no jot of their liberty. And therefore whilst you have liberty, either choose the judgement of the PATAREIANS, or the fortune of the XANTHIANS. These were Brutus' manner of letters which were honoured for their briefness. So Brutus being but a young stripling went into CYPRUS with his Uncle Cato, Brutus followed Cato into Cyprus. who was sent against Ptolemy king of EGYPT, who having slain himself, Cato staying for certain necessary business he had in the isle of RHODES, had already sent * Or Canidius. Caninius, one of his friends before, to keep his treasure and goods. But Cato fearing he would be light fingered, wrote unto Brutus forthwith to come out of PAMPHYLIA, (where he was but newly recovered of a sickness) into CYPRUS, the which he did. The which journey he was sorry to take upon him, both for respect of Caninius shame, whom Cato as he thought wrongfully slandered: as also because he thought this office too mean and unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to his book. This notwithstanding, he behaved himself so honestly and carefully, that Cato did greatly commend him: and after all the goods were sold and converted into ready money, he took the most part of it, and returned withal to ROME. Afterwards when the Empire of ROME was divided into factions, and that Caesar and Pompey both were in arms one against the other, and that all the Empire of ROME was in garboil and uproar: it was thought then that Brutus would take part with Caesar, because Pompey not long before had put his father unto death. But Brutus preferring the respect of his country and common wealth, before private affection, and persuading himself that Pompey had juster cause to enter into arms than Caesar: he than took part with Pompey, Brutus taketh part with Pompey. though oftentimes meeting him before, he thought scorn to speak to him, thinking it a great sin and offence in him, to speak to the murderer of his father. But then submitting himself unto Pompey, as unto the head of the common wealth: he sailed into SICILIA, Lieutenant under Sestius that was Governor of that province. But when he saw that there was no way to rise, nor to do any noble exploits, and that Caesar & Pompey were both camped together, and fought for victory: he went of himself unsent for into MACEDON, to be partaker of the danger. It is reported that Pompey being glad, and wondering at his coming when he saw him come to him: he rose out of his chair, and went and embraced him before them all, and used him as honourably, as he could have done the noblest man that took his part. Brutus being in Pompey's camp, Brutus' exercise in Pompey's camp. did nothing but study all day long, except he were with Pompey, & not only the days before, but the self same day also before the great battle was fought in the fields of PHARSALIA, where Pompey was overthrown. It was in the midst of summer, and the sun was very hot, besides that the camp was lodged near unto marshes, and they that carried his tent, tarried long before they came: whereupon, being very weary with travel, scant any meat came into his mouth at dinner time. Furthermore, when others slept, or thought what would happen the morrow after: Brutus' studied in Pompey's camp. he fell to his book, and wrote all day long till night, writing a breviary of Polybius. It is reported that Caesar did not forget him, and that he gave his captains charge before the battle, that they should beware they killed not Brutus in fight, julius Caesar careful of Brutus' safary. and if he yielded willingly unto them, that then they should bring him unto him: but if he resisted, and would not be taken, then that they should let him go, and do him no hurt. Some say he did this for Seruiliaes' sake, Brutus' mother. For when he was a young man, he had been acquainted with Seruilia, who was extremely in love with him. And because Brutus was borne in that time when their love was hottest, he persuaded himself that he begat him. julius Caesar loved Seruilia, Brutus mother. For proof hereof the report goeth, that when the weightiest matters were in hand in the Senate, about the conspiracy of Catiline, which was likely to have undone the city of ROME, Caesar and Cato sat near together, and were both of contrary minds to each other: and then, that in the mean time one delivered Caesar a letter. Caesar took it, and read it softly to himself: but Cato cried out upon Caesar, and said he did not well to receive advertisements from enemies. Whereupon the whole Senate began to murmur at it. Then Caesar gave Cato the letter as it was sent him, who read it, and found that it was a love letter sent from his sister Seruilia: thereupon he cast it again to Caesar, and said unto him, hold, drunken sop. When he had done so, he went on with his tale, and maintained his opinion as he did before: so commonly was the love of Seruilia known which she bore unto Caesar. So, after Pompey's overthrow at the battle of PHARSALIA, and that he fled to the sea: when Caesar came to besiege his camp, Brutus went out of the camp gates unseen of any man, and leapt into a marsh full of water and reeds. Then when night was come, he crept out, and went unto the city of LARISSA: from whence he wrote unto Caesar, who was very glad that he had scaped, and sent for him to come unto him. Brutus' saved by julius Caesar, after the battle of Pharsalia. When Brutus was come, he did not only pardon him, but also kept him always about him, and did as much honour and esteem him, any man he had in his company. Now no man could tell whether Pompey was fled, and all were marvelous desirous to know it: wherefore Caesar walking a good way alone with Brutus, he did ask him which way he thought Pompey took. Caesar perceiving by his talk that Brutus guessed certainly whether Pompey should be fled: he left all other ways, and took his journey directly towards EGYPT. Pompey, as Brutus had conjectured, was in deed fled into EGYPT, but there he was villainously slain. Furthermore, Brutus obtained pardon of Caesar for Cassius: and defending also the king * This king was juba: howbeit it is true also, that Brutus made intercession for Deiotarus king of Galatia: who was deprived notwithstanding of the most part of his country, by Caesar and therefore this place were best to be understanded, by Deiotorus. Caesar made Brutus' Governor of Gaul on this side the mountains. of LYBIAES' cause, he was overlayed with a world of accusations against him, howbeit entreating for him, he saved him the best part of his realm and kingdom. They say also that Caesar said, when he heard Brutus plead: I know not, said he, what this young man would, but what he would, he willeth it vehemently. For as Brutus' gravity and constant mind would not grant all men their requests that sued unto him, but being moved with reason and discretion, did always incline to that which was good and honest: even so when it was moved to follow any matter, he used a kind of forcible and vehement persuasion that calmed not, till he had obtained his desire. For by flattering of him, a man could never obtain any thing at his hands, nor make him to do that which was unjust. Further, he thought it not meet for a man of calling and estimation, to yield unto the requests and entreaties of a shameless and importunate suitor, requesting things unmeet: the which notwithstanding, some men do for shame, because they dare deny nothing, And therefore he was wont to say, that he thought them evil brought up in their youth, that could deny nothing. Now when Caesar took sea to go into AFRICA, against Cato and Scipio, he left Brutus' Government of GAUL in ITALY, on this side of the Alps, which was a great good hap for that province. For where others were spoiled and polled by the insolency and covetousness of the Governors, as if it had been a country conquered: Brutus was a comfort and rest unto their former troubles and miseries they sustained. But he referred it wholly unto Caesar's grace and goodness. For, when Caesar returned out of AFRICA, and progressed up and down ITALY: the things that pleased him best to see, were the cities under Brutus' charge and government, and Brutus himself: who honoured Caesar in person, and whose company also Caesar greatly esteemed. Now there were divers sorts of Praetorshippes at ROME, and it was looked for, that Brutus or Cassius would make suit for the chiefest praetorship, which they called the praetorship of the city: because he that had that office, was as a judge to minister justice unto the citizens. Therefore they strove one against the other, though some say that there was some little grudge betwixt them for other matters before, and that this contention did set them further out, though they were allied together. For Cassius had married junia, Brutus sister. Brutus and Cassius contend for the Praetorship of the city. Cassius' married junia, Brutus sister. Others say, that this contention betwixt them come by Caesar himself, who secretly gave either of them both hope of his favour. So their suit for the praetorship was so followed and laboured of either party, that one of them put an other in suit of law. Brutus with his virtue and good name contended against many noble exploits in arms, which Cassius had done against the PARTHIANS. So Caesar after he had heard both their objections, he told his friends with whom he consulted about this matter: Cassius cause is the juster, said he, but Brutus must be first preferred. Thus Brutus had the first praetorship, and Cassius the second: The first cause of Cassius malice against Caesar. who thanked not Caesar so much for the praetorship he had, as he was angry with him for that he had lost. But Brutus in many other things tasted of the benefit of Caesar's favour in any thing he requested. For if he had listed, he might have been one of Caesar's chiefest friends, and of greatest authority and credit about him. Howbeit Cassius friends did dissuade him from it (for Cassius and he were not yet reconciled together since their first contention and strife for the Praetorship) and prayed him to beware of Caesar's sweet enticements, and to fly his tyrannical favours: the which they said Caesar gave him, not to honour his virtue, but to weaken his constant mind, framing it to the bent of his bow. Now Caesar on the other side did not trust him overmuch, Caesar suspected Brutus. nor was not without tales brought unto him against him: howbeit he feared his great mind, authority, & friends. Yet on the other side also, he trusted his good nature, & fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him one day, that Antonius and Dolabella did conspire against him: he answered, that these fat long heard men made him not afraid, but the lean and whitely faced fellows, meaning that, by Brutus and Cassius. At an other time also when one accused Brutus unto him, and bade him beware of him: What, said he again, clapping his hand on his breast: think ye that Brutus will not tarry till this body die? Caesar saying of Brutus. Meaning that none but Brutus after him was meet to have such power as he had. And surely, in my opinion, I am persuaded that Brutus might in deed have come to have been the chiefest man of ROME, if he could have contented himself for a time to have been next unto Caesar, & to have suffered his glory and authority, which he had gotten by his great victories, to consume with time. But Cassius being a choleric man, and hating Caesar privately, more than he did the tyranny openly: he incensed Brutus against him. Cassius incenseth Brutus against Caesar. It is also reported, that Brutus could evil away with the tyranny, and that Cassius hated the tyrant: making many complaints for the injuries he had done him, and amongst others, for that he had taken away his Lions from him. Cassius had provided them for his sports, when he should be AEdilis, and they were found in the city of MEGARA, Cassius' Lions at Megara. when it was won by Calenus, and Caesar kept them. The rumour went, that these Lions did marvelous great hurt to the MAGARIANS. For when the city was taken, they broke their cages where they were tied up, and turned them lose, thinking they would have done great mischief to the enemies, and have kept them from setting upon them: but the lions contrary to expectation, turned upon themselves that fled unarmed, & did so cruelly tare some in pieces, that it pitied their enemies to see them. And this was the cause, as some do report, that made Cassius conspire against Caesar. Cassius an enemy of tyrant. But this holdeth no water. For Cassius even from his cradle could not abide any manner of tyrants, as it appeared when he was but a boy, & went unto the same school that Faustus, the son of Sylla did. And Faustus bragging among other boys, highly boasted of his father's kingdom: Cassius rose up on his feet, and gave him two good wlirts on the ear. Faustus' governors would have put this matter in suit against Cassius: But Pompey would not suffer them, but caused the two boys to be brought before him, and asked them how the matter came to pass. Then Cassius, as it is written of him, said unto the other: go to Faustus, speak again and thou darest, before this noble man here, the same words that made me angry with thee, that my fists may walk once again about thine ears. Such was Cassius hot stirring nature. But of Brutus, How Brutus was incensed against Caesar. his friends and country men, both by divers procurementes, and sundry rumours of the city, and by many bills also, did openly call and procure him to do that he did. For, under the image of his ancestor junius Brutus, that drove the kings out of ROME, they wrote: O, that it pleased the gods thou wert now alive, Brutus: and again, that thou wert here among us now. His tribunal (or chair) where he gave audience during the time he was Praetor, was full of such bills: Brutus, thou art a sleep, and art not Brutus in deed. And of all this, Caesar's flatterers were the cause: who beside many other exceeding and unspeakable honours they daily devised for him, in the night time they did put Diadeames upon the heads of his images, supposing thereby to allure the common people to call him king, in stead of Dictator. Howbeit it turned to the contrary, as we have written more at large in julius Caesar's life. Now when Cassius felt his friends, and did stir them up against Caesar: they all agreed and promised to take part with him, so Brutus were the chief of their conspiracy. For they told him, that so high an enterprise and attempt as that, did not so much require men of manhood, and courage to draw their sword: as it stood them upon to have a man of such estimation as Brutus, to make every man boldly think, that by his only presence the fact were holy, and just. If he took not this course, then that they should go to it with fainter hearts, and when they had done it, they should be more fearful: because every man would think that Brutus would not have refused to have made one with them, if the cause had been good and honest. Therefore Cassius considering this matter with himself, did first of all speak to Brutus, Cassius prayeth Brutus' first, to help him to put down the tyrant. since they grew strange together for the suit they had for the praetorship. So when he was reconciled to him again, and that they had embraced one an other: Cassius asked him if he were determined to be in the Senate house, the first day of the month of March, because he heard say that Caesar's friends should move the counsel that day, that Caesar should he called king by the Senate. Brutus answered him, he would not be there. But if we be sent for said Cassius: how then? For myself then said Brutus, I mean not to hold my peace, but to withstand it, and rather die then loose my liberty. Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word: why, qd he, what ROMAN is he alive that will suffer thee to die for the liberty? What, knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be cobblers, tapsters, or such like base mechanical people, that write these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy Praetor's chair, and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? Not, be thou well assured, that of other Praetors they look for gifts, common distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see fencers fight at the sharp, to show the people pastime: but at thy hands, they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking away of the tyranny, being fully bend to suffer any extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt show thyself to be the man thou art taken for, and that they hope thou art. Thereupon he kissed Brutus, and embraced him: and so each taking leave of other, they went both to speak with their friends about it. Now amongst Pompey's friends, there was one called * In an other place they call him Quintus, Brutus maketh Ligarius one of the conspiracy. Caius Ligarius, who had been accused unto Caesar for taking part with Pompey, and Caesar discharged him. But Ligarius thanked not Caesar so much for his discharge, as he was offended with him for that he was brought in danger by his tyrannical power. And therefore in his heart he was always his mortal enemy, and was beside very familiar with Brutus, who went to see him being sick in his bed, and said unto him: O Ligarius, in what a time art thou sick? Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking him by the right hand, said unto him: Brutus, said he, if thou hast any great enterprise in hand worthy of thyself, I am whole. After that time they began to feel all their acquaintance whom they trusted, and laid their heads together consulting upon it, and did not only pick out their friends, but all those also whom they thought stout enough to attempt any desperate matter, and that were not afraid to lose their lives, For this cause they durst not acquaint Cicero with their conspiracy, They do hide the conspiracy against Caesar, from Cicero. although he was a man whom they loved dearly, and trusted best: for they were afraid that he being a coward by nature, and age also having increased his fear, he would quite turn and altar all their purpose, and quench the heat of their enterprise, the which specially required hot and earnest execution, seeking by persuasion to bring all things to such safety, as there should be no peril. Brutus also did let other of his friends alone, as Statilius EPICURIAN, and Faonius, that made profession to follow Marcus Cato. Because that having cast out words a far of, disputing together in Philosophy to feel their minds: Faonius answered, that civil war was worse than tyrannical government usurped against the law. Civil war worse than tyrannical government. And Statilius told him also, that it were an unwise part of him, to put his life in danger, for a sight of ignorant fools and asses. Labeo was present at this talk, and maintained the contrary against them both. But Brutus held his peace, as though it had been a doubtful matter, and a hard thing to have decided. But afterwards, being out of their company, he made Labeo privy to his intent: who very readily offered himself to make one. And they thought good also to bring in an other Brutus to join with him, surnamed Albinus: who was no man of his hands himself, but because he was able to bring good force of a great number of slaves, and sensers at the sharp, whom he kept to show the people pastime with their fighting, beside also that Caesar had some trust in him. Cassius and Labeo told Brutus Albinus of it at the first, but he made them no answer. But when he had spoken with Brutus himself alone, and that Brutus had told him he was the chief ringleader of all this conspiracy: then he willingly promised him the best aid he could. Furthermore, the only name and great calling of Brutus, did bring on the most of them to give consent to this conspiracy. Who having never taken others together, nor taken or given any caution or assurance, The wonderful faith and secrifie of the Conspirators of Caesar's death. nor binding themselves one to an other by any religious others: they all kept the matter so secret to themselves, and could so cunningly handle it, that notwithstanding the gods did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from above, and by predictions of sacrifices: yet all this would not be believed. Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the noblest, valiantest, and most courageous men of ROME did venture their lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the danger: when he was out of his house, he did so frame and fashion his countenance and looks, that no man could discern he had any thing to trouble his mind. But when night came that he was in his own house, than he was clean changed. For, either care did wake him against his will when he would have slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep thoughts of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that might happen: that his wife lying by him, found that there was some marvelous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont to be in that taking, and that he could not well determine with himself. His wife Porcia (as we have told you before) was the daughter of Cato, Porcia, Cato's daughter, wife unto Brutus. whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a maiden, but a young widow after the death of her first husband Bibulus, by whom she had also a young son called Bibulus, who afterwards wrote a book of the acts and jests of Brutus, Bibulus book of Brutus acts. extant at this present day. This young Lady being excellently well seen in Philosophy, Porcia studied in Philosophy. loving her husband well, and being of a noble courage, as she was also wise: because she would not ask her husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by herself, she took a little razor such as barbers occupy to pair men's nails, The courage of Porcia. and causing all her maids and women to go out of her chamber, gave herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she was strait all of a gore blood, and incontinently after, a vehement fever took her, by reason of the pain of her wound. Then perceiving her husband was marvelously out of quiet, and that he could take no rest: Great difference betwixt a wise and a harlot. even in her greatest pain of all, she spoke in this sort unto him. I being, O Brutus, (said she) the daughter of Cato, was married unto thee, not to be thy beddefellowe and companion in bed and at board only, like a harlot: but to be partaker also with thee, of thy good and evil fortune. Porciaes' words unto her husband Brutus. Now for thyself, I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our match: but for my part, how may I show my duty towards thee, and how much I would do for thy sake, if I can not constantly bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, which requireth secrecy and fidelity? I confess, that a woman's wit commonly is too weak to keep a secret safely: but yet, Brutus, good education, and the company of virtuous men, have some power to reform the defect of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit moreover: that I am the daughter of Cato, & wife of Brutus. This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of these things before: until that now I have found by experience, that no pain nor grief whatsoever can overcome me. With those words she showed him her wound on her thigh, and told him what she had done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought the gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise to so good pass, that he might be found a husband, worthy of so noble a wife as Porcia: so he then did comfort her the best he could. Now a day being appointed for the meeting of the Senate, at what time they hoped Caesar would not fail to come: the conspirators determined then to put their enterprise in execution, because they might meet safely at that time without suspicion, and the rather, for that all the noblest and chiefest men of the city would be there. Who when they should see such a great matter executed, would every man then set to their hands, for the defence of their liberty. Furthermore, they thought also that the appointment of the place where the counsel should be kept, was chosen of purpose by divine providence, and made all for them. For it was one of the porches about the Theatre, in the which there was a certain place full of seats for men to sit in, where also was set up the image of Pompey, which the city had made and consecrated in honour of him: when he did beautify that part of the city with the Theatre he built, with divers porches about it. In this place was the assembly of the Senate appointed to be, just on the fifteenth day of the month of March, which the ROMANS call, Idus Martias: so that it seemed some god of purpose had brought Caesar thither to be slain, for revenge of Pompey's death. So when the day was come, Brutus went out of his house with a dagger by his side under his long gown, that no body saw nor knew, but his wife only. The other conspirators were all assembled at Cassius house, to bring his son into the marketplace, who on that day did put on the man's gown, called Toga Virilis: and from thence they came all in a troop together unto Pompey's porch, looking that Caesar would strait come thither. But here is to be noted, the wonderful assured constancy of these conspirators, The wonderful constancy of the conspirators, in kill of Caesar. in so dangerous and weighty an enterprise as they had undertaken. For many of them being Praetors, by reason of their office, whose duty is to minister justice to every body: they did not only with great quietness and courtesy hear them that spoke unto them, or that pleaded matters before them, and gave them attentive ear, as if they had had no other matter in their heads: but moreover, they gave just sentence, and carefully dispatched the causes before them. So there was one among them, who being condemned in a certain sum of money, refused to pay it, and cried out that he did appeal unto Caesar. Then Brutus casting his eyes upon the conspirators, said, Caesar shall not let me to see the law executed. Notwithstanding this, by chance there fell out many misfortunes unto them, Sundry misfortunes to have broken of the enterprise. which was enough to have marred the enterprise. The first and chiefest was, Caesar's long tarrying, who came very late to the Senate: for because the signs of the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his wife Calpurnia kept him at home, and the Soothsayers bade him beware he went not abroad. The second cause was, when one came unto Casca being a conspirator, and taking him by the hand, said unto him: O Casca, thou keptest it close from me, but Brutus hath told me all. Casca being amazed at it, the other went on with his tale, and said: why, how now, how cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou dost sue to be AEdilis? Thus Casca being deceived by the others doubtful words, he told them it was a thousand to one, he blabbed not out all the conspiracy. another Senator called Popilius Lana, after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he was wont to do: he rounded softly in their ears, and told them, I pray the gods you may go through with that you have taken in hand, but withal, dispatch I read you, for your enterprise is bewrayed. When he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out. Now in the mean time, there came one of Brutus men post hast unto him, and told him his wife was a dying. For Porcia being very careful and pensive for that which was to come, The weakness of Porcia, notwithstanding her former courage. and being too weak to away with so great and inward grief of mind: she could hardly keep within, but was frighted with every little noise and cry she heard, as those that are taken and possessed with the fury of the Bacchants, ask every man that came from the market place, what Brutus did, and still sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At length, Caesar's coming being prolonged as you have heard, Porciaes' weakness was not able to hold out any longer, and thereupon she suddenly swooned, that she had no leisure to go to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of her house, where her speech and senses failed her. Howbeit she soon came to herself again, and so was laid in her bed, and tended by her women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is to be presupposed: yet he left not of the care of his country and common wealth, neither went home to his house for any news he heard. Now, it was reported that Caesar was coming in his litter: for he determined not to stay in the Senate all that day (because he was afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) but to adjourn matters of importance unto the next session and counsel holden, feigning himself not to be well at ease. When Caesar came out of his litter: Popilius Laena, that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring this enterprise to pass: went unto Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear unto him. Wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had told them a little before, that his talk was none other but the very discovery of their conspiracy: they were afraid every man of them, and one looking in an other's face, it was easy to see that they all were of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain other clapped their hands on their sword under their gowns to draw them: Brutus marking the countenance and gesture of Laena, and considering that he did use himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor, then like an accuser: he said nothing to his companion (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant countenance encouraged Cassius. Brutus with his countenance encouraged his fearful consories. And immediately after, Laena went from Caesar, and kissed his hand: which showed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself, that he had held him so long in talk. Now all the Senators being entered first into this place or chapter house where the counsel should be kept: all the other conspirators strait stood about Caesar's chair, as if they had had some thing to have said unto him. And some say, that Cassius casting his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto it, as if it had been alive. * In Caesar's life it is said, it was Decius Brutus Albinus, that kept Antonius with a talk without. Trebonius on tother side, drew Antonius atoside, as he came into the house where the Senate sat, and held him with a long talk without. When Caesar was come into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him at his coming in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about him, & amongst them they presented one * In Caesar's life he is called Metellus Cimber. Tullius Cimber, who made humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that was banished. They all made as though they were intercessors for him, and took him by the hands, and kissed his head and breast. Caesar at the first, simply refused their kindness and entreaties: but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, he violently thrust them from him. The mother of Caesar. Then Cimber with both his hands plucked Caesar's gown over his shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him, drew his dagger first, and struck Caesar upon the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Casca, the first that wounded him. Caesar feeling himself hurt, took him strait by the hand he held his dagger in, and cried out in Latin: O traitor, Casca, what dost thou? Casca on tother side cried in greek, and called his brother to help him. So divers running on a heap together to fly upon Caesar, he looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him: then he let Casca's hand go, and casting his gown over his face, suffered every man to strike at him that would. Then the conspirators thronging one upon an other because every man was desirous to have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting upon one body, one of them hurt an other, and among them Brutus caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in murdering of him, and all the rest also were every man of them bloodied. Caesar being slain in this manner, Brutus standing in the midst of the house, would have spoken, and stayed the other Senators that were not of the conspiracy, to have told them the reason why they had done this fact. But they as men both afraid and amazed, fled one upon another's neck in haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it was set down, and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but Caesar only, and should entreat all the rest to look to defend their liberty. All the conspirators, but Brutus, determining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favoured tyranny: beside also, for that he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them: and specially, having a mind bend to great enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul with Caesar. But Brutus would not agreed to it. Why Antonius was not slain with Ceasar. First, for that he said it was not honest: secondly, because he told them there was hope of change in him. For he did not mistrust, but that Antonius being a noble minded and courageous man (when he should know that Caesar was dead) would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto him, to follow their courage and virtue. So Brutus by this means saved Antonius life, who at that present time disguised himself, and stolen away. But Brutus & his consorts, having their swords bloody in their hands, went strait to the Capitol, Brutus with his consorts went unto the Capitol. persuading the ROMANS as they went, to take their liberty again. Now, at the first time when the murder was newly done, there were sudden outcries of people that ran up & down the city, the which in deed did the more increase the fear and tumult. But when they saw they slew no man, neither did spoil or make havoc of any thing: then certain of the Senators, & many of the people imboldening themselves, went to the Capitol unto them. There a great number of men being assembled together one after another: Brutus made an oration unto them to win the favour of the people, and to justify that they had done. All those that were by, said they had done well, and cried unto them that they should boldly come down from the Capitol. Whereupon, Brutus and his companions came boldly down into the market place. The rest followed in troop, but Brutus went foremost, very honourably compassed in round about with the noblest men of the city, which brought him from the Capitol, through the market place, to the pulpit for orations. When the people saw him in the pulpit, although they were a multitude of rakehells of all sorts, and had a good will to make some stir: yet being ashamed to do it for the reverence they bore unto Brutus, they kept silence, to hear what he would say. When Brutus began to speak, they gave him quiet audience: howbeit immediately after, they showed that they were not all contented with the murder. For when another called Cinna would have spoken, and began to accuse Caesar: they fell into a great uproar among them, and marvelously reviled him. Insomuch that the conspirators returned again into the Capitol. There Brutus being afraid to be besieged, sent back again the noble men that came thither with him, thinking it no reason, that they which were no partakers of the murder, should be partakers of the danger. Then the next morning the Senate being assembled, and holden within the temple of the goddess Tellus, to weet the earth: and Antonius, Plancus, and Cicero, having made a motion to the Senate in that assembly, that they should take an order to pardon and forget all that was past, and to stablish friendship and peace again: it was decreed, that they should not only be pardoned, but also that the Consuls should refer it to the Senate what honours should be appointed unto them. Honours decreed for the murderers of Caesar. This being agreed upon, the Senate broke up, and Antonius the Consul, to put them in heart that were in the Capitol, sent them his son for a pledge. Upon this assurance, Brutus and his companions came down from the Capitol, where every man saluted and embraced each other, among the which, Antonius himself did bid Cassius to supper to him: and Lepidus also bad Brutus, and so one bad another, as they had friendship and acquaintance together. The next day following, the Senate being called again to counsel, did first of all commend Antonius, for that he had wisely stayed and quenched the beginning of a civil war: then they also gave Brutus and his consorts great praises, and lastly they appointed them several governments of provinces. For unto Brutus, they appointed CRETA: AFRICA, unto Cassius: ASIA, unto Trebonius: BYTHINIA, unto Cimber: and unto the other Decius Brutus Albinus, GAUL on this side the Alps. When this was done, they came to talk of Caesar's will and testament, and of his funerals and tomb. Caesar's will, & funerals. Then Antonius thinking good his testament should be read openly, and also that his body should be honourably buried, and not in, lest the people might thereby take occasion to be worse offended if they did otherwise: Cassius stoutly spoke against it. But Brutus went with the motion, & agreed unto it: wherein it seemeth he committed a second fault. For the first fault he did was, Brutus committed two great faults after Caesar's death. when he would not consent to his fellow conspirators, that Antonius should be slain: And therefore he was justly accused, that thereby he had saved and strengthened a strong & grievous enemy of their conspiracy. The second fault was, when he agreed that Caesar's funerals should be as Antonius would have them: the which in deed marred all. For first of all, when Caesar's testament was openly read among them, whereby it appeared that he bequeathed unto every Citizen of ROME, 75. Drachmas a man, and that he left his gardens and arbours unto the people, which he had on this side of the river of Tiber, in the place where now the temple of Fortune is built: the people than loved him, and were marvelous sorry for him. Afterwards when Caesar's body was brought into the market place, Antonius making his funeral oration in praise of the dead, Antonius' funeral oration for Caesar. according to the ancient custom of ROME, and perceiving that his words moved the common people to compassion: he framed his eloquence to make their hearts yearn the more, and taking Caesar's gown all bloody in his hand, he laid it open to the sight of them all, showing what a number of cuts and holes it had upon it. Therewithal the people fell presently into such a rage and mutiny, that there was no more order kept amongst the common people. For some of them cried out, kill the murderers: others plucked up forms, tables, and stalls about the market place, as they had done before at the funerals of Clodius, and having laid them all on a heap together, they set them on fire, and thereupon did put the body of Caesar, and burned it in the midst of the most holy places. And furthermore, when the fire was thoroughly kindled, some here, some there, took burning fire brands, and ran with them to the murderers houses that had killed him, to set them a fire. Howbeit the conspirators foreseeing the danger before, had wisely provided for themselves, and fled. But there was a Poet called Cinna, who had been no partaker of the conspiracy, The strange dream of Cinna the Poet. but was always one of Caesar's chiefest friends: he dreamt the night before, that Caesar bade him to supper with him, and that he refusing to go, Caesar was very importunate with him, and compelled him, so that at length he led him by the hand into a great dark place, where being marvelously afraid, he was driven to follow him in spite of his heart. This dream put him all night into a fever, and yet notwithstanding, the next morning when he heard that they carried Caesar's body to burial, being ashamed not to accompany his funerals: he went out of his house, and thrust himself into the press of the common people that were in a great uproar. And because some one called him by his name, Cinna: the people thinking he had been that Cinna, The murder of Cinna the Poet, being mistaken for an other of that name. who in an oration he made had spoken very evil of Caesar, they falling upon him in their rage, slew him outright in the market place. This made Brutus and his companions more afraid, than any other thing, next unto the change of Antonius. Wherefore they got them out of ROME, Brutus and his consorts do fly from Rome. and kept at the first in the city of ANTIUM, hoping to return again to ROME, when the fury of the people were a little assuaged. The which they hoped would be quickly, considering that they had to deal with a fickle and unconstant multitude, easy to be carried, and that the Senate stood for them: who notwithstanding made no enquiery of them that had torn poor Cinna the Poet in pieces, but caused them to be sought for and apprehended, that went with fire brands to set fire of the conspirators houses. The people growing weary now of Antonius pride and insolency, who ruled all things in manner with absolute power: they desired that Brutus might return again, and it was also looked for, that Brutus would come himself in person to play the plays which were due to the people, by reason of his office of Praetorship. But Brutus understanding that many of Caesar's soldiers which served under him in the wars, and that also had lands and houses given them in the cities where they lay, did lie in wait for him to kill him, and that they daily by small companies came by one and by one into ROME: he durst no more return thither, but yet the people had the pleasure and pastime in his absence, Brutus' plays and sports at Rome in his absence. to see the games and sports he made them, which were sumptuously set forth and furnished with all things necessary, sparing for no cost. For he had bought a great number of strange beasts, of the which he would not give one of them to any friend he had, but that they should all be employed in his games: and went himself as far as BYZANTIUM, to speak to some players of comedies and Musicians that were there. And further he wrote unto his friends for one Canutius an excellent player, that whatsoever they did, they should entreat him to play in these plays: For, said he, it is no reason to compel any GRECIAN, unless he will come of his own good william. Moreover, he wrote also unto Cicero, and earnestly prayed him in any case to be at these plays. Now the state of ROME standing in these terms, there fell out an other change and alteration, when the young man Octavius Caesar came to ROME. Octavius Caesar coming to Rome. He was the son of julius Caesar's Niece, whom he had adopted for his son, and made his heir, by his last will and testament. But when julius Caesar his adopted father was slain, he was in the city of APOLLONIA, where he studied tarrying for him, because he was determined to make war with the PARTHIANS: but when he heard the news of his death, he returned again to ROME, where to begin to curry favour with the common people, he first of all took upon him his adopted father's name, & made distribution among them of the money which his father had bequeathed unto them. By this means he troubled Antonius sorely, and by force of money, got a great number of his father's soldiers together, that had served in the wars with him. And Cicero himself, Brutus' reproved Cicero, for taking part with Octavius Caesar. for the great malice he bore Antonius, did favour his proceedings. But Brutus marvelously reproved him for it, and wrote unto him, that he seemed by his doings not to be sorry to have a Master, but only to be afraid to have one that should hate him: and that all his doings in the common wealth did witness, that he chose to be subject to a mild and courteous bondage, sith by his words and writings he did commend this young man Octavius Caesar, to be a good gentle Lord. For our predecessors said he, would never abide to be subject to any Masters, how gentle or mild soever they were: and for his own part that he had never resolutely determined with himself to make war, or peace, but otherwise, that he was certainly minded never to be slave nor subject. And therefore he wondered much at him, how Cicero could be afraid of the danger of civil wars, and would not be afraid of a shameful peace: and that to thrust Antonius out of the usurped tyranny, in recompense he went about to stablish young Octavius Caesar tyrant. These were the contents of Brutus first letters he wrote unto Cicero. Now, the city of ROME being divided in two factions, some taking part with Antonius, other also leaning unto Octavius Caesar, and the soldiers making port sale of their service to him that would give most: Brutus seeing the state of ROME would be utterly overthrown, he determined to go out of ITALY, and went a foot through the country of LUKE, unto the city of ELEA, standing by the sea. There Porcia being ready to departed from her husband Brutus, and to return to ROME, Porciaes' sorrowful return to Rome for the absence of her husband Brutus. did what she could to dissemble the grief and sorrow she felt at her heart: But a certain painted table bewrayed her in the end, although until that time she always showed a constant and patient mind. The devise of the table was taken out of the Greek stories, how Andromachè accompanied her husband Hector, The story of Hector and Andromachè set forth in painted tables. when he went out of the city of TROY to go to the wars, and how Hector delivered her his little son, and how her eyes were never of him. Porcia seeing this picture, and likening herself to be in the same case, she fell a weeping: and coming thither oftentimes in a day to see it, she wept still. Acilius one of Brutus friends perceiving that, rehearsed the verses Andromachè speaketh to this purpose in Homer: Thou Hector art my father, and my mother, and my brother, And husbandeke, and in all: I mind not any other. Then Brutus smile, answered again: but yet (said he) I can not for my part say unto Porcia, as Hector answered Andromachè in the same place of the Poet: Tush, meddle thou with weighing duly out Thy maids their task, and pricking on a clout. For in deep, the weak constitution of her body, doth not suffer her to perform in show, the valiant acts that we are able to do: but for courage and constant mind, she showed herself as stout in the defence of her country, as any of us. Bibulus, the son of Porcia, reporteth this story thus. Now Brutus embarking at ELEA in LUKE, How Brutus bestowed his time at Athens. he sailed directly towards ATHENS. When he arrived there, the people of ATHENS received him with common joys of rejoicing, and honourable decrees made for him. He lay with a friend of his, with whom he went daily to hear the lectures of Theomnestus ACADEMIC Philosopher, and of Cratippus the PERIPATETIC, and so would talk with them in Philosophy, that it seemed he left all other matters, and gave h●m self only unto study: howbeit secretly notwithstanding, he made preparation for war. For he sent Herostratus into MACEDON, to win the Captains and soldiers that were upon those matches, & he did also entertain all the young gentlemen of the ROMANS, whom he found in ATHENS studying Philosophy: amongst them he found Cicero's son, Brutus commendeth Cicero's son. whom he highly praised and commended, saying, that whether he waked or slept, he found him of a noble mind and disposition, he did in nature so much hate tyrants. Brutus prepareth himself to war. Shortly after, he began to enter openly into arms: and being advertised that there came out of ASIA a certain fleet of ROMANS ships that had good store of money in them, and that the Captain of those ships (who was an honest man, and his familiar friend) came towards ATHENS: he went to meet him as far as the isle of CARYSTOS, and having spoken with him there, he handled him so, that he was contented to leave his ships in his hands. Whereupon he made him a notable banquet at his house, because it was on his birth day. When the feast day came, & that they began to drink lustily one to another: the guests drank to the victory of Brutus, and the liberty of the ROMANS. Brutus therefore to encourage them further, called for a bigger cup & holding it in his hand, before he drank spoke this aloud: My destiny and Phoebus are agreed, To bring me to my final end with speed. And for proof hereof, it is reported, that the same day he fought his last battle by the city of PHILIPPES, as he came out of his tent, he gave his men for the word and signal of battle, Phoebus: so that it was thought ever since, that this his sudden crying out at the feast, was a prognostication of his misfortune that should happen. After this, Antistius gave him of the money he carried into ITALY, 50. myriads. Furthermore, all Pompey's soldiers that straggled up and down THESSALY, came with very good will unto him. He took from Cinna also, five hundred horsemen, which he carried into ASIA, unto Dolabella. After that, he went by sea unto the city of DEMETRIADE, and there took a great deal of armour and munition which was going to Antonius: and the which had been made and forged there by julius Caesar's commandment, for the wars against the PARTHIANS. Furthermore, Hortensius' governor of MACEDON, did resign the government thereof unto him. Besides, all the Princes, kings and noble men thereabouts, came and joined with him, when it was told him that Caius, (Antonius brother) coming out of ITALY, had passed the sea, & came with great speed towards the city of DYRRACHIUM, and APOLLONIA, to get the soldiers into his hands, which Gabinius had there. Brutus therefore to prevent him, went presently with a few of his men in the midst of winter when it snewe hard, and took his way through hard and fowl countries, and made such speed in deed, that he was there long before Antonius' sumpters, that carried the victuals. So that when he came near unto DYRRACHIUM, a disease took him which the Physicians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A strange disease took Brutus at Dyrrachium. Who by snow this hungry disease taketh men that are wearied with travail. to say, a cormorant and unsatiable appetite to eat: by reason of the cold and pains he had taken. This sickness chanceth often, both to men & beasts, that travail when it hath snowen: Either because the natural heat being retired into the inward parts of the body, by the coldness of the air hardening the skin, doth strait digest and consume the meat: or else because a sharp subtle wind coming by reason of the snow when it is melted, doth pierce into the body, and driveth out the natural heat which was cast outward. For it seemeth, that the heat being quenched with the cold, which it meeteth withal coming out of the skin of the body: causeth the sweats that follow the disease. But hereof we have spoken at large in other places. Brutus being very faint, and having nothing in his camp to eat: his soldiers were compelled to go to their enemies, & coming to the gates of the city, they prayed the warders to help them to bread. When they heard in what case Brutus was, Brutus' thankfulness, and clemency. they brought him both meat and drink: in requital whereof, afterwards when he wan the city, he did not only entreat and use the Citizens thereof courteously, but all the inhabitants of the city also for their sakes. Now, when Caius Antonius was arrived in the city of APOLLONIA, he sent unto the soldiers thereabouts to come unto him. But when he understood that they went all to Brutus, and furthermore, that the Citizens of APOLLONIA did favour him much: he than forsook that city, and went unto the city of BUTHROTUS, but yet he lost three of his ensigns by the way, that were slain every man of them. Then he sought by force to win certain places of strength about BYLLIS, & to drive Brutus' men from thence, that had taken it before: and therefore to obtain his purpose, he fought a battle with Cicero, the son of Marcus Tullius Cicero, by whom he was overcome. For Brutus made the younger Cicero a Captain, and did many notable exploits by his service. Shortly after, having stolen upon Caius Antonius in certain marshes far from the place from whence he fled: he would not set on him with fury, but only road round about him, commanding his soldiers to spare him & his men, as reckoning them all his own without stroke striking: and so in deed it happened. For they yielded themselves, and their Captain Antonius, C. Antonius yielded unto Brutus. unto Brutus: so that Brutus had now a great army about him. Now Brutus kept this Caius Antonius long time in his office, and never took from him the marks and signs of his Consulship, although many of his friends, & Cicero among others, wrote unto him to put him to death. But when he saw Antonius secretly practised with his Captains to make some alteration: then he sent him into a ship, and made him to be kept there. When the soldiers whom C. Antonius had corrupted, were gotten into the city of APOLLONIA, and sent from thence unto Brutus to come unto them: he made them answer, that it was not the manner of ROMAN Captains to come to the soldiers, but the soldiers to come to the Captain, and to crave pardon for their offences committed. Thereupon they came to him, and he pardoned them. So Brutus preparing to go into ASIA, news came unto him of the great change at ROME. For Octavius Caesar was in arms, by commandment and authority from the Senate, against Marcus Antonius. But after that he had driven Antonius out of ITALY, the Senate then began to be afraid of him: because he sued to be Consul, which was contrary to the law, and kept a great army about him, when the Empire of ROME had no need of them. On the other side, Octavius Caesar perceiving the Senate stayed not there, but turned unto Brutus that was out of ITALY, and that they appointed him the government of certain provinces: then he began to be afraid for his part, Octavius Caesar joineth with Antonius. and sent unto Antonius to offer him his friendship. Then coming on with his army near to ROME, he made himself to be chosen Consul, whether the Senate would or not, when he was yet but a stripling or springal of twenty year old, as himself reporteth in his own commentaries. So when he was Consul, he presently appointed judges to accuse Brutus and his companions, for kill of the noblest person in ROME, and chiefest Magistrate, without law or judgement: and made L. Cornificius accuse Brutus, and M. Agrippa, Cassius. Brutus' sentenced, and condemned, by Octavius Caesar's means, for the death of julius Caesar. So, the parties accused were condemned, because the judges were compelled to give such sentence. The voice went, that when the Herald (according to the custom after sentence given) went up to the chair or pulpit for orations, & proclaimed Brutus with a loud voice, summoning him to appear in person before the judges: the people that stood by sighed openly, and the noble men that were present hung down their heads, & durst not speak a word. Among them, the tears fell from Publius Silicius eyes: who shortly after, was one of the proscripts or outlaws appointed to be slain. After that, these three Octavius Caesar, Antonius, The triumvirate. and Lepidus, made an agreement between themselves, and by those articles divided the provinces belonging to the Empire of ROME among themselves, and did set up bills of proscription and outlary, condemning two hundred of the noblest men of ROME to suffer death, and among that number, Cicero was one. News being brought thereof into MACEDON, C. Antonius murdered. Brutus being then enforced to it, wrote unto Hortensius, that he should put Caius Antonius to death, to be revenged of the death of Cicero, and of the other Brutus, of the which the one was his friend, and the other his kinsmen. For this cause therefore, Antonius afterwards taking Hortensius at the battle of PHILIPPES, he made him to be slain upon his brother's tomb. But then Brutus said, that he was more ashamed of the cause for the which Cicero was slain, than he was otherwise sorry for his death: and that he could not but greatly reprove his friends he had at ROME, who were slaves more through their own fault, then through their valiantness or manhood which usurped the tyranny: considering that they were so cowardly and faint hearted, as to suffer the sight of those things before their eyes, the report whereof should only have grieved them to the heart. Now when Brutus had passed over his army (that was very great) into ASIA, he gave order for the gathering of a great number of ships together, aswell in the coast of BYTHINIA, as also in the city of CYLICUM, because he would have an army by sea: and himself in the mean time went unto the cities, taking order for all things, and giving audience unto Princes and noble men of the country that had to do with him. Afterwards, he sent unto Cassius in SYRIA, to turn him from his journey into EGYPT, telling him that it was not for the conquest of any kingdom for themselves, that they wandered up and down in that sort, but contrarily, that it was to restore their country again to their liberty: and that the multitude of soldiers they gathered together, was to subdue the tyrants that would keep them in slavery and subjection. Wherefore regarding their chief purpose and intent, they should not be far from ITALY, as hear as they could possible, but should rather make all the haste they could, to help their country men. Cassius believed him, & returned. Brutus and Cassius do join armies together. Brutus went to meet him, and they both met at the city of SMYRNA, which was the first time that they saw together, since they took leave each of other, at the haven of PIRAEA in ATHENS: the one going into SYRIA, and the other into MACEDON. So they were marvelous joyful, and no less courageous, when they saw the great armies together which they had both levied: considering that they departing out of ITALY, like naked and poor banished men, without armour and money, nor having any ship ready, nor soldier about them, nor any one town at their commandment: yet notwithstanding, in a short time after they were now met together, having ships, money and soldiers enough, both footmen & horsemen, to fight for the Empire of ROME. Now Cassius would have done Brutus as much honour, as Brutus did unto him: but Brutus most commonly prevented him, and went first unto him, both because he was the elder man, as also for that he was sickly of body. And men reputed him commonly to be very skilful in wars, The sharp and cruel conditions of Cassius. but otherwise marvelous choleric and cruel, who sought to rule men by fear, rather than with lenity: and on the other side he was too familiar with his friends, and would jest too brodely with them. But Brutus in contrary manner, for his virtue and valiantness, Brutus' gentle and ●a●er conditions. was well-beloved of the people and his own, esteemed of noble men, and hated of no man, not so much as of his enemies: because he was a marvelous lowly and gentle person, noble minded, and would never be in any rage, nor carried away with pleasure and covetousness, but had ever an upright mind with him, and would never yield to any wrong of injustice, the which was the chiefest cause of his fame, of his rising, and of the good will that every man bore him: Brutus' intent good, if he had overcomen. for they were all persuaded that his intent was good. For they did not certainly believe, that if Pompey himself had overcome Caesar, he would have resigned his authority to the law: but rather they were of opinion, that he would still keep the sovereignty and absolute government in his hands, taking only, to please the people, the title of Consul or Dictator, or of some other more civil office. And as for Cassius, a hot, choleric, & cruel man, that would oftentimes be carried away from justice for gain: it was certainly thought that he made war, and put himself into sundry dangers, more to have absolute power and authority, then to defend the liberty of his country. For, they that will also consider others, that were elder men than they, as Cinna, Marius, and Carbo: it is out of doubt that the end and hope of their victory, was to be Lords of their country: and in manner they did all confess that they fought for the tyranny, and to be Lords of the Empire of ROME. And in contrary manner, his enemies themselves did never reprove Brutus, for any such change or desire. Antonius' testimony of Brutus. For, it was said that Antonius spoke it openly divers times, that he thought, that of all them that had slain Caesar, there was none but Brutus only that was moved to do it, as thinking the act commendable of itself: but that all the other conspirators did conspire his death, for some private malice or envy, that they otherwise did bear unto him. Hereby it appeareth, that Brutus did not trust so much to the power of his army, as he did to his own virtue: as is to be seen by his writings. For approaching near to the instant danger, he wrote unto Pomponius Atticus, that his affairs had the best hap that could be. For, said he, either I will set my country at liberty by battle, Brutus to his mind to his country. or by honourable death rid me of this bondage. And furthermore, that they being certain and assured of all things else, this one thing only was doubtful to them: whether they should live or die with liberty. He wrote also that Antonius had his due payment for his folly. For where he might have been a partner equally of the glory of Brutus, Cassius, and Cato, & have made one with them: he liked better to choose to be joined with Octavius Caesar alone: with whom, though now he be not overcome by us, yet shall he shortly after also have war with him. And truly he proved a true Prophet, Brutus a true Prophet of Antonius. for so came it in deed to pass. Now whilst Brutus and Cassius were together in the city of SMYRNA: Brutus prayed Cassius to let him have some part of his money whereof he had great store, because all that he could rap and rend of his side, he had bestowed it in making so great a number of ships, that by means of them they should keep all the sea at their commandment. Cassius' friends hindered this request, and earnestly dissuaded him from it: persuading him, that it was no reason that Brutus should have the money which Cassius had gotten together by sparing, and levied with great evil will of the people their subjects, for him to bestow liberally upon his soldiers, and by this means to win their good wills, by Cassius' charge. This notwithstanding, Cassius wan the city of Rhodes. Cassius gave him the third part of his total sum. So Cassius and Brutus then departing from each other, Cassius took the city of RHODES, where he too dishonestly & cruelly used himself: although when he came into the city, he answered some of the inhabitants, who called him Lord and king, that he was neither Lord nor king, but he only that had slain him, that would have been Lord and king. Brutus departing from thence, sent unto the LYCIANS, to require money, and men of war. But there was a certain Orator called Nau●rates, that made the cities to rebel against him, insomuch that the country men of that country kept the straits and little mountains, thinking by that means to stop Brutus' passage. Wherefore Brutus sent his horsemen against them, who stolen upon them as they were at dinner, and slew six hundred of them: and taking all the small towns and villages, he did let all the prisoners he took, go without payment of ransom, hoping by this his great courtesy to win them, Brutus' ●e●ts in Lycia. to draw all the rest of the country unto him. But they were so fierce and obstinate, that they would mutyne for every small hurt they received as they passed by their country, and did despise his courtesy and good nature: until that at length he went to besiege the city of the XANTHIANS, within the which were shut up the cruelest and most warrelikest men of LYCIA. There was a river that ran by the walls of the city, in the which many men saved themselves, swimming between two waters, and fled: howbeit they laid nets overthwart the river, and tied little bells on the top of them, to sound when any man was taken in the nets. The XANTHIANS made a salye out by night, and came to fire certain engines of battery that bet down their walls: but they were presently driven in again by the ROMANS, so soon as they were discovered. The wind by chance was marvelous big, and increased the flame so sore, that it violently carried it into the cranewes of the wall of the city, The city of Xanethus set a fire. so that the next houses unto them were strait set a fire thereby. Wherefore Brutus being afraid that all the city would take of a fire, he presently commanded his men to quench the fire, and to save the town if it might be. But the LYCIANS at that instant fell into such a frenzy, and strange and horrible despair, that no man can well express it: and a man can not more rightly compare or liken it, then to a frantic and most desperate desire to die. For all of them together, The desperate end of the Xanthians. with their wives and children, Masters and servants, and of all sorts of age whatsoever, fought upon the rampart of their walls, and did cast down stones and fierworkes on the ROMANS, which were very busy in quenching the flame of the fire, to save the city. And in contrary manner also, they brought fagotts, dry wood, and reeds, to bring the fire further into the city as much as might be, increasing it by such things as they brought. Now when the fire had gotten into all the parts of the city, and that flame burned bright in every place: Brutus being sorry to see it, got upon his horse, and road round about the walls of the city, to see if it were possible to save it, and held up his hands to the inhabitants, praying them to pardon their city, and to save themselves. Howbeit they would not be persuaded, but did all that they could possible to cast themselves away, not only men and women, but also little children. For some of them weeping and crying out, did cast themselves into the fire: others headlong throwing themselves down from the walls, broke their necks: others also made their necks bore, to the naked sword of their fathers, and undid their clotheses, praying them to kill them their own hands. After the city was burnt, they found a woman hanged up by the neck, holding one of her children in her hand dead by her, hanged up also: and in the other hand a burning torch setting fire on her house. Some would have had Brutus to have seen her, but he would not see so horrible and tragical a sight: but when he heard it, he fell a weeping, and caused a Herald to make proclamation by sound of trumpet, that he would give a certain sum of money, to every soldier that could save a XANTHIAN. So there were not (as it is reported) above fifty of them saved, and yet they were saved against their wills. Thus the XANTHIANS having ended the revolution of their fatal destiny, after a long continuance of time: they did through their desperation, renew the memory of the lamentable calamities of their Ancestors. Who in like manner, in the wars of the PERSIANS, did burn their city, and destroyed themselves. Therefore Brutus likewise besieging the city of the PATAREIANS, perceiving that they stoutly resisted him: he was also afraid of that, and could not well tell whether he should give assault to it, or not, lest they would fall into the despair and desperation of the XANTHIANS. Howbeit having taken certain of their women prisoners, he sent them back again, without payment of ransom. Now they that were the wives and Daughters of the noblest men of the city, reporting unto their parents, that they had found Brutus a merciful, just, and courteous man: they persuaded them to yield themselves and their city unto him, the which they did. The Palare●ans do yield themselves unto Brutus. The extreme covetousness and cruelty of Cassius to the Rhodians. So after they had thus yielded themselves, divers other cities also followed them, and did the like: and found Brutus more merciful and courteous, than they thought they should have done, but specially far above Cassius. For Cassius, about the self same time, after he had compelled the RHODIANS every man to deliver all the ready money they had in gold and silver in their houses, the which being brought together, amounted to the sum of eight thousand talents: yet he condemned the city beside, to pay the sum of five hundred talents more. Where Brutus in contrary manner, after he had levied of all the country of LYCIA but a hundred and fifty talents only: he departed thence into the country of JONIA, Brutus' clemency unto the Lycians. and did them no more hurt. Now Brutus in all this journey, did many notable acts and worthy of memory, both for rewarding, as also in punishing those that had deserved it: Wherefore among the rest, I will tell you of one thing, of the which he himself, and all the noble men of the ROMANS were marvelous glad. When Pompey the great (having lost the battle against julius Caesar, in the fields of PHARSALIA) came and fell upon the coast of EGYPT, hard by the city of PELUSIUM: those that were protectors to the young king Ptolemy, being then but a child, sat in counsel with his servants and friends, what they should determine in that case. They were not all of one mind in this consultation: for some thought it good to receive Pompey, others also, that they should drive him out of EGYPT. But there was a certain Rhetorician called Theodotus, Theodotus borne in Chio a Rhetorician Schoolmaster is Ptolemy the young king of Egypt. that was borne in the isle of CHIO, who was the kings Schoolmaster to teach him Rhetoric. He being called to this counsel for lack of sufficienter men, said, that both the one and the other side went awry, aswell those that were of opinion tó receive Pompey, as the other that would have had him driven away: and that the best way was (considering the present time) that they should say hold on him, and kill him, adding withal, this sentence, that a dead man biteth not. Theodotus saying: a dead man biteth not. The whole counsel stuck to this opinion. So, for a notable example of incredible misfortune, and unlooked for unto Pompey: Pompey the great was slain, by the motion and counsel of this wicked Rhetorician Theodotus, as Theodotus afterwards did himself boast of it. But when julius Caesar came afterwards into EGYPT, the wicked men that consented to this counsel, had their payment according to their deserts: for they died every man of them a wicked death, saving this Theodotus, whom fortune respited a little while longer, and yet in that time he lived a poor and miserable life, never tarrying long in any one place. So Brutus going up and down ASIA, Theodotus could hide himself no longer, Theodotus Chian, the Rhetorician that gave counsel to kill Pompey's was put to death by Brutus. but was brought unto Brutus, where he suffered pains of death: so that he wan more fame by his death, than ever he did in his life. About that time, Brutus sent to pray Cassius to come to the city of SARDIS, and so he did. Brutus' understanding of his coming, went to meet him with all his friends. There, both their armies being armed, they called them both Emperors. Now, as it commonly happeneth in great affairs between two persons, both of them having many friends, and so many Captains under them: Brutus and Cassius do meet at the city of Sardis Brutus and Cassius complaints one unto the other. there ran tales and complaints betwixt them. Therefore, before they tell in hand with any other matter, they went into a little chamber together, and bad every man avoid, and did shut the doors to them. Then they began to power out their complaints one to the other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly accusing one another, and at length fell both a weeping. Their friends that were without the chamber hearing them loud within, and angry between themselves, they were both amazed, and afraid also jest it would grow to further matter: but yet they were commanded, that no man should come to them. Notwithstanding, one M. Phaonius a follower of Cato. Marcus Phaonius, that had been a friend and follower of Cato while he lived, & took upon him to counterfeit a Philosopher, not with wisdom and discretion, but with a certain bedlam and frantic motion: he would needs come into the chamber, though the men offered to keep him out. But it was no boot to let Phaonius, when a mad mood or toy took him in the head: for he was a hot hasty man, & sudden in all his doings, and cared for never a Senator of them all. Cynic Philosophers, cowred dogs. Now, though he used this bold manner of speech after the profession of the Cynic Philosophers, (as who would say, dogs) yet this boldness did no hurt many time, because they did but laugh at him to see him so mad. This Phaonius at that time, in despite of the doorekeepers, came into the chamber, and with a certain scoffing & mocking gesture which he counterfeated of purpose, he rehearsed the verses which old Nestor said in Homer: My Lords, I pray you hearken both to me, For I have seen more years than suchye three. Cassius fell a laughing at him: but Brutus thrust him out of the chamber, & called him dog, and counterfeit Cynic. Howbeit his coming in brake their strife at that time, and so they left each other. The self same night Cassius prepared his supper in his chamber, and Brutus brought his friends with him. So when they were set at supper, Phaonius came to sit down after he had washed. Brutus told him aloud, no man sent for him, and bade them set him at the upper end: meaning in deed at the lower end of the bed. Phaonius made no ceremony, but thrust in amongst the midst of them, and made all the company laugh at him: So they were merry all supper time, and full of their Philosophy. The next day after, Brutus, upon complaint of the SARDIANS, did condemn and noted Lucius Pella for a defamed person, that had been a Praetor of the ROMANS, and whom Brutus had given charge unto: for that he was accused and convicted of robbery, and pilfery in his office. This judgement much misliked Cassius: because he himself had secretly (not many days before) warned two of his friends, attainted and convicted of the like offences, and openly had cleared them: but yet he did not therefore leave to employ them in any manner of service as he did before. And therefore he greatly reproved Brutus, for that he would show himself so strait and severe in such a time, as was meeter to bear a little, then to take things at the worst. Brutus in contrary manner answered, that he should remember the Ideses of March, julius Caesar slain at the Ideses of March. at which time they slew julius Caesar: who neither peeled nor polled the country, but only was a favourer and suborner of all them that did rob and spoil, by his countenance and authority. And if there were any occasion whereby they might honestly set aside justice and equity: they should have had more reason to have suffered Caesar's friends, to have rob and done what wrong and injury they had would, then to bear with their own men. For than said he, they could but have said they had been cowards: and now they may accuse us of injustice, The wonderful constency of Brutus, in matters of justice and equity. beside the pains we take, and the danger we put ourselves into. And thus may we see what Brutus intent and purpose was. But as they both prepared to pass over again, out of ASIA into EUROPE: there went a rumour that there appeared a wonderful sign unto him. Brutus was a careful man, and slept very little, both for that his diet was moderate, as also because he was continually occupied. He never slept in the day time, and in the night no longer, Brutus' care and watching than the time he was driven to be alone, and when every body else took their rest. But now whilst he was in war, and his head ever busily occupied to think of his affairs, and what would happen: after he had slumbered a little after supper, he spent all the rest of the night in dispatching of his weightiest causes, and after he had taken order for them, if he had any leisure left him, he would read some book till the third watch of the night, at what time the Captains, petty Captains and Colonels, did use to come unto him. So, being ready to go into EUROPE, one night very late (when all the camp took quiet rest) as he was in his tent with a little light, A spirit appeared unto Brutus in the city of Sardis thinking of weighty matters: he thought he heard one come in to him, and casting his eye towards the door of his tent, that he saw a wonderful strange and monstrous shape of a body coming towards him, and said never a word. So Brutus boldly asked what he was, a god, or a man, and what cause brought him thither. The spirit answered him, I am thy evil spirit, Brutus: and thou shalt see me by the city of PHILIPPES. Brutus being no otherwise afraid, replied again unto it: well, than I shall see thee again. The spirit presently vanished away: and Brutus called his men unto him, who told him that they heard no noise, nor saw any thing at all. Thereupon Brutus returned again to think on his matters as he did before: and when the day broke, he went unto Cassius, to tell him what vision had appeared unto him in the night. Cassius being in opinion an EPICURIAN, and reasoning thereon with Brutus; Cassius' opinion of spirits, after the Epicurians sect. spoke to him touching the vision thus. In our sect, Brutus, we have an opinion, that we do not always feel, or see, that which we suppose we do both see and feel: but that our senses being credulous, and therefore easily abused (when they are idle and unoccupied in their own objects) are induced to imagine they see and conjecture that, which they in truth do not. For, our mind is quick and cunning to work (without either cause or matter) any thing in the imagination whatsoever. And therefore the imagination is resembled to clay, and the mind to the potter: who without any other cause than his fancy and pleasure, changeth it into what fashion and form he william. And this doth the diversity of our dreams show unto us. The cause of dreams. For our imagination doth upon a small fancy grow from conceit to conceit, altering both in passions and forms of things imagined. For the mind of man is ever occupied, and that continual moving is nothing but an imagination. But yet there is a further cause of this in you. For you being by nature given to melancholic discoursing, and of late continually occupied: your wits and senses having been overlabored, do easilier yield to such imaginations. For, to say that there are spirits or angels, and if there were, that they had the shape of men, or such voices, or any power at all to come unto us: it is a mockery. And for mine own part, I would there were such, because that we should not only have soldiers, horses, and ships, but also the aid of the gods, to guide and further our honest and honourable attempts. With these words Cassius did somewhat comfort and quiet Brutus. When they raised their camp, there came two Eagles that flying with a marvelous force, A wonderful sign by two Eagles. lighted upon two of the foremost ensigns, and always followed the soldiers, which gave them meat, and fed them, until they came near to the city of PHILIPPES: and there one day only before the battle, they both flew away. Now Brutus had conquered the most part of all the people, and nations of that country: but if there were any other city or Captain to overcome, than they made all clear before them, and so drew towards the coasts of THASSOS'. There Norbanus lying in camp in a certain place called the straits, by another place called SYMBOLON: (which is a port of the sea) Cassius and Brutus compassed him in in such sort, that he was driven to forsake the place which was of great strength for him, and he was also in danger beside to have lost all his army. For, Octavius Caesar could not follow him because of his sickness, and therefore stayed behind: whereupon they had taken his army, had not Antonius aid been, which made such wondered speed, that Brutus could scant believe it. Brutus and Cassius camps before the city of Philippes: against Octavius Caesar; & Antonius. So Caesar came not thither often days after: & Antonius camped against Cassius, and Brutus on tother side against Caesar. The ROMANS called the valley between both camps, the PHILIPPIAN fields: and there were never seen two so great armies of the ROMANS, one before the other, ready to fight. In truth, Brutus' army was inferior to Octavius Caesar's, in number of men: but for bravery and rich furniture, Brutus' army far excelled Caesar's. For the most part of their armours were silver and gilt, Brutus' soldiers bravely armed. which Brutus had bountifully given them: although in all other things he taught his Captains to live in order without excess. But for the bravery of armour, & weapon, which soldiers should carry in their hands, Brutus' opinion for the bravery of soldiers, in their armour and weapons. or otherwise wear upon their backs: he thought that it was an encouragement unto them that by nature are greedy of honour, & that it maketh them also fight like devils that love to get, and be afraid to loose: because they fight to keep their armour and weapon, as also their goods and lands. Now when they came to muster their armies, Octavius Caesar took the muster of his army within the trenches of his camp, & gave his men only a little corn, and five silver Drachmas to every man to sacrifice to the gods, & to pray for victory. But Brutus scorning this misery and niggardliness, first of all mustered his army, and did purify it in the fields, according to the manner of the ROMANS: and then he gave unto every band a number of weathers to sacrifice, and fifty silver Drachmas to every soldier. So that Brutus and Cassius soldiers were better pleased, and more courageously bend to fight at the day of the battle, than their enemy's soldiers were. Notwithstanding, being busily occupied about the ceremonies of this purification, it is reported that there chanced certain unlucky signs unto Cassius. Unlucky signs unto Cassius. For one of his sergeants that carried the rods before him, brought him the garland of flowers turned backwards, the which he should have worn on his head in the time of sacrificing. Moreover it is reported also, that at another time before, in certain sports and triumph where they carried an image of Cassius victory of clean gold, it fell by chance, the man stumbling that carried it. And yet further, there were seen a marvelous number of fowls of pray, that feed upon dead carcases: and beehives: also were found, where bees were gathered together in a certain place within the trenches of the camp: the which place the Soothsayers thought good to shut out of the precinct of the camp, for to take away the superstitious fear and mistrust men would have of it. The which began somewhat to altar Cassius' mind from Epicurus opinions, and had put the soldiers also in a marvelous fear. Thereupon Cassius was of opinion not to try this war at one battle, but rather to delay time, and to draw it out in length, considering that they were the stronger in money, and the weaker in men and armours. Cassius and Brutus opinions about battle. But Brutus in contrary manner, did always before, and at that time also, desire nothing more, then to put all to the hazard of battle, assoon as might be possible: to the end he might either quickly restore his country to her former liberty, or rid him forthwith of this miserable world, being still troubled in following and maintaining of such great armies together. But perceiving that in the daily skirmishes and byckering they made, his men were always the stronger, and ever had the better: that yet quickened his spirits again, and did put him in better heart. And furthermore, because that some of their own men had already yielded themselves to their enemies, and that it was suspected moreover divers others would do the like: that made many of Cassius friends, which were of his minded before, (when it came to be debated in counsel whether the battle should be fought or not) that they were then of Brutus mind. But yet was there one of Brutus' friends called Atellius, Atellius opinion for the battle. that was against it, and was of opinion that they should tarry the next winter. Brutus asked him what he should get by tarrying a year longer? If I get naught else, q Attellius again, yet have I lived so much longer. Cassius was very angry with this answer: and Atellius was maliced and esteemed the worse for it of all men. Thereupon it was presently determined they should fight battle the next day. So Brutus all supper time looked with a cheerful countenance, like a man that had good hope, and talked very wisely of Philosophy, and after supper went to bed. But touching Cassius, Messala reporteth that he supped by himself in his tent with a few of his friends, and that all supper time he looked very sadly, and was full of thoughts, Cassius' words unto Messala, the night before the battle. although it was against his nature: and that after supper he took him by the hand, and holding him fast (in token of kindness as his manner was) told him in Greek: Messala, I protest unto thee, and make thee my witness, that I am compelled against my mind and will (as Pompey the great was) to jeopard the liberty of our country, to the hazard of a battle. And yet we must be lively, and of good courage, considering our good fortune, whom we should wrong too much to mistrust her, although we follow evil counsel. Messala writeth, that Cassius having spoken these last words unto him, he bade him farewell, and willed him to come to supper to him the next night following, because it was his birth day. The next morning by break of day, the signal of battle was set out in Brutus and Cassius camp, which was an arming scarlet coat: Brutus and Cassius talk before the battle. and both the Chieftains spoke together in the midst of their armies. There Cassius began to speak first, and said: the gods grant us, O Brutus, that this day we may win the field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly, one with another. But sith the gods have so ordained it, that the greatest & chiefest things amongst men are most uncertain, and that if the battle fall out otherwise to day than we wish or look for, we shall hardly meet again: what art thou then determined to do, to fly, or die? Brutus answered him, Brutus' answer to Cassius. being yet but a young man, and not overgreatly experienced in the world: I trust, (I know not how) a certain rule of Philosophy, by the which I did greatly blame and reprove Cato for kill of himself, as being no lawful nor godly act, touching the gods, not concerning men, valiant, not to give place and yield to divine providence, and not constantly and patiently to take whatsoever it pleaseth him to sand us, but to draw back, and fly: but being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a contrary mind. For if it be not the will of God, that this battle fall out fortunate for us: I will look no more for hope, neither seek to make any new supply for war again, but will rid me of this miserable world, and content me with my fortune. For, I gave up my life for my country in the Ideses of March, for the which I shall live in another more glorious world. Cassius fell a laughing to hear what he said, and embracing him, come on then said he, let us go and charge our enemies with this mind. For either we shall conquer, or we shall not need to fear the Conquerors. After this talk, they fell to consultation among their friends for the ordering of the battle. Then Brutus prayed Cassius he might have the leading of the right wing, the which men thought was far meeter for Cassius: both because he was the elderman, and also for that he had the better experience. But yet Cassius gave it him, and willed that Messala (who had charge of one of the warrelikest legions they had) should be also in that wing with Brutus. So Brutus presently sent out his horsemen, who were excellently well appointed, and his footmen also were as willing and ready to give charge. Now Antonius men did cast a trench from the marsh by the which they lay, The battle at Philippes against Octavius Caesar and Antonius. to cut of Cassius way to come to the sea: and Caesar, at the lest his army, stirred not. As for Octavius Caesar himself, he was not in his camp, because he was sick. And for his people, they little thought the enemies would have given them battle, but only have made some light skirmishes to hinder them that wrought in the trench, and with their darts and slings to have kept them from finishing of their work: but they taking no heed to them that came full upon them to give them battle, marveled much at the great noise they heard, that came from the place where they were casting their trench. In the mean time Brutus that led the right wing, sent little bills to the Colonels and Captains of private bands, in the which he wrote the word of the battle: and he himself riding a horse back by all the troupes, did speak to them, and encouraged them to stick to it like men. So by this means very few of them understood what was the word of the battle, and beside, the most part of them never tarried to have it told them, but ran with great fury to assail the enemies: whereby through this disorder, the legions were marvelously scattered and dispersed one from the other. For first of all, Messalaes' legion, and then the next unto them, went beyond the left wing of the enemies, and did nothing, but glawnsing by them, overthrew some as they went, and so going on further, fell right upon Caesar's camp, out of the which (as himself writeth in his commentaries) he had been conveyed away a little before, through the counsel and advise of one of his friends called Marcus Artorius: Who dreaming in the night, had a vision appeared unto him, the commanded Octavius Caesar should be carried out of his camp. Insomuch as it was thought he was slain, because his litter (which had nothing in it) was thrust through & through with pikes and darts. There was great slaughter in this camp. For amongst others, there were slain two thousand LACEDÆMONIANS, who were arrived but even a little before, coming to aid Caesar. The other also that had not glaunsed by, but had given a charge full upon Caesar's battle: they easily made them fly, because they were greatly troubled for the loss of their camp, and of them there were slain by hand, three legions. Then being very earnest to follow the chase of them that fled, they ran in amongst them hand over head into their camp, & Brutus among them. But that which the conquerors thought not of, occasion showed it unto them that were overcome: & that was, the left wing of their enemies left naked, & ungarded of them of the right wing, who were strayed too far of, in following of them that were overthrown. So they gave a hot charge upon them. But notwithstanding all the force they made, they could not break into the midst of their battle, where they found men that received them, and valiantly made head against them. Howbeit they broke and overthrew the left wing where Cassius was, by reason of the great disorder among them, and also because they had no intelligence how the right wing had sped. So they chased them beating them into their camp, the which they spoiled, none of both the Chieftains being present there. For Antonius, as it is reported, to fly the fury of the first charge, was gotten into the next marish: and no man could tell what become of Octavius Caesar, after he was carried out of his camp. insomuch that there were certain soldiers that showed their swords bloodied, & said that they had slain him, and did describe his face, and showed what age he was of. Octavius Caesar falsely reported to be slain at the battle of Philippes. Furthermore the vanguard, and the midst of Brutus battle, had already put all their enemies to flight that withstood them, with great slaughter: so that Brutus had conquered all of his side, and Cassius had lost all on the other side. For nothing undid them, but that Brutus went not to help Cassius, Cassius' misfortune. thinking he had overcome them, as himself had done: and Cassius on the other side tarried not for Brutus, thinking he had been overthrown, as himself was. And to prove that the victory fell on Brutus' side, Messala confirmeth it: that they wan three Eagles, and divers other ensigns of their enemies, and their enemies wan never a one of theirs. Now Brutus returning from the chase, after he had slain and sacked Caesar's men: he wondered much that he could not see Cassius tent standing up high as it was wont, neither the other tents of his camp standing as they were before, because all the whole camp had been spoiled, and the tents thrown down, at the first coming in of the enemies. But they that were about Brutus, whose sight served them better, told him that they saw a great glistering of harness, and a number of silvered targets, that went & came into Cassius' camp, and were not (as they took it) the armours, nor the number of men that they had left there to guard the camp: and yet that they saw not such a number of dead bodies, and great overthrow, as there should have been, if so many legions had been slain. This made Brutus at the first mistrust that which had happened. So he appointed a number of men to keep the camp of his enemy which he had taken, and caused his men to be sent for that yet followed the chase, and gathered them together, thinking to lead them to aid Cassius, who was in this state as you shall hear. First of all he was marvelous angry, to see how Brutus men ran to give charge upon their enemies, Cassius' offended with the sundry errors Brutus and his men committed in battle. and tarried not for the word of the battle, nor commandment to give charge: and it grieved him beside, that after he had overcome them, his men fell strait to spoil, and were not careful to compass in the rest of the enemies behind. But with tarrying too long also, more than through the valiantness or foresight of the Captains his enemies: Cassius found himself compassed in with the right wing of his enemy's army. Whereupon his horsemen broke immediately, and fled for life towards the sea. Furthermore, perceiving his footmen to give ground, he did what he could to keep them from flying, and took an ensign from one of the ensign bearers that fled, and stuck it fast at his feet: although with much a do he could scant keep his own guard together. So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly, Cassius' valiantness in wars. with a few about him, unto a little hill, from whence they might easily see what was done in all the plain: howbeit Cassius himself saw nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving that he saw (and yet with much a do) how the enemies spoiled his camp before his eyes. He saw also a great troop of horsemen, whom Brutus sent to aid him, and thought that they were his enemies that followed him: but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that was with him, to go and know what they were. Brutus' horsemen saw him coming a far of, whom when they knew that he was one of Cassius' chiefest friends, they shouted out for joy: and they that were familiarly acquainted with him, lighted from their horses, and went and embraced him. The rest compassed him in round about a horseback, with songs of victory and great rushing of their harness, so that they made all the field ring again for joy. But this marred all. For Cassius thinking in deed that Titinnius was taken of the enemies, he then spoke these words: desiring too much to live, I have lived to see one of my best friends taken, for my sake, before my face. The importance of error & mistaking in wars. After that, he got into a tent where no body was, and took Pyndarus with him, one of his freed bondmen, whom he reserved ever for such a pinch, since the cursed battle of the PARTHIANS, where Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from that overthrow: but then casting his cloak over his head, & holding out his bore neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be stricken of. So the head was found severed from the body: but after that time Pindarus was never seen more. Cassius' slain by his man Pindarus. Whereupon, some took occasion to say, that he had slain his master without his commandment. By & by they knew the horsemen that came towards them, & might see Titinnius crowned with a garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto Cassius. But when he perceived by the cries and tears of his friends which tormented themselves, the misfortune that had chanced to his Captain Cassius, by mistaking: he drew out his sword, cursing himself a thousand times that he had tarried so long, and so slew himself presently in the field. The death of Titinnius. Brutus in the mean time came forward still, and understood also that Cassius had been overthrown: but he knew nothing of his death, till he came very near to his camp. So when he was come thither, after he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him the last of all the ROMANS, being unpossible that ROME should ever breed again so noble & valiant a man as he: he caused his body to be buried, and sent it to the city of THASSOS', fearing lest his funerals within the camp should 'cause great disorder. Then he called his soldiers together, & did encourage them again. And when he saw that they had lost all their carriage, which they could not brook well: he promised every man of them two thousand Drachmas in recompense. After his soldiers had heard his Oration, they were all of them prettily cheered again, wondering much at his great liberality, and waited upon him with great cries when he went his way, praising him, for that he only of the four Chieftains, was not overcome in battle. And to speak the truth, his deeds showed that he hoped not in vain to be conqueror. For with few legions, he had slain and driven all them away, that made head against him: and yet if all his people had fought, and that the most of them had not overgone their enemies to run to spoil their goods: surely it was like enough he had slain them all, and had left never a man of them alive. There were slain of Brutus side, about eight thousand men, counting the soldiers slaves, The number of men slain, at the battle of Philippes. whom Brutus called Brigas: and of the enemy's side, as Messala writeth, there were slain as he supposeth, more than twice as many more. Wherefore they were more discouraged than Brutus, until that very late at night, there was one of Cassius men called Demetrius, who went unto Antonius, and carried his masters clotheses, whereof he was stripped not long before, and his sword also. This encouraged Brutus enemies, and made them so brave, that the next morning betimes they stood in battle ray again before Brutus. But on Brutus' side, both his camps stood wavering, and that in great danger. For his own camp being full of prisoners, required a good guard to look unto them: and Cassius camp on the other side took the death of their Captain very heavily, and beside, there was some vile grudge between them that were overcomen, and those that did overcome. For this cause therefore Brutus did set them in battle ray, but yet kept himself from giving battle. Now for the slaves that were prisoners, which were a great number of them, & went & came to and fro amongst the armed men, not without suspicion: he commanded they should kill them. But for the freemen, he sent them freely home, and said, that they were better prisoners with his enemies, then with him. For with them, they were slaves and servants: and with him, they were free men, and citizens. So when he saw that divers Captains and his friends did so cruelly hate some, that they would by no means save their lives: Brutus himself hide them, and secretly sent them away. Brutus' clemency & courtesy. Among these prisoners, there was one Vulumnius 2 jester, and Secculio a common player, of whom Brutus made no account at all. Howbeit his friends brought them unto him, and did accuse them, that though they were prisoners, they did not let to laugh them to scorn, and to jest broadly with them. Brutus made no answer to it, because his head was occupied other ways. Whereupon, Messala corvinus said: that it were good to whip them on a scaffold, and then to send them naked, well whipped, unto the Captains of their enemies, to show them their shame, to keep such mates as those in their camp, to play the fools, to make them sport. Some that stood by, laughed at his devise. But Publius Casca, that gave julius Caesar the first wound when he was slain, said then: It doth nor become us to be thus merry at Cassius' funerals: and for thee, Brutus, thou shalt show what estimation thou madest of such a Captain thy compear, by putting to death, or saving the lives of these bloods, who hereafter will mock him, and defame his memory. Brutus answered again in choler: why then do you come to tell me of it, Casca, and do not yourselves what you think good? When they heard him say so, they took his answer for a consent against these poor unfortunate men, to suffer them to do what they thought good: and therefore they carried them away, & slew them. Afterwards Brutus performed the promise he had made to the soldiers, and gave them the two thousand Drachmas a piece, but yet he first reproved them, because they went & gave charge upon the enemies at the first battle, before they had the word of battle given them: and made them a new promise also, that if in the second battle they fought like men, he would give them the sack and spoil of two cities, to wit, THESSALONICA, and LACEDAEMON. In all Brutus life there is but this only fault to be found, and that is not to be gainsaid: Brutus' fault wisely excused by Plutarch. though Antonius and Octavius Caesar did reward their soldiers far worse for their victory. For when they had driven all the natural ITALIANS out of ITALY, they gave their soldiers their lands and towns, to the which they had no right: and moreover, the only mark they shot at in all this war they made, was but to overcome, and reign. Where in contrary manner they had so great an opinion of Brutus virtue, that the common voice and opinion of the world would not suffer him, neither to overcome, nor to save himself, otherwise then justly and honestly, and specially after Cassius' death: whom men burdened, that oftentimes he moved Brutus to great cruelty. But now, like as the mariners on the sea after the rudder of their ship is broken by tempest, do seek to nail on some other piece of wood in lieu thereof, and do help themselves to keep them from hurt, as much as may be upon that instant danger: even so Brutus, having such a great army to govern, and his affairs standing very tickle, and having no other Captain coequal with him in dignity and authority: he was forced to employ them he had, and likewise to be ruled by them in many things, & was of mind himself also to grant them any thing, that he thought might make them serve like noble soldiers at time of need. For Cassius' soldiers were very evil to be ruled, and did show themselves very stubborn and lusty in the camp, because they had no Chieftain that did command them: but yet rank cowards to their enemies, because they had once overcome them. On the other side Octavius Caesar, and Antonius, were not in much better state: for first of all, they lacked victuals. And because they were lodged in low places, they looked to abide a hard and sharp winter, being camped as they were by the marish side, and also for that after the battle there had fallen plenty of rain about the autumn, where through, all their tents were full of mire and dirt, the which by reason of the cold did frieze incontinently. But beside all these discommodities, there came news unto them of the great loss they had of their men by sea. For Brutus' ships met with a great aid and supply of men, Brutus' victory by sea. which were sent them out of ITALY, and they overthrew them in such sort, that there scaped but few of them: and yet they were so famished, that they were compelled to eat the tackle and sails of their ships. Wonderful famine among Caesar's soldiers by sea. Thereupon they were very desirous to fight a battle again, before Brutus should have intelligence of this good news for him: The ignorance of Brutus victory by sea, was his utter destruction. for it chanced so, that the battle was fought by sea, on the self same day it was fought by land. But by ill fortune, rather than through the malice or negligence of the Captains, this victory came not to Brutus' ear, till twenty days after. For had he known of it before, he would not have been brought to have fought a second battle, considering that he had excellent good provision for his army for a long time, and beside, lay in a place of great strength, so as his camp could not be greatly hurt by the winter, nor also distressed by his anemies: and further, he had been a quiet Lord, being a conqueror by sea, as he was also by land. This would have marvelously encouraged him. Howbeit the state of ROME (in my opinion) being now brought to that pass, that it could no more abide to be governed by many Lords, but required one only absolute Governor: God, to prevent Brutus that it should not come to his government, kept this victory from his knowledge, though in deed it came but a little too late. For the day before the last battle was given, very late in the night, came Clodius, one of his enemies into his camp, who told that Caesar hearing of the overthrow of his army by sea, desired nothing more than to fight a battle before Brutus understood it. Howbeit they gave no credit to his words, but despised him so much, that they would not vouchsafe to bring him unto Brutus, because they thought it was but a lie devised, to be the better welcome for this good news. The self same night, it is reported that the monstrous spirit which had appeared before unto Brutus in the city of SARDIS, The evil spirit appeared again unto Brutus. did now appear again unto him in the self same shape and form, and so vanished away, and said never a word. Now Publius Voluminius, a grave & wise Philosopher, that had been with Brutus from the beginning of this war, Strange fights before Brutus second battle. he doth make mention of this spirit, but saith: that the greatest Eagle and ensign was covered over with a swarm of bees, and that there was one of the Captains, whose arm suddenly fell a sweeting, that it dropped oil of roses from him, and that they oftentimes went about to dry him, but all would do no good. And that before the battle was fought, there were two Eagles fought between both armies, and all the time they fought, there was a marvelous great silence all the valley over, both the armies being one before the other, marking this fight between them: and that in the end, the Eagle towards Brutus gave over, and flew away. But this is certain, and a true tale: that when the gate of the camp was open, the first man that slandered bearer me● that carried the Eagle, was an AETHIOPIAN, whom the soldiers for ill luck mangled with their sword. Now, after that Brutus had brought his army into the field; Brutus' second battle. and had set them in battle ray, directly against the vanguard of his enemy: he paused a long time, before he gave the signal of battle. For Brutus riding up and down to view the bands and companies: it came in his head to mistrust some of them, beside, that some came to tell him so much as he thought. Moreover, he saw his horsemen set forward but saintly, and did not go lustily to give charge: but still stayed, to see what the footmen would do. Then suddenly, one of the chiefest Knights he had in all his army called Camulatius, and that was always marvelously esteemed of for his valiantness, until that time: he came hard by Brutus a horseback, and road before his face to yield himself unto his enemies. Brutus was marvelous sorry for it, wherefore partly for anger, and partly for fear of greater treason and rebellion, he suddenly caused his army to march, being past three of the clock in the after noon. So in that place where he himself fought in person, he had the better: and broke into the left wing of his enemies, which gave him way, through the help of his horsemen that gave charge with his footmen; when they saw the enemies in a maze, and afraid. Howbeit the other also on the right wing, when the Captains would have had them to have marched: they were afraid to have been compassed in behind, because they were fewer in number then their enemies, and therefore did spread themselves, and leave the midst of their battle. Whereby they having weakened themselves, they could not withstand the force of their enemies, but turned tail strait, and fled. And those that had put them to flight, came in strait upon it to compass Brutus behind, who in the midst of the conflict, did all that was possible for a skilful Captain and valiant soldier: Brutus' valiantness and great skill in wars. both for his wisdom, as also for his hardiness, for the obtaining of victory. But that which wan him the victory at the first battle, did now loose it him at the second. For at the first time, the enemies that were broken and fled, were strait cut in pieces: but at the second battle, of Cassius men that were put to flight, there were few slain: and they that saved themselves by speed, being afraid because they had been overcome, did discourage the rest of the army when they came to join with them, & filled all the army with fear & disorder. There was the son of M. Cato slain, valiantly fight amongst the lusty youths. The death of the valiant young man Cato, the son of Marcus Cato. For, notwithstanding that he was very weary, and overharried, yet would he not therefore fly, but manfully fight and laying about him, telling aloud his name, and also his father's name, at length he was beaten down amongst many other dead bodies of his enemies, which he had slain round about him. So there were slain in the field, all the chiefest gentlemen and nobility that were in his army: who valiantly ran into any danger, to save Brutus' life. Amongst them there was one of Brutus friends called Lucilius, The fidelity of Lucilius unto Brutus. who seeing a troop of barbarous men making no reckoning of all men else they met in their way, but going all together right against Brutus, he determined to stay them with the hazard of his life, and being left behind, told them that he was Brutus: and because they should believe him, he prayed them to bring him to Antonius, for he said he was afraid of Caesar, and that he did trust Antonius better. These barbarous men being very glad of this good hap, and thinking themselves happy men: they carried him in the night, and sent some before unto Antonius, to tell him of their coming. He was marvelous glad of it, and went out to meet them that brought him. Others also understanding of it, that they had brought Brutus' prisoner: they came out of all parts of the camp to see him, some pitying his hard fortune, & others saying, that it was not done like himself so cowardly to be taken alive of the barbarous people, for fear of death. When they came near together, Antonius stayed a while, bethinking himself how he should use Brutus. In the mean time Lucilius was brought to him, who stoutly with a bold countenance said. Antonius, I dare assure thee, that no enemy hath taken, nor shall take Marcus Brutus alive: and I beseech God keep him from that fortune. For wheresoever he be found, alive or dead: he will be found like himself. And now for myself, I am come unto thee, having deceived these men of arms here, bearing them down that I was Brutus: and do not refuse to suffer any torment thou wilt put me to. Lucilius words made them all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side, looking upon all them that had brought him, said unto them: my companions, I think ye are sorry you have failed of your purpose, & that you think this man hath done you great wrong: but I do assure you, you have taken a better booty, then that you followed. For, in stead of an enemy, you have brought me a friend: and for my part, if you had brought me Brutus alive, truly I can not tell what I should have done to him. For, I had rather have such men my friends, as this man here, than enemies. Then he embraced Lucilius, and at that time delivered him to one of his friends in custody, and Lucilius ever after served him faithfully, even to his death. Now Brutus having passed a little river, Brutus flying. walled in on either side with high rocks, and shadowed with great trees, being then dark night, he went no further, but stayed at the foot of a rock with certain of his Captains and friends that followed him: and looking up to the firmament that was full of stars, sighing, he rehearsed two verses of the which Volumnius wrote the one, to this effect, Let not the wight from whom this mischief went (O love) escape without due punishment. And saith that he had forgotten the other. Appian meaneth this by Antonius. Within a little while after, naming his friends that he had seen slain in battle before his eyes, he fetched a greater sigh than before: specially when he came to name Labio, and Flavius, of the which the one was his Lieutenant, and the other, Captain of the pioneers of his camp. In the mean time, one of the company being a thirst, and seeing Brutus a thirst also: he ran to the river for water, and brought it in his salad. At the self same time they heard a noise on the other side of the river. Whereupon Volumnius took Dardanus, Brutus servant with him, to see what it was: and returning strait again, asked if there were any water left. Brutus smiling, gently told them all was drunk, but they shall bring you some more. Thereupon he sent him again that went for water before, who was in great danger of being taken by the enemies, and hardly scaped, being sore hurt. Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great number of men slain in battle, and to know the truth of it, there was one called Statilius, that promised to go through his enemies (for otherwise it was impossible to go see their camp) and from thence if all were well, that he would lift up a torch light in the air, and then return again with speed to him. The torch light was lift up as he had promised, for Statilius went thither. Now Brutus seeing Statilius tarry long after that, and that he came not again, he said: if Statilius be alive, he will come again. But his evil fortune was such, that as he came back, he lighted in his enemy's hands, and was slain. The death of Statilius. Now, the night being far spent, Brutus as he sat bowed towards Clitus one of his men, and told him somewhat in his ear, the other answered him not, but fell a weeping. Thereupon he proved Dardanus, and said somewhat also to him: at length he came to Volumnius himself, & speaking to him in greek, prayed him for the studies sake which brought them acquainted together, that he would help him to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others: and amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarrying for them there, but that they must needs fly. Then Brutus rising up, we must fly in deed said he, but it must be with our hands, not with our feet. Brutus saying of flying with hands, & not with feet. Then taking every man by the hand, he said these words unto them with a cheerful countenance. It rejoiceth my heart that not one of my friends hath failed me at my need, and I do not complain of my fortune, but only for my countries sake: for, as for me, I think myself happier than they that have overcome, considering that I leave a perpetual fame of our courage and manhood, the which our enemies the conquerors shall never attain unto by force nor money, neither can let their posterity to say, that they being naughty and unjust men, have slain good men, to usurp tyrannical power not pertaining to them. Having said so, he prayed every man to shifted for themselves, and then he went a little aside with two or three only, among the which Strato was one, with whom he came first acquainted by the study of Rhetoric. He came as near to him as he could, and taking his sword by the hilts with both his hands, Brutus slew himself. & falling down upon the point of it, ran himself through. Others say, that not he, but Strato (at his request) held the sword in his hand, & turned his head aside, Strato, Brutus familiar and friend. and that Brutus fell down upon it: and so ran himself through, and died presently. Messala, that had been Brutus great friend, become afterwards octavius Caesars friend. So, shortly after, Caesar being at good leisure, he brought Strato, Brutus friend unto him, and weeping said: Caesar, Strato received into Caesar's friendship. behold, here is he that did the last service to my Brutus. Caesar welcomed him at that time, and afterwards he did him as faithful service in all his affairs, as any GRECIAN else he had about him, until the battle of ACTIUM. It is reported also, that this Messala himself answered Caesar one day, Messala corvinus, Brutus friend. when he gave him great praise before his face, that he had fought valiantly, and with great affection for him, at the battle of ACTIUM: (notwithstanding that he had been his cruel enemy before, at the battle of PHILIPPES, for Brutus' sake) I ever loved, said he, to take the best and justest part. Now, Antonius having found Brutus body, Brutus' funerals. he caused it to be wrapped up in one of the richest cote armours he had. Afterwards also, Antonius understanding that this cotearmor was stolen, he put the thief to death that had stolen it, & sent the ashes of his body unto Seruilia his mother. And for Porcia, Brutus wife: Porcia, Brutus wife, killed herself with burning coals. Nicolaus the Philosopher, and Valerius Maximus do write, that she determining to kill herself (her parents and friends carefully looking to her to keep her from it) took hot burning coals, and cast them into her mouth, and kept her mouth so close, that she choked herself. There was a letter of Brutus found written to his friends, complaining of their negligence, that his wife being sick, they would not help her, but suffered her to kill herself, choosing to die, rather than to languish in pain. Thus it appeareth, that Nicolaus knew not well that time, sith the letter (at the lest if it were Brutus letter) doth plainly declare the disease and love of this Lady, and also the manner of her death. THE COMPARISON OF Dion with Brutus. TO come now to compare these two noble personages together, it is certain that both of them having had great gifts in them (& specially Dion) of small occasions they made themselves great men: & therefore Dion of both deserveth chiefest praise. For, he had no cohelper to bring him unto that greatness, as Brutus had of Cassius: who doubtless was not comparable unto Brutus, for virtue and respect of honour, though otherwise in matters of war, he was no less wise and valiant than he. For many do impute unto Cassius, the first beginning and original of all the war and enterprise: and said it was he that did encourage Brutus, to conspire Caesar's death. Where Dion furnished himself with armour, ships and soldiers and wan those friends and companions also that did help him, to prosecute his war. Nor he did not as Brutus, who rose to greatness by his enterprises, and by war got all his strength and riches. But he in contrary manner, spent of his own goods to make war for the liberty of his country and disbursed of his own money, that should have kept him in his banishment. Furthermore, Brutus and Cassius were compelled of necessity to make wars, because they could not have lived safely in peace, when they were driven out of ROME: for that they were condemned to death, and pursued by their enemies. And for this cause therefore they were driven to hazard themselves in war, more for their own safety, then for the liberty of their country men. Whereas Dion on the other side, living more merrily and safely in his banishment, than the tyrant Dionysius himself that had banished him: did put himself to the danger, to deliver SICILY from bondage. Now the matter was not a like unto the ROMANS, to be delivered from the government of Caesar: as it was for the SYRACUSANS, to be rid of Dionysius tyranny. For Dionysius denied not, that he was not a tyrant, having filled SICILY with such misery and calamity. Howbeit Caesar's power and government when it came to be established, did in deed much hurt at his first entry and beginning unto those that did resist him: but afterwards, unto them that being overcome had received his government, it seemed he rather had the name and opinion only of a tyrant, than otherwise that he was so in deed. For there never followed any tyrannical nor cruel act, but contrarily, it seemed that he was a merciful Physician, whom God had ordained of special grace to be Governor of the Empire of ROME, and to set all things again at quiet stay, the which required the counsel and authority of an absolute Prince. And therefore the ROMANS were marvelous sorry for Caesar after he was slain, and afterwards would never pardon them that had slain him. On the other side, the cause why the SYRACUSANS did most accuse Dion, was: because he did let Dionysius escape out of the castle of SYRACUSE, and because he did not overthrow and deface the tomb of his father. Furthermore, touching the wars: Dion always showed himself a Captain unreprovable, having wisely and skilfully taken order for those things, which he had enterprised of his own head and counsel: and did amend the faults others committed, and brought things to better state than he found them. Where it seemeth, that Brutus did not wisely to receive the second battle: considering his rest stood upon it. For, after he had lost the battle, it was unpossible for him ever to rise again: & therefore his heart failed him, and so gave up all, and never durst strive with his evil fortune as Pompey did, considering that he had present cause enough in the field to hope of his soldiers, and being beside a dreadful Lord all the sea over. Furthermore, the greatest reproach they could object against Brutus, was: that julius Caesar having saved his life, and pardoned all the prisoners also taken in battle, as many as he had made request for, taking him for his friend, and honouring him above all his other friends: Brutus notwithstanding had imbrued his hands in his blood, wherewith they could never reprove Dion. For on the contrary side, so long as Dion was Dionysius friend and kinsman, he did always help him to order and govern his affairs. But after he was banished his country, and that his wife was forcibly married to an other man, and his goods also taken from him: then he entered into just and open wars against Dionysius the tyrant. In what things Dion was inferior unto Brutus. But in this point, they were contrary together. For wherein their chiefest praise consisted, to wit, in hating of tyrants and wicked men: it is most true that Brutus' desire was most sincere of both. For having no private cause of complaint or grudge against Caesar, he ventured to kill him, only to set his country again at liberty. Where if Dion had not received private cause of quarrel against Dionysius: he would never have made war with him. The which Plato proveth in his Epistells, where is plainly seen: that Dion being driven out of the tyrants Court against his will, and not putting himself to voluntary banishment, he drove out Dionysius. Furthermore, the respect of the common wealth caused Brutus, that before was Pompey's enemy, to become his friend, and enemy unto Caesar that before was his friend: only referring his friendship and enmity, unto the consideration of justice and equity. And Dion did many things for Dionysius sake and benefit, all the while he trusted him: and when he began to mistrust him, then for anger he made war with him. Wherefore all his friends did not believe, but after he had driven out Dionysius, he would establish the government to himself, flattering the people with a more courteous and gentle title than the name of a tyrant. But for Brutus, his very enemies themselves confessed, that of all those that conspired Caesar's death, he only had no other end and intent to attempt his enterprise, but to restore the Empire of ROME again, to her former state & government. And furthermore, it was not all one thing to deal with Dionysius, as it was to have to do with julius Caesar. For no man that knew Dionysius, but would have despised him, considering that he spent the most part of his time in drinking, dicing, and in haunting lewd women's company. But to have undertaken to destroy julius Caesar, and not to have shroncke back for fear of his great wisdom, power, and fortune, considering that his name only was dreadful unto every man, and also not to suffer the kings of PARTHIA and INDIA to be in rest for him: this could not come but of a marvelous noble mind of him, that for fear never fainted, nor let fall any part of his courage. And therefore, so soon as Dion came into SICILIA, many thousands of men came and joined with him, against Dionysius. But the fame of julius Caesar did set up his friends again after his death, and was of such force, that it raised a young stripling, Octavius Caesar, (that had no means nor power of himself) to be one of the greatest men of ROME: and they used him as a remedy to encounter Antonius' malice and power. And if men will say, that Dion drove out the tyrant Dionysius with force of arms, and sundry battles: and that in contrary manner Brutus slew Caesar, being a naked man, and without guard: then do I answer again, that it was a noble part, and of a wise Captain, to choose so apt a time and place, to come upon a man of so great power, and to find him naked without his guard. For he went not suddenly in a rage, and alone, or with a small company, to assail him: but his enterprise was long time before determined of, and that with divers men, of all the which, not a man of them once failed him: but it is rather to be thought, that from the beginning he chose them honest men, or else that by his choice of them, he made them good men. Whereas Dion, either from the beginning made no wise choice in trusting of evil men, or else because he could not tell how to use them he had chosen: of good men he made them become evil, so that neither the one nor the other could be the part of a wise man. For Plato himself reproveth him, for that he had chosen such men for his friends, that he was slain by them, and after he was slain, no man would then revenge his death. And in contrary manner, of the enemies of Brutus, Brutus' ho●●aved of his enemies after his death. the one (who was Antonius) gave his body honourable burial: and Octavius Caesar the other, reserved his honours and memories of him. For at milan, (a city of GAULEON ITALY side) there was an image of his in brass, very like unto him; the which Caesar afterwards passing that way, beheld very advisedly, for that it was made by an excellent workman, and was very like him, and so went his way. Then he stayed suddenly again, and called for the Governors of the city, and before them all told them that, the citizens were his enemies, and traitors unto him, because they kept an enemy of his among them. The Governors of the city at the first were astonished at it, and stoutly denied it: and none of them knowing what enemy he meant, one of them looked on an other, Octavius Caesar then turning him unto Brutus' statue, Brutus' image or statue standing in brass in Milleine, was preserved and kept by Octavius Caesar. bending his brows, said unto them: this man you see standing up here, is he not our enemy? Then the Governors of the city were worse afraid than before, & could not tell what answer to make him. But Caesar laughing, and commending the GAULES for their faithfulness to their friends, even in their adversities: he was contented Brutus' image should stand still as it did. THE LIFE OF Aratus. CHrisyppus the Philosopher (my friend Polycrates) being afraid as it seemeth of the evil sound of an ancient proverb not rightly as it was spoken, and in use, but as he thought it best, he wrote in this manner: What children do their ancestors commend, But those whom fortune favours to the end? But Dionysodorus TROEZENIAN reproving him, doth rehearse the proverb rightly as in deed it is? What children do their ancestors commend, But those whose life is virtuous to the end? Saying, that this proverb stoppeth their mouths who of themselves are unworthy of praise, and yet are still boasting of the virtues of their ancestors, whose praise they highly extol. But afore those that (as Pindarus saith,) Do match their noble ancestors in prowess of their own, And by their fruits commend the stock whence they themselves are grown. (As thyself that conformest thy life unto the examples and manners of thy virtuous ancestors: The example of our ancestors, wherein profitable to their posterity. ) it is no small good hap for them, often to remember the noble deeds of their parents in hearing them spoken of, or otherwise for themselves oftentimes to remember some notable doings of their parents. For in them, it is not for lack of commendable virtues, that they report others praise and glory: but in joining their own virtues, to the virtues of their ancestors, they do increase their glory, as inheriting their virtuous life, as challenging their descent by blood. Therefore, having written the life of Aratus thy country man, and one of thy ancestors, whose glory and greatness thou dost not blemish, I do send it unto thee, not that I think but that thou hast more diligently than any man else, searched out all his deeds and sayings: But yet, because that thy two sons, Polycrates, and Pythocles, reading, and still hearing some thing reported, might be brought up at home by the example of their ancestors, whose deeds shall lie before them to follow. For he loveth himself more, than he regardeth perfect virtue, or his credit: that thinketh himself so perfect, as he need not follow any other's example. The city of SICYONE, The common weal of the Sicyonians commersed into tyranny. after it fell from her first government of the optimacy and nobility, which is proper to the cities of the DORIANS: like an instrument out of tune, it fell into civil wars and seditious practices, through the Orators of the people: and never ceased to be plagued with those troubles and miseries, always changing new tyrants, until that Cleon being slain, they chose Timoclidas and Clinias their Governors, two of the noblest men & of greatest authority in all the city. Now when the common wealth began to grow to a certain state of government, Timoclidas died: and Abantidas, Abantidas, ●●ran of Sicyone. the son of Paseas, pretending to make himself Lord of the city, he slew Clinias, and put to death some of his parents and friends, drove away others, and sought also to put his son Aratus to death, that was then but seven year old. But in this hurly burly and tumult, Aratus flying out of his father's house, Aratus the son of Clinias, scaped the hands of the tyrant Abantidas. among them that ran away, and wandering up and down the city, being scared and afraid, finding no man to help him: by good fortune he got into a woman's house, called Soso, which was Abantidas sister, and wife unto Periphantus, his father Clinias brother. She being of a noble mind, and judging that the child Aratus by God's providence fled unto her: hid him in her house, and in the night secretly sent him unto the city of ARGOS. Now after that Aratus had scaped, Aratus malice against tyrants. and was safe from this danger: from that time there bred in him a vehement malice against tyrants, the which still increased in him, as he grew in years. So he was virtuously brought up in the city of ARGOS, with his father's friends: and perceiving with himself that he waxed big and strong, he disposed his body to divers exercises, and become so excellent in them, that he contended in five manner of exercises, and oftentimes bore the best away. Aratus favour. And in his images and statues, he appeared in face, full and well liking, as one that fed well, and the majesty of his countenance argueth that he used such exercise: and such commonly are large eaters. From whence it came, that he did not give himself so much to pleading, as peradventure was requisite for a Governor of a common wealth. Howbeit, some do judge by his Commentaries he wrote, Aratus wrote a book of Commentaries. that he had an eloquenter tongue than seemed unto some: because he wrote them in haste, having other business in hand, and even as things came first into his mind. But afterwards, Dinias and Aristotle Logician, slew Abantidas, Abantidas the tyrant slain. Aristotle the Logician. who did commonly use to sit in the market place, to hear their matters, and to talk with them. And this gave them good means and opportunity to work their seat they did. After Abantidas death, his father Paseas possessed the tyranny: whom Nicocles afterwards slew also by treason, and made himself tyrant in his place. It is reported that this Nicocles did lively resemble the countenance of Periander, the son of Cypselus, as Orontes PERSIAN was very like unto Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraus: and an other young LACEDAEMONIAN, unto Hector of TROYA, whom Myrsilus writeth, was trodden under men's feet, through the overgreat press of people that came to see him, when they heard of it. This Nicocles was tyrant four months together, in the which he did wonderful great hurt to the city, and had almost lost it, the AETOLIANS coming on a sudden, who were like to have taken it. Now Aratus was come to the state of a stripling, and was greatly esteemed for the noble house he came of, and also for the great courage they found in him, which was no small matter: and besides that, he had a majesty in his countenance, being wiser than was looked for in a young man of his years. Therefore the banished men from the city of SICYONE, repaired unto him before any other man. Nicocles for his part also was not careless of his doings, but had an eye ever to see what Aratus intended, although he little mistrusted any such bold enterprise, nor so dangerous an exploit of him: but did only conjecture that he did stir up the kings which had been his dead father's friends. And so in deed Aratus took that course. Aratus goeth about to deliver his country from the tyranny. But when he saw that Antigonus still delayed his promises, and did always tract time, and that the hope of aid from king Ptolemy of EGYPT was too far of: at length he determined to undertake to destroy the tyrant himself. So he first consulted with Aristomachus and * In an other place he calleth him Ecdemus. Ecdelus: Aristomachus and Ecdelus, do join with Aratus. of the which the one was banished from SICYONE, and the other an ARCADIAN, from the city of MEGALIPOLIS, a Philosopher, and a valiant man of his hands, and had been scholar to Arcesilaus the Academic, in the city of ATHENS. These two men being contented to join with Aratus, he practised with other of the banished men also: of the which there were some that were ashamed, not to be partakers of his hope & noble attempt, and so did also join with him. Howbeit the most part of them did not only refuse to enter into that practice, but further, went about to dissuade Aratus from his enterprise, saying: that for lack of knowledge and experience, he understood not the danger in undertaking such a matter, altogether so unlikely. Now, as Aratus was thinking in his mind to keep a certain place in the territory of SICYONE, from whence they might make war with the tyrants: there came a prisoner unto them out of the city of ARGOS, that had broken prison from the tyrant of SICYONE: and was brother unto Xenocles, one of the banished men. He being brought by the same Xenocles unto Aratus, told that in the place whereby he had saved himself, the ground within was almost as high as the top of the wall, the which in that part joined unto high stony places: and that without the wall the height was not so great, but that it was easily scalable with ladders. When Aratus heard that, he sent two of his men, Seuthas, and Technon, with Xenocles to view the wall, being determined if it were true, rather to prove secretly to execute his pretended enterprise, and quickly to put it to a venture: then to begin a long war, and to prepare an open army, he being a private man, to go against the power of a tyrant. Xenocles being returned again to Aratus, after he had measured the height of the wall: he reported that the place was not unscalable, but yet very hard to come to it undiscovered, because of certain little cursed curs a gardener kept hard by the wall, which would never leave barking. Howbeit Aratus would not leave of his enterprise so. Now it was not strange to see every man prepare themselves of armour and weapon, because at that time there were great robberies and cruel murders committed by high ways, and one would assault an other: but for the ladders, Euphranor that was a carpenter and maker of engines, did not stick to make them openly, because his common occupation did take away all suspicion why they were made. For this carpenter was himself also a banished man from SICYONE, as the residue were. Furthermore, Aratus friends he had in ARGOS, Aratus preparation to deliver his country from tyranny. of those few men they had, did every man of them lend him ten men, and armed thirty of his own men: beside them, Aratus himself also did hire some pretty number of soldiers, by the practice of Xenophilus, whom the Captains of the thieves did furnish him. They were given to understand that they should be led to the territory of SICYONE, to take a pray of cattle and colts of the king: and they were sent before, some one way, some an other, with commandment, all to meet together at the tower of Polygnotus, where they should tarry. So he sent Caphesias also before, without any weapons, with four companions with him: who should come to this gardiner's house in the night, like strangers and travelers, to lie in his house, and to lock him up and his dogs, because they had no other devise to get in but that way. But in the mean time, there were certain spials of Nicocles the tyrant discovered, that walked up and down the city (making no countenance of any matter) to see what Aratus did. Aratus policy to deceive Nicocles spials. Wherefore, Aratus went out of his house early in the morning (as his manner was) and walked to the market place with his friends. Then he went to the show place (or place of exercises) and there stripped himself, anointed him, and wrestled, and in the end took certain of the young gentlemen home with him, that were wont to make merry, and to pass the time away with him: and immediately after, one of his servants was seen in the market place, carrying of garlands of flowers. An other was seen also buying of links and torches, and an other hyering of these common dancing and singing women, which follow feasts and banquets with their instruments. Nicocles spials seeing that, were deceived: for one of them laughing on an other said, that they might easily see by that, there was nothing more fearful and timorous than a tyrant: considering that Nicocles being Lord of so great a city, was afraid of a young stripling, that spent all that he could rap & tend to keep him in his banishment, upon vain banquets, and feasts, at noon days. And thus were the tyrants spials finely mocked. Aratus self departed immediately after dinner out of ARGOS, & went unto his soldiers, whom he had appointed before to meet him at the tower of Polygnotus, & led them strait unto NEMEA. There he told them openly his full intent and purpose, having before made an Oration unto them to encourage them, and also made them marvelous fair promises. Then he gave them for their watch word, Apollo favourable, and so went directly to the city of SICYONE, marching with great speed at the first because of the going downed of the Moon, and afterwards slackened his pace a little, so that they had Moon light all the way as they came, and the Moon went not down, until they were come to the gardiner's house that was hard by the wall. So Caphesius, whom he had sent before unto the gardiner's house, came to meet with Aratus, and brought him word that he could not take the dogs, because they ran away: howbeit that he had made fast the gardener in his own house. This discouraged the most part of all the company, who would needs have him in any case to return back again. But Aratus then began to comfort them, and promised that he would lead them back again, if it chanced that the dogs were too busy with them: and therewithal presently caused the ladder men to go before, whom Ecdelus and Mnasitheus led, and he himself came fair and softly after. The dogs made a fowl barking, Aratus dangers, in delivering of his country from the tyranny of Nicocles. and were baying about Ecdelus & his company. This notwithstanding, they came safely to the wall, and did set up their scaling ladders. But even as the first men got up on them, the Captain of the watch that had given place to him that should ward in the morning, came by chance, and passed hard by them, visiting the soldiers with a little bell, and there was a number of torches, and a great noise of men that followed him. They that were upon the ladders hearing them, ducked down, and stirred not: and thereby the soldiers that passed by them, could not see them. But now the new morning watch came towards them also, which did put them in great danger to be discovered: but yet they once again scaped them and were not discovered, because the second watch went beyond them, and stayed not. Then Ecdelus and Mnasitheus immediately scaled the wall, & sent Technon with all possible speed unto Aratus, to will him to make all the hast he could to come to them. Now there was no great distance betwixt the garden where the dogs were, and the wall, and a little tower where they kept a great greyhound to keep watch: but the greyhound never heard their coming, either because he was a cowardly cur of nature, of else for that he had been overcoursed and wearied the day before. But the gardiner's little curs that bald and barked beneath, had wakened the greyhound with their barking, who at the first began to answer them with a soft girning: but when they came by the tower where he lay, he barked out aloud, that all the place thereabouts rang of his barking. Insomuch, that the scout which was further of, called aloud to the hunt that kept the dog, and asked what he ailed, that he made such a barking, and whether there were any thing st●rring or not that angored him. The hunt within the tower answered, that it was nothing, but that his dog was waked, and fell a barking at the lights of the watch that passed by, and at the noise of the bell. This made Aratus soldiers a great deal the bolder: because they thought that the hunt had been made privy to their enterprise, and that he went about to hide their secret attempt, and hoped also that there were many other within the city that would further their enterprise. When they came to get up upon the wall, it was of a great height, and very dangerous, because the ladders shook, and bowed by reason of the weight of the men, unless they did come up fair and softly one after another. Furthermore the time did put them in some peril, because the cocks began to crow, and the country folk that brought things to the market to cell, began to come a pace to the town out of every quarter. And therefore Aratus made haste to get up, having only forty men above with him, and looked for some beside to come up, which were yet beneath. Then he marched directly towards the tyrants palace, Aratus was the city of Sicyone without bloodshed. where his hired soldiers kept watch and ward: and coming suddenly upon them, laid hold of every man of them, & slew not one. Then he sent into the city to his friends, to will them to come unto him. Thereupon they ran out of every corner to Aratus. Now the day began to break, and strait the Theatre was full of people that gathered together, because of the noise and stir they heard in the city, not knowing what the matter ment: until at length an Herald proclaimed with open voice, that it was Aratus the son of Clinias, who called his country men and Citizens to the recovery of their liberty. Then they persuading themselves, that the thing which they long wished and looked for, was now come to pass: they ran all in a troop together to the tyrants house, and set it a fire. But the flame rose so high and great after the fire had taken it in every part, that it was seen to the city of CORINTHE: insomuch that the CORINTHIANS wondering what the matter should be, were in mind to have gone to help it. Now for Nicocles, he saved himself, and got out of the city by secret vaults he had made under the ground. Nicocles the tyrant flieth. The soldiers on the other side quenching the fire with the help of the Citizens, did sack all they found in the tyrant's palace. The which Aratus hindered not, but did moreover make all the rest of the tyrant's goods common amongst them. So his enterprise had so good success, that there was none of his own company slain he brought with him, neither any of their enemies that were within the city, fortune kept this exploit so pure and clean from any bloodshed. The Aratus restored four score men unto their lands & goods again, whom the tyrant Nicocles had banished: and others also, that had been banished by former tyrants, to the number of five hundred men, who had been well near fifty years space banished out of their country. Now the most of them being comen home poor and needy, would have entered on their goods and lands they enjoyed before: and so, entering again upon their lands in their country, and their houses in the city, they amazed Aratus withal, seeing Antigonus on the one side practise all the means he could to win SICYONE being now free, and they all in an uproar and mutiny in the city. Therefore, following the best counsel he could think upon and devise, considering the danger of the present time: he joined the city in league and friendship with the ACHAIANS, Aratus joineth the city of Sicyone unto the Achaians. and of them all, made but one body! And because the Citizens of SICYONE were DORIANS, they were glad to submit them selue to be governed and protected by the name of the ACHAIANS, who were at that time of no great fame nor power. For they dwelled in little villages, and had no great bounds of lands, neither were they very special good, for that they stood upon the sea side, where was no manner of haven nor port, but stones and rocks good store: and the sea beating upon them, did eat into the main land. This notwithstanding, they made their enemies know, that the power of GRAECE when it was united and governed by good policy was of great force, and almost invincible. For the ACHAIANS being in comparison of the ancient force of GRAECE, of do regard, and but a part of one city enfeebled with civil and foreign war! So long as they could submit themselves to be ruled by the wisdom and virtue of their Captain, and not envy & malice his prosperity and sovereignty: they did not only maintain themselves as free men, in the midst of the servitude of so many great cities, large and mighty, but did also deliver many other people of GRAECE from their tyrants. Now, for Aratus manners: he was one that in nature loved civil government, Aratus referred all things to the common wealth. and equality among Citizens in one self city: he was nobly mind, and more painful about the affairs of the common weal, then careful of his own business, and hated tyrants to the death, and employed his good or evil will wholly for the service of the common wealth. And therefore he seemed not to be so found a friend, as he was a gentle and merciful enemy: framing himself in either of both, as time served for the common wealth. To be short, it was a general and common voice among all the cities confederates, in private company, and at open meetings in the theatres: that Aratus loved nothing but virtue, and honesty. That in open wars he was not so valiant and courageous, as he was crafty and subtle, to take a city on the sudden. Furthermore, though he was valiant to attempt many great things, the which men thought he would never have brought to pass: yet it seemeth he left many things possible undone, the which he might easily have done, Why owls set best by night, and not by day. Management of Philosophy be likined unto owls. for that he durst not venture on them. For as there be beasts whose sight is perfitteth by night, and by day they can see nothing, because the subtlety of the humour and moisture in their eyes is dried up, and can not abide the bright light of the day: even so, men that otherwise by nature are very wise, are easily afraid of danger, when they must venture on it at noon days, where contrarily they are bold in secret enterprises, suddenly to attempt any thing. Now, this contrariety and difference in men well brought up, groweth through ignorance & lack of instruction of Philosophy, which of itself doth nourish virtue, as fruit that springeth up without planting, or help of man's hand. But this is best discerned by examples. So Aratus having joined himself and his city SICYONE unto the ACHAIANS, and serving in person as a man of arms among the rest: he was marvelously beloved of his generals, that law him so obedient. For, notwithstanding that he had made so large a contribution as the estimation of himself, and the force of his city unto the common wealth of the ACHAIANS: yet he was as ready to obey and execute the commandments of the generals, as the poorest and meanest soldier, were he of DYMA, or of TRIYA, or of any other small village whatsoever. Furthermore, a great sum of money being sent him from king Ptolemy for a gift, amownting to twenty and five talents, he took it, but forth with disposed it amongst his poor country men, both to relieve their want, as also to redeem prisoners. This notwithstanding, the banished men still vexed & troubled them that had their goods & lands, to have them out of their hands, and otherwise would be satisfied by no means. Their common wealth therefore being in great danger to fall into civil war, Aratus perceiving there was no other way to help this mischief, but by Ptolemy's liberality: he determined to go unto him, to pray him to help him with money, Aratus taketh sea to go to king Ptolemy into Egypt. to pacify this grudge and tumult. So he embarked at the haven of METHONA, above the foreland of MALEA, to sail from thence into EGYPT: howbeit he had such a contrary wind, and the sea rose so high, that the master of the ship was driven to let her go whether she would to take sea room. So being driven quite from his direct course, with great danger he got to the city of ADRIA, which was his enemy: because Antigonus kept it, and had a garrison in it. But Aratus did wisely prevent it, going a shore, & wandered far from the sea, with one of his friends called Timanthes, and got into a wood, where they had an evil night's rest. He had not gone far after he had left his ship, but the Captain of the garrison came, and south for him. Notwithstanding, his servants had mocked him finely, (being before instructed by Aratus what answer they should make) saying that he was gone, and fled into the isle of EUROPA. Howbeit, the Captain of the garrison stayed the ship, his men, and all things else she had in her, and took her for a good prize. Within few days after, Aratus being marvelously troubled, and at a strait with himself what he should do: there happily arrived a ROMAN ship hard by the place where he kept most, partly to hide himself, and partly also to see if he could discover any thing. This ship was bound for SYRIA. So he had dealt with the master of the ship in that fort, that he took him aboard, and promised he would deliver him in CARIA, and so he did. But he was in as much danger, this second journey again by sea, as he was in the first he made towards EGYPT. From CARIA, a long time after, Aratus went to EGYPT, and spoke with the king, who made very much of him: for Aratus fed him still by sending of him passing fair tables, and pictures of GRAECE, of excellent workmanship. And in deed having a singular good wit, he always got together and bought the excellentest painted picture he could get, but specially the pictures of Pamphilus and Melanthus, The pictures and painted tables made in the city of Sicyone, did pass all the other paintings in Graece. to sand them unto the king. For learning flourished yet in the city of SICYONE, and they esteemed the paintings of tables in that city, to be the perfitest for true colours, and fine drawing, of all other places. Insomuch as Apelles, (though he was then of marvelous same for painting) went thither, and gave to these two excellent painters a talon, to remain a while in their company: not so much to attain to the perfection of the art, as thereby to win himself same. And therefore when Aratus had restored his city again to liberty, he caused all the images of the tyrants to be defaced and plucked down: The excellency of Aristratus picture the tyrant of Sicyone, painted by all Melanthus scholars and Apelles help: & Aratus consultation for the defacing of it. The saying of Nealces the painter, touching tyrant. howbeit he stood doubtful a long time, whether he should deface Aristratus picture or not, who reigned in the time of Philip. For it was painted with the hands of all the scholars of Melanthus, being by a triumphant chariot, that carried a victory, and as Polemon the Geographer writeth, Apelles' hand was to it. This picture was a passing piece of work to see to, so that Aratus at the first yielded, and was contented to save it for the excellency of the workmanship: yet in the end, overcome with the extreme hate he bore unto tyrants, he had it should be defaced. Now it is reported also, that Nealces the painter being one of Aratus friends, prayed him with the tears in his eyes to pardon such a notable piece of work. But when he saw Aratus so hard hearted that he would not grant it: he told him it was good reason to make war with tyrants, but not with their pictures. Let us then (q he) leave the chariot of triumph and victory, and I will make thee see Aristratus, willingly to come out of the table. Aratus was contented to let him have his william. Then Nealces defaced the picture of Aristratus, and in place thereof drew only a palm tree, and durst add nothing else to it of his own devise. Some say, that under the chariot were conveyed Aristratus feet defaced. So Aratus by means of these tables and pictures, was marvelously well beloved of king Ptolemy. But after that he was acquainted with him, and knew his conversation: he loved him then better than before. Insomuch that he gave him a hundred and fifty talents to help his city withal: The great liberality of Ptolomey unto Aratus. of the which, he carried forty away with him unto PELOPONNESUS, and the king afterwards sent him the rest at sundry times. Now this was a marvelous matter of him to get such a mass of money together for his Citizens: considering that the Orators, Captains and Governors of free cities, for a little sum of money only which they have taken of kings and Princes, have been corrupted, & betrayed their towns and country. But this was a more wonder, that by means of this money, he made peace and love betwixt the poor and rich, and furthermore, saved upright all the people of SICYONE, where he showed himself marvelous wise, Aratus temperance's. and temperate, being of that great power and authority he was. For after they had chosen him Arbitrator to judge, compound, and absolutely to decide all quarrels and strife between the banished men: he would never undertake it himself alone, but took fifteen other of the chiefest Citizens with him, and with them, with great pains and trouble, at length he pacified all matters among his citizens, and made them good friends one with another. Therefore, not only all the inhabitants and Citizens of SICYONE together, did not only decree public honour meet for him: but also the banished men themselves did privately cast his image in brass, and set it up, under the which they caused this inscription to be graven. Thy prowess and thy feats of arms, thy counsel sage and wise, Not only are among the Greeks extolled to the skies, But also to the utmost streyts of Marrok blown by fame. And we that through thy goodness home into our country came. Have set this image up to thee Aratus, as a sign Of our deliverance through thy love and through the power divine. For thy good nature furthred by good fortune doth restore Us country, laws, and liberty, bearest us quite before. Aratus having done all these things, he suppressed the envy of the Citizens, through the great good turns he had done unto them. But then king Antigonus being angry with Aratus in his mind, and seeking either to make him his friend, or to bring him to be mistrusted of Ptolemy: he did him many other great courtesies, Aratus never seeking them at his hands. But one day specially above the rest, as he did sacrifice unto the gods at CORINTH, he sent Aratus part of his weathers he had sacrificed, unto SICYONE. And at the feast of his sacrifice in the hearing of many noble men that were bidden guests, he said openly of Aratus: I did always think that this young SICYONIAN could not but have a liberal mind, loving the liberty of his country and country men: but I perceive now he is a man that can judge of Prince's manners and affairs. For heretofore he made no account of us, because his hope was out of this country, and he greatly esteemed the riches of EGYPT, hearing talk of so many Elephants, of such a great fleet of ships, and of such a sumptuous Court, as king Ptolemy's Court. But now that he knoweth by experience, that it is only but a smoke and vain pomp, he is come to us: & for my part, he is welcome to me, & I will have you all to take him for my friend. These words of king Antigonus, were strait taken or bound of certain envious men, and carried for lack of better matter unto king Ptolemy, every man striving who should writ all the evil they could against him: So that Ptolemy thereupon sent a Messenger of purpose unto him, to reprove him for it. Thus fell there out much envy and malice, between the earnest love of these Princes and kings, Aratus doings in his first Praetorship. that contended with each other who should have Aratus. Furthermore, the first time that Aratus was chosen Lieutenant general of the tribe of the ACHAIANS, he foraged and spoiled that country of LOCRIDE, which lieth directly over against ACHAIA, and CALYDONIA also. Howbeit he came not time enough to aid the BO●OTIANS, in the battle which they lost before the city of CHAERONEA, against the AETOLIANS: where Aboeocritus, Governor of BO●OTIA was slain in the field, with a thousand other BOEOTIANS. Howbeit the next year following, he being the second time chosen Lieutenant general, he attempted to win the castle of CORINTH again, being an enterprise which not only concerned the private benefit of SICYONE itself, and the tribe of the ACHAIANS, but also of all GRAECE besides. For, he was fully bend to drive the garrison of the MACEDONIANS thence, the which seemed even a very yoke that held all the GRECIAN noses to the gryndstone. For like as Chaeres, Captain of the ATHENIANS, having in a certain conflict discomfited the king's Lieutenants, wrote to the ATHENIANS that he had won a victory half sister to the victory of Marathon: Even so me thinks it were no disgrace to say, that this execution was like (as one brother to another) to the kill of the tyrants, which was done by Pelopidas THEBAN, and Thrasybulus ATHENIAN, saving that this last act was more famous, because it was not against GRECIANS, but against strangers, and foreign power and government, upon whom it was executed. For the Isthmus or bar of PELOPONNESUS, which separateth the sea, AEgeun from the sea lonium, doth come and join the firm land of the rest of GRAECE, with the PRESCHE, an Island of PELOPONNESUS. Presche, an Island of Peloponnesus. Acto or inthus means. Even so likewise, the Mountain called acrocorinth, on the which the castle standeth, rising up in the midst of GRAECE, when there is any garrison of men of war in it, it cutteth of all traffic and passage by, of any armies of them which inhabit within the strait: from them that are without the strait, both by sea and by land, and maketh him only Lord of the country that keepeth the castle. So that it was not for sport, but for truth, and in good earnest, that Philip the young king of MACEDON was wont to call the city and castle of CORINTH, Young king Philip's saying of the castle of Corinth. the stocks and gives of GRAECE. And therefore was this castle marvelously wished and desired of every man, but specially of kings and Princes. But the desire Antigonus had of it was so vehement, that it differed nothing from the passions of a frantic lover. For he did nothing else continually but study and devise how he might win it upon the sudden, from them that kept it: because otherwise by open force, it was impossible to be had. Wherefore after the death of Alexander that kept castle, being poisoned (as it is reported) by Antigonus practise, the castle being left in the hands of his wife Nicaea, who governed the state of CORINTHE, and did carefully 'cause the acrocorinth to be kept: he immediately sent his son Demetrius thither, and put Nicaea in good hope to marry her with this young Prince: Antigunus' wife and davise. a thing that pleased this Lady well, though she was very old. So, for herself, she was won strait, by means of his young son Demetrius, whom he used as a stolen to entrap her. Howbeit Nicaea for all this goodly offer, forsook not her castle, but always made it straightly to be looked unto. Antigonus seemed to make no account of it, but daily, gave himself to make sumptuous sacrifices, feasts, and plays to the gods, within the city of CORINTHE for the marriage: as though he had meant no other thing, but banqueting and jollity all that might be. When the hour was come to see these sports, and that the Musician Amaebeus began to sing: he himself made as though he would accompany Nicaea unto the Theatre, being conveyed thither in a sumptuous rich litter, as it had been for a Queen. She was very glad of this honour, and thought nothing less than of that which happened her. But when Antigonus came to the end of the street that turned to go up the hill towards the castle, he had her keep on still to the Theatre: and himself in the mean time left Amoebeus there with his singing, and all the feast of the marriage, and went strait up to the castle, forcing himself above his strength and years. When he was at the top of the hill, and found the gates shut, he knocked with his staff, and commanded the garrison to open him the gates. They wondering to see him there in person, did let him in. When he was gotten into the castle, Antigonus craftily taketh the castle of the acrocorinth. he was so exceeding joyful of it, that he had no reason to moderate his joy, but would banquet in the midst of streets, and in the market place, having minstrels to play upon their instruments at his table, wearing garlands of flowers on their heads for joy, and did so fond and lightly behave himself, as if he had been a light young man, and not (as he was) an old man: who had proved such sundry changes of fortune, and yet suffered himself to be thus carried away with pleasure, that he embraced, and spoke to every man he met. Whereby it is easy to judge, that joy possessing a man without wit or discretion, it maketh him beside himself, Overgreat as lay to a simple man, maketh him mad. Perceive the Philisopher, made captain of the acrocorinth. Aratus determination for the taking of the acrocorinth. and doth more trouble his wits, than pain or fear. Now Antigonus having won the castle of the acrocorinth, as you have heard, he put into the hands of those he trusted best, to be safely kept: and therefore made. Persaus the Philosopher Captain, or the castle. But in deed Aratus was in mind to have attempted to taking of the castle in Alexander's life time: yet he let it alone, because he joined himself with the ACHATANS'. But at that time there was offered him another occasion again to attempt it, and this it was, At CORINTHE, there were four brethren borne in SYRIA, of the which, one of them being called Diocles, was a soldier of the garrison of the castle: and the rest, having rob the king's treasure, went strait unto SICYONE, to AEgias the banker, whom Aratus employed in his faculty. These three brethren immediately told him part of the gold they had rob: and afterwards, one of them called Erginus, coming often to see him, by little and little told him all the rest. By this means AEgias fell into familiar acquaintance with him, and talked with him of the garrison of the castle of the acrocorinth. Erginus told him, that going unto his brother up those steep and high rocks, he found a path as it were cut out of the rock, that went to a place of the wall of the castle, which was very low. AEgias hearing that, auswered him smile: also, my friend, what mean you to steal a little piece of gold to hinder the king, when in one hours space you can cell such a great mass of money together? for aswell shall you die if you be apprehended for this felony, as if you were otherwise attained for treason. Erginus with that fell a laughing, and promised that he would feel his brother Diocles' mind in it, for he did not greatly trust his other brethren. So returning shortly after, he bargained with Aratus to bring him to a place of the wall that was not above fifteen foot high, promising that he would help him to execute the rest, with his brother Diocles. Aratus promised then to give him fifty talents, if he brought his enterprise to passed: and if he sailed, that he would then give either of them a house and a talon Erginus would have the whole 50. talents put into AEgias the bankers hands. Aratus had not so much ready money, and beside, he would not take it up at usury, for fear of giving cause to suspect his enterprise. Wherefore he took all his place of gold and silver, and his wives jewels, and laid them to gauge to AEgias, to disburse the said sum. But Aratus had so great and noble a mind in him, and was so bend to do notable acts: that knowing how Photion and Epaminondas had been esteemed for the justest and honestest men of GRAECE, because they had refused great gifts that were offered them, and would never cell nor stain their honour for money: he yet surpassing them, was contented to spend his own, to bring any good enterprise to pass, & did put his life in danger for the common benefit of his country men, they themselves knowing nothing of his enterprise, which turned all to their benefit. What is he then, that will not wonder at the great magnanimity and courage of such a man, and that will not even now as it were, be willing to aid him: considering how dearly he bought so great a danger of his person, and how he laid his plate and all the riches he had to gauge, to be brought the night among the midst of his enemies, where he was to fight for his own life, having no other gage nor pledge, but the hope of such a noble enterprise, and nothing else? But now, though the enterprise of itself was dangerous, an error chancing through ignorance at the first, made it yet more dangerous. For Aratus had sent Technon, one of his men before with Diocles, to view the wall. This Technon had never spoken with Diocles, howbeit he thought in his mind what manner of man he was, by the marks that Erginus had given him of him: that he had a black curled hear, that his face was black, and that he had no beard. Now Technon being come to the place where Erginus said he would be with Diocles: he stayed before the town in a place called ORNIS. The error and danger by likeness of men one unto another. So whilst he was tarrying there, the elder brother of Diocles, called Dionysius (who knew nothing of the enterprise, nor was made acquainted withal, and looked very like his brother Diocles) came that way by chance. Technon being moved by the marks he saw in him, like unto those he was told of: asked him if he were nothing a kin to Erginus. The other answered, he was his brother. Then Technon persuading himself it was certainly Diocles that spoke to him, without ask him his name, or making other inquiery of him he took him by the hand, and began to talk with him of the practice he had with Erginus, and to ask him of it. Dionysius taking the matter upon him, & feeding on his error, returned forthwith into the city, holding him on still with talk, Technon mistrusting nothing. But even as, Dionysius was ready to take him fast by the choler: his brother Erginus came. Who, perceiving now Technon had mistaken the matter, and the danger he was in: beckoned to him with his head to fly and so they both ran for life unto Aratus, to save themselves. Howbeit Aratus was nothing the more discouraged for this, but sent Erginus strait to carry his brother Dionysius money, and to pray him not to be acknown of anything: who furthermore brought him with him unto Aratus. But after they had him once, they made him su●r for starting: for they bound him, and locked him up fast in a chamber, whilst they went about their enterprise. So when all things were ready, Aratus commanded the rest of his army that they should tarry behind, arme● all night: and he himself, with four hundred of the best men he had, (not knowing themselves whether they went, nor to what intent) went strait to the gates of the city, passing by the temple of juno. This was about the midst of summer, when the Moon was at the full, and the element very clear without clouds: insomuch that they were afraid their armours would glister by Moon light, and bewray them. But as the foremost of them came near unto the city, there rose clouds out of the sea that darkened all the city & places thereabouts, and shadowed them. Then all of them sitting down on the ground, plucked of their shoes, both because they should make less noise, as also for that their footing should be ●●e●er, and that they should slip less upon the ladders. But Erginus, and seven other companions with him like men that travel, came secretly into the gate of the city, and slew the porter and warders there. At that very instant, Aratus caused the ladders to beset up against the walls, and made a hundred of his soldiers get up on them: and sent also to command the rest, that they should follow him with all possible speed. Then drawing up his ladders after him, as fast as he could, he went through the city with his hundred men toward the castle, with such a joyful cheer, as if he had had it already in his hand, for that he saw he was not discovered. But as he went on, he saw four of the watch coming with a light against them. They saw not Aratus and his company, but the enemies saw them plainly a far of. Aratus & his men therefore stood up close against old walls to tarry their coming, and at the first onset, slew three of them: but the fourth having a blow on his head with a sword, ran away, making an outcry, that the enemies were in the city. The trumpets forthwith sounded the alarum, all the city was in an uproar, the streets were strait full of people ronning up and down, and of lights in every corner, both beneath in the city, as also in the castle, and the noise was great every where. Aratus in the mean time forced to get up the high rocks fair & softly at the first, Aratus great danger in taking of the castle of the acrocorinth. and with great pain and difficulty, being out of his path he should have found, which he miss, being very deep into the rocks, and with many crooks and cranks went to the foot of the castle: but suddenly, even as it had been by miracle, the Moon appearing through the clouds, when they were in their worst way, it gave them light, & brought them to that part of the wall where they should be, and strait the Moon was shadowed again. The happy benefit of the Moon. Now the three hundred soldiers whom Aratus had left at the gate by the temple of juno, when they were come into the city, being full of lights, and in uproar, and beside could not found the path by the which their Captain Aratus went before them: they stood close together under a rock that shadowed them, sorrowfully looking to hear some news of Aratus who was then fight with the garrison of the castle, the which made head against him with all the force and power they could. Under the castle there was a great noise heard of men that fought, but yet the noise was so confused by the sound rebounding against the rocks and mountain, that they could not devise whence it should come. So they being in this perplexity, not knowing which way to turn themselves: Archelaus, Captain of king Antigonus men, having a good number of soldiers with him, went up the hill with great cries and noise of trumpets, to set upon Aratus, and his company behind. But after he was passed by these three hundred soldiers of Aratus band, they gave charge upon him, as if they had been laid there in ambush of purpose, and slew the first they encountered withal, and made the others so afraid, and Archelaus himself, that they dispersed them, and made some fly one way, some another way. So, as they were overthrown, Erginus came to these three hundred men, coming immediately from them that fought, and brought them news that Aratus and them of the castle, were come to the sword together, and valiantly defended themselves, lustily fight for the wall, and therefore it was time for them to help him quickly. Then the soldiers bade him bring them thither strait, and so he did. So they climbing up the hill, did signify by their cries to their men, that they came to aid him. Furthermore, the Moon being then at the full, and shining on their harness, made their enemies in the castle think that they were a greater number than in deed they were, because of the long way they had to make to get up upon the rocks: and also because of the sound in the night, that made their cry seem to be of a greater number than they were. At length they joining with Aratus, Aratus taketh the acrocorinth. they fought it out so lustily, that they drove the garrison out of the walls, and by break of day wan the castle. So that their exploit was discovered by the rising of the Sun, and beside, all the rest of their army that came from the city of SICYONE: whom the CORINTHIANS very gladly received, and did set open their gates unto them, and aided them to take king Antigonus men. Afterwards, when they thought that all was safe, than Aratus came from the castle unto the Theatre of the city, whether repaired an infinite number of people, aswell for the desire they had to see him, as also to hear him speak unto the CORINTHIANS. So having placed the ACHAPANS of either side, as the coming into the Theatre: Aratus being armed, went up into the chair or pulpit for orations, having his face quite changed, both for the great pains he had taken, and also for lack of sleep: so that his body being overwearied, his spirits were even done. Now when all the assembly of the people (seeing him in the chair) did humble themselves to show h●●● all the honour and kindness they could possible: he took his spear out of his left hand into his right, and bowing his knee and body somewhat, he leaned upon it, and so stood a great while in this manner before he spoke, receiving the cries of joy and clapping of hands which the people made, praising his valiantness, and blessing his good hap and fortune. Then when they had done, and were quiet again, he framed his countenance, and began to make an oration unto them in the name of all the tribe and common wealth of the ACHAIANS, meet for the enterprise from whence he came: and persuaded them to join to the ACHAIANS. So therewithal, they presently delivered him the keys of their city, Aratus joineth the city of Corinthe unto Achaia. the which were never before that time in their power, since the reign of king Philip. Now touching the other Captains of king Antigonus: Aratus having taken Archelaus prisoner, he let him go, but put Theophrastus to death, because he would not go out of CORINTHE. Persaus (Captain of the castle) seeing the castle but lost: he secretly saved himself, & fled unto the city of CENCHREES. And it is reported, that as he was afterwards in talk of Philosophy, where one maintaining that a man could not be a good Captain, unless he were a perfect wise man: This (q he) is one of Zenoes' opinions rightly, Zenoes' opinion, that a man could not be a good Captain unless he were a perfect wise man. the which heretofore pleased me best: but now this young SYCYONIAN Aratus, hath made me of an other mind. Many writers do report this saying of Persaus. Persaus answer to Zenoes' opinion. Furthermore Aratus wan presently the temple of juno, and the haven of LICHAEUM, where he took five and twenty ships of king Antigonus, and five hundred horse of service for the war, and four hundred SYRIANS, which he sold every one of them. The ACHAIANS left within the castle of the acrocorinth, a garrison of four hundred footmen, and fifty dogs, and as many hunts, all the which were kept for the watch of the castle. Now, the ROMANS wondering at the valiantness of Philopaemen: they called him the last of the GRECIANS. Philopaemen the last famous man of the Grecians. Even so might I also (in my opinion) say, that this act is the last and most famous of all the GRECIANS, and deserveth to be equal, aswell for valiantness, as also good success, with the greatest exploits of the most famous ancients: as that which followed immediately after doth amply declare. For the MEGARIANS revolting from king Antigonus, did strait join with Aratus: and the TROEZENIANS also with the EPIDAURIANS, did likewise enter into league and friendship with the ACHAIANS. So at the first invasion he made, he went to spoil the country of ATTICA, and crossed over to the isle of SALAMINA, and spoiled and destroyed it, even as if he had delivered the power and force of the ACHAIANS out of prison, to serve his own turn in any thing he thought good of. Howbeit, he sent home the ATHENIAN prisoners without paying of ransom: and all of policy to make them desirous to rebel against the MACEDONIANS. Furthermore, he made king Ptolemy a friend and confederate of the ACHAIANS, with condition, that he should be Lieutenant general both by sea & by land. For these respects Aratus was of marvelous estimation and credit with the ACHAIANS: Aratus power and authority with the Achaians. insomuch that where they could not yearly choose him their general, being contrary to their law: they chose him at the lest every second year, but in effect, all was done by his advise and counsel. For they saw plainly, that it was neither honour, nor riches, nor friendship of kings & Princes, nor the private benefit of his own city wherein he was borne, nor any other thing else that he preferred, before the glory & increase of the common wealth of the ACHAIANS. For he was of opinion, that cities by themselves were but weak, & being joined together with the chain of common benefit, they were a strength one to preserve the other. And in like manner, even as the parts that are in the bodies of brute beasts have life & sustenance, being joined & knit together, & strait so soon as there is any separation of them th'one from tother, they live no more & putrefy: even so cities also were brought to decay by them that did disperse their society among them, & in contrary manner did then again increase, when joining with any other great body & city, they were governed with wisdom & good counsel. So Aratus seeing the chiefest cities thereabouts enjoy their laws and liberties: thought it a shameful thing to leave the ARGIVES in slavery & bondage. Aratus gaeth about to set Argos at liberty. Wherefore he practised to kill the tyrant Aristomachus that governed them, both to show himself thankful to the city for his bringing up there: as also to join that great & mighty city unto the tribe of the ACHAIANS. Now there were divers men that had the hearts and courage to undertake to do it, of the which the chiefest were AEschylus, and Charimenes the Soothsayer, but they had no sword: for they were straightly forbidden by the tyrant, and grievous punishments ordained for them that should be found with any sword. Aratus therefore caused certain little short daggers to be made at CORINTHE for them, Aratus prepared little short daggers against the tyrant's decree & ordinance. the which he sowed up in packs carried on certain beasts laden with other baggage and stuff. But the Soothsayer Charimenes, did impart this enterprise unto a third man, and made him one of the conspiracy with them. AEschylus being very much offended with it, began therefore to enter into practice by himself, and left their company. Charimenes' perceiving that, took such a toy in his head in a mad mood, that he bewrayed them as they went about to execute their enterprise. This notwithstanding, the most part of the conspirators saved themselves, and fled to CORINTHE. So the tyrant Aristomachus was slain shortly after; by his own men. But then another tyrant, Aristippus, Aristippus' tyrant of the city of Argos. a crueler man than the first; made haste to take the tyranny before he could be resisted. This notwithstanding, Aratus, with all the young men of the ACHAIANS able to serve in the field, went suddenly thither with aid, hoping to found them of the city very glad to recover their liberty. Howbeit the people being acquainted, and of longtime used patiently to bear the yoke of bondage: there was not a man of them that would once take his part. So he returned back again, and did nothing, saving that thereby the ACHAIANS were accused, because that in open peace they had made war, & therefore they were put in suit before the MANTINIANS, at Aristippus' request, tyrant of ARGOS. The matter was pleaded in Aratus absence, & the ACHAIANS were condemned to pay the sum of 30. Minas. After this proof & attempt of Aratus, Aristippus being afraid of Aratus, Aristippus laid man to kill Aratus. & hating him to the death, sought ways to kill him, with the help of Antigonus, who did aid him in it: and almost there were spials in every corner, that did nothing else but lie in wait to execute Aristippus' mind. Now, there is no surer guard unto a Prince, than the perfect love and good will of his subjects. Not surer guard to a Prince, than the love of the subjects. For, after that the nobility and common people have beneused to fear, not him, but those that for him command them: he than seeth with many eyes, heareth with many ears, and knoweth what is done far of. Here therefore I will a little digress from my history, to show you the manner of Aristippus life the tyrant, whereunto he was brought by this so much desired tyrannical government, and smoke of signiory, so esteemed of all men. Now, though Aristippus had king Antigonus his friend, The miserable life of Aristippus, the tyrant of Argos. and that he kept a great guard of soldiers about him for the safety of his person, and that there was not an enemy of his left alive in all the city: yet he made his soldiers watch and lie without his palace, under the cloisters and galleries thereabouts, & after supper turned all his men out of the doors, & then shut his Court gates to him, and locked himself alone with his Concubine, in a little high chamber with a trap door, and set his bed upon it, & so slept, as one that continually was afraid of himself. Then after he was come up, his Concubine's mother came to take up the ladder, and locked it in an other chamber: and so did let it down again the next morning, and called this trim tyrant, that went down out of his chamber, like a snake that should have crept out of her hole. Where Aratus in contrary manner, not having obtained by force of arms, but lawfully through virtue a continual government, Aratus government obtained by virtue. being simply appareled with a poor gown of small price, & showing himself a mortal enemy unto all sorts of tyrants: hath left a race & noble offspring among the GRECIANS, which remain yet until this present day. Contrarily also, there are few tyrants that do usurp the castles of free cities, that keep so many soldiers in pay, that make such provision for armour and weapon, & have so many gates and drawbridges for the safety of their persons, that in the end can keep themselves from violent death, no more than hares: neither do leave also any posterity, house, or grave, why their memory should be honoured after their death. So Aratus having divers ways made sundry attempts, both by open force, and otherwise suddenly, to take the city of ARGOS, and to thrust out the tyrant Aristippus: he ever sailed of his purpose, but specially one night among the rest, when he entered the city very dangerously, with a few soldiers with him, and slew the soldiers that came to give supply to them that fought. But after that day was broken, and that the tyrant with all his forces came to set upon him: the ARGIVES stirred not at all, as if Aratus had not fought for their liberty, but as though they had been judges appointed to sit to see the sports of the games Nemee, to judge the game unto the Conqueror without partiality, and with indifferency. Aratus in the mean time fight like a valiant man, was thrust at with a pike, and run through the thigh. This notwithstanding, at length he wan that part of the city where he fought, and was not thrust out till night, what force soever the enemies made upon him: and if he could possibly have holden it out all night, he had undoubtedly obtained his purpose. For the tyrant looked for no other but to fly, and had already sent divers of his goods to the sea. Howbeit no man once came to tell Aratus any news of it, beside also lacking water, and for that he could not help himself because of his wound, he was driven to lead his men away, and failed of his purpose. So, despairing that he could ever take it by stealth, he went thither with open wars, and spoiled and destroyed all the country of ARGOS: and having fought a great battle against the tyrant Aristippus, by the river of Chares, Chares fl. Aratus gave Aristippus the victory. they blamed Aratus much, that he forsook the victory, and cowardly retired out of the battle. For the rest of his army doubtless had the better, and had followed the enemies far in chase: when he fled, being afraid, not compelled by his enemies, but mistrusting his fortune, and retired to his lodging. So, when they that returned from the chase of their enemies were offended, for that they having put them to flight, and also slain a greater number more of them then they had lost of theirs, and yet for cowardliness should suffer their enemies (whom they had overcome and put to flight) to set up marks of triumph in token of victory: Aratus being ashamed of it, determined to fight once again, for the marks of triumph. Whereupon, resting his men but one day, he led them again into the field, and setting his army in battle ray, offered to fight once more. This notwithstanding, when he saw a great supply coming to his enemy, and that the tyrant's men came to fight more lustily, and with better courage than before: Aratus durst not abide them, but retired, and sent to demand leave to take away his dead men to bury them. Yet he could speak so courteously, and behave himself so wisely, by the experience he had in government, and also for the good will they bore him: that they forgot the fault he committed, and he wan the city of CLEONES unto the ACHAIANS, where he caused the feasts of the games Nemee to be celebrated, as belonging of great antiquity, rather unto the CLEONEIANS, then unto the ARGIVES. This notwithstanding, the ARGIVES did keep it also, and then was the first time that the sanctuary and privilege was broken, which was wont to be granted unto all them that came to play for the games: because the ACHAIANS did make them prisoners that fought in ARGOS, as they returned through their country, and sold them as enemies. So marvelously did Aratus and the ACHAIANS, hate all sorts of tyrants, without respect of pardon. Shortly after he was advertised, that the tyrant Aristippus did lie in wait to spy opportunity, to take the city of CLEONES from him: howbeit that he was afraid of it, because he remained at that time in CORINTHE. So Aratus strait sent out commandment into every place, to assemble the army of the tribe of the ACHAIANS, and that they should bring victuals with them for many days: and so craftily came down to the city of CENCHREES, to entice Aristippus, Aratus stra●ag●●● to entrap the tyrant Aristippus. by his going away so far of, that in his absence he should attempt to set upon the CLEONIANS, as in deed he did. For, he sailed not presently to go thither with his army. But Aratus returning from CENCHREES unto CORINTHE, very late in the night, and having laid good watch every way: he suddenly brought the army of the ACHAIANS unto CLEONES with such speed and quietness, that they were not seen as they came, but entered into the city of CLEONES by night, and were ready to fight with the tyrant, before he knew they were come. So the gates of the city were set open by break of day, and the signal of battle given by sound of trumpets: and so setting upon the tyrant's men with great cries, they suspecting nothing, they were presently put to flight. And because the place where the overthrow was given, had many turnings: Aratus following the chase, Aratus victory of the tyrant Aristippus. took the way which he thought the tyrant fled in. The chase continued to the city of MYCENAE. There the tyrant was overtaken by a CRETAN called Tragiseus, (as Dinias reporteth) who slew him: and there were slain of his men also, Aristippus the tyrant slain. above fifteen thousand. But now Aratus having won such a famous victory, and lost never a man: he could not yet win the city of ARGOS, nor set it again at liberty. For one AEgias, and another Aristomachus, got into the town with the king's army, and kept it. But notwithstanding, by this noble victory Aratus did race out a great part of the reproach they gave him, and of the scoffs and slents the flatterers of the tyrants devised of him. Who to please them, reported, that when they should come to fight in deed, the general of the ACHAIANS had the wind colic in his belly, and a dimness in his eyes with a guydines in his head, when he heard but the sound of the trumpets. And furthermore also, when he had set his men in battle ray, and given them the word of battle: he asked the generals if he should need to be there in person, because he was hurt in the heel, and then would get him as far of as he could, to see the end of the battle. This talk was so common, that the Philosophers themselves disputing of it, A philosophical question whether trembling and changing of colour in danger, be a sign of cowardliness. to wete, whether to tremble and change colour in present danger and peril, be signs of a faint heart, or of an evil complexion and coldness of body: they always vouched Aratus, that had been a good and valiant Captain, and yet when he began to fight, he was ever in that taking. So when he had overcome Aristippus, he sought means also to destroy Lysiadas MEGALOPOLITAN, Lysiadas, tyrant of Megalipolis. who as absolute Lord and king of the country, kept the city of MEGALIPOLIS. Notwithstanding, he had no base mind in him, neither was he carried away with a cruel desire of tyranny to live at his pleasure, nor through extreme covetousness, as most Princes be but being a young man, & pricked forward with desire of honour & fame, & having unadvisedly conceived in his mind, (which was great & highly bend) the vain reasons he heard men talk of principality, as of a state most blessed, & worthy of admiration: he found the means to make himself Lord of his country. But afterwards, he was soon weary of the dangers & troubles such manner of government bringeth with it, & desired to follow Aratus, whom he saw prospero, and of great honour. Furthermore also, fearing his secret practices against him, he took hold of a noble devise: first, to rid himself of the malice and fear of the prison and guard of his soldiers: and lastly, to be a benefactor to his country. Lysiadas tyrant of Megalipolis, leaveth the tyranny, and yielded himself and his dominion, unto the Achaians. So he sent for Aratus, gave up his government, and delivered up his city to the tribe of the ACHAIANS. They so extolled him for this act, that they chose him their Lieutenant general of all their tribe. Wherefore, Lysiadas, striving at the first to excel Aratus in honour, attempted divers things which were not very needful: as among others, to make war with the LACEDÆMONIANS. But Aratus was very much against him in that, though some think it was for envy. Thereupon they chose Lysiadas general of the ACHAIANS the second time: although Aratus openly both spoke, and made what means he could to the contrary, & would have had an other to have been chosen. For, he himself was every other year general. So, Lysiadas was chosen again general of the ACHAIANS the third time, with every bodies good will: and Aratus and he had absolute power and government by turns, one after the other. But when they saw that Lysiadas become open enemy unto Aratus, Dissension betwixt Aratus and Lysiadas. and did still accuse him in all their counsels and assemblies: they fell in such misliking with him, that they rejected him. For they thought his but a counterfeate virtue, to contend with the perfectness of Aratus virtue. Much like unto one of Isopes' fables, saying that little birds did answer the cuckoo on a time, One of Isopes' tales of the Cuckoo's question to little birds. ask them why they did fly from her: because we are afraid (said they) thou wilt be asper-hawke one day. Even so it seemeth, that there was a certain suspicion in men's minds of Lysiadas tyranny, which made them mistrust that he went not from his tyranny with good william. Now Aratus on tother side, wan as great praise and honour by his doings against the AETOLIANS. Aratus noble counsel against the AEtolians. For when the ACHAIANS would needs have sought upon the confines of the territory of the MEGARIANS, and that Agis, king of LACEDAEMON, being come with his army to the camp of the tribe of the ACHAIANS, did persuade them hardily to give battle: Aratus was stoutly against it, and did abide many mocks and tawnts they gave him, saying, that it was for cowardliness he would not go. This notwithstanding, he would not leave his wife and safe determination, for all that open shame: but suffered the enemies to pass over the Mountain Gerania, Geraniamous and to invade PELOPONNESUS, and would never fight with them. But afterwards, when he saw that at their first coming they had taken the city of PALLENA: he than changed his mind, and would deserre time no longer to tarry till all his power were come together, but marched forthwith against his enemies, with those few he had, who marvelously weakened themselves by their insolency and disorder after their victory, keeping no watch nor ward. For after they had entered the city of PALLENA, the soldiers ran into every house, one thrusting in an other's neck, Aratus setteth upon his lascinious enemies. and fight for the goods they found. The Captains also fell to ravishing of maids, and the PALLENIANS wives, and put their burganets and morrions upon their heads, that none other should take them, because that by the same the soldiers should know whose they were, and to whom the women belonged. So they being in this ruff and jollity: news came suddenly that Aratus was come. This made them quake for fear, when they saw they were like to be taken out of order. For before they all understood of the danger by their sudden setting on them, the ACHAIANS were fight already within the suburbs and gates of the city, against the first that resisted, whom they slew. They being broken, & put to flight, made the rest so afraid that were gathered together to aid them, that they witted not what to do. In this tumult and great hurly burly, there was one of the Ladies a prisoner, that was the Daughter of Epigethes one of the noblest men of the city, and she a marvelous goodly woman, A woman with a Burganet of her head, seemed a monstrous thing. and passing fair: who being set in the temple of Diana, whether a Captain had brought her that had chosen her for himself, and had put his burganet on her head: she suddenly ran to the gate of the temple with the burganet on her head, when she heard the noise of them that sought, to see them fight. The Citizens seeing her in that array, found her the goodlier to behold, and of greater majesty, than any worldly creature. The enemies on the other side were so afraid to see her, thinking she had been some spirit: that not a man of them du●●t once defend themselves. So the PALLENIANS say, that the image of Diana all the rest of the time is kept locked up, The sign of Diana with the Pallenians. and no body toucheth it, and that when the Nun that keepeth it doth carry it elsewhere, no man dare look on it, but every man turneth his eyes away: because the sight of it is not only fearful and hurtful unto men, but it also killeth the fruit of the trees it passeth by, and maketh them barren. This was the cause that then troubled the AETOLIANS minds so much, because the Nun removing the image of the goddess Diana, she turned it towards them. Howbeit Aratus in his commentaries maketh no mention of this at all, but only writeth that when he had defeated the AETOLIANS, following them in chase, he entered hand over head with them that fled into the city, out of the which he drove them, and slew seven hundred of them. This noble victory hath been esteemed among the chiefest afterwards: and the painter Timanthes hath drawn and set it forth in table very lively. This notwithstanding, because divers Princes and people did immediately prepare force against the ACHAIANS: Aratus presently made peace with the AETOLIANS by the practice of Pantaleon, Aratus bringeth the AEtolians in league with the Achaians. who bore great sway and authority amongst them. Furthermore, Aratus being desirous to set the ATHENIANS at liberty, Aratus attempteth to set Athens at liberty. he suddenly attempted to take the haven of PIRAEA: for the which the ACHAIANS reproved him, because he had broken the peace they had made with the MACEDONIANS. But Aratus in his commentaries doth stoutly deny that it was he, and layeth the fault upon Erginus, by whose means he wan the castle of the acrocorinth: saying that it was he, that of his own mind did set a scaling ladder to the wall, and that his ladder breaking under him, he fled upon it, and perceiving he was followed near by the enemies, he still cried out, Aratus, as if he had been there, and by this policy mocked his enemies, and saved himself. Howbeit me thinks this answer is not true. For it is not credible, that Erginus a private soldier, and a SYRIAN borne, should have so great an enterprise in his head, unless it had been by Aratus consent and commandment, who had given him men, time, and means to undertake it. And this appeared plainly afterwards. For, Aratus did not attempt it twice or thrice only, but oftener than so (as those that extremely desire a thing) to take the haven of PIRAEA on the sudden, not giving over for once failing, but rather imboldening himself again with good hope, because he missed it but little, and that he came so near the taking of it. And another time also amongst others, flying through the plain of THRIASIA, he broke his leg, and was driven to have many incisions to heal it: so that he was a long time together carried in his litter to the wars. After that king Antigonus was dead, and that Demetrius his son succeeded him in the kingdom: he attempted then more earnestly than ever before, to set the city of ATHENS at liberty, making small account of the MACEDONIANS. Aratus therefore being overthrown in battle near unto PHYLACIA, Aratus overthrown by the Macedonians. by king Demetrius Lieutenant, called BITHYS: and the rumour running strait abroad, that Aratus was dead, or at the lest that he was taken prisoner: one named Diogenes, Captain of the haven of PIRAEA, wrote a letter unto CORINTHA, and commanded the garrison of the ACHAIANS that kept it, to deliver the town, for Aratus was dead. But he by chance was at the self same time in CORINTHE: so that they which brought the letters went home with a mock, without their purpose, and made all the company merry. Furthermore, king Demetrius himself sent a gallye out of MACEDON, to bring Aratus bound unto him. The ATHENIANS themselves also, to please the MACEDONIANS, exceeding all lightness of flattery, aware garlands of their heads a whole day together, in token of common joy, when news was brought them of Aratus death. Aratus was so mad in his mind to hear this, that he brought his army presently against them, even to the very suburbs of the Academy. Notwithstanding, at their earnest requests, he did no hurt there. And afterwards, the ATHENIANS acknowledging his valiantness, when king Demetrius died: it took them in the heads to recover their liberty again. So Aratus, though that year another man was general of the ACHAIANS, and that he kept his bed, lying sick of a long disease: yet to further this, he was carried to ATHENS in alytter, and so persuaded Diogenes, Captain of the garrison there, that for the sum of a hundred and fifty talents (towards the which Aratus gave of his own, twenty talents) he made him deliver the ATHENIANS the haven of PIRAEA, the castle of MUNYCHIA, the isle of SALAMINA, and the castle of SUNIUM. After this, the AEGINETES, the HERMIONIANS, and the most part of ARCADIA itself, did presently join with the ACHAIANS: so that the MACEDONIANS being occupied with wars at that time in other places against their neighbours, the power of the ACHAIANS marvelously increased, having also the AETOLIANS their confederates. Then Aratus to perform his old promise, and being angry to see the city of ARGOS (being so near neighbour unto them) yet kept in bondage: he sent unto Aristomachus, to persuade him to be contented to set his city again at liberty, and to join it to the tribe of the ACHAIANS, as Lysiadas had done his town of MEGALIPOLIS, and rather too like to be made a General with honour and praise of so great and famous a state as the ACHAIANS: then tyrant of one only city, hated, and every hour of the night and day in danger of his life. Aristomachus gave care to his persuasions, and sent unto Aratus, Aratus by persuasion, delivered Argos from tyranny. telling him that he had need of fifty talents to discharge the soldiers he had about him: The money was strait prepared. And Lysiadas that was at that time General of the ACHAIANS, and that marvelously desired this matter might be brought to pass by his means: he secretly sent unto Aristomachus to accuse Aratus, and showed how he had been always a mortal enemy unto tyrants, and therefore counseled him rather to put himself into his hands, as in deed he did. For, Lysiadas brought Aristomachus unto the counsel of the ACHAIANS. There all the counsel plainly showed their good wills, and the confidence they had in Aratus: The love and faith of the Achaians unto Aratus. for when he spoke against it, that they should not receive Aristomachus, they rejected him with great anger. But afterwards also when Aratus was won, and that he began to move the contrary to the counsel: they strait agreed to receive the ARGIVES, and the PHLIASIANS in league with them, and also the next year following, they chose Aristomachus Lieutenant general of all their tribe. Aristomachus seeing himself in credit now with the ACHAIANS, would needs invade the country of LACONIA with a main army, and sent for Aratus being then at ATHENS. Aratus wrote unto him, and wished him in any wise not to meddle with that journey, because he would not have the ACHAIANS to deal with Cleomenes, king of LACEDAEMON, that was a courageous and stout young Prince, and marvelously grown in short time. Howbeit Aristomachus being self-willed in that point, Aratus obeyed him, and was there in person all that journey. So Cleomenes being come to them upon the sudden with his army, near unto the city of PALANTIUM: Aristomachus would needs fight with him. But Aratus dissuaded him from it. Whereupon Lysiadas afterwards accused him to the ACHAIANS, and the next year following he contended with him, suing to be General: howbeit he was rejected by most voices, and Aratus chosen General the twelfth time. The self same year he was overthrown in battle by Cleomenes, near unto the mountain Lycaeum, Aratus overthrown in battle by king Cleomenes, hard by the mountain Lycaeum. and being fled, wandered up and down in the night, that every man thought the had been slain, and it ran for good payment among all the GRECIANS. Howbeit he saved himself, and having gathered his men together again, nor contenting him that he had scaped with life, but wisely taking the opportunity and occasion offered, no man knowing it, nor mistrusting his coming: he suddenly went to assail the MANTINIANS, which were confederates of Cleomenes, and having taken the city of MANTINAEA, Aratus took the city of Mantinaea. he left a great garrison in it, and made the strangers that were there, free of the city. Thus Aratus was he alone, that being overcome wan the ACHAIANS that, which they themselves could scarcely have won, if they had been conquerors. Afterwards, the LACEDÆMONIANS invading the territories of the MEGALOPOLITANS with a great army, Aratus suddenly went thithes to aid them, but would hazard battle no more, nor give Cleomenes vantage, who desired only no fight, and still constantly resisted MEGALOPOLITANES, that provoked him to come into the field. For besides that in nature he was not meet for a set battle, at that time also he was the weaker in men, and had to do with a venturous young man, that was all fire: where his courage and ambition on the other side was cool, & quiet enough. Furthermore he considered, that as king Cleomenes sought honour by valiant venturing, which he had not before: even so it was his part wisely to keep that which he had long since gotten, and to stand upon his guard and safety. This notwithstanding, the light armed men being put out into the field, and having chased the LACEDÆMONIANS even into their camp, & entering in with the hand over head: Aratus would never bring out his citizens, but stayed them in a great valley that lay between them both, and would not let them come on any further. Wherewithal Lysiadas being mad with himself, and falling out with Aratus: he called for the horsemen, & said that he would yet help them that followed the chase, and prayed them not to loose the victory so cowardly, of the which they were so sure: nor to forsake him at a pinch, fight for defence of their country. So having gotten a great number of choice horsemen together, he went with great fury, and gave charge of the right wing of his enemy's battle, and having dispersed them, and put them to flight, he unadvisedly followed them with great courage, into evil favoured crooked ways, among trees, and great broad ditches. Whereupon Cleomenes came, The death of Lysiadas. and so lustily set on him, that he slew him dead in the place, valiantly fight and defending himself. The other men of arms flying also, rushed in again into the battle of the footmen, and so disordered their ranks, Aratus once again overthrown by king Cleomenes. that they made all their army fly for fear. For this cause they greatly blamed Aratus, because he had forsaken Lysiadas: and being forced unto it by the ACHAIANS that went without his leave, he followed them at length, and fled himself also unto the city of AEGIUM. There the ACHAIANS sitting in counsel, they decreed that they would furnish Aratus with no more money, neither would they pay his strangers any more: & bade him pay them at his own charge, if he would entertain them for the war. Aratus perceiving they did him great wrong, stood even indifferent to deliver up his commission of Lieutenancy, and to discharge himself of his office: but after he had bethought himself better, he bore it patiently, and led the ACHAIANS directly to the city of ORCHOMENE. There he valiantly fought with Megistonus, king Cleomenes father in law, and had the upper hand of him: for he slew three hundred of his men, and took Megistonus self prisoner. Furthermore, where before every second year they did use to choose him their Lieutenant general: when his turn came about again, they called him to give him the office, but he refused it, and Timoxenus was chosen in his room. Now the cause alleged for his refusal, was said to be, for that he misliked of the common people. But that soundeth like a lie: for the truth of it, to my seeming was, for that he saw the state of the ACHAIANS to decline. For king Cleomenes proceeded no more sayer and softly as he did at the first, when he was controlled and bridled by the Ephori: but having slain them, and equally divided the lands through all LACEDAEMONIA, and made the strangers free citizens of SPARTA, being then absolute Lord of LACEDAEMON the strait set upon the ACHAIANS with all the power he could, and sought to conquer them. And therefore Aratus deserveth just reproof, Aratus reproach. for that he forsook his country in such extreme trouble & danger, that being as the master of a ship he gave an other the stern to steer, when it had been most honourable & meetest for him to have taken it in hand (though they would not have given it him) to have saved his country. A Governor of a common weal aught no more to forsake his country in time of danger: then the master of a ship his ship, at storm and tempest. Or otherwise, if he had in deed utterly despaired of the good success of the ACHAIANS, he should then have put it rather into Cleomenes hands, and not to have poisoned PELOPONNESUS again, with the manners of the barbarous people: (bringing in as he did, the garrison of the MACEDONIANS, filling the castle of the acrocorinth with GAULES and ILLYRIAN soldiers, and making them his Lords and masters, whom he had so often overcomen in wars, and deceived of their government, and of whom he also spoke so much evil in his Commentaries) nor to have put them into towns, and calling them friends and confederates, to think thereby to colour and disguise his wicked practice. Admit Cleomenes had been a tyrant, and a cruel man (if I should so term him) yet came he of the blood of Hercules, and was borne in SPARTA: from whence they should rather have chosen the meanest man Governor, than the greatest king of MACEDON, The meanest man of Sparta, was to be preferred before the greatest Prince of Macedon. and those specially that prefer the honour and glory of GRAECE, before strangers. Yet king Cleomenes required no more of all the ACHAIANS, but the name only to be their Lieutenant general: and so they would grant him that honour, he promised he would be very good unto the city's confederates ACHAIA. Where Antigonus notwithstanding, when they had chosen him their Lieutenant general with absolute power and authority, both by sea and by land, refused the charge, unless they would let him have the castle of the acrocorinth for his higher. The which was even like to Esopes' hunter, Esopes' hunter. that bridled his horse. For he would not get up upon the ACHAIANS that requested him, and that by their Ambassadors and decrees of counsel did refer all to himself: before be had first saddled and bridled them, by the garrison he made them receive, and the pledges he caused them to give him, and yet he spoke as much as might be to clear himself of the accusation against him, bearing them in hand that he was forced to it. Howbeit Polybius writeth, Polybius Historiographer. that long time before he was compelled, being afraid of Cleomenes valiantness, he had secretly practised that with Antigonus, which he was openly seen in afterwards: and that he had enticed the MEGALOPOLITANS (who were the first that moved it to the counsel of the ACHAIANS) to call king Antigonus to their aid, because they were nearest neighbours to the fire, and continually harried with Cleomenes war, that always knocked at their gates to come and spoil them. Thus much is affirmed by Phylarchus in his history, who were hardly to be credited notwithstanding, Philarchus the Historiographer, not greatly to be credited. had not Polybius confirmed it. For he loved Cleomenes so well, that it seemed he was ravished with some spirit as often as he spoke of him: and frameth his history, as a common counsellor that should plead a case in law before the judges, still accusing the one, and defending the other. The ACHAIANS lost the city of MEGALIPOLIS again, the which king Cleomenes took of them, Cleomenes winneth the city of Megalipolis, from the Achaians. and overcame them in a great battle, by Hecatombaeon. Wherewithal they were so amazed, that they sent Ambassadors presently unto him, & prayed him to come to the city of ARGOS, & there they would make him their Lieutenant general. But when Aratus heard he came in deed, and that he was not far from the city of LEENA with his army: being afraid, he sent other Ambassadors to tell him that he should safely come with three hundred men only, as unto his friends and confederates, and yet if he mistrusted craft and evil dealing, that then they would give him pledges for the safety of his person. Cleomenes answered him, that was a plain mockery, and an injury they offered him. Wherefore, he presently departed thence, and sent a letter before to the counsel of the ACHAIANS, full of fowl words and reproaches he gave unto Aratus. The spiteful letters that passed betwixt Cleomenes and Aratus. Who likewise replied to him again, bitterly taunting each other, that they came to talk of their marriage and wives. After this letter, Cleomenes sent defiance by a Herald unto the ACHAIANS, and proclaimed open war against them: insomuch as he had almost gotten the city of SICYONE by practice of traitors. Howbeit failing of his purpose, he returned suddenly, and went unto the city of DALLENA, which he took, and drove out the General of the ACHAIANS thence, and immediately after he wan the cities also of PHENEA, and PENTELION. After that, the ARGIVES and PHLIASIANS willingly yielded unto him, so that of all that which the ACHAIANS had conquered, and joined unto their tribe, they could reckon of nothing else of certainty unto them. Then Aratus was marvelously troubled in his mind, to see all PELOPONNESUS in tum●●le and uproar, and that all the cities fell to open rebellion by those that practised change and alteration. For no man was contented with the state and government at that time, but divers of the SICYONIANS & CORINTHIANS both were bewrayed which had secretly practised with Cleomenes, and that of long time maliced the government of the ACHAIANS, desiring themselves to be Lords and Governors of their cities. Aratus having full commission and with ●●tie from the counsel of the ACHAIANS, to make inquierie of them, and to put them to death, Aratus p●●seth the rebels of Sicyone to death. without further trial of law: he did execute them accordingly, whom he found faulty in the city of SICYONE. Furthermore, attempting to do the like at CORINTHE, he made inquiery of them, & put them to death: whereby he made the common people very angry with him, who otherwise of themselves were weary of the government & subjection of the ACHAIANS. The CORINTHIANS therefore gathering together in the temple of Apollo, they sent for Aratus, in adding to make him prisoner before they would openly enter into actual rebellion Aratus went thither, to show that he neither feared nor mistrusted them, but yet he held his horse in his hand following of him. Aratus constancy in danger. Then many rose up against him, and did both reprove & injuriously entreat him. But Aratus with a stayed countenance and gentle words, prayed them to keep their places, and not to cry out in such rage upon their feet, and withal, caused them also to come in that were at the temple door. But as he spoke unto them, by little and little he drew back out of the press, as though he meant to have given his horse to some body to hold. So being gotten out of the press, he gently spoke without any fear unto the CORINTHIANS he met, Aratus sureletie when he fled out of Corinthe. and bade them go to the temple of Apollo. When he was come to the castle, he then suddenly took his horse back, and commanded Cleopater, Captain of the garrison of the ACHAIANS there, to look well to the safe keeping of the castle. Then he set spurs to his horse, and galloped towards the city of SICYONE for life, being followed only by thirty of his soldiers, all the rest having forsaken him, and dispersed themselves here and there. Shortly after, the CORINTHIANS understanding that Aratus was gone, they followed after, but could never overtake him: whereupon they strait sent for king Cleomenes, and delivered the city of CORINTHE into his hands, the gain whereof pleased him not so much, as he was sorry for the loss of Aratus, whom they had let go. So king Cleomenes joining unto him all the people dwelling alongst the sea coast, commonly called the river of CORINTHE, who yielded up themselves, The city of Corinth yielded up unto Cleomenes. holds and towns into his hands: he then intreuched in the castle of the acrocorinth with a great trench. Furthermore, when Aratus came to the city of SICYONE, many of the ACHAIANS gathered about him, and holding a counsel and assembly, he was chosen their Lieutenant general, having absolute power and authority to do what he would, and gave him of their own citizens to guard his person. So, he having managed the affairs of the state and common wealth of the ACHAIANS, the space of three and thirty years together, and having all that time been counted of all men, the chiefest man of power and authority in GRAECE: he then found himself in poor estate, forsaken, and in great misery, as in the shipwreck of his country beaten with storm, and in great danger of himself. Aratus, in great danger for his country. For when he sent unto the AETOLIANS for aid, they flatly denied him, and would sand him none. Furthermore, the ATHENIANS being very desirous to sand aid for Aratus sake, were dissuaded from it through the practice of Euclidas, & Mition, Aratus also had a house in CORINTHE, where all his money was: the which king Cleomenes at the first meddled not withal, neither would suffer any other to touch it, but sent for his friends and officers, and charged them to look well to it, to give Aratus a good account of it afterwards. King Cleomenes courtesy unto Aratus. Furthermore, he privately sent Tripylus unto him, and his father in law Megistonus, and offered him great gifts, and specially an annual pension of twelve talents, which was double as much as king Ptolemy gave him, who sent him yearly six talents. Besides, he only prayed the ACHAIANS that they would make him their Lieutenant general, & also that the garrison in the castle of the acrocorinth, might be divided in common between them. Aratus made answer, that he had no absolute power in his hands, and that it was in the ACHAIANS, not in him. Cleomenes thinking this but a devise and excuse of Aratus, he presently invaded the country of the SICYONIANS, and destroyed all as he came, and continued the space of three months. Aratus in the mean time stood doubtful how to determine, whether he should receive king Antigonus or not: because Antigonus would not aid him, before he delivered him the castle of the acrocorinth into his hands. So the ACHAIANS meeting at the city of AEGIUM to consult upon it, they sent for Aratus thither. Howbeit it was dangerous coming thither, because Cleomenes camp lay hard by the city of SICYONE, beside also that the citizens kept Aratus, and held him by force, saying that they would not let him venture himself in such apparent danger, their enemies being so near unto them. Moreover, the women and little children hung about him, weeping, and compassing him about, as their common father and saviour. But Aratus comforting them, bade them not be afraid, and so took his horse, with ten of his friends (and his son that was a young stripling grown) and went towards the sea, and embarked in certain ships that road at anchor. Thence he sailed unto AEGIUM, where the diet or parliament was kept: and there it was resolved, that they should send for Antigonus, and deliver the castle of the acrocorinth into his hands. The Achaians do sand for king Antigonus. And so it was performed: for Aratus sent thither his own son among the other hostages. The CORINTHIANS were so sore offended withal, that they made havoc of his goods, and gave his house he had in CORINTHE, unto king Cleomenes. So king Antigonus being onwards on his way to come into PELOPONNESUS with his army, bringing with him twenty thousand footmen, all MACEDONIANS, & four hundred horsemen: Aratus, with the greatest states and officers of the ACHAIANS, unwitting to their enemies, went to meet him, as far as the city of PEGES, having no great trust nor confidence in Antigonus, nor the MACEDONIANS. For he remembered very well, that he came first to his greatness, by the injuries he had offered them: and how that the chiefest cause of his rising, was the malice he bore unto old Antigonus. Howbeit, making virtue of necessity, and weighing the instant occasion of their present extremity: governors obey necessity. (of Governors, to be driven to be subjects) he put himself in adventure. So, when Antigonus was told that Aratus was comen in person to him: Antigonus' honourable entertainment to Aratus. having with good countenance after a common sort saluted those that came in his company: to Aratus self at his first coming he gave him an honourable welcome and entertainment. Afterwards also, finding him a good and discreet man: he fell into inward friendship and familiarity with him. For Aratus was not only skilful to give direction in matters of state touching good order and government: but moreover, his company & conversation was very pleasant, to entertain a Prince's leisure with. Wherefore though Antigonus was but young at that time, yet seeing thoroughly into Aratus nature, and that he was a meet man to be well thought of, and esteemed about a Prince: he used his counsel and advise more than any other man's, in all matters, not only touching the affairs of the ACHAIANS, but of the MACEDONIANS also. And so all things came to pass, which the gods had promised in their sacrifices. A wonder showed to Aratus. For in a beast that was sacrificed, there were two galls wrapped in one self cawl: the which the Soothsayers interpreted did prognosticate, that two which before were mortal enemies, should now become assured friends. But Aratus made no account of their prediction, neither did also give any credit to the sacrifices, but trusted more to his own determination. So, the wars afterwards having good success, and Antigonus making a feast in the city of CORINTHE, where he had bidden many guests: he would needs have Aratus lie upon him at the table, and a little while after, commanded his men to bring him a coverlet, and turning to him, asked him if he were not a cold. Aratus answered him, it freezed. Then Antigonus bade him come nearer him: & when the servants brought a coverlet for the king, they cast it over them both. Then Aratus remembering the sacrifice, fell a laughing, and told their king what a wonder he had seen in the sacrifice, & what interpretation the Soothsayers made of it. This was long after. So, Antigonus and Aratus being at that time in the city of PEGES, Antigonus and Aratus sworn brethren. they were sworn brethren together: and then went both with all speed against the enemies. Thus there fell out hot skirmishes between them, hard by the city of CORINTHE. For Cleomenes was very well fortified, and the CORINTHIANS valiantly defended themselves. In the mean time, Aristoteles of ARGOS, (Aratus friend) secretly sent him word, that he would make the city rebel, if he came himself with any number of soldiers. Aratus told it unto king Antigonus, who gave him fifteen hundred men, with the which he embarked, and passed over with great speed from the Isthmus (or bar in the strait) unto the city of EPIDAURUM. Howbeit the ARGIVES tarried not Aratus coming, but were all up before he came, and did set upon king Cleomenes men, and had driven them into the castle. Cleomenes being advertised of it, and fearing lest his enemies (keeping the city of ARGOS) should cut of his way from returning into his country again with safety if he were driven to a strait: he forsook the castle of the acrocorinth, and went his way by night to help his men in the city of ARGOS. So he came thither in time, and overthrew certain of his enemies. But shortly after, Aratus, and king Antigonus both being comen thither with all their aid, Cleomenes was driven to fly to the city of MANTINAEA. After the recovery again of the city of ARGOS, The city of Argos revolted from Cleomenes. all the residue of the cities of PELOPONNESUS did again return to the ACHAIANS, and Antigonus took the castle of the acrocorinth. So Aratus being chosen General by the ARGIVES, he counseled them to present Antigonus with all the tyrants goods, and those that had been traitors to the common wealth. And after they had cruelly tormented the tyrant Aristomachus in the city of CENCHREES, Aristomachus drowned in the sea. in the end they cast him into the sea, and drowned him. Aratus was marvelously reproved for his death, that he would suffer the poor man to be so vilely handled, that was a good man, Aratus infamy for Aristomachus. and one that had done him great pleasure: who through his persuasion willingly resigned up his tyranny, and delivered the city of ARGOS unto the ACHAIANS. But besides this, they blamed him for many other things else. For that the ACHAIANS through his means had put the city of CORINTHE into Antigonus hands, as though it had been some mean village: for that when they had sacked the city of ORCHOMENE, they suffered him to place a garrison of the MACEDONIANS there: for that they had enacted by parliament, that they should neither writ, nor send Ambassadors any whether, without Antigonus privity and consent: furthermore, for that they were compelled to give pay to the MACEDONIANS: for that they made sacrifices, feasts, and games unto Antigonus, as if he had been a god, following the example of Aratus citizens, who were the first that began, and had received Antigonus into the city by the persuasion of Aratus, that lodged and feasted him in his own house. With all these faults they burdened Aratus, and considered not that after they had put the reins of the government into Antigonus hand, Aratus himself (whether he would or not) was compelled to follow the swing of the unbridled Prince, having no other means to stay it, but only the liberty of speech to admonish him: and that also was not to be exercised, without apparent and great danger. For it is most true, that many things were done greatly against Aratus mind, as amongst others: that Antigonus caused the tyrants images of ARGOSTO to be set up, which he had before pulled down: and also that he made them to be overthrown, which Aratus had set up for those that had taken the castle of CORINTHE, and only left Aratus own statue, notwithstanding all the earnest inn eaty Aratus made to the contrary, yet he could get no grant of any thing he requested. Besides also, it appeareth the the ACHAIANS dealt not so friendly with the MANTINIANS, as became GRECIANS one to an other. For they having the city in their hands by Antigonus means, did put all the noblest and chiefest men of MANTINAEA to death, others they sold as slaves, and sent the rest into MACEDON with irons on their legs, and brought the poor women & children into bondage, and sold them for slaves: and of the money they got by spoil, they divided the third part among themselves, and left the other two parts unto the MACEDONIANS. Now surely it can not be said, but this was done for some cruel revenge. For though it was an overgreat cruelty, in rage & passion of mind, to handle people of one self blood and language in this lamentable sort: yet, as Simonides saith, when men are driven and forced to it, it is a gentle (no cruel) thing, to ease their great stomachs inflamed with rage and malice. But for that which was done afterwards unto the city, no man can excuse Aratus, nor say that he was either driven to it by necessity, or that he had otherwise any honest occasion to do it. For king Antigonus having given the city of MANTINAEA unto the ARGIVES, they determined to make it a Colony, and chose Aratus their General: who made a decree, that thenceforth the city should no more be called MANTINAEA, but ANTIGONIA, Mantinaea, called Antigonia, by Aratus decree. as it beareth name unto this day. Thus it seemeth that gentle MANTINAEA (for so the Poets called it) was utterly destroyed, and bore the name of an other city through Aratus means, preferring the name of him that destroyed the city, & did put all the inhabitants of the first to death. After that, king Cleomenes being overthrown in a great battle by the city of SELLASIA, he left the city of SPARTA, and fled into EGYPT. So Antigonus having used Aratus with all kind of honourable courtesy, he returned again into MACEDON. There falling sick, he sent Philip that should succeed him in the kingdom (being a young stripling grown) into PELOPONNESUS, and straightly charged him specially to follow Aratus counsel, and to employ him when he would speak unto the cities, and become acquainted with the ACHAIANS. So Aratus having received him in that sort, made him so well affected and loving towards him, that he sent him again into MACEDON, being throughlie determined to make wars with GRAECE. So after the death of Antigonus, the AETOLIANS began to despise the carelessness and cowardliness of the ACHAIANS (because that they being acquainted to be defended by strangers, and having been altogether governed by the armies of the MACEDONIANS, they lived very idly & dissolutely) whereupon they took upon them to make themselves Lords of PELOPONNESUS. So they assembled an army, and by the way as they went, they only took some prey and spoil upon the lands of the PATRAEIANS, and the DYMAEIANS: but invading the territory of MESSINA with all their army, they destroyed the whole country before them. Aratus being angry withal, and perceiving that Timoxenus (who at that time was General of the ACHAIANS) did still tract and delay time in vain, because he was upon his going out of his year: he being appointed General for the year following, did anticipate his time five days before, to go and aid the MESSENIANS. Wherefore, leaving an army of the ACHAIANS, whose persons were now neither exercised in arms, nor yet had any desire to go to the wars: he was overthrown by the city of CAPHYES. Aratus overthrown in battle, by the city of Caphyes. Now, because it was thought that he went somewhat too hotly and coragiouslie to the wars, he so extremely cooled again, and left things in such case, that all hope being cast a side, he suffered the AETOLIANS in manner to tread PELOPONNESUS under their feet, before his eyes, with all the insolency and cruelty that might be possible, notwithstanding that they sundry times gave him great advantages of them. Thus were the ACHAIANS once again forced to pray aid out of MACEDON, and to sand for young king Philippe to make wars in GRAECE: The Achaians sent for king Philip Antigonus son. hoping for the love he bore unto Aratus, and the great trust he had in him, that he would use them gently, and do as they would have him. But than first of all began Apelles, Megareus, and a few other Courties to accuse Aratus: unto whom king Philippe giving easy care, he procured that one Eparatus, of contrary faction unto Aratus, was chosen General by the ACHAIANS. Howbeit this new General Eperatus being extremely hated by the ACHAIANS, and Aratus also leaving to deal any more with matters of state: no act was done to any purpose. Whereupon king Philippe finding his fault, returned again unto Aratus, and was ruled altogether by him: and when he found that his affairs prospered in all things he went about, he then let him alone withal, as from whom came all his honour and greatness. Thereupon every man esteemed Aratus a wise Governor, not only to rule a common wealth, but also a whole realm and kingdom. For his manners, intent, and chiefest purpose appeared, in the deeds of this young king, as a rich colour that did set forth and beautify them. For the clemency this young Prince Philippe used to the LACEDÆMONIANS, that had offended him: the great courtesy he showed to the CRETANS, whereby in few days he wan all the isle of CRETA: and the journey he made against the AETOLIANS, which was a wonderful great exploit: wan the Prince great fame, for following good counsel, and Aratus accounted to be a wise Governor, Aratus, a wise counsellor. and of deep understanding. Now the king's flatterers envying Aratus more than before, and perceiving that they got no good by secret backbiting of him: Envy, the companion of virtue. they than began with open mouth very insolently to revile him at the table, and with great derision: insomuch as one night going home to his tent after supper, they pelted him with stones all the way as he went. King Philippe when he knew it, was so offended therewith, that he did condemn them in the sum of twenty talentes: and afterwards also, because they troubled his affairs, he did put them to death. But king Philippe in the end being puffed up with the good fortune and success of this war, which prospered as he would have it: he than grew to be covetous, and began to show his naughty nature, and to bewray his dissimulation wherewith he disguised himself: and by little and little to make his vices plainly to appear. For first of all, he abused young Aratus wife, which was kept secret a long time, because he lay in their house, and began daily to grow more severe and cruel to the common weals: and then the world saw plainly, that he cared no more for Aratus. For the first suspicion and beginning of the mistrust he had of Aratus, The beginning of displeasures betwixt Aratus and Philip. came for that which was done at MESSINA. For the MESSENIANS being fallen together by the ears, and in great civil wars one with an other: Aratus went thither to make peace between them. Howbeit king Philippe came thither the next day following, and in stead of pacifying the quarrel, he set them further out together then they were before. First he asked the Governors of the city, and if they had no laws to bridle the insolency and stomach of the common people: and privately also talked with the heads of the faction of the people, and asked them if they had not hands to defend themselves from tyrants. The deep dissimulation and double dealing of king Philip. So both the one and the other faction trusting to king Philippe, the Governors would have laid hold of the Orators of the city: but they rising with the common people, slew of their Nobility and Magistrates, well near two hundred of them. Aratus that came soon after this fact, showed that he was greatly offended with king Philippe, and caused his son with open mouth shamefully to reprove him. Now it seemed that this young Aratus was in love with king Philippe before: but then he told him before all the people, that for this shameful act he had done, he thought him now no more fair of face, Aratus the sons words unto Philip. but the foulest creature that could be. Philippe made no answer to it, although every man looked he would have answered him in rage, and that oftentimes as the other reproved him, he bit it in with his teeth: but as if he had not been offended at all with the big words his son had spoken against him, for that he was a civil man, and mild of nature, he took Aratus the father by the hand, and carried him out of the Theatre where the assembly was kept, to the castle of Ithome, to do sacrifice there to jupiter, and to see the fort. This fort was of no less strength than the castle of the acrocorinth: and when any garrison is in it, it keepeth all the country about it in obedience, and beside, it is very hard to drive them out of it. Now Philip being gotten up into that castle, he did sacrifice there: and when the Soothsayer had brought him the entrails of the ox which they had sacrificed, he took it himself with both his hands and showed them unto Aratus, and to Demetrius PHALERIAN, now turning to the one, then unto the other, and asked them what they judged of these signs of the sacrifice: whether he should keep the castle to himself, or else deliver it to the MESSENIANS. Demetrius smile answered him: if thou be'st of the Soothsayers mind, than thou shalt deliver it up: but if thou hast a kings mind in thee, thou shalt then hold the ox by both horns. (By the ox, he meant the country of PELOPONNESUS, and moreover, that if he kept both these castles of Ithome, and the acrocorinth, all PELOPONNESUS were wholly at his commandment.) Aratus still held his peace, and said not a word. In the end, Philip praying him to speak he said. The wise answer of Aratus unto king Philip, touching the safety of a Prince. In CRETA, and in the country of the BO●OTIANS and PHOCIANS, there are many strong castles situated on high hills from the valleys. Moreover, there are also many places of great strength in the marches of the ACARNANIANS, both with in main land, as also upon the sea coast: of all the which thou hast not taken one of them by force, and yet they all do willingly obey thee notwithstanding. It is for thieves to hide their heads in high rocks & mountains: but a king can have no stronger castle, than the love, faith, and good will of men. That is it that opened the sea of CRETA. That is it that hath brought thee into PELOPONNESUS. Those are the means which have made thee being so young a man, some of them to choose thee their Captain, and others also to make thee their absolute Lord and Master. Aratus going on with his tale, Philippe gave the entrails again to the Soothsayer that brought them, and taking Aratus by the hand, (as if by force he had cast him out of the castle, and had also taken the city of MESSINA from him) said unto him: come on then, let us even take that course. But after that time, Aratus came as little to the Court as might be, and so by little and little left philip's company. For when he went to make war in the realm of EPIRUS, he was earnestly in hand with Aratus to go that journey with him. Aratus the father forsook Phillippe. But Aratus prayed him to hold him excused, and so remained at home, being afraid to be brought into an evil name with Philip'S doings. For Philippe afterwards having shamefully lost his army by sea, against the ROMANS, & beside, having had also very evil success in all other his affairs: he returned again to PELOPONNESUS, & thought once more to have deceived the MESSENIANS. But when they found his practice, than he began with open force to spoil their country. Aratus then flatly fell out with Philip, and utterly refused his friendship, for that he perceived then the injury he had done his sons wife, the which grieved him to the heart, but yet he made not his son privy to it: because he could get no other amends, then to know what injury had been done to him, considering that he had no way nor means to be revenged. For, king Philip was marvelously changed, and from a courteous and chaste young Prince, becomen a vicious and cruel tyrant: Philip of a courteous Prince, become a cruel tyrant. the which to speak truly, was not a change or alteration in nature, but a manifest declaration (when he was no more afraid of any man) of his wicked and devilish mind, the which through fear had of long time been kept secret. Now, to prove that Philip's first love and good will he bore unto Aratus, was also mingled with fear and reverence: that which he did afterwards unto him did plainly show it. For he being desirous to put Aratus to death, not thinking himself free so long as he lived, neither king, nor tyrant: he durst not go about to kill him himself, but procured one of his Captains called Taurion, and commanded him to make him away as secretly as he could possible, & specially with poison, in his absence. This Taurion fell in friendship with Aratus, and poisoned him with no violent poison, Aratus poisoned by king philip's means. but so tempered & qualified it, as it did by little and little heat the body, and procure a pretty cough which brought him into a consumption. Aratus knew he was poisoned, but because he saw it booted not to bewray it, he bore it patiently, and made no words of it, as if he had had some natural disease about him. Yet on a time, one of his chiefest friends being in his chamber with him, who wondered to see him spit blood as he did: A kings friendship dangerous. he told him, friend Caephalon mine, this is the reward of a king's love. So he died of this poison in the city of AEOIUM, The death of Aratus. being the seventeenth time chosen General of the ACHAIANS: who would have had him buried in the self same place, and have made some honourable monument for him, worthy of his noble life. But the SICYONIANS thinking themselves dishonoured, if his body were buried any where else but in their own city: they so persuaded the counsel of the ACHAIANS, that they suffered them to take Aratus body with them. Yet was there an ancient law that forbade burial within the walls of the city, of any manner of person whatsoever: A law for burial among the Sicyonians. and besides that law, they had a certain superstitious fear in them that made them they durst not. Whereupon they sent to Apollo's temple at DELPHES, to ask counsel of his Nun that gave the Oracles, who made them this answer. The Oracle for Aratus burial. Thou happy soil of Sicyon, Aratus native place, Whereas thou askest counsel in that noble captains case, For keeping of a yeareminde and for making feastful days In honour of that worthy wight, to last henceforth alwaien If any hinder your intent through fondness or through spite, Both sea and land and heaven itself will punish that same wight. This Oracle being brought, all the ACHAIANS were marvelous glad of it, but the SICYONIANS specially: who presently changing their mourning into public joy, they carried the body from the city of AEGIUM, & brought it home as in manner of procession, in white robes, and garlands of flowers on their heads, singing hymns and songs of joy, and dancing, till they came to the city of SICYONE. And there they chose out the chiefest place, and buried him as their founder, father, and saviour of their city: and the place is called at this present time, ARATIUM. There they yearly make two solemn sacrifices, the one the fift of November, Aratium Yearly sacrifices appointed to bones Aratus memory. at which time he delivered the city of SICYONE from tyranny, & they call this sacrifice Soteria, as much to say, as the feast of health: and the other on his birth day, as it is reported. For the first sacrifice, that was done by the Priest of jupiter the saviour. The second sacrifice also was done by Aratus son, who was girt about with a cloth, not altogether white, but mingled with purple colour. So during the sacrifice, they song hymns upon the harp in praise of him, and the master of the musicans made a procession round about, being accompanied with boys and young men of the city, after whom followed the Senate crowned with garlands of flowers, and other citizens that were disposed to go a procession. How beit the most part of the honours that were appointed to be done unto him, were left of by process of time, & change of things that followed afterwards. Thus you see what the life of Aratus the father hath been, as we found in histories. Now Philip being a wicked man, and cruel of nature, caused his son Aratus also to be poisoned, The miserable death of Aratus the son. not with a deadly poison, but with such poison as troubleth a man's wits so, that through their devilish receipt, he becometh a stark fool without any wit at all, and maketh him to attempt strange and abominable things, and to have certain shameful and detestable desires: Strange kinds of poisoning. insomuch as his death (though he died in the prime of his youth) could not be thought miserable, but rather a happy deliverance to him of all his miseries and mishaps. But Philip afterwards, so long as he lived, paid unso jupiter (protector of all justice and friendship) the punishment his wicked life deserved. King Philip punished for his wickedness. For, after he was overcome in battle by the ROMANS, he was compelled to yield himself to their mercy, by whom he was deprived from all the rest of his lands and dominions he had, and of all his ships, but five only, and condemned beside to pay a thousand talents for a fine, and to give his son in hostage: and they only left him for pity's sake, the kingdom of MACEDON, with all the appertenaunces. And there he daily putting to death the chiefest of his nobility, and nearest of blood unto him: he filled his realm with cruelty and mortal hate against him. Furthermore, amongst such a heap of evils, having but one only joy, to have a virtuous son: he put him to death, for spite and malice that he saw the ROMANS honour him, & left his other son Persaeus successor of his realm: Persaeus king philip's son: when Paulus AEmylius triumphed for in Rome. who, as it is reported, was not his lawful begotten son, but taken for his son, and borne of a tailors wife called Gnatheniu●●. It is that Persaeus whom Paulus AEmylius overcame and led in triumph in Rome: and at him, the race of the kings descended from Antigonus, failed. Where the issue and offspring of Aratus, cominueth yet until our time, in the cities of SICYONE, and PALLENA. THE LIFE OF Galba. Iphicrates saying what manner of man a Mercenary soldier should be. IPhicrates the ATHENIAN Captain said, that a mercenary soldier should be covetous, a lover, and voluptuous: that to get wherewith to maintain his pleasure, he should be the vallianter, and readier to put himself into any danger. But most men think, that soldiers should be as one enter strong body, that stirreth not of itself without the moving of the general. And to approve this opinion, it is said that Paulus AEmylius arriving in MACEDON, AEmylius saying of soldiers. and finding the soldiers full of words and curiosity (every man meddling with the affairs of the General) he made open proclamation, no man so hardy to meddle with his office and affairs, but every man only to keep his sword sharp, and to be quick of hand against the enemy: and for the rest, to refer all to him, who would take sufficient order for things of his charge and government. Therefore Plato, Plato's saying of an army. that saith it little prevaileth to have a good and wise Captain, if the soldiers also be not wise and obedient, thinking it as requisite for the virtue of obedience, to have men of a noble mind and good education, as otherwise it is mere for a Captain to know how to direct and command well, considering it is that which with lenity & mildness doth mitigate all fury and choler: he hath divers other examples and sufficient proofs to prove his words true, and namely, the great miseries and calamities which came to the ROMANS after the death of Nero, do plainly show, that nothing is more dangerous nor dreadful in an Empire, than a great army living licentiously and disorderly. For Demades after the death of Alexander the great, compared Alexander's army, Demades saying of Alexander's army, after his death. unto Cyclops Polyphemus after his eye was put out: considering how blindly and loosely they were governed. Howbeit the Empire of ROME being divided into sundry factions at one self time, and rising against itself in many places, it fell into the like misfortunes and calamities sained of the Poets by the TITANS: not so much through the ambiciousnes of the Emperors, The Empire of Rome, whereas likened. as by means of the covetousness & insolency of the soldiers, who drove the Emperors out of their Imperial sears one after an other, as one nail driveth out an other. And Dionysius also the tyrant of SYCILTA, was wont to call Phetaus, who had been only tyrant of THESSALY ten months space a tyrant in a play, deriding his so sudden change of state. But the Imperial house of the Caesars at ROME received four Emperors, in less than ten months space, the soldiers now putting in one, and then taking out an other, as if they had been in a play on a scaffold. So that, the ROMANS being thus grievously oppressed, had yet this comfort: that they needed not to seek to be revenged of them that did oppress them. For they saw one of them murder an other, and him first and most justly of all other murdered, that had first of all corrupted the soldiers, in teaching them to make gain of the change of Emperors: and so depraving a worthy deed of itself, which was their forsaking of Nero: and mingling it with bribery, made it plain treason. For Nymphidius Sabinus, Nymphidius Sabyne, and Tigellinius, betrayed Nero. being Captain of the emperors guard, which are called the Praetorian soldiers, together with Tigellinus, when he saw Nero in despair of himself & of his estate, & that he was ready to fly into EGYPT: he persuaded the guard they should call Galba Emperor, as if Nero had not been at ROME, but fled and gone, and promised every one seven thousand, five hundred Drachmas a piece. And to the rest of the soldiers that were dispersed up and down in garrison upon the provinces, twelve hundred & fifty Drachmas a man. For the levying of which sum, they could not possibly do it, but they must needs commit ten thousand times more extortion to every body, than Nero had done. This large promise made them presently put Nero to death, and shortly after him, Galba himself also. For the soldiers forsook Nero, The hope of gifts destroys the Empire of Rome. for the hope they had to receive this promised gift: and shortly after they slew the second, which was Galba, because they received not their gifts in time to their contentment. Afterwards also, in seeking who should still feed them with like gifts, before could obtain their wished hope, one of them destroyed an other by treason and rebellion. But now to set down all things particularly which happened at that time, it were to write one whole enter history: and therefore, I will content myself, not to pass over with silence the notablest deeds and lamentable calamities which happened at that time unto the Caesars. It is manifestly known to all men, that Sulpitius Galba of a private man, The wealth and nobility of Galba. was the richest and wealthiest that came to be in the number of the Caesars: who, though he came of a very noble house, deriving himself from the race and family of the Seruij: yet he was honoured the more, because he was a kin unto Quintus Catulus, who for virtue and estimation, was one of the chiefest men of his time, albeit that otherwise, he willingly rezined his authority and power unto others. So Galba thereby was somewhat a kin unto Linia, the wife of Augustus Caesar, and therefore for her sake he came out of the emperors palace, when he went to take possession of his consulship. Moreover, it is reported, that when he had charge of the army in GERMANY, he did valiantly behave himself. And in the government of LIBYA also, where he was Viceconsul, he did as honourably behave himself, as any man whatsoever. Galba●s manners. Howbeit his mean and simple ordinary of diet, void of all excess, was imputed misary & niggardliness in him, when he was proclaimed Emperor: because the praise of sober & temperate died which he would have brought in use, was then so raw a thing, that it was taken for a new & strange devise. He was sent Governor also into SPAIN by Nero, before he had learned to be astrayed of the citizens of great authority: howbeit, beside that he was of a courteous & gentle nature, Galba●s courtesy. his age moreover increased the opinion they had of him, that he was timorous and fearful. For when the wretched officers of Nero did cruelly vex & torment the provinces, and that it lay not in Galba any way to help them: yet was it some comfort to them; which were judged & sold as slaves by the officers, to see that Galba did lament the miseries & calaminities they end●red, as if they had been done unto himself. So when any slanderous rhymes were made against Nero, which were sung up and down in every place: he would neither forbidden them, not yet was offended, as Nero's officers were. Therefore he was marvelously beloved in the country, with them that were acquainted with him: because he was then in the eight years of his government as Proconsul amongst them, at which time junius Vindex being Propraetor of GAUL, rebelled against Nero, junius Vindex rebelled against Nero. who as it is reported, had written unto Galba, before he entered into open action of rebellion. But Galba did neither believe him, nor also accuse & bewray him, as divers others which were gonernors of armies & provinces did: who sent Vindex letters unto Nero which he himself had written unto them, & so did as much as in them lay to bindet the enterprise, who afterwards being of the conspiracy did confess they were traitor to themselves, as much as unto him. Howbeit, when Vindex afterwards had proclaimed opening against Nero, he wrote again unto Galba, & prayed him to take the Imperial crown upon him and to become the head of a strong and mighty body (which were the GAULES) that lacked nothing but a head and Governor, being a hundred thousand fight men ready armed, and might also levy a great number more of them. Then Galba consulted thereupon with his friends, & among them, some were of opinion that he should stay a while, to see what change and alteration would grow at ROME upon this stir. Howbeit Titus junius, Captain of the Praetorian band, said unto him: O Galba, what meaneth this so doubtful a deliberation? In this place the Greek is corruptly read p●●b●●●s for pea●●●●et. Be not we wise men to call in question, whether we shall allow of Vindex friendship, or accuse him? Yea, and with arms persecute him, that desired rather to have thee Emperor, than Nero tyrant over the estate of ROME? Afterwards Galba by bills set up every where, appointed a day certain, to enfranchise such as would make sure for it. This rumour flying strait abroad, he gathered a great number of soldiers together, that were very willing to rebel: and he was no sooner gotten up into the tribunal or chair of state, but all the soldiers did salute him, by the name of Emperor. Sulpitius Galba, saluted by the soldiers, an Emperor. Howbeit he was not content with this name at the first, but accusing Nero, and lamenting the deaths of the noblest men whom he had cruelly put to death: he promised that he would employ his best wit and discretion to the service and benefit of his country, neither naming himself Caesar, nor Emperor, but only Lieutenant to the Senate, and state of ROME. Now, that Vindex did wisely to call Galba to be Emperor, Nero himself in his doings doth witness it. Who having always made a countenance as though he passed not for Vindex, & that he weighed not the rebellion of the GAULES: when it was told him that Galba was called Emperor, Galba judged an enemy by the Senate of Rome, and his goods sold by the ●rier. he being then at supper, for spite he overthrew the table. Moreover, though the Senate had judged Galba an enemy, yet Nero to be pleasant with his friends, made as though he was nothing afraid of it, and said, this news made all for him, because he stood in need of money, & also that it was a happy occasion offered him to help him withal. For said he, we shall soon have all the GAULES goods, as the spoil of a just war, after we have once again overcomen and conquered them: and moreover, Galba's goods also would quickly be in his hands, that he might cell them, considering that he was become his open enemy. So he presently commanded Galba's goods should be openly sold, to them that would give most. Galba understanding that, did also by sound of trumpet cell all Nero's goods he had in all the province of SPAIN, and did also find more men readier to buy, than there were goods to sell. Daily men rose against Nero in every country, who took Galba's part, Clodius Macer only excepted in AFRICA, Clodius Macer, Governor of Africa. and Verginius Rufus in GAUL, Verginius Rufus, Governor of Gaul. both of them having charge of legions appointed for the safe keeping of GERMANY: and both of them did follow several directions by themselves, varying in mind & intent. For Clodius Macer having rob much, & put divers men also to death through his cruelty & covetousness: he showed plainly, that he swam between two waters, as one that could neither let go his charge, nor yet kept it. Verginius also on the other side, being General over great & mighty legions, Verginius Rufus called Emperor. who had sundry times called him Emperor, & did in manner force him to take upon him the name and Empire: he notwithstanding did ever answer them, that he neither minded to take the Empire upon him, nor yet to suffer any other to do it, than such as the Senate should choose and call unto the same. This at the first somewhat amazed Galba. But when both the armies of Vindex and Verginius, in spite of their Captains (who could not stay nor keep them back, no more than coachmen can keep back the horse with their bridells) were joined in a great battle together, where were slain twenty thousand GAULES in the field, and Vindex also slew himself shortly after: it was given out, that the conquerors after so great a victory obtained, would compel Verginius to take upon him to be Emperor, or else that they would take Nero's part again. Then Galba being not a little perplexed, wrote unto Verginius, & persuaded him to join with him, to hold up the Empire & liberty of the ROMANS, & thereupon fled strait into a city of SPAIN called * Others read Clonia. COLONIA, Colonia City of Spain. rather repenting him of that he had done, & wishing for his wonted peaceable & quiet life wherewith he was brought up: then otherwise occupying himself about any necessary or profitable thing for the furtherance of his enterprise. Now it was about the beginning of summer, and one day towards evening, there came to Galba one of his slaves enfranchised, a SICILIAN borne, that was comen from ROME in seven days: who understanding that Galba was alone, went presently to his chamber door & opened it, & coming in against the wills of the grooms of the chamber that stood at the door, he told him that Nero being yet alive, but seen no more, first the people of ROME, & then the Senate, had proclaimed him Emperor: & that immediately after, news came that Nero was dead, the which he hardly believing notwithstanding, went thither himself, saw his body laid out upon the ground, & then made towards him with all speed to bring him these news. These news marvelously revived Galba, and a multitude of men thronged strait about his door, which began to be courageous, seeing him lively again, although the speed of the Messenger seemed incredible. Howbeit two days after, Titus also arrived, with certain other of the camp, who told Galba particularly what the Senate had decreed in his behalf. So, this Titus was called to great honour, and the slave enfranchised had privilege given him to wear rings of gold, and he was called Martianus Vicellus, who afterwards of all the enfranchised bond men, become the chiefest man about his Master Galba. In the mean time, Nymphidius SABINE began at ROME, not covertly, but with open source, to take upon him the absolute government of the Empire, Nymphidius Sabine taketh upon him to be Emperor. persuading himself that Galba was so old, that he could hardly be brought in a litter unto ROME, being at the lest three score and thirteen year old: beside also, that the army of the PRAETORIANS which were in ROME, did bear him good will of long time, and then acknowledged none other Lord but him only, for the large promise he had made them, for the which he received the thanks, and Galba remained the debtor. So he presently commanded Tigellinus, his companion and Captain with him of the army of the PRAETORIANS, to leave of his sword: and disposing himself to banqueting and feasting, he sent for all those that had been Consuls, Praetors, or Proconsul's of provinces, and made them all to be invited in the name of Galba. So there were certain soldiers gave out this rumour in the camp, that they should do well to sand Ambassadors unto Galba, to pray him that Nymphidius might be their only Captain still, without any companion joined with him. Furthermore, the honour and good will the Senate bore him, calling Nymphidius their benefactor, Honours done to Nymphidius by the Senate, made him grow no bold and insolent. and going daily to visit him in his house, procuring him to be Author of all their decrees passed in Senate, and that he should authorize them: this made him high minded, and the bolder by much, insomuch that shortly after, they that came to honour him in this sort, did not only hate and mislike his doings, but moreover he made them afraid of him. Furthermore, when the Consuls had given to common pursuivants any commissions under seal, or letters patents signifying the decrees of the Senate, to carry them to the Emperor, by virtue of which letters patents, when the officers of the city do see the seal, they strait provide the pursuivants of coaches and fresh horses to further their speed and hasty journey: Nymphidius was very angry with them, because they did not also come to him for his letters, sealed by him and his soldiers, to send likewise unto the Emperor. But besides all this, it is also reported that he was like to have deposed the Consuls: howbeit they excusing themselves unto him, and craving pardon, did appease his anger. And to please the Commons also, he suffered them to put any of Nero's friends to death they could meet withal. Nero's friends slain at Rome, by Nymphidius commaundemen. Among other, they slew a Fenser called Spicillus, whom they put under Nero's statues, which they dragged up and down the city. Another also called Aponius, one of Nero's accusers, they threw him to the ground, and drove carts over him laden with stones. And divers others also, whom they slew in that manner: of the which, some had done no manner of offence. hereupon one Mauriseus, one of the noblest men of the city & so esteemed, said openly in the Senate. I fear me we shall wish for Nero again, before it be long. So Nymphidius being comen in manner to the fullness of his hope: he was very glad to hear that some repined at him, because he was the son of Caius Caesar, that was the next Emperor after Tiberius. For this Caius Caesar, when he was a young man, had kept Nymphidius mother, The parentage of Nymphidius. which had been a fair young woman, and the Daughter of one Callistus, one of Caesar's enfranchised bond men, whom he had gotten of a Laundres he kept. Howbeit it is found contrary, that this Nymphidius was borne before Caius Caesar could know his mother, and men thought that he was begotten by a Fenser called Martianus, with whom his mother Nymphidia fell in fancy, for that he had a great name at that time in ROME, and in deed Nymphidius was liker to him in favour, then unto any other. So, he confessed that he was the son of this Nymphidia, howbeit he did ascribe the glory of the death of Nero unto himself, and thought himself not sufficiently recompensed with the honours they gave him, neither also with the goods he enjoyed, neither for that he lay with Sporus whom Nero loved so dearly, whom he sent for to Nero's funerals whilst his body was yet a burning, and kept him with him as if he had been his wife, and called him Poppaeus. Furthermore, all this did not content him, but yet secretly he aspired to be Emperor, partly practising the matter in ROME itself, by the means of certain women and Senators which were secretly his friends: and partly also through one Gellianus, whom he sent into SPAIN, to see how all things went there. Howbeit after the death of Nero, all things prospered with Galba, saving Verginius Rufus only, who stood doubtful yet, and made him sorely mistrust him, for that he was afraid (besides that he was general over a great and puissant army, having also newly overthrown Vindex, and secretly ruling the best part of the Empire of ROME, which was all GAUL, and then in tumult and uproar, ready to rebel) jest he would hearken unto them that persuaded him to take the Empire to himself. For there was no Captain of ROME at that time so famous, and of so great estimation as Verginius, Verginius, a famous Captain. and that deservedly, for that he had done great service to the Empire of ROME in time of extremity, having delivered ROME at one self time from a cruel tyranny, and also from the danger of the wars of the GAULES. This notwithstanding, Verginius persisting still in his first determination, referred the election of the Emperor unto the Senate: although, that after the death of Nero was openly known, the common sort of soldiers were earnestly in hand with him, and that a Tribune of the soldiers (otherwise called a Colonel of a thousand men) went into his tent with a sword drawn in his hand, and bad Verginius either determine to be Emperor, or else to look to have the sword thrust into him. Yet after that Fabius Vaelens, Captain of a legion, was sworn unto Galba, and that he had received letters from ROME, advertising him of the ordinance and decree of the Senate in th'end, with much a do, he persuaded the soldiers to proclaim Galba Emperor, who sent Flaccus Ordeonius to succeed him, unto whom he willingly gave place. So, when Verginius had delivered up his army unto him, he went to meet with Galba, on whom he waited, coming on still towards ROME. And Galba all that time neither showed him evil countenance, nor yet greatly esteemed of him, Galba himself being cause of the one who feared him, and his friends of the other, but specially Titus junius: who for the malice he bore unto Verginius, thinking to hinder his rising, did unwittingly in deed further his good hap, and delivered him occasion to draw him out of the civil wars and mischiefs, (the which lighted afterwards upon all the other Captains) and to bring him to a quiet and peaceable life in his age. Furthermore, Ambassadors were sent from the Senate, and met with Galba at NARBONA, a city of GAUL: where after they had presented their humble duty, they persuaded him to make all the haste he could possible to show himself to the people of ROME, who were marvelous desirous to see him. Galba received them very graciously and courteously, & made them great cheer, howbeit very modestly notwithstanding. For notwithstanding that Nymphidius had sent him divers Officers, and store of Nero's movables: yet he would never be served with any of them, at any feasts or banquets he made, with other than his own stuff, wherein he showed his noble mind, and how he could master all vanity. But Titus junius shortly after told Galba, that this noble mind and civil moderation, without pride or pomp, was to lowly a manner to flatter the people, and that it was a certain respect of honesty that knew not itself, and become not his greatness and majesty. So, he persuaded him to use Nero's money & stuff, and to be sumptuous and princely in his feasts, without niggardliness. To conclude, the old man Galba began plainly to show that he would be ruled by Titus junius: The ●●●diti●●● of Titus junius. who above all other was extreme covetous, and beside too much given to women. For when he was a young man, the first time he went to the wars under Caluisius SABINE, he brought his captains wife (which liked good fellowship) disguised like a soldier into the camp, into his generals tent (which the ROMANS called Principia) and there was somewhat bold with her: Wherefore Caius Caesar committed him to prison, but he escaped at his death. Another time, when he supped with Clodius Caesar, he stolen a silver pot. Clodius hearing of it, bade him again to supper the next night: but he commanded his men they should give him drink in an earthen cruse. Thus this thest (through Caesar's pleasantness) seemed rather a matter of sport, then of anger: howbeit the faults which he committed afterwards through extreme covetousness of money, (at what time he ruled Galba, and bore all the sway about him) gave unto some just cause, and unto others apparent colour of tragical mischiefs, and grievous calamities. For Nymphidius, so soon as Gellianus was returned out of SPAIN, Nymphidius practices. whom he had sent thither to see what Galba did: he informing him that Cornelius Lacon was Captain of the guard and house of the Emperor, and that Titus junius did all in all about him, and that he could never be suffered to come near Galba, nor to speak with him a part, because those which were about Galba did mistrust him, & ever had an eye to him to see what he did, he was marvelously perplexed withal. Thereupon he called for all the Centurions, Captains, and petty Captains of the camp of the PRAETORIAN army, and persuaded them that Galba touching his own person, was a good old and discreet man, howbeit that he did not follow his own adulse & counsel, but was ruled altogether by junius and Lacon, who marred all: and therefore, that it were good before they came to be of greater power, and to have such great authority in managing the affairs of the Empire, as Tigellinus had before, to sand Ambassadors to the Emperor in the name of all the camp, to tell him that in putting those two men from about him, he should be the better welcome unto ROME, and to all men else beside. The Captains utterly misliked this devise. For they thought it too strange, and beyond all reason, to seem to teach an old Emperor, as if he were but a child that did not know what it was to govern: & to appoint him what servants and friends he should keep, and whom he should trust or mistrust. Nymphidius perceiving this, took another course, and wrote letters unto Galba to terrify him, one time sending him word that he was marvelous evil beloved of many in ROME, and that they were ready to rebel against him: an other time also, that the legions of GERMANY were revolted, and that he understood the like from the legions in JURY and SYRIA. And another time also, that Clodius Macer in AFRICA stayed all the ships freighted with corn that were bound for ROME. But in the end, finding that Galba made no account of him, and that he gave no credit to his words nor writings: he determined first of all to set upon him. Howbeit Clodius Celsus, borne in the city of ANTIOCH, a wise man, and his faithful friend, dissuaded him marvelously not to do it: declaring unto him, that he thought there was no one house nor family in ROME that would call Nymphidius, Caesar. Howbeit in contrary manner, divers others mocked Galba and specially one Mithridates of the Realm of PON●, that said he was a bald writhe man. For the ROMANS (said he) have him in deed now in some estimation, but when they have once seen him, they will think it a perpetual shame and reproach to our time, that he was called Caesar. So they thought it good to bring Nymphidius about midnight into the camp, and there openly to proclaim him Emperor. Howbeit the chief Tribune of the soldiers called Antonius Honoratus, gathered his soldiers together in the night, and before them all did first openly reprove himself, The oration of Antonius Honoratus, Tribune of the soldiers, unto his mutinous soldiers. and then them, for that they had so often turned and changed in so short time, without any wit or discretion, having no judgement to choose the best way, but to be pricked forward and carried headlong in that sort by some wicked spirit, which brought them out of one treason into another. And yet (said he) our first change had some countenance of reason, to weet, the horrible vices and faults of Nero: but now, wherein can we accuse Galba, to have any countenance to falsify our faith unto him? hath he slain his mother? hath he put her to death? hath he shamefully played the tumbler or common player upon a scaffold in the Theatre? And yet for all these vile parts, we never durst once begin to forsake Nero, but gave credit to Nymphidius words, who told us that Nero had first forsaken us, and that he was fled into EGYPT. What shall we do? Shall we kill Galba after Nero? what, shall we kill him that is a kin to Livia, to make the son of Nymphidia Emperor: as we have already slain the son of Agrippina? or shall we rather kill him that hath rashly entered into this enterprise, and thereby to revenge the death of Nero, and to show ourselves faithful soldiers unto Galba? All the soldiers yielded strait to the Colonels words, and therewith went to their other companions to persuade them to keep their saith & promise' they avowed unto the Emperor: so that they made many of them revolt again from Nymphidius. Nymphidius aspireth to be Emperor. Thereupon the noise and cries being great, Nymphidius supposing (as some thought) that the soldiers did call for him, or else hoping betimes to quench this tumult, to stay such as were yet wavering: he went thither himself with great store of torch light, and carried an oration in his hand, the which Ciconius Varro had made for him, and the which he had learned without book to speak unto the soldiers. But when he found the gates of the camp shut, and saw divers men armed upon the walls, he began to be afraid: and coming nearer, asked them what they meant by it, and by whose commandment they had armed themselves as they did. Answer was made him by them all, that they did acknowledge no other Emperor but Galba: the which he seemed to like of, and also commanded them that followed him to do the like, and therewithal drew nearer. Whereupon certain of the soldiers that warded at the gate, did open him the gate, and suffered him to come in with a few men with him. Howbeit assoon as he was comen in, first there was a dart thrown at him, the which one Septimius that went before him received upon his shield, & then others also came with their swords drawn in their hands to set on him, and followed him as he fled into a soldiers cabbone, where they slew him. Nymphidius Sabine slain. Then they laid his body in an open place, and railed it about, that every man that would, might the next day see it. So Nymphidius being slain in this sort, Galba understanding of his death, commanded that all Nymphidius friends and confederators that had not been slain at that time, should for his sake be put to death, as in deed they were. The cruelty of Galba. Amongst them they slew Ciconius that had made the oration for Nymphidius, and Mithridates also of PONT. Howbeit, though in deed they had deserved it, yet men thought it a very cruel part to command these men to be put to death in that sort, which were men of such quality and calling as they were, without due form and order of law. For every man stood in good hope upon the coming in of this new Emperor, to have seen another manner of government, than they had yet seen: howbeit they were deceived of their hope at the first chop. But yet they misliked this most of all, when he commanded them to kill Petronius Tertullianus, Cornelius Tatanus calleth him Turpilianus. that had been Consul, because he was Nero's faithful friend, But now for the death of Clodius Macer, whom Trebonianus slew in AFRICA by his commandment, and for Fonteius that was also slain in GERMANY by Valeus: he had some reason to fear them, because they were in arms, and commanded great armies. But for Tertullianus that was an old man, naked, and unarmed: truly he should have put him to his trial by law, if he would have ministered justice, the which he promised to keep at his first coming to the Imperial crown. Herein they greatly reproved Galba. Now, when he drew near to ROME within five and twenty furlongs, he was compassed about with a multitude of Mariners and sea faring men, that kept the high way on every side, wandering up and down in every place. These were the men whom Nero had gathered together into one legion, and had taken them from the ower and made them soldiers. So they were come thither to be suitors to him, that he would allow them still to be soldiers, and they pressed so arrogantly upon him, that they would not suffer those which came to the new Emperor, to see him, nor speak with him: but they fell to tumult and uproar, crying out to have ensigns for their legion, and to be appointed a place to lie in in garrison, Galba referred them over to another time, Galba thired Rome with murder. and bade them they should then let him understand their demand. They told him again, that this delay was a kind of denial, and thereupon fell to plain mutiny, & followed him with great cries: insomuch that some of them stuck not to draw out their swords. Then Galba commanded the horsemen he had about him, to set upon them. So there was not a man of them that resisted, but some of them were overthrown, and trodden under their horse feet: & others also slain as they fled. This was very evil sign and presage for him, to enter into ROME with such bloodshed, upon so many poor men's dead bodies as lay slain on the ground. Howbeit, where some before did despise and mock him for an old & feeble man, every man than was afraid of him, and quaked for fear. Furthermore, because he would show a great change and alteration from the unreasonable vain gifts and expenses of Nero: The vileue● of Galba. it seemeth he did many uncomely things. As when one Canus, an excellent player on the recorder, had played all supper time, because it was a marvelous sweet Music to hear: he praised & commended it marvelously, and commanded one to bring him his casket, out of the which he took a few crowns, & put them into his hand, saying, that it was not money of the common treasure, but of his own. Furthermore, he gave strait commandment that they should require and call back again the gifts Nero had given, and bestowed upon common players, minstrels, wrestlers, and people of such kind of faculty and profession, and to leave them only the tenth part. But he got little by this devise. For the most part of those that had gifts given them, had spent and consumed it all, as men that live without any rule or order, and spent at night that which they get in the day: and beside, they were to hunt after them that had either taken or bought any thing of them, and to make them to restore it again. But this was an endless work, for things had been so conveyed from man to man, that in the end it came to an infinite number of men's hands. But of all this, the shame and dishonour returned to Galba himself, though the malice and hatred lighted on Titus junius: who only made the Emperor strait laced to all others, whilst he himself took unreasonably of all men, making portesale of every thing that came to hand. For Hesiodus the Poet saith: Hesiodus saying. As well when the vessel is full that it spill, As when it is empty, thirst craveth drink still. But junius perceiving Galba to be old and feeble, would wisely take his fortune and time, while time served, supposing it almost to be at an end, so soon as he began to enter into it. So in the mean time he did much dishonour the poor old man, overgreatlie abusing (under cloak of his authority) the chiefest and weightiest matters, in reproving, or altogether hindering those, the which the Prince himself had a good desire to deal uprightly in, as to punish the officers of Nero. For he put some of them to death, among the which Elius was one, Galba killeth Nereos' servants and officers. and certain other, as Polyclitus, Petinus, and Patrobius: whereat the people marvelously rejoiced, and cried out as they went to execution through the market place, that it was a goodly and blessed procession, and required Tigellinus of the gods and men, that had been chief master and guide of all Nero's tyranny. Howbeit the trim man had gotten the vantage, and had largely fed junius before: for afterwards he put poor Tertullianus to death, who had neither betrayed nor hated Nero, being as he was, & had never offended, nor was partaker of any of his wicked parts he played, when he was alive. Whereas he that made Nero worthy of death, & that afterwards had also betrayed him: he was left alone, & nothing said unto him, being a manifest proof to all others, that they should not doubt to hope to obtain any thing at Titus junius hands, so they fed him with gifts. For the common people of ROME never desired thing so much, as to see Tigellinus to be carried to execution: and they never left crying out to demand him in all assemblies of the Theatre or show place, until such time as the Emperor Galba did forbidden them by proclamation, the which declared that Tigellinus would not live long, because he was sick of a consumption of the lungs, which by little & little did wear him to nothing: and Galba prayed the people that they would not make his Empire tyrannical and bloody. The people were much offended with this, but yet they seemed to laugh at it: and Tigellinus did sacrifice to the gods for his health & safety, and prepared a sumptuous feast. Where junius rising from supper, being set by the Emperor, went unto Tigellinus to be merry with him, and took his daughter being a widow with him, unto whom Tigellinus drank, and offered her a gift of five and twenty myriads of silver: and commanded one of his chiefest concubines to take a carcanet from her neck she wore, and to give it the other, being worth fifteen myriads. After he had handled the matter thus, those things that were done uprightly and with justice, were reproved and taken in evil part: as the thing that was granted to the GAULES, because they did rebel with Vindex. For men thought that they were not discharged of the subsidies & taxes they were wont to pay, and that they were made free of ROME, so much through the bounty and liberality of the Emperor, as it was by junius means, of whom they had bought it. For these causes the people hated the Emperor Galba. Howbeit the soldiers still lived in good hope, for the gift that was promised them at the beginning, thinking that though they had not as much as was promised them, they should yet enjoy as much as Nero had given them. The noble saying of the Emperor Galba. But Galba understanding that they complained of him, he spoke a word meet for so noble and worthy a Prince as he was: that he used to choose soldiers, not to buy them. This word being reported to the soldiers, it bred a marvelous mortal hatred in them against him: Galba offended the soldiers. because they thought it was not only to take the gift away from them which they hoped presently to have received, but that it was also a precedent to teach the Emperors that should come after him, what they should do. Howbeit the rebelling minds of the Praetorian guard at ROME appeared not yet, but was secretly kept in for the reverence they bore unto the majesty and person of Galba, who kept them that were desirous to rebel, because they saw as yet no beginning of any change or alteration. This did somewhat smother and keep in the show of their wicked intent. But they which had before served under Verginius, and were at that time under Flaccus in GERMANY, thinking themselves worthy of great reward for the battle they had won against Vindex, and having nothing given them in recompense: they would not be pleased with any thing their Captain said unto them, neither did they make any account of Flaccus, because he could not stir himself, he was so plagued with the gout, and besides that, he had no manner of experience in wars. So one day when certain sports were made, at the bringing in of the which, Tumult amongst the soldiers and legione of the Romans in Germany. the Colonels and Captains (according to the manner of the ROMANS) made prayers unto the gods for the health and prosperity of the Emperor Galba: there were divers of them that made a noise at the first, and afterwards when the Captains continued on their prayers, in the end the soldiers answered, if he be worthy. The legions in like manner under Tigellinus charge, did oftentimes use such insolent parts: whereof Galba's officers did advertise him by letters. Wherefore Galba being afraid, & mistrusting that they did not only despise him for his age, but also because he had no children: he determined to adopt some young gentleman for his son, of the noblest house of the city of ROME, and to proclaim him his successor in the Empire. At that time there was one Marcus Otho, Othoes' manners. of a noble house, but ever given to sensuality and pleasure from his cradle, as much as any ROMAN could be. And as Homer oftentimes doth call Paris, the husband of the fair Helen, naming him by the name of his wife, because he had no other commendable virtue in him: even so Otho came to be known in ROME, by marrying Poppea, Poppea, Othoes' wife. whom Nero loved when she was Crispinus wife, howbeit bearing some respect to his wife, and being afraid also of his mother, he had enticed Otho to be his bawd unto her, Nero loved Otho dearly, and much delighted in his company, because he was so good a fellow and free of his flesh: and was very glad sometime to hear how he mocked him, calling him niggard. The report went, that as Nero on a time was anointing himself with precious oils and perfumes, he cast a little upon Otho as he went by: who the next day made him a feast in his house, where suddenly were thrust into the hall, divers vessels of gold and silver full of this perfumed oil, that ran out of them like conduit water, and did wet all the hall. So Otho having first possessed Poppaea, and abused her under hope of Nero's love: he persuaded her to be divorced from her husband. The which she did, and he received her home to his own house, as his lawful wife: not being so well pleased to have part, as he was sorry and angry also to let an other enjoy her. Now Poppaea herself (as it is reported) did not mislike this his gealouzie, for sometimes she would shut her door against Nero, though Otho were not within: either because she would keep Nero in breath, and in love liking still, or else as some thought, because she would not have Caesar to her husband, and likewise that show would not refuse him for her friend, because she was want only given. But so it is, Otho was in danger of his life by marrying of Poppaea: and so was it also a strange thing, that Nero having put his wife and sister to death, only to marry Poppaea, he did yet pardon Otho, and saved his Otho sent Propraetor into Lusitania. life. Howbeit it was for Senecaes' sake that was his friend, through whose persuasion he was sent to the futthest part of SPAIN alongst the Ocean sea, to be Governor of LUSITANIA. And there he governed so wisely, that he was nothing chargeable nor troublesome unto the country: knowing that this honourable charge was given him, only to mitigate and hide his banishent. Afterwards when Galba had rebelled, he was the first of all the Governors of the provinces that joined with him, and bringing with him all his plate, both gold and silver, unto the mint master, he gave it him to put into bullion, and so to be converted into currant coin. Moreover he gave of his officers unto Galba, those which he thought the meetest men to serve a Prince: and otherwise, when he was tried, he showed himself as faithful and skilful in matters of state, as any one that followed the emperors train. Insomuch as all the way he went many days journey in coach with Galba himself, and did marvelously curry favour with Titus junius, bestowing great gifts upon him, and also entertaining him with pleasant speeches but specially, because he willingly gave him the upper had whereby he was assured to be the second person in credit about Galba. Othoes' credit about Galba. So in all that he did, he fat excelled junius, for that he granted men's suits frankly & freely without one penny taking, & was besides easy to be spoken with of every man that had any suit to him: but specially of the soldiers, whom he did greatly help & further, & caused divers also to be called to honourable office, he himself partly moving the Emperor for them, without any labour or suit made unto him, & partly also obtaining them at junius hands, & of the two enfranchised bond me of Galba, Icellus & Africus. For, these three men did bear all the sway & credit above the Emperor in the court. Moreover, always when he invited Othoes' practice, aspiring to the Emperor. the Emperor to his house, he bribed the Praetorian guard that waited upon him, & gave every soldier a crown. Now this in sight, seemed chief to be done to honour the Emperor with though in deed it was a fine devise to overthrow him, to bribe the soldiers in that sort as he did. So Galba consulting whom he should make his successor: T. junius preferred Otho unto him the which he did not simply of himself, nor without reward, but only with promise that Otho should mercy his daughter if Galba did adopt him his son, & proclaim him successor in the Empire. Howbeit Galba did always specially regard the common wealth before his private liking, & sought to adopt such a one, as should not so much please himself, as otherwise he should be profitable & meet for the Empire. But surely in my opinion, Galba would not make Otho his heir of his goods, considering what an unreasonable spender he was, & how sumptuous in all his things, & beside, far gone in debt for he aught above five thousand myriads. So when he had heard junius counsel about this adoption, he gently without other answer, did put over his determinatio until another time, & made Otho only Consul at that time, & T. junius Consul with him whereby it was strait supposed, that at the beginning of the new year, he would proclaim him his successor in the Empire. Which was the thing the soldiers most desired of all other. But now, delaying still his determination, the legions of the ROMANS in GERMANY, The legions in Germany do rebel against Galba. did rise & rebel against him all at an instant. For he was generally hated of all his soldiers, because he paid them not the gift he had promised them. So they particularly to cloak their malicious intent, alleged For their cause of rising, that he had dishonourably rejected Verginius Rusus: and that the GAULES which had fought against them, were rewarded with great & rich privileges, & they that took not part with Vindex, had been grievously punished & put to death. Moreover, that Galba did only honour Vindex death after he was dead, as acknowledging his goodwill unto him, offering public oblations & funeral sacrifices for him, as if by him only he had been proclaimed Emperor. Now such speeches & rumours ran through the camp amongst them, when the first day of the year came, which the ROMANS call the calends of january, on which day when Flaccus had called the soldiers together, to swear them to the Emperor according to the custom: they plucked down Galba's images, & swore only in the name of the people, & the Senate of ROME. The soldiers do rebel against Galba. The captains seeing what course they took, were as much afraid of the danger to be without a head, as they stood doubtful of the mischief of their rebellion. So there stepped up one amongst them & said. My fellows in arms, what do we mean? We neither choose any other Emperor, nor yet do allow of him that is Emperor at this present: whereby we show plainly, that we do not only refuse Galba, but also all other to be our head & Emperor that may command us. Now for Flaccus Ordeonius, that is but Galba's shadow and image: I would wish we should let him alone there as he is. And for Vitellius, governor of the lower GERMANY, he is not far from us, but one days journey only, whose father was Censor at ROME, and thrice also Consul, and that was in a manner a Peer and companion of Clodius Caesar in the government of the Empire: whose poverty if any man mislike in him, is a manifest proof of his goodness and magnanimity. Him therefore let us choose, & let the world know that we can tell how to choose an Emperor, better than the SPANIARDS or Lusitanians. Some of the soldiers that stood by, confirmed these words, but others also misliked of them: insomuch that among the rest there was an ensign bearer that stolen secretly out of the camp, to carry Vitellius news hereof, who that night made a great supper, & had great store of good company with him. These news running strait through his camp, Fabius Valés, colonel of a legion, came the next morning with a great number of horsemen, & was the first man that named Vitellius Emperor, who before seemed to refuse that name, as one that was afraid to take the charge of so great an Empire upon him: but after dinner, being full of wine & meat, he came out among them, Vitellius accepted the name of Germanicus, but not of Caesar. Vitellius named Emperor by the soldiers. & accepted the name of Germanicus which they gave him, & refused the name of Caesar. But there withal incontinently after, Flaccus soldiers leaving their goodly popular oath which they had sworn in the name of the people & Senate, they all than took their oaths faithfully to do what it should please the Emperor Vitellius, to command them. Thus Vitellius was chosen Emperor in GERMANY. So Galba hearing of this new change, thought it not good to defer time any longer for the adoption he had intended wherefore certainly understanding that those whom he trusted most about him, were parties in this matter, some taking part with Dolabella, & the most part of them with Otho, he neither liking the one nor the other, suddenly without any word spoken to any man, he sent for Piso, (that was the younger son of Crassus & Piso, whom Nero had put to death) a young man fair conditioned, & showed by his grave & modest countenance he had by nature, that he was endued with many Galba adopteth Piso his successor. noble virtues. Galba came down presently from his palace, & went strait to the camp to proclaim Piso Caesar, & his successor in the Empire. Howbeit at his setting out of his palace, there appeared many great signs in the firmament which followed him. And moreover, when he was also come into his camp, & that he began to say without book part of his oration, & partly also to read it: Evil signs appeared unto Galba. it lightened all the while he spoke, & there sell such a great shower of rain upon it, & a marvelous thickmist in the camp, & overall the city, that men mighteaselyse the gods did not like this adoption, & that it would not prospero. The soldiers themselves showed their discontentment by their heavy looks, & the rather, because at that time there was no speech of reward or liberality. And furthermore, they that were present also, marveled much (for that they could gather by the countenance & words of Piso) that Piso nothing rejoiced at this great favour, although he lacked not wit & understanding otherwise to acknowledge it. And on the other side also, they found easily by Othoes' looks, many signs & proofs that he was marvelously offended in his mind, to see that he was thus deceived of his hope. For he being the man that was first spoken of, & thought most worthiest of all other, & being comen also so near unto it: now to see himself thus wiped out of it, he supposed that it was a plain proof that Galba had no good opinion of him, & that he maliced him in his heart, so that after that time he stilstood in fear of his life. For he being afraid of Piso, hating also Galba, & being grievously offended with T. junius: he went his wayful of divers thoughts in his mind. For the soothsayers, Astronomers, & Chaldeans which he ever kept about him, they did persuade him not to be discouraged for this, & to cast all hope aside: but specially one Ptolemy, in whom he had great confidence, because he had oftentimes before foretold and assured him, that Nero should not put him to death, but contrarily, that Nero should die first, Ptolo●ers prediction of Otho's Empire. & he himself survive him, & should become Emperor of ROME. Whereby Ptolemy having proved his first prediction true unto him, he bade him be bold, & fear not that to come. But now besides him, those that secretly complained unto him, did prick him forward the more, sighing to see him so evil dealt with by Galba, & divers of them chief, which bore great authority & credit about Tigellinus & Nymphidius: who being then cast of, & discountenanced, came all unto him, & stirred him up the more. As amongst others, Veturius & Barbius chief, of the Optio, and Tesserarius, why so called by the Romans. which the one had been Optio, and the other Tesserarius: (for so the ROMANS call those that be their messengers, spials, & officers to the Captains) who with an enfranchised bondman of his called Onomastus, went unto the camp, and there corrupted some soldiers with ready money, & other some with fair words, being of themselves evil inclined, & expected but occasion Otho bribed the Praetorian soldiers. to utter their malice. For otherwise, had the soldiers been all of one mind, it had not been an enterprise to have been brought to pass in four days space (being no more betwixt the adoption and murder) to make a whole camp rebel in that sort. For they were slain the fifteenth day of januarie, on which day Galba did sacrifice in the morning within his palace, The presage of Ombricius the Soothsayer, touching the treason practised against Galba. before his friends. But at that time the soothsayer called Ombricius, when he had the entrails of the beasts sacrificed in his hands, & had looked upon them: he spoke not doubtfully, but plainly, that he saw signs of great tumult and rebellion, and that the Emperor was in present danger of great treason. Whereby it plainly appeared, that the gods had put Galba into Othoes' hands: for he stood at that time behind Galba, & both heard & saw all that the Soothsayer did. So he seeming to be grieved withal in his mind, and his colour changing often for the fear he was in: his enfranchised bondman Onomastus came and told him that the masons and chief carpenters were come to speak with him, and tarried for him. This was the watch word agreed upon between them, at which time Otho should then go unto the soldiers. Then Otho said, that he went to look to an old house he had bought, which was falling down, and in decay, and that he would show it unto the workmen. So he went his way, and came from the palace, by the place they call Tiberius' house, into the market place, where the golden pillar standeth, where also the greatest high ways of all ITALY do meet together. There certain met him that first called him Emperor, Otho called Emperor. which were not in all above three & twenty persons. Thereupon, though Otho was not unconstant as it appeared, notwithstanding he was so fine and effeminate a man, but rather resolute and stout in instant danger: yet fear so oppressed him at that time, that he would sane have left his enterprise. Howbeit the soldiers would not suffer him, but compassing his litter round about with their arms, and their swords drawn in their hands, they commanded the litter men to go fotward. So Otho as he went hastening on his drivers, he often muttered to himself, I am but dead. Some hearing him as they passed by him, rather wondered, then that they were otherwise troubled, to see such a small number of men about him, that they durst venture upon so hard an enterprise. Now as he was carried through the market place, he was met withal by certain others, and afterwards by others, by three & by four in a company: all the which came and joined with him, & cried Caesar, Caesar, having their swords drawn in their hands. Now the Colonel appointed for that day to guard the field of Mars, knew nothing of this conspiracy, but being amazed and affrayed with their sudden coming, he suffered them to come in. So when Otho was come in, Otho received of the Praetorian soldiers. he found no man that resisted him. For they that knew nothing of the practice, being compassed in with those that were made privy to it, & had known it of long time: being found straggling here and there, by one & by two, they followed the rest for fear at the first, & afterwards for good wil This was brought strait to Galba to the palace, the Soothsayer being yet busy about his sacrifice: insomuch that they which before gave no credit to those divinations, began then to marvel much at this heavenly sign. Then there ran immediately a great number of people from the market place, unto the palace. Thereupon junius & Lacon, & certain other of Galba's enfranchised bondmen, stood to guard Galba's person with their sword drawn in their hands. Piso also went out to speak unto the soldiers that guarded the emperors person. Moreover, because the ILLYRIAN legion lay out of the camp in a place called Vipsanus: they dispatched away Marius Celsus with all speed, a very honest man, to get that place. Galba in the mean time stood in doubt whether he should come out of the palace or not: for junius would not let him go, but Celsus and Lacon persuaded him to go out. Insomuch as they fell at great words with junius, that went about to dissuade him from it. In this stir, there ran a rumour that Otho was slain in the field. Immediately after came jubius Atticus, one of the noblest soldiers A shameful lie of a soldiers. of all the emperors guard, & showed his sword drawn, crying that he had slain Caesar's enemy: and thrust through the press, and got to Galba, and showed him his sword bloodied. Galba looking him in the face, asked him who commanded him to do it. The soldier answered him: the faith & oath he had made unto him. Therewith all the people that stood by cried out it was nobly done of him, & clapped their hands for joy. Then Galba taking his litter, went out of his palace to do sacrifice to jupiter, and also to show himself openly. Howbeit he was no sooner come into the market place, but he heard contrary news, that Otho was Lord and Master of the whole camp, and army. Then, as it happeneth in so great a press of people, some cried out to him to return back again, others would have him to go forward: Tamuls for Galba. others bade him be afraid of nothing, and others willed him to look to himself. So his litter being thus turmoiled to and fro, as tossed upon the sea, sometime borne back, otherwhile carried forward: first of all they saw certain horsemen, and then footmen also armed, coming from Paul's palace, all of them together crying out with loud voice, hence, hence, private man. Then all the people set upon a running, not flying dispersedly, but in heapos upon porches and stalls in the market place, as it had been to have seen some sight or sport. Than one called Attilius * Tachus doth call him Virgilio. Sarcello, overthrew one of the images of Galba, which was as it were beginning of open wars. Others round about threw darts on every side of him against his litter. But when they saw they could not kill him, than they came nearer to his litter with their swords drawn in their hands, and never a man of his left with him to offer to defend him, saving one man only, whom the Sun saw that day, amongst so many thousands of men, worthy of the Empire of Rome: and he was called * Cornelius Tacitus doth call him Densus. Sempronius. He having received privately no manner of pleasure at Galba's hands, but only to discharge his oath and duty: stepped before the litter, and lifting up a vine branch he had in his hand (with the The velliansnes and fidelity of Sempronius in discharge of his oath to the Emperor Galba. which the ROMAN Captains do use to beat their soldiers that have offended) he fell out with them that did set upon him, and prayed them to hold their hands, and not to hurt their Emperor. But in the end when he saw they would not leave, but that they fell to it in good earnest: he than drew his sword, and bore of the blows as well as he could, until they hought him, that he cell to the ground. Then Galba's litter being overthrown right in the place called Curtius' lake: Galba lay on the ground armed in his cuirasses. The traitorous soldiers flew upon him, and gave him many a wound: and Galba holding out his neck unto them, The death of Sempronius. bade them strike hardily, if it were to do their country good. So he had many wounds on his arms and his thighs, as it is reported: The death of Galba: & his words at his death. howbeit the soldier that slew him, was called Camurius, of the fifteenth legion. Others do report that it was one Terentius, other also say Arcadius: And some other do call him Fabius Fabulus: who having stricken of his head, wrapped it in the lap of his gown, because he could not otherwise take hold of it, for that he was all bald. Howbeit his fellows and consorts would not suffer him to hide it, but rather that his notable fact he had done should be seen. Therefore he set it upon the point of his lance, and so shaking the face of this poor old man, (a wise and temperate Prince, and chief Bishop, and Consul) he ran up and down (like mad women possessed with the spirit and fury of Bacchus at the feasts of Bacchus) bowing down his lance being all of a gore blood. When his head was brought to Otho, it is said he cried out aloud: tush, my fellows, this is nothing: unless you bring me also Piso's head. So not long after, they brought him his head also. For the young man being hurt, fled, and was followed by one called * Others do read Marcus. The murder of Piso, and T. junius. Marcus, who slew him hard by the temple of Vesta. So did they also kill Titus junius: who openly confessed that he was one of the conspiracy against Galba, and cried out to them that slew him, that Otho did not know they did kill him. This notwithstanding, the soldiers struck of his head, and Lacons also, and brought them both to Otho to receive the reward. Howbeit, as the Poet Archiloshus saith: Of seven peradventure slain dead on the ground, A thousand will say, that they all gave the wound. So there were divers men at that time, who being no partakers of this murder, had bloodied all their hands and sword, and so showed them bloodied to have reward also: but Vitellius notwithstanding made inquiry of them afterwards, and caused them to be put to death. There came into the field also, one Marius Celsus, whom divers men accused to have persuaded the soldiers to aid Galba, and the common people cried out, and bade he should be put to death. Howbeit Otho would not suffer them to kill him: and yet being afraid to contrary the soldiers minds, he told them they should not kill him so rashly, because he was first to learn some things more of him. So he commanded them to bind him, and delivered him to be kept of those he trusted most. Afterwards, the Senate were presently assembled: The Senate swore by the name of Otho. who, as if men had been new suddenly changed from them they were, or as if there had been gods, they all swore by the name of Otho, (the which oath he himself had before sworn unto Galba, and did not keep it) and called him beside, Augustus and Caesar, the bodies of them that were slain lying yet headless on the ground in the market place, all in, their consuls robes. And as for their heads, the soldiers after they could tell no more what to do with them, they sold the head of Titus junius unto his daughter, for the sum of two thousand five hundred Drachmas. Citizen's beads sold at Rome. And for Piso's head, his wife through entreaty, begged it of one called Veranius. On the other side, for Galba's head, they gave it unto Patrobius and Vitellius seruanuntes: who, after they had used it as vilely as they could devise, they therewe it at length in a place, where their bodies are cast, whom the Caesars put to death, the which they call Sestertium. Now for his body, helvidius Priseus, through Othoes' sufferance, carried it away, and Argius, one of his enfranchised bondmen, buried it by night. Thus have you heard the history of Galba, a man that in nobility and wealth was inferior to few ROMANS, and in them both was the chiefest man of all his time, and had always lived in honourable same and estimation, in the reign of five Emperors. So that he overcame Nero by his good name, and the good opinion men had of him: and not through his own force and power. For of them that strove to make themselves Emperors at that time, some found no man that thought them worthy of it: others did put forth themselves, as thinking themselves worthy of it. Howbeit Galba was called unto it, and obeyed them that called him, using his name against Vindex boldness: whereby he procured, that his rising (which before was called innovation and rebellion) was then called civil war, after that his faction, came to have a man to be their head, thought worthy to be their Emperor. And therefore he did not so much desire to be Emperor for himself, as to do good to his country and common wealth. But yet he erred, in seeking to command the soldiers whom Tigellinus and Nymphidius had spoiled by their flatteries: even as in old time Scipio, Fabricius, and Camillus did command the soldiers of the Empire of ROME at that time. So he being now a very old man, showed himself a good Emperor and after the old sort, in his behaviour towards the soldiers only: but in all other things else, being carried away with the covetousness of T. junius and Laco and of other his enfranchised bondmen, he left none desirous to be governed by him, but many that were sorry for his death THE LIFE OF Otho. Othoes' moderation at the beginning of his reign. THe next morning, the new Emperor by break of day went unto the Capitol, and sacrificed, and there sent for Marius Celsus to come unto him, whom he courteously saluted, and prayed him rather to forger the cause of his imprisonment, then to remember his delivery. Marius Celsus made him a wise and noble answer again, and said that the matter for the which they would have accused him unto him, did witness his behaviour, showing himself faithful unto Galba, who never did him any pleasure. These words of them both did marvelously please the people: & so did they like the soldiers also wonderfully well. Moreover, after he had very favourably and graciously taken order for matters in the Senate, the rest of the time he had to be Consul, he employed partly about Verginius Rufus, and did also establish them Consuls in their place and degree, which had been called unto that dignity by Nero, or otherwise by Galba: and he also honoured the oldest Senators and of greatest estimation with certain Priesthoods. Besides all this, he restored unto all those Senators that were banished by Nero, and called home again, all their goods yet unsold. Whereupon the chiefest Magistrates and noble men of the city that quaked before for fear, supposing that he was not a man, but rather a devil or fury of hell that was come to be Emperor: they all become glad men, for the good hope of this smiling and gracious reign they were so lately entered into. Moreover, nothing pleased all the ROMANS: together more, nor wan him the good will of all men so much, as that he did unto Tigellinus. For it was punishment enough for him, if he had had no more but the fear of the punishment every man threatened him withal, as a thing due to the common wealth, and also by reason of the incurable diseases his body was infected withal. Now, though the noble men thought his unreasonable insolency and lust of the flesh, (following naughty packs, and common strumpets, burning still in filthy concupiscence) an extreme punishment, comparable to many deaths, and being also no better than a dead man in manner, still following pleasure and sensuality as long as he could: this notwithstanding, all men were offended with him, that they should see such a wicked creature as he live, that had put so many noble men to death. So Otho sent for him, who lived very pleasantly at this houses in the country, by the city of SINVESSA, and had ships ever ready upon the sea coast, to fly if necessity drove him to it. Thereupon he first sought to bribe him with money, which was sent with commission to apprehended him, and persuaded him to let him scape: but when he saw he could not frame him to his mind, yet he resrayned not to give him gifts, and prayed him to give him leave to shave his beard. The other granted him. Then Tigellinus took a razor, Tigellinus killeth himself. and did cut his own throat. So, Otho having pleased the people thus well, he sought not otherwise to be revenged of his private injuries. Moreover, to curry favour with the common people, he refused not to be called Nero, in any open assemblies at the theatres. Also when certain private men had set up Nero's images in open sight, Otho was not offended withal: but moreover Clodius Rufus writeth, that letters patents & commissions were sent into SPAIN by posts, subscribing the goodly name of Nero, with the name of Otho. Otho at the beginning of his reign, took upon him the name of Nero. Howbeit when it came to his ears that the noble men of ROME misliked of it: he left it of, and would write it no more in his letters. So Otho having begun in this sort to establish his Empire, the soldiers marvelously troubled him. For they continually persuaded him to take heed to himself, and to beware how noblemen and gentlemen came near unto him: the which they did, either for that in deed they bearing him good will, were afraid some treachery or treason would be secretly practised against him: or else it was some feigned devise to set all together by the ears, and to bring it to civil war. For when Otho himself had sent Crispinus with his seventeenth legion to bring him certain prisoners, and that Crispinus was ready before day, going to perform the effect of his commission, having laden carts with armour and weapon for his soldiers: Tumul● amongst the Praetorian soldiers. the desperatest and boldest men among them, began to cry out, and said that Crispinus meant no good in his heart, and that the Senate went about to make some change and stir, and that his armour and weapons were not for Caesar, but against him. These words moved many men's consciences, and made them to rebel: so that some laid hold upon the carts to stay them, others slew two Centurions out of hand, and Crispinus himself also that would have stayed them. The death of Crispinus. Thereupon all of them together, one encouraging an other, went directly to Rome, as meaning to aid the Emperor. But when they came thither, understanding that there were four score Senators at supper with the Emperor, they ran strait to the palace, crying out that it was a good occasion offered them to kill all Caesar's enemies at a clap. Hereupon all ROME was strait in arms, looking immediately after to be sacked and spoiled of all that ever they had: and the people ran up and down the palace, here and there. Otho himself also being in great fear and distress. For men might easily see he was afraid, because of his guests he had bidden, not for him self, seeing them all amazed with the matter for fear, not speaking a word unto him, but staring on him still, and specially those that came and brought their wives with them to supper. So Otho suddenly sent the Captains unto the soldiers & commanded them to speak with them, & to pacify them as well as they could: and therewithal he made them take away the board, and conveyed his guests out of his palace by secret posterns. So they saved themselves, passing through the soldiers, a little before they entered into the hall where the feast was kept, crying out, and ask, what was become of Caesar's enemies. So the Emperor rising from his bed, he pacified them with gentle words, the tears standing in his eyes, and thereby at length he sent them all away. The next morning he liberally bestowed upon every soldier, Othoes' liberality to the soldiers. a thousand two hundred and fifty Drachmas: and then he went into the market place, & there gave great commendation to the common people for their ready good wills they had showed unto him: howbeit, he said there were some among them, that under colour and pretext of honesty, did commit many lewd parts, and made his goodness and grace towards them to be evil spoken of, and their constancy and faith also to be misliked of, and prayed them his grief might be theirs, and that the offenders might be punished. They all confirmed his words, and bade him aloud he should do it. So Otho thereupon caused two of them only to be apprehended, supposing no man would he greatly offended with the punishment of them, and then went his way. Those that loved and trusted him, marveled much to see this change. Other were of opinion, that it stood him upon to do so, to win the soldiers hearts, because of the war at hand. Now news came flying to him out of all parts, that Vitellius had taken upon him the authority to be Emperor, Vitellius rebellion. and posts came to him one in an other's neck, to tell him that numbers of people came in daily to submit themselves unto Vitellius. Others told him also, how the legions remaining in PANONIA, DALMATIA, and MYSIA, had chosen Otho, Immediately after, friendly letters were brought him also from Mutianus and Vespasianus, the one of them being in SYRIA, and the other in JUDEA, with great and mighty armies. Whereupon Otho giving credit unto them, wrote unto Vitellius, and bade him beware how he meddled with any deeper enterprise, than become a private soldier: and that he would give him gold and silver enough, and a great city, where he might live quietly, and take his pleasure. Vitellius gently answered him at the first, and sported with him: but afterwards they falling out one with an other, spiteful letters were sent betwixt either parties, one of them reproaching an other, not falsely but fond, and foolishly detecting each others vices. For in deed it was hard to judge, which of them two was most licentiously given, Small difference betwixt Otho and Vitellius manners of life. Wonders seen at Rome. most effeminate, least skilful, poorer, or most indebted before. Now at that time they talked of wondered signs that had been seen: howbeit they were but flying tales, & there was no man to justify them. But in the Capitol there was the image of Victory set upon a triumphing chariot: the which every body saw did let slack the reins of the bridles of the horses which she had in her hands, as though she could not stay them any more. The statue of Caius Caesar also within the Island, which standeth in the midst of the river of Tiber at ROME, without any earthquake or storm of wind, turned of itself from the West to the East: the which (as it is reported) chanced about the time that Vespasian began to take upon him to be Emperor. Many also took the overflowing of the river of Tiber for an evil sign. The wonderful overflowing of the river of Tiber. For in deed it was at that time of the year when rivers do swell most, yet was it never so great before, neither had it ever done so much hurt as it did at that time. For it had overflown her banks, and drowned the most part of the city, and specially the corn market: insomuch that they suffered famine many days after in ROME. In all this stir, news came that Cecinna and Valeus, (two of Vitellius Captains) had taken the mountains of the Alps: and moreover in ROME, Dolabella a noble man, was suspected by the Praetorian soldiers, that he practised some treason. Now Otho, either because he was afraid of him, or of some other: he sent him to the city of AQVINUM, promising him he should have no other hurt. Then choosing the choicest gentlemen which he would take with him, among others he took Lucius, the brother of Vitellius, and did not deprive him of any jot of his honour and dignity. Moreover, he was very careful to see his wife and mother safe, that they should not be afraid of themselves. Besides all this, he appointed Flavius Sabinus, Vespasians brother, Governor of ROME in his absence: and did it for Nero's sake, who had afore given him the same honour and authority the which Galba had taken from him: or else to make Vespasian see, that he loved & trusted him. So he tarried behind at BRESSELLE, a city standing upon the river of Po: and sent his army before under the conduct of Marius Celsus, of Swetonius Paulinus, and of Gallus, and Spurina, all noble and great personages, howbeit they could not have their wills to rule the army as they would, because of the insolency and stubbornness of the soldiers, who would have no other Captains but the Emperor only, The srew●●dnes of Otho and Vitellius soldiers. saying that he, and none other, should command them. In deed, the enemy's soldiers also were not much wiser, not more obedient to their Captains, but were brave and lusty upon the self same occasion: howbeit they had this advantage over the other, that they could tell how to fight, and were all well trained in the wars, and could away with pains and hardness, and never shrunk from it. Whereas the Praetorian soldiers that came from ROME, were fine mealed mouthed men, because they had been long from the wars, & had lived at ease in ROME, and taken their pleasure in banqueting & plays: and therefore in a bravery and jollity, they would needs have men think that they disdained to do what their Captains commanded them, as men that were too good to do it, and not that they were fine fingered, and loath to take pains. So that when Spurina would have compelled them, he was in danger of death, and scaped very narrowly that they slew him not. For they stuck not to revile him, and give him as fowl words as they could: calling him traitor, and cursing him, saying that he marred all Caesar's affairs. Yea and there were some of them that having their full cups went in the night to his tent, to ask him leave to departed, saying that they would go to the Emperor, and complain to him of him. But the flout they had given them by their enemies about that time, hard by the city of PLACENTIA, Placentia the fertilest town of all Italy. did stand Spurina and his affairs to great purpose. For Vitellius soldiers coming hard to the walls of the city, did mock Othoes' men that were at the cranewes of the same, and called them fine dancers, and goodly stage players, that had seen nothing but plays and feasts: and that for feats of arms, and battles, they knew not what it meant: and that the greatest act they ever did, was for that they struck of the head of a poor naked old man, meaning by Galba: and that to come to fight a battle in the field before men, their hearts were in their heels. These vile words galled them to the heart, and made them so mad withal, that they came of themselves to pray Spurina to command them what he thought good, promising that from thence forth they would never refuse any pains or danger he would put them to. Thereupon, there was a hot assault given to the city of PLACENTIA, with great store of sundry enguys. Howbeit Spurinaes' men had the better, and having with great slaughter repulsed the assailants, they saved one of the goodliest, the greatest, and most flourishing cities of all ITALY. So Otho's Captains were far more familiar, courteous, and civil to deal with cities and private men, than Vitellius soldiers were. The praise of Otho's Captains, and dispraise of Vitellius Captains. For, of Vitellius Captains, Cecinna, was neither for person nor manners accompanyable for the people, but strange, monstrous, & troublesome to see him only, a mighty made man wearing galley gaskons, and coats with sleeves, after the fashion of the GAULES, and spoke in this attire unto the ensign bearers, and Captains of the ROMANS. Furthermore, he had his wife always with him bravely mounted a horseback, gallantly appareled, and accompanied with a troop of the choicest men of arms of all the companies. The other, Fabius Valens, Fabius Valens. he was so covetous, that no spoil of enemies, no polling of subjects, nor bribes taken of their friends and confederates, could quench or satisfy his unsatiable covetousness: whereby it seemeth that was the let, that coming on so slowly, he was not at the first battle. Howbeit others do blame Cecinna for it, that made too much haste, for the desire he had to have the only honour of the victory to himself: & this was the cause, that besides his other light saultes, he also made this, that he gave battle out of due time and season, and when it came to the point in deed, yet he fought it not out valiantly, so that he had almost cast all away. For when he had the repulse from PLACENTIA, he went unto CREMONA an other great city. Cremona a goodly city. And Annius Gallus going to aid Spurina, who was besieged in the city of PLACENTIA: when he heard by the way that the PLACENTINES had the better, and that the CREMONENSES were in great danger and distress: he marched thither with his army, and went and camped hard by the enemies. After that also, the other Captains of either side came to aid their men. Howbeit Cecinna having laid a great number of his best soldiers well armed in ambush, in certain thick groves and woods: he commanded his horsemen to march forward, and if the enemies came to charge them, that they should retire little and little, making as though they fled, until they had drawn them within his ambush. So there were certain traitors that bewrayed the ambush unto Marius Celsus, who came against them with his choice men of arms, and did not follow them overrashly, but compassed in the place where the ambush lay, the which he raised, and in the mean time sent to his camp with all possible speed to his footmen to make hast thitherward: and it seemeth, that if they had comen in time, they had not left one of their enemies alive, but had marched upon the bellies of all Cecinnaes' army, if they had followed the horsemen in time, as they should have done. But Paulinus being comen too late to aid them, for that he came so slowly: he was burdened that he did not the duty of a Captain, that bore the name and countenance he carried. furthermore, Paulinus Otho's Captain, accused for a coward. the common soldiers accused him of treason unto Otho, and stirred up their Emperor against him, and spoke very big words of themselves, saying, that they had overcomen for their own parts, had not the cowardliness of their Captains been, who put them by the victory. So Otho did not trust him so much, that he would not make him believe but that he mistrusted somewhat. Therefore he sent his brother Titianus to the camp, and Proclus with him. Captain of the Praetorian guard, who in deed commanded all, but in sight Titianus had all the honour, as bearing the name of the emperors Lieutenant. Marcius Celsus, and Paulinus followed after, bearing name of counsellors and friends only: howbeit otherwise they meddled with nothing, neither had any authority given them. On the other side, the enemies were in as much trouble as they; and those specially, whom Valens led. For when news was brought of the conflict that was between them in this ambush, they were angry with him, because they were not at it, and for that he had not led them thither, to help their men that were slain: insomuch that he had much a do to pacify and quiet them, they were so ready to have flown upon him. So Valens at length removed his camp, & went & joined with Cecinna. Howbeit Otho being comen to his camp at the town of BEBRIACUM, Bebriacum a town by Cremona. which is a little town hard by CREMONA: he consulted with his Captains whether he should give battle or not. So Proclus and Titianus gave him counsel to fight, considering that the soldiers were very willing to it, by reason of the late victory they had won, Othoes' consultation of giving battle. and wished him not to defer it: for thereby he should but discourage his army, which was now willing to fight, and also give their enemy's leisure to tarry for their Chieftain Vitellius, who came himself out of GAUL. But Paulinus in contrary manner alleged, that the enemies had all their force and power present, with the which they thought to fight with them, and also to overcome them, and that they wanted nothing: whereas Otho looked for an other army out of MYSIA and PANNONIA, as great an army as his enemies had already, so that he could tarry his time, & not serve his enemies turn: and also, that if the soldiers being now but a few in number were willing to fight, they should then be much more encouraged, when they should have greater company, and should also fight with better safety. Furthermore he persuaded them, that to delay time was for their avail, considering that they had plenty and store of all manner of provision: where the enemies on tother side being also in their enemy's country, their victuals would quickly fail them. Marius Celsus liked very well of these persuasions. And so did Annius Gallus, who was not present at this counsel (but gone from the camp, to be cured of a fall he had from his horse) but he was written to by Otho to have his opinion also. So Annius Gallus returned answer, that he thought it not best to make haste, but to stay for the army that came out of MYSIA, considering they were onwards on their way. Howbeit Otho would not harken to this counsel, but followed their minds that concluded of battle: for the which were alleged divers occasions. But the chiefest and likeliest cause of all was, that the soldiers which are called the Praetorian guard (being the daily guard about the emperors person) finding then in effect what it was to profess to be a soldier, Freshwater soldiers laments their pleasant life at Rome. feeling the pains and smart of a soldier. and to live like a soldier: they lamented their continuing in ROME, where they lived at ease & pleasure, feasting and banqueting, never feeling the discommodities and bitter pains of war, and did therefore so earnestly cry out to fight, that there was no staying of them, as if they should at their first cry and setting forward, have overthrown their enemies. Moreover, it seemed also that Otho himself could no more away with the fear and doubt of the uncertain success to come, neither could any longer abide the grievous thoughts of the danger of his estate, he was so effeminate, and unacquainted with sorrow, and pains. This was the cause that carried him on headlong, as a man that shutteth his eyes falling from a high place, and so to put all at adventure. The matter is thus reported by Secundus the Orator, Secundus the Orator, secretary unto Otho the Emperor. and Otho's secretary. Others also do report, that both armies had divers determinations and minds: as to join all together in one camp, and jointly to choose among them, if they could agreed, the worthiest man of all the Captains that were there: if not, then to assemble the whole Senate in a place together, & there to suffer the Senators to choose such one Emperor, as they liked best of. And sure it is very likely it was so, considering that neither of them both which were then called Emperors, was thought meet for the place they had: and therefore that these counsels and considerations might easily fall into the ROMAN soldiers heads, (who were wise men and expert soldiers) that in deed it was a thing for them justly to mislike, to bring themselves into the like miserable time and calamity, which their predecessors before them had caused one an other to suffer, first for Sylla and Marius sakes, and afterwards for Caesar and Pompey, and now to bestow the Empire of ROME either upon Vitellius, Vitellius: a drunkard and glutton. Otho: a wanton and licentious liner. The town of Bresselles in hard by the river of Po. to make him the abler to follow his drunkenness and gluttony: or else upon Otho, to maintain his wanton and licentious life. This was the cause that moved Celsus to delay time, hoping to end the wars without trouble and danger: and that caused Otho also to make the more haste, being afraid of the same. Howbeit Otho returning back again to BRESSELLES, he committed an other fault, nor only because he took his men's good wills from them to fight, the which his presence, and the reverence they bore unto him did put in them: but because also he carried away with him for the guard of his person, the valiantest soldiers & most resolute men of all his host. About that time there chanced a skirmish to fall out by the river of Po, because Cecinna built a bridge over it, & Othoes' men did what they could to hinder them. Howbeit when they saw they prevailed not, they laded certain barges with faggots and dry wood, all rubbed over with bunistone and pitch, and setting them a fire, they sent them down the stream. When the barges were in the midst of the stream, there suddenly rose a wind out of the river, which blue upon this woddestake they had prepared to cast among the enemy's works of this bridge, that first made it smoke, and immediately after fell all on a great flame, which did so trouble the men in the barges, that they were driven to leap into the river to save themselves: and so they lost their barges, and become themselves also prisoners to their enemies, to their great shame and mockery. Furthermore, the GERMANS under Vitellius, fight with Othoes' fencers, which of them should win a little Island in the midst of the river: they had the upper hand, and slew many of the sensers, Thereupon Othoes' soldiers which were in BERRIACUM, being in a rage withal, and would needs fight: Proclus brought them into the field, and went and camped about fifty furlong out of the city, so fond, and to so little purpose, that being the spring of the year, and all the country thereabout full of brooks and rivers, yet they notwithstanding lacked water. The next morning they raised their camp to meet with their enemies the same day, and were driven to march above a hundred furlong. Now Paulinus persuaded them to go fair and softly, and not to make more haste than needed, and would not so soon as they should come, (being wearied with their journey and travel) set upon their enemies that were weil armed, and beside had leisure & time enough to set their men in battle ray, whilst they were coming so long a journey with all their carriage. Now the Captains being of divers opinions about this matter, there came a horseman from Otho, one of those they call the Nomads, that brought them letters, in the which Otho commanded them to make all the hast they could, and to lose no time, but to march with all speed towards the enemy. So when these letters were read, the Captains presently marched forward with their army. Cecinna understanding of their coming, was astonished at the first, and suddenly forsook the work of his bridge to return to his camp, where he found the most part of his soldiers already armed, and Valens had given them their signal & word of battle. And in the mean time, whilst the legions were taking their places to set themselves in battle ray: they sent out before the choicest horsemen they had, to skirmish. Now there ran a rumour (no man knew how, nor upon what cause) that Vitellius Captains would turn on Othoes' side in battle. Insomuch that when these men of arms came near to meet with the vanguard of Otho's army: Otho's men did speak very gently to them, and called them companions. Vitellina man on the other side took this salutation in evil part, and answered them again in rage as men that, were willing to fight. Insomuch that those that had spoken to them, were quite discouraged cragede and the residue also began to suspect their companions which had spoken to them, and mistrusted them to be traitors. And this was the chiefest cause of all their disorder, being ●●●dy to join battle. Furthermore, on the enemy's side also, all was out of order: for the beasts of carriage ran in amongst them that fought, and so did put them marvelously out of order: Besides that also, the disadvantage of the place where they fought, did compel them to disperse one from another, because of sundry ditches and trenches that were between them whereby they were compelled to fight in divers companies together. So there were but two legions only, the one of Vitellius, called the devowrer: and the other of Otho, Battle betwixt the Othonians and Vitellians. Legions called by pretty names Denowrer. Helper. called the helper which getting out of these holes and ditches a part by themselves, in a good plain even ground, fought it out so a long time together in good order of battle. Othoes' soldiers were men of goodly personages, strong, and valiant of their hands, howbeit they had never served in the wars not had ever soughten battle but that. And Vitellius men on the other side, were old beaten soldiers, and had served all their youth, and knew what wars & battles meant. So when they came to join, Othoes' men gave such a lusty charge upon the first onset, that they overthrew, & slew all the first rank, and also wan the ensign of the eagle. Vitellius men were so ashamed of it, and therewith in such a rage, that they took heart again unto them, and ran in so desperately upon their enemies, that at the first they slew the colonel of all their legion, and wan divers ensigns. And furthermore, against Othoes' sensers, (which were accounted the valiantest men, and readiest of hand) Varus Alphenus brought his men of arms called the BATTAVI●, which are GERMANS in the lower part of GERMANY, The valiantness of the Battan●j in wars Note the ●ri●● service of Fencers, and what soldiers they he: The Othonians overcomen in battle by the Vitellians. dwelling in an Island compassed about with the river of Rhein. There were few of his Fencers that stock by it, but the most of them ran away towards the river, where they sound certain ensigns of their enemies set in battle ray, who put them all to the sword, and not a man of them scaped with life. But above all other, none proved more beasts & cowards, than the Praetorian guard. For they would not tarry till the enemies came to give them charge, but cowardly turned their backs, and fled through their own men that were not overthrown: and so did both disorder them, and also make them afraid. This notwithstanding, there were a great number of Otho's men who having overthrown the vanguard of them that made head against them, they forced a lane through their enemies that were Conquerors, The cowardliness of the fresh water soldiers. and so valiantly returned back into their camp. But of their Captains, neither Proclus, nor Paulinus, durst return back with them, but fled another way, being afraid of the fury of the soldiers, that they would lay all the fault of their overthrow upon their Captains. Howbeit Annius Gallus received them into the city of BEBRIACUM, that came together after this overthrow, & told them that the battle was equal betwixt them, and that in many places they had had the better of their enemies. But Marius Celsus gathering the noble men and gentlemen together that had charge in the army, he fell to consultation what they should do in so great a calamity, & extreme slaughter of the ROMAN Citizens. For if Otho himself were an honest man, Marius Celsus orationes Otho's soldiers persuading them to go to Vatellius. he should no more attempt fortune: considering that Cato and Scipio were both greatly blamed, for that they were the cause of casting away many men in AFRICA to no purpose, (though they fought for the liberty of the ROMANS) and only of self will, for that they would not yield to julius Caesar after he had won the battle of PHARSALIA. For though fortune in all other things have power over men: yet extremities happening to good men, she can not prevent them to determine the best for their safety. These persuasions strait carried away the Captains, who went presently to feel the minds of the private soldiers, whom they found all of them desirous of peace. So Titianus persuaded them to sand Ambassadors unto the enemies to treat of peace: Othoes' Captains do yield themselves unto Vitallius. and Celsus and Gallus took upon them the charge to go thither, to break the matter unto Cecinna, and Valens. But by the way they met with certain Centurions, who told them how all the army of the enemies were coming onwards on their way, to come directly to the city of BEBRIACUM, and that their chieftains had sent before to offer treaty of peace. Celsus and his companion Gallus being glad of this, prayed the Centurions that they would return with them unto Cecinna. But when they were come neat unto him, Celsus was in great danger of his life: because the men of arms which he had overthrown certain days before in an ambush, coming before, when they spied him, they flew upon him with great showers. Howbeit the Centurions that were in his company, stepped before him, and closed him in: and so did the other Captenies that cried unto them they should do him no hurt. Cecinna understanding what the matter was, read thither, and pacified the tumult of these men of arms: and then saluting Celsus very courteously, he went with him towards BEBRIACUM. But now Titianus in the mean time, repenting himself that he had sent Ambassadors unto the enemies, he placed the desperatest soldiers he had upon the walls of the city, and encouraged the rest also to do the like, and to stand to the defence. But Cecinna came to the wall, & being a horseback, held up his hand unto them. Then they made no more resistance, but those that were upon the walls, saluted the soldiers and they that were within the city opened the gates, and thrust in amongst Vitellius men; who 〈…〉 them, and did no man any hurt, but courteously embraced them, and saluted each other. Then they all swore and took their oaths to be true to Vitellius, and so yielded themselves unto him. So do the most part of those that were at this battle, report the success thereof: granting notwithstanding, Me that fight a battle know not all thing that are done at the battle. that they knew not every thing that was done, because of the great disorded among them. But as I traveled on a time through the field where the battle was stricken, with Metrius Florus that had been Consul: he showed me an old man that when the field was fought in that place, was young, and against his will was at the same battle on Othoes' part. Who told us, that after the battle was fought, he came into the field to survey the number of those that were dead: and he found the dead bodies piled on a heap, of the height of those that came to view them. And said moreover, that he made inquierie of the matter, but he neither could imagine it himself, nor be satisfied by others. Now in deed it is likely, that in civil wars between country men of one self city, where one of the two armies is overthrown, that there should be greater slaughter among them, then against the other enemies, because they take no prisoners of either side: for those they should take, would serve them to no good purpose. But after they were slain, one to be laid on heaps so by another, that is a hard thing to judge. But now to the matter. The news of this overthrow came first but obscurely unto Otho, a common thing in a matter of so great importance: but afterwards, when some that were hurt came and brought him certain news of it, it was no marvel then to see Othoes' friends and familiars to comfort him, who prayed him to be of good cheer, and not to be discouraged for that. Howbeit, the wonderful great love and good will which the private soldiers showed unto him at that time, did pass and exceed all speech and education. For they forsook him not, The great fidelity of the soldiers, unto the Emperor Otho. neither went they to submit themselves to their enemies the conquerors, neither took they any regard of themselves, to see their Emperor in that despair: but all of them jointly together went unto his lodging, and called him their Emperor. Then he came out, and they fell down at his feet, as men represented in a triumph lying on the ground, & kissed his hands, with the tears ronning down their cheeks, and besought him not to forsake and leave them to their enemies, but to command their persons whilst they had one drop of blood left in their bodies to do him service. All of them together made this petition to him. But amongst others, there was a poor soldier drawing out his sword, said unto him: know, The wonderful courage of a soldier of Otho's. O Caesar, that all my companions are determined to die in this sort for thee, and so slew himself. But all these lamentable things did never melt Otho's heart: The noble courage of Otho before his death, ●● his oration to the soldiers. who looking with a stout countenance round about him, and casting his eyes every where, spoke unto them in this manner. I think this a more happy day for me, my fellows, then that in the which you first chose me Emperor: to see you love me so well, and do me such honour, with so great show of loyalty. But yet I beseech you not to deny me of a greater favour, which is: to die valiantly, and honourably, for the safety of so many honest men as you be, and so good Citizens of Rome. If by your election you made me worthy to take upon me the Imperial crown: I must now needs show myself an Emperor, not sparing to spend my life, for your and my countries safety. I am certain that the victory is not altogether mine enemies. For news are come unto me, that our armies of MYSIA and PANNONIA are in their way coming to us, and that they are not far of from the Adriatic sea. ASIA, SYRIA, and EGYPT, and the legions that make war in JURY, are all ours. The Senate taketh our part, and our enemy's wives and children be in our hands. But this war is not against Annibal, nor Pyrrhus, nor against the CIMBRES, to fight who should be owners of ITALY: but it is against the ROMANS themselves. For in this civil war, both the Conqueror and vanquished do offend their country: for where the Conquerors have benefit, the country and common wealth always receiveth loss. Assure yourselves I had rather die, then reign Emperor: considering also that my life with victory can not so much benefit the ROMANS, as the sacrifice of the same may do my country good, for the peace and quietness of my country men, keeping ITALY thereby from seeing such another battle, as this hath been. So when he had made this oration unto them, and put those by, that would have dissuaded him the contrary: he commanded all the Senators and his friends that were present, to avoid. Then he wrote letters to them that were absent, and also unto the cities wherethrough they passed, to use them very courteously, and to see them safely conveyed. Then came his Nephew Cocceius to him, The Emperor Otho's words to his Nephew Cocceius. who was yet but a young boy, and he did comfort him, and bade him not to be afraid of Vitellius, for he had safely kept his mother, wife, and children, and had been as careful of them, as if they had been his own: and that he would not yet adopt him for his son, though he was desirous to do it, until such time as he saw the end of this war: to th'end that if he overcame, he should quietly reign Emperor with him: and if he were overcome, that for adopting of him, he would not be cause of his death. But this one thing only, I command and charge thee, my son, even as the last commandment that I can give thee: that thou do not forget altogether, neither over much remember, that thine Uncle hath been Emperor. When he had told him this tale, he heard a noise at his door: they were the soldiers that threatened the Senators which came from him, and would kill them, if they did not remain with him, but would for sake their Emperor. Upon this occasion he came out once again among them, being afraid lest the soldiers would do the Senators some hurt, and made the soldiers give back, not by entreating of them, nor speaking courteously to them, but looking grymly on them, and in great rage: insomuch that they all shroncke back, and went away for fear. So when night came, he was a thirst, and drank a little water: and having two sword, he was proving a great while which had the best edge. In the end, he put by the one, and kept the other in his arms. Then he began to comfort his servants, and liberally to give out his money among them, to some more, to some less, not prodigally throwing it away without discretion, as being another man's money: but discreetly gave to every man according to his desert. Then after he had dispatched them away, Otho in his death, seemed to follow Case Vaican. he laid him down to sleep all the rest of the night, that the grooms of his chamber heard him snort, he slept so sowndly. In the morning he called one of his enfranchised bondmen, whom he had commanded to help to save the Senators, and sent him to see if they were all safe, & gone. So when he understood that they were all gone, and that they had all they would: come on, said he then unto him, look to thyself I read thee, and take heed the soldiers see thee not, if thou wilt scape with life, for sure they will kill thee, thinking thou hast holpen me to kill myself. So assoon as his enfranchised bondman was gone out of his chamber, he took his sword with both his hands, Otho slew himself. and setting the point of it to his breast, he fell down upon it, seeming to feel no other pain, saving that he fetched a sigh: whereby they that were without, knew that he had done himself hurt. Thereupon his friends made strait an outcry, and all the camp and city was incontinently full of tears and lamentation. The soldiers suddenly ran with a great noise to his gates, where they bitterly bewailed, and lamented his death, falling out with themselves that they were such Villains so slenderly to have guarded their Emperor, that they kept him not from kill himself for their sakes. So there was not a man of them that left his body, though the enemies were hard at hand: but having honourably buried him, The funeralle of Otho the Emperor. and prepared a great stack of wood, they conveyed him armed to the fire of his funerals, every man thinking himself happy, that could first set his shoulders to the coffin to help to carry him. Others coming to it, kneeled down on their knees, and kissed his wound. Others took and kissed his hands. Others that could not come near him, honoured him, and did reverence him a far of, and some there were also that after the stack of wood was set a fire, slew themselves hard by the fire: who had never received benefit by him that was dead, (at the lest to any man's knowledge) neither had they any occasion to be afraid of him, that was Conqueror. And truly me thinks, never king nor tyrant was so ambitiously given to reign, as they vehemently desired to be commanded by Otho, and to obey him: considering that their desire left them not even after his death, but was so lively rooted in their minds, that in the end, it turned to a deadly hate unto Vitellius. But of this we will speak more hereafter in time and place. Now, when they had buried Othoes' ashes, they did set up a tomb for him, neither for magnificence of building, nor forglorious epitaph, subject unto envy. For I have seen his tomb in the city of BRESSELLES, a mean thing, and the epitaph upon it translated out of Latin, sayeth no more but this: This is the tomb of Marcus Otho. The Emperor Otho's tomb in the city of Bresselles. Othoes' age and reign. He died being but seven and thirty year old, and was Emperor but three months: & there were as many famous men that commended his death, as they that reproved his life. For though he lived not much more honester than Nero, yet he died far more honourably. Furthermore, when Pollio one of the Captains would have compelled his soldiers presently to have taken their oaths to be true to Vitellius, they fell out with him: and understanding that there were yet remaining some Senators, they would not meddle with them, but only troubled Verginius Rufus. For they came to his doors armed, and called him by his name, & commanded him to take charge of them, and to go as Ambassador to entreat for them. Howbeit he thought it were but a fond part of him to take charge of them that were already overcome, considering he refused it when they had overcome: and also he was afraid to go Ambassador to the GERMANS, because he had compelled them to do things against their wills. Therefore he went out at his back door, and saved himself. So when the soldiers heard of it they were at length contented to be brought to be sworn unto Vitellius, and so joined themselves with Cecinnaes' soldiers, so they might be pardoned for all that was passed. THE LIVES OF ANNIBAL AND SCIPIO AFRICAN, Translated into French by Charles de la Sluice, and englished by Thomas North. Annibal. IF we do call to mind the first PUNIC war the CARTHAGINIANS had with the ROMANS: we shall found many Captains, who by the glory of their noble deeds, have left great same and renown unto their posterity. Howbeit amongst all the Captains of the CARTHAGINIANS, none are found more worthy of fame, and so commended of all Greek and Latin Authors, than Hamilcar, Annibals' father, The partenlage of Annibal. otherwise surnamed Barcha, a valiant man doubtless, and in his time a skilful soldier as any was. The same Hamilcar first of all made war with the ROMANS, a longer time in SICILIA then was looked for, who had done great hurt to his country and common wealth. After that also in the wars of AFRICA (at what time the mercenary soldiers through their rebellion did put the country of CARTHAGE in great danger) he did so valiantly appease the insurrection: that to every man's judgement, he was reputed the only preserver of his country. Then he was sent Governor and Captain into SPAIN, and carried with him at that time, (as it is reported) his son Annibal, being but a young boy, where he did noble service. In fine, in the ninth year of his abode there in that province, he died fight vallyantly against the VETHEONS. After his death, Hasdrubal his Son in law, (whom the CARTHAGINIANS through the aid & friendship of the BARCINIAN faction had made general of all their army) remained governor there the space of eight years. This Hasdrubal sent for Annibal into SPAIN, after his father Hamilcars' death, against the minds of the chief of the contrary faction, to th'end that as he had been trained from his youth in the discipline of wars, in his father Hamilcars' life: even so in like manner, that now being come to man's state, he should the better harden his body, to away with the pains and dangers of the wars. Now although at the first, the remembrance of his father was a great help unto him to win the love and good will of the soldiers: Yet he himself afterwards, through his diligence and industry so handled the matter, that the old soldiers forgetting all other Captains, they only desired to choose him (and none other) for their governor. For they found in him all the perfections that could be wished for, in a noble Captain or general. He had a present and ready wit to give counsel what was to be done, The sharp wit and disposition of Annibal. in most greatest attempts: & beside, he lacked neither manhood nor industry to put it in execution. He had a valiant and invincible mind, even in greatest dangers and adversities of body: the which are wont to stay others from performing their endeavours and duty. He would watch and ward as any private soldier, and was quick and ready to do any kind of service, either like a valiant soldier, or a good Captain. In this sort Annibal continued in service in the wars, the space of three years, under the conduct of Hasdrubal. In that time he so wan the hearts of all the army, that immediately after Hasdrubals death, he was chosen to be Lieutenant general, with the common consent of all the soldiers: & this honour was laid upon him without contradiction of any of the CARTHAGINIANS, through the friendship and good will of the BARCINIAN faction. Annibal was now six and twenty year old, Annibal chosen Lieutenant general after the death of Hasdrubal● being but 26. year old. when the soldiers made him their Lieutenant general. For at what time his father Hamilcar brought him into SPAIN, he was then but nine year old: & from that time unto Hasdrubals death (according to Polybius declaration) it was seventeen years more. So he was no sooner made Lieutenant general of all the camp, and his country: but he bent himself to make war with the ROMANS, having long before determined it. For first of all, he chief maintained almost a common hate of all the CARTHAGINIANS against the ROMANS, divers causes of Annibals mortal hate to the Romans. because of the loss of SICILIA and SARDINIA. Besides also, he bore them a secret malice in nature, as a thing inheritable from his father Hamilcar: who, of all the Captains the CARTHAGINIANS ever had, was the mortalest enemy unto the ROMANS. And it is written also, that at what time Hamilcar made his preparation to go into SPAIN, he compelled Annibal being but a boy, to swear in a sacrifice he made, that he would be a mortal enemy to the ROMANS, assoon as ever he came to the state of a man. So, the remembrance of these things were still fresh in the young man's mind, as the Idea (or image) of his father's hate, and still provoked him to spy out all the means he could, how to destroy the Empire of ROME. Besides also, the BARCINIAN faction never left to prick him forward unto it, The Barcinian faction. because by wars he might raise himself to greatness, & so increase his estate. These causes, aswell common as particular, enticed Annibal to attempt war against the ROMANS, and gave the stout young man occasion by these means to practise innovation. There was a people at that time called the Saguntines, who confined indifferently betwixt the ROMANS and CARTHAGINIANS: and were left free by the former peace concluded. These Saguntines ever after took part with the ROMANS: and by means of the league that was made betwixt them, the ROMANS always found them very true and faithful to the Empire of ROME. Annibal therefore thought with himself, he could not devise to make a better match to anger the ROMANS withal, and to kindle the fire of his malice also against them: then to make war with the Saguntines, their confederates. Howbeit, before he would be openly seen to set upon them, he first determined to lead his army against the OLCADES, and other people on the other side of the river of Iberus: Iberus fl.. and after he had overcomen them, then to find occasion to molest the Saguntines, to make it appear that the war was rather begun by them, than purposely intended by him. So after he had overcome the OLCADES, he did set upon the VACCEIANS, spoiled their country, besieged many cities, and took HERMANDICE, and ARBOCOLE, great and rich cities. Now he had in manner overcome all the whole country, when divers fugitives from the city Of HERMANDICE 〈…〉 another, conspired against him, The conspiracy of the Spaniards against Annibal. levied men, and enticed the OLCADES that 〈…〉, to take their part. Then they 〈…〉 their neighbours, that they would all agreed suddenly to set upon 〈…〉 at his return. They being a people that desired nothing more than to fight 〈…〉 that they had received injuries by Annibal, did easily h●rken unto ●●● counsel: and ●●● on leaguing a great number of men, ●● the number of a hundred thousand, they went to assail ●●● at his return from the VACCEIANS, by the river of Tagus when the 〈…〉 their army, Tagus fl.. they stayed upon it, & were marvelously afraid. And doubtless, they had had a great overthrow; if they had sought with those so fierce people, being afraid of their sudden ●om●●●ng, & also joden as they were with so great spoils: the which Annibal deeply considering, like a wise Captain as he was, be would not fight, but lodged his camp in the place where they were. Then the next day following, he passed his army over the river with as little noise as he could, Annibal stra tageame. leaving the passage where the enemies might easiliest come over, ungarded: because under pretence of dissembled fear, he might entice the barbarous people to pass over the river, to take the opportunity & occasion offered them. Now in deed as he was the subtlest captain, & had the finest stratagems of any other captain of his time: so his policy was not in vain, and his purpose to good effect, in abusing of the enemy. For the wild barbarous people reposing too great trust in the multitude of their men, supposing the CARTHAGINIANS had been afraid: with great fury entered the river to pass it over. So they being greatly troubled, & out of order by this means, & specially before they could pass all over the river, they were set upon by the CARTHAGINIANS: first by certain horse men, & afterwards with the whole army, so that there was a great number of them slain, and the residue were put to flight. After this victory, all the people inhabiting about the river of Iberus, yielded themselves unto him saving the SAGYNTINES: who, The Iberians yield themselves unto Annibal. though they saw Annibal at hand coming towards them, yet trusting to the friendship of the ROMANS, they prepared to defend themselves against him: and therewithal sent Ambassadors presently to ROME, to show the Senate in what great danger they were, & also to pray aid against their so great enemy, that made wars so hortely with them. The Ambassadors that were sent to ROME, were scant gone out of SPAIN, when Annibal made open war on them, with all his army, & pitched his camp before the city of SAGUNTUS. Annibal layeth siege to the city of Saguntus. When this matter was reported at ROME, & consulted of for the wrongs that had been done to their confederates: the Senators dealt but slackly in it, & by decree only sent P. Valerius Flaccus, & Quintus Bebius Pamphilus unto Annibal, to will him to raise his siege from SAGUNTUS: & if they found he would not hearken to them, that then they should thence repair to CARTHAGE, & to pray them to deliver their general Annibal unto them, because he had broken the peace. Polybius writeth, that Annibal did hear these Ambassadors, howbeit that he made them a slender answer. Livius, writeth in contrary manner, that they were never heard, nor came at any time to his camp. Howbeit they both agreed thus far, that they came into SPAIN, & afterwards went into AFRICA, & from thence came to CARTHAGE: where after they had delivered their message unto the counsel, the BARCINIAN faction were so much against them, that they dishonourably returned to ROME, & obtained not their desire. Now, in the Senate of CARTHAGE, there were two contrary parts & factions: Two contrary factions in the Senate of Carthage: the Barcinians, & Hannians. Hamilcar Barcha Hanno: a grave counsellor and governor in peace. of the which, the first took his beginning from the government of Hamilcar, surnamed Barcha; & so descended as it were by succession to his son Annibal, & grew afterwards unto such greatness, that that faction (aswell abroad, as at home) ruled all masters judicial. The second faction came of Hanno, a grave man, & of great authority in the same common wealth: howbeit a man more given to embrace peace & quietness, than otherwise disposed to war & trouble. It is he only (as it is reported) who at that time when the Ambassadors of the ROMANS came to CARTHAGE, to complain of the injuries done to their confederates: that did then in manner against the will of all the whole Senate, counsel them to keep peace with the ROMANS, and to beware of wars, the which one day might peradventure utterly destroy their country. Doubtless, A happy thing to follow good counsel. if the CARTHAGINIANS, would have followed the grave counsel of Hanno, rather than to have given place to their desires, and had followed the Author of peace, and not to have been ruled by them that gave counsel to make wars: they had not rafted of those miseries which their country afterwards came unto. But giving place to the fury & ambitious mind of a young man, they heaped such 〈…〉 on their heads, as afterwards fell out upon them. Wise counsel for governors to prevent things at the beginning Therefore it is very 〈…〉 for wise Magistrates & governors of common weals, always rather to have an eye to the beginning of any matters, then to the end: & ever to decide all matters by advise & council, before they should take any w●r● in hand. Now the Saguntines seeing themselves besieged by Annibal, & that against all reason & equity he made wars upon them: they notwithstanding valiantly defended the feege, many months together. Yet in fine, though Annibal had many môe mothen they (having a hundred & fifty thousand men in his camp) & that the most part of their ramparts were battered & overthrown: they liked rather to abide the sack of their city, then to yield themselves to the mercy of their mortal enemy. Annibal won the city of Saguntus. So some do report, that SAGUNTUS was taken the eight month after siege was laid unto it: But Li●ie seemeth not to agreed to that, neither to set down any certain time of the continuance of the siege. Now, the taking of this so wealthy a city, was a great furtherance divers ways to Annibals enterprises. For many cities taking example of the sack of SAGUNTUS, who before misliking so be subject to the CARTHAGINIANS, were ready to rebel: they kept themselves quiet, and the soldiers alfo waxed lively and courageous, seeing the rich spoils that were divided in the camp. So Annibal sent great presents of the spoils of the Saguntines unto CARTHAGE, whereby he wan the chiefest men of the city, and made them like the better of wars: whom he determined to lead with him against the ROMANS, not in SPAIN, as many supposed, but into ITALY itself. Whilst these matters were in hand, the Ambassadors returned from CARTHAGE to ROME, and declared in open Senate, the slender answer they had received, in manner at the self same time when they had intelligence of the sack of SAGUNTUS. hereupon the ROMANS greatly repented themselves, (though somewhat too late) for that they aided not their friends and confederates in so great a danger. Therefore all the Senate and people together, being very sorry for it, and therewith also marvelously offended, they divided the provinces unto the Consuls, to wete: SPAIN unto Publius Cornelius, and AFRICA and SICILIA also unto Titus Sempronius. P. Cornelius, and T. Sempronius Consuls. Afterwards, certain of the noblest men of the city were sent ambassadors unto CARTHAGE, to make their complaints in open Senate for breach of the peace, and also to denownce unto them the cause of the war to come, and therewith boldly to proclaim open war against them, after they had declared the occasion thereof to come of themselves. marg Wars proclaimed by the Romans, with the Carthaginians. This was as bravely received of the CARTHAGINIANS, as lustily offered unto them: but therein they were not so well advised, as the success of that war in the end sufficiently proved it to them. Now Annibal being advertised how things were concluded in the Senate at CARTHAGE, and thinking with himself that it was time to go into ITALY, as he had determined from the beginning: he made all the possible speed he could to prepare his ships and things ready, and so required aid of the cities that were his best friends and confederates, and commanded that all the bands should meet him at new CARTHAGE. So when he came to GADES, he appointed good garrisons in places most convenient, in AFRICA and SPAIN, which he thought above all things else to be most necessary: because that when he should go into ITALY, the ROMANS should not win it from him. Therefore he sent into AFRICA, twelve hundred horsemen, & thirteen thousand footmen, all SPANIARDS: and beside, he brought out of divers parts of AFRICA four thousand soldiers, and placed them in garrison in CARTHAGE, obtaining both hostages and soldiers by this means. So he left the government of SPAIN to his brother Hasdrubal, and gave him an army of fifty ships of war, two thousand horsemen, and twelve thousand footmen. These were the garrisons he left in both those provinces. Now he thought them not sufficient to withstand the power of the ROMANS, if they bent their wars into SPAIN, or AFRICA: but because he thought them strong enough to stay the enemy from overrunning of the country, until that having brought his army by land, he had set foot in ITALY. Moreover, he knew that the CARTHAGINIANS were strong enough to levy a new army if they listed, and if need so required, to sand him aid also into ITALY. For, after that they had driven away this so dangerous a war, procured against them through the spite of the mercenary soldiers, having ever after obtained victory: first under the conduct of Hamilcar: secondly, under Hasdriuball: and lastly, under Annibal: they were grown to such greatness & strength, that at what time Annibal came into ITALY, their Empire & dominions were marvelously enlarged. For they had all the coast of AFRICA, The greatness of the dominion of Africa. which lieth over against the sea Mediterraneum, from the altars of the Philenians, which be not far from the great Syrte, unto Hercules' pillars: and containeth in length * This place is false. two thousand paces. So, after they had passed the strait which divideth AFRICA from EUROPE, they possessed almost all SPAIN, to the mountains Pyrenei, which do divide SPAIN from GAUL. Thus order being taken for all things in AFRICA, and SPAIN: Annibal returned again to new CARTHAGE, where his army was ready for him, and well appointed. So, meaning to delay time no longer, he called his men together, and encouraging them with great and large promises, Annibal determineth to invade Italy. he greatly commended the commodities of ITALY: & made great account unto them of the friendship of the GAULES, and in the end he bade them be of good courage, and set lustily forward. Thereupon, the next day following he departed from CARTHAGE, and brought his army all alongst the coast, unto the river of Iberus. It is reported, that the next night following, Annibale dream at the river of Iberus. Annibal dreamt he saw a young man, of a marvelous terrible look & stature, who bade him follow him into ITALY: but afterwards, that he saw a snake of a wonderful greatness, making a marvelous noise: & being desirous to understand what the same might signify, it was told him that it betokened the destruction of ITALY. It is not to be marveled at, though the great care & thought he took in the day time for the war of ITALY, made his mind to run of such fancies in the night, as dreaming of victory or destruction, or such other calamities of war. For they are things that happen often, as Cicero the Orator saith: that our thoughts & words do beget such things in our dream, as Ennius the Poet writeth of Homer: to wit, like to those his mind most ran on, or that he talked of most. Now, after Annibal had passed over the mountains Pirenei, and that he had also won the GAULES hearts with bountiful gifts: in few days he came to the river of Rhone. The head of the river of Rhone, The head & course of the river of Rhone. Arar. fl. is not far from the heads of the rivers of the Rhein and Danuby, and running eight hundred furlongs, it falleth into Lacus Lemanus at GENEVA. Then it runneth from thence towards the West, and divideth the GAULES a pretty way: and then being increased by the river of Arar (called in French, Saone) and with other rivers in the end it falleth into the sea with divers heads, betwixt the VOLCES, and the CAVARIANS. The VOLCES, at that time inhabited both the sides of the river of Rhone, The Volcin people that inhabited about the river of Rhone. and were full of people, and the richest of all the other GAULES. They having understanding of Annibals coming, passed over the river, and armed themselves, & prepared on the other side to stop the CARTHAGINIANS, that they should not pass over. Now, though Annibal had won all the other GAULES, yet those he could never win neither by gifts, nor threats, to 'cause them rather to prove the friendship of the CARTHAGINIANS, than their force. Therefore Annibal perceiving he was to handle such enemies rather by policy, he commanded Hanno the son of Bomilcar; secretly to pass over the river of Rhone, with part of the army, and so to set upon the GAULES on the sudden. Thereupon Hanno as he was commanded, made a long journey, and having passed over the river at passable fords: he showed himself hard by the enemy's camp; before they saw him, or that they knew what it was. The GAULES hearing their shouts and cries behind them, and having their hands full of Annibal before them, who had many boats ready to pass over his men: they having no leisure to consult of the matter, neither to arm themselves to stand to defence, left their camp, and fled for life. So they being driven from the other side of the river, the rest of the army of the CARTHAGINIANS passed over it with safety. In the mean time, P. Cornelius Scipio; that but a little before was comen unto MASSILIA, P. Cornelius Scipio Consul sent against Annibal, and arrived at Massilia. still heard news of Annibals' army. Wherefore, to be more assured of the matter, he sent a band of choice horsemen to discover what the enemy's intent was: who making great speed as they were commanded, met by chance with five hundred horsemen of the NUMIDIANS, whom Annibal had also sent to bring him word of the ROMANS army. So, they first suddenly gave charge upon the NUMIDIANS, and after a hot and valiant conflict between both the parties, in the end the ROMANS overcoming them, they made them fly, but with great loss of their men: howbeit the greatest loss and slaughter fell upon the enemies. So Annibal by this means found where the ROMANS lay, and stood in a great doubt with himself, whither he should keep on his way into ITALY, or else lead his army against the Consul that then was, and so to prove his hap & success. At length, debating many ways in his mind, and uncertain which way he would determine: the Ambassadors of the BOIANS persuaded him to leave all other devices, and to go on into ITALY. For before that Annibal had passed over the mountains Pirenei, the BOIANS having by craft taken the ROMANS Ambassadors, The Boians & Insubrians, revolt from the Romans, & take part with Annibal. and done great mischief unto Manlius the P●eator, and incised the INSV●●IANS also: they were revolted from the ROMANS, and took part with Annibal, and only because the ROMANS had replenished the cities of PLACENTIA, and CREMONA with people, and had made them Colonies to ROME. So Annibal being ruled by their counsel, raised his camp, and keeping the rivers side, still going against the river: in few days he came to the place which the GAULES do call the Island, the which the river of Arar and Rhodanus coming from divers mountains do make there. So at this present, there is the famous city of LION in GAUL, which they say was built long time after, by Plancus Munatius. Lagdunum, built by Plancus Munatius. Druenti● fl. From thence he came to the country of the ALLOEROGES, and having pacified the variance betwixt two brethren for the realm, he came through the country of the CASTINIANS and VOCONTIANS, to the river of Durance. The head of this river cometh from the Alps, and from thence running with a swift stream, falleth into the river of Rhone: & as it oftentimes changeth her course, so hath it in manner no passable ford. Yet Annibal having past it over, he led his army unto the Alps, through open and plain countries, as far as he could: howbeit as he passed through them, he had great losses, as it is reported. insomuch that some which were living at that time, did affirm, that they heard Annibal himself say, that he had lost above thirty thousand men, and the most part of his horsemen. For he was forced not only to fight with the inhabitants of the mountains, but also compelled to make ways through the straits: so that in certain places of the highest rocks, he was driven to make passages through, by force of fire and vinegar. Annibal made ways through the rocks of the mountains, by force of fire and vinegar. So when he had passed the Alps in fifteen days space, he came down into the valley, not far from the city of TURINE. Whereby it seemeth to me, that he passed over the mountain they commonly called Genua, the which on the one side of it hath the river of Druentia, and on the other side it goeth down to the city of TURINE. The valley of Taurinus. Annibals coming into Italy by Piedmont, not far from Turine. Now it is hard to say truly, what number of men he had when he was comen into ITALY: because of men's diversities of opinions. For some write, that he had a hundred thousand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen: others also writ, that he had twenty thousand footmen, and six thousand horsemen, all AFRIKANS and spaniards. But others, reckoning the GAULES and LIGURIAS, do count four score thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen. Yet it is not credible, that his army was so great, as the first men report, and specially having passed through so many countries, and also received such loss as he had: neither also could his number be so small, as the second reporters do make it, if a man will consider the famous exploits and great enterprises he did afterwards. So that I like their opinions best, which keep the mean between them both: considering that he brought into ITALY, Hannibal's army in Italy. the better part of four score thousand footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, the which he had levied in SPAIN: as it is manifestly known also, that a great number of the ligurians and GAULES came to join with him, for the great malice they bore unto the ROMANS, that gave no place nor ground unto the CARTHAGINIANS. So Annibal being comen from TURINE, into the country of the INSV●●IANS: he was met withal by Publius Cornelius Scipio, who marching with wonderful speed from MASSILIA, and having passed the rivers of Po and Tesin, he camped not far from the enemy. So shortly after, both the generals being comen into the field to view each other's camp, the horsemen of either side grew to skirmish, which continued long, and was not to be discerned which of them had the better. Howbeit in the end, the ROMANS seeing the Consul hurt, and also that the horsemen of the NUMIDIANS, by little and little came to compass them in; they were driven to give ground, and so prettily retired, defending the Consul the best they could to save him, and so at length recovered their camp. It is reported that Publius Cornelius Scipio, Annibals' first conflict with the Romans, and victory. P. C. Scipio Consul h●r●, and s●●ed from ●●● enemy's by his son, who was afterwards called African. Paed●s fl. was saved at that time through his sons help, who afterwards was called AFRICAN, and at that time was but a young stripling: whose praise though it was wonderful in so green a youth, yet it is likely to be true, because of the famous and valiant acts he did afterwards. Now Scipio having proved how much his enemy was stronger than himself in horsemen: he determined to place his camp so, as his footmen might be in best safety, & also fight with greatest advantage. And therefore the next night following he passed the river of Po, and made as little noise as he could, and went unto PLACENTIA. The like shortly after did T. Sempronius Longus, who had been restored from banishment by the Senate, and sent for out of SICILIA: because both the Consuls should govern the common wealth by one self authority. Annibal also followed them both with all his army, and pitched his camp near unto the river of Trebia: P. Cornelius Scipio, and T. Sempronius Longu●, Consuls against Annibal. Trebia fl. hoping that because both camps lay so near together, some occasion would be offered to fight, the which he chiefly desired, both because he could not long maintain war for lack of victuals, as also that he mistrusted the fickelnes of the GAULES. Who, like as they soon fell in league and friendship with him, drawn unto it with hope of change, and with the same also of his victory obtained: so he mistrusted that upon any light occasion (as if the war should continued any long time in their country) they would turn all the hate they bore unto the ROMANS, against him, as the only author of this war. For these respects therefore, he devised all the means he could to come to battle. In the mean time, Sempronius the other Consul, met with a troop of the enemies, laden with spoil, straggling up and down the fields, whom he charged, and put to flight. So imagining the like success of all battle, by this good fortune he had met withal: he had good hope of victory, if once both the armies might come to fight. Therefore being marvelous desirous to do some noble enterprise before Scipio were recovered of his hurt, and that the new Consul should be chosen: he determined to join battle against the will of his other colleague and fellow Consul Scipio, who thought nothing could be to less purpose, then to put all the state and common wealth in jeopardy, specially having all the whole GAULES in manner in the field against him. Now, Annibal had secret intelligence of all this variance, by spials be had sent into the enemy's camp. Ambush laid by Annibal to entrap Sempronius. Wherefore, he being politic and subtle as he was, found out a place strait between both camps, covered over with bushes and briars, and there he placed his brother Mago to lie in ambush, with a company of chosen men. Then he commanded the horsemen of the NUMIDIANS, to scurrie to the trenches of the ROMANS, to entice him to come to battle: and thereupon made the residue of his army to eat, and so put them in very good order of battle, to be ready upon any occasion offered. Now the Consul Sempronius, at the first tumult of the NUMIDIANS, suddenly sent his horsemen to encounter them, and after them put our six thousand footmen, and in the end, came himself out of his camp with all his army. It was then in the midst of winter, and extreme cold, and specially in the places enclosed about the Alps, and the mountain Appenine. Now the NUMIDIANS as they were commanded, enticed the ROMANS by little and little on this side the river of Trebia, until they came to the place where they might discern their ensigns: and then they suddenly turned upon the enemies which wereout of order. Annibal fought with Sempronius the Consul, a● the river of Trebia. For it is the manner of the NUMIDIANS, oftentimes to fly of set purpose, and then to stay upon the sudden when they see time, to charge their enemy more hotly and fiercely then before. Whereupon Sempronius incontinently gathered his horsemen together, and did set his men in battle ray, as time required, to give charge upon his enemy, The Numidians craft i●● flying. that stayed for him in order of battle. For Annibal had cast his men into squadrons, ready upon any occasion. The skirmish began first by the light horsemen, & afterwards increased hotter by supply of the men of arms: howbeit the ROMAN Knights being unable to bear the shock of the enemies, they were quickly broken. So that the legions maintained the battle with such fury & noble cottage, that they had been able to have resisted, so they had fought but with footmen only. But on the one side, the horsemen and Elephants made them affrayed, and on the other side the footmen followed them ●●● lustily, and fought with great fury against famished and frozen men. Wherefore the ROMANS notwithstanding, suffering all the miseries that vexed them on every side, with an unspeakable courage and magnanimity, such as was above their force and strength, they fought still, until that Mago coming out of his ambush, came and suddenly assailed them with great show ●●s and cries, and that the middle squadron of the CARTHAGINIANS also (through Annibals' commandment) flew upon the CENOMANIANS. Then the ROMANS seeing their confederates fly, their hearts were done, and utterly discouraged. It is said that there were ten thousand footmen of the ROMANS got to PLACENTIA, and came through the enemies. The rest of the army that fled, were most part of them slain by the CARTHAGINIANS. The Consul Sempronius Annibals' victory of the Consul Sempronius. also scaped very narrowly from the enemies. The victory cost Annibal the setting on also: for he lost a great number of his men, and the most part of all his Elephants were slain. After this battle, Annibal overcame all the country, and did put all to fire and sword, and took also certain towns: and with a few of his men made a great number of the country men fly, that were disorderly gathered together in battle. Then at the beginning of the spring, he brought his army into the field sooner than time required: & meaning to go into Tuscan, he was driven back by a great tempest at the very top of the height of the Apennine, and so compelled to bring his army about PLACENTIA: howbeit shortly after he put himself again into the fields for divers urgent & necessary causes. For had he not saved himself by that policy, he had almost been taken tardy by the ambush of the GAULES: who being angry with him that the war continued so long in their country, they sought to be revenged of him, as the only author & occasion of the war. Therefore perceiving it was time for him to avoid this danger, he made all the hast he could to lead his army into some other province. Furthermore, he thought it would increase his estimation much among strangers, & also greatly encourage his own people, if he could make the power of the CARTHAGINIANS to seem so great, & also their Captain to be of so noble a courage, as to dare to make war so near to the city of ROME. All things therefore set a part, he marched with his camp by the mountain Appenine, and so coming through the country of the ligurians, he came into Tuscan, by the way that bringeth them into the champion country, & to the marisses about the river of Arnus. Arnus fl.. The river of Arnus at that time was very high, and had overflown all the fields thereabouts. Annibal therefore marching with so great an army as he had, could not avoid it, but that he must needs loose a number of his men & horse, before he could get out of those evil favoured marisses. Annibal lost one of his eyes in the marshes, by the river of Arnus. Insomuch that he himself lost one of his eyes, by reason of the great pains he had taken day & night without sleep or rest, and also through the evil air: though he was carried upon a high Elephants back, which only was left him of all that he had brought with him. In the mean time, C. Flaminius Consul, to whom the charge of Sempronius army was given: C. Flaminius, & Cn. Servilius, Consuls. he was come unto ARETIUM against the Senate's mind, who were marvelously offended with him, because he left his companion Cn. Servilius at ROME, & went unto his province by stealth as it were, without the furniture of a Consul & his officers. This was a very hasty man of nature, & one whom the people had brought to that dignity & office: so that he was become so proud & insolent that men might see he would hazard all things without wit or judgement. Annibal having intelligence hereof, thought it the best way to anger the Consul, & to do what he could possible to allure him into the field, before his fellow Consul should come to join with him. Therefore, he marching forward with his camp through the country of FESULA, & ARETIUM, he burned & spoiled all the country thereabout, & filled them all with fear, never leaving to destroy all before him, until he came to the mountains Cortonenses, & so to the lake called Thrasimene. Montes Cortonenses. Lacus Thrasimenus. When he had viewed the place, he went about to surprise his enemy by some ambush: whereupon he conveyed certain horsemen under the hills, hard by the strait that goeth unto Thrasimene, and behind the mountains also, he placed his light horsemen. Then he himself with the rest of his army came down into the field, supposing that the Consul would not be quiet: The judgement of a soldier. and so it fell out. For hot stirring heads are easily entrapped, & fall into the enemy's ambush, & oftentimes do put all in hazard, because they will follow no counsel nor good advise. C. Flaminius therefore, seeing their country utterly spoiled, the corn destroyed and cut down, and the houses burnt: he made great haste to lead his army against the enemy, contrary to all men's minds, who would have had him tarried for his companion Cn. Servilius the other Consul. So even at sun set, when he was come to the straights of the lake of Thrasimene, he caused his camp to stay there, although his men were not weary with the long journey they had taken by the way. So the next morning by break of day, making no view of the country, he went over the mountains. The Annibal who long before was prepared for this, did but stay for the opportunity to work his feat: when he saw the ROMANS come into the plain, Battle betwixt Annibal and C. Flaminius the Consul, by the lake of Thrasimene. he gave a signal unto all his men to give charge upon the enemy. Thereupon the CARTHAGINIANS breaking out on every side, came before and behind, and on the flanks to assail the enemy, being shut in between the lake and the mountains. Now in contrary manner, the ROMANS beginning to fight out of order, they ●ought enclosed together, that they could not see one an other, as if it had been dark: so that it is to be wondered at, how, and with what mind they fought it out so long, considering they were compassed in on every side. For they fought it out above three hours space, with such fury and courage, that they heard not the terrible earthquake that was at that present time, The Romans were so earnest in fight, that they heard not the noise of an earthquake. C. Flaminius the Consul slain neither did they offer to fly or stir a foot: until they heard that the Consul C. Flaminius going from rank to rank to encourage his men, was slain by a man of arms called Ducarius. Then when they had lost their General, and being void of all hope: they fled, some towards the mountains, and others towards the lake, of the which divers of them flying, were overtaken & slain. So there were slain * Plutarch in the life of Fabius Maximus, addeth to as many prisoners. Annibals' craftiness to dissemble virtue. The natural disposition of Annibal. fifteen thousand in the field, & there scaped about ten thousand. Furthermore the report went, that there were six thousand footmen which forcibly (at the beginning of the battle) got to the mountain, and there stayed on a hill till the battle was ended, and at length came down upon Annibals' promise: but they were betrayed, and slain, every mother's son of them. After this great victory, Annibal did let divers ITALIAN prisoners go free without ransom paying, after he had used them marvelous courteously: because that the same of his clemency & courtesy should be known unto all nations, whereas in deed his own nature was contrary to all virtues. For he was hasty and cruel of nature, and from his youth was brought up in wars, and exercised in murder, treason, & ambushes laid for enemies: and never cared for law, order, nor civil government. So by this means he become one of the cruelest Captains, the most subtle, and craftiest to deceive and entrap his enemy, that ever was. For as he was always prying to beguile the enemy: so those whom he could not overcome in war by plain force, he went about to entrap by slight and policy. The which appeareth true by this present battle, and also by the other he fought against the Consul Sempronius, by the river of Trebia. But let us return to our matter, and leave this talk till an other time. Now when the news of the overthrow and death of the Consul Flaminius was reported at ROME, having lost the most part of his army: there was great moan and lamentation made through all the city of ROME. Some bewailing the common misery of the common wealth, others lamenting their private particular loss, & some also sorrowing for both together. But in deed it was a woeful sight, to see a world of men & women to run to the gates of the city, Extreme joy causeth sudden death every one privately ask for their kin and friends. Some do writ, that there were two women, who being very sorry and pensive, despairing of the safety of their sons, died suddenly for the extreme joy they had, when beyond their expectation & hope they saw their sons alive and safe. At the self same time, Cn. Servilius, the other Consul with C. Flaminius, did sand him four thousand horsemen, not understanding yet of the battle that was fought by the lake of Thrasimene. But when they heard of the overthrow of their men by the way, and therefore thought to have fled into VMBRIA: they were compassed in by the horsemen of the enemies, and so brought unto Annibal. Now the Empire of ROME being brought into so great extremity and danger, because of so many small losses one in the neck of an other: it was ordained, that an extraordinary Governor or Magistrate should be chosen, who should be created Dictator: The office of Dictator, of what effect. an office specially used to be reserved for the last hope and remedy, in most extreme danger and peril, of the state and common wealth. But because the Consul Servilius could not return at that time to ROME, all the ways being kept by the enemy: the people contrary to their custom, created Q. Fabius' Dictator, Q. Fabius Maximus, created Dictator. (who afterwards attained the surname of Maximus, to say, very great) who likewise did name M. Minutius General of the horsemen. Now this Fabius was a grave and wise counsellor, and of great authority and estimation in the common wealth: insomuch as the citizens had all their hope and confidence in him only, persuading themselves, that the honour of ROME might be better preserved under the government and conduct of such a General, rather than under the government of any other man whatsoever. So Fabius knowing it very well, after he had carefully and diligently given order for all things necessary: he departed from ROME, and when he had received the army of the late Consul Cn. Servilius, he added unto them two other legions, and so went unto the enemy. Now Annibal was gone from the lake of Thrasimene, and went directly towards the city of SPOLETUM, to see if he could take it at the first assault. But when he saw that the towns men stood upon the rampers of the walls, and valiantly defended themselves: he than left the town, and destroyed the country as he went, and burnt houses and villages, and so went into APULIA, through the marches of ANCONA, and the countries of the MARSIANS and PELIGNIANS. The Dictator followed him at the heels, and camped hard by the city of ARPY, not far from the camp of the enemy, to th'end to draw out the war at length. For the rashness and foolhardiness of the former Captains afore time, Hastiness of Captains oftentimes very hurtful. had brought the state of ROME into such misery: that they thought it a victory unto them, not to be overcome by the enemy, that had so often overcome them. Whereby all things were turned strait with the change and alteration of the Captain. For, though Annibal had set his men in battle ray, and afterwards perceiving his enemy stirred not, went and destroyed the country, hoping thereby to entice the Dictator to fight, when he should see the country of his confederates so spoiled, as it was before his face: the Dictator, this notwithstanding, was not moved withal, but still kept his men close together, as if the matter had not concerned him. Annibal was in a marvelous rage with the delay of the Dictator, and therefore often removed his camp, to the end that going divers ways, some occasion or opportunity might fall out of deceive the enemy, or else to give battle. So when he had passed the mountain Appenine, he came unto SAMNIUM. But because shortly after, some of CAMPANIA, who having been taken prisoners by the lake of Thrasimene, had been set at liberty without ransom: they putting him in hope that he might take the city of CAPVA, he made his army march forward, and took a guide that knew the country, to bring him unto CASINUM. Now the guide overhearing CASINUM, understood it CASILINUM, & so mistaking the sound of the word, brought the army a clean contrary way unto CALENTINUM, and CALENUM, and from thence about STELLA. So when they came into a country environed about with mountains and rivers, Annibal knew strait they had mistaken their way, The guide cruelly put to death by Annibal. and so did cruelly put the guide to death. Fabius the Dictator, did in the mean time bear all this patiently, and was contented to give Annibal liberty to take his pleasure which way he would: until he had gotten the mountains of Gallicanum, and Casilinum, where he placed his garrison, being places of great advantage and commodity. So the army of the CARTHAGINIANS was in manner compassed in every way, and they must needs have died for famine in that place, or else have fled, to their great shame and dishonour: had not Annibal by this stratagem prevented the danger. Who knowing the danger all his army stood in, Annibals' stratagem in the mountains of Gallicmum, and Casilinium, against Q. Fabius' Dictator. and having spied a fit time for it: he commanded his soldiers to bring forth two thousand oxen which they had gotten in spoil in the fields, having great store of them, and then tying torches or fire links unto their homes, he appointed the nimblest men he had to light them, and to drive the oxen up the hill to the top of the mountains, at the relief of the first watch. All this was duly executed according to his commandment, and the oxen running up to the top of the mountains with the torches burning, the whole army marched after them fair and softly. Now the ROMANS that had long before placed a strong garrison upon the mountains, they were afraid of this strange sight, and mistrusting some ambush, they forth with forsook their pieces and holds. Fabius himself mistrusting also that it was some stratagem of the enemy, kept his men within the camp, and could not well tell what to say to it. In the mean time, Annibal got over the mountain, not far from the baths of Swessa, Certain baths at Swessa, called the tower of the baths. Gleremen: a city in Apulia. which the country men do call the tower of the baths, and brought all his army safe into ALBA: and shortly after, he marched directly as though he would go to ROME, howbeit he suddenly turned out of the way, and went presently into APULIA. There he took the city of GLERENUM, a very rich and wealthy town, where he determined to winter. The Dictator followed him hard, and came and camped by LAURINUM, not far from the CARTHAGINIANS camp. So he being sent for to ROME about weighty affairs of the state, there was no remedy but he must needs de pace ●hence with all the sp●d● he could: howbeit before he went, he left Marcus Minutius in General of the horsemen, his Lieutenant of all the army, and commanded him in his absence no●oned to stir not meddle with the enemy. For he was fully bend to follow his first determination, which wast not to vex the enemy, nor to fight with him; though he were provoked ●●it. Howbeit Marcus Minutius little regarding the Dictator's commandment, his back was no sooner ●●●ned● but he set upon a company of the enemies dispersed in the field a forlaging, and slew a group number of them: and fought with the rest, even into their camp. The rumour of this 〈…〉 flew strait to ROME, and there was such great account made of it, that it was esteemed for a victory: and the common people were so joyful of it that they strait made the power of the Lieutenant, equal with the Dictator Fabius: Two Dictator's together never heard of before. the which was never heard of before● Fabius patiently bearing this extreme injury with a noble to courage, having no way the feared in● the returned again unto the camp. Thus there were two Dictator's at one self time (a thing never seen nor heard of before) who after they had divided the army between them other of them commanded his army a part, as the Consuls were wont to do before. Marcus Minutius thereupon grew to such a pride and haughty mind, that one day he ventured to give battle, and made not his companion Fabius counsel withal the which Annibal having so often overcome, durst scantly have enterprised. So he led his army into such a place, where the enemy had compassed them in: insomuch that Annibal slew them at his pleasure, without any hope left them to escape, if Fabius had not comen in time (as he did) to aid them, rather bea specting the honour of his country, then remembering the private injury he had received. For he coming fresh with his army to the battle, made Annibal afraid, that the ROMAN legions had liberty to retire with safety. Whereby Fabius wan great fame for his wisdom and valiantness, both of his own soldiers, as also of the enemies themselves. For it was reported that Annibal should say, returning into his camp: that in this battle he had over comen M. Minutius, but withal, that he was also overcomen by Fabius. And Minutius self also confessing Fabius' wisdom, & considering that (according to Hesiodus saying) it was good reason to obey a better man than himself: he came with all his army unto Fabius' camp, & renouncing his authority, came and humbly saluted Fabius as his father, and all that day there was great joy, and rejoicing among the soldiers. So both the armies being placed in garrison for the winter time, after great contention about it, at length there were two new Consuls created: L. Paulus AEmylius, and C. Terentius Varro, L. Paulus. AEmylius, and C. Terentius Varro, Consuls. one that of a mean man (through the favour of the common people) was brought to be Consul. So they had liberty and commission to levy a greater army than the Generals before them had done. Whereby the legions were newly supplied, and also others added unto them, more than were before. Now when the Consuls were come into the army, as they were of several dispositions, so did they also observe divers manners in their government. Lucius Paulus, who was a wise grave man, and one that purposed to follow Fabius' counsel and fashions: he did desire to draw out the war in length, and to stay the enemy without fight. Varro on the other side was hasty man, and venturous, and desired nothing but to fight. So it chanced, that now long after it was known, to the great cost and danger of the city of ROME, what difference there was betwixt the modesty of AEmilius, and the foolhardiness of Varro. For Annibal being afraid of some stir and tumult in his camp for lack of vituells, he departed from GLERENUM, and going into the warmest places of APULIA, came and camped with all his army, by a village called CANNES. So he was followed with both the Consuls, who came and camped severally hard by him, but so near one to an other, that there was but the river of Aufide that parted them. This river as it is reported, Ansidusfl. doth alone divide the mowntayne of the Apennine, and taketh his head on that side of the mountain that lieth to the sea side, from whence it runneth to the sea. Adriaticum. Now, Lucius Paulus finding that it was impossible for Annibal being in a strange country to maintain so great an army of such sundry nations together: her was fully bend to tract time, and to avoid battle, persuading himself that it was the right and only way to overcome him, being as much to the enemy's disadvantage, as also marvelous profitable and beneficial for the common wealth. And sure if HUNDRED Torrentius Varro, had cared that mind, it had been out of all doubt, that Annibals' army had been overthrown by the ROMANS, without stroke striking. Howbeit he had such a light head of his own, and was so sickle minded, that he neither regarded wise counsel, not Paulus AEmylius authority: but in country him not would fall out with him, and also complained before the soldiers, for that he kept his men penned up, and idle, whilst the enemy did put soo●●h his men to the field to battle ray. So when his turn came, that he was absolutely to command the whole army, (for they both had absolute power by turns) he passed over the river of Auside by break of day, and gave the signal of battle without the privily of his companion AEmylius, who rather followed him against his will, then willingly, because he could do none otherwise. So he caused a scarlet coat of arms to be put out very early in the morning, for signal of battle. Annibal on the other side as glad of it as might be possible, that he had occasion offered him to fight, (considering that the continual delaying of battle did altered his purpose) he passed his army over the river, and had strait put them in very good order. For he had taken great spoils of his enemies to furnish himself very bravely, Battle at Cans Now the army of the ROMANS stood Southward, insomuch that the South wind (which the men of the country call Vulturnus) blue full in their faces: whereas the enemies contrary matiner had the vantage of the wind and Sun upon their backs, and then battle stood in this manner. The AFRIKANS were placed in both the wings, (and the GAULES and spaniards set in squadron in the midst. The light horsemen first began the skirmish, and after them followed the men of arms: and because the space betwixt the river and the footmen was very narrow, so as they could not well take in any more ground, it was a cruel fight for the time, though it lasted not long. So the horsemen of the ROMANS being overthrown, the footmen came with such a lusty courage to receive the charge, that they thought they should not have day enough to fight. Howbeit the over earnest desire they had to overcome their enemies, made their overthrow more miserable, than their joy and good hap was great at the beginning. For the GAULES and spaniards, (who as we have said before kept the battle) not being able any longer to withstand the force of the ROMANS, they retired towards the AFRIKANES in the wings. The ROMANS perceiving that, ran upon the enemy with all the fury they could, and had them in chase and fought with them, till they were gotten in the midst of them. Then the CARTHAGINIANS that were in both wings, came & compassed them in before they were ware. Moreover, A stratagem of Annibal. there were five hundred of the NUMIDIAN horsemen, that cullerably fled unto the Consuls, who received them very courteously, & placed them in the rearward of the army. They seeing their time, showed behind the enemies, & did suddenly give them charge. Then the army of the ROMANS war utterly overthrown, & Annibal obtained victory. Livy writeth that there were slain in this battle * Pluturke in the life of Fabius saith that there were fifty thousand slain, and fourteen thousand taken prisoners. forty thousand footmen, and above two thousand seven hundred horsemen. Polybius saith, that there were many more slain. Well, letting this matter pass, it is certain that the ROMANS had never greater loss, neither in the first war with AFRICA, nor in the second by the GARTHAGINIANS, as this overthrow that was given at CANS. For there was slain, the Consul Paulus AEmylius himself, a man undoubtedly deserving great praise, and that served his country and common wealth even to the lower of death: Cn. Servilius, Consul the year before, he was also slain there, and many other that had been Consuls, Praetors, and others of such like dignity, Captains, Chieftains, and many other Senators and honest citizens, Paulus AEmylius Consul slain as the battle of Cannes. and that such a number of them, that the very cruelty itself of the enemy was satisfied. The Consul Terentius Varro, who was the only author of all this war and slaughter, seeing the enemy victor every way, he saved himself by flying. And Tuditanus a Chieftain of a band, coming through his enemies with a good company of his men, Great slaughter at the battle of Cans he came unto CANUSIUM. Thither came also about ten thousand men, that had escaped from their enemies, as out of a dangerous storm: by whose consent, the charge of the whole army was given unto Appius Pulclur, and also unto Cornelius Scipio, who afterwards did end this war. Thus was the end of the battle fought by CANNES. News flew strait to ROME of this overthrow, the which though they justly filled all the city with sorrow and calamity, The constancy of the Romans in extremities. yet the Senate and people of ROME kept always their countenance and greatness, even in this extreme misery. Insomuch that they had not only good hope to keep their city safe, but furthermore they levied a new army & made young men to bear armour, & yet left not SICILIA and SPAIN unprovided in the mean time: so that they made the world to wonder at them, to consider these things how they could in so great calamity & trouble have so noble hearts, & such wise counsel. But to let pass the former overthrows; & great losses they sustained at TICINUM at TREBIA, and at the lake of Thrasimene: what nation or people could have borne this last plague The Romans left three great battles to Annibal, at Ticinum, Trebia and Thrasimens. whereby the whole force & power of the ROMANS was in manner utterly destroyed and overthrown? and yet the people of ROME so held it out, & that with so great wisdom & counsel: that they neither lacked manhood, nor magnanimity. Besides, to help them the more, Annibal being conqueror, trifling time in taking his leisure, & refreshing his army he gave the ROMANS leisure that were overcomen to take breath again, & to restore themselves. For doubtless, if Annibal being conqueror, had immediately after the victory obtained, brought his army directly to ROME: surely that ROMANS had been utterly undone, or at the lest had been compelled to have put all in venture. So, it is reported, that Annibal oftentimes afterwards repented himself he followed not his victory, complaining openly, that he rather followed their counsel which wished him to let his soldiers rest, than Maharbals advise, general of his horsemen, Maharbal general of Annibals' horsemen. Maharbals saying to Annibal. who would have had him gone strait to ROME, and so to have ended all this war. But he seeing Annibals delay, told him (as it is reported) this that is now common in every man's mouth: Annibal, thou knowest how to overcome, but thou knowest not how to use victory. But what all things are not (as Nestor saith in Homer) given to men all together. For some had no skill to overcome, others knew not how to follow their victory, & some also could not keep that they had won. Pyrthus king of the EPIROTES that made war with the ROMANS, was one of the famousest Captains that ever was: yet, as men writ of him, though he was marvelous fortunate to conquer realms, he could never keep them. Even so in like manner, some Captains have been endued with excellent virtues, & yet notwithstanding have been insufficient in martial affairs, deserving praise in a Captain: as we may read in divers histories. Now after this battle sought by CANNES, the ATTELLANIANS, the CALATINIANS, the SAMNITES, & after them also, the brutians & Lucanians; & divers other nations & people of ITALY, carried away with the same of this great victory: they all came & yielded unto Annibal. And the city of CAPVA also; (the which Annibal was desirous to have won long before) for taking their old friends & consederats, made new league & friendship with Annibal, the which won him great estimation with other nations. For at that time the city of CAPVA was very populous & of great power, & the chiefest city of estimation of all ITALY, next unto ROME. Now to tell you is few words, what is reported of CAPVA, it is certain that it was a Colony of the THUSCANES, the which was first called, WLTURNUM, & after that CAPVA, by the name of their Governor called Capidus: or otherwise, (as it is most likely) because of the fields round about it. For on every side of it, there are goodly pleasant fields, full of all kinds of fruits growing on the earth, called in Greek, Kepi. Furthermore, all the country is confined round about with famous nations. Toward the sea there devil the SYBSSANIANS, the CUMANIANS, and the NEAPOLITANS. On firm land also towards the North, are the CALENTINIANS, and the CALENIANS. On the East and South side, the DAUNIANS and NOLANIANS. Furthermore, the place is of a strong situation, and on the one side is compassed in with the sea, and on the other side with great high mountains. Now the CAMPANIANS flourished marvelously at that time: and therefore, seeing the ROMANS in manner utterly undone by the battle they had lost at CANNES, they quickly took part with the stronger, as it commonly falleth out: and furthermore, besides that they made league with Annibal, they received him into their city with great triumph, hoping that the war being ended, they should be the chiefest & wealthiest of all ITALY. But mark how men are commonly deceived in their expectation. Now, when Annibal came into the city of CAPVA, there was world of people that went to see him, for the great fame they heard of him. For there was no other talk, but of his happy victories he had won of the enemy. So being come into the city, they brought him unto Pacwius house, his very familiar friend, who was a man of great wealth and authority, as any among all the CAMPANIANS. Then he made him a notable banquet, to the which no citizens were bidden, saving only jubellius Taurea a stout man, and the son of Pacwius his host: who through his fathers, means, with much a do, was reconciled to Annibal, for that Annibal hated him as he did, because he followed Decius Magius, who always took the ROMANS part. But now, let us consider a little I pray you, how great men sometime unwares are subject to great dangers and misfortunes. For this young man dissembling his reconciliation with Annibal, Conspiracy against Annibal at Capva. watching time & occasion notwithstanding to do him some displeasure, in the time of this feast, while they were making merry: he took his father aside into a secret corner of the house, and prayed him together with him, by a great good turn, to redeem the favour and good will again of the ROMANS, the which they had lost through their great wickedness. Then he told him how he was determined to kill Annibal, the enemy of his country, and all ITALIA beside. His father that was a man of great countenance, and authority, was marvelously amazed withal, to hear what his son said: wherefore embracing him with the tears running down his cheeks, he prayed him to leave of his sword, and to let his guest be safe in his house. The which his son in the end yielded to with great a do. Thus Annibal having before with stood all the force of his enemies, the ambushes of the GAULES, and having brought with him also a great army from the sea, and the furthest part of SPAIN, through so many great and mighty nations: he scaped kill very narrowly by the hand a young man, whilst he was at the table making merry. The next morning Annibal had audience in open Senate, where he made great and large promises, and told them many things, which the CAMPANIANS easily believed, and therefore flattered themselves, that they should be Lords of all ITALY: howbeit they reckoned beside their host. And to conclude, they did so cowardly submit themselves to Annibal: that it seemed they had not only suffered him to come into their city, but that they had also made him their absolute Lord, like men that neither remembered, nor regarded their liberty. And this appeareth plainly by one example I will show you amongst many. Annibal willed them to deliver him Decius Magius, the head of the contrary faction to him. Whereunto the Senate not only obeyed with all humility, but worst of all, suffered him to be brought bound into the market place, in the presence of all the people: who, because he would not forsake the ancient league and friendship with the ROMANS, had showed himself a more faithful citizen to his country and common wealth, then unto the barbarous people. Now whilst these things passed thus in CAPVA, Mago (Annibals' brother) went to CARTHAGE, to report the news of his happy victory to his country men, which they had won of the enemies: and with all, before the Senate to declare the noble exploits of arms done by Annibal, and to prove the words true he spoke, be poured out at the coming in of the Senate house, the golden rings which had been taken from the ROMAN Knights: of the which there were (as some do report) above a bushel full, and as other some do write, above three bushels and a half. After that, he prayed a new supply for Annibals' army: the which was granted him by the Senate with greater joy, than afterwards it was sent. For the CARTHAGINIANS persuading themselves by the things present, that the war would fall out as fortunate, as the beginning was fair: they thereupon decreed to continued the war, and to aid Annibals attempts, by levying of soldiers. Now no man withstood this new supply to be sent to Annibal, but Hanno, a perpetual enemy of the Barcinian faction. Howbeit the CARTHAGINIANS weighed not his counsel and advise then, though it tended to peace, and was good counsel for them, as oftentimes before he had used the like. So when Annibal had made league with the CAMPANIANS, he led his camp before the city of NOLA, hoping they would yield of themselves without compulsion. And certainly so had it come to pass, had not the sudden coming thither of Marcellus the Praetor been, who both kept the people in, pacified the sedition, & repulsed the enemy that was coming into the city, by a saily he made upon him at three several gates, chase & kill them even to their camp, with great loss. This is that noble Captain and valiant soldier Marcellus, Marcellus victory of Annibal at the city of Nola. who with a noble courage made the world know that Annibal was not invincible. Annibal perceiving that there was no other way, but to let NOLA alone till an other time: he came to ACERRES, and took and spoiled it without resistance. Then going on further with greater power unto CASILINUM, a sit place to offend the CAPVANS, he went about to win them that lay there in garrison: but when he saw that neither his fair promises, nor otherwise his threats could prevail, he left part of his army to besiege the city, and bestowed the residue in garrisons before the winter season. Howbeit he chose for his chiefest seat and strength the city of CAPVA, which stood very pleasantly, and had plenty of all things. There it was that Annibals soldiers being used to lie hard, Annibals' soldiers marred with ease at Capua. and easily to away with cold, hunger, and thirst, become then of valiant men, rank cowards: of strong men, weaklings: and of serviceable and ready men, timorous and effeminate persons, through the daily pleasures they enjoyed at william. For sweet enticing pleasures, do corrupt the strength and courage of the mind, and man's disposition also unto virtue: moreover they spoil his wit, and take all good counsel from him, all which things are dangerous for men. Pleasure, the bait of all evils. And therefore Plato rightly calleth pleasure, the bait of all evils. And doubtless in this case, the pleasures of CAMPANIA did hurt the CARTHAGINIANSS more, than otherwise the highest Alps, and all the armies of the ROMANS did. One winter ease spoiled a soldier, and made him a coward. For one only winter passed over in such pleasure and wantonness, was of such great force to extinguish the vehement courage in the soldiers: that when they were brought into the field at the beginning of the spring, sure you would rightly have said that they had forgotten all martial discipline. Thus the winter being passed over, Annibal returned again to CASILINUM, hoping that the citizens within would willingly yield unto him, after they had abidden so long a siege. Howbeit they were bend to abide all extremity, before they would yield to their so cruel an enemy, although they lacked victuals. Wherefore living first by spelt, The hard shife of the Cassilinians to live, during Annibals' siege. or beer barley, and afterwards with nuts which they had received of the ROMANS by the river of Vulturnus: they held it out so long, that Annibal in the end being angry with the continuance of the siege, he was content to take the city upon composition, the which he had refused before. Now this war, in the which the CARTHAGINIANS had always had great victories and good fortune, and received any loss worthy of memory: began at that time to decline, Annibals' good servant began to fail him. and to fall to great change and alteration. For the league that was made with Philip king of MACEDON, and the new aid and supply that was sent from CARTHAGE, and the taking of PETILIA, CONSENTIA, & of other cities of the country of the brutians, kept the CARTHAGINIANS in good hope. On the other side, the great victories which the ROMANS had won upon the enemies in SPAIN, & SARDINIA, did greatly encourage them, and gave them also good hope that their affairs would prospero better and better. They had also chosen three excellent Captains, Fabius Maximus, Sempronius Gracchus, and Marcus Marcellus, Three famous Captains of the Romans Fabius Maximus. a man most worthy of praise for martial discipline: who so wisely governed the affairs of the state, that Annibal found he should make war with an enemy, no less politic and wise, then hardy and valiant. For first of all, he was driven from the city of CUMES, Sempronius Gracchus, Marcus Marcellus. with great slaughter of his men, by Sempronius Gracchus, and forced to raise his siege: and shortly after he was overcomen by Marcellus in a battle he fought at NOLA. For there were slain about a thousand ROMANS, & * Plutarch in the life of Marcellus, speaketh of five thousand Carthaginians slain, and only of five hundred Romans. six thousand CARTHAGINIANS, slain, & taken flying. The victories of the Romans against Annibal. Now it is easily seen what great importance that battle was of: because Annibal immediately upon it, raised his siege from NOLA, & went into APULIA to winter his army there. By this means came the ROMANS to recover again, as out of a great sickness, and sent a great power against the enemy: and were not content only to keep their own, but they durst also invade others. So their chiefest intent was, to besiege the city of CAPVA, for the injury they had but lately received of the CAMPANIANS. For incontinently after the battle was fought at CANNES, they forsook the ROMANS, even in their greatest extremity & misery, & took part with Annibal that was conqueror, forgetting the great pleasures their city had received in old time by the ROMANS. On the other side the CAMPANIANS, knowing they had made a fault, & being afraid of this new preparation of the ROMANS: they sent to Annibal into APULIA, to pray him to come & aid their city (being of the number of his confederates) in their greatest necessity. Annibal departed out of APULIA without delay, & came on with great journeys into CAMPANIA, & camped by TIFATA over CAPVA, whereby he rather deferred till another time, than prevented the plague hanging over the CAMPANIANS heads. So spoiling the country round about NAPLES, he began to take conceit of a new hope, that the might take the city of NOLA by treason, For in NOLA, Two factions in Naples. the people and Senate were at variance the one against the other, as they were likewise in divers other cities of ITALY. The common people desirous of change, favoured Annibal: and the noble men, and men of authority, took part with the people of ROME. So when Annibal went to take the city of NOLA, Marcellus met him with his army in battle ray, as he had often done before, and failed not to fight with him, even at the first meeting. There the ROMANS overcame, and drove the enemy with such manhood and readiness: that if the horsemen which had taken an other way had commended in time, as Marcellus commanded them: no question the CARTHAGINIANS had been utterly overthrown. Annibal after he had retired his army into his camp with great slaughter, he shortly after departed thence, & went into the country of the SALENTINIANS. For certain young TARENTINES that had been taken prisoners in former battles, where the ROMANS had been overthrown, and that were afterwards delivered free without ransom: they to show themselves thankful, had put Annibal in hope to deliver him the city of TARENTUM, so he would but bring his army before the city. Annibal enticed by their promises, did what he could to obtain it, because he might have some city upon the sea in his power, the which he had desired of long time. And in deed, of all the cities upon the sea coast, there was none so meet as TARENTUM, to bring aid out of GRECE thither, & also to furnish the cape with many things that were to be occupied daily. So though this thing was drawn out in length, by the garrison of the ROMANS that valiantly resisted: yet Annibal never gave over his enterprise, until that Nico and Philomenes the authors of the treason, The city of Tarentum delivered unto Annibal by treason. had delivered him the city into his hands. The ROMANS kept only the castle, the which is in manner environed with the sea on three sides: and on the fourth side, that lay upon the firm land, it was very strong with rampers and bulwarks. Annibal perceiving that he could do no good on that side, because of their great strength: he determined to shut up the mouth of the haven of TARENTUM, hoping that was the only way to make the ROMANS yield, when their victuals should be cut from them. Yet the enterprise seemed very hard, because the enemies had all the straits of the haven in their power, and the ships also that should besiege the issue of the haven, were shut up in a little narrow place, and were to be drawn out of the haven, at the foot of the castle, to bring them into the next sea. But when never a man of the TARENTINES could devise how to bring this enterprise to pass: Annibal himself perceived that these ships might be drawn out of the haven with certain engines, & then to cart them through the city to the sea. So having set cunning workmen in hand with the matter, the ships within few days after were taken out of the haven, and carried into the sea, and then came and showed before the bar of the haven. Tarentum won by Annibal. Thus the city of TARENTUM being won again, after the ROMANS had kept it the space of a hundred years: Annibal leaving the castle besieged both by sea and land, he returned unto SAMNIUM. For the Consuls of the ROMANS had spoiled and stripped the CAMPANIANS that went out to sortage, and having brought their army before CAPVA, they determined (if it might be) to win it by siege. Wherefore Annibal being very sorry for the siege of CAPVA, he came with all his army against the enemy: & seeing shortly after that the ROMANS did not refuse to fight, they both marched forward. And doubtless to fight it would have proved a bloody battle, had not Sempronius army severed them as he did, which came into CAMPANIA under the conduct of Cn. Cornelius, after they had lost Sempronius Gracchus in the country of LUKE. For, they seeing this army far of before they could know who they were, the ROMANS & CARTHAGINIANS both were affrayed, & so retired into their camp. Afterwards the Consuls went into several countries, the one into LUKE, and the other towards CUMES, to make Annibal remove from CAPVA: who went into LUCANIA, & found occasion to fight with M. Centenius, who very fond & desperately did hazard his army left him in charge, against a subtle and dangerous enemy. The battle being begun, M. Centenius was slain valiantly fight, & few other escaped. After this also, there happened an other loss. For Annibal returning shortly after into APULIA, he met with an other army of the ROMANS, the which Fabius the Praetor led, who also entrapped that army by ambushes, & slew the most of them: so that of twenty thousand men, two thousand scant scaped the edge of the sword. In the mean time the Consuls perceiving that Annibal was gone, they came with all their army unto CAPVA, & did besiege it round. This being come to Annibals' ear, he came with his army into CAMPANIA, in very good order, & well appointed at his first coming, he set upon the camp of the ROMANS, having first willed the CAMPANIANS at the self same instant to make a salye out on them. The ROMAN Consuls at the first tumult of their enemies, divided the army between them, and went against them. The CAMPANIANS were easily driven again into the city: howbeit against Annibal, the battle was very bloody. For if ever he proved himself a valiant Captain or noble soldier, that day he showed it. He attempted also to surprise the ROMANS by some stratagem. Annibals' stratagem. For as his men were about to break into the ROMANS camp, he sent one thither that had the Latin tongue excellently well, who cried out, as by commandment of the Consuls, that the ROMANS should save themselves in the next Mountains, considering they had almost lost all their camp and strength. This cry made on the sudden, had easily moved them that heard it, if the ROMANS being thoroughly acquainted with Annibals' subtleties, had not found out his deceit. Wherefore, one of them encouraging an other, they made the enemy retire, and compelled him in despite of his beard to die into his camp. When Annibal had done what he could by all devise and practise possible to raise their siege from CAPVA, and perceiving all would not serve, being sorry for the danger of his confederates: he then determined to call a counsel, the which he had passed over a long time, having reserved it for the last refuge. For he trussed up his carriage, and marched away with his army, and as quietly as he could he passed over the river of Vulturnus, Vulturnus fl.. and coasting through the countries of the SIDICINIANS, ATIFANIANS, and CASSINIANS, he came to ROME with ensigns displayed, hoping thereby he should make them raise their siege, being so earnestly bend to win CAPVA. This flying strait to ROME by curters, they were so afraid there, as ROME was never in the like fear it stood in then. For they saw their mortal enemy come to them with ensigns displayed, whom they had so often proved, almost to the utter destruction of their Empire: and now they saw him present, whom they could not resist being absent, threatening to bring the Senate and people of ROME into subjection. So all ROME being in fear and tumult, it was ordained that Fuluius Flaccus (one of the Consuls lying before CAPVA) should be sent for home. And that the new Consuls, Sulpicius Galba, Cornelius Centimalous, Consuls. Sulpitius Galba, and Cornelius Centimalus, should lie in camp out of the city: and that C. Calphurnius Praetor, should put a strong garrison into the capitol, and also that the Citizens that had borne any office or dignity, should be appointed by their countenance and authority, to pacify the sudden tumults that might happen in the city. So Annibal marched without staying, till he came to the river of Anienes, Anienes fl.. and there camped within 24. furlong of ROME: and shortly after that, he came with two thousand horse so near unto ROME, that riding from the gate Collina, unto Hercules' temple, he had leisure to view at this pleasure, Annibal cometh to invade Rome. the situation and walls of so great a city. Fuluius Flaccus seeing that, could not abide it, but strait sent out certain men of arms of the ROMANS against him: who coming with great fury to give charge upon him as they were commanded, they easily sent him packing. The next morning, Annibal brought his army out of the camp, and did set them in battle ray, determining to fight presently, if he could allure the enemy to battle. The ROMANS on the other side did the like, So, both armies marched one against the other with such life and courage, that to see them, they appeared men that feared no danger, so they might obtain the victory that day. For on the one side, the CARTHAGINIANS were to fight (in manner) for the Empire of the world: the which they thought depended upon his battle, as being the last they should fight. The ROMANS in contrary manner, they were to fight for their country, liberty, and their goods, to see whether they could keep them, or that they should come to their enemy's hands. Howbeit A wonder. there fell out a thing worthy of memory. For, as they were ready set in battle ray, tarrying but for the signal of battle to give charge: there fell such a wonderful great shower and storm upon them, that both of them were driven in spite of their teeths, to bring back their army into their forts again. The next day following in like manner, unto the which it seemed the battle had been deferred: when they had again both of them set their men in battle ray, there fell the like storm upon them, the which did as much hurt the ROMANS & CARTHAGINIANS, as the first: so that it forced them only to look to save themselves, and not to think otherwise to fight. Annibal perceiving this, he turned to his friends and told them, that the first time he thought not to win ROME, and that at the second time the occasion was taken from him. So there was a thing that greatly troubled Annibal, and that was this. That though he came so near to ROME, with an army of horsemen and footmen: yet he heard that the ROMANS had sent aid into SPAIN'S, and that they had redeemed the country where he had been, at a far greater prize than reason required. Wherefore being in a rage withal, he caused all the goldsmiths and banckers' shops of the ROMAN citizens to be sold by the Crier. But afterwards, casting with himself what a hard enterprise it was to take the city of ROME, or else being afraid to lack victuals: (for he had stored himself only but for ten days) he raised his camp, and removing thence, came to the holy wood of the goddess Feronia, and rifled the rich temple there, and afterwards went thence into the country of the brutians and Lucanians. The CAPVANS having intelligence thereof, being left out of all hope: they yielded up their city unto the ROMANS. The city of CAPVA being thus yielded up, and brought again to the subjection of the ROMANS, it was of great importance to all the people of ITALY, and withal brought a great desire of change. Annibal himself also following evil counsel, did spoil and destroy many cities he could not keep: whereby he did stir up the hearts of divers nations against him. For where before when he was Conqueror, he had often let prisoners go without ransom paying, through which liberality he had won the hearts of many men: even so at that present time, his barbarous cruelty made divers cities (misliking to be subject to the CARTHAGINIANS) rebel against him, and to take part with the ROMANS. Amongst them was SALAPIA, the which was yielded up unto the Consul Marcellus, by Blacius means, chief of all the ROMAN faction: and a band also of choice horsemen which was left there in garrison, Salapia, a city where Annibal fell in love. were manner in slain every man of them. This is the city where Annibal fell in fancy with a gentlewoman, and therefore they greatly reprove his immoderate lust and lasciviousness. Howbeit there are others, that greatly commending the continency of this Captain, say that he did never eat lying, and never drank above a pint of wine, neither when he came to make war in ITALY, nor after that he returned into AFRICA. Some there be also that say, Annibal was cruel, and unconstant, and subject to divers such other vices: howbeit they make no manner of mention of his chastity or incontinency. But they report that his wife was a SPANIARD, borne in CASTULO, a good town: and that the CARTHAGINIANS granted her many things, and trusted her very much, because of the great faith and constancy of that nation. Now Annibal after he had lost (as we have told you) the city of SALAPIA: he found the means to cry quittance, and to make the ROMANS loose more than he had lost. For at the self same time, Fuluius Viceconsul, lay besieging of HERDONEA, hoping to win the city without resistance. And because he stood in no fear of any enemy round about him, (for Annibal was gone into the country of the brutians) he kept no watch, and was altogether negligent in martial affairs, contrary to the nature of the ROMAN Captains. Annibal being advertised thereof by spials, would not loose such a goodly opportunity: and therefore coming into APULIA with his army ready, he came so hastily unto HERDONEA, that he had most stolen upon Fuluius, unprovided in his camp. Howbeit the ROMANS valiantly received the first charge with such courage, that they fought it out longer than it was looked for. Notwithstanding, in the end, as the ROMANS two year before that had been overcome not far from thence, with their Consul Fuluius: even so likewise under the conduct of this Fuluius Viceconsul, The death of Fuluius Viceconsul. the ROMAN legions were utterly overthrown, and their Captain slain, with the most part of his army. The Consul Marcellus was at that time in the city of SAMNIUM, who being advertised of this great overthrow, desired to be even with him: and though it seemed he came too late to help things past remedy, yet he brought his army into the country of the Lucanians, whether he understood Annibal was gone after his victory, and came and camped directly over against his enemy, and soon after came to battle. The which the CARTHAGINIANS refused not, but gave such a fierce onset on either side, that they fought it out till Sun set, and no man knew who had the better, and so the night parted them. The next morning the Romans showing again in field in battle ray, made it known that the enemies were afraid of them: For Annibal kept his men within the camp, and the next night following stolen away without any noise, and went into APULIA. Marcellus also followed him foot by foot, and sought to put all to hazard by some notable battle: for he bore himself thus in hand, that of all the ROMAN Captains there was none machable with Annibal but himself, either in counsel, wit, or policy: or else in martial discipline, or warlike stratagems. Howbeit the winter following kept him, that he could not fight any set battle with the enemy: for after he had made a few light skirmishes, because he would not trouble his soldiers any more in vain, he bestowed them in garrison for the winter time. At the beginning of the next springe, procured partly by Fabius' letters (who was one of the new Consuls for that year,) and partly also through his own disposition: he brought out his garrisons sooner than they were looked for, and came with his army against Annibal, divers conflicts of the Romans with Annibal. who lay at that time at CANUSIUM. Now it chanced, that through the nearness of both their camps, and the good desire they both had to fight: in few days they fought three several times. The first battle, when they had fought it all night, in manner with like hope of both sides, and that it could not be judged which of them had the better: they bot of purpose retired into their camp again. The second day Annibal was conqueror, after he had slain almost two thousand seven hundred enemies, and put the residue of the army to flight. The third day, the ROMANS to recover the shame and dishonour they had lost the day before: they were the first that prayed they might fight, and so Marcellus led them out to battle. Annibal wondering at their valiantness, Annibals' words of Marcellus. said unto his people: that he dealt with an enemy that could neither be quiet Conqueror, nor conquered. So the battle was more bloody and cruel than any that was before: because the ROMANS did their best to be revenged of their loss, and the CARTHAGINIANS on the other side were mad in their minds, to see that the vanquished durst provoke the vanquishers unto battle. In the end, the ROMANS being sharply reproved, and also persuaded by Marcellus to stick to it valiantly like men, that the news of their victory might come to ROME, before the news of their overthrow: they slew in among the press of their enemies, and never left fight, till that after they had thrice broken their enemies, they made them all fly. At the self same time Fabius Maximus took the city of TARENTUM again, almost after the self same sort it was lost. This being reported unto Annibal, he said: the ROMANS have also their Annibal. The next year following, Marcellus and Crispinus were chosen Consuls, Marcellus, & Crispinus: Consuls. who preparing to put themselves in readiness for war, they led both the armies against the enemy. Annibal despairing that he was not able to resist them in battle, he sought all the wits he had to devise some way to entrap them by subtlety, whom he could not overcome by battle. So Annibals' head being occupied thus, there was offered him a better occasion to bring this enterprises to pass, Annibal Layeth ambush for the Romans. than he looked for. Between both camps, there was a pretty grove, in the which Annibal laid certain bands of the NUMIDIANS in ambush, to entrap the enemies passing to and fro. On the other side, the Consuls by consent of them all, thought it best to sand to view this grove, and to keep it if need required: lest in leaving it behind them, the enemies should come, & so be upon their jacks afterwards. Now before they removed their army, both the Consuls went out of their camp, with a small company of horsemen with them, to view the situation of this place: and so going on very undiscreetly, and worse appointed than become men of their authority & place, they unfortunately fell into Annibals' ambush. So, when they saw themselves in a moment compassed about on every side with enemies, that they could not go forward, and were also fought withal behind: they defended themselves the best they could, rather by compulsion, then of any determination they had to fight. So Marcellus was slain fight valiantly: The death of Marcellus. and Crispinus the other Consul also very sore hurt, who hardly scaped the enemy's hands. Annibal being advertised that Marcellus was slain, who was the chiefest man of all the ROMAN captains, that had most hindered the happy success of his victories, and had beside troubled him most: he presently went and camped there where the battle was fought, and when he had found Marcellus body, The power of magnanimity he gave it honourable pomp and funeral. Hereby we may see how magnanimity, and excellent virtues, are esteemed of all men: considering that the cruel and most mortal enemy, gave honourable burial to so noble and excellent a Captain. The ROMANS in the mean time seeing one of their Consuls dead, and the other Consul very fore hurt: they drew strait to the next mountains, and camped in a strong place. Howbeit Crispinus had sent to the next towns of the mountains, to advertise them that Marcellus his companion was dead, and that the enemy had gotten the ring he sealed his letters withal; wherefore he wished them to beware of any letters written in Marcellus name. Crispinus' Messenger came but newly unto SALAPIA, when letters were brought also from Annibal in the behalf of Marcellus, to tell them that he would be there the next night. The SALAPIANS knowing his craft, they sent his Messenger away, & carefully looked for Annibals coming. About the fourth watch of the night, Annibal came to the city of SALAPIA, who of purpose had put all the ROMANS that had fled, in the vanguard, because that they speaking the Latin tongue, might make them believe that Marcellus was there in person. So when the Citizens had suffered six hundred of them to come in, they shut to the gates, and with their shot and darts thrust out the rest of the army, and put all them to the sword they had let into the city. Thus Annibal being in a marvelous rage he had miss of his purpose: he removed thence, and went into the country of the brutians, to aid the LOCRIANS that were besieged the ROMANS, both by sea and by land. After all these things, at the earnest request of the Senate and people, two new Consuls were created, both famous Captains, and valiant soldiers, Marcus Livius, and C. Nero: Consuls Marcus Livius, & Claudius Nero: who having divided a'the army betwixt them, went unto their several charge and provinces. Claudius Nero went into the country of the SALENTINIANS; and M. Livius into GAUL, against Hasdrubal BARCINIAN, who was come over the Alps; & made haste to join with his brother Annibal, bringing with him a great army both of footmen and horsemen. Now it chanced at the same time, that Annibal had received great loss by Claudius the Consul. For first of all, he overcame him in the country of the Lucanians, using the like policies and fetches that Annibal did. Afterwards again, meeting with Annibal in APULIA, by the city of VENUSIA: he fought such a lusty battle with him, that many of his enemies lay by it in the field. By reason of these great losses, Annibal suddenly went to METAPONY, to renew his army again. So having remained there a few days, he received the army from Hanno, the which he joined unto his, & then returned unto VENUSIA. C. Nero lay not far from VENUSIA with his camp: who having intercepted letters of his enemies, he understood by them that Hasdrubal was at hand with his army. Thereupon, he bethought himself night and day, what policy he might use to prevent the joining of two so great armies together as these. So after he had taken advise of himself, he followed in sight, a dangerous determination: but peradventure necessary, as the time required. For, leaving the camp unto the charge of his Lieutenant, he took part of the army with him, and making great journeys, came to PICENUM (being he marches of ANCONA) so that on the sixth day he came to SENA. Sena, a city of Apulia. Metaurum fl. M. Levius, & C. Nero Consuls; overcame Hasdrubal, & slew 56000. of his men. There both the Consuls joined their forces together, and setting upon Hasdrubal by the river of Metaurum, they had very good luck at that battle. For, as it is reported, there were six and fifty thousand of the enemies slain on that day: so that they almost had as great an overthrow, as the ROMANS had received before at the battle of CANNES. Now Claudius Nero, after this famous victory, returning as speedily unto VENUSIA as he went thence, he set up Hasdrubals head, where the enemies kept their watch: and did let certain prisoners go, to carry news to Annibal of this great overthrow. For afterwards it was known, that Annibal knew nothing yet of Claudius' secret enterprise, nor of the speedy execution and great slaughter he had made. Whereat sure I can but wonder, that so suttill a Captain as Annibal, could be deceived by Claudius, considering both their camps lay so near together: so that he first heard the news of the overthrow of his brother, and all his army, before he understood any thing of the Consul's departure, or heard of his return again to the camp. Now Annibal having not only received a general, but also a particular great loss by the death of his brother: he said than he plainly saw the change & alteration of the CARTHAGINIANS good fortune, and shortly after removed his camp, and went thence into the country of the BRUTIANS. For he knew that this great overthrow given by the river of Metaurum, was a marvelous encouragement to the ROMANS, The change and alteration of the Carthaginians good fortune. and would also be a great log in his way, for the success of all this war. This notwithstanding, he gathered all his power he had left in ITALY, after so m any great battles and conflicts, and so many cities taken: and maintained the war with an invincible courage. But the most strangest thing in Annibal was this that through his authority wisdom, he kept all his army in peace and amity together (being a medley of SPANIARDS, africans, gales and of divers other nations) and never was heard that there, was any brawl or tumult among them. Howbeit the ROMANS, The praise of Annibals great wisdoms in that government of his army. P. C. Scipio invaded Carthage. themselves, after they had won. SICILIA SARDINIA, and SPAIN again, they could never utterly overcome him, nor drive him out of ITALY, before they had sent Cornelius Scipio into the risk: who making with the CARTHAGINIANS, he brought them to such great extremity that, they were driven to sand for Annibal home out of ITALY. Annibal at that time, (as I have said before) was in the country of the brutians, making war by intodes and sudden invasions, rather than by any fought battle: saving that once there was battle fought in haste betwixt him and the Consul Sempronius, and immediately after be name and set upon the same Sempronius with all his army. The last battle Annibal fought in ledily with Sempronius, in the which he overcame Annibal. At the first battle, Annibal had the victory: but after the second, Sempronius overcame him. Since that time, I can find in no Guerkenot Latyn Author, that Annibal did any famous act in ITALY, worthy memory. For being sent for he AFRICA by the CARTHAGINIANS, he left ITALY, sixteen years after this APRION war was begun greatly complaining of the Senate of CARTHAGE and of himself also, Of the Senate, because that all the time he had been in his enemy's country so long, they had allowed him so little money: and so scanted him beside with all other things necessary for the wars: And of himself, because that after he had so often overcome the ROMANS, Annibals' arch of trietumphe. Annibal departeth out of Italy. he had always delayed time after the victory, and had given the enemy liberty to gather force again. It is reported also, that before he embarked and took sea, he set up triumphing arch or pillar, by the temple of juno Lacinia, in the which were briefly graven his noble victories, both in the Punic and Graeke tongue. So when he was departed out of ITALY, Annibal sent for to return into Africa, after he had warred 16. years in Italy. the wind served him well, that in few days he arrived at LEPTIS, and landing all his army, he first came to ADRUMENTUM, and afterwards unto ZAMA. There receiving advertisement how the affairs of the CARTHAGINIANS prospered: he thought it best to devise some way to end this war. For this cause he sent unto Scipio, to pray him to appoint him some convenient place where they might both meet, and talk together, of matters of great importance. Now it is not certainly known, whether Annibal did this of his own head, or by commandment from the Senate Scipio refused not to come to parley. Wherefore at the day appointed, there met two famous generals of mighty nations, Annibal and Scipio's meeting, & talk. in a great plain together, either of them having his Interpreter, to talk together of divers matters touching peace and war. For, Annibal was altogether bend to peace: because he saw the affairs of the CARTHAGINIANS were worse & worse every day: that they had lost SICILIA, SARDINIA, and SPAIN: because the war was brought out of ITALY into AFRICA: because Syphax (a mighty king) was taken prisoner of the ROMANS: and also because that their last hope consisted in the army he had brought into AFRICA: which was the only remain and relief of so long a war as he had made in ITALY: and also because that the CARTHAGINIANS had so small a power left (both of strangers, and also of Citizens) that there were scarce men enough to defend the city of CARTHAGE. So he did his best to persuade Scipio, with a long oration he made, rather to agreed to peace, then to resolve of war. Howbeit Scipio that lived in hope to bring this war to a good end, he would not seem to give ear to any peace. Wherefore after they had long debated the matter of either side, in the end they broke of, and made no agreement. Shortly after, was this famous battle stricken by the city of ZAMA, in the which the ROMANS obtained a Scipio's victory of the Carthaginians at the battle of Zama. victory. For first of all, they made the CARTHAGINIANS Elephants turn upon their own army, so that they did put all Annibals horsemen out of order. And Laelius and Masinissas' who made both the wings, increasing their fear, gave the horsemen no leisure to gathes themselves in order again. Howbeit the footmen fought it out a long time, & with a marvelous great courage: insomuch that the CARTHAGINIANS (trusting in their former victories) thought that all the safety and preservation of AFRICA, was all in their hands, and therefore they laid about them like men. The ROMANS on the other side had as great hearts as they, and beside, they stood in the better hope. Howbeit one thing in deed did the ROMANS great service to help them to the victory: and that was, Lalius and Masinissaes' return from the chase of the horsemen, who rushed into the battle of the enemy with great fury, and did put them in a marvelous fear. For at their coming, the CARTHAGINIANS hearts were done, and they saw no other remedy for them, but to hope to scape by flying. So it is reported, that there were slain that day, above twenty thousand CARTHAGINIANS in the field, and as many more prisoners. Annibal their general, after he had tarried to see the end of the battle, The flying of Annibal. fled with a few of his men out of the great slaughter. Afterwards when he was sent for to CARTHAGE, to help to save his country: he persuaded the Senate not to hope any more in wars, but did counsel them, that setting all devices a part, they should sand unto Scipio the ROMAN Captain, to make peace with him upon any condition. When the ten Ambassadors had brought the capitulation and agreement unto CARTHAGE of the articles of peace: it is reported that there was one Gisgo, who misliking to hear talk of peace, he made an oration, and persuaded all he could to renew war against the ROMANS. Wherefore Annibal perceiving that divers men confirmed his opinion, Annibal could not abide to hear fools talk of war. and being much offended to see such beasts, and men of no understanding, to dare to speak of such matters, in so dangerous a time: he cast him down headlong, whilst he was yet in his oration. So when he saw that the Citizens, and all the whole assembly, thought this too presumptuous a part of him, & unmeet altogether for a free city: he himself got up into the pulpit for orations, and said. Let no man be offended, if a man that from his youth hath been always out of CARTHAGE, & brought up all his life time in wars, be ignorant of the laws and ordinances of the city. After that, he spoke so wisely to the articles of peace, that the CARTHAGINIANS being immediately moved by the authority of so great a person: they all agreed to accept the conditions which the vanquither, & the necessity of time offered them. The articles out of doubt were very extreme, and such as the vanquished are wont to receive with all extremity by the conquerors. But besides all other things, the CARTHAGINIANS were bound to pay the ROMANS an annual tribute, until a certain time were run out. So when the day came that the first pension was to be paid to the ROMANS, and that every man grudged when the subsidy was spoken of: some say that Annibal being offended with the vain tears of the CARTHAGINIANS, he fell a laughing. And when Hasdrubal Haed●s reproved him because he laughed in such a common calamity of all the city, he answered: that it was no laughture nor rejoicing from the heart, but a scorning of their fond tears, that wept when there was less cause (and only because it touched every private man's purse) then before, when the ROMANS took from the CARTHAGINIANS their ships, armour, and weapons, and their spoils of the great victories which they had won before, and now gave laws and ordinances unto them that were vanquished. I know some Authors writ, that Annibal immediately after he had lost the battle, fled into ASIA, for that he was afraid they would deliver him into Scipio's hands, that perhaps might demand him of them. But whether that was done suddenly, or some time after the battle was lost at ZAMA, it makes no great matter: considering that all the world knoweth, that when he saw things brought to extremity, he presently fled into ASIA unto king Antiochus. Annibal in his misery, fled unto king Antiochus into Asia. So is it most true, that king Antiochus received him with great courtesy, and used him very honourably: insomuch as he made him of counsel with him all in all, both in private and public causes. For the name of Annibal carried great reputation with all men: besides that, he had a common and mortal hate to the ROMANS, which was a pricking spur still to move war against them. And therefore it seemeth that he came in happy hour into that country, not only to prick forward the courage of the king against them, but also to set wars at liberty against the ROMANS. So he told him, that the only way to make war with the ROMANS, was to go into ITALY to levy ITALIAN soldiers, by whom only, that victorious country of all other nations might be subdued. He requested of the king a hundred ships, sixteen thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen only. With this smallarmy he promised to invade ITALY, and that he would marvelously trouble the ITALIANS, whom he knew yet to stand in no small fear of him, for the very sound of his name only: because of the late wars he had made there, so fresh yet in memory. Furthermore, he took heart again unto him to renew the wars of AFRICA, if the king would licence him to send men unto CARTHAGE, to stir up the BARCINIAN faction, whom he knew hated the ROMANS to death. When he had gotten the king to grant him his request, he called Ariston TYRIAN unto him, a fine subtle fellow, and meet for such a purpose: to whom he made large promises, and persuaded him to go to CARTHAGE to his friends, and to carry them letters from him. Thus Annibal being a banished man, and fled out of his country, raised war in all parts against the ROMANS. And surely his counsel had taken good effect, had king Antiochus rather followed his advise, as he did at the first, than the vain persuasions of his fine Courtiers. But envy, a common plague frequenting Princes Courts, Envy, the common plague and poison of Prince's Courts. bred Annibal great enemies. For they being afraid that by his counsels he should grow in great favour with the king, (for he was a wise and politic Captain) and that thereby he should bear great sway and authority: to prevent it, they lacked no devise to bring him in disgrace with the king. And it so chanced at that time, that P. vilius, who came Ambassador unto EPHESUS, he had often conference with Annibal. hereupon his privy enemies took occasion to accuse him, and withal, the king himself become so jealous of it, that from thence forth he never more called him to counsel. At the self same time also, as some do report, P. Cornelius Scipio AFRICAN (who was one of the Ambassadors sent unto king Antiochus) talking famillierly with Annibal, Scipio African met with Annibal at Ephesus. Annibals' judgement of the most famous Captains. prayed him amongst other things to tell him truly, whom he thought the worthiest Captain of all others. Annibal answered him. First he thought Alexander, king of MACEDON the chiefest: next unto him, Pyrrhus' king of the EPIROTES: and thirdly, himself. The Scipio AFRICAN smile, asked him: what wouldst thou say, Annibal, if thou hadst overcome me? Truly said he, than I would be chiefest myself. This answer pleased Scipio marvelous well, because he saw he was neither despised, nor yet brought to be compared with the other, but left alone as peerless, by some secret flattery of Annibal. After these things, Annibal found occasion to talk with king Antiochus, and began to lay open his life unto him from his youth, and to bewray the malice he had always borne unto the ROMANS: whereby he so satisfied the king, that he was again received into his grace and favour, which he had almost utterly lost. Thereupon the king was determined to have made him Admiral of his army by sea, the which he had put in readiness for ITALY, and also to make proof of his great courage and service, whom he knew to be a worthy man, and a mortal enemy to the ROMANS. But one Thoas, Prince of the AETOLIANS, thwarting this opinion, either for malice, or else for that his fancy was such: he altered the kings mind, and clean changed his purpose, the which was a matter of great importance for the war he pretended to make. For he gave counsel unto Antiochus, that he should go himself into GRAECE, and direct his own affairs: and that he should not suffer another to carry away the honour & glory of this war. So king Antiochus shortly after went into GRAECE, to make war with the ROMANS. Within few days after, when he consulted whether he should make league with the THESSALIANS, Annibals opinion was specially asked: who spoke so wisely touching the state of the THESSALIANS, & the chiefest matter of importance, that they all went with his opinion, and gave their consents unto it. Now his opinion was, that they should not need much to care for the THESSALIANS, but rather to make all the means they could, to get king Philip of MACEDON to take their part: or else to persuade him to be a Neuter, and to take neither part. Annibal cost. selleth king Antiochus to make war with the Romans. Furthermore, he gave counsel to make war with the ROMANS in their own country, & offered himself to aid him the best he could. Every man gave good ear to his words, but his opinion was rather commended, then followed. Wherefore every man marveled, that such a Captain as he, that had so many years made war with the ROMANS (who had in manner conquered all the world) should then be so light set by of the king, when it specially stood him upon, to have such a man's help & counsel. For, what captain living could a man have found more skilful or politic, or metre to make war with the ROMANS, then him? Howbeit the king made no reckoning of him, at the first beginning of this war: but shortly after, disdaining all their counsel, he confessed that Annibal King Antiochus judgement of Annibal. only saw what was to be done. For after the ROMANS had obtained victory in the war he made in GRAECE: Antiochus fled out of EUROPE into EPHESUS, where making merry, & there following pleasure, he hoped to live in peace, little thinking the ROMANS would come with any army into ASIA. Now, these flattering courtiers still fed his humour: a perpetual plague to kings & Princes, that suffer themselves to be flattered, & are contented to be deceived, because they give good ear to that that pleaseth them. But Annibal, who knew the power and ambition of the ROMANS, persuaded the king to hope for any thing rather than peace, and bade him trust to it, that the ROMANS would never stay, till they had proved whether they could enlarge the dominions of their Empire, into the third part of the world, as they had done in AFRICA, and EUROPE. Antiochus' persuaded by the authority of such a man, strait commanded Polyxenidas, a very serviceable man, and skilful in sea service, that he should go meet with the army of the ROMANS that was coming thither. Then he sent Annibal into SYRIA, to levy a great number of ships together, and afterwards made him, and Apollonius, Annibal made general of Antiochus army by sea, together with Apollonius. (one of his favoured Courtiers) generals of this army by sea: who notwithstanding that Polyxenidas was put to the worst by the ROMANS, they went and set upon the RHODIANS, that were confederates with them. Annibal in this battle assailing Eudamus the Captain of the RHODIANS, that led the left wing: he had already compassed in the Admiral galley, and doubtless had obtained the victory, but that the other wing came in to rescue, after they had followed Apollonius in chase, and took the victory from him, that was his own. After this battle by sea, which had no great good success: we do not found that Annibal did any thing worthy memory. For king Antiochus being overcome, besides other conditions, the ROMANS offered him: they desired that Annibal (the mortal enemy of their country) should be delivered unto them. Annibal foreseeing this long before, he suddenly stolen from Antiochus, after this notable battle that was fought by MAGNESIA, where the king's power was overthrown. So, after Annibal had wandered up and down a long time, he fled at length unto Prusias, king of BYTHINIA, Annibal fled to Prusias king of Bythinia. for succour. Now he did not so much trust to his friendship, but because he sought for the meetest place he could come by, as also for the safest, the which he most desired: considering that the ROMANS had the most part of the sea and land in their subjection. Some say, that after king Antiochus was overcome, Annibal went into CRETA unto the GORTYNIANS: and that the rumour ran immediately, he had brought a great mass of gold and silver with him. Wherefore being afraid lest the CRETANS should offer him some violence, he devised this shift to scape the danger. he filled earthen pots with lead, gilt, and sent them into the temple of Diana, feigning that he was marvelous careful for them, as though all his treasure had been there. On the other side he had hid all his gold in images of brass, the which he had left caresly lying on the ground in the house. In the mean time, whilst they watched the temple carefully, that these earthen pots should not be carried away without their privity: Annibal hoist sail, and fled into BYTHINIA. In BYTHINIA there is a village upon the sea side, which the country men call LIBYSSA, of the which by some men's saying, there ran an old oracle and prophecy in this sort. The land of Libyssa shall cover under mowlde The valiant corpse of Annibal, when he is dead and cold. There Annibal lay, not spending his time idly, but passing it away in exercising of the mariners, riding of horses, and training of his soldiers. Some Authors also do writ, that at that time Prusias made war with Eumenes, Annibal, king Prusias general by sea, against Eumenes, king of Pergamum. A strange devise of snakes put in earthen pots, and thrown into the enemy's ships. Titus Quintius Flaminius sent Ambassador into Asia. who was a confederate and friend of the ROMANS: and that he made Annibal his Lieutenant general of his army by sea: who assailing Eumenes with a new found and unknown devise, wan the victory of the battle by sea. For before they began to fight, it is reported that Annibal had gotten an infinite number of snakes into earthen pots, and when the battle was begun, and they busily tending their fight: he threw those pots with snakes into the enemy's ships, and that by this fearful and strange devise he made them fly. Now whether this was true or not, the old chronicles do make no manner of mention, but only AEmylius and Trogus. And therefore I report me to the Authors. So, the news of the dissension betwixt these two kings, (Prusias, and Eumenes) being brought to ROME: the Senate sent T. Q. Flaminius Ambassador into ASIA, whose name was famous for the noble victories he had obtained in GRAECE, to the end (as I conjecture) to make peace betwixt these two kings. Flaminius being come unto king Prusias, he was marvelously offended, and sorry in his mind to see Annibal yet alive, (that was the mortalest enemy of the ROMANS) after the conquests of so many nations, & the sacking of so many people: therefore, he was very earnestly in hand with king Prusias, to deliver him Annibal. Annibal from the first beginning mistrusted king Prusias inconstancy very much, and therefore had digged divers vaults in his house, and made seven several vents to fly out at, if he were suddenly taken. The report of Flaminius coming did increase his suspicion the more, for that he thought him the greatest enemy he had in ROME: both generally for the hate he bore unto all the ROMANS, as also particularly for the remembrance of his father Flaminius, that was slain in the battle fought by the lake of Thrasimene. So Annibal being full of care and grief (as it is reported) he found devices to escape, the which stood him to no purpose against such a great power. For when the kings guard which were sent to take him, had compassed his house about: Annibal thought to fly at their first coming, and to save himself by the secretest vault he had. But when he found that the place was kept by the guard, than he determined to rid himself out of the ROMANS hands, by destroying himself. So, some do report, that he was strangled by one of his men, whom he had commanded to help to dispatch him. Others writ again, that he had drunk bulls blood, and when he had drunk it, died, as Clitarchus, and Stratocles do falsely report of Themistocles. Howbeit Titus Livius, that famous Historiographer writeth, that Annibal called for the poison he had ready for such a mischief, and that holding this deadly drink in his hand, before he drank he said: Come on, let us rid the ROMANS of this pain and care, sith their spite and malice is so great, to hasten the death of a poor old man that is half dead already. The ancient ROMANS advertised Pyrrhus' king of the EPIROTES, who came with ensigns displayed to the very walls of the city of ROME, that he should look to himself, and beware of poisoning: and these ROMANS now do make a friend forgetting his kingly state and faithful promise, vilely to betray his poor guest. After he had said, bitterly cursing king Prusias, Annibal poisoned himself, being 70. year old. Annibals' tomb by Libyssa. he poisoned himself, being three score & ten year old, as some writers do testify. His body was buried in a tomb of stone by LIBYSSA, on the which was engraven no more but this: Here lieth Annibal. The ROMANS being advertised of his death, every man said his opinion, as his fancy served him. Some greatly blamed. T. Q. Flaminius cruelty, who to make himself famous by some notable act, (as he thought) made a poor old man put himself to death, that was in manner half dead by age, and beside, was past doing the state of ROME any more hurt, they being Conquerors in manner of all the world. But some again on the other side, commended Flaminius for it, & said it was a good deed of him, to rid the ROMANS of their mortal enemy: who though he had but a weak body, yet he lacked no wit, wise counsel, and great experience in wars, to entice king Prusias to make war, and to molest all ASIA beside with new wars. For at that time, the power of the king of BYTHINIA was so great, that it was not to be lightly regarded. For after that, Mithridates' king of the same BYTHINIA, did marvelously molest the ROMANS both by sea and by land, & moreover fought battles with L. Lucullus, and Cn. Pompey, famous Captains of the ROMANS: And so the ROMANS might also be afraid of king Prusias, and specially having Annibal his Captain. So some judge, that Q. Flaminius was specially sent Ambassador unto king Prusias, secretly to practise Annibals' death. Howbeit it is to be supposed, that Q. Flaminius was not so desirous to have Annibal so suddenly put to death, as he would have been glad otherwise to have brought him again to ROME, that had done such mischief to his country: and this had been a great benefit for ROME, and much honour also unto himself. Such was the death of Annibal the CARTHAGINIAN, a famous man doubtless, & highly to be commended for martial praise, The praise of Annibal. setting his other virtues aside. So we may easily judge, of what power and force his noble mind, his great wisdom and courage, and his perfect skill of martial discipline was in all things. For in all the war the CARTHAGINIANS had so vehemently, and with such great preparation enterprised: they never thought themselves overcome, till Annibal was overthrown at that great battle by ZAMA. So it appeareth, that all their strength and skill of wars began, & also ended, with Annibal their Captain. THE LIFE OF Scipio African. The parentage of Scipio. PVblius Scipio a PATRICIAN, of the family of the Cornelii, who was the first ROMAN Captain against whom Annibal fought in ITALY: was the father of Cornelius Scipio afterwards surnamed AFRICAN, the first so called, because he had conquered that nation. The lame Scipio, after he had obtained many great victories in SPAIN, and done notable feats of arms: was in the end slain with a wound he had in a battle against his enemies, as he was plying and encouraging of his men from place to place, thronging in the greatest danger and fury of the battle. Shortly after did his brother Cn. Scipio also end his life, much after one self manner, and was slain valiantly fight. So these two Captains, besides the same they achieved by their noble deeds, left behind them great praise of their faithfulness, modesty, and courage: the which made them not only wished for of their soldiers that were then living, but also of all the SPANIARDS beside. Cn. Scipio had a son called P. Cornelius Nasicae, one that had been Consul and had also triumphed: who being but a young man, was thought the meetest man of all the city of ROME to receive Idea, the mother of the gods. This Publius had two sons, the so famous Scipios: of the which the one was called ASIAN, because he conquered ASIA: and the other AFRICAN, because he subdued AFRICA at that famous battle of ZAMA, where he overthrew Annibal and the CARTHAGINIANS, as we said before. Whose life we purpose now to writ, not so much to make the glory of his name (so famous by all the greek & Latyn Authors) the greater by our history: as for that we would make all men know the order of his noble deeds, & moral virtues, to th'end that all Princes & noble Captains in reading it, should behold the lively image of perfect virtue, which may move an earnest desire in them to follow the example of P. Cornelius Scipio's life, who from his childhod gave great hope & show of a noble nature, & excellent virtue, after he followed the instruction of martial discipline, under the conduct of his father. He was carried into the field at the beginning of thesecond war with the CARTHAGINIANS, followed the camp being but seventeen year old, The first soldiers are of P. Cor. Scipio, being but seventeen year old. & in a very short time grew so toward, & forward in all things, in riding, in watching, in taking all manner of pains like a soldier, that he won great commendation of his own father, & beside, great estimation also of all the army. Furthermore, he showed such tokens of a sharp wit, & noble courage: that it made him beloved, & also feared of his enemies. For this Scipio was present at the battle of the horsemen, where P. Cornelius Scipio the Consul fought with Annibal, P. Scipio rescued his father from being taken of the enemies. by the river of Thesin: & some writers do affirm, that Cornelius the father being hurt, was almost taken by the enemy, had not his son Scipio saved him, who had then but a little down on his beard, he was so young. After that also, at the battle that was sought by CANNES, to the great loss, & in manner utter destruction of the Empire of ROME, when the ten thousand men that fled to CANUSIUM, had all together with one consent referred the government of the army unto Appius Pulcher, that had been AEdilis, and unto Cornelius Scipio, that was yet but very young: the same Scipio showed then by his deeds, what noble mind and courage was in him. For when he saw certain young men consult together between themselves to forsake ITALY: he thrust in among them, & drawing out his sword, made them all swear they would not forsake their country. These, and such like deeds done by him with a lively courage & noble mind, being then but a young man: wan him such favour with the ROMANS, that not respecting his young years, nor their ancient custom, they called him forward, Honours done to Scipio, being but a young man. & laid offices of great charge & government upon him. Insomuch that when he sued for the office of AEdilis before his due time, notwithstanding that the Tribunes of the people were against his suit, because he was so young a man: yet the people suffered him to be brought from tribe to tribe, & so was presently chosen AEdilis with the most voices. So after his father & Uncle, (both famous and noble Captains) had been slain one after the other in SPAIN, & that the ROMANS were in consultation to appoint some worthy captain in the room: they could find no man that durst undertake this so dangerous war, considering the loss of two so great captains before. Wherefore the whole assembly being called to choose a Viceconsul, all the other Princes & peers of the Realm being silent at so worthy a motion: Scipio only of all the rest, Scipio Viceconsul at 24. years of age. being but four & twenty year old, stood up in the midst of them, & laid, with a good hope & confidence he would willingly take the charge upon him. He had no sooner offered this promise, but he was presently made Viceconsul of SPAIN, with the wonderful good will & favour of the people, who gave him all their voices. Howbeit the Senators afterwards considering better of the matter, against what captains & nations he should make war: they thought it unpossible so young a man could perform so weighty a charge. Wherefore men's minds were wonderfully changed again on the sudden, as if the tribes of the people had repented them of their voices & election. Scipio's great mind and goodly parsonage. Scipio perceiving it, called an assembly presently, & made such an oration of his age, and discipline of wars, that every man that heard him wondered at him, & the people began again to renew the good hope they had of him for the wars. For he had not only a noble courage in him, being endued with many singular virtues, but he was also a goodly gentleman, & very comely of person, and had beside a pleasant countenance: all which things together, are great means to win him the love and good will of every man. Moreover, even in his gesture and behaviour, there was a certain princely grace. Now, the glory of martial discipline, being joined unto those his rare gifts of mind and nature: it was to be doubted, whether his civil virtues made him more acceptable unto strangers, then wondered for his skill in wars. Furthermore, he had filled the common people's hearts with a certain superstitious fear, because he did daily (after he had taken the man's gown) use to go up to the Capitol, & so into the church without any company: insomuch that all men began to think that he learned some secret things in the temple, which others might not know, as they were persuaded long before, that Numa Pompilius was taught by the Nymph AEgeria. Furthermore, it seemeth that some had the like opinion of Scipio, as in old time they had of Alexander king of MACEDON, to were: that oftentimes there was a snake seen in his mother's chamber. But let these things go. Scipio departing out of ITALY with ten thousand footmen, Scipio's journey into Spain. & a fleet of thirty galleys, every one of them having five owers to a banks he sailed into SPAIN, & in few days arriving at EMPORIA, he landed his men, and marched by land to TARRACON. There he kept a counsel, and many Ambassadors of the cities their confederates came thither, who being courteously received, returned to their lodgings with such answer as they liked. After this, Scipio being carefully bend to prosecute the war he had taken upon him, he thought it best to join the remain of the old bands with his army, which had been saved through the manhood and valiantness of Lucius Martius. For after both the Scipios were slain, and both SPAIN'S almost lost, and the ROMAN legions also overthrown and put to flight: L. Martius a ROMAN Knight, The valiantness of Lucius Martius a Roman knight. having gathered together the remnant of both armies, resisted (beyond all hope of man) the enemies puffed up with glory of the victory they had gotten, and with great valiantness, and unspeakable industry he maintained war in SPAIN, against three Captains of the CARTHAGINIANS. Now Scipio being comen to this army that lay in garrison for the winter time, every man did certainly persuade themselves that the war should prospero: and when they saw him, they remembered their old Captains, insomuch that there was never a soldier could have his fill, with looking upon this young man. Howbeit, after he had commended the soldiers for their noble courage, not despairing for the calamity of their country: he greatly honoured Lucius Martius, to show, that who so trusteth in his own virtues, need not envy the glory of another man. So winter being past, he took the old and new bands out of the garrisons, and first of all determined to go and lay siege unto new CARTHAGE. For of all the cities of SPAIN it was the wealthiest, and none more meeter to make war both by sea & land, than that. Moreover, the captains of the CARTHAGINIANS had bestowed in this city all their munition, and greatest treasure: and left a strong garrison, both in the city, and castle. But the Captains themselves were divided in divers countries, to the end that they three might keep the whole region from spoil, lest of all looking then that CARTHAGE should be besieged. So Scipio having put all in readiness, he came to besiege new CARTHAGE with all his army both by sea and land. Scipio besiegeth new Carthage in Spain. This seemed to be a marvelous hard enterprise, and would continued long, both because the city was very strong of itself, and also for that the men within it were so courageous: that they did not only think themselves able to defend the city, but their hearts served them also to make salyes out upon the enemy, and to skirmish with them, even to the very trenches of the ROMANS camp. Howbeit it happeneth often that what a man can not attain by force, he may win by industry. Now Scipio knew, that the lake or mere which is not far from the walls of CARTHAGE, did ebb and flow with the tide, and that it was passable by ford on that side where they might easiliest come to the walls: So, he thinking to embrace this occasion, and that he could not possibly meet with a better devise to take CARTHAGE: when he saw his time, he set his man in battle ray, and having divided them into several squadrons, gave a more desperate assault unto the city, than he had done before. In the mean time, he chose out a band of the valiantest men he had, and commanded them to wade over the lake, and to scale the walls on that side, where they within the town made lest account of it. So, these soldiers that were commanded to give this attempt, after they had passed over the lake without any let or trouble: they found that part of the wall without any watch or guard, because the greatest fury of the fight, was on the other side of the city. Therefore they easily getting up on the wall, came and assailed the enemies behind them. The citizens, and those of the garrison, perceiving they were unwares fallen into that great danger: they immediately forlooke the walls, and seeing themselves charged on every side, betook them to their legs, and fled. The ROMANS pursued them so hotly, Scipio wan city of new Carthage by assault. that they wan the city, and sacked it: where they found a wonderful great spoil, and abundance of all things necessary for war. Scipio greatly praised his soldiers, & did reward them, for that they had done so valiant service. Howbeit when he should come to give the scaling crown of the walls, unto the first man that got up upon the wall: there were two soldiers at such variance for the matter, that all the army was in danger of division and mutiny upon that occasion. Thereupon Scipio called his men together, and in open assembly told them, that he knew they both got up on the wall together, and so gave them both a scaling crown: & by this means their tumult was presently pacified. Afterwards he sent unto all the cities of SPAIN, the hostages that were found in the city, which were a marvelous number: the which wan him great fame for his courtesy and clemency, whereby he alured many nations to yield themselves unto the ROMANS, and to forsake the CARTHAGINIANS. But one thing above all the rest, chief increased his praise, and wan him great love and good will, The great chastity of Scipio. as a mirror and example of all virtue. There was a young Lady taken prisoner, that in beauty excelled all the women in CARTHAGE: whom he carefully caused to be kept, and preserved from violence and dishonour. And afterwards when he knew that she was married unto Luceius, Prince of the CELTIBERIANS: he sent for her husband that was a very young man, and delivered her unto him, untouched, or dishonoured. Luceius not forgetting his noble courtesy unto her, did let all his subjects understand the great bounty, modesty, and rare excellency of all kind of virtues that were in this ROMAN General: and shortly after he returned again to the ROMANS camp, with a great number of horsemen. The three Captains of the CARTHAGINIANS (Mago, Hasdrubal BARCINIAN, and the other Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo) knowing that the loss of new CARTHAGE did them great hurt, Mago, Hasdrubal Barcinian, Hasdrubal Gisgo, the three famous Captains of the Carthaginians. as well in the impairing of their credit with other strange nations, as also by the conjecture divers made of the success of this war: they first practised to dissemble the loss of it, and then in speech to make light of it as much as they could. Scipio having joined unto him divers nations and Princes of SPAIN, (among the which were the two little kings, Mandonius, and Indibilis) understanding where Hasdrubal BARCINIAN lay: he marched towards him with his army, to fight with him, before Mago and the other Hasdrubal came to join with him. Hasdrubal BARCINIAN lay in camp by the river of Besula, Besula fl.. & was very desirous to fight, trusting wholly to his strength and army. But when he heard that Scipio was at hand, he left the valley, and got to a hill of pretty strength. The ROMAN legions followed him, and gave him no respite, but pursued so near, that they came and assaulted his camp at their first coming. So they fought it out upon the trenches and rampers, as if they had been at the assault of a city. The CARTHAGINIANS trusting to the strength of the place, and driven unto it of necessity, (the which maketh cowards most desperate) they valiantly resisted their enemies the best they could. The ROMANS in contrary manner, being valiant, and full of good hope, fought it out lustily like men, and the fight was so much more cruel, for that it was in the sight of their General Scipio, and of all the army beside: insomuch that their valiant service there could not be hidden. Therefore they never gave over the assault, until that having done their uttermost endeavour, they got up upon the rampers, and entered in divers places into the enemy's camp, and made them fly. Hasdrubal, Captain of the CARTHAGINIANS, saved himself by flying, with a few with him, before the ROMANS entered into their fort. After this battle, Scipio according to his manner, Scipio's liberaltie to his enemies. caused all the spanish prisoners to be brought before him, and then gave them liberty to departed, without paying of ransom. Among the prisoners, there was a young gentleman of the king's blood, and nephew unto Masinissa, whom when he had used very honourably, he sent unto Masinissa, with great and rich gifts: to show thereby that a General of an army should be as bountiful & full of civil virtues, virtues meet for a General. as otherwise skilful & expert in martial discipline. For the end of war is victory: the benefit whereof consisteth in bounty, and clemency. From thence cometh the glory and all other praises due to Captains: as it happened in those things whereof we now treat. For a great number of SPANIARDS being present, wondering at the great clemency of the General of the ROMANS they could do no less but call him king, to honour and recompense his virtue. But Scipio struck that word dead strait, Scipio called king, by the Spaniards. the which was no common sound to the ROMANS ears, and therefore he would by no means allow that title, which he knew to be hateful to the noble men of his country, and also unmeet for the liberty of the ROMANS. He only prayed the SPANIARDS, that if they had any mind & desire not to show themselves unthankful to him that then they would be faithful and loving to the people of ROME. So whilst these things were done by Scipio, the other two Captains of the CARTHAGINIANS, (Mago, and Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo) after they understood of the overthrow of their men by the river of Besula: they made all the speed they could to join together, and shortly after came and met with Hasdrubal BARCINIAN, to consult together, and to take order for the war. So after they had laid their heads together, and considered all things, they concluded thus: that Hasdrubal BARCINIAN should go into ITALY to his brother Annibal, Hasdrubal sent into Italy to his brother Annibal with an army. where the war was greatest: and that Mago, and the other Hasdrubal should remain in SPAIN, should send for aid from CARTHAGE, & should not fight with the ROMANS until all their forces looked for were assembled, and so might make a great and puissant army. When Hasdrubal was gone into ITALY, Hanno was sent from CARTHAGE in his place. But practising in his journey to make the CELTIBERIANS to rebel, M. Syllanus came and set upon him by Scipio's commandment, and was so fortunate, that he over came him in battle, and took him prisoner. Hanno, the chief of the contrary faction unto Hasdrubal Barcinian, overcomen in battle, and taken prisoner. Now there was a city which the country men called ORANGE, the which was very wealthy, and meet to renew the war. Lucius Scipio was sent thither with part of the army to besiege it: but finding it a very strong situation, and too well manned to take it at the first assault, he environed the town, and within few days took and lacked it. Winter came on a pace, and the time of the year made them both to retire into their garrisons, for the winter. So Scipio having had so good fortune in this war, he went unto TARRACON: Mago, and the other Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo, went to the sea side. The next summer, wars growing more bloody and cruel then before in the lower SPAIN, the ROMANS and CARTHAGINIANS met, and joined battle by the river of Besula, and fought set battles. After they had fought a long time together, Scipio at length got the victory, & made the enemies fly: (of the which there were slain a great number in the field) and giving them no leisure to gather together again, and to make head against him, he fought with them, and followed the chase so hotly, that Hasdrubal and Mago were driven to leave the main land, and to fly to GADES, after they had lost all their army. In the army of the CARTHAGINIANS, there was a young man of a noble courage, and very wise, called Masinissa, who finding means to have secret conference with Syllanus, he was the first man that offered him friendship, either being brought to it through Scipios, liberality, or else because he thought the time was come, that it was the surest way to take part with the ROMANS, which were the conquerors. It is that Masinissa that afterwards, Masinissa offereth his friendship unto the Romans. (through the goodness of the ROMANS) become the great and mighty king of NUMIDIA, and in deed he was divers ways a profitable friend unto the ROMANS. Furthermore, the self same year, (which was the fourteenth of the second war with the AFRICANS) SPAIN was the first nation and people of the upland men dwelling in the heart of the realm, that was conquered under the happy conduct of the Viceconful Scipio: howbeit it was the last realm that was made a province long time after, by Augustus Caesar. Now Scipio not contenting himself with the great victories he had obtained, in very short time in SPAIN (for he had an imagination & good hope also to conquer AFRICA) he thought that his best way, to make all the means he could possible to get Syphax, king of the MASAESYLIANS, Syphax king of the Masasylians. a friend to the ROMANS. Wherefore after he had felt the kings mind, perceiving that he was well inclined to make league with the ROMANS: he presently set all his other affairs aside, and sailed into AFRICA with two galleys only, at five owers to a bank. At the self same time also came Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo thither, from GADES: so that both these valiant & lusty Captains came of purpose to the king, envying one the other, to crave the kings good will, unto their country and common wealth. Syphax welcomed them both into his Court, and did use them very honourably and courteously, and appointed that they should both eat at one table, and lie in one self chamber, because the one should not think his entertainment better than the other. It is reported, that Hasdrubal wondering at the magnanimity and great wisdom of Scipio that was present, he considered with himself the great danger the city of CARTHAGE and all AFRICA beside was in, Hasdrubals judgement of Scipio. through that man's means: for he saw him yet a young man, quick, and excellent in all manner of great virtues, and that had continually obtained such victories, and therefore considering the lusty youth of this gentleman, he imagined that it was unpossible to persuade him to embrace peace, rather than war. Besides, he was affrayed also that Syphax, moved by the parsonage and authority of him that was present, would take part with the ROMANS: and in deed his mind gave him rightly, for so it happened. For though Syphax at the first showed himself in different to them both, and had moved talk to end the war betwixt the ROMANS and the CARTHAGINIANS: yet afterwards when Scipio told him he could conclude no peace without consent of the Senate of ROME, he rejected Hasdrubal, and inclining to Scipio's request, he made league with the people of ROME. So Scipio being returned again into SPAIN, Syphax king of the Masaesylians, maketh league with the Romans. himself partly by force, and partly also by L. Martius means, conquered ILITURGIUM, CASTULO, and certain other places that refused to yield themselves unto the ROMANS. And to the end nothing should be lacking for all kind of sports and pleasures, after he had so fortunately obtained so many famous victories: when he was come to new CARTHAGE, he caused the fencers to prepare themselves to fight with great pomp, where there were many great estates, not only to see that pastime, but also they themselves to handle the weapons in person. But amongst other spaniards of noble houses, there were two called, Corbis, & Orsua, The unfortunate fight of two cousin germans. which were at strife together for the kingdom: but that day they ended their quarrel, the one being slain by the other's hand. The fight was very lamentable & grievous to the beholders: but the death of him that was slain, troubled them much more, for they were both cousin germans. After all this, Scipio having his mind still occupied in matters of greater weight and importance, than those which he had already brought to pass: he fell sick. His sickness being carried through all SPAIN, and as it happeneth often, his disease being reported to be much greater and dangerous than it was in deed: thereupon, not only the nations of SPAIN began to rise in hope of change, but the army self also of the ROMANS, the which he had left at SUCRO. First of all, martial discipline was corrupted, The rebellion of the Romane● soldiers against their Captains, in Scipio's sickness. through the absence of the General. Afterwards also, the report of his sickness, and danger of his life being spread abroad in the army, raised such a rebellion among them: that some of them little regarding the authority and commandment of the head Captains of the bands, they drove them away, and chose two mean soldiers for their Captains, who presumptuously took upon them the name given unto them by men of no authority, and yet with more arrogancy, made the bundles of rods and axes to be carried before them. Such folly doth fury and vain ambition oftentimes work in men's minds. On the other side, Mandonius Indibilis, two kings is of Spain. the SPANIARDS slept not, and specially Mandonius and Indibilis: who aspiring to the kingdom of SPAIN, came to Scipio when he was conqueror, after he had taken new CARTHAGE. But afterwards, being offended to see the power of the ROMANS increase daily, they sought occasion to make some alteration. So after they had heard, not only of Scipio's sickness, but also how he was at deaths door, and did believe it: they presently levied an army, and went and made war with the SUBSSITANS which were confederates of the ROMANS. But Scipio being recovered again of his sickness, like as upon the false rumour of his death every man began to rise: even so after the truth was known in deed of his recovery, they were all put down again, and not a man of them durst proceed any further in their rebellion. Scipio's wisdom suppressing his anger. Scipio being more skilful in martial discipline, then acquainted with sedition and rebellion: although he was marvelously offended with the soldiers that had committed this folly, yet in the end, lest following his anger, men should have thought him to have exceeded all bounds of reason in punishing of them, he referred all unto the counsel. The most part of them gave advise, that the authors of the rebellion should be punished, and all the rest pardoned: for by this means said they, the punishment shall light upon a few that have deserved it, and all the rest shall take example by them. Scipio followed that advise, Scipio's great wisdom in punishing the offenders. and presently sent for all the seditious bands, to come to new CARTHAGE to receive their pay. The soldiers obeyed his commandment, some of them making their fault less than it was, as men do often flatter themselves: others also trusting to the captains clemency, as knewing him not to be extreme in punishment. For Scipio was wont to say, Scipio's care of his countrymen. that he had rather save the life of one ROMAN citizen, then to kill a thousand enemies. The rumour ran also, that Scipio had an other army ready, the which he looked for to join with them, and then to set upon the kings, (Mandonius & Indibilis) who made war with the SVESSITANS. These soldiers departing from SUCRO; with good hope in obtain pardon; came unto CARTHAGE. Howbeit the next day after they were come into the town, they were brought into the market place: where their armor●●d weapons being taken from them, they were environed with all the legions army. Then the ROMAN General sitting in place of judgement, showed himself before all the company in as good health & good disposition of bodies as ever he was in all his youth. Then he made a sharp & bitter oration, full of grievous complains: insomuch as there was not one of all the soldiers that were unarmed, that durst cast up their eyes, to look their General in the face, they were so ashamed. For their consciences did accuse them for the fault they had committed, and the fear of death did take their wits and senses from them, & the profence of their gracious Captain, made them blush as well that were innocent, at the parties that were offenders. Wherefore there was a general and sorrowful silence of all men. So after he had ended his oration, he caused the chief authors of this rebellion to be brought forth before the whole assembly, Scipio did put the authors of the rebellion to death. who, after they had been whipped according to the manner, were presently beheaded, the which was a fearful and lamentable sight to the beholders. These matters thus pacified, Scipio made all the other soldiers to be sworn again, and then went and proclaimed war against Mandonius and Indibilis. For they considering with themselves, how the ROMAN soldiers that had rebelled in the camp, were put to death: they were out of hope to obtain any pardon. Therefore they had levied an army of twenty thousand footmen, & two thousand horsemen, and came down with them against the ROMANS. Scipio having intelligence thereof, before that the kings could increase their army, & that other nations could rebel: he departed from CARTHAGE, & went with as great speed as he could to meet with the enemy. The kings were camped in a very strong place, and trusted so to their army, that they were not determined to provoke the enemy, nor also to refuse the battle if it were offered them. Howbeit it chanced by the nearness of both camps, that within few days, they being provoked by the ROMANS, came down & set their men in battle ray, & joined battle with Scipio: so that a good while together, the fight was very bloody & cruel. But at length the SPANIARDS seeing themselves compassed in behind, and being driven to fight in a ring to defend the enemy on every side, they were overcome: so that the third part of them scarcely saved themselves by flying. Mandonius & Indibilis seeing themselves utterly undone, & that there was no hope nor remedy left: they sent Ambassadors unto Scipio, humbly to pray him to receive them to mercy, and to pardon them. But Scipio knowing right well how greatly they had offended him, and the ROMANS, yet thinking it more honourable to overcome the enemy by courtesy and clemency, A noble thing to overcome the enemy by clemency. Masinissa cometh unto Scipio. then by force: he did pardon them, and only commanded them to give him money to pay his soldiers. In the mean time Masinissa came from GADES, & landed: because he would himself in person confirm the friendship he had offered Scipio in his absence, by the means of M. Syllanus, and also speak with him face to face, whom he judged to be a worthy man, for the famous victories he had obtained. And in truth Masinissa was not deceived in the opinion he had of the valiantness & virtues of Scipio, but found him the self same man whom he before had imagined him to be in his mind: the which but seldom happeneth so notwithstanding. For besides the great rare gifts of nature that Scipio had above all others, there was in him also a certain Princely grace and majesty, A Princely Majesty in Scipio's parsonage. Furthermore, he was marvelous gentle & courteous unto them that came to him, and had an eloquent tongue, and a passing gift to win every man. He was very grave to his gesture and behaviour, and ever ware long hear. Masinissa being come to salute him, when he saw him, he had him in such admiration as it is reported, that he could not cast his eyes of him, nor have his fill of looking on him. So he thanked him marvelously for sending his Nephew unto him, and promised him that his deeds should confirm and witness the friendship agreed upon between them: the which he ever after inviolably kept unto the ROMANS, even to the hour of his death. So all the nations of SPAIN become subject to the Empire of ROME, or at the lest their confederates: whereupon those of GADES also following the example of others, The antiquity of those of Gades. Scipio's noble deeds. came and yielded themselves unto the ROMANS. This is a very ancient nation, and if we may credit the report of it: as CARTHAGE was in AFRICA, and THE●ES in BOEOTIA, so was GADES upon the sea, a Colony of the TYRIANS. Scipio after he bade conquered all SPAIN, and driven out the CARTHAGINIANS, considering that there remained nothing more for him to do: he left the government of the province unto. L. Lentulus, and to Manlius Acidinus, and returned to ROME. Scipio's return out of Spain to Rome. When he was arrived at ROME, the Senate gave him audience out of the city, in the temple of Bellova. There, when he had particularly told them of the things he had valiantly & fortunately brought to end: & further, that he had overcome four Captains in divers fought fields & also put to flight four armies of the enemies, & driven the CARTHAGINIANS out of both SPAIN'S, & that there was no nation left in all those parts, but was subdued to the ROMANS, the Senate gave judgement, that all these things were worthy of a noble triumph. But because never man yet was suffered to enter into ROME in triumph, for any victories he had obtained, whilst he was only but Viceconsul, and had not yet been Consul the Senators thought it not good, and Scipio himself also made no great suit for it, because he would not be an occasion to bring in any new custom, and to break the old. So when he came into the city, he was afterwards declared Consul, Scipio made Consul. with the great good will and consent of the whole assembly. It is reported that there never came such a world of people to ROME, as were there as that time, not only for the assemblies sake, but more to see P. Cor. Scipio. Wherefore, not the ROMANS only, but all the strangers also that were there, all their eyes were upon Scipio, and said both openly and privately: that they should sand him into AFRICA, to make war with the CARTHAGINIANS, at home in their own country. Scipio also being of the same opinion, said, that he would ask advise of the people, if the Senate would be against such a worthy enterprise. For amongst the peers and Senators, there were some that vehemently inveighed against that opinion, and among the rest, Fabius Maximus specially, a man of great fame and authority. Scipio went forward with the matter, and thwarted him, and showed many reasons that there was no way to overcome the CARTHAGINIANS, and to drive Annibal out of ITALY, but that only: and that all other counsels were in vain, and unprofitable. After this matter was long debated in counsel, SICILIA was appointed unto Scipio: and the whole Senate gave him commission to go with all his army into AFRICA, if he thought it meet and profitable for the common wealth. The decree of the Senate being published, every man's mind ran of so great enterprises, that they persuaded themselves AFRICA was already their own, and had great hope to end this war. Howbeit Scipio saw it a hard matter to make his preparation for this journey, because of the poverty of the common treasure, and for lack of young men: the flower and choice of the which was utterly gone, by the former great losses and overthrows Annibal had given them. Howbeit to satisfy every man's expectation of him, he made all the possible speed he could, to prepare things necessary for the wars. So divers people of Tuscan, and of the VMBRIANS, offered to help him to their best power: some of them gave him timber to build his ships, others holp him with armour, and others also furnished him with corn, and all other kind of victuals and munition for his army. The ships being built, and all the army by sea put in readiness, in the space of five and forty days, Scipio prepared his army and navy by sea, in 45. days. a thing incredible to many: Scipio departed out of ITALY, and sailed towards SICILY. But when he came to take muster of his army, he specially chose those that had served long time in the wars, under the conduct of M. Marcellus, the which were all esteemed for very expert soldiers. And for the SICILIANS, he partly wan them by courtesy, and partly by compulsion compelled them to give him aid for the war he took in hand, the which he meant to make in AFRICA, when the time of the year should serve for it. Among other things, it is reported that Scipio chose out of divers cities, three hundred young gentlemen of the noblest houses of all the said province, and commanded them to meet at a certain day appointed, Scipio policy in Sicilia. every man with horse and armour. Then coming at the day appointed, according to his commandment: the Consul bade them choose whether they would follow him in the wars of AFRICA, or else deliver up their armour & horse, to as many other ROMANS as they were in number. So when they all prayed they might be dismissed from the war, Scipio appointed three hundred other young ROMANS in their places, whom he had brought out of ITALY with him unarmed, because he would mount and arm them at the SICILIANS cost, as in deed it chanced. Afterwards, they did him great service in AFRICA, in many great battles. Now time was come on for Scipio to put his army in garrison for the winter time, when he came to SYRACUSE, taking order not only for the preparation of war, but also for the affairs of SICILIA. There when it was told him by complaint of divers, that there was a great company of ITALIAN soldiers in that city, who would not restore the spoils which they had gotten in the wars, but kept them still in their hands, notwithstanding that the Senate had enjoined them by special commandment to make restitution to the SYRACUSANS: he strait compelled them by proclamation, to accomplish the Senate's commandment. Whereby he wan all the people's hearts of SICILIA and was reported to be a just and upright Consul. In the mean time he was advertised by Caius Laelius, that returned out of AFRICA with great spoil: how king Masinissa was very desirous of his coming thither, and that he instantly prayed him he would come into AFRICA, as soon as he could possible, so it were without the prejudice of the common wealth. Moreover, that divers nations and people of AFRICA had the like desire: who hating the government of the CARTHAGINIANS, desired nothing more, than some good occasion to rebel. Now this journey was not deferred through Scipio's fault or negligence, considering that such a Captain could hardly be found that was more careful and diligent in his charge than he. Howbeit the affairs of SICILIA, and the opportunity he had to recover LOCRES again, did hinder him that he could not bring his purpose to pass according to his mind. Furthermore, his Lieutenant Pleminius disorder grieved him much: because that having left him at LOCRES, he fell to all sorts of insolency, as to deflower women, and to spoil the poor citizens: insomuch that they being marvelously offended with these infinite troubles and villainies offered them, they determined rather to suffer all other things, then to be subject to the government of so vile & wicked a man. So the Ambassadors of LOCRES being arrived at ROME, and exhibiting their complaints in open Senate of the great wrongs and injuries Pleminius did them: the noble men took the matter so grievously, that they made bitter decrees, not only against the same Pleminius, but also against P.C. Scipio himself. Whereupon Scipio's enemies having gotten matter enough to accuse him, P.C. Scipio accused. they were then so bold to affirm, that he was acquainted with the injuries offered the LOCRIANS, with the licentiousness of Pleminius, and with the rebellions of his soldiers also: and that he had suffered all these things more negligently, than become the office or duty of a Consul. They added thereto moreover, that his army he had in SICILY was altogether unruly, & unserviceable, & regarded not the ordinances of the camp: and that the Captain himself was careless, & altogether given over to pleasure and idleness. But above all others, Fabius Maximus was his heavy enemy, Q. Fabius Maximus, a great aversary unto Scipio. and so vehement against him in his words, that he exceeded the bounds of all modesty and reason, and thought good to call him presently home out of SICILIA, and to dismiss him of his charge. This decree was thought of all men very strait, & extreme. Wherefore following Quintus Metellus counsel, the Senators appointed ten Ambassadors to go into SICILIA, to make diligent inquiery, whether the accusations objected against Scipio were true: and if they found him in fault, that then they should command him in the name of the Senate presently to return into ITALY. And on the other side, if they found that he was unjustly accused, and only through the procurement of his malicious enemies & detractors: then that they should sand him to his army, and encourage him valiantly to go forward with this war. So when the Ambassadors were arrived in SICILIA, after they had made diligent inquiery according to the articles of their commission: they could not find that Scipio was faulty in any thing, saving that he had too lightly passed over the wrongs and injuries Pleminius had done unto the LOCRIANS. For Scipio was very liberal in rewarding of his men, Scipio's nature. and exceeding courteous and merciful also in punishing of them. But when they saw his army, his ships, and all his other furniture and munition for war: it is reported that they wondered so much to see the great abundance and good order taken for all things, that when they returned to ROME, they greatly commended Scipio, and rejecting all the accusations of his accusers, they did promise' the Senate and people of ROME, assured hope of victory. So when all these home troubles at ROME were taken away, there chanced other outward troubles a broad that grieved him much. For the Ambassadors of king Syphax came and told him that their master had made new league with the CARTHAGINIANS, King Syphax revolteth from the Romans. & was become friend to Hasdrubal, whose daughter he had married: and therefore that he wished him if he meant to do his country good, to make no attempt upon AFRICA, for he was determined to reckon the CARTHAGINIANS friends his, & also to set upon them whom the CARTHAGINIANS accounted their enemies. Scipio quickly returned the Ambassadors again unto Syphax, because the effect of their coming should not be blown abroad in his camp: & gave them letters, in the which he prayed king Syphax, that remembering his league and faithful promise, he should beware he attempted nothing unworthy the name of a ROMAN, and faith of a king. Afterwards calling his men together, he told them, that the Ambassadors of king Syphax were come into SICILY, to complain of his long tarrying, as Masinissa had done before. Therefore he was to hasten his journey to go into AFRICA, and thereupon commanded all his soldiers to put themselves in readiness, and to provide all things necessary for their journey. The Consul's commandment being published through all SICILY, there repaired immediately unto Lilybea a multitude of people, not only of those that were to fail into AFRICA, but of others also that came to see the fleet & army of the ROMANS: because they never saw an army better furnished, nor set out with all things necessary for war, nor better replenished with soldiers, than that. So Scipio, all things being ready, embarked at LILYBEA with so earnest a desire to pass over the sea, that neither owers nor wind did content his mind. Yet he was brought in few days sailing, to the promontory or mountain called fair, and there he put all his men a land. The news of his arrival flying strait to CARTHAGE, all the city was presently in such an uproar, that suddenly they sounded the alarum, and guarded the gates & walls, as appeareth by testimony of some in writing. For from M. Regulus time, unto that present day, it was almost fifty years space since any ROMAN Captain ever entered AFRICA with force of arms. And therefore it was no marvel though they were afraid, and grew to uproar. The name of Scipio did increase their fear the more, because the CARTHAGINIANS had no Captain matchable with him. Hasdrubal the son of Gisgo had the name at that time of a lusty Captain, whom they knew had notwithstanding been overcome, and driven out of SPAIN by Scipio. Howbeit putting all the hope & safety of their country in him, & in king Syphax that mighty king: they never left entreating the one, nor persuading the other, to come & help the affairs of AFRICA, with all the speed they could possible. So, whilst they two were preparing to join both their armies together, Annibal the son of Hamilcar, being appointed to keep the next country adjoining to it, came against the ROMANS. Scipio after he had destroyed the country, & enriched his army with great spoil: he camped by the city of UTICA, to see if it were possible for him to win so noble and wealth a city, and being beside so commodious for the wars both by sea and land. At the self same time Masinissa came to the ROMANS camp, The ready & faithful good will of Masinissa to the Romans. and was inflamed with a vehement desire to make war against king Syphax, by whom he had before been driven out of his kingdom & inheritance. Scipio, that had known him in SPAIN, a young Prince of an excellent wit, and quick & valiant of his hand: he sent him to discover the army of the enemies, before the CARTHAGINIANS could gather any greater power, and willed him to use all the devise and means he could possible to entice Hanno to fight. Masinissa as he was commanded, began to provoke the enemy, and drawing him out by little & little, he brought him where Scipio lay with all his legions armed, looking for a good hour to fight. The army of the enemies was now wearied, when the ROMANS came to set upon them with their fresh army. Hanno at the first onset was overcomen, & slain, Hanno overcomen and slain. with most of his men: and all the rest fled, and dispersed themselves here and there, where they thought they might best scape. After this victory, Scipio returning back again to besiege the city of UTICA: the sudden coming of Hasdrubal and king Syphax, made him to leave of his enterprise, for that they brought with them a great army both of footmen & horsemen, and came and camped not far from the ROMANS. Scipio perceiving that, raised his siege immediately, and came and fortified his camp upon a hill, from whence he might go & fight with the enemy, and molest them of UTICA, and also keep his ships safe that road at anchor. Howbeit the time of the year being comen, that both armies were to dispose their men in garrisons for the winter season: he determined to sand unto king Syphax to feel his mind, and to make him leave the friendship of the CARTHAGINIANS if it were possible. For he knew well it was his marriage with Sophonisba, Sophonisba, king Syphax wife. that through her flattering persuasions had brought him to that fury, that he had not only forsaken the friendship of the ROMANS, but also meant to destroy them, contrary to his faith and promise: and that if he had once satisfied the heat of his love with her, he thought then he might be called home again. Syphax having understood Scipio's message sent him, he answered, that in deed it was time not only to leave the league with the CARTHAGINIANS, but also to give up all thought of war: and so promised, that he would be a good mean to make peace. Scipio gave good care unto it, and caught hold of an excellent fine devise. Scipio's craft. He chose the valiantest soldiers in his army, appareled them like slaves, and made them wait upon the Ambassadors, and gave them instructions what they should do. These fellows, whilst the Ambassadors and king Syphax were in talk together about the articles and conditions of peace, and that the consultation held longer than it was wont to do: they went and walked up and down through the enemy's camp, to see all the ways and entries into it, according unto Scipio's instructions. After they had done this divers times, they came again to Scipio. Truce was taken for a time, the which being expired, Scipio seemed to make preparation for wars, (as being out of hope of any peace) & to make his army ready by sea, preparing engines of battery to return to besiege UTICA, as he had done before. He gave out this rumour through all the country, to persuade his enemies that it was true: howbeit having called the Captains & petty Captains of his army together, he made them privy to his intent & enterprise. He told them that both the enemies camps lay not far a sunder, of the which, the one of them had all their tents & cabbons of wood: and the building of the other camp was all of reeds, so that they were both easy to be burnt. Whereupon having sent for Masinissa, and Caius Lalius to come unto him, he gave them charge about midnight to give alarum unto Syphax camp, and to set it a fire: and that he himself on the other side, would set upon the CARTHAGINIANS camp. They two obeying Scipio's commandment, performed his will without delay, & came at the hour appointed them to assail the NUMIDIANS camp, and so did set the houses of reeds afire, which took fire in such sort, as the flame was immediately round about the camp. The NUMIDIANS at the first, thinking the fire had comen by misfortune, ran thither strait unarmed to quench it. But when they found themselves among the legions of the ROMANS, and that there was nothing but kill down right, seeing themselves so compassed in on all sides, they saw their best remedy was to fly. On the other side also, where Scipio's army was: the CARTHAGINIAANS' camp was almost all burnt, an the enemies put to flight with such cruel slaughter, A marvelous great slaughter of the Carthaginians. that some writers affirm there were slain that night about forty thousand men, as well CARTHAGINIANS as NUMIDIANS. This great overthrow and slaughter being carried to CARTHAGE, did put the citizens there in such a fear and terror, that some thought best to sand for Annibal out of ITALY: and others gave advise to make peace with Scipio. Howbeit the BARCINIAN faction which was rich and wealth, & altogether against the peace makers: they so prevailed, that they levied a new power to begin war again. King Syphax and Hasdrubal, having levied a great multitude of footmen and horsemen again, renewed their army sooner then was looked for, and came again to pitch their camp directly over against the enemies. Scipio having understanding of that, would nottary, but determined to give them battle, whilst his men were in good heart, and willing to fight. So it chanced at the first, by the nearness of both their camps, that there were certain skirmishes: but in the end, the armies came to join battle, and the ROMANS sought with such courage & terror, that at the first onset, they made the NUMIDIANS & CARTHAGINIANS fly, and slew the most part of them. Hasdrubal and Syphax scaped, by flying out of the slaughter. Scipio sent Masinissa, & Caius Laelius with the light horsemen to give them chase. Syphax being comen into NUMIDIA, & from thence into his own realm & kingdom he levied an army in haste, of all sorts of people, & came to meet with Masinissa & Caius Laelius, and was not afraid to give them battle. But it was a fond part of him, considering that he was nothing like so strong as his enemy, neither for number of fight men, nor yet in likelihood of soldiers. For neither the soldiers, nor Captains of his army were matchable with the soldiers & Captains of the ROMANS camp: & therefore king Syphax was easily overcome by such skilful soldiers, Syphax, king of the Masaesylians, overcome, & taken in battle. & moreover was himself taken in battle, with many other great noble men, whom Masinissa would hardly have looked for: & then they were brought unto Scipio. At the first there was a marvelous joy among them, when it was told them that king Syphax should be brought prisoner unto the camp: but afterwards when they saw him bound, they were all sorry to see him in such pitiful state, remembering his former greatness & regal majesty. For they called to mind how famous the name of this king had been but a little before, what wondered great wealth he had, & also the power of so great a realm & kingdom. Howbeit Scipio the ROMAN Consul, received him very courteously, & gently asked him what he meant to change his mind in that sort, & what moved him to make war with the ROMANS. Then the king remembering his former friendship & faithful promise broken, he boldly told him, that it was the love he bore to his wife Sophonisba, who only had procured him to deal so dishonourably with the ROMANS: howbeit, that he had so smarted for it, as all others might take example by him, and beware how they break their promise. And yet, that this was a great comfort to him in his extreme misery, to see that his mortal enemy Masinissa was also taken with that franzie and mud humour, wherewith he before was possessed. For after Syphax was overcome and taken; Masinissa went unto CYRTHA, the chief city of the realm, the which he won, and found Sophonisba there, Masinissa won the city of Cyrtha, where he fell in love with Sophonisba, king Syphax wife. with whom he fell in fancy: who after she had finely wrapped him in with here decenfull flatteries and kindness, he promised her also to deliver her out of the ROMANS hands & because he might the better perform his promise made, he took her to his wife, & married her. When Scipio was informed of these things, it grieved him marvelously. For it was known to all men, that Syphax was overcome under the conduct, & through the ROMANS means: and therefore all that was belonging to Spyhax, was at the disposition of the ROMANS. Wherefore if Masinissa had without Scipio's consent, undertaken to defend Sophonisbaes' quarrel: than it appeared plainly, he despised the authority of the Consul, & the majesty of the people of ROME● Furthermore, his filthy lust did aggravate his fault the more, the which seemed so much more intolerable, by how much the continency of the ROMAN Consul was the greater, The great & rare continency of Scipio. the which Masinissa saw daily before his eyes, and might have been a pattern and example unto him. For Scipio, besides many other proofs and shows of his virtues, in all places where he obtained victory, he always kept the women undefiled, which were taken prisoners. So, Scipio being much offended with Masinissa, (though he showed it not before company) received him very lovingly at his return to the camp: yet afterwards notwithstanding, taking him aside, he so sharply reproved him, that he made him know what it was to obey a moderate, and also a severe Captain. Whereupon Masinissa went into his tent and wept, & could not tell what way he should take: howbeit shortly after, perceiving that it was unpossible for him to keep promise with Sophonisba, which grieved him to the heart: he sent her poison, & a message withal, Sophonisba poisoned herself, through Masinissaes' procurements the which she drank immediately, & so willingly made herself away. Furthermore, the CARTHAGINIANS after they had received such wonderful great losses and overthrows, one after an other, perceiving that their affairs were brought to such a strait and extremity, that they were no more to look after the enlarging of their dominions, but only to consider which way they might keep their own country: they sent for Annibal to come out of ITALY. Annibal sent for into Italy, to runno into Africa. Who returning with great speed into AFRICA, before he did anything else, he thought good first to talk with P. Scipio about peace: either because he was afraid of the good fortune of this young man, or else for that he mistrusted he could not otherwise help his country and common wealth, which he saw decaying, & like to be destroyed. Wherefore a place was appointed, where they might meet according to his desire: where when they were both met, they had long talk together about the ending of this war. In the end, Scipio offered Annibal such conditions of peace, that by them it appeared the ROMANS were not weary of war, and that Scipio himself being a young man, had better hope to obtain victory, then great desire to harken to peace. So, all hope of peace being set aside, they broke of their talk, and the next morning two famous and worthy Captains of the most noble nations that could be, prepared themselves to battle, either to give or take away in short time from their common weals, the signiory and Empire of all the world. The place where they employed all their force, and where this famous battle was fought, as it is reported, was by the city of ZAMA: Battle at Zama, and Scipives victory of the Carthaginians. in the which the ROMANS being conquerors, did first make the Elephants fly, than the horsemen, and in the end broke so fiercely into the footmen, that they overthrew all the army. It is reported that there were slain and taken by the ROMANS, above forty thousand CARTHAGINIANSS. Annibal fled out of the fury of the battle, & saved himself, though that day he had showed himself like a valiant and famous Captain. The praise of Annibal. For at this battle he had set his army in better order than ever he had done before, and had strengthened it, both with the commodity of the place, and relief beside: and even in the very fury and terror of the battle he so bestirred himself among his soldiers, that the enemies themselves did commend & praise him, for a noble Captain. After this victory, Scipio meeting with Vermina king Syphax son, that brought aid to the CARTHAGINIANS: he put him to flight, and came and brought his army to the walls and haven of CARTHAGE, thinking (as in deed it fell out) that the CARTHAGINIANS would sue to him for peace. For, as the CARTHAGINIANS before had been very good soldiers, & ready to make wars: so were they now become timorous & faint hearted, specially when they saw their General Annibal overcomen, in whom they chief reposed all their hope and trust, for defence of their country. Wherefore they being (as I have said) out of heart, sent Ambassadors unto Scipio, to pray him that according to his accustomed clemency he would grant them peace. Now was great suit made at ROME, to have the government of the province of AFRICA, and one of the new Consuls made haste to come and make war, with such charge and preparation as was meet for his dignity and calling: and therefore Scipio doubting that an other should carry away the glory for ending of so great a war, he was the better contented to yield to the CARTHAGINIAN Ambassadors requests. So, the capitulacion of the articles of peace was offered unto the CARTHAGINIANS, according to the conquerors mind: and besides all other things, the whole fleet of all their ships and galleys (in the which consisted much their hope) were taken from them. For when the whole fleet was burnt, it was such a lamentable sight unto them all, that there was no other thing but weeping and lamenting through the whole city, as if CARTHAGE had been destroyed and razed to the very ground. For as some do writ, there were five hundred ships burnt of all sorts. Five hundred ships of the Carthaginians, burnt by Scipio. These things therefore should make us all beware of humane failty, the which we often forget in our prosperity. For they that before persuaded themselves to conquer the world, after they had won so many great battles and victories of the enemy, and in manner conquered all ITALY, and so valiantly beside besieged the city of ROME: were in short time after brought to such misery and extremity, that all their power and force being overcome, they had left them no more but the walls of CARTHAGE, and yet they were not sure to keep them, but through the special grace and favour of the enemy. After these things were done, Scipio by decree of the Senate, did not only restore king Masinissa to his realm again, but also adding thereunto the best part of all king Syphax country, they made him one of the mightiest kings of all AFRICA: and afterwards he gave honourable gifts unto every man as he had deserved. In fine, after he had set all the affairs of AFRICA at good stay, he brought his army back again into ITALY: at what time there came to ROME a world of people, Scipio return to Rome. to see so great and famous a Captain, returning from such wonderful great victories. So he entered into ROME with pomp of triumph, Scipio's triumph at Rome, for the Carthaginians. Terentius Culeo following of him with a heart on his head, because that through his favour and friendship he was taken out of bondage. Polybius writeth, that king Syphax was led in triumph: howbeit some say he died before Scipio triumphed. In deed divers that did triumph, some before him during the wars of the CARTHAGINIANS, and others afterwards in the wars of MACEDONIA & ASIA, they made greater show of plate, both of gold and silver in their triumph, and led also a greater number of prisoners: howbeit one only Annibal that was overcome, and the glory of so great a war ended, did make the triumph of P. Scipio so excellent and famous, that it far passed all the gold and magnificent pomp of all others triumphs. For after AFRICA was conquered, no nation than was ashamed to be overcome by the ROMANS. For he made this province, as it were a bridge and open passage to increase and enlarge the Empire of ROME, both in MACEDON, and also in ASIA, and in other parts of the world beside. Now Scipio (whom I may rightly call AFRICAN, after the conquest of AFRICA) being returned to ROME, he lacked no temporal dignities nor honours. For in the counsel holden for the election of Censors, although there were divers others of the noblest houses of ROME that sued for that office: yet he himself, and AElius Petus were preferred before all the rest, Scipio, and AElius Petus, chosen Censors. and after they were created Censors, they did govern in their office like good men, and with good quietness. Afterwards the Censors that followed them, did still one after an other choose Scipio AFRICAN Prince of the Senate: the which dignity was wont to be given to them only, Scipio Prince of the Senate. that obtained the type of all honour, through their great conquests and benefits done to their country. Shortly after, he was again chosen Consul with Sempronius Longus, Scipio and Sempronius Longus chosen Consuls. the son of that Sempronius whom Annibal overcame in that great overthrow, at the battle by the river of Trebia. They two were the first (as it is reported) that divided the noble men and Senators from the people, in the show place to see pastime. This separation was very odious to the people of ROME, and they were marvelously offended with the Consuls for it: because they took it, that increasing the honour of the state of the Senators, they thereby did discountenance and embase them. Some say also, that Scipio AFRICAN afterwards repented himself that he had taken away the old custom, and brought in a new. At that time there fell out great variance betwixt Masinissa and the CARTHAGINIANS touching their borders and confines. Whereupon the Senate sent Scipio thither with two other commissioners: who after they had heard the cause of their quarrel, they left the matter as they found it, and would proceed no further it. The crafty counsel of Scipio. And this they did, because that the CARTHAGINIANS being troubled with civil wars at home, should take upon them no other wars abroad, neither should have leisure to attempt any alternation otherwise. For the ROMANS had great war with king Antiothus, & Annibal CARTHAGINIAN was there with him, who still stirred up the old enemies against the ROMANS, and practised to raise up new enemies against them, & in all things to counsel the CARTHAGINIANS to cast away the yoke of bondage, which the ROMANS had brought them into under the title of peace, & to prove the friendship of the kings. Howbeit shortly after, the ROMANS having obtained victory, and driven king Antiochus out of GRAECE: they intended also to conquer ASIA: and therefore all their hope was in Scipio AFRICAN, as a man that was borne to end wars of great importance. Howbeit Lucius Scipio, and Caius Lalius were Consuls, & either of them made suit for the government of ASIA. The matter being consulted upon, the Senate stood doubtful what judgement they should give, betwixt two so famous men. Howbeit, because Laelius was in better favour with the Senate, and in greater estimation: the Senate began to take his part. But when P. Cornelius Scipio AFRICAN, the elder brother of Lucius Scipio, prayed the Senate that they would not dishonour his house so, and told them that his brother had great virtues in him, and was beside very wise, and that he himself also would be his Lieutenant: he had no sooner spoken the words, but the Senators received him with great joy, and presently did put them all out of doubt. So it was ordained in open Senate, that Lucius Scipio should go into GRAECE to make war with the AETOLIANS, and that from thence he should go into ASIA, if he thought good, to make war with king Antiochus: and also that he should take his brother Scipio AFRICAN with him, because he should go against Annibal, that was in Antiochus' army. Who can but wonder at the love and natural affection of Publius Cornelius Scipio AFRICAN, The natural love of Scipio African to his brother L. Scipio. the which he first showed from his youth unto his father Cornelius, and afterwards also unto his brother Lucius Scipio, considering the great things he had done? For, notwithstanding he was that AFRICAN by name that had overcomen Annibal, that had triumphed over the CARTHAGINIANS, and excelled all others in praise of martial discipline: yet of his own good nature he made himself inferior to his younger brother, because he might have the honour of obtaining the government of that province from his fellow Consul Laelius, that was so well beloved, and of so great estimation. Lucius Scipio the Consul brought great honour to his country by that war, for that he followed the sound and faithful counsel of his brother. For first of all going into GRAECE, he took truce for six months with the AETOLIANS, through the advise of his brother AFRICAN: who counseled him, that setting all things a part, he should strait go into ASIA, where the war was rifest. Afterwards also he wan Prusias king of BYTHINIA from Antiochus friendship, who before was waving up & down, doubtful which side to take, and all through his brother AFRICANS means and practice. So the authority of the AFRICAN was very great, and all those that would obtain any thing of the Consul, came first to the AFRICAN to be their mean and intercessor. Now when he came into ASIA, Antiochus Ambassador, and Heraclides BIZANTINE, came unto him to offer to make peace, and after they had openly told their message, perceiving that they could not obtain reasonable conditions of peace: they privately talked with Scipio AFRICAN as they were commanded, and practised the best they could to make him king Antiochus friend. For they told him, that Antiochus would send him his younger son which he had taken, and furthermore that he would willingly make him his companion in the government of all his realm, only reserving the name and title of the king. Howbeit P. Scipio, excelling no less in faithfulness and bounty, then in many other virtues, The fidelity and love of P. Scipio to his country. after he had answered them to all other matters, he told them, that for his son he would take him for a marvelous friendly gift: and that for a private good turn, he would do the best he could to requited him with the like. Howbeit, that he would counsel the king above all things to leave of thought of war, and to receive those offers and conditions of peace, which the Senate and people of ROME would offer him. Shortly after, Antiochus sent P. Scipio his son according to his promise: who (as it is reported) had been taken prisoner from the first beginning of the war, as he went from CHALCIDE, unto ORICUM: or as other writers say, as he passed by in a pinnase. Yet some hold opinion, that he was taken as he went to discover the counsel of the enemies, and that he was then sent again unto his father, lying sick at the city of ELEA. This great courtesy of king Antiochus was marvelous well thought of of the AFRICAN, and not without cause: for to see his son after he had been away so long, it did greatly lighten his spirits, and diseased body. But P. Scipio, to show some token of a thankful mind, prayed the Ambassadors that came unto him, greatly to thank king Antiochus for the exceeding pleasure he had done him, to send him his son. Afterwards he gave Antiochus advise also that he should not give battle, till he understood of his return from ELEA to the camp. So Antiochus being persuaded by the authority of so worthy a man, he kept close in his camp for a certain time, and determined to draw the war out at length, hoping in the end that he might come to speak with the Consul, by the AFRICANS means. But afterwards, the Consul camping hard by MAGNESIA, did so vex and provoke the enemy, that the king came out to battle, and set his men in battle ray. It is reported that Annibal himself was present at the battle, being one of the Generals for the king. So Antiochus being overcome, and his army discomfited, perceiving that there was no help in his affairs: he came unto the AFRICAN, (who being newly recovered of his sickness, Antiochus being overcome, acceptesh conditions of peace. came to the camp within a little after the field was won) and by his means obtained of the Consul to be contented to talk of peace. When Antiochus Ambassadors were come to the camp, and that they had humbly craved pardon in the behalf of their king, and also prayed that they would give them such conditions of peace, as they best liked of: Scipio AFRICAN with the consent of them all answered them, that it was not the manner of the ROMANS to yield to adversity, neither also to be proud in prosperity: and therefore that he now made him the self same offers and conditions of peace, which he did before the victory. That the king should not meddle with EUROPE, that he should surrender up all he had in ASIA from the mountain Taurus, unto the river of Tanais: that he should pay tribute twenty years together: that he should also put in such hostages as the Consul would choose out: and that specially above all the rest, they should deliver Annibal CARTHAGINIAN unto the Consul, who was the only author and procurer of this war. But he, as we have written in his life, perceiving that king Antiochus army was overthrown both by sea and by land, escaped the ROMANS hands, and went unto Prusias king of BYTHINIA. Antiochus having accepted the offers and conditions of peace, said, that the ROMANS used him very favourably, to rid him of so great care, and to appoint him so small a kingdom. For great kingdoms, Great kingdoms and wealth are full of troubles. and overmuch wealth which every man coveteth, are full of great and sundry troubles: insomuch that Theocritus words are as true, as otherwise excellently written. The things I wish are nother wealth, nor Sceptre, rob, nor Crown, Nor yet of swiftness and of strength to bear away renown: But singing wish a merry heart in simple shed, to look Aloof upon the troublous seas, that are so hard to brook. So when the mighty king of ASIA was overcomen, and that so great a war was so easily ended beyond all men's opinion: the Consul L. Scipio returned to ROME, and made his entry into the city, showing a great and honourable triumph. He also deserved the surname of the province and country subdued by him. So that as his elder brother before was called AFRICAN, for that he had conquered AFRICA: even so was Lucius Scipio surnamed ASIAN, L. Scipio surnamed Asian, for his conquest of Asia, T. Q. Flaninius, M. C. Marcellus Censors. for conquering ASIA unto ROME. And P. Scipio, through whose counsel his brother Lucius had brought his wars to happy end, he went not clear without honour also. For shortly after, two noble Censors, T. Q. Flaminius, and Marcus Claudius Marcellus chose him Prince of the Senate the third time. Now at that time, the house and family of the Scipios and Cornelians flourished, The time of the flourishing of the Corneli; with supreme degree of honour: and the authority of Scipio AFRICAN was grown to such height and greatness, as no private man could wish to be any greater in a free city. Howbeit the secret malice of wicked hearts, which could no longer abide this greatness and authority, began at length to burst out, and to light upon those that were the authors of so great things. The inconstancy of these worldly things Great men most envied. For two Tribunes of the people, suborned (as it is reported) by Porcius Cato: they accused P. Scipio AFRICAN for keeping back king Antiochus money, and because he brought it not into the common chamber or treasury. Scipio AFRICAN knowing his innocency, being called by the Magistrate, showed himself obedient, and came into the market place with a bold coutenaunce, and there made an oration, declaring what things he had done for the benefit and commodity of his country and common wealth. The rehearsal of these things did not mislike the common people that were present: because he did it rather to avoid the danger prepared for him, than otherwise for any vain glory or ostentation. Howbeit the Tribunes not being so contented, were vehement against him, and spared no injurious words, but accused him as though he had in deed been in fault, howbeit upon suspicion, rather than of any due proof. The next morning being commanded to come before them again, he appeared at the hour appointed, and being well accompanied with his friends, he came through the whole assembly, and went up to the pulpit for orations. When he saw that every man kept silence, than he spoke in this manner. I remember my Lords, that on such a day as this, I wan that famous victory of Annibal and the CARTHAGINIANS, and therefore leaving a side this contention, I think it good we go unto the Capitol to give God thanks for the victory. So he departed thence, and all the whole assembly followed him, not only to the Capitol, but also to all the other temples of the city, leaving the two Tribunes all alone with their sergeants. The last fortunate day of the Africans good fortune. The voluntary banishment of P. Scipio from Rome. That day was the very last day of all the AFRICANS good fortune, for the great assembly and multitude of people that waited upon him, and for the great good will they bore him. For from that day forward he determined to get him into the country, far from all ambition, and the company of people and so went unto LINTERNUM in a marvelous rage, that for reward of his so great service, and so sundry benefits as he had brought unto his country, he received but shame and reproach: or else, for that in deed being as he was of a noble mind, he thought it more honour willingly to give place to his enemies, then to seek to maintain his greatness by force of arms. So when the Tribunes did accuse him of contempt, and that his brother Lucius did excuse his absence by reason of his sickness: Tiberius Gracchus, T. Gracchus Tribune. one of the Tribunes that was against the AFRICAN, took his excuse (beyond all men's opinions) for good payment, and did so well defend Scipio's cause, sometime honourably praising him, another time also threatening his enemies that the Senate afterwards thanked him very greatly for it. For they were marvelously offended for the great injury they did him. Some do writ, that P. Scipio himself, before he went unto LINTERNUM, did with his own hands tear the book his brother had brought unto the Senate,) to deliver the account of his charge: and that he did it not for any deceit nor pride, but with that self boldness of mind he had aforetime used to the treasurers, when he did against the law require the keys of the common treasure, divers opinions about the accusasion of the Africans. to supply the present need of the state ● Now some there be also that say, it was not the AFRICAN, but Scipio ASIAN that was accused needed before the Tribunes; and that Scipio AFRICAN was sent in commission at that time into THYSCAN. Who, understanding of his brother's accusation at his return to ROME, and finding his brother Lucius condemned, and the sergeants waiting on him to carry him, being bound, into prison: he was in such a rage withal, that he rescued his brother by force on of the sergeants hands, and from the Tribunes of the people. And they report beside, that Tiberius Gracchus one of the Tribunes, complaining first that the authority of the Tribuneship was trodden under feet by a private person: he afterwards letting fall all the malice and envy he bore unto the Scipios, defended their cause, because the Tribunes should rather seem to be overcome by a Tribune, then by a private person. They said moreover, that the self same day the Senate supped in the Capitol, he persuaded the AFRICAN to let Tiberius Gracchus marry his younger Daughter. This promise was no sooner made, but P. Scipio coming home to his house, told his wife that he had bestowed their Daughter: Whereupon she being angry, told him again, that he should not have married her without consent of her mother, though he could have bestowed her upon Tiberius Gracchus. This answer liked Scipio marvelous well, when he saw that his wife was of his mind, touching the marriage of their Daughter. I know it is thought of some, that it was attributed to Tiberius the son, and to Appius Claudius his father in law. For Polybius, and other ancient writers affirm, that Cornelia, the mother of Caius and Tiberius Gracchi, The Africans wife, & children. was married unto Gracchus after the AFRICANS death. For Scipio AFRICAN was married unto AEmylia the Daughter of L. Paulus AEmylius Consul, that was slain at the battle of CANNES. By her he had two Daughters, of the which the eldest was married unto P. Cornelius Nasica, and the younger unto Tiberius Gracchus, either before, or after the death of his father. Now touching his son, there is little mention made of him in writing, that a man may writ of certainty to be true. We have spoken of his younger son that was taken by king Antiochus, and afterwards frankly sent unto his father: of whom notwithstanding afterwards I found no mention in writing, saving that some say he was afterwards Praetor, and that he came to this office by means of Cicercius his father's Secretary. There appeareth in writing also, that the younger AFRICAN was adopted by the son of P. Scipio. Cicero in his book entitled Cato Maior saith, how weak (said he) was the son of P. AFRICAN that adopted thee his son? And in his sixth book also de repub AEmylius the father exhorteth Scipio his son, to follow justice and piety, as his grandfather Scipio AFRICAN had done. And touching the death of P. Scipio AFRICAN, divers opinions touching the death of P. Scipio. Statues of the two Scipios and Ennius' the Poet, by the gate Capena at Rome. Scipio African died at Linternum. writers do diversly vary: for some say that he died, and was buried at ROME. And for proof thereof they do bring forth the monument that was set up for him by the gate Capena, over the which stood three statues or images, two whereof were the images of P. and Lucius Scipio, and the third was of Q. Ennius the Poet. And surely that which Cicero wrote, seemeth to confirm it true: our Ennius, said he, was marvelously beloved of AFRICAN the great, and therefore it is thought that he was buried in Scipio's tomb. Other authors writ also (and surely they agreed best with the common report) that Scipio AFRICAN died at LINTERNUM, and that there he was buried at his own appointment: because his country so unthankfully acknowledging his service, should do him no honour at his death: and that there they set him up a tomb, and his statue upon that, the which afterwards was blown down by a tempest of wind, and the which Livy himself witnesseth he saw. Furthermore, by CAIETA this Epitaphe was graven in a plate of copper, set in a marble tomb. The Epitaphe of Scipio African. The man that vanquish Annibal and conquered Carthage town, And eke increased the Romans both in Empire and renown, Lies here a beape of dust and earth bid underneath this stone: His deeds, his prowess, and his life, are altogether gone. Whom mother Europe could withstand, nor Africa in time past, (Behold man's frailty) here he lies in little room at last. Now touching the time of his death, having made great search for it, I have found in certain Graeke Authors, Scipio African 54. year old at the time of his death. that the AFRICAN lived four and fifty years, and died shortly after. Furthermore, he was a noble Captain, and worthy of all commendation for martial discipline, and beside excelled in all other virtues: the which did so delight his mind, that he was wont to say, he was never less idle, then when he took his ease: neither more solitary, then when he was alone. For some times he would withdraw himself out of the assembly, & from all men's company, and thought himself safe when he was alone. The fame of his noble deeds was so great, that wheresoever he went, all forts of people would come and see him. The common report went, that when he was at LINTERNUM, there came certain rovers unto him to see so famous a man, and to loss that so faithful and victorious a hand. For virtue hath great force and power with all sorts of people: The power of virtue. because it doth not only make the good but the evil also to love and honour it. THE COMPARISON OF Annibal with P. Scipio African. NOW let us compare Annibal and Scipio's deeds together, as touching their civil discipline. First, if we remember their deeds in wars, it is manifest that both of them have been great and famous Captains in war, and that they have not only been comparable with the noblest Kings and Princes in their time (being also in that age when wars flourished most) but with those also that were before their time. One thing maketh me wonder much at them, that they having great and heavy enemies in their country, (who sought to overthrow all their doings and enterprises) could possibly go through with so great matters, and to obtain such happy and famous victories, in strange and foreign wars. Therefore passing over all other matters, what a do had P. Scipio, before he could obtain to be sent into AFRICA, to make war with the CARTHAGINANS Fabius Maximus, and other noble men of the city being greatly against it? Again, what enemy had Annibal of Hanno, who was Prince and head of the contrary faction against him? Now, they both having overcomen such great troubles at home, did notwithstanding bring things to end worthy perpetual memory: not by chance, as it happeneth unto many, but through their industry, great wisdom, and counsel. So, divers do wonder greatly at Annibals' courage and noble mind: who after he had sacked the city of SACUNTUS, came boldly from the furthest part of the world into ITALY, and brought with him a great army of footmen and horsemen, and came to make war with a great state and common wealth, the which his predecessors always dreaded: and after he had won many battles, and slain sundry Consuls and Captains of the ROMANS, he came and camped hard by the city of ROME itself, and procured strange kings and far nations to make war with the ROMANS. He that was able to do so great things as these, men can not otherwise think of him, but that he was a great and valiant Captain. Others also speaking of Scipio, do greatly praise and commend him for the four Chieftains he overcame, and for the four great armies which he defeated, and put to flight in SPAIN, and also for that he over came and took that great king Syphan prisoner. In fine, they come to praise that famous battle in the which Scipio over came Annibal ZAMA For if Fabius (said they) were praised, because he was not overcome by Annibal: what estimation will they make of the AFRICAN, that in a pitched battle overcame that so famous & dreadful Captain Annibal, and also did end so dangerous a war? Besides alfeo, that Scipio did always make open war, and commonly fought with the enemy in plain field. Where Annibal in contrary manner did always use craft and s●●elry, and was full of stratagems & policy. And therefore all Authors, both greek and Ladyly do count him very fine and subtle. Furthermore, they greatly commend Annibal for than he maintained his army of so sundry nations, so long time in peace, as he had war with the ROMANS: and yet that there was never any mutiny of rebellion in his camp. On the other side they blame him again, because he did not follow his victory, when he had overcomen the ROMANS at that famous battle of CANS: and also because he spoiled his soldiers with too much ease, and the pleasures of CAMPANTA and APULIA, whereby they were so changed, that they seemed to be other soldiers than those that had overcomen the ROMANS, at the sundry battles of TREBIA, THRASIMENE, and CANS. All writers do reprove these things in Annibal, but specially his cruelty. For amongst other things, what cruelty was it of him to make a woman with her children to come from ARPIto his camp, and afterwards to burn them alive? What shall a man say of them whom he cruelly put to death, in the temple of juno Lacinia, when he departed out of ITALY? For Scipio AFRICAN on the other side, if we shall rather credit the best authors that writ, than a number of other detractors and malicious writers: we may say he was a bountiful and temperate Captain, and not only lively and valiant in fight, but also courteous and merciful after victory. For oftentimes his enemies proved his valiantness, the vanquished his mercy and clemency, & all others men his faithfulness. Now therefore, let us tell you what his continency & liberality was, the which he showed in SPAIN unto a young Lady taken prisoner, and unto Luceius Prince of the CELTIBERIANS: doth it not deserve great praise? Now for their private doings, they were both virtuously brought up, and both of them embraced learned men. For as it is reported, Annibal was very familiar with Socillus LACEDAEMONIAN, as the AFRICAN was with Ennius the Poet. Some say also, that Annibal was so well learned in the Graeke tongue, that he wrote an history in greek touching the deeds of Manlius Volso. Now truly I do agreed with Citero, that said in his book de Oratore, that Annibal heard Phormio PERIPATETICIAN in EPHESUS, Phormio Peripatetician reading Philosophy in Ephasus. discoursing very largely of the office and duty of a Chieftain and general, and of the martial laws & ordinances: and that immediately after being asked what he thought of that Philosopher, he should answer in no very perfect greek, but yet in greek, that he had seen many old doting fools, but that he had never seen a greater dotard than Phormio. Furthermore, both of them had an excellent grace in their talk, & Annibal had a sharp tawnting wit in his answers. When king Antiochus on a time prepared to make war with the ROMANS, and had put his army into the field, not so well furnished with armour and weapon, as with gold and silver: he asked Annibal, if he thought his army sufficient for the ROMANS? yea (Sir) qd he, that they be, were the enemies never so covetous. This may truly be said of Annibal, Annibals' witty answer, unto the king Antiochus. that he obtained many great victories in the wars, but yet they turned to the destruction of his country. Scipio in contrary manner did preserve his country in such safety, and also did so much increase the dominions thereof: that as many as shall look into his desert, they can not but call ROME unthankful, which liked rather that the AFRICAN (preserver of the city) should go out of ROME, then that they would repress the fury and insolency of a few. And for mine own opinion; I can not think well of that city, that so unthankfully hath suffered so worthy and innocent a person to be injured: and so would I also have thought it more blame worthy, if the city had been an aider of the injury offered him. In fine, the Senate (as all men do report) gave great thanks unto Tiberius Gracchus, because he did defend the Scipions' cause: and the common people also following the AFRICAN, when he visited all the temples of ROME, and left the Tribunes alone that accused him, did thereby show how much they did love and honour the name of the Scipios. And therefore, if we should judge the Citizen's hearts and good wills by those things, men would rather condemn them for cowards, to have suffered such outrage, then unthankful forforgetting of his benefits: for there were very few that consented to so wicked a deed, and all of them in manner were very sorry for it. Howbeit Scipio, that was a man of a great mind, not much regarding the malice of his enemies: was content rather to leave the city, then by civil wars to destroy it. For he would not come against his country with ensigns displayed, neither would he solicit strange nations and mighty kings to come with force, and their aid, to destroy the city, thew which he had beautified with so many spoils and triumphs: as Martius Coriolanus, Alcibiades, and divers others did, by record of ancient stories. For we may easily perceive how careful he was to preserve the liberty of ROME, because when he was in SPAIN, he refused the title and name of king which was offered him and for that he was marvelous angry with the people of ROME, because they would have made him perpetual Consul and Dictator: and considering also that he commanded they should set up no statue of him, neither in the place of the assembly, nor in the judgement seat, nor in the Capitol. All which honours afterwards were given by the Citizens unto Caesar, that had overcomen Pompey. These were the civil virtues of the AFRICAN, which were great and true praises of continency. Now therefore, to deliver you the sum and effect of all these things: these two so famous Captains are not so much to be compared together in their civil virtues (in the which Scipio chief excelled) as in the discipline of wars, and in the glory of their famous victories. To conclude, their deaths were somewhat a like: for they both died out of their countries, although Scipio was not condemned by his country as Annibal was, but would by voluntary banishment die out of the city. The end of the whole volume of Plutarkes lives. Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautrollier, dwelling in the Black Friars by Ludgate.