THE SECOND part of the book of Battles, fought in our age: TAKEN OUT OF THE best authors and writers in sundry languages.  
Published for the profit of those that practise arms, and for the pleasure of such as love to be harmless hearers of bloody broils.  
At London Printed for Gabriel Cawood. 1587.   

A PREFACE TO the Reader.  
Lo here I present unto thee (gentle Reader) a continuation of the book of all the famous Battles, fought in our age, and I do hope with better hap than the first came forth, if the Printer have done his duty in reforming the faults noted and corrected in his proves. For as for the first part it was so maimed, mangled, and marred by the Printer, I will not say of purpose, but certes of pride and negligence, that I like a passionate mother, that had her fair child foully deformed through the negligence, or malice of a lewd Nurse, in manner forswore mine own child, bidding the Printer take it to himself, and father it on whom he list, so he gave it not mine name, for I would never acknowledge it for mine own, but account it a changeling. But letting this matter pass, which is pleasant neither for thee to hear, nor for me to rehearse: perhaps you long to know what novelties I do now bring: forsooth, certain Battles mentioned in the first part, but not there described, because I had then no good author to follow, that had set them forth at large, but all the rest are battles fought since the publication of the first part, unless it be two, which were set down in the first book, but since that time having chanced upon far larger and better descriptions, I have inserted them in this later part. And doubtless the battles do deserve a very particular & exact description, as they which of all other were best fought: the first is the battle of Dreux in France, the other a battle in the levamt seas, where the confederate Christians, under the conduct of Don john de Austria, discomfited the fleet and forces of the Turk: the which battle I called in my first part, the battle of Lepanto, and now in my latter, the battle of Pescherias, and no doubt in both places falsely. For it was not fought in the gulf of Lepanto, but in another gulf near thereunto, which you shall find particularly described in this book, but not named neither by mine author, nor by any Geographer that I can light on: and therefore for lack of a true name, I call it the battle of Pescherias, of the forelong that adjoineth to the gulf, and where the two Navies first descried each other, being then too near to retire, without apparent peril, if either of them had had that cowardly mind and intention.  
Moreover, in the description of every battle, I have, as also in the first part, followed always some one certain author, whom I thought had best of all other done it, without interlacing or adding of any contradictions or scholies out of other writers, unless it be in the Portugal battles: where to take away all colour of quarrel from the captious, I have adjoined notes out of the book, entitled: The Explanation of the true and lawful right of Anthony king of Portugal, because the common opinion is, that it was not published without the king's privity: and therefore I would have made that book my sole author in the enarration of those battles, if it had particularly at large described them, as it doth but summarily touch them. But the reason why I did not the like in the rest is: first, because I would avoid confusion (for hardly shall you find two authors that do agree in the description of one battle,) and secondarily and principally, because I would not be reputed the author of any thing set down in this book, but only the bare translator & reporter of it in English: leaving the credit of all particulars in these books unto their authors, whose names I have prefixed in the front of every battle, as also I have done in the table. So that if any untruth shallbe here found (which God forbidden) the fault is not mine, unless I have been unadvised, and careless in the choice of mine authors: the which I hope I am far from. Wherefore courteous Reader, seeing that I have taken pains for to pleasure and profit thee, speak well of me, and so farewell.   

Faults escaped.  
Fol. 2. a. line. 12. for 205. read 250. Fol. 3. a. line. 28. for league, read even. Fol. 4. b. line 37. for compassed, read composed, Fol. 7. a. line 3●. for few, read we. Fol. 16. a. line 23. for Sologne, read Solongne Fol. 25. a. line 34. for armies, read arms. fol. 29. a. line 3. for some, read soon. fol. 43. a. line. 4. for 1581. read 1585. fol. 42. a. Peter Badario the Captain of the ninth galley is left out, & thereby all the names of the Captains from thence to the nineteenth are false set. fol. 43. a. line, 37. for 62. read 1. and before it: The right wing, Names of Galleys. Names of Captains. fol. 47. a. line 8. for deserve, read conserve. fol. 50. b. l. 9 for Despotedo. read Despotado. fol 58. a. line 4. for there, read therefore. fol. 59 b. li. 9 for Figheron; read Fighero a. fol. 68 a. line, 19 for 1576. read 1575. fol 77. b. last line put out noted. fol. 78. a. in the marginal note, after doubtless, add 2000 Fol. 83. a. line. 6. for Hamet, read Mahamet. In the same page line 23. for 1581. read 2580. Fol. 87. a. line 4. for Macolin, read Marolin. As for Dandelut for Dandelot, Selini for Selim, Ascania for Ascanio, up for of, and such like, I do hope the discreet Reader will of himself easily correct.   

Battles.  

THE Battle of Dreux, fought in France, between Lewes' Prince of Condee, & Annas Montmorency, high Constable of France, in An. 1562. Out of Seigneur Popelliniere.  
The Battle of Saint Gem, fought in France, between monsieur la Nove, and Monsieur Puygaillard, the day of june, in An. 1570. Out of Popelliniere.  
The Battle of Cheuraine, fought in Henault, between Don Federick de Toledo, and the Lord jenlis, in An. 1572. Out of Popelliniere.  
The Battle of Barow, fought by Sea, between Monsieur de Boisot, and julian de Romero, in An. 1574. Out of Cornelio.  
The Battle of Mockerheid, fought between Ludouick Comte de Nassau, and Sanchio Davila, in An. 1574. Out of Stratius.  
The Battle of Giblou, between Don john de Austria, and the Lord Gugny, in An. 1578. Out of Stratius.  
The Battle of Couwenstein dike, between Alexander Prince of Parma, and the forces of the States. 1585. Out of Dinothus.  
The Battle of Pescherias, between Don john, & Ali Bassa, in An. 1572. Out of Peter Contarini.  
The Battle of Alcazar, fought in Barbary, between Sebastian the king of Portugal, and Abdelmelec, king of Morocco, in An. 1578. Out of Freigius.  
The Battle of Lisbon, fought between Antony king of Portuguall, and Ferdinando Duke of Alva, in An. 1580. Out of Comes.  
The Battle of Saint Michael, fought by Sea, between the Marquis of Santa Cruz, and Philippe Lord Strozzi, in An. 1582. Out of a letter sent to the king of Spain, by the Marquis: and also out of the book entitled the Explanation of the true and lawful right of Antony king of Portugal, etc.  
The Battle of Langside, fought in Scotland, between james earl of Murray, and the Earl of Argile, in An. 1568. Out of Buchanan.   
FINIS.   

THE SECOND Book of Battles.  

The battle at Dreux in France, fought between jews of Bourbon, Prince of Condee, General of the Protestants their forces, and Anna Montmorencie, high Constable of France, and General of the Catholic army, in the year of our Lord 1562. and the 19 of December, taken out of Popelliniere.  
jews the Prince of Condee, having received aids out of Germany, and also gathered together the French forces of the Religion, did take the field with about 8000. foot men, and five or six thousand horse men, two Canons, one Culverin, and four field pieces, & came before Paris the xxviii. day of November in Anno. 1562. and departed from thence the tenth day of December following, after a vain parley of peace, & that he despaired of taking the City, partly for the resolute courage of the Citizens, who wonted at other times to be fearful, and cowardly, and partly, yea, and specially, because the Catholics had drawn into the City a great army of Frenchmen, and foreigners: and marched towards Normandy, for to receive the succours of men, money, & provision brought out of England unto New Haven, & thereby to be able to content the Almains, that now began to murmur & to demand pay. But on the other side to stop & let the joining of the Prince with the English, the Catholic army parted out of Paris, under the conduct of Anna Montmorencie, the high Constable of France, & coasting to rights by ways nothing good, was on the 17. of December come to the side of the town of Dreux, & the river of Ewer, within two little leagues of the prince, who by an inconvenient oversight (which yet was the fault of the Marshals of the camp) lodged the night with the battle at Yuoy, beyond & more near to the enemy by one league, than the avantgard lead by the Admiral, who had his quarter at the village of Neron, but the next day the Admiral repairing unto the Prince, it was agreed upon that the day following the avantgard should betimes march forth beyond the lodging, and battle of the Prince, and so take again their old & due order & range, and by this time had all the Catholics passed the water, the which when the confederates understood, some of them thought that the battle would be presently presented them: but the Admiral was of another opinion, because the Sun was not then above an hour & a half high, and thereupon every man fell to fantasying & imagining the good & the ill, the which might come of so great a mass of occurrents, which were presented on the one side & the other: and seeing that the most part assured themselves, that some notable battle would be fought, every man judged of the event thereof, according to his knowledge & practice in the feats of arms. Nevertheless fear in some, heat in other, & ignorance in diverse, made their judgements so diverse, that it was a wonder to see it. Many marked on the part of the Protestants two faults, so much the more to be blamed, as they are of great consequence, and yet ordinary with the warriors of this age and time. The first was, that no man was sent forth to survey and take view of the enemy, for the Catholics, which the Protestants might see, were gone to sound the ford that they might then pass over their army presently, or else that night, as in truth they did. The second fault was, that in lieu of going to lodge in the good and strong villages near the river, and the which the Catholics seized the next day, every man returned to his quarter, whereby the night following the Catholics had means enough to pass the water, & to lodge themselves in the villages about to their advantage, there being so little order & good looking to things on the Prince's side, that he was never advertised thereof, although there was scarcely two leagues of ground between the two armies. Likewise also many of the Catholics did judge that their Chieftains did manifestly amiss in this, that they did prepare themselves to give battle directly in a place where the Campaine of Because did end, considering that all their force was in their footmen, and the Princes in his horsemen: whereunto add the great multitude of wagons that the Reisters carry with them: it being a thing of certainty, that if they had let the Prince pass to the borough of Trion, as he pretended, he should have had such deep and hollow ways, both on this side, and beyond, and in passing further should have found the Country so full of trees, that the Catholics might with the third part only of their footmen have defeated the Prince, and taken all his carriages without any hazard, and another thing there was (say they) which made their fault more in excusable, that seeing they were masters of all the Country of Normandy on this side and beyond the river of Seine, it was in their power to constrain the Prince to yield himself to their mercy, or else to drive him back even to the gates of Orleans, without hazarding of themselves any whit at all.  
The Prince (having in that, better judgement than the Admiral) armed himself two hours before day, & signed many dispatches to be sent into Albemaigne, & other places from whence he hoped great succours would come, & because the avantgard which was to come from Neron seemed to be slow, (whereof the prince complained much) he sent many gentlemen one after another for to hasten them, but for all that ever he could do, it was far forth days before that they came. So then at length his army marched, but after the accustomed manner, without advertising the companies particularly, to prepare themselves to the battle, either by solemn speeches, or particular, or by any other advertisements, than a few words, short, but very courageous, and with a good grace: insomuch that many Gentlemen found themselves disarmed when they should go to the charge, & fought without either harness on their back, or helmet on their head, of this army parted into two bodies of men of arms, the vanguard lead by the Admiral had about 305. French horse, four Cornets of Reisters, six Ensigns of Almains, and twelve of French men: the battle, whereof the Prince had the conduct, contained 450. lances Frenchmen, six Cornets of Reisters, six Ensigns of Almains, and twelve of Frenchmen, besides six cornets of Argoulets, which might serve for light horse, under the conduct of La Curec, but they had not marched above a league and a half, when the vantcourers advertised the Admiral that they had discovered on this side the water a great troop of horse: whom he having commanded them to assail at a signal given as they did) with assurance that himself would follow them at the heels, suddenly the battle which the Constable lead appeared at the side of a village. The which being reported to the Admiral, and afterward to the Prince, they caused all their horsemen to set their lances upright, ranging their battles within a good Culuerine shot of them. Afterward seeing that their enemies came not forth, they two went further with only Dandelut (who had a third day Ague, & was mounted on an hackney, & appareled for all harness with a furred rob) until they came to a place, from whence they might easily judge who had the advantage of the place, whereby they were persuaded that it was not for them to assail the enemy whereas he was, that is to wit, at the head of a village between Nogent and Lormay, towards the which place the Country seemed to be plain, but it was not so indeed, but they must needs go up an hill and down again: insomuch that the Prince to pass over his men, and to avoid the fury of their artillery, wherewith all they were well furnished, was forced to hasten his people to march so fast that he put them out of breath, but because they marched slowly, they abid at the least three volleys of their pieces, which might make a great check and affright the army, in the which not all men had their ears accustomed to the sound of such flutes. Furthermore, the army Catholic did cover so great a compass of ground, that if they encountered in that place, one part of them might compass in, and charge the Prince in the side, and so by that means he being enclosed, should be at the mercy of his enemies. These things being considered, and presupposing also that the Catholics were not very sharply set to fight, a resolution was taken to go directly for to lodge at Trion, following the intention the they had when they departed from Ormoy, & thither were the Marshals of the lodgings sent. The better to represent unto you one of the most renowned battles that ever was fought in this Realm, I will first figure out unto you the seat and quality of the place, which afterward was imbrued with the blood of so many gallant men. Afterward I will set as it were before your eyes, the estate and disposition wherein these two armies maintained themselves before, during, and after the conflict. Which being done, ye may easily judge, to whom the advantage of one so notable occurance ought to be given, upon the end of the league and level champains of Because, Nogent le Roy doth present itself to Normandy, pretty near to Dreux, a little town at the foot of an hill (whereupon stands a Castle of sufficient strength within the town, by the side whereof passeth the river) a Country fertile & well peopled, between the which two Countries that are separated by the course of Ewer (the which coming out of Because for to water Chartres, doth traverie No●mandie even to Pont de L'arche, & below the same doth lose itself in the Seine, the nurse of Paris) is a covert of certain woods, and a number of little Towneshippes, of whom the Catholics had always to that day, kept the advantages, as they that seeing themselves stronger in footmen, and weaker in horsemen then the Prince, would not hazard aught, but where the place did favour footmen, for lack of whom the Prince was constrained to take a contrary course. The which was the cause that at his parting from Lormoy near Nogent, he had purposed to take Dreux, more for to force the Catholics to an open and general fight, then for the importance of the place: where Sourdeval commanded, with an hundredth light horse, and five Ensigns of footmen. But the Cheiftaines Catholics followed him, (coasting always) within five or six leagues, but holding their way through countries so strong and such coverts, that the Prince could not find any possibility to encounter them, but with his disadvantage. And in the end the Catholics seeing occasions and means to prevail in that country, by reason of the great number of their footmen, resolved for to fight: and therefore the xix day, did set forward to get before the Protestants, and if they could get to Dreux before the Prince, there to offer him battle at the head of the town upon an high piece of ground, lodging in the village two great Bataillons of footmen, which guarded xiiii. Canons, placed and priest to play before them, and a little before on the side a number of Enfans perdus, whom they had chosen out of all the Regiments. The two flanks of these Bataillons were two great troops of horsemen, for mutual intersuccour of the footmen and horsemen, as was best for their behoof. Moreover, they had chosen a place so favourable, that the Confederates could not charge neither th'one nor the other, but by one way of a xiiii. or xv. hundredth paces, the which also the Herquebuzes Catholic, did no less scour, than did their Artillery. Also a little below, they had a small unwalled town for to guard their baggage, & the River of Ewer near to their back. But being resolute, & hot to fight, they advanced themselves farther, for to get between two Villages, by a woods side, with far greater advantage than before. Hereupon the Prince following his resolution, begun to turn head towards Trion, showing his right side to his enemies, who perceiving the Argolets, & one esquadron of Reisters to be a fair mark, discharged upon them one volley of great ordinance, which did affray them in such sort, that almost all the Argolets ran away, & the Reisters took the way in a little valley for to cover them against the Canon shot. Whereupon Anna de Montmorency Constable of France, & general of that Army, taking occasion to go to the charge, for to overthrow & break them all entirely (as he had assured many the his own battle alone was more than sufficient for to overthrow all the Protestant Army) caused the principal of his troops to come near to him, unto whom he made such a like speech.  
At the length (my masters & friends) I have brought you within sight of our enemies, who have always hitherto made semblance that they sought battle, the which now they cannot fly, but also with the loss thereof, & consequently of all the rest the they have & possess in France. For whether ye be assailants, or defendants, the advantage is assured you, as well for number of men, that doubleth theirs, for the order & disposition of the Army, for the qualities of the arms & furniture, as also for the commodity of the places, which favoureth us in all sorts, if they will come to us. Add thereunto a thing more considerable, that we do maintain the cause of God, who will have but one Religion in the world, that is to wit, the ancient Catholic Roman, from the which these mescreans & infidels have lewdly cut of themselves: we do also uphold the party of our king & sovereign prince, who cannot permit other exercise in his Realm, then the of his predecessors: & finally, we fight for the weal of our natural country, for the surety whereof, we having ever to this day done infinite exploits, & fought in so many places, with such honour and profit, as your virtuous and holy desires have deserved: we should now be of less belief than they are, and more timorous than women, if we should not assure us all, that this act as the last of so many travails passed, shall be crowned with the good honour and felicity that all good and courageous people cannot but desire. Moreover, think ye that we are not here to quarrel for other men's lands, nor for the defence of the borders of any Lords, nor to enlarge the Empire of the Crown of France, but for the salvation of our souls, for the maintenance of the Religion of our ancestors, for the holy altars, for the sacred reliks, for the reverent Priests, and the wonderful and awful mysteries of our Religion. In sum, it is for the honour of Jesus Christ, and then secondarily for the conservation of our own lives, and of the life of our Prince, and of his Officers, and by a consequent, for the honour, good, and surety of the state, the which these mischievous heretics would no less reverse, than they have done already our true and Catholic faith so defiled by the mortal venom of their pestiferous heresies. We might well have hastened the battle, but that the counsel have always been of advise for to stay for the coming of all our forces, as well naturals, as allies and strangers, for to make them all partakers of the present honour attended of all, yet nevertheless rather remitted than denied any one of you. Wherefore assure yourselves of the victory, if ye do not belie and deny your valour heretofore: march resolutely to the fight, keep well your ranks, secure one another as shall be needful, hold yourselves certain and assured that this one day will be the beginning of your honourable liberty, and of a triple miserable bondage of the enemies of God, of the king, and of all good people.  
But now he had caused the Artillery to play upon the foremost of the Protestants, who were therewithal so galled and affrighted, that many going out of the ranks, made them believe that their General refused the battle for to gain still ground: which caused them to begin to make towards the troops of the Prince, who showed unto them his side with a dismarch, and an array and appearance so proud, that the army showed how great Captains did lead it. The Catholic army was compassed of five five great battalions of footmen, intermeddled and interlaced still with their horsemen, because they were weaker than the Prince's horses, as their footmen were stronger by a triple. The Catholic army seemed to be divided into parts, rather in the respect of the Chieftains that governed it, than for any difference of troops (as the ancient fashion was to divide an army into an avantgard, a battle and a rearward) for the Catholics represented the form of an hedge, the which being bias, high, low, strait, and crooked, according to the nature of the places where they stood, made the confederates to see more or less the bands catholic, according as the nature of the passage did permit, wherein the three chief Captains seemed to be well accomoded and placed, either to receive, or to give the charge in this battle. If you will call the troops lead by the Marshal of Saint Andre, the avantgard, it was composed of nineteen companies of men of arms Frenchmen, thirteen ensigns of Spaniards, so many of French, and eleven of almains, with four pieces of Artillery, all placed on the left of the Constable, who being chief of the army, lead the battle, which was nearer the enemy than all the rest of the troops, and it consisted of xvii. Estanders of men of arms, three of horsemen, xxii. ensigns of Swisses, and xvii. of Frenchmen and Britons, with eight pieces of Artillery. The Duke of Guise lead the rearward for to help the occurrents which might be presented, but had but a few men: they almost all standing on the right side of the Constable, who stood foremost of them all, and every one of the three Chieftains having before them their Enfans Perdus on foot to begin the game. The sum of their army amounted to 19000. footmen, and 2000 horsemen, and the Prince was about 4000 horsemen, all appareled in white Casaques, the which the Prince had caused them to wear for a mark of the pureness of their conscience in the design by them made for to maintain the honour of God, and the public, with 6000. footmen divided into two battaillens of Almains and Frenchmen.  
Then the army Catholic marching in this order against the Princes, that showed them his side, arrived between two villages L'Espine, and Blainuille, distant asunder 1200. pace. The which space not being capable to comprehend the army Catholic in length, it happened that the battle Catholic was far beyond the avantgard Protestant, so that it stood much behind it. Wherefore the Prince imagining that they marched directly to him for to fight, he without farther leisure to make public prayers to God for the victory, as the Parisians did (that made the shrine of Saint Geneviefue to come down, for to employ her as an intercesseresse to God for their behoof) made his troops turn head with as much speed as he could: but as a whole army is not easily removed, so specially by Chieftains, that have always made more of the estate of actions of the body, than of the spirit, and wit, prising higher a furious valiance, shan an order and array military, (whereby the troops accustomed to turn, and change in all sorts, and in a moment, do carry away more victories without great loss, than all those hardy and outrageous feeses, the which cannot bring but a misery irreparable) the disorder showed itself to be such, that the Admiral and the avantgard found themselves overright against the Constable, and the Battle: and the Prince and his battle that was opposed and set against the avantgard of the Catholics, was so far behind it, as we said, that the Prince could scarce see it at all. Moreover, the only battle of the Constable stretched almost as far in length as all the whole army of the Prince. And for lack of order, if that the constant resolution of some had not served for an example unto the rest of the army, the Protestants had been that day the more unhappy. In sum, that backwardness was the cause, that the Prince and the Constable bore all the brunt, the Constable's horsemen that strengthened his battalion being charged at one end by the Admiral, and the Battaillon of the Swisses that made the other end, by the Prince, as I will tell you.  
But as the troops of the horsemen Protestant were severed in diverse small Battaillons of two or three companies Frenchmen, with as many or more Reisters on their side, so they made diverse charges. And to set the battle abroach, the Prince set forth out of a little valley, whereupon he marched, and resolved to go to the charge, because that the Artillery of the Catholics being well leveled, lighted among his bands, with great slaughter of good men, as well of one Nation as of the other: but in stead of going directly against the avantgard Catholic, which was far from him, he left it on his left hand, turning head against the side of the esquadron of the Swisses which strengthened the end and uttermost side of the battle of the Constable, the which some went about to dissuade him from, as well because he should thereby leave all the avantgard of the enemy whole, who might charge him on the back or side at their pleasure, as also because his footmen tarried thereby behind all naked, and abandoned to the mercy of the rest of the Catholics. Moreover, seeing that he was the stronger in horsemen, he ought not to assail the footmen of the enemies, who would of themselves either break, or yield shortly after, if the horsemen of the Catholics were defeated, but the heat of the Prince pricked him forward to effects, and inconveniences, which ye shall see. For having assembled the principal chief men of the army, with the Marshal of Hessen, and certain other that understood French, for to report afterward the substance of that he should say, unto their Captains and soldiers, he spoke to this effect.  
My companions and good friends, if that I had not long time, and namely by the false alarm yesterday, known your courageousness and resolution to fight, I would stretch out myself in discourses and remonstraunces as much as my leisure would permit, for to represent unto you your devoir in an accident of so great consequence as this is, but the nearness of these tyrants which do attend us, without daring to attach us, and your determinate courages which are known unto me by so many feats of arms, whereby ye have always gotten honour over your enemies, do dispense with me for saying of any other thing unto you, but that time, occasion, & means do present themselves to day more than ever heretofore, not only to make the fame of your valiance to run throughout the whole world, but (that which is far greater and juster praise of so many pains passed, and of the virtuous endeavour which you have showed in this action) the rest and tranquillity of your gentlemanly souls, the enfranchisment of your bond consciences, and the free exercise of your religion: for maintenance whereof God, yea, the great God of Hosts, hath assembled you here out of so many Countries and quarters, so that it is more than a worldly hononour that ye ought to seek for in the issue of this battle, although that you cannot want it, as also ye shall gain and get an incredible booty of so many noble men, who have always feared you, and fled your fight, neither durst they now approach you in any equal and indifferent manner, but fortified on all parts, for the just distrust that they have of their party, & the fear of your approved prowess. But for the honour of God, by whose secret motion we be incited to the defence of his holy name, ye must assure yourselves that he will lead and guide you himself, that he will double the force and dexterity of your arm, and will in such sort favour your furious esfortes to the mischief of this rascal Papist, which is nothing but a blown bladder, and a vain bragger without heart or hardiness: so that ye having resolutely charged, broken, despoiled, and slain these men, the rest of the runaways will send unto you the white paper for to permit you to live as ye will yourselves. Have not ye made them run away in all parts of France? Have ye not cooped them up in Paris, as it were foxes in their earths? Have not ye besieged and beat them so often in this the chief City of the world? out of the which they durst not put their heads for fear of blows? do ye think that they are now more hardy? What other spur do you expect to prick you forward, for to purchase their ruin, than so many losses of your goods, so many of your places ruined, so many of your wives, so many of your daughters defiled, so many blasphemies, so many denyings of the name of God. Such and infinite other barbarous facts far more detestable, will be, I do assure myself, a sufficient occasion for you to grow in heart, strength and diligence, for to cleanse the world of such wicked souls. This doth greatly grieve me, that we must bloody our hands in the bodies of our cousins, of our allies, of our neighbours, and good friends. Our victory cannot be but lamentable, but theirs deadly, and what end so ever then counter shall have, it will rest pitiful to either of the two, that shallbe blessed and embraced, with a good hour, But because we must judge of the desert of all actions by the uprightness of the occasions of them, we have a strong consolation in this, that seeing the motife of these divisions came of the ambition of the triumvirate, 
So be●●● Guys● 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 Cō●●●●●.  we shall never be thought to have caused, much less to have begun these wars. We have never sought aught then to live peaceably under the Edicts of our king. On the contrary side they armed themselves for to destroy and murder our poor brethren at Vassy, only for this, because they did pray unto God according to the liberty which the king had caused to be published throughout his whole Realm. Seeing then that they would take our lives from us, what dishonour and punishable villainy will that be not to use means desensive? True it is, that first nature, than a certain conformity of manners, entertained by certain laws, which we do call bands politic, (the spring of the amiable civility that goeth between man and man) hath so allied us that few do hold them for friends. But if that they degenerating from virtuous passions, do pursue us as enemies, we have so much the more just cause to esteem them for such, because the honour of God is the true and first foundation of their hatred: for the maintenance whereof, we ought to expose all that we have, and leave us nothing at all. And for the rest, assure yourselves, that a multitude of men assembled against the ordinance of God, against right, against all reason divine, & human, shall never do fair exploit, virtue hath no sympathy with wickedness. So then keep yourselves together without forsaking one an other, and for to enter, secure one an other, when need shall be. After the first charge rally yourselves speedily, and disperse not yourselves to pillage, which is yours assuredly after the death of the owners: follow the victory so sagely, that thenemy, and all those whose ears the bruit of this act shall beat, may have occasion to admire, & no less to fear your discretion, than your valiance, whereof you have made so many proves heretofore. Now for to show you, that I will not spare myself, but give and receive my parts of the first blows: I do pray God that he will make you all go as resolutely to the charge, as I shall give you example.  
This being done, every man returned to his troop, to encourage them by the same reasons that they had learned of the Prince: whereof they had no sooner assured the resolution to their people, but they did set them all in array, for to follow their chieftains, in the same order, and with such dismarch as I will tell you.  
First and foremost Movy, with his troop incorporated with Danaretts, the successor of Genlys, (both of them being of the avant-garde, prepared for the first shocks) were also the first that charged the Swisses in the flank, with such force, that being resolutely entered their ranks, they passed through them traverse. The Prince that followed them, not only pierced their bataillon, but also broke all the whole tail with great mortality of those footmen, as good pikemen as they were. The Reisters that followed, gave in also after him, and did a marvelous execution. The which danvil, who was with three companies of men of arms and the light horse, between the Bataillons of the Swisses, & Almans seeing, did set forth for to make head to the Prince, but two cornets of Reisters setting upon him, did break him in such sort, that he was forced to retire himself to the avant-garde Catholic, which was a good distance of, which yet remained still firm. In this encounter was Monbron, one of the Constable's sons slain by an Esquire of the Prince, who had promised it him before Paris. Upon these dismarches, Rochefoucaut with about an hundredth lances, who were also of the troop of the Prince, who had not thought it good to leave their footmen without succour, was also constrained to take the same course, & charged the Swisses in the front, whom he found so close together, & so well provided of courage, or perhaps not dismarching with such resolution as the Prince did, and therefore could not break them, gained nothing but thrusts of the pike, although he slew some, and among them the colonel.  
On tother side, at the very same instant that the Prince charged, the Admiral with two cornets of Reisters that were on his right side, marched with his own regiment, and the troop of the Prince of Portian directly to the Constable his Uncle, and seven or eight standers of men of arms, that strengthened the other end of the battle Catholic. And after he had borne one vollée of their Artillery, and certain Harqueburiers Enfans perdus, that endamaged them a good little, broke all that he encountered, notwithstanding any resistance that could be made against him.  
Many did then their best, but their number was nothing equal to them, that made more dear account of life then of honour, and who being better provided of good spurs, then assured of heart, fled with such speed that a great number were the next day at the gates of Paris, by eight of the clock in the morning, crying that all was lost.  
Now the Constables horse was slain, & he remounted by Doraison, upon his own, but yet anon after, he was so hurt which a blow of a Pistolle on the lower jaw (whereby he fit some of his teeth) and so enclosed, that he yielded unto Vezines, from whom yet the Raisters that came to the speed, pulled him by force, and took away his sword, & making him to give his faith, led him away prisoner. Upon this the Prince of Portian son of the Countess of Seniguan, to whom the Constable had done many displeasures, came to him: But (as he was of a good and gentlemanly nature) in steed of his pistolle, offered him his hand, promising him all help and favour.  
The Bataillon composed of xvii. Ensigns of French men and Bretons that sided the Swisses, were eaiely broken, and so all the whole battle of the Constable was scattered and entirely defeated after a great slaughter of men, the rest that fled were pursued even to the River, where many were drowned, whiles that they that were more desirous of botie then of honour, rifled the baggage, which was almost all spoiled.  
Hereupon the Lansquenets of the Prince, seeing so great a foil fallen on the Swisses, would also lift up their hands, and do also some thing on their party, worthy of memory upon them, namely, whom they saw as men astonished after two so furious escheckes, to rest half broken, attending their entire mischance: beside an old deadly hatred that they had borne against that nation, with whom they have long contended for honour, the which nevertheless the Swisses do carry away from all the footmen of the world. So then they dismarched towards the Swisses, who were now closed together again, notwithstanding all that had been done before, but so faintly, that as soon as they saw that the Swisses that were left, did in steed of being dismayed, buskle themselves to go strait to them, they lost their hearts, flying without giving one push with the pike. The which gave occasion at the same time to two cornets of Reisters, and certain French horses that were rallied, to give a new charge on those Swisses. But in deed they found them so lusty and of so haughty courage, by reason of the flight of those that durst not so much as look them in the face, that they could not wholly break them, but their front remained still whole, and made countenance to recover their eight pieces of Artillery, which they had forsaken, and with the which they might bring great damage to the troops, that the Prince and the Admiral rallied with all diligence and speed: Wherefore for to meet with, and fully to defeat them, that vaunted that they could not be, vanquished by reason of their courage, their array, & martial discipline (whereof other Nations being ignorant, for the most part make so light account of) they were again attached so lustily, that they were forced to leave all to the unresistible fury of the desperate French, before whom they fled in small bands, yet nevertheless hoped to rally and to sight again. And in truth they did retire in good number, and with some order towards the avantgard, sundry times ten or a dozen of them that remained behind joining together, and defending themselves with stones (which was all the weapons that many of them had left them) even to the death, in such sort, that never Nation did better than they did this day. All the time of these hot attaches, the avantgard Catholic kept themselves close together, and stirred not one foot for the space of about an hour and an half, beholding with a discontented eye the events of so me●tall encounters, the fear of whom bred soon enough in some a desire to take back again the way to Dreux, after that they understood, and in part had seen the entire discomfiture of their battle, with the taking of the Constable. But the Duke of Guise had soon enough considered, that after such charges and endeavours, the Protestants could have neither weapons, nor array for themselves nor their horses, to sustain and abide the shock of so many fresh men, and furnished fully with all necessaries. Moreover, he knew that their batthillon of French footmen, amounting to 500 ill armed, and destitute of horsemen (who now went about to rally with them) was not able to abide him, being resolved to die, or else to carry away the honour of so renowned a battle: Wherefore using the counsel of Byron, he drew out 200. horses of his troops, making a good number of Harquebuziers to march on his right side, and the Bataillon of Spaniards after them, while in the mean time he made this speech unto the Chieftains and personages of greatest mark, that he found near him in that quarter.  
Masters, & good friends, the only discovery of this bed of honour on the which are now laid so many brave warriors, your kinsmen, your neighbours, your allies, and your friends, cannot be unto you otherwise than very lamentable: but again, therefore it is the stronger & more forcible occasion for to make you run with bowed heads against these mischievous murdering Lutherans, who making no account of the lieging and damning of their own souls in the fire of everlasting punishment, after that they had defiled our Churches and holy places with so many villainies, have with a more than brutish fury, massacred so many good Catholics throughout the whole Realm, are also so rash, and so shameless, as to attained the sacred person of the King, and of his most faithful Officers, for to confound the Stater, for to turn all things upside down, and for to establish a tyranny most agreeable to their proud passions, and have gathered together a troop of thieves, of Rogues, of Banqueroutes, and spendthriftes, and of men condemned to diverse punishments, and other sorts of malcontents. Who have bewitched by certain Preachers, and other huguenots, and so strongly enchanted my Lord the Prince of Condee, that he is made head of this unhappy troop, which you do see already defeated by those violent endeavours, that they have sustained by our battle. Seeing then that they are so broken, what resteth for you but that raising up again the honour of the General of this army, their Prisoner, ye go nobly to the charge, and bring away the victory, the which otherwise the enemy will carry away, with their no less honour, than the unrepayable damage of us and all Christendom? ye need do no more but look them in the face. For their horses tired with so many charges and long carriers, will no more than the men wearied and unfurnished of weapons, sustain one moment the gallant lustiness of your fresh dismarch. Do but dare to attempt it, and ye shall get the noblest victory that ever Nation gained: as on the contrary part it will redound to so much your greater dispraise, if that seeing ye have advantage in all things, you do let so fair an occasion slip, and holding your arms a cross, and fight only with your eyes, ye will suffer the enemies to remain masters of the field of the battle. But to the end that the valiant may not be without knowledge of their reward, and that these villains do not remain unpunished for their villainies, I do assure you of the liberal recompense of our king, I do swear unto you by God, that I will show myself so liberal towards them that I shall see or hear, bear themselves valiantly, that they shall never lack goods, besides the courtesy of the bounty of their Majesties, and the honours which the law of arms, and the custom of the Country do give. But those Chelmes and enemies of God shall be fully assured of the same, yea, and a more cruel death, 
The most reproachful name in Dutch.  which they do think to escape by running away, for recompense of their villainy, and punishment of example to all other, that dare usurp the name of Soldiers, and men of war: with an everlasting inhibition of burying them, but to lie in the field to have none other grave than the bellies of dogs, of wolves, of birds, & other beasts, that shall glut themselves of them at their pleasure. On, on than my friends, and let us see who hath most desire to sacrifice honourably the rest of his days for the service of God, of the king, and of France.  
Upon this resolution, and being well followed by these troops, he charging on all parts this Bataillon of footmen, had a fair day, they being first retired, that should have conducted other, and as well by words as Gentlemanlike examples of their persons, have encouraged them to do their bevoire, and afterward all the Soldiers, but not so speedily as they could, because they were on horseback, and the other on soot, so that none of them fought, but the three or four of the first ranks, after they had shot off one volley of their four field yéeces. At the same time the Marshal of Saint Andre, with all the rest of his horsemen, went to range with the two sides of the battalion of the Almans, which did close up the utter bound of the avantgard. In the front whereof were seven or eight hundredth French Harquebuziers, shooting at the Reisters, which had rallied themselves returning from the chase of those that had been broken, as I told you before: Who seeing their French footmen, and Lansquenets defeated, and so great forces coming against them, returned with a pretty trot towards a wood that was near them. In the mean while Dandelot, although he were pressed with his ague, yet he forced himself to give order for all things that were needful. And seeing those Lansquenets of the Prince to fly cross the village of Blaynuille, near whereunto the Constable had been taken, he galloped to cut of their way, and to make them make head to a troop of horsemen, that chased them a good way off: but they had no order once to stay, they were so affrighted, it being most certain, that these fifty years there entered not into France more errant cowards than they were, although they had the fairest appearance in the world. So that Dandelot, with whom abode not above seven or eight horses, and who by reason of his age had no other armour than a furred Cloak, could not rejoin with his fellows, but retired without great impeachment towards Trion, into a place where he reposed and rested himself as he could, finding means the next day to get again to the army both finely and fortunately.  
Upon this the Prince and the Admiral seeing the avantgard also to come upon them, who had not yet rallied more than about two hundred Frenchmen, of whom one only had a Lance, prayed the Reisters to stay ready for the recharge. But they being already packing away said that they must go to recharge their Pistols. Moreover when they saw their footmen both French and Allemans ran away, & themselves pursuen, they fling away a gallop, and the French men with them: so that the Prince was constrained to do so likewise, & was hurt in the hand, & his horse, that had received an arquebus shot in his leg, had not gone above 300. pace, but that he halted down right, and before he could be remounted O. Anvil was on the back of him, to whom he yielded. The Reisters and the French men, having crossed a wood cut down, found a little valley the which they passed, & stayed upon an high piece of ground in the sight of the Admiral: who had taken his flight more on the right hand, with a number of other a long the side of the same wood, to make head to their enemies, that closed it upon tother side, and both th'one & tother were above a good quarter of an hour without other advancing, or making in one to tother, wherein a number of Catholics curious quite to overthrow thenemy, noted a gross fault committed by S. Andre and the Duke of Guise, assuring that if they had lively followed their victory, the Protestants trembling at such fearful accidents, would never have rallied together in gross. But the Admiral, as a wise, resolute, and diligent captain, had done all that he could possible to rally his horsemen dispersed through the whole field, and in great disorder, and finding that he had assembled about 250. horses French, that had nothing but their swords & pistols, and about 1000 Reisters, of whom he set th'one half on his right side, and tother on his left, and being accompanied with the Prince of Portian, Rochfoucaut, and other gentlemen, well deliberated, he resolved to go yet once more to fight with thenemy, what price so ever if should cost him, after that he had used a few words to the Chief men of the Horsemen, that accompanied him, and the Marshal of Hessen, the Truchmen, and certain Captains Allemains, that understood French, for to encourage them the better to the charge.  
Although it seemeth to me a matter peerless to use any speech to them that have sufficient assurance in their own virtue and valour, and to make trial whereof ye are come: yet whilst we do stay until all our people be rallied, I may well say unto you, that unless great enterprises were accompanied with great perils and difficulties, the praise could be but small to them that should attain to the honour of them. But as the high designs for to maintain the honour of God, and the good of their Country, can not be executed without infinite bazardes, and pains incredible, so must they also assure themselves, that the price and reward of so many extreme labours is not only priest and certain, but also great, when the virtue is great whereof we constantly poursue the end. This is the reason, why that hearts that would be known to be gentlemanly, do always purpose and attempt enterprises of great hazard, because that they do know that hereby they shall get them eternal honour, and their long travails be recognized with immortal renown.  
On the contrary part, those that are of small stomach, basely minded, and of a vile cowardice, do never address themselves but to things base and easy, as also their name doth die as soon as the effect of that they enterprised. Moreover, as assurance of the will of God is necessary for to testify all actions, can we fight more lawfully, or for a thing of so great importance, then for the liberty of our conscience, (and do they not take away the bright light of the world, that will take from us the liberty of our faith) or can we keep wars more just than this which is of necessity? Be not our weapons forced, and therefore consequently holy and religious in the hands of them, that have no other hope to live, but by the help and endeavour of them? In, in, valiant hearts, In, in. It is not the multitude, but the valour of courage, that giveth the victory.  
God fighteth for us, as he hath done heretofore for so many small troops, which you have seen, and heard of, being well conducted to have broken those, that were ten times greater than themselves. And otherwise also ye shall mightily enrich yourselves as well by the incredible booty and spoil, as for the great ransoms, that ye shall get. As touching the rest, ye have already vanquished the greatest part, which are rallied with them, that durst not advance themselves upon us after the taking of their General. Is it likely to be true, that they which have been already tamed, and subdued, have taken force by their fall? and that the victorious have been made more vile & worse by their felicity? March then resolutely to the defeat of the rest, following the good hour that hath lovingly welcomed you. It is a common saying, he that hath begun well hath half done, which is not spoken to make slothful or to bring a sleep him whose first attempts have been happy: no but contrary for to prick him forward still so much the more to the poursuit and perfecting of his design. But as it is more dishonour for him that through negligence or lack of courage doth let the satisfaction & contentment to be lost, the which he had almost thoroughly gotten, them for him that had always been infortunate at the beginning, in the pursuit, and at the end of his enterprise: so you must assure yourselves, that God did not send into your hands the beginning of so renowned victory through the strange hardiness, and not credible valour of my Lord the Prince, but for to heat and enchafe you to attempt the advancement, and entire gain of accomplished happiness.  
O thrice fortunate, ye that shall return unto your houses triumphing of the victory, loaden with the spoils of your enemies, which ye shall bring out of the field, and see yourselves embraced, and sweetly welcomed home by your kinsfolks, wives, children, neighbours, and allies, who shall for ever from Father to son sing the eternal praises of you, that have so willniglie exposed your lives for the honour and glory of God, surety of the king, and public good of your country. For although to die be a thing common both to the good and the wicked, whatsoever they be, yet death is not honourable, nor worthy of praise in any man, but in those, the shot at no other mark then the virtuous actions of their life. Go then my masters, and show thenemy by effect, that our courage redoubleth in adversities, making them to know that with the loss of our brave companions, we will revenge the wounding and taking of our General. March then forward gallantly and lustily, and as they that do fight with hearty hatred, making all the world see, that as Germany & France are two Nations of one original, so that th'one can not bring forth more resolute soldiers than the other.  
Thus they being all encouraged, marched directly to the village of Blaineville, where the first fight was made. There the Catholics were in great number ranged in three esquadrons, many of whom imagined a while, that the Admiral and his people seeing they came again so soon, and specially seeing that they had never a lance, were come to yield themselves to their mercy: but they soon knew that it was to begin again the battle. For although their forces were utterly unequal in number, specially the Reisters on the left side, being slipped away without doing aught, yet the re-encounter was very furious and mortal to a great number of gallant men, In so much, that the Duke of Guise the better to break, or to slack this furious dismarch that the Admiral made upon him, following his first point near to the Mill against the village of Maumontell, caused to come with all speed the French footmen, lead by the young Chunte de Brissac, their Colonel in Piedmont, Martigues and other, which yet could not be perceived because he had set them in battle behind the horsemen, they being without pikemen, were 2000 arquebusiers, with the Spaniards, who all shooting incessantly against the Admiral, hurt many horses, and a number of the Confederates, through their so hot and so long a shower of harquebus shot. Who yet could not let but that the horsemen of the Catholic, were pierced lustily by the Admiral with two hundred horse, and by 600. Reisters in another quarter, and in the end were forced to recoil and give place to blows, and they had been wholly broken if that the harquebuses had not slacked the course of the horses, and the fury of the Protestants, who having now changed their trot into a gallop, & being chafed valiantly to execute the charge, behaved their hands so well, that of all the horsemen on the side of the Duke of Guise, there remained not with him upon the place above four score or an hundredth, who in the end went to rally themselves by the help of their great bataillon of Frenchmen, who bore all the brunt, for the which it was well cheapened by the Admiral, who turned round about to find a place of breach and overture, whereby he might do some great matter, to the loss and overthrow of the whole body of the army. But for lack of lances, and because the Admiral was not followed by all the Frenchmen, nor the Almans, they could never pierce them nor do other God, than destroy and endamage many of their troops. The sight had now endured above five hours, and hardly could one discern the white scarves which the Admiral and his ware, from the red of their enemies, when he caused his troops to close together, putting the Reisters that he had left in two esquadrons, and marching in the midst with the French horsemen, and commanding Bouchauanes the Lieutenant of the prince's Cornet, for to tarry in the tail with about 50. horses. The Duke of Guise likewise rallied his men, & seeing that the Admiral retired, assayed for to pursue him with all his footmen, as long as their breath would serve them, and a very few horsemen that were left about his person, but they had scarce gone seven or eight hundred paces, but that the darkness of the night did take away the sight one of another. So the Admiral retired a pace with those footmen that were saved, the great artillery, and all the baggage of the army, a good league from the place of the Battle to the village of Neufuille, where he lodged. You see how the Protestants retired from the place where they had attached their enemy, whom they left in the possession thereof, for to search, spoil, and burn the dead, and to lift up at leisure the spoiled confederates. At the same time the Duke of Guise went to lodge in the suburbs of Dreux, a little league from thence: the place of the battle remaining void, unless it were of them that were appointed for the effects before said, & a great number of dead men lying here and there spoiled of all about them, and the Artillery of the Constable, with four field pieces of the Princes.  
Such was the end of the battle of Dreux, in the which God balancing the victory as it pleased him, made many warriors to mark three notable occurrences, and very rare in such feats of arms. The first, that there was no skirmish before the battle: the second, that both the Generals were taken prisoners: and thirdly, that they rallied so often. As touching the dead, the Catholics said, after that they had buried them, the next day, that they found them to be eight or nine thousand. But other said assuredly, that there were dead on the place not above 5000. without accounting the hurt men that died shortly after, who were no small number. At the review which the Admiral made four days after, he found that there remained of the French footmen near one thousand of about 2500. that had been there, & near 900. almains, of three thousand that should have been in their regiments: of whom about 1400. (that had yielded themselurs prisoners in the chase that we spoke of) were sent home into their Country. Now of horsemen, to speak the most, he found not missing above 140. both of French & Reisters, not comprehending those that were taken prisoners. So that there died on the Prince his side but about 2200. footmen. But on the Catholics their part, the abatement of the Swisses was marvelous, of whom 17. Captains were slain, their Colonel Freulich being dead before at Paris of a lask. The rest of the men slain on that side were almost all horsemen, who were hardly handled by the Reisters as well at the taking of the Constable, as at the last charge: in the which among other, the Marshal of Saint Andre, the Chieftain of the avantgard having been taken prisoner, and charged behind by a Gentleman to get a great ransom: Baubigny who had at another time taken at the heart a certain displeasure done by him, coming upon him slew him, with a Pistol shot overthwart his head. Many other knights and Lords were slain there, as D'Annebault, Dr Gemy with his Guidon, and the Marshal of the Logis, la Brosse, a great favourite of the Duke of Guise, and a son of his.  
It was a long time an opinion, both during & after the battle, that the Duke of Guise was slain. But some had taken his Esquire from him, who was not much unlike him in stature, & whom the Duke had mounted on one of his best horses, upon whom he was slain, every man taking him for his master. Le Conte of Rochfort, called Damoisel de Comeri, & de Beawois, & Brichanteau were sore hurt, Beawois died in the end, the rest escaped. Saint Heran was saved by the means of one of the Prince's Trumpeters, that was his Countryman, wherefore he was afterward in great danger to be hanged. Pienne, whom we told you departed from Orleans, fell into the hands of lafoy Love, an honest & valiant Gentleman, one of his old friends. Who notwithstanding rehearsing unto him his fault, would have carried him away prisoner, but he could do and speak well, so assuring him at the last, that he should soon die in his arms, he was so sore hurt, that he let him go, and Pienne recovered. D'aumalle was hurt, & had one of his shoulder plate thrust out of joint, whereof he remained long time hurt. Ausson a gentleman of Gascogne so renowned in the parts of Piedmont, that he had made a Proverb of his hardiness, ran away with the first, even to charts, where he died of an ague, that he took for grief & sorrow: so much can the fear to lose reputation do in a gentlemanly heart. But the death of Frances of Cleves duke of Nivernois, governor of Champagne, the heir of the late Frances of Cleves his Father, is most remarkable, of all things that happened in this Battle. This young Lord being so won by Desbordes a Gentleman of Nivernos, by whom and by his Secretary called Vigenaire, he let himself be so wholly possessed, that notwithstanding that he had made profession of the same religion that the Protestants did, and had twice promised the prince to come unto him and follow him, yet he liked better to fight that day for the Catholics, whom he had before followed. But it happened upon the prick of the first charge, that Desbordes himself ill handling his Pistol, wounded the Duke in the thigh three fingers below the haunch, and towards the knee, so grievously, that there could be no means found to save his life. And being so hurt, he was carried as well as it could then be, unto a village, and from thence to Dreux, passing upon the way with five or six of his men, who carried him near to Dandelot, who inquiring what he was, and having understood that it was the Duke of Nevers wounded to death, would not stay him, but bid him think upon his faults and offences. But as for Desbordes he leaving his master, did for despair that he had slain him, or for some other cause, run so far into the thickest of the enemies, that he left his life in the place. But the poor Lord did sore torment himself, but he was somewhat comforted by Mouie, who only of all the Chieftains of the Prince, had been taken in the last charge, and he having been in his youth greatly loved of the Duke of Nevers, served him for a comforter, and as a minister, even until he died. The principal prisoners besides the Constable, was D'Oraison, De Rochfort, D'Esclauoles, & certain other Gentlemen. On the Prince's part were slain, the Baron of Arpaion, de Saux, de Chandien, de Liencourt, de Ligneris, de la Fredonniere, de la Carliere, de Rougnac de Mazelles, Saint Germier, almost all of them of the Cornet of Movy, who was taken prisoner in the last charge, having been hurt, and afterward tarrying long on foot in the wood adjoining. Throckmorton the Ambassador of England, & Fances Perrucel the prince's minister, thinking the all had been lost, saved themselves in the near town of Nogeant, where was the Dewager of Bovillon, the daughter of the great Seneschal, who had given a taste to the Prince the day before. And although they were delivered prisoners to the Catholics the next day, yet Perrucel was afterward sent to the Prince, to whom he served well for to fortify him, during the time of his imprisonment. Also two other Ministers were sore hurt, but neither of them died: they were both gentlemen and bare arms. The one being Minister of Movy his company, had scarcely made an end of prayers going to the charge, but that he was strooken to the ground with the blow of a stone that hit him on the reins, and from thence after a thousand strange chances, carried to the next village, and afterward to Dreux, and finally to Paris, and was so well thought of among his enemies, without ever being known, or constrained to do any thing against his conscience, that in the end he came again safe and sound to Orleans. The other being brother of de la Cour de Chire, a learned gentleman of Poitou, had received an harquebus shot in his reins, which carried a piece of his harness into his body, and the bullet going to the other side even to the skin, near to the navel, was so well thought of, and helped the evening after the battle, that the piece of the harness being taken out at the entry of the wound, and the bullet at the end, & he being shut up in the castle of Maintenon, was ready to take horse again within three weeks.  
The news of the battle was soon brought by the runaways, both to Paris, and to Orleans, both the one and the other reporting that all was lost on their side. The first that gave the affright to Paris, was Guilaureau d' Orleans, followed by many other, of whom some were good great ones, who all affirmed the overthrow of the battle, and the taking of the Constable, as true it was, in so much that the partakers of the Catholics stood in no great sure state: when Losses arrived, reporting the taking of the General of the Protestants, and how the Duke of Guise had recovered all: adding also, that the Admiral was entirely defeated. Upon the which report there were made at Paris, and in all other places, to whom these news were written with all diligence, all kind of joy, as bonfires, feasts, dancings, Masks, accompanied with Processions, & ringing of Bells, with all joy and mirth On the other side the most speedy to fly, made all things uncertain at Orleans, but not quite desperate, which held all the people in suspense until the next day being the xx. of the month, when certain news came with them that brought the Constable prisoner, to whom they had given but a little refreshment on the way after his taking, they making him march without once resting all that night, and the day following, until he came to Orleans, and was put in the Prince's lodging. He was not rescued as he looked for, by 100 light horses, & eight companies of French men over whom Charry commanded at Chartres, within sight of whom they made him pass a pace. But for to come again to the two armies, the Duke of Guise encamped near Dreux, using all graciositie towards the Prince: who also on his part showed himself nothing astonned, and so they passed the night, having supped simply enough. In the morning the Duke who now remained sole Chiefeteine of the army, having caused half a score or a dozen pieces of ordinance to be shot of, for to assemble his people, made all the hurt men to be sent into Dreux, and all the dead that could be found, to be buried. Also the Ensigns that had been won from the footmen of the Prince, were brought unto him, which he sent afterward to Paris, in sign of victory, because the field was left unto him. On the other side, the Admiral being at Neufuille, & having but slenderly rested, & given order to all that was possible, assembled all the Captains, aswell Frenchmen as Reisters, that he could, unto whom, for to encourage them to an entire & assured victory, he proposed the hope of certain victory, if that at the very break of the day the next morning, they would charge their enemies, whom he knew were in great fear, having lost their two principal Chiefeteines, and their horsemen being for the greatest part slain, and the rest very much scattered, insomuch, that they should scarcely find an hundredth horses together, as he also learned by certain soldiers prisoners, that had escaped, and came back to the Camp last night. Whereunto the Reisters made answer, that his counsel was very courageous and good, but that it was impossible for them to execute it, many of their horses being hurt, and the other tired, besides that, many of their people were yet dispersed, with a good part of their Wagons, the which they would not lose, and that they must needs mend and repair their pistols. So by this means was that enterprise broken of. Yet nevertheless they went forth the next day in battle array out of the village, and marched a little way over against the quarter of the Catholics, where he tarried about an hour, considering the countenance of his people, and for to revoke as many of his men as he could, that had been scattered in the wood: and in the end seeing himself out of hope to be followed for to begin again the fight: drew directly to Gallardon, and the next day being the xxi. having left by the way one of his great pieces, to wit, a Couluerine, which was mired, but afterward weighed up, and carried away by them of Chartres, he lodged at the village of Arneau, where he was chosen General of the army in the absence of the Prince. And from thence into Beausse, and Salogne, and from hence into Normandy, to meet with the English, winning many towns in those parts. As Guise took Estampes, and was fair for Orleans when he was slain by Poltrot: whereupon ensued a peace.   

¶ The Battle of Saint Gem in Poitou, fought in Anno. 1570. between la Nove a Protestant, and Puygaillard a Catholic. Out of Popelliniere.  
PVygailliard, who had been sent into Poitou, by the King, with an Army of about. 4000, men, for to impeach the roads of the Protestants of Rochel, Marans, & other places thereabouts into Poitou, built a Fort at Luson, where the ordinary and usual ways met, for to stop their passages, and placed therein a great garrison under the government of Mascaron, with promise assured, that he would secure him, if he happened to be besieged, as in deed he was shortly after by la Nove & Puuiant, with all their forces, which might be four Cornets, and eleven Ensigns, with 300 Lansquenets, commanded by Colonel Hector Reilen, and Frederick Vuis his Ensign bearer, and three pieces of ordinance, hoping to win it before that Puygailliard could bring thither his forces that were disperse through Niortois and high Poitou. But the Fort was not so soon besieged, but that Puygaillard being advertised by Mascaron, as well of the designs, number, and power of the Protestants, as also of their incommodities, assembled his forces assuring himself, that the mean that presented itself was more than pregnant, for to shave la Nove his beard, as many gallants gabled. He had nine companies of ordinances, and light horse: his own, those of Malicorne, de Bovile, the governor of Nantes, whom his Ensign Castemer led, & certain other all French, with two of Italians, one that julio Centurio led, the other of Charles Birague, which had Brandy his lieutenant, three regiments of footmen, to wit, one of the late Count de Brissac, whereof Captain la Rade then absent, was chieftain, and the regiment of Strossy, the Colonel general of the French footmen, and that which Magarin an Italian, Sergeant Maior, led, all old soldiers, of the king's guard, consisting of 18. or 20. Ensigns in all. He had other troops, but that he made such haste, that he might enclose the Protestants between Marans, and Luson, that he had not leisure to assemble them. And the speed that he used in the march was so extreme, that he made them travail on the way two days and a night without eating or drinking, but very little, nor resting but a very short time at Fontenay, and almost only so long, as their baggage was in laying up, being left there that they might march more speedily and orderly. But before I do go any farther, I think it expedient to give you a topography, and describe not only the place were the battle was fought, but also the Country and the quarters near abouts, as well to represent unto you more plainly the most memorable particulars of so famous a fight, as also for to make you understand the better that which I have said before of the fort of Luson, and the ways of Poitou.  
The Catholics then came from Fontenay strait to Saint Gem, from whence to Luson is a good half league, and the fight was more near to Saint Gem: from thence going forth right, there are two tufts of wood, to whom do adjoin a great quarter of wood cut down. Between the two woods are vines which do continue and stretch, being separated by hedges and great bushes, even almost to Luson, both on the right and the left side, unless it be in three or four places, where be certain plains laid out for the sowing of Corn: as one comes from Fontenay to Saint Gem, near to Nalliers, the way parteth itself into two, the one way goeth strait into Nalliers, and from thence to Saint Gem, the other leaves Nalliers on the right hand, and after it hath cut cross over many quarters of vineyards, and many plain fields, & some marshes, at the last it comes out again into the great way of S. Gem unto Luson, whereof I will speak unto you anon: for by reason of it the Protestants did order their battle otherwise than else they would have done. Puygalliard that did not believe that the small number of Protestants would present themselves unto his old bands in a plain, yet seeing that they were come forth, devised how he might force them to a general fight, & for that intent, setting forward with his troops with all speed towards Saint Gem, he sent the Italians and Albanoises for to keep the passage of Moreilles for to cut off their way of return, and also caused very subtly a bruit to run thereof, that he might bring the Protestants in despair of return to Rochel: for they had none other way but that, except another that leads from Marans to Luson, which was very ill and bad, by reason of the waters, & the miry marshes which lie between them, where the horses would soon be stabled, making by this means an estate of the victory, if the they durst to present themselves unto him, or if the they would retire by Triaise & Charrie, that then both they of the fort of Luson, and also his own army would pursue them in the tail: to the which ends he made his men march with all speed. And to make you know more certainly all things that passed in this occurrence, I will tell you the means that he used to assemble his troops, his march on the way, and his conduct.  
He having appointed the Rende-uos or place where all his troops should meet at Fontenay, he did set them on their way, & with six horses he came thither himself about middle night of the day before the battle. When he was come, he caused a bruit to be noised abroad the he had gotten an hot ague, the which made him to keep his bed very sick: & he caused many to see him in bed, to the end that the news might go the sooner to the ears of the Protestants, and make them therefore careless to keep themselves upon their guards, that so he might more easily break them by a surprise, rather than by the hazard of an entire battle. And that he might not fail in his devise, he commanded the More of Fontenay to send unto them a Trumpeter, who assuring them of his sickness, might bring him word of the estate of their guards, the number & resolution of their forces, under colour of dealing for the deliverance of Roussiere, & other prisoners, that they held in S. Gem. In the mean while his companies by little & little arrived at Fontenay, not without great pains, & displeasure both for the length of the way, & also the trouble that the darkness of the night brought them, that were to pass in such long marches, & because that no man should be suffered to stay in the town for to bait, or to rest themselves, or to do any other thing than leave there their baggage: the More caused a number of pipes of wine, & certain bread to be set forth in the streets for the soldiers to take as they passed along. In sum, that he might speed & assure his enterprise, he would give them no more time for to tarry, than leisure for to make away that distribution. But the companies came thither so by péecemele, so weary & so tired with the long journey, that he could not let them, but that the soldiers would needs lodge there, some to rest both their body & spirit, that sleeped as they marched, some for to bait & get them new strength, that they might be better able to accomplish the commandment of their General, who being forced to please the soldiers, & judging that he should be able to get them from their rest at the least four hours before night, commanded the Maire & certain of the inhabitants, who might happily make 15. horses, for to beat the ways, & to learn news, & to bring him certain word of the enemy, of whom he had heard no certainty 3. days before: assuring them that he would be at Mozevil (two leagues from Saint Gem) with all his army by Sun set. The scouts gave in as far as (heuretes, a league of Saint Gem, & sent some to tell him, that Puuiant and the greatest part of the Poitevins were at Saint Gem, doubting nothing of him. But because the soldiers marched not resolutely, he was when he received this news but half a league from Fontenay, which is distant 4. leagues from S. Gem, & as much from Luson) ranging his troops in battle near to Longesue. In like manner Puuiant had sent forth a number of horse for to discover the plain, & to have certain advise of the designs of Puigaillard, of whose feigned sickness he had been advertised by the Trumpeter, that I told you of before, whom Puuiant (suspecting by his speech & countenance, that he was come to espy the estate of the Protestants) had beaten so long, until he discovered all that had been done, and thereupon he sent his people into the plain, upon whose discovery the More of Fontenay retired himself. Upon these things done by the one and the other side, Phygaillard made his army march cross over the fields, to the intent to get between Luson and Saint Gem, meaning to overthrow and defait the Poitevins first, who were almost all the horsemen of the Protestants, lead by Puuiant, Saint Es●●●●me, and others, and that done, to give upon the f●st that were at Luson. But his people marched so slowly, that the 〈…〉 ●●ss●me upon their before they were at Mozevil, the darkness whereof having made them lose the sight and light of the ways, where they should go: with in short time the greatest part of them scattered, being disbanded here and there whether the uncertainty of the paths lead them, yea, those that knew the way best could not tell which way to take. At that instant the Ensigns and Cornets, found themselves so forsaken of their scattered soldiers, and there happened thereby such confusion among them, that the foremost avantcourers found themselves near to them that were foremost, to make the tail. But on the other side the courers of the Protestants being returned to Saint Gem, to make report of the Catholic beaters of the ways that they had discovered, were the occasion that certain Gentlemen (that well knew the ways of the Country) mounted on horseback, to bring more certain advice, and they had not road long, but that they heard the great noise of the scattered troops, that hallowed and called one unto another, for to be set into the way: and riding yet a little farther, to be more throughlie informed of all that was done, they lighted at the last upon seven or eight of the enemies, some on foot, & some on horseback, marching as men assured, because they were persuaded that about 500 of their avantcourers were before them, which was the cause, that when they were asked whether go you? They answered amiably, Amy, Amy, Friend, Friend: marching still without putting themselves in defence, esteeming them for their own people. But being astonished by three Pistol shot that was given them for a good night, they refused not to mount behind the Protestants, who carried them to Puuiant, to whom they declared their intent and purpose, & the near approach of the troops. Presently the alarm runneth throughout the Borough of Saint Gem: the Trumpets (all the men having upon the advertisements of the first scouts armed themselves and saddled their horses) and being ready to march, needed to do no more but sound to the standard & set forward. For at that instant they dislodged, for to advertise la Nove that abode at Luson, of all that we have fold you before, and to exhibit into consultation of the counsel, what was to be resolved upon in this matter. The which la Nove did also soon do, as well for to sound the hearts of his, as also not to miss, but with the opinion of them all, if that fortune should make their first desk in fall out ill.  
The opinions were divers, and the assembly was divided into two advises, as it doth ordinarily hap in a matter of such importance, namely among the Chiefeteines, that would manage their affairs considerately, and rather by the common advice, than their own particular motion. The chief Captains being assembled, lafoy Nove did declare unto them, the enterprise that they had made against the Fort, and the occasion thereof, that now it was come to this point that they could not longer abide before the place, but that they must either fight, or else retire themselves. As touching the first, the army of the enemy is great, well furnished both for men, and equipage, and a third more in number then the Protestants. But that which is more to be considered in this occurrence is, that although we do obtain the victory, yet we shall thereby not advance at all the affairs of the public, and the total cause, if that fortune fall out ill to our great army, under the conduct of the Admiral, which every day is in doings with the Marshal of Cosse, and upon the point to dareign battle with the king's forces: for than shall this victory of ours, be rather lamentable, then profitable. For as it can not be obtained but with great effusion of blood, and the death of many brave Captains and valiant soldiers: so that if the army of the Princes be broken, those that shall die in this fight now at hand, will so lessen our forces, that we shall not be able to maintain Rochel against the Catholics, who may soon repair and levy an other army: because they do swarm in people under the authority that they have stolen from the king. But, seeing that he remitted the resolution of the one and the other unto the plurality of voices, those that maintained the fight, carried it away in number. Besides the dishonour (said they) that the army shall get by such a retreat, it can not be done but with an other greater loss of men, then shall be spent in the battle: namely, seeing that the Catholics march upon them with so great speed. Add thereunto, that the Italians (as they thought) had set forth for to cut of the way for none other consideration, but to impeach them of all ways of retires. Whereupon Puuiant, took the word out of their mouths, and of a particular motion said aloud: So that we do go resolutely to the charge, the victory is certainly ours, for they are all so weary, so covered over with dust, by reason of the long journey that they have made, and beside they are so charged with sleep, that they will not be able to sustain the first charge of our people. As touching the rest, God, who is as great, as strong, and as well willed towards his, as ever he was, hath provided for far greater inconveniences than those that can befall to us, if our great army hap to be broken. If in all occasions that are presented to men, man show himself noble and courageous, God will supply, the rest, and furnish up the imperfection of man, of whom he demands no more, but his devoir. Let us then do that lieth in us, & he that hath guided us hereunto for to maintain his cause, will of his almighty power, accomplish that, which our feeble power lacketh. The authority and no less the good fortune, that accustometh to favour such a Chiefeteine, was of so great force with the rest of that troop that la Nove had no sooner asked them all whether they were resolved to fight, but that their long acclamations, & laughing countenances, assured him of the good will that they had to do it. In so much that having admonished them not discharge before they were near their enemy, to pursue their point furiously, & to recharge without cease, as long as they should see any number of their enemies in troop, for fear, lest they should rally after they were broken: gave commandment to every Captain for to go & order and encourage his troops, and that the Ministers should presently preach unto every company, praying God to send them an happy success in this battle, so dangerous as every man is more religious when he sees himself pressed near to any ill, but if all things laughed upon him at pleasure, than our nature is to forget him quickly, to whom we were so devout when we feared the bastonnades of a mischief near at hand. But I will leave them at their prayers, and preparing of themselves to the re-encounter, the which they held assured, and bring Puigaillard forward, who staying for nothing less than for fear of raising of Puuiant and his companions out of their beds, hasted amain. But he was scarce at Cheurettes, but that the companies of the King's guard, who being the speediest, had made a stand for a certain time, staying for the rest, gave soon enough into the barries of Saint Gem, (for the Protestants had shut up the ways of Saint Gem, and Luson) which they got, and passed without resistance, and ran through the borough, in the houses whereof, they found the beds yet hot, wherewithal they finding themselves grieved, did whilst they stayed for the army, some of them lay them down to sleep, other fell to filling of their bellies, and some ran to hasten Puigaillard, and to carry him the news of taking of Saint Gem: whereinto he entered before the prick of the day, crying in all quarters to his Soldiers to come out of the houses, to put them in order, and range of Battle, for to follow the Protestants, who, some said, were fled to Marans, and from thence to pass to Beraud. In the end, seeing that the most part of the companies were out of the Borough, he made them turn head directly to Luson, where he hoped to be revenged of the occasion that had had slipped out of his hand.  
There fifty soldiers Auantcourers (of the best mounted of the King's guard) whom he had sent before the army, sent him word, that they had discovered the enemy, who was pretty near, and in battle. These were a number of Gentlemen of the country, who going out of Luson for to devaunce the Army, had given in as far as the tufts of wood (which were before marked unto you) being determined to try the assurance and resolution of the Catholics by some notable skirmish, the which yet passed lightly enough, as well on the one side as the other. Upon this certain of the Catholic army being returning, reencountred x. or twelve valets of the Protestants, that led Roussiere prisoner, whom they recovered, and sent him to Puygaillard, who was so joyful thereof, that this encouraged him more to hasten his companies for to follow the luck of so good a beginning. And upon this, making all his people to assemble under their Ensigns, he placed in the front one of the companies of the king's guard to serve for Enfans perdus, to skirmish with the foremost of the Protestants, under the favour of the hedges, and bushes, that I have described unto you before. As the footmen ranged themselves to march in battle, the horsemen came piece by piece, and man after man, to be at the medley: whom he divided into two hedges within a field near to the vale of Erant, directly lying between Saint Gem and Luson. But afterward seeing that from that place he discovered not his enemy enough, he made them pass on the left hand of the way, for to enter into a Viniard, which stood almost overright directly against that valley, where the footmen had encamped themselves. But by reason of the ditches that they must needs pass, (with whom I have already told you, the most part of the way is enclosed, to keep those that pass by, that they come not into the Vines) they were forced to make their horses leap over the dike, one after an other, and in like order afterward to put themselves in battle as they arrived one after an other in a row, at the place appointed, the which the horsemen of the Protestants, who were already in battle marked: and seeing the Catholics as it were to rise out of the ground before them, would not give leisure to above six or seven score horses to take range of battle, and to put themselves in estate of defence, but that they charged them before they were all assembled, and in array for the re-encounter: while in the mean time the footmen of the Catholics, ranged themselves also by little and little under their Ensigns towards the valley Eraut, where I do pray you leave them all to take range of battle, that you may see the disposition that in the mean time, the Protestants gave to all their companies for to sustain the assail of Puygaillard, or according to occasion to charge to their advantage. The dawning of the day approaching, began to chase away the thick darkness of the night, when the scouts of Puuiant advertised lafoy Nove, that Puygaillard not willing to rest at Saint Gem, made his footmen to march forward a great pace on the left hand, and his horsemen directly to Luson, and that he heard the noise of the foremost that marched in battle without the Borough: which was the occasion that he set Puuiant in the front with forty horses, and before him la Roch with fifteen or sixteen horsemen, and yet farther before Saint Estienne with thirty helmet men and certain Harquebuziers, leaving at his back twenty horsemen, that Bruncliere lead. Afterward he ordered the rest of the army at leisure. The footmen whereof were quickly ranged in battle, under the charge of their Colonel Payet, at the four ways of the Mill Chapitre, flanked by the troop of Soulize, to whose side la Nove sent those horsemen that he himself would lead. Here was the gross of the army which la Nove caused to encamp in that place, as well to supply the necessity of succour that Puuiant might crave as for to cover and hide the play, and to keep the besieged strongly in breath, to the end that he might take from them the knowledge of the army that Puygaillard had brought, and consequently to impeach them from issuing out upon the tail of the Protestants, whilst they fought with other Catholics in front (as Hambal did a Tesin against P. Scipio, whom he put to flight, by reason that he had sent certain Numidians to charge him in the tail during the battle.) And without doubt all things seemed to laugh on Puygaillard, if that fortune had not overthwarted the course of his designs, for he should never have put himself between two enemies, although the Protestants were few. See what happened to the Fidenates, that had put themselves between Mamercus Aemilius the Dictator, & Quintius his Lieutenant, for they were wholly broken. Likewise Aluian, the General of the Pisans was unhappy, because he being assailed at Saint Vincent by Bentivogli the General of the Florentines on the Front, on the side, and behind, saw all his whole army defeated. These troops were not so soon set in array, but that the Enfans Perdus advanced in two bands (without the body of the foot men) in number of 100 or 120. arquebusiers lead by the Captains, Normand, & la guard, had the signal to charge, almost at the very same time that Puuiant and Saint Estienne were at the charge.  
Now see the form of the battle. Puuiant who lead the greatest part of the forces of Poitou, had distributed all his troops in form of an hedge, by reason of the small number of his men. Moreover, his troops did not follow one another strait, but as it were bias, to the end that all his troops might be seen within the way of Fontenay, fearing that Puygaillard would cause some of his troops to march along that side to give them the flanquado. In the mean time Puygaillard set his men in array, and made the more haste because it was told him that the Protestants came to seek him. I have told you before, that betwixt Saint Gem and Luson, there is nothing but Vines enclosed with hedges and thick bushes, and certain large plots of plain ground, which are severed from the way, the which is strait and forth right, and of a good largeness, and flanked on both sides with like defences.  
Having set one front of Enfans perdus behind those hedges, and in certain ditches and channels that are there, and namely behind the bushes of certain vines, separated one from another by a plain field, the which is level enough: he made one regiment to advance into the valley Eraut, and set the rest of the footmen more on the left hand of Saint Gem, he would have flanked them with horsemen, but he had no leisure to do it, as I will tell you. You have seen the designs, the number, the journey, the conduct, and disposition of the two armies for to fight: now it resteth for you to behold what was the charge, the medley, the pursuit, and the flight of the less happy, and how the victorious followed their good hour. I sent Saint Estienne (otherwise called young Violle-uigne) followed by their helmet men, to the front of the Protestants army. As soon as he saw the Catholics range themselves in battle one after another in a row, he advertised lafoy Nove: who rightly presuming, that if Puigaillard had time and leisure to order all his troops, that he might carry away the honour of this battle, gave the word of S. Estienne, and commanded him to go resolutely to the charge, & to follow his point, as long as he saw himself accompanied by any of his fellows. At the same instant he ordained Puuiant to sustain him, if he saw him weak, and to second his good hour if he saw the first charge to bear itself as he hoped: then he abode himself lower, with all the rest for to secure all occurrences. At that very present, Saint Estienne dismarched in view of all the Catholics, who would not set forward when they were so far of, but suffered them to come within fifty paces of them, yea, & till they saw them change their pace to a trot, that they might take a gallop for to charge them: the 25. or 30. helmet men of Malicornes' company of men of arms, whom D' Heruilliers lead, disbanded themselves out of the troop, and hasting their pace, received them after such a fashion, that if the other that moved not, had seconded them as courageously, they had gotten more honour that day. But the confederates, who as assailants went resolutely to the charge, turning otherwise to their advantage, the small account that the Catholics made to remove themselves, pierced so lustily, and with such pursuit all that they reencountered, that after the death and wounding of some, the company of D' Heruilliers found themselves not sufficient to sustaints them. But being returned to the body of the horsemen, who now setting forth made a good number of them, without the remonstrances of Puigaillard, (who took all pain for to encourage and to advance them to the defait of them, that for the shock received of D' Heruilliers, were half scattered and ready to turn face if they were lively pursued) to march: When the two troops of Puuiant presented themselves on the left side, as though they would have charged them on that side. But seeing that the Catholics came not forward at all like men resolute to fight: as soon as they had received those that rested whole of the Cornet of Saint Estienne, they turned upon the right hand and charged them so furiously, that not one of them had the heart to sustain them, but all turned their faces thither from whence they came. The worst was, that they being hotly pursued, had no pity, and less fear to break the companies of their footmen, that came at their backs, being scarce yet all in battle array, thorough whom they passed so speedily, that the footmen felt their harm as soon as they had discovered their flight. In sum, their so sudden departure out of the field of the battle, did so discourage all the rest of the horsemen, by reason of the assurance that they had in the foremost, and farthest advanced, with whom the General thought to arm the front of his horsemen, that all the words, threats, and remonstraunces of Puygaillard, who thought to stay them for to rally them for the defence, if not of their honour, already half lost, yet at the least of the footmen, whom they left to the boutcherie, profited him nothing, but was at last constrained himself, being left alone, and so near his enemies, to follow that long and large way which the best mounted had traced unto him. Puuiant and many other pursued some so near, that those which were worse mounted were less happy, and first urged to yield their life.  
Insomuch that the most part being (as of the Ordinances, passing well mounted, the pursuit profitted them nothing, and they retired themselves within Fontenay, which was with four leagues, where Puigaillard arrived about noon, and yet the retreat could not be near enough for them, that thought themselves over hotly pursued. King Antigonus seeing himself mocked for flying away, with the few that were left him: I fled not (answered he) but I pursued the profit that I saw behind me. So the Catholics ran to Fontenay, for to find there a neadeful comedy to save their lives. I have told you already that the field wherein the horsemen of the Catholics began to range themselves, had but one entry, flanked on both sides with Vines, fenced with high bushes, between whom they must pass to charge the Catholics, these bushes covered a great number of haquebuziers, who shot at Saint Estienne: but they could not stay above three or four, but the rest of the horses furnished their career, and carried their men (some of whom were hurt) even to the charge. Granzay (the youngest of the Bogifiere Courterne le Re, and la Roche du Gue, tarried there. Chasselandiere the Ensign of Saint Estienne, and five or six other, although they were hurt, yet went forward, but being sustained by Malicornes' men, they were so hurt, that they could live no longer than the next day.  
Now touching the Enfans perdus, they marched so courageously one against the other, as though they would not fight but only with their swords, wherefore they approached so near together, that all of them cried away harquebuzades. Then the Captains with their swords and targets, & the soldiers recharged as speedily, as the practice of wars would permit them, sending fresh succours where need required, ●eming as though they would have continued that play a long time. But the Catholics having heard the piteous cry of them, whom their horsemen flying, had broken, did not so soon know that the Protestants followed their victory (the which they pereeved by the long cries and joyful acclamations of their enemies) but that they began to tremble and shrink back in the mean time that their companions did their devoir to defend themselves under the advantage of the hedges & bushes that covered them. But yet in the end, seeing the Protestants approach and still come upon them through the vines, they forsook their bushes, for to cast themselves into the plain, where the rest of their fellows had rallied with other, and encouraged themselves for a certain time for to sustain their enemies. But when the Protestants were seized of the bushes, behind whom they shot at their ease without ever missing that great regiment, they with many horsemen, crying victory, cast themselves among them, as on a lost body, for to overthrow them intierely: so that they were in the end constrained some to fly, other to put themselves to the mercy of the sword, or the pity of the victorious. And to say the truth, if it had not been for la Nove, very few had escaped the fury of the Protestant, namely, of the Lansquenet who came to the defait. These soldiers doing the worst they could upon these old hands, for to show that they would be revenged of the ill hap, that had fell upon them at Moncoutour, spoke nothing else but desticot Chelme Moncoutour, villain dost thou not remember Moncoutour, unto those that being disarmed, could not defend themselves, much less answer to their outrageous speech. And except their Colonel, who contenting himself with pillage, had appeased his wrath, they were all determined not to return into their Country, but well revenged for their companions, that had been so well feasted. This battle made many Catholics and Protestants note and mark, as afterward some of them did often confess, that as footmen are at this day furnished and conducted, they must not fight in the plain against horsemen, unless they be flanked or sustained by horsemen: seeing that the very Swisses who keep their ranks best, and rest most assured to rally, in case they be broken, will no more march, unless they be flanked, with French Harquebuziers and horsemen, namely against the French horsemen.  
See what happened to P. Valerius and L. Aemilius, against the Vosces and Latins, who had overthrown their footmen, if their horsemen had not come to their succour. And what of our black bands before Naples, who being incited by to much hardiness, as they which had passed well before, were so ill entreated by the Neapolitan horsemen, because they had no horsemen to sustain them, that their brave enterprise was bpoken: as were the Swisses by the Protestants at the battle of Dreux, and by king Frances at the battle of Saint Brigide near Marignan, upon the Milanese.  
The footmen in general, were indebted and bound to la Nove and Soubize, who caused the butchery of the Frenchmen to cease, they yielding to have their lives saved, except one Captain Ensign Colonel, who preferring death before dishonour, the which he thought he should deserve by surviving so many valiant soldiers slain, would not abandon one so honourable a piece of silk, but with the loss of his life. And doubtless, the surety and saving of an Ensign is of such consequence, that any good soldier will never omit to do his devoir to keep it for any danger that shall be presented him: in so much that he will resolve to fight under the shadow of his Ensign, even to the last breath of his life. sixteen Ensigns, and two Cornets were taken, and about 500 slain, and 700. or 800. prisoners sent away with a white rod in their hand. Many Captains died there, as Marguarin & other, but all either Lieutenants or Ensignebearers: for there were not one but la Hiliere, a Captain in chief of a company of the Regiment Real. Of horsemen less than thirty died, for they saved themselves by flight. Upon a sudden the victorious presented their Ensigns before the Fort, which yielded, the four Ensigns, whereof made up the number of two and twenty, brought to Rochel. And because that Mascaron complained of la Nove, for the contrary to the promise of assured composition, he had certain baggage taken from him, which had been permitted him to carry away, lafoy Nove took 400. crowns of a prisoner, which he caused to be carried to him, to content him, and to maintain his promise. But the carrier being slain at the taking of the Minister de Chire at Mozevill, as I will tell you in an other place, the money was not delivered unto him. But to return back again to our battle: the dismissed soldiers retired, attributing the occasion of all the ill hap unto the over hot haste of Puigallard, and for that it was accompanied as some say, with a contemning of the Protestants. In deed he little practised the example of Paulus Aemylius, the Consul and General of the Romans, who travailing with an army through Macedon, against Perseus the king of the Macedons, had marched almost all one whole day a great pace, for to join with the enemy, and to come to fight the which was presented unto him. But although his people made countenance of accepting of the good offer, & cr●ed of themselves that he should lead them to the enemy: yet never the less because be saw than weary, by reason they had marched pretty long with their baggage on their back, all bathed in sweat, lilling their tongue half a foot out of their mouth, for extreme thirst, that tormented them, their eyes, mouths and faces full of dust, and burnt up, and half roasted with the scorching heat of midday, he would not present them to the battle, nor bring them in sight of a fresh and arranged enemy, seeing that for lack of strength many rested and stayed themselves upon their bucklers and javelins, sticked in the ground, for to hold them up: but contrary to the opinion of many, commanded the foremost bands to lay down their burdens, and baggage that they carried, and measure out the front of a Roman camp. (They were not so delicate as our bands be, for the meanest of whom a dozen of baggage carriers, and so many goviats or drudges after them be not sufficient) And when Publicus Nasica, one of the best qualitied gentlemen in the army, told him, that it were better to pursue the enemy, who unto that day had always fled before them, then to leave him one night free for the fly longer, and to renew the pain of the Romans in seeking him farther: he answered modestly without showing of himself any whit altered for that bold advertisement: I have had heretofore the mind that you have now Nasica, and you will one day have that which I have now. Many & diverse accidents of war have taught me to know the time when to fight, and when to refuse. But seeing that leisure is denied me to say any more, content yourself for this time with the authority of an old Captain: never contemn your enemy more than you have had good occasion. One ought also to consider the commodity of the place, the circumstance of time, the quality of the furniture, the number of men of war, the form, the manner of the fight, the good heart and hardiness of his men, the obedience of his soldiers, the authority and brave reputation of the General, which both serve oftentimes to bring to a good end an exploit well conceived. But so it is, that always fortune doth say and sing aloud, and clear, that all is hers, and she doth play in enterprises of war as freely as the fish doth in the great and wide Ocean. But of all other the old bands that served Puigaillard, as the best footmen of this age, did take very impatiently to be spoiled of their weapons. What (said one) after that I have done notable service to my king for the space of fifteen years together, shall I suffer such dishonour? And shall I after twenty years, and I after thirty, and I after forty, said another, bear the scorn of a soldier disgraded? Good fellow, for God's sake leave me (said they) but my harquebus, but my pike, but my sword, take all even to my shirt, that the face of his majesty may not see me in the habit of a goviat and drudge. But the soldiers victorious growing in despite, because they could not take from them their lives for the countermand of their General, stopped their ears against such praters. The which one of the Captains, an Ensign Colonel perceiving, for to show in what honour we ought to hold the Armies and degrees that have been given us, and also what difference there is between a chief of mark, and a simple Soldier, loved better to die with honour, covered and wrapped in his Ensign, than to drink of such shame. So before these brave chief died, he patiently saw the purple of his blood die the white Taffetas of his Ensign Crimson. I do remember me of the ensign Colonel of Caesar, that bore the Eagle Imperial in the civil wars. This Roman Captain knowing what shame it is to leave the Ensign to be won by the enemy, when he saw that he was near to his end, did so much with his companions, that it was saved and brought unto the hands of his General. I must needs also recite the notable example of the Count de Charny, that bore the Banner of France in that so famous battle of Malpertuis, near Poitiers, which king john lost against Edward the Prince of Wales, and the English men. This gentle Frenchman loved better to die in the field with the sovereign Banner of France in his hand, strooken through with a thousand blows, than to live with the reproach to have fled from the Englishmen as far as Poitiers, as two parts of the army did the twelfth of September, Anno. 1356. But the ransom of so many prisoners was not intolerable, but moderated for the pity and compassion, that they had of so many brave warriors, who yet laid all the fault of their foul day on the conduct of the army. But that I may omit nothing of my devoir, Puygaillard had great reasons for the justifications of his doings. First, the ennie that he bore him at the charge, saying that he was of too small an house to command so many seigniours, was the cause that he was forsaken, by not only two parts of the men of arms that were appointed him, but also of many Ensigns of footmen, and namely of all the Captains in chief of those bands that remained.  
I will not speak of the Romans, many of whose armies were overthrown by the hatred borne to their Generals, no more than I will of the Count de Galeaz despited, because that his brother Galeas Saint Severin was preferred before him in the estate of General of the army against the French. I will also pass over in silence how needful it is that a General be loved of those that follow him: and will not recount unto you how Persy (by reason of the authority that he had with the soldiers) made Monpensier lose many fair enterprises at the conquest of the kingdom of Naples. Some men only wished here, that the General and his soldiers had done as Liviano and his army did, who having travailed his army through foul & deep ways and full of mire, and foully soused with continual rain, and tired with marching day and night: yet when they should have rested themselves, and being at the place appointed therefore, he spoke unto them so effectually, assuring them of the victory, and the great spoil of Ruiglio, that they quite forgot all their long journeys passed, & behaving themselves as they ought, got no less honour, than they did riches by their spoiled enemies. But the envy, that namely the Poitevins bare Puygaillard, overthrew the happy course of his fair designs. So ended the battle, the which began in the very break of the day, although that the mist of the thick clouds would not at the beginning thereof suffer the armies to interview one another at ease. And it may be, that if the Protestants had discoured so great a mass of men, that they had chosen the retreat for the fight, through the means of such fogs, that gave them the true mean for to surprise and break the enemy. After this battle, the Protestants in those parts won Fontenay, Marans, Brovage, and the Isle of Santogne, and besieged the City of saints, when a general peace was proclaimed.   

The battle at Chieuraine in Henault, fought between Don Federike, son to the Duke of Alva, and the Lord jenlis, a Frenchman, in Anno. 1572. out of Popelliniere.  
THe Comte Lodouick of Nassau, having fortunately surprised the town of Mouns in Henault, by the aid of certain French force● lead by the L. jenlis: within short time after ●●r back jenlis himself into France, so, respects. First to advertise the French king (who seemed highly to favour these designs of lodovic, and the revolt of the low Countries from the obedience of the Spaniard) of the success of their enterprise. What order they had given to the estate of the cause, of the means that they had to advance their fortune farther, of the stirs and revolts in Holland and Zealand, of the favour that they had received out of England, Scotland, and Germany, and above all, of the great levy that the Prince of Orange made in Germany, and of the hope of their speedy arrival: that it would please his majesty to pursue so brave a beginning, or at the least, to suffer men to be levied in France, to be sent into Flanders, to join with the Prince and the almains, against the Duke that prepared an army to take the field. But if the king refused so to do, then to solicit the Princes of Bearn and Condey, and the Admiral for to send as many soldiers as they could. jenlis promised him to do what was possible, & did for his own particular assure him, that he would employ all the means he could to levy forces, and would lead them himself into the place appointed. He went to the Court, and advertised the king and his Counsel of all that I rehearsed before. The which did diversly move their minds, according to the diversity of their favours and factions. Afterward having received a good answer of the king, and a promission to levy men, & assurance of the Admiral, that he had already sent forth his commissions into all parts of France, for to levy companies both of footmen and horsemen, & had appointed them to meet all together within one days journey of Paris, where by that time he hoped to have his own company of men of arms, to conduct all these forces himself into the low Countries: he road into Picardy, where, upon the bruit of the conquest of Flanders by the king, and of the great and rich booties and spoils that they looked for there, he had within few days levied three or four thousand footmen, & 200. men of arms, with two companies of arquebusiers on horseback.  
The Admiral, that had told jenlis, that he should go find out the Prince, and serve him for the avantgard, willed that Beavieu the Ensign of his company of men of arms, should take thirty of his company, and as for the rest he should carry them that he could get without any regard had of what religion they were. The Baron of Renty had one Regiment of nine Ensigns of foot men, jeumelles of eight, Berenguaruille of six, janissac was appointed for to conduct the Auantcoureurs. The seventh of july they began to march with a thousand insolences, and misorders committed on the paisants, and namely by the footmen. As soon as Count Lodouick understood of their dismarch, he sent jenlis word that he should take the way by Cambresis, and go to join with the army of the Prince his brother, as well for to assist him to pass over the Maze, the which the garrisons of the country being assembled did impeach, as also to avoid the hazard of being broken by the troops, of the Duke's son (who was General of the army that then besieged Mouns) which he might happily send to assail him. Moreover, he could do him no service at Mouns, for he had no such number of men as were sufficient to remove the siege: and therefore his troops (seeing he lacked no men with in the town) could serve him to no other turn, then to eat up his victuals, which they would soon do, and he should be constrained in the end, to give up the town for famine. But jenlis returned answer, that he feared not the enemy, and that after he had been at Mouns, and seen his old companions, he might pass further as should be thought best. Upon this the troops marched still so carelessly, and so taking their ease in the farm houses and small villages, as though they had held themselves assured, that the enemy had not been within an hundredth leagues of them: and that which was worse, they had not any sure guide, not well instructed what way they should take to be far from the enemy. In fine, they being come near to Bossu, one league and an half from Mouns, they sent forth an hundredth horse to make discovery. The Regiment of the Baron of Renty, marched foremost of the footmen, juinelle followed next, and so the rest. jenlis, le Ringrave, janissac, & others, being in the tail, thinking that the enemy would assail them there, but they after felt the discovery before them, which they never once thought of. As the country hath many severals, and is full of hedges and bushes (which induced jenlis to think he should prevail because he was strong in footmen) the scouts advertised that they had seen certain horsemen within a wood, which caused the Baron of Renty to choose out certain hundrethes of his men for Enfans perdus, and separate them for to serve at the head of his batta●llon, looking for the charge. But as soon as the protestant horsemen that had discovered them, saw that the horsemen that came out of the wood into the plain, did never make an end, and that an number of arquebusiers were advanced to draw them to the skirmish, they were so estonnied, that they could not retire themselves but a gallop. This was on the xvii. of july. The horsemen of the Duke, who were of the ordinances of the country commanded by Noircarmes, and others, seeing these fellows retire so hotly, took courage to pursue them, and namely, seeing that their hundredth Mosquetaires Spaniards, had already attached fight with the head of Renty his Regiment, who being feared with the flight of their horsemen, and the coming upon them of so great forces, fair & well ran away: whom all the whole regiment not long after followed, over the bellies of whom the discoverers had passed. Then the rest being dismayed with the flight, and disorder of so many men, were not long, but they also disbanded. But three thousand paisants, whom they had so tormented, and that followed them, crying to God for vengeance, received them with ill courtesy, for besides those that they striped into their shirts, there were slain there above 1200. Renty, the master of the Camp, assuring himself upon the strength of his horse, slew above twenty pa●sants before he died. The Ringrave was slain, jenlis, lanissac, and the Baron of Renty yielded, and were sent away prisoners to Antwerp or Tourney, and above 600. other into divers prisons, of whom there were above 60. gentlemen. That night Beavieu arrived with seven or eight at the Abbay of Epinleu, adjoining to the walls of Mouns, and kept by the Protestants, where he gave such cognisance and marks of himself, that Payet let him in. And the next day 100 arquebusiers entered into Mouns. jenlis died shortly after in prison at Antwerp. And the Prince of Orang, not being of sufficient force to remove the siege of Mouns, Lodouick yielded it on honourable conditions.   

¶ The Battle of Barrow, fought between Mounsieur de Boisot the admiral of flissinghen, & julian de Romero, Camp master of the Tierce of Sicicile, the second day of januarie, An. 1574. Out of Cornelio.  
FLissingen, the Kaye of the low Courtrie, standing at the mouth of the river of Scheld, th●●●●unneth by Antwerp, & a great part of Holland (as we told you in the last battle,) being revolted from the Spaniard, & forces repairing unto Flissing out of England, Scotland, France & Germany, & the low countries, they became so mighty, & namely, by sea, that they straightly besieged Middlebourg, their neighbour, the chief city of the Isle of Walachrens, and their fleet was so mighty, commonly called by the name of Vribuiters, that they exceeded the number of 150. sail and had in An. 1572. discomfited the fleet of the Duke of Medina Celi, consisting of xxv. Sail, but most Merchants, of Spain, Portugal, and Italy, setting upon them upon a sudden, who knew nothing of this revolt, and took twelve of their ships with a prize of above 600000. Crowns, whereof 200000. was in ready coin.  
This did set the Prince of Orang, the head of the Protestants (opprobiously called Geux) so on slote, that as I said, he did in a manner take all traffic from Antwerp, & had brought the town of Middelbourg into extreme necessity of all necessaries: to relieve the which lack, (being a matter of so great consequence, as the cutting of all traffic and victuals by Sea from Antwerp,) jews Requesenes, the great Commendador of Castilia, who lately succeeded the Duke of Alva, in the government of the low Countries, thought he might not neglect without his perpetual reproach, & contempt of his name, power, and person, for ever, if at his first coming he should lose a place of that moment. Wherefore seeing that he could not victual Middelbourg, unless he did defeat the strong fleet that lay before it: he determined to assemble and to gather together into one, all his dispersed naval forces. To effect the which design he commanded Sanchio Davila the Castellane of Antwerp, to sail with certain great ships from Antwerp, down the Hont, towards Flissing, and not far from the point of Tergoes, to expect the coming of julian de Romero, the Camp master of the Tierce of Sicily, who should set forth from Bergen op some down the Scheld, with a navy of thirty. great Hoys and small ships, very well appointed, in whom he had embarked besides Flemings & Walloons, ten bands of Spaniards: so that both fleets meeting together about the point of Tergoes, might with joined forces pass through to Middelbourg, and encounter the Princes fleet, if they would assay to stop their passage. Sanchio Davila, was so sharp set on this journey, that he would needs wilfully launch forth both against wind and tide, through the which rash part, it came to pass, that one of his ships striking upon the flats, was lost within the sight of the City of Antwerp, and an other near to Roiner-s walled in Zealand, yet he being nothing dismayed for this unlucky loss, went forward with his journey, and lay at another not far from Flissing, staying there as he was commanded, for Romero: who also had an unlucky abodement at the beginning. For when the Comendador came down to Bergen to the fleet, and they according to their manner would welcome him with a peal of ordinance: the barrels of Gunpowder that were in one of the ships caught on fire, and tore the ship and the men therein into pieces, and yet better was the beginning than the ending. For the Prince of Orange having some intelligence of the intent of the enemy (as hard it is to find a sailor a Catholic) commanded Monsieur de Boisot, the Admiral of Flissingen to speed him with all the forces of his Fleet (the which some report to be an hundredth great hoys, and Fliebotes) (leaving the great ships still before Middelburg, spoiled of their men and munition, for a vain skarcrowe to Davila.) And such in deed was the diligence of Boisot, that Romero had scarce weighed up anchor, when he presented him battle in the sight of the Comendador. The two Admirals ships, of whom the one had two hundred, the other an 180. men, encountered the one the other very fiercely: see that the Spaniards had boarded the Admiral of Flissengen, and had gotten as far as the mast, when they were valiantly driven out a gain by the Flissingers, and namely, through the succour of a Fly boat, that timely laid Romero aboard on the other side, and julian was forced to save his life by swimming, after he had seen four of his ships drowned and ten taken, and the rest flying fast towards Bergen, but yet the Flissingers took four in the chase. They report that almost a ridiculous deed of a boy of Soutlant, a village near Flissing, much hasted and helped the victory. Fortune showing that her force and fickleness is seen in nothing more, than in universal conflicts and battles. This boy, whilst all men's heads, eyes, and hands were busied below with fierce fight, stole of the flag of the Admiral of Spain, and wrapping it about his middle, slid down therewithal into the Admiral of Flissing: and then holding it up, cried, victory, victory, not to the small terror and discouragement of the Spaniards, it being thus seen on a sudden. When Sanchio Davila heard of this overthrow, he weighed up anchor, and hasted him to Antwerp for fear of a foil. Hereupon the valiant Mandragon surrendered the town of Middlebourg, whereby the Protestants became Lords of all Zealand, yea, and of the Sea also, the which they do retain still to this day: and ever since they first took Flissingen, fortune hath favoured them on the water. As not many months before, the Duke of Alva commanded a Fleet to be rigged at Amstelredam, and to be conducted by the Comte Bossu, to encounter the Navy of North Holland: the which the Earl did, rather to accomplish the commandment of his governor, than of his own good will, because he knew right well the strength of his enemy, the which he could in no measure match: yet because he would not seem to be a coward, and gréene liuered, he with nine or ten ships assailed above thirty of his enemies.  
The battle was passing well fought on both parties, as well at the first with the great ordinance, as afterward with small shot, push of the pike, and sword and target. And at the first the victory seemed to incline to Bossu, but at the last the North Holanders, being fortified by a new supply of ships, the timely arrived carried away the victory. For while part of them had environed the Admiral of the enemies, casting down upon them incessantly from their tops unslacked Lime, in such sort, that they could not tell which way to turn them to save themselves from the fury thereof: their fellows had so lustily assailed them on the other side, that they within were constrained to yield upon composition, although they had before been of opinion to have put fire to their powder, and have destroyed themselves, fearing that they should find no mercy with those of North Holland. The which the other ships seeing, hoist up all their sails, and hasted amain towards Amstelredam, the which they all recovered, except the ship of Captain Vesthen, the which was sunk with Canon shot, & the Admiral a great ship called the Inquisition, wherein was found great riches, and was taken with the Comte Bossu, many Captains, and carried with great triumph and joy to Horn.   

The battle of Mockerheid fought in Gelderland, between Lewes' Earl of Nassau, and Sanchio Davila, in the Easter week, Anno. 1574. Out of Stratius.  
THE March following this discomfiture of the Spaniards at Barrow, the Comte lodovic of Nassau, accompanied with his brother Henry, and Christopher, one of the sons of Federike the palsgrave of the Rhin, came down towards Brabant with an army of about eight thousand men, levied in Germany, hoping according to promise, to have had Mastretch, Antwerp, Valencenes, and Gaunt, delivered unto him. But the Comendador having intelligence of the approach of these troops, commanded Sanchio Davila to dismarch, with the forces that then besieged Leiden, and to hasten towards Mastritch, for to let the passage of jews over the . The which he happily did, being arrived at Mastritch the fourth of March, a little before the Comte could come thither. Whereupon lodovic wrote unto his Brother the Prince of Orange, to meet him the next day at a place between the Rhin, and the , called Herwerd, with his forces, ships, barks, and boats, for to be ready to help him to pass over the . And although the Prince liked nothing of this advertisement, because it was impossible for him within so short time to send down to that place all necessaries for that design, yet he went with his arm as far as Govicque, near Bommel, often saying these wise words: Although I would be glad to see my Brother here, yet I would to God he were with his army an hundred leagues hence: for the Prince did consider that he could not come without extreme danger, as at the last the end showed. As soon as Sanchio was come to Mastritch, he sent forth certain horsemen to survey his enemies army, and to bring him word what number they were, the which they did, finding the Earl mustering his men about a few miles from Masricht, which made him abandon his first resolution that he had to bid them battle out of hand, because they did daily increase, seeing that he found himself far too weak: yet the eight of March he laid an ambush of 200. men, who slew certain good soldiers of their enemies, and in such sort he kept his enemy continually occupied with alarms, and skirmishes, until such time as Colonel Mondragon arrived with a new supply, the which lodovic understanding, retired a little, and withdrew his army to the town of Walkenbourg, where the 18. of March, Sanchio Davila using a stratagem, slew above 500 of his enemies. Whereupon they retired wholly into the town, fearing that their army that consisted almost of all fresh water soldiers, although they were more in number, yet would be broken by the king's army, who were old soldiers, and far better experimented in exploits of wars, and namely in supprises, embusses, and camisadoes. And when lodovic saw that by reason of the resistance that was made against him, it was impossible for him to come unto his brother, nor to pass over the  in that quarter, he made semblance as though he would return back again into Germany, and to that effect removed his camp. But Sanchio Davila doubting that he would pass the river lower, because a long time he heard no news of him, caused his army to dismarch (the which with the regiment of Mondragon was 4000 or 5000. men) and as he marched a long the river side to keep the passage, he understood of treason within the town of Nieumegen, and how that those within would yield unto Comte Lodouick, that he might pass over there. Wherefore to prevent that enterprise, he incontinently thrust a garrison into the town, and continually followed his enemy, until such time as he was advertised that the Earl would fortify himself not far from a small village called Moken, & two leagues from the king's camp, by the rivers side. The Earl had chosen this place, because he saw that his purpose of taking Nieumegen was discovered, and also that he might enter into Flandets upon the first occasion that should be presented unto him. Between his camp and his enemies, there was a river without a bridge, which kept the catholics from coming unto him. But Sanchio Davila to bring his journey to an end, and that he might lose no time, marched to Grave, a town in the confines of Brabant, where he caused a great bridge to be made with all possible speed, of many Botes and Barks, by the which he passed the river in the sight of the Earl, and encamped himself in his enemies quarter. When the Earl saw this, he removed his camp towards night nearer to Moken, not being minded to fight, and strongly fortified his camp. To whom Davila gave many alarms that night, fearing lest they would steal away privily in the dark. The next morning both armies stood arranged in array of battle, and the Trumpets called to the encounter. Then Sanchio to lose no time, caused a certain number of arquebusiers, with 100 pikes, in the manner of an esquadron, to back them, for to assail the enemies their trenches: all the rest of the army standing to look what the enemy their horsemen would do. This esquadron gave in lustily on the enemy, who also received them couragioussie, but were at the length broken, and their trenches won upon them: many of the Earls footmen, crying out, money, money, and refusing to fight for lack of pay, Lodouicke being rather chafed than affrighted with this unlooked for and sudden flight, and treachery of his footmen, courageously charged the enemy (whom this good hap at the beginning had made hot) with his horsemen, who also after many had sold their lives dearly, were in the end forced to give place to the force of their enemy, and to save themselves by flight.  
But the three noble men, Christopher, jews, and Henry, refusing to save their lives with shame, honourably ended their days in the battle. When the Spaniards should have prosecuted the good fortune of this battle, they fell to mutiny for their wages, and two thousand of them forsaking their Ensigns and Captains, has●ed to Antwerp, for to extort from the wretched citizens 35. months pay for themselves, and their fellows. And also the kings fleet that lay in the Haven, being affrighted with this fray, got them farther from the town, where they were suddenly assailed by the Flissingers, and all either taken or sunk. So that the Spaniards had not a ship of service left them in the low countries, and in that predicament do continue even to this day.   

¶ The Battle of Giblou in Brabant, fought between Don john de Austria, and Mounsieur de Gugny, General of the army of the States in the absence of the Comte de Lalaing. In An. Do. 1578. the last of januarie.  
DON john de Austria, Governor of the low Countries, not long after he had sent out of the country all the foreign forces, and the States of the Countries fell so at two pieces, that he for fear of being surprised, covertly under an other colour, withdrew himself out of Brabant, and fortunately through the practice of the Comte Barlemont, and his valiant sons, (who almost only of the nobility favoured him) surprised the Castle of Namur, a place of great consequence for the receipt of foreign forces and entrance into Brabant. After he had furnished this town and castle with all necessaries, he went into the Duchy of Luxenburg, (the which only province continued in his obedience) there to expect men and money, from the King (who still favoured him) and also other aids. The Comte Barlemont levied a regiment for him in Lorraine, and the Comte Mondraquert an other in Luxembourg, also nineteen. companies were sent him out of the County of Bourgogne, and Charles Manfelt son to Peter Comte Mansfelt, and governor of Luxembourg, brought him 7000. Frenchmen, & also the dismissed Spamards, who were not yet gone out of Italy accompanied and increased with certain Italian troops, levied and led by the Prince of Parma, Octavio Gonzaga, and other, were returned: that he had now about 16000 footmen, and 2000 horsemen. With the which power he marched towards Namur, for to make head against the great army of the States, that lay not far from Namur, winning, wasting and harrying all even to the gates of the town. And it was Don john's good hap to enter into Namur with 78. men, the very same night that the army of the States (whether because their chief Captains were retired to Bruxelles, or by reason of the cold weather, (for it was januarie, or because the soldiers demanded their pay, or for all three causes) began to remove their Camp, to truss up their baggage, to retire their artillery, and to do other such things, as in wars do give suspicion of fear. Don john marveling thereat, issued out of the town with the Prince of Parma, and Octavian Gonzaga, the General of the horsemen, for to view the Camp of the enemy, who came, as we told you before, even to the gates of the Town, and all three went up upon a little hill, from whence they might well discern all that passed, and then returning into the town, sent for the More, and the counsel of the town, for to consult what was best to be done. In the end it was determined, that the Colonel of the companies of Bourgogne called the man of Gibrao, should issue out at one gate with one thousand Harquebuziers of his Regiment, and the Count Reux, with as many at an other, for to skirmish with the enemies on two sides, not only to the intent to assay their forces, but also to take some of them prisoners, of whom they might learn what the enemy was minded to do.  
When the Soldiers were thus issued out, the enemy received them in such sort, that Don john's men were forced to retire ●ncontinentlie, with some little loss, but yet never the less with two prisoners, the which was it that they did desire: by whom they knew that the army was conducted and governed, by the Lord de Gugny, in the absence of the Conte Lalaing, & that they had charge to retire themselves that night unto the town of Giblou near Lowaine, and that for this effect the artillery had already begun to march, and they did also particularly declare many other things, that were inquired of them.  
When Don john understood this, he caused the men of arms that were there abouts, to be assembled, and at the break of day he found there eight Coronets of horsemen, Italians and Spaniards together, with whom Don john issued out of the town, with intent only to take a view of his enemies, or to give them some skirmish, as they had done the day before. The enemy that saw him conte with this troop of six hundredth men, stayed, although they were in march, and showed them their faces, they arranged their troops, and placed a good part of their best soldiers, who were Frenchmen, in an embush between trees that grew there. Then afterward they did set the horsemen on the left hand of their esquadron, and the front was all of Mosquetayres, in such sort that the arriereward came to make the avantgard, and with it joined the battle, because that the avantgard having begun to march forward gallantly, could not come in good time. The Lord of Gugny showed great valour and industry, in setting in array such an Army within so short a time, seeing he did dispose it so well, as though he had had long time to have done it, and in such sort, as if it should have encountered with a great army.  
He composed his rearward, which was first to be charged, (reinforced as well with mosquetaires, as with six thousand horse) of three companies of brave & valiant French footmen, and xxiiii. companies of Walons, who were two regiments, the one governed by the Conte de Eghmont, and the other by the Conte de la March, otherwise called the Lord of Lumay. He had in the battle xiii. companies of English men and Scots, and two other regiments of Flemings, the Colonels, of whom were the Count de Bossu, and the Lord of champagny. In the avantgard were the regiments of the Lord Montignie, and the Lord de Heze, both which regiments were either of them of ten or twelve companies, and every company had 150. men. They had also besides many other Gentlemen that served on their own charges, in hope of advancement. The king's camp seeing this good diligence, entertained them still by little and little, making a stand, as they that had neither forces, nor intent to join in battle with their enemies, until such time as a Captain of a company of Italian horsemen, called Mutio, advanced himself a little forward with his company, being followed of some few soldiers, and so between the one and the other, there began a skirmish, when the king's men had so valiantly charged, and ventured so far, that it seemed very hard and dangerous for them to return back and to retire, by reason that the Frenchmen and the mosquetaires showed by their first fury great resistance, and gave an honourable charge on the Spaniards, but with little damage: the Prince of Parma seeing this, buckled down his helmet, and taking his shield, made a show as though he would encounter them, having left the footmen at a corner of the horsemen, who were seven hundredth men, and nine Ensigns of the Ordinances, every Esigne of fifty men of arms, and an hundredth and fifty archers, whom we do call light horse.  
The intent of Don john was nothing less than to fight, considering as we have told you, the small number that he had, but he made semblance that he would do it, staying for more of his people (for his whole army followed) that he might retire safely. But when the Prince of Parma that was foremost in the field, with a valiant knight called the Lord of Billy, otherwise Colonel Robles, advanuced to encounter and charge his enemies, they siedde at the first reincounter without any resistance, and flying, they ouerran●●●●d des●●ted the esquadron of their own foot●●●●, which were in the way that they should pass. And 〈◊〉 mean time the people of Don john being come in, followed the horsemen that fled, and perfected the defait of the esquadron, and slew still following the victory, until they drove them into Giblow. Besides those that were slain, there were taken prisoners about four hundred soldiers, and of the principal Captains above thirty, among whom was the Lord of Gugny, who was taken by the very same soldier, that at another time had taken him in the town of Antwerp They gained 70. Ensigns of footmen, and many Cornets of horsemen, and all the money that they had to pay the soldiers, good store of munition, and six pieces of artillery. After this, Don john divided his army into two parts, and sent the one under the conduct of Signeur de Hierges to Bovinges, whether the Frenchmen and certain almains were fled, & he himself went with the other unto Giblou, whether the noblest and best of his enemies their army were retired. Who considering the present fury, and the small hope that they had of succour, yielded themselves to the mercy of Don john, who chose amongst them twelve of the best to remain prisoners, whom he sent to the Castle of Namur, for to exchange for other, if occasion required, the rest he sent away with a stick in their hand, without any weapon unto the estates, and yet nevertheless amiably received them that would turn to the kings sernice. The Lord Hierges did as much to Bovinges, for after that the artillery had made a breach, those within never stayed assault, but yielded the next day in the morning, with the same conditions that they of Giblou did, & were used in like sort. There were slain (saith Dinoth) in this journey on the states their side 10000 and but ten men on the victors part. After this ourthrow, Don john took Louvain, Tilemont, Arescot, Sichenen, Diest, Spy, Nivelle, Philippe ville, and the whole Duchy of Limburg.   

The battle of Couwenstein dike near Antwerp, fought between Alexander Prince of Parma, and Monsieur de Haultan the Admiral of Flissing, and Monsieur Saint Aldegonde, the 26. of May, in Anno. 1581.  
WHen the Prince of Parma had taken away the use of the river of Scheld from the City of Antwerp, by building of a bridge over the river. The Citizens and their confederates of Holland and Zealand attempted to cut out Couwenstein dike, and to bring the course of the river to Antwerp that way. To the which intent the 26. day of May, the Antwerpians having sent that evening twelve ships against the bridge (hoping that through the violent force of them, it might be broken) did that night about three of the clock send another fleece against Couwenstein dike, the which the enemy kept. And the like was done on the other side by the Hollanders, who lay at anchor under Lillou. For first sending certain ships set on fire, which should be carried against the bridge, they incontinently after assailed the dike with about an hundredth ships full of old soldiers: and such a furious storm of great shot, and so great a showee of small was sent out of those ships, upon both sides of the dike, that the king's men were not able any longer to defend themselves on the plain and open dike, but having lost many of their fellows, were forced to forsake their wards, and to retire themselves to safer places. In the mean time the states went a shore, landing their men, and having brought with them sacks full of earth, wool, & other stuff, did with incredible celerity raise them up fortifications, so that they were defenced with a Rampire and trench as high as their necks. And winning still farther and farther through the help of their ships, they had gotten more than half the dike, the which they did cut through in cleaven places. They defended their Nations & wards for the space of six hours together, within which time they had slain many of the valiantest Captains and soldiers on the king's side: for they sent so great force and store of shot against the king's men, that they not only tore all their bulwarks and fortifications, but also rend almost all their artillery, and made them of no use. Now when that the Spanish state was almost desperate, and the Prince standing up to the waist in water, did drive his soldiers against the enemy with his sword drawn: a Spaniard called Peter de Padillia, a soldier of the Tierce of Peter de Paz, taking courage again, did with eight of his fellows first renew the charge on the States, but he was slain in the attempt, and his right hand cut off by the enemy. In the mean time the king's men gathering together their forces, did very resolutely with all their power assail the munition that the Antwerpians had made, and bend their three pieces of artillery (which only were left them whole) against it. When they first planted their battery, there was a very thick mist, which by little and little vanished away, so that the Master of the Ordinance might see the enemies camp a far of, and more certainly level his pieces. The king's soldiers did twice assault this fortification, and were twice repelled, but at the third assault, they sighting with irresistible valour, wan the trench, and slew all that were within it, and the rest hasting to their ships, were part slain, part taken, and part drowned.  
The valour of the almains did appear singular in this fight, of whose prowess almost all men had now despaired. Those that were in the ships, disdaining to give place, fought so long, that the tide left them, and laid their ships dry, so that they could not get them from the Flats. By this means three and thirty ships were taken, a great number of men slain, and mighty store of artillery, and other warlike furniture taken. There was found in the ships many dead bodies of them that had been slain with the ordinance that was shot from the dike.  
The king's men understood by the prisoners that two thousand of Antwerpians were slain in fight, and many also drowned, and that among other ships there was one taken, that carried the sons of very rich Merchants, but all the men in her were slain. Moreover, not a few of the Hollanders & Zelanders were slain, among whom are numbered the Lord of Haultan, the governor of Flissing, two Colonels of Scots, and English, (but in truth there was no English Colonel slain there) xiiii. other Captains, and xxix. Gentlemen. On the king's side were found missing about 400. or as other report 300. Italians and Spaniards: among whom were divers renowned Captains & Colonels, who were most of them hurt and slain from the Holland ships. For whilst the Antwerpians fought on the Dike a front the enemy: the Hollanders that kept themselves in their ships plagued with their artillery, the sides of their enemies. This fight endured from three of the clock in the morning, until about two in the afternoon, and was fatal to Antwerp, for after that time no forces were assembled, nor enterprise practised to relieve the City, which yielded in August following.   

¶ The Battle of Pescherias, fought by sea, upon the coast of Grece, between the Navy of the Christian league, under the conduct of Don john de Austria, and the Turkish fleet, governed be Haly Bassa, the viii. of Octobar, 1572. Out of Peter Contarini.  
WHen Selini the second, the great Turk, had falsely on a sudden broken the firm league of his Father, with the Venetians, and invaded with a mighty Army, the Island of Cyptus, app●●teining unto the Venetians: they entered into a 〈◊〉 offensive, and defensive, against all the enemies of the ●●●stian name, with Philip, the king of Spain, a●● 〈◊〉 Quintus, the Bishop of Rome: and Don john de 〈◊〉 base brother unto the king of Spain, was ordained General, and high Admiral of the Navy, & army of the league, with whom were joined in Commission the high Admiral and General of the Venetians and of the Pope, with decree that to be executed, which should be allowed ano approved of them all three, or else of any two of them. For the execution of this league, Don john departed from Spain with forty seven Galleys, and after he had been at Genoa and Naples about necessaries touching men, munition, & victuals, he arrived at Messina in Sicily, where Mark Antony de Colonna, and Sebastian Veneri, the Admirals of the Pope and Venetians, had stayed for him with their Navies, and also the four Galleys of the great master of Malta. There were come thither also the Ambassadors of Venice, for to signify unto the admirals of the confederates, how the Turkish Navy did so much hurt on the coast of Slavonie, and also to be instant on them for speedy succour.  
The next day after when the three Admirals or generals met, accompanied and assisted with other men of account, for to consult what was best to be done: Veneri told them, that of a certainty the Fleet of Candie would also be there very shortly. But when almost all men doubted that it would be somewhat late before they would come, and the time of the year was well spent (for it was the 22. of August) and because on the other side it seemed that certain determination could be made without them: some propounded this devise, and some that. But amongst the rest, Ascania de Cornia exhibited his opinion conceived in writing to this purport. Because you have thought good (sovereign General) that I should declare mine opinion in writing, what I think aught to be done in these weighty affairs, with the power that we have now, I will so dye, and will begin with the rehearsal of our forces.  
We have now as I do think, 146. Galleys furnished, six great Galleys or Galeares, twenty ships for but then, and so many Foists, and we do look for 60. galleys out of Candy, of whom yet we have not heard these many days. Again I do suppose that the Turks have two hundredth & fifty galleys furnished, & be in Sclavonia, where they have an other army on the land, of forty or fifty thousand men. If this be so (sovereign General) I do not think, that our forces are so great, that we may be so bold as to seek out the enemy, and to fight with him without apparent peril. For (we are to much inferior, specially because it is likely that their navy is passing well furnished both with rowers and soldiers: for seeing that they have taken three of our galleys, and to many of our ships for burdeine, & have conquered all the sea coast, they might if they wanted aught, repair it easily, and also daily take into their navy soldiers, out of their army on the land.  
If you can pass over hence unto Brindisi (in Naples) without danger, (the which I do leave to be adjudged by these excellent men, and most skilful in Sea affairs) I would think it very well so to do, for hereby at the east, the Venetians (whose affairs no doubt, are administered with great fear) would be brought into some hope: then also seeing we should be so near unto our enemies, perhaps God would give some occasion for us to have a fair hand upon them. But if it be to be feared lest the enemy do meet us by the way: I do not see what we should do, but stay for the Galleys of Candy, or at the least, for some certain news of them. For if we did knew that they would not come at all (which God forbid) my adnise should be to furnish and arm passing well, as great a number of our Galleys as we are able, and so to rig them, that if they lighted on the enemies, they might also escape from them by flight, and then I would give charge to the rest of the Galleys to follow also after to Brindisi, with the Ships for burdeine: for with these galleys, who happily willbe three score or four score in number, we should be able to signify many things unto the slavonians, and put the whole province, which is infested both by sea & land, in heart and hope: whereas other ways certes we can send them no succour. Moreover, if we were there, we should be ready upon every occasion to annoy the enemy, & therewithal also all the whole world should understand, that you (sovereign General) were most ready to serve God, and the holy league, in all things that may be dene. But yet I would that all that I have said, may be so interpreted, that I had rather willingly subscribe unto them that can judge better of this matter: and almighty God bring to pass that we may use his counsels and help, unto an happy end.  
In the mean time there had come unto the Turkish navy (which was at Saseno) about the end of August, Mehemet Bey, and the Treasurer, who brought news that Famagosta the chief city and kaye of Cyprus, was taken, & that good fidings gave them a stomach to attempt some new enterprise. But anon after when two small galleys of the espies, had returned, and brought news that they had chased a ship of the Christians above Crotone, but could not take her, but that yet they understood that the navy of the confederates being met together, was in rigging at Messina, they leaving Saseno, sailed towards the Levant or East.  
The case thus standing, Mark Quirini, and Canali, arrived at Messina the second of September, with 62. Galleys of Candy, and were received with great and general joy, for they had been looked for with great longing, neither could our Captains resolve upon any certainty without them. Also the day before came the Marquis of Sancta Cruz, and john Andrew Doria, with twelve Galleys, and anon after also 40. Neapolitan ships for burdeine, and thirty Galleys, with whom also all the Galleys of the Palermo had joined themselves.  
But the enemies sailed from Saseno to Butrinto, & there taking in 500 horsemen, carried them to Corfu, that they 〈◊〉 waist and made the Island. But there the ordinance of the Castle broke and drowned three of their galleys, and much other harm did also the soldiers of the garrison do them, for our men did take many of the enemies prisoners, and among other, Baffa an Apostata Christian, a man of great authority with the Emperor of the Turks: which made them, that afterward they did not much infest the suburbs that lay about the Castle. Wherefore when the enemies had endamaged the Isle as much as they could, they shipping again their horses, departed thence the eleventh of September. And when they were come to Parga, there arrived a messenger from the great Turk, who signified unto Ah, the Admiral of the Navy, that seeing Famagosta was taken, he should use the fruit of the victory: that is, he should take all the Isles near, he should spare no man, yea, and should also assail farther, and destroy the Christian fleet (as though that were in his power to do.) Wherefore when he had received his message, he departed from thence the sixth of September, and sailed towards the Levant into the gulf of Patras, that after he had now furnished his Fleet with Biscuit and other necessaries, he might set forth to assail the Christians. But our men rejoicing that all their forces were joined in one, began to deliberate what was to be done. And now all Christendom was mightily feared with the prosperous successes of the tyrant, and the devastation of the Venetian Empire, and dominions. Neither had the Venetians now any more hope than in the good will of God, and this same Navy of the confederates at Messina.  
Now there were in this fleet, for the Pope twelve galleys, for the king of Spain four score and one, with twenty ships for burden, for the Signoria of Venice one hundred and eight galleys, six great galleys, that they call Galiares, with a good number of Fragats, and other small shipping. In this fleet besides rowers and other necessary persons in a fleet, were 20000. Soldiers of Italians, Spaniards, and Germans, and besides these, a good indifferent great many of them that served without pay (other authors do make the number of them two thousand. So then Don john de Austria, the Admiral General of the league, Mark Antony de Colonna, the high Admiral of the Pope's power, Sebastian Veneri, the Admiral of the Venetian forces, consulted what was best for them to attempt: there were also present at this consultation the great Comendador of the knights of Malta, Ascanio de Cornia, Andrew Doria, Augustine Barbarigo, Mark Quirino, Antonio Canali, the Secretary of the Venetians, with the Scribe, and sometime also the Princes of Urbine and Parma, Paulo jordano Orsino, the Marquis de Sant Cruz, & other: among whom, Ascanius de Cornia, after he had heard many men's opinions, spoke to this effect.  
For two or three causes only, (most Honourable) may a General with honour refrain to join in battle with his enemy. Of whom the first is, if he shall gain less profit by the fruit of the victory, than he may fear detriment if he hap to be overthrown: whereof take this example. When the Duke of Guise not many years ago, had invaded the kingdom of Naples, the Duke of Alva had done unwisely, if he would have given him battle: for the French could have lost no more in that battle than their army, but if the victory had inclined to the French party, we did lose with our army the kingdom of Naples too.  
The second is, if he do understand that his enemies army will be broken and scattered without fight: whereof the invincible Emperor Charles the fift, your Highness his Father, of sacred memory, may be an example. For when he made wars against the Protestants in Germame, he would never join in battle with them, because he understood that their army would be dispersed without battle, neither could the strength of that league long endure and continue.  
Finally, for a third cause may a General shun battle: if he do know that his power is so much inferior to his enemies, that he can in no wise hope for victory. But (most Honourable) none of the former causes dubtlesse can move us, for although the loss of this Navy of the Christians be a matter of very great consequence, as some have said before me, and that we do grant that the victory will fall on our enemies side, yet notwithstanding if we do fight valiantly, as it becometh us, it is likely also that their Navy will be so sore shaken and spoiled, that it cannot be easily and lightly repaired by the Turk: neither again are our Princes of so small strength, that they shall not be able to repair our power, at the least as much as shall be sufficient for to defend their own. But if that we do obtain the victory, then whereas we may hope for other greater matters, than specially the enfranchisement of Greece.  
Moreover, the which we ought chiefly to consider, and hold for a certain (as I have often admonished also heretofore) that we can do nothing, neither with this present power, neither with any other that shall be supplied unto us hereafter, nor do any thing of moment against the Turks, except that we have first desaited and broken their Navy.  
But that it will be dispersed through weariness or lack of things necessary, we cannot hope: but rather our enemies may promise themselves the same of us. Seeing then that our power is now so great, that we may hope for victory in battle: mine opinion is, that in any wise we ought to fight, neither is this present occasion in anio ease to be let slip. But whether our forces be so great as theirs, that in deed is to be considered. The forces consist, as far as I can conceive, in men and in galleys. As for the men, yea, although they be such as it hath said before me, that is to wit, that the Spaniards and Italians are for the greater part fresh water Soldiers, and of small experirience, and also that the almains are of small service in Sea fight, and that there is but a small number of Harquebuziers among them: yet I do not see how our enemies can by any means be in this point better furnished, both by reason of the great plague that we do understand raged and reigned in their navy the last year, and also because they are forced to have a great army in Cyprus. But now of the greatness of their Navy we do hear diverse reports, so that I cannot pronounce of certainty, whether that ours be the greater of the smaller. For seeing I am smally experimented in sea affairs, I cannot tell with how many, or how great common galleys, and Foists of the Turks, our great Galleys may be matched: wherefore I will leave the judgement of these things unto other. This only I do pronounce and think, that we must try fortune: for war matters cannot so be managed, but that fortune may do much in them. Therefore let us depart hence with this Fleet, and sail either towards Brindisi or Corfu: for when we shall be so near our enemies, we shall be able to understand some certainty of their state, and thereby take advise: and unless some difficulty of getting victuals do let, I do think it better that we sail to Corfu than to Brindisi, because the enemy must needs pass that way when he saileth into the Levant. But before we do depart hence, I do think that we must first and chiefly do one thing, and that is, fully and assuredly to determine with ourselves that we must fight, and let this be the firm and fixed resolution of us, that whensoever we shall light upon our enemies, that we will assail them, and to this end let all things be before hand disposed and ordered. For if we go hence doubtful, than we shall be forced to take advice at the very instant, and if we do chance to fall upon our enemies on a sudden, we being out of order and uncertain what to do, shall easily be overthrown and scattered. And these are the things (most Honourable) that I do think we ought to do: but yet so, that I will willingly subscribe to them of more skill.  
When Cornia had made an end of his speech, all men assented to that he had said: for they being forced by necessity did understand, that this was the only way to do well, for to set upon the enemy courageously, when occasion should be offered. Wherefore Don john that he might omit nothing that did beseem a good General, commanded what every man should do afterward, and how and in what order they should go forth. He divided all the Navy into four battles: that is to wit, two wings, a middle battle, which they called the fight, and secret succours. In the eight wing were 53. Galleys, under the conduct of john Andrew Doria, and they had a green flag, in the top of the mast. The left wing consisted of the like number of galleys, and were led by Augustine Barbarigo, with a yellow flag in the starrebord side of the mast. The middle battle, wherein were 61. galleys, did the General himself Don john govern, and he had a blue or sky colour flag. These three battles consisted of 161. Galleys, and were so instructed, that the middle battles with the two wings, on either side near to it, went forth with equal pace, one neither before nor behind an other: but the wings were so far distant from the middle battle: that three or four galleys might be put into that void space between them: the which was left to that end, that every one of the battles, might turn themselves as use and profit should require. Aluares de Basan, the Marquis de Sancta Cruz, commanded over the battle of succour, whose flag was white, borne in the poop. But this battle had 38. galleys, of whom eight under their Cheifteine john de Cordona, went about 20. or 25. miles before all the fleet, for to descry: and had in commandment for to signify unto the fleet by swift fragats, what they had seen, or found: but if they should descry so great a number of Ships, that they suspected it to be the Navy of the enemy, than they should retire to the rest of the fleet, and four of them secure the left wing, and so many with Cordona, the right.  
The great galleys, that are called Galeazes, and were set about half a mile before the middle battle, and the wings: and Antony and Ambrose Bragadini had the conduct of the two that went before the left wing, and the two that went before the middle battle were governed by james Guory and Antony Duodi, and they that went before the right wing, were commanded by Andrew Pisauro, and Peter Pisano. But every one of the Galeazes were almost a mile one from another, that they might after a sort protect and govern the whole Fleet: and because, they that were not so easily rowed with oars, as the rest of the Galleys, the high Admiral General had commanded, that if the wind did not serve for them to sail, that then they should be towed by other Galleys, whereof he had distrivuted the charge to certain Captains: for he himself & Colonna had taken upon them to tow with their Galleys, the Admiral Galeaze of Frances Duodi, & had committed the Galeaze of james Gori to Sebastian Veneri, & to Christopher Leyni, the Galeaze of Andrew Bragadini, to Augustine Barbarigo, the Galeaze of Antony Bragadini, to Antony Canali, the Galleaze of Andrew Pisauro, to the Prior of Messina: and the Galleaze of Peter Pisano to john Andrew Doria. The high Admiral General had chosen a place for himself in the very midst of the battle, and was guarded on the right side with Antony Colonna the Admiral of the Pope's Navy, and on the left, with Sebastian Veniero, the high Admiral of the Venetian Navy.  
And Colonna was strengthened on the other by the Admiral Galley of Genoese, whereof Hector Spinola was Captain, and he had with him the Prince of Parma, and Venerio was also defenced on the left side with the Admiral Galley of Savoy, of whom Leyni had the government, and she also carried the Prince of Urbine. But behind at the poop, the Admiral General, Colonna and Venerio, had the Galley called the Prince of Spain, and also the Galley of the great Commendador of Castilia. The right side of the middle battle, where it was separated from the wing, did the Admiral of Malta commanded by the Prior of Messina, close up, but the left side the Captain of Peter Lomelyno, under the government of Paulo jordano Orsino. At the right wing john de Corclona had joined himself to the side of Doria. In the left wing Augustine Barbarigo had on the one side Mark Quirini, and on the other Canali. But in all the battles, Galleys of the king of Spain, of the pope's, and of the Signories of Venice were blended together without distinction. These things being dispatched, the high Admiral General commanded all the Captains and Masters of the Galleys, that they should do their best for to see that all those under their charges did lead a godly and holy life, for thereby it would not come to pass, that God, specially, in so just a cause would help them in that they went about. Things being thus ordered, they departed from Messina the sixteenth of September, being Sunday, having sent the ships for burden the day before, under their Captain john Davolos, and upon sundry occurrents and occasions went to diverse places in the kingdom of Naples, and then back again to Palermo in Sicily, and from thence to sundry places in the Isle of Corfu, and then to port Gomenizearo, a great & safe haven on the continent. Here because the weather was cloudy, and they had no good winds, they thought good to survey their Navy, that if any thing lacked, they might provide it, and the same night arrived there Gildas Andrada, and john Baptista Contarini, who had given in as far as Zante, & had learned that the 28. of September the enemy was in the gulf of Patras, & their Navy was in ill case, for about ten of their Foists & small galleys, with the Moceniga, & Constantina, ships for burden, carrying sick men (the which was yet afterward found to be false) were gone toward Modone: the which news made all our men grow in heart and courage, and excited them to pursue the enemy. But yet the adverse tempest continued still▪ wherefore the high Admiral commanded the first of October that all things should be laid up in their places, and the next day he took a general muster, and spoiled four Galleys of all their soldiers and equippage, that he might furnish the rest the better. The sixth of October the wind was laid, wherefore they joyfully launched out of Port Gomenizearo, and had their Navy thus particularly distributed, and their battles thus arranged,   

In the Battle that went before the rest of the fleet to descry, were these Galleys, and their Captains.  
Galleys. Captains. 1 The Saint Magdalene of Venice. Marco Contarini. 2 The Sun of Venice. Vincent Quirino. 3 The Vice Admiral of Sicily.  4 The admiral of Sicily. john the Cardona, the Admiral of the Sicilian flett, of David Imperiali. 5 The Admiral.  6 The S. joamnica of Sicily.  7 Saint Catherine of Venice. Marco Ciconia. 8 The Our Lady of Venice. Peter Frances Malipetrol 
¶ In the left Wing.  The names of Galleys The names of Captains. 1 The Admiral of Venice. Augustin Barbarigo the high and chief Providitore of the Venetian fleet. 2 The Admiral of Venice. Antony Canali, Providitore also of the Venetian fleet. 3 The fortune of Venice. Andrew Barbarioo. 4 The Archer of Naples. Martin Pyrola. 5 The triple hand of Venice. George Barbarigo. 6 The double Dolphin of Candie. Frances Zeno. 7 The Lion and Phoenix of Cania. Frances Mengano. 8 S. Nicholas of Cherso. Colanes Drasi. 9 The victory of Naples. Occavo Rocardi 10 The Lomelina. Augustine Conevali. 11 The Elengina of the Popes. Fabio Valciati, Knight. 12 The Lady of Cania. Phillippe Polani. 13 The sea horse of Candy. Antony de Cabellis, 14 The double Lion of Candie. Nicolas Fratello. 15 The Lion of Istria. Dominicke de Tacco. 
Before these wē● Ambrose Bragadin● with his galeaze.  16 The cross of Cefalenia. Mark Cimera. 17 The Saint Virginia of Cefalenia. Christopher Chrissa. 18 The Lion of Candie. Frances Bonacchio. 19 The Christ of Candie. Andrew Cornelio. 20 The Angel of Candie. john Angelo. 21 The Pyramid of Candie. Frances Bono. 22 The Lady of Candie with the armed horse. Antony Eudomeniano. 23 The Chrit raised again of Venice. Simon Goro. 24 The Christ raised again of Venice. Federicke Reniere. 25 The Christ of Corfu. Christopher Condocolli. 26 The Christ raised again of Cania. Geogge Calergio. 27 The Christ of Venice. Barthelmew Donata. 28 The Christ raised again of Vegia. jews Cicuta. 29 The Retimana. Nicolas Auonali. 30 The Christ of Candie. john Cornelio. 31 The Christ raised again of Cania. Frances Zancaruolo. 32 The Rodus of Cania. Frances Molino. 33 The Saint Euphemia of Brescia. Horacio Fisogna. 34 The Lady Marquis of Doria. Frances Sphedra. 35 The fortune of Andrew. john jews Belui. 36 The arm of Cania. Michael Vizamano. 37 The Sea horse of Venice. Antony de Cavallis. 38 The Christ of Cania. Daniel Calefatio. 39 The arm of Venice. Nicolas Lipomano. 40 The our Lady of Zante Nicolas Modino. 
Before these galleys went Antony Bragadini with his galeaze.  41The Christ raised again of Cania. Frances Zancaruolo. 42 The our lady of Venice Mark Antony Pisano. 43 The God the father up-the Trinity. john Contarini. 44 The flame of Naples. john Cueva. 45 The S. john of Naples Garzias Vorgaro. 46 The envy of Naples. Toribio Acaveso. 47 The valiant of Naples. Michael Quesada. 48 The S. jacobea of Naples. Monserratto Guardiolo. 49 The Saint Nicolaico of Naples. Christopher Mongiva. 50 The Christ raised again of Venice. john Baptista Quirini. 51 The Angel of Venice. umfrey justiniano. 52 The Saint Dorethe of Venice. Paul Nani. 53 The Admiral of Venice Mark Antony Quirini, providitore of the Venetian Navy 
In the middle Battle which they called the fight, this was the order of the Captains, Admirals, and Galleys.  The names of the Galleys. The names of the Captains 1 The Admiral of Lomelina. Paulus jordano Orsino, the Admiral of that fleet. 2 The master Lomelina. Peter Baptista Lomelino. 3 The Admiral Bandinella. Bendinello Sauli, the Admiral of that fleet. 4 The master of Genoa. Pallerano. 5 The Toscano of the pope's Metello Caracciolo, knight▪ 6 The man of the sea of Vicenza. james Dressano. 7 The our lady of Venice john Zeno. 8 The Saint Hieronima of Lesina. john Balzi. 9 The Saint joannica of Venice. john Antony Colleoneo. 10 The Saint Alexandrica of Bergomo. George D'Asti, Admiral. 11 The Admiral Marina Jerome Canali. 12 The log of Venice.  13 The Mongibello of Venice. Bertucco Contarini. Frances Dandalo. 14 The virgin of Candie. Cyprian Marini. 15 The temperance of john Andrew Doria. Vincentius Pascali. 16 The good fortune of Naples. Roccano Fulvio. 17 The castle of Spain. Baccio Pisano. 18 The victory of the pope's  19 The Pyramid of M. Antony of S. Vliana▪ 20 The Christ of Venice. Jerome Contarini. 21 The S. Frances of Spain Christopher Guasches. 22 The peace of the pope's. james Antony Perpignano▪ 23 The pearl of john Andrew Doria. john Baptista Spinola. 24 The Wheel Serpentin of Venice. Gabriel Canali. 25 The Pyramid of Venice. Frances Bono. 26 The Palm of Venice. Jerome Veneri. 27 The Admiral of Gillio Andrada. Bernard Cinoguerra. Paul Botein. 28 The Granado of Spain Hector Spinola with the Prince of Parma. 28 The Admiral of Genoa.  29 The Admiral of Venice. Sebastian Veneri the Admiral of the Venetian fleet. 30 Behind the pup of the high Admiral General, & Veneri, was the Master Royal.  31 The galley royal. Don john of Austria, chief General of the league. 32 The Admiral of the great Comemdador, which defenced Don john and Colonna at the pup.  33 The Pope's Admiral. Mark Antonio de Colonna high Admiral of the pope's Navy. 34 The Admiral of Savoy. The Lord Leiny with the Prince of Urbine. 35 The Grifonia of the Popes. Alexander Nigroni. 36 The Saint Theodoro of Venice. Theodoro Balbi. 37 The Mendozza of Naples. Martino de Caide. 38 The Mountain of Cania. Alexander Vizamano. 39 The Saint john Baptist of Venice. john Mocenigo. 40 The victory of john Andrew Doria. Philip Doria. 41 The Pisana of the pope's. Hercules Lotta. 42 The Figiera of Spain. Diego Lopes de Diglia. 43 The Christ of Venice. George Pisano. 44 The Saint john of Venice. Daniel Moro. 45 The Florence of the Popes. Thomas di Medici. 46 The S. George of Naples. Eugenio de Vargas. 47 The master of Naples. Frances Benavides. 48 The Moon of Spain. Emanuel Aguilar. 49 The Passera of Venice. jews Pasqualigo. 50 The Lion of Venice. Peter Pisano. 51 The Saint Jerome of Venice. Caspar Malipetro. 52 The Admiral of Grimaldi. George Grimaldi the Admiral. 53 The master of David Imperiali. Nicolas Luano. 54 The Saint Christopher of Venice. Alexander Contarini. 55 The judith of Zante. Marino Sicuro. 
Frances Dundo Captain of the galea●●●.  56 The Larmelina of Candie. Peter Gradenigo. 57 The middle Moon of Venice. Valerio Valeresso. 58 The Doria of john Andrew Doria. james Casali. 59 The order of S. Peter. Santubio. 60 The order of S. john. jews Tessera. 61 The Admiral of Malta. The Prior of Messina, Admiral. 62 The Admiral of Sicily. john de Cardona the Admiral who yet went before when they sailed. 2 The Piemontan of Savoy. Octaviano Moreto. 3 The Admiral of Nicolas Doria. Pandulpho Polidoro. 4 The force of Venice. Reniero Zeno. 5 The Queen of Candie. john Barbarigo. 5 The Nino of Venice. Paul Polani. 7 The Christ raised again of Venice. Benet Soranzi. 8 The armed man of Retima. Andrew Calergi. 9 The Eagle of Retima. Andrew Calergi. 10 The Palm of Cania. james Medio. 11 The Angel of Corfu. Stellio Carchiopulo. 12 The S. joannica Arbera. john de Dominis. 13 The Lady Fravica. jews Cipico. 14 The ship of Venice. Antony Pasqualigo. 15 The our Lady of Candy Mark Foscarino. 16 The Christ of Crema. Frances Corneri. 17 The Saint Victorio of Crema. Evangelist Zurlano. 18 The master of Grimaldi. Laurence Treccha. 19 The master of Marini Antonio Cornili. 20 The Margarit of Savoy Bataglino. 21 The Diana of Genoa. john George Lasagna. 22 The Gingana of Naples Gabriel Medino. 23 The Moon of Naples. julio Rubbi. 24 The fortune of Naples Diego Medran. 25 The hope of Naples. Peter Busto. 26 The fur●e of Lomelino james Chiappeo. 27 The master of Lomelino. Georgo Greco. 28 The Negrona. Nicolas Costano. 29 The bastard Negrona Laurenzo de Turri. 30 The fire of Candie. Antony Bono. 31 The Eagle of Candy. Jerome Georgio. 32 The S. Chistopher of Venice. Andrew Trono. 33 The Christ of Venice Mark Antony Lando. 34 The hope of Candie. Jerome Conarini. 35 The Reatila of Padua Pataro Buzacarino. 36 The S. josephica of Venice. Frances Osedo. 38 The resolute of Naples. john de Carasse. 39 The Sicilia of Sicilia. Frances Amadeo. 40 The master of Nicolas Doria. julio Centaurio. 41 The Eagle of Corfu. Peter Buono. 42 The S. Trifonica of Cataro. Jerome Bizanteo. 
Peter Pisano with a galca●●  43 The tower of Vicenza. jews de Portu. 44 The S. Marry of the Popes. Pandulpho Strozzi, Knight. 45 The S. joannica of the pope's. Augulo Bifalio, Knight. 46 The master of Nigroni jews Gamba. 47 The Admiral of Nigroni. john Ambrose Nigroni. 48 The Monarcha of john Andrew. Nicolas Garibaldo. 49 The hand maid of john Andrew. Nicolas Imperiali. 50 The Admiral of john Andrew. john Andrew Doria. 
The battle of succour that followed behind for a guard, had these Galleys and Captains.  The names of Galleys. The names of Captains. 1 The S. joannica of Sicily  2 The Baccana. john Peter Morilo. 3 The Leina of Naples.  4 The Constancy of Naples. Peter Delagia. 5 The Marchesia of Naples. john Machado. 6 The Saint Barbara of Naples. john Aschaleo. 7 The Saint Andrew of Naples.  8 The Saint Catherine of Naples. john Rufio de Valasques. 9 The Saint Barthelmew of Naples.  10 The Saint Angelo of Naples.  11 The Terana of Naples john de Ripa Meillino▪ 12 The Christ of Venice. Mark Molino. 13 The double hand of Venice. john Loredano. 14 The Admiral of Naples. Aluares de Bazan, Marques de Sante Cruz. 15 The faith of Venice. john Baptista Contarini. 16 The pillar of Venice. Caterino Malipetro. 17 The Magdalen of Venice. jews Balbi. 18 The Lady of Venice. john Bembo. 19 The Minidus of Venice. Philippe Leo. 20 The hope of Venice. john Baptista Benedicto. 21 Saint Peter of Venice. Peter Baduato. 22 Saint George of Sabenica. Christopher Lucicho. 23 The Saint Michael. George Cochio. 24 The Sibylla of Venice. Daniel Trono. 25 The Crane of Spain. jews de Hereda. 26 The Admiral of Vaschedo. Veschedo Coranado. 27 The Suprana of the Popes. Antony de Ascoli. Peter Roises. 28 The Occasion of Spain  29 The master of the pope's.  30 The fair weather of the pope's.   
The Navy being thus distributed, they sailed forth, and every man was careful for his charge, the which, that it might be the more exactly done, the General had also appointed a Captain over every 20. galleys, who should diligently look that this order were observed by them all. So they sailed to Cefalonia where they received Letters from Paul Contarini the governor of the Isle of Zante, that signified how the enemies fleet was in the gulf of Patras in ill case, and that forty vessels were gone away under the government of Oluzali towards Modone, nor long after they received Letters from Famagosta. Which things being known, our men were full persuaded that they ought to go forward and to assail the enemy.  
But whether in the mean time were our enemies idle, for when Ali their high Admiral was come to Lepanto, within the gulf of Patras, the 28. of September he sent Mehemet Bey, with three score galleys to Aspropitio, a City within that gulf, for to bring thence victuals, and specially soldiers, that he might be ready for all events. And he had now dispatched the matter, and being returned, had brought besides victuals and other necessaries 10000 janizares, 2000 common soldiers, and as many voluntary. In the mean time he had understood that our fleet was come from Corfu to Cefalenia, but of the greatness thereof, or what they meant to do, he had yet learned no certainty, for although that Caracoza, being sent to take view of our Navy, had brought word back, that he had diligently surveyed it, and that there were not in it above 150. Galleys: yet that was false. But yet notwithstanding as though they did foresee their misfortune, all in the fleet were afraid. Wherefore Ali, albeit he was fully resolved to fight, yet for that cause and reason he thought good to consult with the principal men that he had with him, what was to be done herein, before that he did put these new aids and supply into his galleys. Whereupon having called together all the chief men of mark and authority, and the most skilful in martial matters, he gave every man large leave freely to utter what they thought. They sat long in counsel, for many to gratify Ali, whom they knew was resolved to fight, affirmed that fortune was to be tried: neither on the contrary part were there few that subscribed unto Portau Bassa, the General of the soldiers, who held it stiffly that they ought in no case to sight. Thus when diverse opinions were spoken by diverse men, Hassan Bassan, the son of Barbarossa, sometime king of Argier, having craved licence to speak, and laying his hand upon his breast, according to the usage of that Nation, spoke to this effect.  
Most excellent and mighty above all other, beloved and advanced by the majesty of our most invincible Emperor, unto the highest degree of glory, men most desirous to do service unto the immeasurable glory of our Emperor, which is the shadow and spirit of the living God for ever and ever. These Idolaters are in divine matters worse than beasts, and enemies of the true son of God. Therefore I would not have you doubt whether their Navy ought to be assailed and taken. For besides those signs that many before me have wisely rehearsed, we may certainly know by the prisoners, that these men are of the same Nation, and gathered together after the same order, that they were that thirty years ago, being joined together with a great number of Galleys, in these very same seas, were broken by Hariadin Barbaressa my Father, with so great facility, that he never needed to do so much as once to brawe his sword. For although they had a greater Navy than my Father had, yet as soon as they saw the beaks of our Galleys, and heard the cry and valiant féese of our men, they betook them to flight: for they are so faint hearted, that they run away as soon as they do hear of our name. Besides this, they being blended together of diverse Nations, do mutually hate one another, neither will any one of them obey another, the which is a matter of very great moment in an army: there be a great number of Galleys of diverse Princes come together, not for to expose themselves to any peril for their common defence, but that they may seem to have a great Navy. They be blasphemers, despisers of God; appareled and furnished with rich and precious clothes, and armour, and laden with money. But we on the other side are ignorant what blasphemy is, and do mutually love and reverence one another, and are met together here in arms to this only end, that we may do our only Emperor, always invincible Prince, service in fight. And seeing that all our men have assembled to this end, they will with one mind obey your valiant advises, and chiefly because they do know that ye are the lieutenants of our Emperor himself, & therefore fight as it beseemeth valiant and well appointed men, will carry away assured victory. And this we may the more lightly hope, because we have 280. vessels well furnished, of whom 200. are common Galleys, and fifty small Galleys, all of them passing well armed: to the augmentation of whose power & strength yet more, and to the farther encouragement of our most valiant men, if that ye do distribute & put into the galleys the 14000. men, the came very lately, & also those of the Levant that are in the 20. foists, we shall rest assured of the victory, although we do grant that our enemies are valiant men. But now we do certainly know, as we have learned of our fellow Caracoza, a very wise man, that they have but 150. galleys furnished with such men, as I told you before. Wherefore (most valiant and wise Gentlemen) seeing that we do sufficiently know their state, go forward, ye shall find them in the vale of Alexandria, and dispersed along that shore, more given to idleness, ease, delights, and delicateness, than is meet for warriors, so that thereby, ye shall take them all without difficulty, for when they shall see our Fleet, they either flying away, will run on the shore, and suffer shipwreck, or else they will light and fall on our Navy, and be taken.  
But that I may comprehend all the matter in few words: we have the greater number of vessels, and them also better furnished than our enemies, very valiant and skilful soldiers: wherefore we must not let slip this occasion offered us to fight with them, that are so much inferior unto us, in number, prowess, and experience, and specially, seeing that thereby we shall execute the commandment of our high and mighty Emperor, whose glory shall endure for ever, and win ourselves immortal praise: but ye namely, shall perform that which ye promised unto this our supreme Emperor, when he appointed you in his own place for to conduct this most mighty Navy.  
The same arguments used also at that time Oluzali, the Chieftain of the forces of Barbary, using a long speech of the power of the Turks, and of the commandment and anger of the great Emperor of the Turks, who, as also Cayabeg, the Sanzach of Smyrne, showed with an effectual speech, that neither they ought, nor could without shame let pass this occasion, to destroy the same Christians, having now a lesser power, seeing that they had always been defaitad and spoiled heretofore by the soldiers of Ottoman the great Emperor of the Turks, although they had a fleet far better furnished than theirs.  
But of a flat contrary mind were Syrocke the Sanzach or governor of Alexandria, and Carabive the Captain of Suurasar, both very ancient Captains, and singularly well experimented in sea affairs, and many other beside. But Mehemet Bey the Sanzach of Nigreponto, who sometime had governed Barbary, going about to extinguish this hot fire of Hassan Bassa, spoke to this sense.  
I do think and judge (most prudent peers) that the words the Hassan Bassa hath spoken, are signs and tokens of a very valiant man, and namely of him, that desireth in all things to obey our most invincible Lord and king of kings, who draweth his sword with the arm of God▪ and liveth for ever and ever, yet notwithstanding seeing it so pleaseth you, the Bassas your excellencies, who next after our supreme Emperor doth deserve this Empire of Ottoman.  
I will also speak what I do think: doubtless it is likely the our enemies would not have come in this far, unless they had before diligently learned out our strength & forces, wherefore it must needs be, that they have a power at the least equal to ours, or else greater: because that otherwise they would never have come thus far. Of the which thing this may be an argument: that they themselves may easily know, that the hope of keeping and conserving of the rest of their dominions and Empire that is left them, or of recovering that which they have lost, doth lie in this only Navy. Therefore let us not believe that this Fleet of our enemies hath come hither for to expose themselves to manifest peril, and to cast away themselves wilfully: the which they must needs do, if their Navy be so simple, as it hath been painted out unto us, & also so small as our fellow Caracoza, yet a man of great prowess, hath affirmed.  
I for mine own part do surely think, that a Navy that cometh from Sicily thus far, to seek their enemy, specially at this time of the year, is very well appointed, and doth come with certain advise and purpose to fight, & with hope to obtain the victory. And if we do diligently weigh the thing, we understand that the reports of the Christian prisoners do in all points agree herewithal, for if they would only vantinglie and vainly show themselves, and then fly away, what need they to have come so far up into these our seas? What? That they flying away, might lose all? Wherefore grounding yourselves upon these arguments, think that the Navy of our enemies is very strong, and hath determined to fight with us, seeing that they are come up thus far, not provoked nor forced by us, but of their own accord: Neither have we reason to compare this fleet with that which our men in former years did put to flight at Prevesa. For this league of the Christian Princes against us is another manner of thing, than that which was made thirty years ago, the preparation other, the skill in warfare other, so that there is no proportion between them. In that fleet were many and diverse Generals, but little wisdom, and that was the cause that they fled: In this Navy is john of Austria, the son of the Emperor Charles the fift, and the brother of Philip the king of Spain, a very valiant man, and one excited by his Father's glory, and invited by the supreme degree of honour, that he hath obtained in this league through his brother, & finally, one beloved and reverenced of all the whole Navy, the Captains, and Soldiers with one & common consent. And therefore without all doubt he will give us battle, neither without hope of victory.  
Moreover, the Venetians, because they have been so deeply endamaged by us, can (being almost mad for anger) seek nothing else but revenge: that is to wit, because we have slain so many of their people: whom to be all very valiant men, we have learned by the great loss of many of our men: & that certes we will the more easily believe, if we do call to mind how the same Venetians went about the last year to give us battle, although they had not then entered into league with these other Princes. Therefore without doubt they will fight, & the more fiercely, because they being lead with emulation, will endeavour one to excel another in prows, & every man prefer his own Nation before others, the which thing I have always thought to be a matter of very great moment in wars. And this also am I the rather induced to think, because we do hear, that Don john is an hardy and venturous young man, a contemner of danger, and gold, and one that covetetl, and careth for nothing so much, as that the fame of his valour may run even to the farthest coasts of Spain. To bring the which thing to pass, can he seek for a more commodious occasion than this is? Seeing that he hath them his helpers, who being endamaged by us, do burn in desire of fight, and there with all hope, that as soon as they have discomfited our Navy, they shall soon recover all that they have lost? The which things certes, if they should happen, not only the glory, but also a a great part of those things that they should get, yea, and the Lordship of this whole sea even to the East, will redound to him.  
But if contrariwise, he should run away, would he ever dare to come into his brother's sight again? Also, the Venetians, that have diligently sought and searched these seas, where could they seek to save themselves, if they should betake them to flight? Therefore let us think that they have carefully considered all these things, in whom the conservation of their lives, goods, and Empire doth lie, and that they will all fight-together most valiantly, the which they did not at Prevesa. But we are now in this gulf, a place well defenced both by nature, and two very strong Castles, and we have as good means to get victuals and soldiers as we ourselves would wish. But before we arrived here, we wonderfully afflicted our enemies: we wasted a part of the Isle of Candie, we destroyed Cerigo with fire, and harrying. The like we did in Zante, & Cefalenia: we greatly anoied Corfu, we recovered Suppoto, we entered into the gulf of Venice, and there we took Antiuari and Dulcino, Towns nothing small, with many other places and Castles.  
We burned Budua, and with so great triumph we came at the last into this gulf. Can we not hold ourselves contented with these glorious gifts for this time, specially seeing that we do understand our men have taken Famogosta, and conserved the whole kingdom of Cyprus at this very same time?  
Surely it is no less virtue to keep things gotten, than to get them: for when we do attempt to win things by force, that enterprise hath a doubtful beginning, and is most commonly much subject to fortune: but the keeping of things gotten hath a certain and final end, which may be attributed to the counsel of a wise General. But of our great Emperor, this do I certes promise you, that he will accept as well the safety of this Navy, and will as much commend you, for that ye have not exposed it to apparent peril, & for the wasting of so many provinces, for the conquering of kingdoms & cities, & for the presentation unto him of so great a spoil of all kind of riches. For it will ask us many years to furnish so great a fleet, but our enemies will prepare a greater within a short time. Wherefore my opinion is, (most excellent) who are the soul of our great Emperor, the safety of the ottomanical Empire, that fortune is not to be attempted, but our Navy is to be very carefully and curioustie spread out, and set forth in good order and array within this gulf, and that we do expect in this safe place what our enemies mind to do: this day or to morrow they will be come as we do hear unto Zante, and Cefalenia, and ye thereby taking occasion shall know what may be done with most safety, for whereas in all martial matters, then specially in naval, it is of great consequence to catch the occasion, of doing things fortunately and safely.  
All which things I do understand that ye know better than I: and therefore I do hope that ye will take advise of those things that shall be still reported unto you, and that I do trust ye will do so much the more, because the enemy cannot stay there long by reason of hard coming by victuals, and also because the place is nothing safe. For the which causes doubtless, one of these two things will happen unto them, that either they will be constrained to return back from whence they came, or else they will come forward to meet with us,  
But if that they shall resolve to go forth to meet us, certes I do not know whether they can come into this gulf, and if they do come in, it cannot be done without great danger, for we being defenced with two Castles, shall anoie them safely, and shall know without conjectures and of a certainty, how great their forces be. And if we shall seem to be superior, we may safely assail them, if not, then remain here safely without any danger of our Navy, or Empire, and yet nevertheless retain, and maintain the dignity and honour of ourselves, and our great Emperor. Neither is there cause why we should in any wise fear, that they wandering on this coast, will farrie here longer than we would, for that they can in no case do for lack of victuals, and for ill weather, usual at this time of the year. And if they would go about it, they should do it with greater danger of themselves than of us, because the difficulty of the time of the year, will trouble and make rough these seas now every day, and will scatter their Fleet, whereby we may take occasion for to invade them being dispersed here and there.  
But yet I would not that we should be idle in the mean time, but seek to learn by all industry (sending sundry espies) the power and purpose of our enemies: for so, if that we have diligently learned their state, we may take and follow that advise which shall be most for the profit and dignity of our Emperor. But to go forth out of this well fortified and strong place, while we are yet uncertain of all things, and to commit ourselves unto the dalliance of fortune, do I deem to be an action nothing praise worthy.  
I do not doubt but that our enemies will busily go about to provoke us out of this strong place: and that they will do, being forced either by the time of the year, or the season of the weather, but than it stands with your wisdom to moderate and stay yourselves so much the more. By the which wise part, ye shall get no less praise and opinion of wisdom, than ye have already gained in conquering so great a kingdom, and winning so many Cities and Castles, because through your wisdom in this point, ye may seem to have conserved the Empire of Ottoman.  
Yet I would have all that I have said, to be so taken, that nevertheless I am ready to yield and obey your advises and resolutions, and will spend my life in the execution of them.  
This speech of Mahemet Bey liked Portau Bassa very well, and also the Sanzaches Syrocke, and Caraby did approve it: but yet because they had contrary commandment from Sultan Selim, the which was then publicly read by the commandment of Oluzali, and for that Ali being very desirous to fight, had drawn many to take his part, and most chiefly because it was the good pleasure of God, that the destruction of that Nation should one day have a beginning, they decreed by common consent for to departed thence, and to give the Christians battle. For they did think that they should find our Navy in the Haven, without men, and so should without much a do take it: the which falling out so, they had determined to conquer also Zante and Cefalenia, and then besieging in the Winter the places of strength in Candie and Corfu, and in success of time entering into the gulf of Catato, for to win these and other places of the Venetian Empire, & so make themselves a way into Italy, and all Christendom. Wherefore they did distribute into their Galleys the 14000. soldiers that came lately, they did manakle the Christian prisoners, that they should be apt for nothing else but to row, & then arranged all the whole Fleet into four battles, as followeth.  

The right wing.  
1 The first was the Admiral of Mehemet Siroch, the governor of Alexandria.  
2 The second Galley of Alexandria was governed by Caras Tubat. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
3 Bagly Saraf. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
4 Giafer Chiagey. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
5 Osmanan Celebin. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
6 Perusio Reis. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
7 Binke Casapogly. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
8 Osman Occan. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
9 Drivis Aga. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
10 Bajazet Siman. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
11 Osman Ali. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
12 Dely Aga. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
13 Dardagan Bardambely All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
14 Casly Caian. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
15 jusuf Aga. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
16 jusuf Magar. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
17 Calafact Cheder. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
18 Mustafa Genovell. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
19 Dermigy Pery. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
20 Mat Assan. All these had Galleys of Alexandria.  
21 Cheder Aga. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
22 Soliman Bey. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
23 Hibraim. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
24 Saban. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
25 Caiacebebin. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
26 Chedar Siman. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
27 The son of Cara Mustafa. Their Galleys were of Constantinople.  
28 jaran Saba. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
29 David jusuf. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
30 Solack Rais. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
31 Arnaut Ferrat. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
32 juzel Memy. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
33 Schender Selim. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
34 Lumag jusuf. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
35 Bardach Celebin. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
36 Bagdat Asan. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
37 Guzel Allibi. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
38 Brusali Pyri. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
39 Rodle Ali. Their Galleys were of Tripoli in Barbary.  
40 Aga Bassa, with the Admiral of Constantinople.  
41 Sinaman Mustafa. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
42 Giegiore Ali. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
43 Amurates Rais. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
44 Callipey Memy. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
45 Marul Mustafa. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
46 Heder Lumet. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
47 Sinaman dervish. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
48 Meminey Durmis. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
49 Algagias Sinan. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
50 Adagi Rustan. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
51 Chingevey Musata. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
52 jusuf Cebebin. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
53 Tafer Mustafa. These commanded over Galleys of Despetado, in old time Actolia.  
54 Ali a Genevose, & Pirate, a Captain of small Galleys  
55 Megil Reis with a small galleaze.  
56 Mehemet Bey, with the Admiral galley of Nigreponto.   

The middle battle, which they did also call the fight, had these Captains and Galleys.  
1 Assam Bey, the governor of Rhodes. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
2 Dely Chiafet, the warden of Rhodes. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
2 Occy Rais. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
4 Postunag Ogly. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
5 Calefact Ogly. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
6 Gazizy Reys. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
7 Dromus Rais, with an Admiral galley of Constantinople. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
8 Herbetcy, warden of Rhodes. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
9 Caragias Rais. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
10 Ocean Rais. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
11 Dely Piry. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
12 Giafer Aga. With Galleys of the Rhodes.  
13 Bachlan Rais. with Galleys of Constantinople.  
14 Coz Ali. with Galleys of Constantinople.  
15 Colach Rais. with Galleys of Constantinople.  
16 Oluz Rais. with Galleys of Constantinople.  
17 Assan Bassa, the son of Barbarossa. with Galleys of Constantinople.  
18 Caraf Rais. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
19 Almau Rais. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
20 Gurngly Ogly Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
21 Arnault Celibin. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
22 Magar Ali. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
23 Giafer Celebin. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
24 Dely Celebin. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
25 Dely Assan. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
26 Carapery Aga. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
27 Sinam Rais. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
28 Carau Mustafa. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
29 sally Arnuar. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
30 Previl Aga, Captain of Napoly in Albania. Their Galleys were of Napoly in Romania.  
31 Balahzy Ogly. with Galliees of Metilena.  
32 Bararzy Mustafa. with Galliees of Metilena.  
33 Sinan Baly. with Galliees of Metilena.  
34 Agdagy Rais. with Galliees of Metilena.  
35 Two sons of Ali, in a Galley of Constantinople.  
36 Osman Rais, in an Admiral of Constantinople.  
37 Dely jusuf. with Galleys of Metelina.  
38 Ferath Baly. with Galleys of Metelina.  
39 Caiacelebin. with Galleys of Metelina.  
40 Bagdar Rais. with Galleys of Metelina.  
41 Haluagy Mustafa. with Galleys of Metelina.  
42 Giaur Ally Mustafa, with an Admiral of small Galleys.  
43 Caracoza, with a Galley of Vallona.  
44 Mamatre Saiderbey, governor of Metelina.  
45 Ali Bassa, high Admiral of the fleet in the Galley Royal.  
46 Portau Bassa, General of land affairs, with an Admiral Galley.  
47 Mustafa Esdey, Treasurer.  
48 Marmary Rais.  
49 Alcicogly.  
50 Caras Dely.  
51 Ferat Ceragly.  
54 Tramontana Raise, with an Admiral of Constantinople.  
55 Suliman Celebin. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
56 Deli Ibraim. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
57 Murat Chorosaa. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
58 Demir Baly. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
59 Caby heit. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
60 Murat Trasy, the Scribe of the Arsenal. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
61 Peruis Sinam. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
62 Dardagan Baly. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
63 Giafer Caran. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
64 dervish Sach. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
65 Curbaly. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
66 Giafer Aga the Captain of Tripoli in Barbary.  
67 Carau Hamat. These Galleys were of Tripoli.  
68 Rustan Cialmagy. These Galleys were of Tripoli.  
69 Durmis Ogly. These Galleys were of Tripoli.  
70 Schender Dernigy. These Galleys were of Tripoli.  
71 Mammet Alius. These Galleys were of Tripoli.  
72 Afis Cluega the governor of Callipoli. These galleys were of Callipoli.  
73 Sellim Sciach. These galleys were of Callipoli.  
74 Heder Baschy: These galleys were of Callipoli.  
75 Sicuri Mustafa. These galleys were of Callipoli.  
76 Salarais. These galleys were of Callipoli.  
77 Dely Ischender. These galleys were of Callipoli.  
78 The Lord of Mania, with an Admiral Galley of Constantinople.  
79 Peruis Luhumagy Alius Rais. Their Galleys also were of Callipoli.  
80 Hasuf Baly. Their Galleys also were of Callipoli.  
81 Siran Bardachy. Their Galleys also were of Callipoli.  
82 jusuf Cinigy. Their Galleys also were of Callipoli.  
83 Piry Begogly with an Admiral Galley of Constantinople.  
84 Dely Osman. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
85 Piry Sisnam. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
86 Demir Celebin. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
87 dervish Hidir. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
88 Sinam Mustafa. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
89 Hasirgy Reis. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
90 Ascy Ogly. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
91 Caias Saraf. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
92 Agady Ahameth. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
93 Osman Sehet. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
94 dervish Celebin. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
95 Giafer Rais. With Galleys of Constantinople.  
96 Dardagan the Governor of the Arsenal.   

The left Wing.  
1 The first was an Admiral, whereof was Captain Carau Hozias, a Pirate.  
2 Catalus, a Pirate. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
3 Chiuzel Sinam. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
4 Chior Mehemet. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
5 Hignau Mustafa. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
6 Cademly Mustafa. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
7 Vschiufly Memy. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
8 Carau Morat. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
10 Passa dervish. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
11 jagly Osman. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
12 Pisman Rais. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
13 Tascivis Sisman. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
14 jesil Hogly. With Galleys of Anatolia.  
15 Cara Cialibina, Captain of small Galleys.  
16 Suizi Memi. They had small Galleys, and did obey Cara Cialibin  
17 Magli Rays. They had small Galleys, and did obey Cara Cialibin  
18 Oscy Assan. They had small Galleys, and did obey Cara Cialibin  
19 Cumigy Hasuf. They had small Galleys, and did obey Cara Cialibin  
20 Cadeh Sidir. These 2. had Galleys of Constanti.  
21 Osman Rais. These 2. had Galleys of Constanti.  
22 Carapery, a pirate, & also a captain of small Gal.  
23 julio Peruis. These had small galleys, & were commanded by Carapery, their captain.  
24 Calabodan Soliman. These had small galleys, & were commanded by Carapery, their captain.  
25 jachuli Amat. These had small galleys, & were commanded by Carapery, their captain.  
26 Sayr Giafer. These had small galleys, & were commanded by Carapery, their captain.  
27 Chior Memy. These had small galleys, & were commanded by Carapery, their captain.  
28 Giusuel Giafer, with a Galley of Constantinople.  
29 Ramazzan.  
30 Calemy Memi.  
31 Giesman Ferrat.  
32 Hiupris Assan.  
33 Zambul Murat.  
34 Sarmusach Rais.  
35 Tunis Suliman.  
36 Calcepy jusuf.  
37 Techedel Assan.  
38 Cian Memij.  
39 Osman Bagli.  
40 Caragial with the Admiral Galley of Algiers.  
41 Caraman Ali.  
42 Alman.  
43 Sinam Celebin.  
44 Agdagy Mustafa.  
45 Daglias Ali.  
46 Seith.  
47 Perius Selim.  
48 Murat Derus. These had small & also some common Galleys of Algiers.  
49 Hes Ogly. These had small & also some common Galleys of Algiers.  
50 Muchaczur Ali. These had small & also some common Galleys of Algiers.  
51 joias' Osman. These had small & also some common Galleys of Algiers.  
52 sally Deli. These had small & also some common Galleys of Algiers.  
53 Nasut Fachir, with a Galley of Constantinople.  
54 Gimongy Mustafa. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
55 Rustan Cinigy. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
56 Baly. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
57 David Ally. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
58 Sitinau Rais. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
59 Caram Hidir. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
60 Magar Ferat. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
61 Arnaut Alius. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
62 Nafis Rais. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
63 Curmur Rhodo. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
64 Cos Clueagin. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
65 Clusly Memi. Their Galleys were of Nigreponto.  
67 Caram Bey, with the Admiral of the sons of Vlueciali.  
68 Deli Murat. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
69 Abazar Rais. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
70 Scin Schiander. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
71 Alman baly. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
72 Assan Suambar. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
73 Seit Aga. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
74 Assan Sinam. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
75 Cumy Falagan. They had small galleys of Vallona.  
76 Osman Ginder. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
77 Dermar Bey. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
78 jusuf Alius. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
79 Carau Alman. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
80 Murat Biassan. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
81 Carabiney, governor of Suriasaro. Their Galleys were of Suriasaro.  
82 Calan Bastagy. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
83 Caraby. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
84 Giafer Hidi. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
85 Ferath. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
86 Memy Beogly. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
87 Osman Piry. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
88 Piry Raia. These galleys were of Constantinople.  
89 Casam Rais. These Galleys were of Constantinople.  
90 Talatagi Rais. These Galleys were of Constantinople.  
91 Rus Celebin. These Galleys were of Constantinople.  
92 Tatar Alius. These Galleys were of Constantinople.  
93 Oluzali the king of Algiers, with an Admiral galley.   

The battle of succour.  
1 Was an Admiral galley of Constantinople, governed by Amruat? Dragut Rais.  
2 Caram Casly. These were Foists.  
3 Hassam Reis. These were Foists.  
4 Abdula Reis, and that was a little galley.  
5 Aligan Assan. These were also Foists.  
6 Cus Ali. These were also Foists.  
7 Giuzel Ali. These were also Foists.  
8 Curtat Celebin. These were also Foists.  
9 Dely obey.  
10 Sandagy Memy, this was also a Foist.  
11 Dardagno Reis, and he had an Admiral foist of Constantinople.  
12 Deli Dorni, and he had a galley.  
13 Caidar Memi, the governor of the Isle of Scio.  
14 Shetagi Osman. These had Foists.  
35 Haeder. These had Foists.  
16 Delius Heder. These had Foists.  
17 Armat Memi. These had Foists.  
18 Susan. Reis. These had Foists.  
19 Giafer Bey.  
20 Cabil Sinam, his was a foist.  
21 Amurat Reis. These were foists.  
22 Sariogy Grafer. These were foists.  
23 Mor Ali. These were foists.  
24 Piali Murat, and this was a small galley.  
25 Caragiali Rais. These were Foists.  
26 Murat Alius. These were Foists.  
27 jumez Alius. These were Foists.  
28 Assan Sinian, a Galley of Constantinople.  
29 Bostagi Murat, a Foist.  
30 Deli Suliman: This was an Admiral galley of Constantinople.   
The Navy being distributed in this manner, they launched forth the seventh of October, and came to the coast of Galanga, two hours before Sun set, and there they stayed. But our men, because they had decreed to fight, determined with common consent to departed out of hand from the vale of Alexandria, that making towards Patras, they might do what in them lay, to provoke the enemy to battle. Yea, and if perhaps they would refuse it, that then they should go farther forth, even unto the mouth of the gulf of Patras, and by battering the Castles, and pitifully wasting the places adjoining, urge thenemy to battle. Therefore Don john, the high Admiral General, being very desirous, that those things which had been decreed by common counsel, might be executed, and namely being at that time earnestly desired and egged on by Augustine Barbarigo, a very valiant man, and very zealous of the Venetian safety, departed from the vale the same night, which went before the seventh of October, being Sunday, although he had no very good wind, and kept his course to wards the rocks Cruzulari, which are not far from the main, with the intent to assail the enemy the next morning in the break of the day.  
But they on the other side had the same saterday showed great sign of joy, triumphing before the victory, because they thought that they had now already gotten our Navy wholly at their devotion, and wrought their pleasure therewithal. Wherefore they also launched from thence the eight of October, very early in the morning, hoping to find our men yet in the Haven, for they did not think that they would meet them, and were now in their way. And so they sailed with their Sails somewhat low, and a good wind towards Cefalenia, and as if GOD had of his immeasurable power than directed these two most mighty fleets, one against another, although they were never above twelve miles one from other, yet one of them all this while did not see another, for certain eminences of the land, one sailing against another, not far from the Navy. And when both kept on their course, and our Navy was gotten out from the Rocks Cruzulari, in no very good array, because the rocks did impeach them, and our enemies were passing the foreland called Peschieras, and of the Greeks Mesolognias: they did first descry one another. Wherefore our men rejoiced that they had happily espied their enemy, and now they began to make all things ready for the fight, they set up their netting, they laid weapons of all sorts at the sides of the Galleys, and in other convenient places, they armed the soldiers with harquebuses, holbards, pikes, poleaxes, and swords, and disposed them in their places: and there were in every common galley almost 200. men that used swords: & in the Admirals (as some were greater than another) 300. and in some 400. men. Which things being dispatched, they bestowed the great Guns in their places, being charged with chain shot, and other square shot, and stones, and brought forth trunks to cast wild fire with all. And having made ready all things with singular diligence, at last they enfranchised all the Christian prisoners that had been condemned to the oar, pulling off their irons, and armed them for to fight valiantly for the name of Christ, who had made them free, and without difference mingled them among the rest: and they in hope to obtain liberty, did promise to perform the duty of valiant Soldiers. And whilst that these things were thus in doing, every Galley was come into his appointed place, and the Galeazes had be towed thither whereas they should be, by them to whom the charge had been committed, and now all the whole Fleet was with singular silence set and placed in convenient order and array. But our enemies coming onward as fast as we, did also prepare themselves to fight.  
And when they saw that john Andrew Doria, the Captain of the right wing, being accompanied with many Galleys, stretched out his wing more into the seaward, they had thought that he had fled. As also many of our men when they saw the enemies to make out into the sea with their sails hoist up aloft, they then thought that the enemy had fled. And this false conjecture on both sides, made both our men, and our enemies the more bold and courageous to fight. The two Navies being thus furnished & arranged, did set forward to fight valiantly, and occupied so great a space of the sea, as seemed unto them sufficient to keep them from running on the shore, and making thereby shipwreck, and so came fair and softly one towards the other. And now our men had shut and locked all the cabins, a certain few excepted, for the hurt men to be carried into, and out of whom the scribes were to supply things necessary. And that whilst they were sailing towards the battle, they might repair the strength of their bodies, they distributed Bread, Wine, Cheese, and such like victuals, unto the soldiers, throughout every Galley. But in the mean time, that the soldiers were at their victuals, the high Admiral General himself, Don john of Austria, going a board a skiff, accompanied with Don john de Cardona, went speedily about all the whole Navy, omitting no one thing that doth beseem a Prince and a valiant General. He exhorted both the Captains of the Galleys, and also all the rest of the soldiers for to fight valiantly, for the name of Christ, for their Saviour himself would be present to help them, if they did the duty of stout soldiers, and that he would give them assured victory: That this was the only occasion to revenge so many injuries received, and to attain immortal glory.  
Whiles he spoke thus, many answered him courageously: that he should not in any wise doubt of their prowess, for they were come thither for no other intent, & therefore they would accomplish the duty of valiant men. This being done, he returned to his Galley Royal: neither was he himself also less encouraged by the valour of Colonna and Venien, the Admirals of the Hopes & Venetian forces, than he himself had before confirmed the rest, with his own prowess. For they being now armed, had so exhorted, provided and commanded, that they omitted nothing that 〈◊〉 make for the winning of so great a victory. And now the Ensigns of all sorts were advanced in the masts of every Galley, and in the high Admiral General Galley of Don john of Austria, they hanged forth the Ensign of the Holy League, where were depainted the arms of the confederate Princes: & that the hearts of all men might yet be more incensed to prowess: they made a great noise & sign of joy with Drums, Trumpets, & fifes & other kind of instruments, & with a loud voice called upon God Almighty, one in Trinity. Also Priests going from the poop of the galley to the stem, did exhort all men with effectual words, to be valiant, for Christ himself would come down from heaven, because they fought for his name, and would be present himself to help them all. By the which exhortations of the Priests and Admirals, all men were so thoroughly confirmed with concordious consent, that they were ready to enter into, and to undertake any danger. But it was much more worthy of admiration, that at the very same moment, they that until that very instant had borne great hatred, and used extreme enmity one to an other, were then mutinally reconciled one unto other, whereunto they could never before be brought, neither by intercession of friends, nor by Magistrates for fear of punishment. Such certes was the power and goodness of God, that brought to pass that those that persecuted one an other before with deadly hatred, did now upon a sudden forgetting all miuries, mutually embrace one an other.  
But such was the nature of the place where the two fleets did one happen on tother, that it threatened manifest danger unto them that would fly: both for that the fleets were now to near one an other, and also because that gulf of the sea was nothing greater, for it was not in compass round about above 250. miles, and almost on every side enclosed either with the main land, or islands, the Sea that runneth between them being scarce twenty or five & twenty miles broad. For on the North they had a part of Albania called Natalico, which reacheth from the isle of Saint Maura to Lepanto, 80 miles in length. On the East, was the coast of Morea, which lieth out in length 70. miles from the entrance of the gulf of Patras, to the Cape Torneseo. On the South, they had the isle of Zante, whose length is 25. miles: & on the West Cefalenia, and the isle of S. Maura, of whom th'one is 40. miles long, tother 15. On the coast of Albania, almost a mite from the main, rise up the 3. Rocks Cruzulari, differing in greatness, but yet neither of them notorious great: they are from Lepanto 45. miles, from the isle of S. Maura 35. from Cefalenia 70. and finally from Zante 80. miles. Now these rocks were to our men as they sailed on the North, and they had Lepanto & the Gulf of Patras between the East & North. Between the South & the East, was a creek of the sea, that runneth in between Morea, and Zante 25. miles broad. They had between the South and the West, the sea that lieth between Cefalenia, and Zante, 12. miles broad. The gulf called Viscardo sited to them on the West, was but seven miles broad. After that the two fleets had thus on a sudden, unlooked for, descried one the other, they could not avoid the battle. Wherefore when one about Don. john said, that it were good that a consultation were held before that they descended to the fight: Don john answered very wisely, That now there was neither time nor place left for new counsels and advises, and that it was enough and enough again, if that every man would by fight valiantly, endeavour to execute that which had been before concluded in the counsel. But our enemies had 270. vessels, of whom 200. were common Galleys, fifty small galleys, and twenty Foists. But they had distributed all this Navy into four battles, as also our men had done. And the middle battle Ali himself led, and he had therein ninety Galleys.  
In the midst of whom he abiding, was guarded on the right side with Portau Bassa, and on the left with the Treasurer of the Navy: who did defence him on both sides with each of them three Admirals. The right wing, which was opposed against our left, had fifty Galleys, and Mehemet Siroch, for Captain. Their left wing, which came against our right, had 90. Galleys under the conduct of Oluzali. In the battle of succour were not above ten galleys and 20. Foists. Being thus arranged, they came against our men, but yet otherwise affected in mind them they were, for Don john, Colonna, Venieri, and the rest of our Captains, and voluntary men, yea, and all the whole fleet, had with one consent, determined to fight, and therefore they went forth to meet with their enemies, not only with intent to fight, but also with good hope to obtain the victory. But the Turkish Bassas, with the rest of the Pirates, and the whole Navy went to meet our men with this mind, that they did assuredly think that they would fly, insomuch that they measured the event of the fight more by their own light belief, and their former success, then by comparing of the powers: because they could not learn in so short a time the strength of our holy league. Wherefore they were in truth astoned when they coming nearer had seen that the power of our navy was so great. But seeing there was now no time at all left for to consult, and they saw that our men drew towards them courageously, they also prepared all things necessary for fight. They advanced first very proud and rich Ensigns, and then after the manner of that nation, the rest of the Galleys being almost filled full of other innumerable Ensigns, they vehemently incited all their men to fight valiantly, setting before them the favour of the great Emperor, and the hope of an inestimable prize and booty. And yet they had still thought, that our men would fly, but when the nearer they came, the greater they found our men's forces to be: then they began to doubt of the matter, & saw that they must needs fight. But although this was so, yet the Captains omitted nothing that became valiant men. For seeing that they saw but only the right wing, she middle battle, and the battle of succour, neither could yet see the left wing, because it was hidden by the main, they did not yet suppose the forces of our men to be greater than Caracoza bade reported unto them. But when they had within short time after descried also all the left wing, and had seen the Galleazes very happily rowed forth with Dares, (a thing that they had thought impossible) they began to be a little afraid. In our Navy the Drums and the rest, of the instruments played, and sounded still incessantly, and all our whole fleet went forward in the form of a crescent, with their ranges very well kept, and every Galley was so far one from another, that the Dares of the one did not let another: for the which consideration, the rowers were forced to mark and observe exactly the motion of their fellows, that the order which had been before appointed by the Captains, might be continually kept.  
And now the two navies were not far from asunder, when the majesty of God being weary of the prosperous successes of the most cruel tyrant, and taking compassion of the wrongful and heavy oppression of the Christian common wealth, decreed at the length one day to deliver and extol the name and honour of Christ our saviour, and duly to punish the tyrant. And he first began this thing, when he did by a certain mean beyond all men's expectation, allay the wind that hitherto had blown against our men, and ill for them, and made the Sea so quiet and calme● that it might seem to be rather land than water. This happened about the eleventh hour, and now the Nauye● were almost upon the very point to join together, when the Sun that had passed the forepart of the Heavens, did with his beams strike the enemies, who stood Eastward: at which time a certain light small wind good for our men, began to blow again from the West, in deed so great, that it carried the mists and smokes from the sight of our men upon their enemies.  
Now a piece of ordinances shot out of Ali his Admiral Galley, and answered by two other shot from the two wings, was a sign for to assail our men with a mighty séese. So then they making an hideous cry mended their course, rowing towards our men a main which being descried by Venerio, he strengthened his Galley at the poop with the very well furnished Galleys of john Loredano, and Catharino Malipetro. And Colonna did the like, calling two other unto his defence: and now they were come so near together, that one might reach another with their ordinance, wherefore our six Galeazes who went before all the rest of the fleet, very lustily assailed the enemy with continual thunder of shot. And because they never miss, they made such a slaughter and spoil, that they laid the greatest foundation of breaking the enemies, and the nearer they approached, the more mischief they did them. In this terrible storm of the ordinance, the enemies could not repair themselves, wherefore being strooken with fear, they kept not their cankes, yet they reselued to go forward with obstinate hearts, that passing between our Galeazes, who they thought had borne no ordinance on their sides, they might enclose the rest of our Navy. And when they passed between them, our men began to thunder upon them ten times worse: and did indomage them so much the more, as they were stayed and their course hindered by the wind that blew against them, for that being a little augmented did let them, so that they could not soon pass beyond the storm of mighrie pellets, and also it carrying all the smoke upon them, made them that they could see almost nothing, and that also gave our men that shot their great ordinance lustily out of the Galeazes, time for to recharge and shoot off their pieces again, with whom almost the third part of their Navy was destroyed and broken, not without the death of many men. So that now our men heard a mighty cracking and noise of the falling down of Masts and sail yards, and of the Galleys broken traverse and drowned, many Galleys were seen light in fire, and other stood destitute of masters to guide the helm. Moreover, there was seen an infinite number of men, oars, and sail yards, barrels, hogsheads, and all sorts of weapons swimming in the sea: & therefore was this accident most worthy of wender, because these six Galeazes alone (the use of whom had never been before found out in sea fight) did make such a slaughter and spoil of the enemies by turning themselves round, and shooting now from the stem, then from the poop and sides. In this so great a check, Mehemet Syroch that lead the right wing of the enemies, severed himself a little from the rest of the fleet, that he might provide for the safety of his charge, and creeping close to the shore, came against our left wing. But that being espied by Augustine Barbarigo, he went forth to meet him, keeping his ranges and array most exactly, and taking occasion by the help of a certain mountain called Mahanguli, did so stop and shut up his way, that he could not pass by, no not with the least of his vessels.  
And Marino Contarini, the Nephew of Baibarigo, understanding that so great a number of Galleys ran against his uncle, made in, and impelled with too good a persuasion of his own valour, and affinity of blood, rowed in before all the rest of his fellows: so that the great ordinance thundering on both sides, a mighty fight was begun in this place.  
The left wing of the enemies which Oluzali lead, and our right commanded by Doria, were almost joined sogether: but that both the Captains being very skilful in sea fight, did either expect some occasion to be ministered to have a fair hand, but by diverse and differing means. For Oluzali being ready both for fight and policy, observed which way the victory inclined, but Doria because he knew himself far inferior in forces, for that Oluzali had ninety Galleys, and he himself but fifty, held his enemies in suspense as much as he could: for the which reason he made out into the Sea, with certain of his Galleys, almost a mile from the rest of his wing.  
In the middle battle, Don john, Colonna, and Venerio, keeping their ranges very well and close, had with their battle met with the middle battle of their enemies: but yet before they came to hand strokes, they had shot off their great ordinance twice or thrice, yea, and some of them five times, which was both a great terror, & also a detriment to the enemy: & so much the more in truth, because that many of their pieces would not go off, by reason (as it was afterwards found) that our men had shot their Gunstones' into them: and again, those that would go off, could little endamage our men, because the decks of our enemies Galleys were so much higher than ours, that although they did level their pieces a little downward, yet the shot did always fly over our Galleys. But notwithstanding these incommodities, they like men in a rage, rowed in still, and joined with our men, at which time there arose a mighty tempest of arrows and small shot, and all the whole sea seemed to burn, by reason of so many artificial fires cast on the one side and the other by diverse engines. And now in some places, four Galleys encountered with three, and sire with four, and in other also six with one, and one leaping into the other Galleys, made a great slaughter with swords, dagger's, knives, battleaxes, arrows, wild fire, and other short weapons: and also when many would for diverse causes retire themselves, they were hurledhead long into the Sea, the which was thereby now become as red as blood.  
In the mean time Syroch had in the right wing of the enemy felt the force of our valiant men of the left wing, and saw that he could not effect that which he had thought to have done, because he beheld his Galleys to lie broken, their Sail yards, and Masts fallen down, and other things carried up into the air by the shot of our great ordinance.  
Wherefore he endeavoured to his uttermost, to keep his men in their duty, but yet for all that ever he could do, many of his galleys at length coveting to escape out of so great a slaughter and garboil, and to save themselves, ran headlong for haste on the shore: after which mischance most leapt into the Sea, that they might escape into the main by swimming, but many being wounded, and many unskilful of swimming, or else hindered and impeached by some other means, stayed still because they had some hope in the clemency of the Christians, that they would save their lives. At the which place this old manner of the nation of the Turks, which is now plainly become a custom, is worthy of noting. For at the beginning of an encounter they do show singular fierceness, with a most vehement féese: but a little while after, when they do perceive that they are stoutly resisted, they casting away courage, betake them to flight. And certes, at this time they could not hope for help of their infinite number of footmen and horsemen, as they are wont in battles by land. Wherefore when they could not withstand the valour of the Christians, who having entered their galleys, slew all they found, they within short time forsook their Galleys, and ran away: at the which time the Christians that had been before prisoners in the Turkish Galleys, perceiving that now they were come into the hands of our men, taking the Turks their own weapons, broke of their chains and manacles, and valiantly revenged the cruelty of the tyranny which they had suffered until that instant. Mark Quirmi, and Antony Canali, who were in this same wing, but in an other part, made out, but yet they could not so soon shut in this wing of thenemies, but that they had first all leapt into the sea. Yet all the galleys were taken by our men, and those that were left in them were all slain, for to revenge their cruelty. But of our Captains there died in this left wing Marino Contarini, Vincent Quirini, and Andrew Babarigo. But Augustine Barbarigo being shot into the eye with an arrow, received a deadly wound, the which did incontinently bereave him of his speech, of whose death we will speak hereafter. Also Mark Antony Ciconia, was very sore hurt with wild fire.  
In the middle battle Don john de Austria encountered with Ali himself, and two other Captains that commanded Admiral Galleys. And Ali had in his Admiral Galley three hundred janizars, with harquebuses, and an hundredth with crossbows, who fought all very valiantly both with shot and sword. And again with Don john were four hundred chosen arquebusiers of Sardinia, under the conduct of Lopes de Figheroa camp master, and many other Gentlemen and valiant men beside, the fought with great prowess. Colonna plied with might and pain to lay a board the Galley that encountered him, and was vehemently stirred up thereto, because he saw a mighty slaughter of his enemies committed by his fellows before his face. Neither did also Veneiro less execute the duty of a good Admiral, for that his Galley was to fight with three principal Captains of the enemies, and seven Admiral Galleys, to whose succour also did other ever and anon come. But in the mean time when the great Commendador of Messina, saw that our three high Admirals were to fight with such a great number of the enemies, he taking with him the Galleys of Loredano and Malipetro, went thither with a great speed and valour, and thrusting into the midst of the troop, committed a great slaughter. But Loredano & Malipetro entering into the thickest of the fight, like valiant men, were strait way slain with the ordinance: but the rest that were in their Galleys were so far from being dismayed with their death, that they rather having increased their courage, and after a sort, their strength, with desire of revenge and anger, began to fight ten times more fiercely: so that within short time they had taken two Galleys of the enemies, and so many had Veniero and Colonna overcome, that fought with them. And almost at the very same moment Don john of Austria, who until now had borne the charge and force of five Galleys, and had, conquered three of them, did take the Admiral royal of Ali, whom he had slain, but had been before beaten thrice out of her with great slaughter, after that he was come as far as the mast. So then whenn Ali was slain our men joyfully cried, victory, victory, for although then had done the like before, yet it was then doubtful, because both sides yet fought most eagerly, and very great spoil and slaughter was yet committed on both sides. But now the enemies resisted our men no more, so that they did acknowledge them for victors: wherefore our men were now busied in gathering together the pillage, and rather in binding than killing the enemies. And now a very great number of principal men had been either taken or slain by our men, but almost an infinite number of janizars and other soldiers, insomuch that they only escaped, that foreseeing the entire destruction of their fleet by the pitiful spoil that the Galeazes made, had fled away at the very beginning of the battle in skiffs and other small vessels, as Portau Bassa did: who strait after the beginning of the fight, stolen away privity into the main in a small vessel, and saved himself by flight. There died also of our Captains in this middle battle john Loredano, Catherino Malipetro, Jerome Veniero, Fances Bono, john Baptista Benedicto a Cypriot, and james Tresino of Vicenza, and there were wounded, john Bembo, Theodore Balbi, the Prior of Messina, and many other noble men & knights.  
In the left wing of the enemy, when Oluzali understood that his fellows were discomfited, and perceived that he might be assailed & broken by Doria, who did now acknowledge the happy event of this battle, began diligently to consider what means he might make to save himself. Wherefore seeing certain of the Galleys of our right wing divided and separated from the rest, he taking hold of that occasion, valiantly charged them. But cur men received them very courageously, trusting not so much to their own strength, as they assuredly hoped for speedy succour from their fellows. But Doria, who I told you before had made out into the Sea with a part of his wing, that he might suspend Oluzali from fight,) was too far off for to come to secure them presently: but he had prudently fet a compass as far as the Galleaze of Pitano, that he might assail Oluzalion the back. But when Oluzah had perceived him, & saw that he prepared to come against him with many of his own Galleys, and other of the left wing, he passingly plagued these few that he had assailed, and suddenly flying up into the sea, fled away with many of his Galleys. But he had also taken of our Galleys, and being tied to his galleys, had dragged after him, the galleys of Peter Bua of Corfu, of the Prior of Messina, and of jews Cipico of Trau. In this forious and fierce conflict, Benedict Soranzo, although he had received three wounds in his face, yet he fought most valiantly, & with a few men defended his galley a good long while, until that the forces of the enemies being mightily augmented, they took away from him with his Galley his life also, for a sacrifice unto Christ: Neither yet was his death unrevenged, for when the enemies were entered into the Galley, there was a fire kindled in the munitions, wherewith the Galley was consumed, and the enemies cast into the air. There died here also besides Soranzo, Jerome Contarini, Mark Antony Lando, Mark Antony Pasqualigo, james Medi, George Corneli and Peter Bua. But among them that were grievosly hurt, was jews Cypico of Trau. For after he had fought valiantly, and had but only six men left him, and had receaned seven very great wounds, he being at the last vanquished, was carried away with his galley. But he and the Prior of Messina, were soon succoured, and rescued, & their Galleys taken away from Oluzali, who had towed them after him, as taken prisoners, and they themselves were brought back again alive.  
In this encounter with Oluzali, there were much endamaged besides these, a galley of Savoy, an other of Florence, and a third of Spain: and although both in this wing, and also in other places, many of our men had been grievously hurt and stain, yet so great was their valour, that with the aid of God's goodness, they lost not one galley, but that of Peter Bua of Corfu, which was carried away by the enemy, And now at the 21. hour the enemy was utterly broken. and overcome, so that the rest of the Galleys that remained were all taken by our men without resistance. But they could not pursue Oluzali, because it was almost night, and also for that he being got up into the main Sea was said to be gone too far for to be recovered.  
But this now was a most memorable and horrible spectacle, that all the sea was seen red of blood, and almost an infinite number of dead carcases were seen swimming therein, and a wonderful number of cries were heard of the wounded and swimming men, as well of the one side as the other, calling for help: yea, and oftentimes our men and the enemies would at one time take hold of one piece of wood, seeking thereby to save themselves, with such shrieking, roaring, and pitiful cries every where, as would have amazed a man, and all these things seemed to be so much the greater and more pitiful, as the air waxed darker by the approach of night.  
After that the Fleet of Oluzali was now come into our men's hands, they fell to getting and gathering together of the prize and pillage: and therein they spent that little of the day that was left, and at evening went merrily with the ottomanical spoils into certain Havens called Petalici.  
And this was the success of this battle by Sea, which doubtless was very great: for since Augustus his time, there was not so great a battle fought by Sea. And this victory of ours ought to be esteemed the more worthy of admiration, because it befell unto us near to that place where Augustus Caesar did long before discomfit Mark Antony at the foreland of Actium, where now Prevesa is. Neither doth it also less make for the augmentation of the renown of this famous victory, that although they fought but only four hours, yet they trod to pieces the head of that great Serpent of the East, and broke the strength of Selim, that most mighty tyrant.  
The first hour of the night after all our whole Navy was brought into the Haven through the singular industry of our Captains, there suddenly arose so great a wind, and so great a tempest, that the inhabitants of that place did affirm, that they never in all their lives felt the like. But our men lying there safely, were so careful for the healing of the sick and wounded, that the Captains did take them into their own cabins.  
Now to grow to an end, singular was the wisdom and diligence of our three high Admirals, Don john de Austria, Mark Antony de Colonna, and Sebastiano Venieri, in learning out the state and intent of the enemy, and also their industry in sage consulting and discreet appointing what should be done: and then again, no less praise worthy was the dexterity and readiness of the rest of the Captains in the execution. And in particular, the Marquis de Santa Cruz, that lead the battle of succour, showed rare prudence in sending of succour with singular speed unto those that were oppressed by the enemy: and finally, wonderful was the valour of the common Soldiers in the action and fight. And to conclude, all that were there present at this battle, and fought for the name of Christ their saviour, if they be alive, may glory that they were partakers of this so great a victory: but if they lost their lives there, they do enjoy the rest of the blessed, and having exchanged this mortal life for immortal, do possess the true fruit of the victory: the which may be a great comfort to their parents and kinsfolk. For seeing that we do know that no man can be borne immortal of mortal parents, the only way to obtain immortal life, is to get glory and praise by virtue and valour. The number of those that were slain on our part, as far as could be understood, were 7656. & they were these.  
Augustine Barbarigo, the high Providitore of the Venetians, who having as I told you before, lost the use of his tongue by a wound, when he understood that our men had obtained the victory, lifting his hands up to heaven, did declare the valour of his heart by evident signs, and three days after the battle, dep●rting out of this mortal life into heaven, carried with him the triumph of the Turkish tyranny.  

seventeen Captains of Galleys.  
Eight men in complete armour.  
Five Chaplains, Priests.  
Six Contes of Galleys.  
Five masters of Galleys.  
Six Scribes.  
Seven Pilots.  
A hundred and thirteen Gunners.  
Thirty two shipwrights appointed to repair the Galleys.  
A hundred and four and twenty Mariners.  
Nine hundred and five and twenty voluntary soldiers.  
Two thousand, two hundred, three score and fourteen rovers.  
A thousand, three hundred, thirty & three, common soldiers.  
Two thousand of the Spanish fleet dead.  
Eight hundred in the Pope's fleet.   
But on the other side there were of the enemies slain or taken, nine and twenty thousand, nine hundred, four score and ten, that is to wit.  
Thirty four Captains of the dignity of Sanzaches.  
An hundred and twenty Captains of Galleys.  
Five and twenty thousand janizars, voluntary foot men and rowers.  
Three thousand, eight hundred, forty six taken.  
Our men did take 117. common Galleys, and thirteen small, and all of them very well furnished with bread, tallow, butter, rise, beans, and other such kind of victuals, and the same night they carried them away with them into the Haven. Besides these, there were drowned, or otherwise destroyed about four score of the enemies galleys: and those that escaped were thought to be almost forty. Which things being thus dispatched, our men lying safe in the Haven, praised God for giving of them so great a victory, and kept it holy day for the space of three days, showing sundry signs of rejoicing, and making good cheer. Neither did they in the mean time omit any of those things that might make for the reparation of their Galleys, or for the pursuit of the fruit of the victory. For the which cause when they had tarried in those Havens, until the fifteenth of October: yet by reason of the adverse season of Winter at hand, and because many of their wounded men did daily drop away by death, they thought good to departed from thence. For Don john, because he thought that no memorable thing more could be done that year, would sail towards Messina, but did put them in great hope, that he would join his forces with the rest the next year. But in truth he did not so, neither the next year, nor next after that: so that the Venetians after that they had spent in these wars 14000. li. of gold (every pound containing 100 Ducats) were forced to by peace of the Turk, who also having repaired his Navy, did in Anno. 1574. conquer the kingdom of Tunes from the Spaniard, & his vassal king, slaying above 10000 Hyspaniards in the Guletta & Biserta. So that the fruit that the Christians gained by giving this great overthrow, was nothing but the recovering of an obscure town or two that Winter by the Venetian Fleet, besides the stay of the Turkish prosperous course, and the prize and spoil gotten in this battle, the which when they came to Corsu, they divided by common consent, as followeth.  

Galleys.  
The Pope had nineteen common Galleys, & two small.  
The king of Spain 58. common Galleys with an half, and six small Galleys and a half.  
The Signory of Venice 39 common Galleys & a half, and four small galleys and an half.   

Great ordinance.  
The Pope had nintene great pieces, and of pieces that shot stones three, lesser pieces. 42.  
The King of Spain fifty eight great pieces & an half, eight pieces to shoot stones in, and 128. lesser pieces.  
The signory of Venice had 39 great pieces and an half, five stone pieces, and an half, 86. lesser pieces.   

Prisoners.  
The Pope had 881.  
The King of Spain had 1713.  
The Signory of Venice 162.  
The chief men of name takn prisoners, were the Sanzaches of Alexandria, and Nigreponto, and two of All, the admirals sons.    

The Battle of Alcazar, fought in Barbary, between Sebastian King of Portugal, and Abdelmelec the King of Morocco, the fourth of August 1578. Taken out of a nameless Portugal auctor, translated into Latin by Thomas Freigins.  
THat ye may the better understand what the principal Persons that were present & fought at this Battle were, & also to know the quarrel and cause thereof, I have thought good to insert mine authors whole History, not omitting his, as it were pleasant and profitable preamble of the foundation and family of these mighty Kings that reign now at Morocco.  
The founder of that family and house, which are now Kings of Morocco, and the first king of that stock, was a certain Moor of the mahometical superstition, called Muley Mahamet Xeque. His father Muley Xarif, being accounted in his country of Mecha in Arabia, the chief man of the moors (as he that was descended of the blood & line of the damned and cursed false Prophet Mahomet) had heaped together an immeasurable mass of money, and great● innumerable treasure. He being moved by I know not what dream, did take occasion to departed out of his Country, and to get him into Africa with all that he had. Wherefore that he might bring to effect that which he had determined with himself, he going from Mecha with his only son, whom we spoke off before, and travailing all Egypt and Africa, and other regions subject to the Turkish Empire, came at last into that part of Barbary that is at this day called Sus. In this Country when Muley Xerife had gotten a great opinion of wisdom (as touching their sect and religion) among the moors of Barbary, and had obtained a singular surpassing fame throughout the provinces there▪ defiled with the superstition of Mahomet, he wan also the grace and favour of the Alarbes (that do dwell in this Barbary) and namely of those that did inhabit in the kingdom of Sus. Hereby it came to pass that within short time he had gotten about a thousand horsemen to be as it were his clients, vassals, or retainers at command: that I may pass over in silence a great number of servants and ordinary waiters, that still attended on him with horse and armour. Through the help of these men and many other that did afterward join with him, he took certain Cities of that kingdom, and made them subject unto him. But in all tourneys he carried about with him his son Muley Mahamet Xeque, that the people subdued might be sworn unto him, and promise to do all those things that faithful subjects doc●●●e ●o perform unto their Princes. And in deed both the Father and the son did so stir them about their business, that within short time they had gotten them that power and strength, that they took by force Turodant, the head City of the kingdom of Sus, and there the son Xeque was constituted king of that Country. This victory did mightily augment the power and courage of this n●w king. Wherefore he ordained a strong legion of eight thousand pike men, with purpose to attempt the City of Morocco, where the Marines reigned. Wherefore leaving his Father in Sus, who being now broken with age, had become unable to do any service, besieged Morocco with five hundred harquebussiers, and 7000. pikemen that he brought with him. The twelfth day of the siege, the city yielded, and taking also other cities, towns, and fortresses adjoining to Morocco, took upon him the name and style of king of Morocco and Sus.  
A few days after, he assembling a mighty army, besieged the city of Fes: the which no man resisting, he tooks with the only terror of his mighty army, the king thereof (whose name was claud) providing for himself by flight, and withdrawing into the city of Tremissen, which was then subject unto him (for the Turk had as then nothing to do there) where he also spent all the short time of his life that remained. But as soon as Xeque was proclaimed king of Fes, all the cities, towns, and villages of that kingdom, swore him homage and fealty, and subjecteth themselves unto him, and the like did other Nations near, and came under his obeisance of their own accord, and yielding him the victory without sweat or blood. So that the limits and bonds of his kingdom were on the East Tremissen (which at this day is subject unto the Turk) & beyond mount Clario, in old time Atlas, towards the South, the line that goeth by the province of Figiga, a slope even to Zahara (actie taken by the king of Portugal) and from hence towards the West the space of forty leagues from the coast of the Atlantike Ocean (now Golsode Ynegas) looking towards the Canaries. On the West the coasts and forelands of Aguesio, Cafi, Azamor, Sala, Larissa, Letuams', all frontier cities of that kingdom, even to the straits of Gibaltar, towards Ceuta, Penon, & Melilla (which cities the Catholic king of Spain possesseth at this day) & from hence even to Tremessen. Over all these Country's long & broad▪ did Muley Mahamet Xeque reign, & his father being shortly after dead, held th'empire alone, & was the fi●st king of M●●●●●● 〈◊〉 that house.  
When Muley Mahamet had reigned many years after in passing great quietness and peace: and was also desirous that his sons might enjoy peaceably the kingdoms that he had gotten: being now grown in age, and loaden with years, he assembled the princes, noble men and governors of the provinces, subject unto him, that through their counsel, he might the more maturely and wisely set an order, for the succession of his sons. But although he had a great number of them, as well lawful as bastards, yet we will speak in this place only of them, which were cause of troubles and stirs in this kingdom, who were in number four. Of whom th'elder, borne in lawful wedlock, was called Muley Abdallas, the second and youngest of the lawfully begotten, were called Muley Abdelmus, and Muley Abdelmelec: the youngest of all was a bastard, called Muley Hamet, who doth at this day possess the kingdom. But when the peers of the kingdom were come together at the city of Morocco (the King's seat) and the King had proposed the matter unto the Parliament: it was enacted by common consent, that the King's sons should one succéebe an other, according to their age, so that the right of the kingdom might come unto them all, and thereby all cause of strife and contention among them, might be taken away. This decree made by the princes, did the King like and allow, and commanded that it being confirmed by his aucforitie, should be kept inviolable by all their posterity: and wrought so much, that the Princes and principal men of the kingdom did swear, to do their best, that it might remain stable and firm for ever. But not only the Peers, but also the king's sons did take that oath: for there was no man that gainsaid this law, or was of any other mind and opinion. Whereupon Muley Abdallas (because he was the king's eldest senne) was immediately after nominated in the camp Prince and heir of all his Father's kingdoms, and all men were sworn unto him.  
These things being thus ordered and ordained, the old Ling, because the he himself (as he had of long time used) lay still in the City of Morocco, he sent the new Prince for to govern the kingdom of Fez, as the people of the Country had requested. When he came to Fes, and was received very dutifully of the Citizens, he began his government over them very kindly and courteously, showing himself very affable & gentle unto the people of the province, and promising much more lenity and gentleness in time to come. Within few days after, when Muley Mahomet Xeque flourished in great peace, there happened a tumult in the province of Sus, which forced him for to levy an army for to repress the insolent. Having gotten together all things necessary therefore, he departed out of Morocco with many horsemen, footmen, and arquebusiers, and marched towards Sus. Now a few days before, 500 Turk's had come to him from Tremissen, with their Captain (whom they do call in their language Alcaida) who counterfeited that they had run away out of the garrison of Tremissen, but in v●●ie truth, they did it, that they might dispatch out of the way (the which they did indeed) the king of Morocco, For when they came to Morocco, the king that thought they had come to serve him, caused them presently to be put in wages, & to follow him to the wars in Sus. So they went forth with the king, marching with him a long journey towards Sus, but when they were come to the confines of those two kingdoms, they hasten their purpose of murdering the king. Wherefore about a 15. or 20. of the most audacious & despera●●st fellows, feigning as though they had I know not what to move the king of, entered his pavilion, & finding him fit for their purpose, slew him & cut off his head after he was dead. This so sudden & so unthought of a treacherous & villanc as part, stirred up a great tumult in the camp between the Turks & the moors (of whom the one favoured the great Turk, the other Muley Abdallas) & the matter at last came to that pass, the within one hours space, above 1000 moors were slain, & not passing fifty Turks. Who seeing themselves oppressed with the multitude of the moors, withdrew them (yet still keeping their face towards themmies, & defending themselves into thick woods, and tops of mountains of hard access. But when the moors did also assail them there, and the Turks perceived that they laboured in vain to save themselves, and namely, seeing now their victuals began to fail them: they set fire to seven barrels of Gunpowder, that they had set round about them, choosing rather to destroy themselves by furious fire, than to come into the hands of the moors their enemies.  
But the king's army was also constrained to return to Morocco, where the Prince Muley Abdallas (although that he was then in the City of Fes) was again proclaimed king. But he, as soon as he heard of his Father's death, went forth of Fes, and when he bore him as king, there was none of the provinces the did not willingly and gladly receive him. Whereupon within few days after, he gathered a mighty army of many Nations (who offered him their service) with the which he marching to Morocco, was received of the Citizens with surpassing joy, honour, and gratulation. For whilst his Father was yet living, he had perceived the singular favour and good will of his subjects, and found it also after his death: because as long as he lived, he sought for nothing else but golden peace, and the quietness of his subjects, and to keep them happy and blessed, without any harm. Whereby he gathered together so great riches and treasure, as scarce any king that ever lived before him had gotten. So Abdallas reigned alone certain years, and kept his Court by turns, one year at Fez, and two at Morocco, until such time as he made an heir apparent, and instituted a successor.  
After Abdallas had reigned long time in singular quietness, and had alone used & exercised the supreme rule & government, he determined with himself to abrogate & disannul the law, the his Father with the peers of the kingdom had made, for the succession in the crown: which should in order still descend always to the elder brother living. And although that Abdallas did privily & secretly practise it, with those in whom he reposed greatest trust, yet notwithstanding the matter came at length to the notice of his brothers: of whom some being careful of their lives, and fearing to be made away by some treachery, fled out of the kingdom, as Abdelmus and Abdelmelec, who not without passing great peril (because there were many privy awaits laid for them in their journey by the servants of their brother Abdallas) fled to Tremissen. And being there, they were courteously entertained by the Turks, as young Gentlemen of the blood rotall. And anon after they withdrew themselves to Argier, that they might live more safelte there, under the defence of the Turkish Emperor. When Muley Abdallas, who as we told you before, privily compassed the murder of his brothers, that he might safely leave the kingdom to his sons, heard that they sought to save themselves by flying out of the Country, he dissembling his anger (for it grieved him at the heart that some of them had escaped) lest the rest of his brothers should be also afraid, gathered together all his forces out of hand, under pretence of going to the City of Fes.  
Wherefore being first encamped before the City of Morocco, and anon after his Camp removed, as though he would go to Fes: When he heard that his Brothers were come to salute him, he leaving his youngest brother (whose childish years he contemned) stayed for them fear days journey from the City of Fes.  
So then when they were come together, and had saluted one another, it happened that a little while after, they suspecting no ill, nor fearing any falschoode, were with monstrous cruelty all three beheaded in their Tents▪ The which thing did not prick the kings subjects a little at the heart, but deeply pierced it, yet they were forced to dissemble their sorrow.  
After that he had done this so Tragical an act, he finished his journey to Fes, to the intent for to thrust his son Muley Mahomet upon the Fessans for their Prince and sole heir of all his kingdoms, & so force them to swear faith & obedience unto him. For although he had other children and in deed more worthy of the Empire, yet because this was his eldest, and also for other causes, he rathest made choice of him to be his successor. Wherefore as soon as he came to Fes, he assembling the States, brought the matter to that pass, that they gave their allegiance to his son, & swore to be true liegemen unto him, rather constrained by fear, than brought to it by love and good will towards the Prince, or for any right that he could pretend to the kingdom. After he had dispatched these matters, and seeing the all things had succeeded as he did wish: then, that he, who was now almost broken with age, might pass the rest of his life in quiet idleness, he returned with his army to Morocco, leaning his son in the City of Fes for to govern that Province.  
Things standing in this state in Barbary, the two brothers got then to Argier, for to escape and avoid the fury of their brother Muley Abdallas, and the younger of them, Muley Abdelmelec went to Constantinople. Where he did serve so well both by sea and by land, that for his noble courage of heart, and passing strength of body, he alured many men to his love, & through his valiant acts and victories gotten of his enemies, he won the fame of a great name, not only among the people, but also with the Prince of the Turks himself. The which thing got him not only singular favour, & honour full of good will, but also gained him immeasurable riches. That I may omit with what & how great promises the Emperor of the Turks loaded him, & in how great hope he did put him, that he would reduce him into his father's kingdom, out of the which he had been driven by his brother's injury. But Muley Abdelmus that abode at Argier, was so simple witted, that by the persuasion of his brother Abdallas he returned again to Tremissen, whether Muley Mahamet ●ent three cut throat villains for to dispatch him out of the way. And it fell out to, as he would have it, for when these villains were come to Tremissen, they so well eyed Abdelmus, the one friday as he was praying in the temple, they wounded him with an a-row, of that which wound he died within 2. days after, no auctor of the treachery and villainous fact being known. When news was brought to Abdelmelec at Constantinople, of the death of his brother, he was very heartily sorry therefore. Which caused Solyman themperor of the Turks to promise him aid to recover his kingdom. But that this promise was not performed, the death of Sultan Solyman that followed shortly after was the let. But when Sultan Amurathes, was come to the Empire, (& now reigneth over the Turks) Abdelmelec obtained more favour and credit, than ever he had before. About the same time, Muley Abdallas fell sick, and died within three days after, in the City of Morocco. His death was concealed & kept close three days, not only that in the mean time Muley Mahamet (who was then in the city of Fes,) might be certified of the decease of his father, & but also lest that if his uncles had known of the death of their brother Abdallas before him) they would make themselves Princes of the city of Morocco, in the possession whereof, the state of the kingdom consisted. But the subjects bore more good will to the two brothers of Mahamet, although they were younger than he. But when Mahamet had received news of his Father's death, he caused himself to be proclaimed king of Fes, and immediately after went out of the City with an army, and came to Morocco, the head and Metropolitan city of the whole kingdom, and there, although the people were unwilling, did assume the dignity royal, no man resisting nor impeaching him, except only his brother Muley Banacar, whom as soon as he had ascended the siege royal, he bereft of life. But an other brother Mule● Hazar, he cast in prison, and sent certain men to murder his youngest uncle of all, that then lived at Tasblet. But when he understooee of the treachery, he sought himself safety by flight, & went to Tremissen, with the household furniture royal. And being thus escaped out of the hands of the cutthroates, he opened a way for himself to the kingdom. For this is he th●● reigneth at this present in Morocco, called Mulai Hamet. The death of Abdallas and the 〈◊〉 of things that had happened in Barbaria, were soon brought into Turkey, and when Muley Mahamet had with singular diligence, ordered and appointed those things that seemed unto him necessary for the establishment of the state of the kingdom: at the same time Abdelmelec used that diligence, that within few days he came to Argier with mandates of the Turkish Emperor, in whom it was contained, that the Captains in those parts, should supply unto him all things needful for the wars. And straightway he had ready to take the field, five thousand arquebusiers, as well Turks, as Azuagas, warlike men and well practised in feats of arms. With these he marched to Tremissen, taking up by the way so many horsemen of the Alarbes, as he could get, and gather together. When he came to Tremissen, he was very honourably received, and there stayed six days for to make provision of all things necessary for the wars, and he with his younger brother Hamet, whom he sound there, levied twelve thousand spears, and four hundredth Harquebussiers on horseback, and took with him out of Tremissen, twelve field pieces, with victuals, and all other munition. Being furnished with these forces, he marched to take the City of Fes. But although Muley Mahamet, (who was that time at Morocco) was certified of the enterprise of his uncle, yet he did so contemn him, and did so despise his forces in comparison of his own, that he took no regard thereof, until he saw that the matter was come to good earnest in deed, and that he understood that Abdelmelec had now assembled his forces at Tremissen. And then he levying men in haste, and in a hurly, without choice, encamped a league or two miles from Morocco, and commanded all the subjects of his kingdoms to repair unto him, spreading a rumour that he would assail the Christians of Tangier, that by this allurement they might take arms more cheerfully, because the moors do desire no wars more, than those that are kept against the Christians.  
These forces being made ready, and furnished with great Artillery, he commanded them to march towards Fez, and because the greatest part of his power had joined with him in his journey, as soon as he came to Fez, he mustered his army, which then consisted of four score thousand horsemen with spear and shield, thirteen thousand footmen, arquebusiers, and four thousand arquebusiers on horseback, with six and thirty field pieces. At the same moment that Mahamet did set forth with his army against Abdelmelec, there came unto him a noble man Ambassador from Sebastian the King of Portugal, who promised him in his master's majesties name, aid against the Turks, and his Uncle. But Mahamet being made more proud for that he saw so great an army and so strong under his command, contemned the benefit of the king of Portugal. Wherefore as soon as he understood that his uncle was departed from Tremissen, he marched against him with that heat, that their Armies met between Fez, and Tremissen, the seventeenth of March, in Au. 1576.  
The Battle was begun about evening, and the furious tempest continued so long, until that Mahamet's army being wearied both in heart and body, turned their backs. The fault of that flight was ascribed to one Dugall, who being Captain of the Andalousians, revolted from Mahamet to Abdelmelec, with two thousand very choice arquebusiers. The which when Mahamet had perceived (who as soon as the Battles had joined, withdrew himself a nule off providing for one, and standing upon a Wagon, did behold the fight a far off) and was afraid lest the rest of the Captains following that example, would also take part with his enemy: he immediately stole out of his Tent, and with five hundredth horsemen, posted a pace to Morocco, leaving his Soldiers to the fury of the enemy, and all his Treasures and riches to the spoil.  
So Abdelmelec got the victory, without much sweet or blood, on either side, and doubtless Mahamet, might have easily defeated and destroyed Abdelmelec his power with the tenth part of his army. But Abdelmelec having obtained so famous a victory, sent a good great troop for to pursue and take Mahamet, but he himself being received with great joy of the Fessans, was proclaimed king by them, and the rest of the Cities and Towns of that kingdom. And because he having caught an ague was not well in health, he determined to rest a little while in the City of Fes, & there dismissed the Turkish forces which came with him under the leading of Rabadan Bassa, to the king of Argier. For that Bassa had no more in his commission but to accompany Abdelmelec to Fez, and to put him in possession of that kingdom. So Abdelmelec dismissed all his Turks, except a few that hide themselves when their fellows went away, that they might gratify the new king, and become his subjects: who were in number 1500. very valiant and stout men.  
But that we may return to Muley Mahamet: as soon as he came to Morocco he repaired his power, he levied soldiers in all parts of the kingdom, he opening his Coffers moneyed the Captains, rewarded the soldiers, and went about more diligently to win all men's good will with gifts, than ever he had done in his life before, having regard and respect of this onelle, that he might wash out with some notable victory, the shameful blot that his uncle had given him, and to make amends therefore. So by this carefulness and diligence, he got together ten thousand arquebusiers scotemen, and a thousand on horseback, but fresh water soldiers, and besides them thirty thousand horsemen with spear and shield. The which forces, with four and twenty field pieces, he brought into the field, and provided so much victuals as was needful for that journey. But if happened that also at this second muster the king of Portugal sent again an Ambassador unto him, with Letters, & again offered him aid against Abdelmelec his uncle. But he made the very same answer to the second Ambassador that he did to the first: but that he mustering all his whole army, brought it in the sight of the Ambassador, that his master might understand that he had no need of the portugals.  
When Abdelmelec had a little recovered himself of his sickness at Fez, and had augmented his army with six thousand arquebusiers, after the departure of the Turks, (whereof we told you before) he lead forth his army with purpose to march toward Maroccco, for he had heard that Mahamet was in the field with a mighty army. And because he began to be now a little better, he being carried in an horse litter marched towards Morocco with six thousand arquebusiers, twenty thousand horsemen with spear and shield, two thousand argolets, with twenty field pieces. On the other side Mahamet being advertised of his uncles intent, went very speedily out of Morocco with great haste, and heat to fight, and to try the right of a kingdom with the peril of his life. And because the narration of the order and array of the battles which they both used, maketh almost nothing for the thing that we do purpose, we will comprehend all the whole History in few words. So in a certain valley three leagues from the river of Sala towards the West, a long the sea coast, in a place called Motha Arracahana, they encamped, where the 29. of june at three of the clock in the after noon, a cruel and a bloody battle was fought, in the which the victory inclined now to Mahamet, and then to Abdelmelec his party. But Abdelmelec being a wise & a skilful Captain, when he saw that night was at hand, and that his men, although they had a long time laid on with might and main, could not obtain the victory, and that his enemies resisted stoutly, he going out from the midst of his band, and vambrashing his semitarre in his hand, compelled his soldiers with thick blows to renew the charge, and he himself being seen among the foremost, ran in upon his enemies with such force and violence, that he forced them to turn their backs shamefully, of whom Mahamet was the first that ran away.  
The victors in this last battle slew above six thousand. But Abdelmelec sent his brother Hamet for to pursue Mahamet with certain light horsemen, but he himself after he had stayed a while for the burying of the dead, marched toward Morocco with his whole army.  
Mahamet seeking safety by flight, came to Morocco, not without the great infamy of his men, followed by a six or eight spears, and then going into the plain, he took out as much treasure as could be commodiously carried away, and laid it on five Mules, & staying in the City not above two hours, betook him again to flight, hasting to escape his uncles troops that were not far off. Being thus departed out of the City with a few horse men, he hasted a fling on the spur towards Mount Atlas (now Clario) which being six leagues from Morocco, is the sanctuary and refuge of proscribed and banished men and thieves. But leaving Mahamet in the mountains of Clario, let us return unto Abdelmelec. He as soon as he had gathered together the spoils of the vanquished enemies, marched with all his army to Morocco, and being arrived there the eight day after the victory, was received with so great pomp & joy, as never was seen before in those Countries, for he had gotten a great fame, to be a good, courteous, affable, and pitiful man towards those in calamity, and was also very well furnished with many other virtues: Then again, the insolency and tyranny of Muley Hamet, made Abdelmelec the more gracious & better beloved of all men. As soon as he was entered into the City (which was the xv. of julie, in the same year) he began to set in order the politic state of the kingdom, that he might show himself to be not only valiant in arms, and the field, but also singular in wisdom for framing of a public weal. For he abrogated many laws & statutes, made by his ancestors, he used passing great courtesy and gentleness towards his subjects, he also gave great gifts and largesse, & divided victuals among the people: applying all his actions to this end, that he might by these means extend his same, and get himself immortal glory above all the kings of Africa, that went before him. Although at the first he was nothing gracious, specially because that the people were offended with the unreasonableness and unruliness of the Turks, that he had with him, because that they (as they are proud, unruly, intolerable, and lawless) did very licentiously oppress the poor moors which many grievous injuries & violences: but the king did soon rid the Country of them, sending them away by little and little, and by two and by three at a time, so that at the length there remained not above 200. whom yet he kept from his company & sight, and being brought into order, constrained them to live quietly, & without doing harm. The which thing made his subjects to turn their love towards him, and they being moved with the only fame of his virtue, did offer themselves unto him most humbly, & promised him due obedience, & finally, they with liberal and bountiful minds brought him a vie great, rich, and honourable gifts and presents, out of all parts and provinces. There were also not a few Christian Princes, that did take singular joy of his friendship: and he also on the other side received them into his friendship with a most loving heart, & did think himself flourishing in their familiarity & favour to be a happy and blessed man: insomuch that many Christians did continually & out of all quarters repair unto his kingdom, whom he did more love, & made more of, than he did of any other kind of men that used to come into his countries. For he gave them many & great benevolences, & used them with wonderful courtesy & gentleness, he also dismissed many free without ransom, gratis, of an unwonted beneficence. But I will not dwell long upon this his liberality & magnificence, namely, seeing that his noble works are very well known to the whole world, through the public report of fame. But after he had obtained the royal throne, the first thing he did, was to appoint who should succeed him in the kingdom, and to confirm the law made by Muley Mahamet Xeque his Father: and therefore he swore all the peers of the kingdom unto his brother Muley Hamet, although that he himself had a son, but yet of tender age, whom he might have nominated to be his successor. The which thing, although it held the nobility in suspense with admiration, yet incontinently incredible feasts & triumphs were kept in honour of the new Prince, and memory of the old law, and also the memory of his granfather Xarif was honourably mentioned & renewed by the peers. In the mean time Muley Mahamet, who had gotten him to the straits of mount Clario, began strait way to gather together some soldiers, and among them some outlaws & thieves: insomuch that he had gathered together five hundred arquebusiers, and two hundredth horse men with shield and Spear.  
Being furnished with which bands, he began to commit robberies, he spoilt those that he met, and sacked the villages, and places that lay under mount Clario, and forced their inhabitants for to acknowledge him for their Lord, and to pay him tribute, as to their king. These robberies and roads he used the space of seven or eight months, so that Abdelmelec was forced to levy forces for to cool his lustiness, & to drive the thieves out of the dens of the mountains. For the doing of the which exploit, he used the service of the new prince Muley Hamet, who was with a power in the kingdom of Sus, for to make excursions. He discomfited Muley Mahamet in certain places, and almost wholly destroyed all his band as well footmen and horsemen, and forced him to hide himself in the very thick woods, and inaccessible crags of the mountain, where he lurked above a year, almost killed with cold, snow, and other miseries, and the inclemency of the air, and most miserably molested and beaten with despair of his life, and fear of awaits, which his Uncle laid for him, proposing great rewards to him that could bring him either dead or alive. At length he was driven by necessity, (the sharpest weapon) to that which he had before refused, and took scorn off: that is, to desire the aid of the King of Portugal, for to deliver him from the awaits, and hands of his uncle, and to restore him unto his grand fathers and father's kingdom. For the which cause he sent a messenger from Mount Clario, with letters unto the king of Portugal, and willed him to go by Mazaga. But that he might receive some answer more safely & speedyly, he resolved to leave the mountains, and to get him to Tangier. So through the woods and wildernesses of the mountains, where the way was very safe, and not beaten with tract of men's feet, he came without any great danger unto Penon: where after he had stayed a few days to gather his men together, he went towards Tangier, where he was courteously received into the City, by the Governor, but leaving his forces without the walls. From that City he sent two of his Captains in Ambassade with letters, accompanied with two gentlemen of Tangier, unto king Sebastian, and desired of him aid for to restore him unto his Father's kingdom. And because the governor of Tangier was not ignorant, that if he used the king of Morocco courteously, that he should thereby well please the king of Portugal, he dispatched a caravel to Lisbon with the Ambassadors for their speedier passage, of whose journey and success, we will speak, after that we have first admonished the reader of certain things necessary to be known.  
King Sebastian being by nature very much given to love of arms, sought for no other pleasure then by martial matters, which had caused him in former years to pass over to Tangier, to th'intent to conquer Barbary, but with vain endeavour. For Mahamet, (as we have told you before) had of a vain and foolish confidence, twice refused aids offered him by the Portugal. But when the king of Portugal saw that now his aid was desired by the letters of the king of Morocco, he was very glad that a most wishshed occasion whereby he might fill his long lust and longing, was offered unto him, who was desirous of praise, and studious to enlarge his Empire, and Religion. Wherefore he received magnificently the Ambassador of Mulai Mahamet, being arrived in Portugal, and granted them their request in all demands, and also wrote letters to Mahamet, wherein he promised his travail, help, and favour, in restoring him into his father's kingdom, no man of his council, or of the nobility holding much against it. And this might be the cause of that interview, where the Catholic king, and the king of Portugal met and talked together, in An. 1578. at Guadalupea, a city of Castilia. Where the Catholic king laboured all that he could, to fear the king of Portugal from that enterprise: or if he would needs go through with it, nor could not be dissuaded from his purpose, that then he would do it very substantially, and effectually, providing and furnishing himself passing well with all things needful for so great an attempt. But when the King of Portugal continued constant in that he had once purposed, he returned home: whither anon after the Catholic king sent his Ambassadors for to deal with him about the same matter that he himself had talked with him off in presence. For the Catholic king was not ignorant, how the king of Morocco did surpass in strength & power, & how skilful, expert, & valiant a warrior he was, and how great power and provision, so great an enterprise required, whereof he knew that the Portugal was yet fully unfurnished. But the king of Portugal remained constant in his purpose, & began to provide all things necessary for the voyage. First he made levies of soldiers throughout his own kingdom, he sent some into Germany to take him up 5000. footmen. He also wrote letters to certain knights of Andalusia, to bring unto him old soldiers. Moreover he commanded great store of ordinance, weapons, armour, & other munition & victuals to be provided & brought together, & that all these things might be the more commodiously transported, he commanded ships to be stayed in all havens of his kingdom. The number of the soldiers that he levied in his own kingdom was great, but they were ill furnished, & freshwater soldiers, taken up of clowns, & hushandmen, and a rabble nothing fit for the field.  
As for the Germans, they were also fresh water soldier, and unskilful of martial matters, and when they came to Lisbon, they fell sick, and above 2000 of them died. There came also unto the king, 600. Italians, with whom the Pope had furnished the Count of Ireland, who being arrived at Lisbon, offered his service to the king & promised to follow him in the journey. Moreover the king caused proclamation to be made with sound of Trumpet, throughout his whole kingdom, that all Noblemen and Gentlemen his vassals, should attend upon him to the wars, upon 〈◊〉 of loss of lands, and rents, and all privileges g●●●●ted by the king. So then all things needful for an army being provided, and sufficient store of ships and boats gathered together, he commanded the ordinance, victuals, munition, horses, and other necessaries to be shipped, that when the feast of Saint john Baptist, (on which day he had determined to leave his house) drew near, there might be nothing to let & hinder, but that the army might be embarked, and transported into Africa.  
When Abdelmele● the king of Morocco was admonished, and advertised of these things, and what the king of Portugal intended against him: he was very sorrowful therefore, not so much because he feared the King of Portugal his forces, as for that he being well affected towards men of the Christian Religion, did foresee in mind that Africa would be the grave of the King of Portugal, yea, though he brought with him thrice so great an Army as he had.  
Wherefore it is well known that he spoke one day to this effect: The king of Portugal ought diligently to weigh and think with himself, how just and lawful a cause he hath to come into Africa. For seeing that he ●●eth about to take the kingdom from him, to whom it dot● of right appertain, & to give it to the Negro, and that with no profit nor commodity to the Christians, that will almighty God, who is a just judge, never suffer. Furthermore, Abdelmelec, as he was a man of a sharp wit, and in such matters of surpassing diligence and providence, began also to make provision for the wars, and to bethink him of things necessary therefore. Wherefore he commanded Tents to be set up in a field a league from Morocco, and wars to be openly proclaimed through his kingdom against the Christians: the which thing highly pleased the moors.  
He also commanded a great number of great Guns, and specially field pieces, and also infinite store of victuals and of horses and Camels, for to carry necessaries for their army, to be provided. Which being done, when he heard that the king of Portugal was now upon the point to go a ship board, and to arrive at Arzil, he also went out of Morocco the sixtéenth day of April with great applause of the people, and with almost an infinite company of men into the camp, and kept the army in the Tents, where he stayed twenty days, looking for the rest of his forces. From hence he marched with Ensigns displayed by small journeys towards Arzill, and that he might the more commodiously join with those forces that he looked for, he stayed a little while at Temocen, which is in the confines of his kingdom. But the king of Portugal, who was hot set on his voyage, commanded before he went on shipboard, processions and prayers to be publicly made throughout all the kingdom, that God might vouchsafe to grant happy success to this enterprise, and victory against his enemy.  
At length on Midsummer day the whole army was embarked, and the next day after very early in the morning, king Sebastian (having nominated before seven of the chief of the Realm governors of the kingdom) because the Cardinal his uncle had refused the government, for that he could not entreat the king to relinquish the voyage, launched out of the Haven, and hoist up sails the 26. of june, with ten or twelve Galeons', in whom were embarked almost all the whole Nobility of his kingdom. The sea was passing calm, the fleet of the whole army launching from Lisbon, was of great and small vessels about a thousand and three hundredth sail, so pleasant a spectacle, that many said they never saw such a fleet before, and having a good wind they arrived at Calais on Saint Peter's eve. The king being received with singular gratulation and joy of the people, stayed there fifteen days, for to provide necessaries that he lacked, and that he might transport with him certain bands of Spaniards, that were levied for him in Andaluzia. Which things being dispatched, he departed from Calais the eight of julie, and sailed with the Galeons' towards Tangier, but commanded the rest of the Fleet to keep their course towards Arzil. So the tenth of julie the king arrived at Tangier, but before he was come into the haven, Mahamet sent his son, a child almost ten years old, named Muley Xeque, against the king in a small vessel, whom the king did very gently and courteously salute. But being come on land, he showed greater signs of good will and friendship to Mahamet, and very liberally offered his travail & aid for to restore him into his kingdom. When Mahamet was come to the king's presence, although he had before sufficiently certified him both by Letters & Ambassadors of his will and mind: yet that he might more safely provide for his state, he did then more-plentifullie and more at large open unto him by speech what he was minded to do: and did tell him how that his uncle, supported by the power and strength of the Turk, did usurp the kingdom, the which he had taken from him by force. He added moreover, that the vassals and subjects of Abdelmelec did practise nothing else, and were wholly busied, how they might secretly kill Abdelmelec, or at the least forsake him, and revolt to Mahamet, and that thereof he received daily without intercession Letters from the Peers of the Realm, in the which Letters they promised to renoult unto him, as soon as ever he would come against the enemy, yea, and if it were but with a small power He would also persuade the king of Portugal that he should not fight with the Abdelmelec, but only go into the field: which thing if he did, than his uncles soldiers would immediately be at his devotion and command. He promised also to give the king of Portugal two or three Havens in Barbary, with their territories adjoining, and for surety thereof he gave his son in hostage. The king of Portugal as he was a Prince of noble passing good nature, credited all that Mahamet spoke, and assented to his petition without conditions, covenants, and sureties. From hence he went with Mahamet to Arzil, where his army was, and there Muley Xeque was General of his Father's small forces, and had with him the horsemen and footmen of the garrison of Tangier.  
The king came to Arzil on Sunday, being the fourteenth of julie, and as soon as he was come on shore, he commanded the ordinance, victual, and the rest of the warlike furniture to be disbarked, but sent four ships well appointed to Massaga, to carry thither Muley Xeque his pledge: but commanded his camp to be pitched near the walls of Arzill, and it to be entrenched round with rampires and ditches, that he might lie there the safer.  
But that we may return to Abdelmelec: as soon as he came to Temocen, a great multitude of horsemen that served with shield and Spear, and many other forces joined with him. But three days after he came thither, he fell very sick, the cause whereof, as than no man understood. But anon after when he felt a mighty torment in his stomach, it was easily understood whereof it came: that is, he had eaten greedily of sour milk, which had curdled in his stomach. That he might cast it up, he assayed in vain two and almost three days to make himself vomit (as he had used to do) and so at the length be cast up a great gobbet of Cheese, which made his stomach so weak and faint, that afterward it could concoct no meat. Also his sickness was increased by hard and ill lodging. But as soon as he heard that the king of Portugal was departed from Calais, to sail to Arzil, although he were at that time nothing well, yet he commanded his army to march forward towards Arzil, he himself being carried in an horse litter.  
And now he was from Alcazara (where his brother expected him with an army) not above a days journey, but when he drew near him, his coming was received with a great peal of great and small shot, in token of joy. And there he was forced to pitch up his Tents, and to lie there in a Camp certain days, staying for other forces and to recover his strength weakened by sickness. Wherefore as soon as those forces that he looked for were come, he sook muster of his whole army, and found fifteen thousand footmen harquebusiers, of whom five thousand were very choice old soldiers, and the rest fresh water souldioure, and of none experience.  
Then he had two thousand Argolets, two and forty thousand Alarbes with shield and spear, & six and twenty field pieces very well furnished, and Gunners very good and ready. Moreover, all his whole army was very well provided of victuals, and his soldiers well paid, the which is one of the chiefest things in wars, and whereof the General ought to have most special care. So his soldiers were paid every month a Duckate or piece of gold, wherefore they were also all ready to abide all extremity for Abdelmelec, and to spendr their lives for him, except the horse men of the Alarbes, whom he little trusted, as he that was not ignorant that they were full of falsehood, nor gave their minds to any thing else than to get booties, and to rob they cared not whom.  
And that I may tell you all in few words, he had more trust in none than in those five thousand old soldiers arquebusiers. But the thing that grieved Abdelmelec most, was, that at so great and perilous a battle, whereat he must needs be present himself and order it, unless he would endanger the whole state of his Kingdom, he did find himself to be so weak and quite broken with sickness, the which the burning Dog days did increase.  
Wherefore he lay still there eight or nine days, until that the king of Portugal constrained him, yea, unwilling for to march forward, and to encamp at Alcazar. In the mean time the king of Portugal being issued out of Arzill, and ready to march, mustered his army, wherein (besides the thousand stipendaries, that he had left to keep the fleet, and the two thousand that he had sent to Massaga) he had fourteen thonsand footmen, and two thousand horsemen, a great part armed.  
Moreover, there were three thousand pioneers, and above a thousand coachmen, and almost an infinite number of drudges, slaves, Negroes, mullotters, horse boys, laundresses, and those sweet wenches that the Frenchmen do merrily call the daughters of delight, for now the world is come to that, we think we cannot keep wars without these snails. So that all the insavorie company of baggage did exceed six and twenty thousand persons. He had also six and thirty field pieces, and 1500. wagons full of mats, vessel, and household stuff only for noble men. He might in deed have brought a greater power in this voyage, as well out of Spain as out of other Countries, but that he giving credit to the words of Muley Hamet, who said that the army of Abdelmelec would revolt unto him, he dismissed many Spaniards that would have gone aboard at Calais, and did more easily discharge them, that under pretence of sickness, desired that they might go home. In the army that followed him were three thousand Germans, six hundredth Italians, two thousand Spaniards, sire hundredth Soldiers of Tangier, two thousand five hundredth light horsemen, in whom he reposed his greatest trust. The rest were portugals. And the greater part of these forces had their wages sparingly and very ill paid them, and were distressed with want, and many other ills, for now victuals began to fail, the which were so sparingly distributed, that many died for hunger.  
The fault was in the purveyors, who do full often in the time of wars through their knavery, cast princes & generals into extreme calamities. But that which was worst of all, the greater part of the army consisted of fresh water soldiers, who were without skill of martial discipline, neither had ever seen battle or camp. That I may omit those eight thousand that bare long pikes, than the which kind of soldiers there is none of less use and service, & more unfit for wars in Barbary. By that time the king of Portugal had mustered his army, Abdelmelec was come to Alcazar, with an army full of fury and wrath. Which caused the King of Portugal his Counsel to desire their Prince in no case to join in battle with his enemies, who did far surpass him in men and might, but rather that he would march with his army to Larissa, & take that fortified place, and provide for himself.  
But when Abdelmelec knew by espies almost every hour what was done in the camp of the Christians, and how weak the Portugal forces were, and how coldly all things were ordered, and therefore did see that the wretchen king being in the prime of his years, was near to death and desiruction: he wrought by all means he could, that he should not be forced to fight a battle, because he was not otherwise very ill affected towards Christians. Wherefore he laboured privile and secretly by certain men, and they mostly merchants, to certify the king of Portugal of the guiles and deceits of Mahamet (that had brought him into these dangers, and so present ruin and jeopardy of life.) But although these advises of Abdelmelec were not unknown to the king of Portugal, and his counsellors advised him the very same that Abdelmelec did, and went about to withdraw him from his purpose: yet he wilfully contemned all that could be said, not only that he might fulfil his burning desire to fight, and to try his strength and valiant heart, but also chiefly because he trusted the promises of Mahamet, which he believed to be verse true. To he short, his Counsel laboured to their uttermost, to disuade the king from joining in battle, but rather adeised him to march to Larissa, and they wrought so much by blaming and brging him, that the king at length yielded to go to Larissa. Whereupon the Navy was commanded to make sail towards Larissa, & he himself marched by land thitherwardds, going out of Arzil the 29. of julie (which was tues day) and three days he marched, but making small journeys by reasen of the multitude of haggage that followed the army, and then he frayed the friday, because he looked for some aid from Arzil. The saterday very early he began to march again, and at length came to the river of Mazaga, which runneth to Larissa, and there he lodged, watches and wards being diligently appointed and set after his used manner, for fear of the moors that were dispersed round about him.  
At that time Abdelmelec remained at Alcazar, very weak and sickly, and although he heard that the Portugal was gone out of Arzil, and was encamped at Mazaga, yet he would not stir out of his place, until that he understood by espies, that his enemies made towards Alcazar. For he would have suffered his enemy to have taken Larissa, thinking that the Portugal being contented with the taking of it, would from thence return home. But when he was advertised that the saterday morning his enemy marched forward, he also at the same time made towards Arzil by Alcazar. And when he had marched with his army a little more than half a league (that is, above a mile) he encamped on a certain high down in the sight of the Portugails, who were a league from that hill, and were encamped on a great and pleasant plain. And being near to the river of Alcazar, he commanded his Tents to be pitched on the bank of the river, not far from confluence of another river that goeth to Larissa. After that noon was past, he and his army refreshed themselves from the heat of the Sun in their tents, he taking his rest in an horse litter. In the mean time he sent forth certain horsemen for to bring him more certain news of the en●●ie, and placed soldiers before the waroes, for to let that none of his people should fly out of his camp to the Portugal, and Muley Hamet. When the king of Portugal was come the saterday morning to the river of Larissa, & was encamped near to the place where he thought there might be a ford found to pass over his ordinance, & was minded to go to Larissa: then Mahamet, a subtle fellow, ambitions, and deceitful, thinking with himself, that if the Portugal should enter Larissa, and did consider the power and most puissant army of Abdelmelec, that then he would return home, and do nothing, and leave him forsaken and alone to be devoured of his enemies: he resolved to talk with the Portugal that day, and to dehort him from the journey the he purposed towards Larissa: and the he might the better bring it to pass, ●he began with a crafty tale to tell him that many moors horse men had fled unto him from Abdelmelec, & that the rest of the army went about to do the same. That if he should go to Larissa, than all men would blame him, as one fearful, and such an one as reposed safety in running away. That Abdelmelec was naked of friends: for he handled his Soldiers hardly, and that they did therefore mind to do him a mischtefe, either by slaying of him, or else by forsaking him in the battle. That it was better and more wisdom to march toward Alcazar, namely, seeing that enemy that came against him had not so much heart as to go about to impeach him.  
He added also other arguments making for his purpose, by the which he diss waded the Portagall from going to Larissa, and to say the truth, it had otherwise been an hard matter for him to have gone forward, seeing the his enemy was so near. The Sunday morning very early the Portugal removed his camp, and went up a long the bank of the river, that he might come into the high way that leadeth from Arzil to Alcazar, and when he had found a ford, he stayed, and commanded the pioneers to make it ready against the next day.  
But Abdelmelec understanding the intent of the Portugal, caused a sign to be given by sound of Trumpet, the every man should make himself ready to fight. Wherefore in the afternoon he marching forward almost a quarter of a mile, stayed and commanded his army to breath, until he understood what his enemy, that was about half a league off, meant to do. For as we have told you before, Abdelmelec had determined not to join in battle, except the Portugal did first desire it.  
When the Portugal being encamped along the River of Larissa, heard that the enemy made towards him, he was forced also to remove his Camp, and to put his people in array of battle, not for to fight, because the ford of the River could not be passed over without very great difficulty, and also there was a great troop of moors that did continually provoke his men with skirmishes, but that he might defence himself, and he used the mighty River in steed of a wall against the enemy. In this sort those two Armies, when either did look that the other should begin the battle, kept themselves in, the rest of the day. So when it drew towards night, and Abdelmelec saw that the Portugals stirred not out of their place, although the chief Captains were very instant on him to fight, and to give the signal of battle, yet because night was at hand, he commanded the retreat to be sounded, and led his Army back to their Campe. But yet he commanded proclamation to be made in the Camp by sound of Trumpet, that no man should put of his armour, nor lay down his weapon that night, and also commanded the watch to be doubled, as he also did the night before, that no man could fly out of his Camp unto Muley Hamet. And doubtless this watch was the cause of Mahamet's overthrow, because that no man durst to go out of his ward & tent. In the mean time Abdelmelec was fully resolved to fight, for seeing he had heard that many horsemen, and men that had abjured the faith, were fled out of his Camp, and did fear that if he deferred to fight the next day, that then the greater part of his army would revolt: he thought that he must stay no longer, but determined to go on forward, and to adventure the battle. Wherefore he commanded that it should be signified by a Trumpet, that all men should be in a readiness, and prepared either to live or die. After that the king of Portugal saw that his enemies were retired into their camp, he also did the like, and lodged in the very same place from whence he came. He assembling in counsel the chief men of the army that night, determined the next day, being munday, to offer the enemy battle. And it is the constant same of all men, that Muley Hamet gave him counsel to begin the battle the next day in the evening, not so much because by this means the soldiers of Abdelmelec might the more commodiously rovoulf unto him, as for that he could not by reason of the darkness of the night remedy it, if any confusion did arise in his army. This counsel as good and wholesome was approved of all men, and therefore the king commanded that the same night it should be proclaimed in the camp, that the next day being munday, as soon as it was light, the ordinance and the carriages should be speedily passed over the water through the ford. For if they had tarried longer, no doubt the enemies would have impeached their passage, which also was the cause that the battle was not beg●n in the evening, but sooner. The ford being made ready, the army strait way passed over, and they encamped beyond the river, and also the king began to arrange his battles, to set forth his bands, and to dispose his ordinance in commodious places.  
He also made a long Oration to his soldiers, and exhorted them with courteous & loving speech, using also very effectual arguments for to present themselves to perils courageously, for the honour of God, and the increase of the Christian Religion, promising them great riches, favour, honours, and privileges, willing them to have good hope of the victory, specially through the help of God, in whom he had all his whole trust fixed.  
The like did the noble men that followed the king in this voyage do, to their uttermost, name lie, the Bishops of Coimbra and Portua, and also the Pope's Commissary, and many other spiritual persons. In these adhortations all the forenoon was spent. On the other side Abdelmelec seeing the Christians come in battle array, he also commanded the signal to be sounded throughout his camp, and willed the Captains to bring forth their soldiers, & to dispose them into the order that he had prescribed. And because that he through sickness was very weak in body, and of colour pale and wan, and by reason of the palsy could in no wise use his arms, the wiser and warier of his counsellors dehorted him from coming in person into this instant battle: to whom he would in no case consent, but whereas he had not come on horse his back in more than twenty days before, he resolved to leave his horse litter, and to be clothed in most sumptuous apparel, and to be adorned with infinite most precious stones, and most excellent pearls of the East, and mounted on a goodly and lusty strong horse. Being in this sort prepared to fight, he began to adhort his men to valour, promising honours and great warlike rewards to them that should behave themselves like men, and do their duties and accomplish their charges valiantly. With the which words and promises he did so encourage and inflame his soldiers, into whose sight he had not come long time before, by reason of his sickness, that they seemed to be inspired by Mars, and to run to the battle like Lions. And although at the beginning there were some that went about to murder him, or revolt from him, yet now they changing their minds, did so subject themselves unto him with all reverence, that they disdained not, yea to kiss his feet. At length his army being cast into the form of a semicircle, or crescent, and divided into three battles, he began to advance his army in that order that this table doth show.  
The right wing the Prince, the brother of Abdelmelec did lead, who had with him a thousand very choice Harquebuziers on horseback noted. He had also ten thousand horsemen with spear and shield. The left wing of the new Moon, which held two thousand argolets, and ten thousand horsemen with spear and shield. These did the Vireroie Mahamet Zareo lead. The third battle, which was the main battle, wherein king Abdelmelec stood, was defenced with arquebusiers on foot. Thou did the king follow, environed with his guard of two hundredth soldiers, that had forsworn the faith, who were all weaponed with halberds. But he had in the battle of succour twenty thousand horsemen divided by two thousand in a troop.  
But the Portugal arranged his army far otherwise, for he divided his whole army into 4. battles. On the right side was the first battle, consisting of the light horsemen and garrison of Tangier, and Aluares Peres de Tavora lead them. The left or the middle battle consisted of Germans and Italians, which the Marquis of Ireland governed. In the third battle of succour, stood the Spaniards and certain Italians, the Captain whereof was Alonzo Aquilar. The fourth battle were Portugals, under the conduct of a certain noble man of that Nation, whose name was Ludovick Caesar. Every battle had almost three thousand footmen, but some more and some fewer. But the General of the whole army was Duartes Meneles, the governor of the City of Tangier.  
Besides these forces, he had ten thousand horsemen very well appointed, and divided by five hundreds, 
It should be tw●●, doutl●●●  as well in the first battle and the battle of succour, as in both wings.  
In the midst and middle of the whole army were placed the baggage, the weak rabble, the wagons, and slaves. Muley Hamet stood on the right side of the battle, with his few Soldiers, to the number of five hundredth harquebusiers, and six hundredth Spears. The king had placed six and thirty field pieces in the front of his battle.  
So then the two armies were thus arranged on a mighty large plain, which was so open and bare, that there was neither tree, plant, nor stone, to be seen within two leagues round about. The moors were defenced on the left side with the river of Alcazar, which served them for a rampire or munition, and the portugals had on their backs the river of Mazaga, that runneth to Larissa. But for two causes he desired to come to the river of Alcazar before they came within gun-shot: first, that he might take the wind from his enemies, and secondly, that he might use the river for a rampire and wall. So the Christians had the wind indifferently well with them, although at the beginning the Sun beams were against them. For afterward, and that too suddenly, the clear Sun shine was turned into dark weather, and so cloudy, that the Sun beams troubled them nothing. But when the two armies were come within an ha●quebusse shot one of another, about half an hour before high noon, the moors began to stay their march, and to level their pieces.  
The fourth day of August, which was munday, in the year of our salvation 1578. the battle was begun between the two kings about twelve of the clock, and the moors did first begin to shoot off their great ordinance against the Christians, but they had not shot off three, but that the Christians answered them with theirs. And strait way the arquebusiers on foot on both sides discharged as thick as hail, with such an horribie, furious, and terrible tempest, that the cracking and roaring of the Guns did make the earth so to fremble, as though it would have sunk down to hell, and the element seemed to burn with the fire, flames, lightning, and thunder of the Guns. After that the storm of the shot was passed five hundredth men of arms of the first battle, whom the Duke de Avero lead, gave a charge on the left wing of the moors, and broke and scattered them, and having slain many, compelled the rest to fly, so that above eight thousand arquebusiers on horsebarke, and twenty thousand Spears (who were Alarbes) left the place, and flying some one way, and some an other, almost twenty leagues, spread every where a rumour of the victory of the Christians. In this first encounter the moors lost two guidons, not without the great grief of Abdelmelec, who when he sitting on his horse in the middle battle did see his men fly so soulye, he was so kindled with anger and fury, that although for weakness he could scarce sit on his horse, yet he went about to charge our men in that quarter where his men fled, that he might repair that wing broken, and shamefully dispersed, and to stay them that fled, and to turn them again against the enemy. But the soldiers of his guard knowing his extreme weakness, took his horse by the bridle, and would let him go no farther. But when he would have set his hand to his sword to have rid himself out of their hands, he perceived that his arms and hands were as stiff as a stone, with the palsy: whereof he conceived so great grief at the heart, that leaving himself forward upon the pommel of his saddle, he lost his speech, and never spoke word after, but that should they ●o forward fatter: the which was done but no farther than a man could cast a stone. In the mean time the ga●d ●ooke ●●●king from his horse, and laid him in his horsel●●ter, where he gave up the Ghost within half an hour after. Ye● his death was subtly dissembled, they bru●ing th●● 〈◊〉 was laid down to rest him. But although the Christians vanquished in the first encounter, yet the rest of the king of Mortugall his Army knew not how to use the victory: For because there was no man to command what was needful to be done, or did send the bands of succours with aid, they did suffer a goodly victory to slip out of their hands. When the moors saw so great a discoms●ture was given by the enemies their only horsemen, neither was there any man that backed them, they sent out a thousand Argolets, and many other, who made the portugals before victors to fly with that force, that they running upon the middle battle of their footmen, mightily disordered all the whole army of the Christians. The thing was done in the sight and presence of the king, who through the counsel of them about him was yet in his Coach, but as soon as he saw the flight and disorder of his men, he speedily mounted on a horse strangely bardbed, and accompanied with the Duke of Avero and other men of arms, charged the enime. But although he were carried against his enemies with that force and féese, that he broke their array again, yet because the army of the moors did not abandon the place, those horsemen that were scarce five hundredth, were forced to retire: whom the moors followed with such force, that flying many of them, they forced the rest to run among their footmen with such haste, that they overran and trod to death a great number of their own footmen, and committed a miserable misorder and slaughter. In the mean while all the forces of the Mahometan army running down from the hill, began to charge the Christians with great violence. In that conflict the Duke of Avero was slain, and many other noble and valiant men, and also the horse of the king of Portugal was slain, but he himself safe and unhurt, and the great ordinance which served the Christians to no use in this battle, was taken. Now as touching the right wing of the moors: the soldiers thereof never ceased from the beginning of the battle to power down showers of shot upon the Christians, yea, and moving out of their place, but always keeping the crescent figure of their army, they began to enclose the Portugal army, and to charge the hindermest battle of the side.  
Wherefore the king (who had mounted another fresh horse) perceiving that the hindermost battle needed secure, taking with him five hundredth men of arms, who had been appointed for that purpose, charged the third tune the moors that were under Muley Hamet, the brother of Abdelmelec: whom he did so scar, that he forced them to give ground more than half a league, slaying many and scattering the rest.  
But seeing he was alone, and had no man that would follow him, he was forced with great grief, and full sore against his will to retire to his army, for to behold the sorrowful sight of the entire discomfiture of his whole forces. For the moors in the left wing after they had taken the ordinance of the Christians, pursuing the victory, did also so discomfit those Christians that stood near to the bank of the river, that they ran upon the forces of Muley Mahamet (that stood between the Christians and the River) and made miserable spoil and slaughter of them, yea, and many of Mahamet his men ran upon the Christian troops.  
Muley Mahamet seeking to save himself by flight, as he would have passed over at the ford of the river of Larisla, which is miry and moorish, was cast out of the saddle by his horse that strived and struggeled to get out of the dirt, and being unskilful to swim, was drowned and perished in the river. The victors Moors following the vanquished, came to the ward of Muley Hamet, the brother of Abdelmelec, and there either slew or carried away prisoners the principal men of the Christians being enclosed, and as it were brought into a pinfold. So then our men being thus enclosed on all parts, and not having Gunnepouder (for that through negligence had taken fire, and was all consumed) nor any other thing to defend themselves, or else had with indifferent slaughter as well destroyed their own fellows as their enemies, ran away amain, so that through headlong and hasty flight, one ran upon another, and many were squished with the weight of horses running over them with a miserable slaughter. For ye might see the heaps of men trodden down and squished lie as thick as sheaves of Wheat cast down in a Barns flower.  
The enemies also that did insatiably thirst for Christian blood, shot off their harquebuses thick and three fold upon them, with whom they did hurt not a few of their own men, and foully tore them. But as for the eight thousand pikemen, whom the Portugal had in the field, seeing they did nothing else, then leave so many pikes for the barbarous enemy, experience itself taught how little good they did in the battle. For when the King used them for so many arquebusiers, whom he should have sent against the enemy, by taking them, he devised assured ruin for himself. And although the Christian state was now become desperate, yet the king of Portugal ceased not to endamage the enemy, now in this quarter, now in that, being accompanied with no unto then seven or eight soldiers of Tangier, for the noble men, gentlemen, & horsemen of Portugal were so cowardly, and so delicate, (they say) that many of them leaving their horses, got them to shadowy places, and under the shadow of the wagons, for to cool themselves: with this mind, that when they saw all lost, they might seek to save themselves by running away. And so when they began to fly, part on foot, and part on horseback towards Arzill, from whence they came: the moors followed them with such violence & speed, and specially the horsemen, (who were yet fresh) that they made a miserable slaughter of them. Yet king Sebastian forsaketh not his people: thinking it dishonourable to seek safety by flight, and with those few that followed him, behaved himself valiantly. He slew so many, he sent so many to hell, that many called him the lightning, and few durst to look him in the face, or to defend themselves against him. At length about a three score of Abdelmelec his soldiers seeking glory by slaying of a King, enclosed him. Then he seeing no way left him to escape, commanded one of them that followed him, to hold up a white scarf hanged on a lance, in sign that he would yield. But they that had enclosed him (that is to wit, Alarbes, a kind of people of all other most barbarous & cruel) supposing that by this sign he did call the portugals to ●ide him, charged him a fresh on all parts, and wounded him in many places, and at length took him, and cutting a sunder the lace of his helmet, gave him two blows on the ●edde, and as many in the face, so that he tumbling off from his horse, gave up the Ghost.  
The moors followed the flying Christians until it was late nights. So when all were vanquished and scattered, or brought into wretched captivity, Muley Hamet commanded the retreat to be sounded, and returned to the Camp with the body of his brother Abdelmelec, and it was even night when he came thither, and strait way was the death of king Abdelmelec published, and thereby also Muley Hamet acknowledged and received for king, and all the whole army was very sorrowful for the loss of Abdelmelec. Although the this overthrow was no doubt sent us by God for our sins, yet two hundredth or few less, with happy success escaped out of the hands of the Barbarians alive and well, of whom three score were horsemen, and the rest footmen, and among them Don Antonio, a Portugal, who was delivered by a certain Moor out of the hands of his enemies, and brought to Tanger. But there were slain of Christians in this battle, above twelve thousand. For all the whole field was filled with dead bodies of men, yea, and of horses, mules, asses, oxen, and other beasts of burden and draft.  
Among the nobler sort that died in this battle, were beside king Sebastian, the Duke of Avero, the Bishops of Coimbra and Portua, the Commissary General sent by the Pope, the Marquis of Treland, Christopher de Tavora, and many other knights and Gentlemen, whom I do omit for brevities sake. The tuesday, which was the fift of August, the new king sent in the morning a band of footmen to seek out the men slain on their side, of whom a thousand five hundredth being known, were buried in the same place, among whom were many valiant and renowned Captains, friends and familiars of king of Abdelmelec, They being buried after their manner, the body of Muley Mahamet (who was the author of so many evils and slaughters) was found on the bank and sands of the river, wherein he had been drowned.  
The body of the king of Portugal was also found among the bodies of the slain Christians, by two of his servants that were prisoners: whom the new king had sent for that purpose in the hard morning, promising them liberty, if they did find the king's body. Wherefore when they had found it naked, they brought it to the new king covered with their own clothes, and with it was also brought the body of Muley Mahamet. These dead bodies of three kings being brought into one Pavilion, made an horrible spectacle, and wrong tears from the beholders. For what more sorrowful and horrible a sight could there be, than to behold three most mighty kings, that died in one battle, lying together. The army of one of whom was vanquished when he lived, & after he was dead did strait way overcome the army of the other two kings: and whereas all three did aspire to the kingdom of Morocco, none of them held it. But this thing being shut from man's senses, and reserved to the hidden judgement of God's majesty, I do omit.  
The body of Abdelmelec was carried in an horse litter to Fez, distant about twenty leagues from Alcazar, that it might be buried there. All the horsemen with one legion or regiment of footmen attended on the coarse. Which being brought to Fes, and received with the great sorrow of the Citizens, was laid in the tomb of his ancestors, in the very same sumptuous apparel, and precious garnishment of gems that the king died in. Many of the noble men that were taken prisoners, were very desirous to redeem the body of the king of Bortugall, and they offered Muley Mahamet ten thousand Ducats if he would vouchsafe to send it to Tangier.  
But the Barbarian answered, that it was not seemly to sell a dead man's body, yet notwithstanding if they would give him Tangier or Arzil, they should have the body, but when that was not in their hands and power, they could go no farther: yet this they obtained of the new king, that he suffered the body of the king of Portugal to be carried to Alcazar, where also it was buried in the Hospital, (which is in the palace of the governor of the Town,) and some appointed to keep it continually, lest the Christians should steal it away. But as for the body of Muley Mahamet, the new king his uncle commanded the skin to be pulled off (because he had been the author of so many slaughters) and to be salted, and then stuffed with straw, and to be carried about through out all provinces of his kingdom, for to defer all other for attempting the like at any time after. The men, women, boys, slaves, and black moors taken in this battle by the moors, were in number above fourteen thousand, and they being the next day divided among the Soldiers, were carried into all Provinces of Barbary. For as the moors came out of all places to the battle, so every man carried home with him his prisoners and spoil. But although the counsellors of the new king were very earnest with him to besiege either Tanger or Arzill, namely, seeing that there was no man that would resist or defend it: yet he refused so to do, but rather prepared himself to go to Fes, that having taken the possession of that City, he might be seized of the inheritance of all the kingdoms: thinking that there would not otherwise want them, that would assay to set him besides the saddle, if they did perceive him to be slack therein. And he was acknowledged for king but with unwilling hearts, and in a manner repining thereat: neither in deed was he received with the same cheerfulness and joy, that they used to receive other kings: and the cause thereof was, for that there was no metal in this new king Hamet, an artless man, not caring for martial matters, nor such an one as was fit for to uphold the dignity of a king, but contrariwise effeminate, nice, given to delicacies, delights and pleasures, and lurking at home in the Palace.  
He was then about nine and twenty or thirty years of age, of colour black, not big, but yet fall and weak, and of no strength, and much less skilful of things, and endued with that wisdom which is required in the governing of a kingdom, and that I may comprehend all in few words, he was altogether unlike his brother Abdelmelec, for he was of a mean stature, of a fine proportion of body, with broad shoulders, white face, but intermixed with red, which did gallantly garnish his cheeks, a black beard thick, and curled, great eyes and grey. In sum, he was a very proper man, and very comely in all his actions and gestures, and very strong: the which strength he conserved by continually exercising of himself in skirmishes, and in bending of bows. He spoke Spanish very well, and with a great grace, he could also write in Spanish. But he had the Italian tongue best of all other, yet he took most delight in the Turkish tongue, so that for love of it he cared not for the Arabian, the which was his mother tongue, and wherein he was accounted for the most excellent Poet of his time. He was ingenious, sharp witted, and passing prudent and wise, whereas in other things than specially in the government of a kingdom. He played well on diverse instruments, and also danced excellently, but delighted above measure in arms, and the art of war, in which things he also exercised himself much: insomuch, that he made with his own hands many great pieces of ordinance, that are yet at this day in Barbary. For he was of a singular and wonderful wit in all things that he went about or took in hand. And although he professed the religion of Mahamet, yet he so loved Christians, and of them Spaniards, that I cannot express with words the love and good will which he showed towards many captives & prisoners. For he suffered them to return into Spain, being dismissed without ransom, and with this munificense & liberality he had set at liberty above 200. within the 3. years that he reigned. I do now omit to tell you with what favour & courtesy he used the prisoners, lest I be overlong, or may be carried too far with his love. But the he needs not my publication of his praise, the thing itself doth witness: & the hospital built for sick Christians, adjoining to the temple of Morocco, & endowed with great revenues, doth prove it manifestly. He died in the 35. year of his age. When he had reigned not full 3. years, leaving a son of 3. years and an half old, whose name is Ishmael, & as yet is it at this day brought up with the Queen his mother, the wife of Abdelmelec at Argier. But as touching his nephew Mulai Hamet, he was younger than Abdelmelec, being about xxix. or thirty. years of age: of stature mean, of body weak, of colour so black, that he was accounted of many for a Negro or black Moor. He was of a perverse nature, he would never speak the truth, he did all things subtly and deceitfully. He was not delighted in arms, but as he showed in all battles, of nature cowardly, and effeminate. But he so cruelly hated Christians, that he would kill either with famine or nakedness, those that he caught. If that in these wars he being constrained by necessity, gave any signification of good will towards them, he did it against the heart, & in a manner unwillingly, that he might make them the more ready and cheerful to endanger themselves for him.   

The Battle of Lisbon, fought in Portugal, between Antonio king of Portugal, and Ferdinando, Duke of Alva, General of the Spanish forces, the 24. of August. An. 1581.  
PHillippe the king of Spain, 
〈…〉  prosecuting his pretence unto the Crown of Portugal, wherein Don Antonio son of Don jews brother unto Henry the last king, was invested, sent Ferdinando the Duke of Alva into Portugal, with an army of 25000. footmen, part Spaniards, part Italians, and 2000 light horse, and 600. men of arms. Against which forces king Antonio had levied in haste of unskilful warriors, portugals, about 20000. Encamping himself before the City of Lisbon, within a piece of ground fortified with ditches and rampires, there minding to expect the doings of Alua. Who being arrived near unto the kings camp, 
6000. footmen, and 80. horsemen.  assembled the chief of the army in council what was to be done. And there it was concluded that the king's camp was to be assaulted, seeing that neither the skill nor the number of their enemies were such, as might make the victory much doubtful: and again the army being overthrown, the conquest of the whole kingdom would incontinently follow, because there were no places of strength in the whole Realm, to stay the course of the victor: the late kings of Portugal being wholly busied in enlarging their Empire abroad by invading others and utterly neglecting for tifications at home, to withstand the injuries of their neighbours, with whom they had long lived in peace. And so accordingly the next day Alva dismarched to assault the camp, and sent before a great band of Italians for to take a foridge near unto the city, leading to Al●●tara, the which bridge was kept by certain Portugals. The victory for a while was doubtful, now the Italians, now the Portugals, having the better, but at the length through the valour of the Italians, the portugal's were beaten from the bridge, & it won. And over it Sanchio Davila passed, with many bands of footmen, for to assail the camp, & he had not fought long, but the he wen the first trench committing great slaughter, sent unto the Duke to send thither the horsemen, whiles he went forward, & assailed the second trench. In the mean time Ferdinando de Toledo, coming with a part of the horsemen, fought by the way with 400 Portugal footmen, & a few horsemen whom he met, & put them to flight, pursuing them even to Lisbon, at the which time Sanchio won the second trench. When Ferdinando hearing a great noise of harquebus shot at the camp, rallied together his horsemen, & hasted towards the camp. But by the way he met with 15 ensigns of footmen, & almost 100 horsemen whom he courageously charging, easily put to flight, chase them even to the gates of the city. And anon after the whole army of the Portugals was defeated & put to flight, 
The Explanat●●● says,  & their artillery taken, & many of the ensigns of the footmen, & at last the king being wounded in two places fled with a few horsemen, after he had long fought. Davila followed the chase with his whole power even to the gates of Lisbon, whether also shortly after came Ferdinando, but they gave no attempt upon the city because the king of Spain had severely commanded the they should not enter the city although they could for fear of tack, the which he in no case could like. When the citizens understood the overthrow of their army, they yielded their city & themselves to the mercy of the victor (who refused to receive their submission under any other conditions). Where upon a messeger was sent unto the king of Spain for his resolution, but before it could come, the unruly soldiers had sacked the suburbs. And the citizens fearing the the like would be done to the city, promised a certain sum of money to be divided among the soldiers, the which when they could not perform at their day, they could not avoid the fury of the soldiers, who endamaged them above 3. Millions. But when the Spanish fleet the lay before the haven of Lisbon understood of the victory of their army by land, they assailed the Portugal navy the lay in the haven, consisting of 42. great ships, of whom 7. were goodly galleons, & among them divers the bare above 90. pieces of great ordinance & had 400. men in a ship. But when they heard of the discomfiture of their land forces, & of the flight of the king, neither had they any Admiral, they yielded to the Spaniard, not making any show at all of defence. Afterward when Alva understood that king Antonio was at Monte Maior, not far from the sea, with an army of 6000. footmen, he not thinking the he had the kingdom free, wherein his enemy had an army: sent Sanchio Davila with 3000. Spaniards & certain Italians, & 500 horsemen for to encounter him. When Sanchio came to the river of Rubera, his horsemen swum over, & he transported his footmen in flat bottom boats. When the king understood of the small number of his approaching enemy, he determined to give them battle, seeing that he himself had also 600. horsemen Sanchio sent certain arquebusiers before for to take a view of the king's camp, & in the mean time marched toward the king with the rest of his forces. But the Portugals as soon as they saw the Spainiards a far of, never once stayed for the signal of fight, but showed them a fair pair of heels, incontinently. Which being known, Davila pursued them, and slew many, and came before the Port of Portugal, where many had saved themselves. When the citizens understood of the first & second overthrow of their countrymen, thinking it no wisdom to expect the fortune of worse war, yielded themselves voluniarilie. But when the king saw that his army so shamefully fled from him, neither could he by any means revoke them to fight, neither if they did rally, could repose any trust in such fearful fellows, he also fled with his horsemen, and left the Spaniard the full and entire possession of the kingdom.   

The Battle of Saint Michael, fought at the Isles of the Aslores, between Philip Lord Strozzi, Admiral of the navy of Antonio, king of Portugal, and Aluares de Basan, Marques de Santa Cruz, Admiral of the fleet of Philip king of Spain, the 25. day of july. In An. 1582. Taken out of a letter sent by the marquess unto the King of Spain his master: Whereunto is adjoined the enarration of the same Battle, out of the book entitled: The explanation of the true and lawful right of Antony king of Portugal. etc.  
AFter that overthrow at the Port of Portugal, the Spaniards sought for the king of Portugal as it were with a candle and a lantern, and yet could not find him, he was so carefully kept and concealed by the poor paisants of the country, among whom he seiourned in wretched state until the ninth of june, in An. 1581. When he happening on a ship of Enckhusen in Holland did take ship not far from setubal in Portugal, and was brought to Cales in France, from whence he wafted over into England, and from thence he sent news unto the governor of Tercera that he was alive, the which news confirmed him in his fidelity and purpose not to yield the isle unto the Spaniards. Whereupon the king of Spain for to assure the trade into both Indies, prepared a navy for to conquer the Isles. Whereof when the king of Portugal, who was then passed over into France had intelligence, he obtained of the queen mother of France a navy of 57 sail, great & small, wherein were embarked 4000 soldiers, besides 600. gentlemen, & the officers of the ships, & mariners, under the conduct of her cousin the Lord Philip Strozzi, Captain General of the French footmen, & his sievetenant the County Brisac. With this fleet the king of Portugal himself sailed to secure the Assores, & recovered the Isle of S. Michael, except the castle. When the king of Spain heard that the king of Portugal was gone with a navy towards the Assores, he hasted the departure of his Admiral the Marquis de Sante Cruz, commanding him not to tarry for that 19 ships, 2. galleons, 2. galleys, & 2. pinisses, which were ●●●ging in Andolouzia, but presently to departed with the fleet that he had at Lisbon. The which the Marquis did in such hast the 10. of julie, with 28. ships, & five small pinasses, that he 〈◊〉 behind him three ships the should have gone with him, because they could not be ready before the next day, & also by reason of the foul wether an Argosy, wherein were three companies of old soldiers, & the Physicians, Surgeons, & other officers, for the diseased & hurt, with their provision of all things necessary for that purpose, returned back again to Lishon, alleging that their ship was in leak. But the rest of the Navy the 22. day of julie being Sunday, approached near unto Villa Franca, a town of 500 houses, in the Isle of S. Michael one of the Assores.  
The day before their arrival at the Island, the Marquis had dispatched two pinasses under the charge, of Aguirrei, the Capiaine of the aforesaid five pinasses, with letters unto Ambrose Aguer, the governor of the Isle of S. Michael, certifying him how his majesties navy which he had brought was very strong, containing 5500. soldiers, in which number was Don Lopes de Figueroa, with 1800. of the old soldiers of Flanders, over and above 200. Gentlemen, and particular persons entertained with their advantages, who came voluntary to serve his majesty. And that the navy which was made ready at Calais, (for the which they looked every hour) was of the number and quantity aforesaid, with other five thousand soldiers, of whom five ensigns were of the Tierce of Flanders. And the Marquis did desire the governor to send him such news as he had of the French navy, & whether they had passed that ways or not, and the number of their ships, because he was determined to go seek them, and to fight with them. And that he should said unto Pisoto, if he chanced to be there, that he should make himself ready to follow him with the ships of his charge.  
Whilst the Marquis lay at anchor in the road of Villa Franca, there did arrive to the Admiral's ship one Caravel of the three that were left at Lisbon for to bring the horses, who gave him to understand, that the day before there had arrived at Villa Franca the three ships that had been left at Lisbon, who departed from thence the next day after the Marquis, in company with the same caravells. They reported also that the three ships after they had fallen with Villa Franca, were forced back again into the sea, and that two of the caravels were taken by the enemy. The other with the horses belonging to the General of the field, and others, went back to the sea, being chased by a French ship. Whereupon the Marquis sent some particular men to understand somewhat of them of the Island, who would not suffer them to come on land, but discharged their pieces at them. But there was a Priest that told them, that the Island was for his majesty, & that he knew nothing of the French army, others willed them to go to the City. The Marquis understanding what had passed, & learning by one of the pinasses that had been sent with Captain Aguirre, that the other pinnace with the Captain was taken by a French ship, & other barks, that came from the land. He did then suspect that the Island had rebelled, & having sent for Don Lopes de Figueroa, General of the field, to confer with him about the landing of some good number of men, that they might have speech with them of Villa Franca, and likewise to take in fresh water, and having sent to the Captains Michael Oquendo, and Rodrigo de Vargas, for to take notice in what place they were best to anchor: in the mean time they that were in the top of the Admiral galleon espied certain ships near to Ponta Delgada, whereabouts standeth the chief City of the Isle, and the Castle. Whereupon the Marquis supposing that those ships should be of the enemies, he altered his determination, and made strait way to Ponta Delgada, and by and by they discovered me ships, and then they perceived that it was the navy of Don Antonio (so the Spaniards do call Antony the king of Portugal.) So our army approaching unto the enemies, & having now certain knowledge of them, for that they prepared themselves towards the sea, & perceiving them to be about 60. ships, of great and small, the Marquis called a counsel, & with the advise of Don Pedro de Toledo, Camp master General, the Marquis de Favora, Don Pedro de Tassis, controller general, Don Francisco de Bovadilla, master of the camp, & other Captains & knights being called thereunto, they determined to present the battle, & to sight with the enemy, who did the like, & put themselves in array, & so they discharged a piece of ordinance towards us in token of battle. With that the marquis commanded a banner of defiance to be put forth, & shot off one piece of ordinance, and sent Captain Marolin & Captain Rodorigo de Vargas, to advertise the whole navy to set themselves in order of battle, which was done in this manner: In the forefcont was a rank of ships & galleons, & on the right hand of the Admiral was placed the galleon S. Mattheo, wherein was the General of the field, & the controller general, & on the left hand was the ships wherein went Don Francisco de Bovadilla the master of the camp, and four ships more to be assistant: the ten Biskaines with the other ships, in whom were the Captains. Michael de Oquendo, and Vilia Visiosa were placed in the rearward. And by reason that the ship wherein Don Christopher de Erasso went, had strained the head of her main mast, by means whereof she could not bear her top sail, she was forced to stay behind, and could not therefore take her place accordingly, to the great grief of the Marquis to lack his help at such a pinch. The Marquis himself went in the galleon Saint Martin, which was Admiral of the fleet. He gave this order for the battle, that in the uppermost fight upon the poop, should be 20. Gentlemen, & pistolets, & 20. calivers, & below all the Gentlemen of Portugal, (except sir james de Castro, who was upon the poop) & lowest of all should be for help & secure sir Antony Pessova, sir jews Osorio, sir Goston Ronkelio, Colonel Mandonario, Captain Quessatha, & other four pistolets, & upon the hatches of the galcon 40. pistolets upon either side under the charge of Captain Gamboa, near to the chamber of the poop was the body of the guard with 40. soldiers, & most of them particular & special men, which had been in office before under the charge of Augustine Deherrara, for to help and secure where should be most need. In the stern of the ship was john Suffono, a Gentleman of Milan, and the Sergeants of the Captains, Austen Deharrara and Gamboa with xv. pistolets and x calivers: in the great top was the Sergeant Sir Frances Galeio with eight calivers, and in the top of the trinket six, besides those that were in the small tops. Under the hatches where the great ordinance doth lie, were the Captains, Sir Christopher Deaccovia & Scovetho, and john Altar, & the sergeant Tauste, & Esquivel, & with every piece of ordinance one gunner, & six men to help him, & every one had an instrument called Hauspikes, with the munition that was upon the hatches was Marcelus Carraceolus: and like service was beneath. And for the keeping of the gunpowder was Captain Grimaldo appointed, with four mariners. He commanded also that there should stand hard by the stern of the galleon, the great boat called the salva, and four small ones, for to carry directions, and fill tubs with water, and hogsheads in divers places of the galleon, and likewise to distribute pikes in convenient places. He also charged the mariners to be in the ships apparel, and the Captains Marolin, and Roger Devargas (as sea men of great experience) to attend on the ordinance, and other necessaries. All this was executed very speedyly, & with great cheerfulness for all this was provided before they approaches unto the Island.  
This being done, with great noise of mischiefs & drums, and their banners displayed, our navy set forth to assail the enemies: who did the like in good array. But because the wind was calm, they could not fight that day, but went to seaward. And yet the Marquis could not understand of the state of the Island: but afterward within night arrived to the Admiral's galleon a Pinnace, wherein was Domingo de Adutriaga, master of a ship called the Catelina. Who brought a letter from Don john de Castilio, containing as followeth.  
IN the army of Don Anthonio, there are 58. ships, of whom 28. be great ships, and the rest small, and in them are 6000. Frenchmen. If our army be not strong enough to fight with them, then if may draw nigh to the Castle, which is for the King. And I would wish you to have a great regard to it, for if you should lose the victory, great inconvenience would ensue. Furthermore, the Master, and his company declared, that Don Authonie with his army, came to the Island the xv. day of july, and the xvi. did set a land 3000. men, with whom Don Lorenco Noguera, with faure Ensigns of footmen did encounter, being in number about 500 men, and with 150. arquebusiers taken out of the Biskaine ships: who a little from the City did skirmish with the French army, but being overpressed with number, were forced to retire to the Castle to Peter Pisoto, with the loss of ten Castilians, and twelve Biskaines: Don Lorenco being hurt, whereof after he died. And in the Castle with Peter Pisoto, is the son of the governor Ambrose de Aguiar, and the Bishop, the Corregidor, & other 2. or 3. gentlemen, & all the rest went out of the city, some calling in Don Antonio, and that the soldiers of the French army sacked the city, & the Don Antonio sent to the captain Don john de castilio, willing him to yield unto him the castle, knowing it to be his, and that he would give him free passage for him and his company, the which ●●ing if he refused, that then he would bring aland seven pée●es of ordinance from the ships, and would batter the Castle: and moreover, he gave him to understand that the army of Spain would not come this year. To whom Don john the governors son, and the Bishop & the Corrigeder made answer, that the castle was the kings of Spain, and that they would not yield it unto him. The Marquis did likewise understand by the said Master, that the Frenchmen the next day (having knowledge of the approach of our army) had embarked themselves in all haste, & that the two Galcons, and two great Caravels of Peter Pisoto, were overthrown near unto the castle, & the Frenchmen took the 4. Biskaine ships, after that the men were gone a land, and had withdrawn themselves into the castle. The Marquis being informed of all these things, wrote unto the Captain, and governor, & others in the castle by the said master, encouraging & certifying them of the force of the king's army, not doubting but the next day to give battle, and to have the victory, & that therewith they should hold themselves contented, as he himself was very joyful of the service which they had already done to the king, which he knew should not remain unrewarded. And with this answer they returned with the Pinnace to the Island.  
The next day, being monday, & the 23. of july, the two armies came to present battle, the French army having both the advantage of the wind, & also of the Sun, came to assail our navy, being divided into three esquadrons, & made three several attempts, and yet could put nothing in execution. And towards night the Spanish army making towards the sea, the French army placed ten ships alongst the Island, thinking that night to have gotten the wind of us, but by reason it was calm, they could not prevail.  
The 24. day of july, the Marquis returned, approaching nearer the French army, who having the advantage of the wind, gave two several attempts, and yet put neither in execution. Then the Marquis perceiving that the course towards the land was not convenient for him, he caused the army to take the course towards the sea, thinking with himself that whilst his ships were trimming of their sails, that the enemy would assault them, having the wind for their purpose, which fell out accordingly, for one of the French Captains, with seven Galeons', came to assail the Captain of the Spaniards, and the galleon S. Matheo, but approaching near unto them, did not board them, but discharged great quantity of ordinance, against them, and likewise did the rest of the ships against ours, of whom they were received accordingly, in so much that our Captain did shoot at them above 40. pieces, and also the galleon S. Matheo, shot of many, as also did the ship of Don Christopher de Erasso, (who was now joined with the army) and also the ship of Don Francisco de Bovadilla, and Myguel de Oquendo, and others, which was a pleasant sight to behold how the pellets sang from either side. They did hit our Captain with four shot, one in the foresail, an other in the shrouds, the third upon an anchor, the fourth on the ships side, without doing any harm. They hit the galleon S. Mathco, with three shot, without doing any harm, no more did many other of their pieces, which did hit many of our ships. And again, we might perccue that many of our shot lighted in the Galeons' of the Frenchmen, but specially four out of the Captain, which made them to retire, whereby it appeared they had received some harm. There came in the French army two captain, & 2. Admirals, & there was a small galleon, like a Patacha, being excellent good of sail, carrying a standard in the poop, which did not approach the fight, but kept a far off, to behold what passed. There came to the number of forty great Ships, and among them some were very fin● Galleons, the rest were small Pinasses, dispersed round about the army, two or three leagues off, for to discover and to understand of all things, and also two Saities of Marseilles, very good of sail, and many other light boats with oars, by whom they did set the battle in order & array, and direct things as time served.  
The same day at night the armies did separate themselves, and the Marquis determined at the going down of the Moon to procure to get the wind of the French army, and in the morning to assault them again: which he did, so that the xxv. day of july, he found himself to windeward of his enemies, & so sought to board them, but because his ships were great and heavy of sail, he could not put in effect that which he purposed, but was forced to return to the rescue of Don Christopher de Frasso, who was in some distress in following the enemy through default of his main mast: wherefore he gave him a tow with his Captain. This day there was descried a great ship of the enemies, which wanted her foremast, & other two ships, that did help her, but they not being able to perform it, she was forced to sink. It was judged that she had received some harm by shot, the day before.  
But memorandum, that of the ten Hulks of the Spanish navy, there wanted two, which carried Almains, and likewise were wanting the three ships that departed from Lisbon, after the Armado, so that the Marquis had in his navy no more than xxv. ships with the two Galeons'.  
The xxvi. of july, the French came again to assault the Spanish army in very good order, and with a favourable wind. The Marquis did cause his ships to be placed in order and array, although the galleon Saint Matthew, was somewhat a stern, which was some grief to the Marquis, doub●ing that the enemy might board her before she could convemently be rescued: and so it fell out, for she was boarded by two Galeons', a Captain, and an Admiral, against whom she did defend herself very valiantly, being likewise assailed by two other ships, who after they had discharged certain ordinance at her, passed forwards. At the same time came other 2. French ships upon the Captain, who beginning to fight with her, she gave them two such welcomes with her ordinance and harquebus shot, that one of them was ill to pass, and almost sunk: and so they retired having shot many pieces at the Captain, & the Captain at them. At which time came the ship of Don Francisco de Bovadilla, who was near the Captain, who did likewise anoie the French men greatly with their shot.  
All this while did the Admiral and vice-admiral of the French army fight with the galleon Saint Ma●theo, who did defend herself, and offend her enemies valian●●e: ●he Camp master General, Don Lopes de Figueroa, Don ●●dro de Tassis, overseer general, with the rest of the Gentlemen and soldiers that were in her, courageously sho●ting at the enemies, both with great shot, harquebus sho●●●● musket shot. The marquis perceiving that the Spanish navy was too windward of the French, and seeing the distress that the galleon Saint Mattheo was in, by reason of the two Frenchmen, he commanded the Captain to turn towards the enemy, and so did Don Christopher de ●rasso, and the rest of the ships of the Spanish army, and the ships of Miguel de Oquendo, Villia Viciosa, & other Bishai●es, which were before the stearnmost, by changing of the wi●● were then the foremost, who came and boarded the Admiral of the French Navy, who fought with the galleon Saint Mattheo, and afterward came the ship wherein went Michael de Venesa, who fought with the Captain of France like a good Captain, and so in like sort did the soldiers that were with him, and because his ship was between, the marquis could not at that time board the Captain of France, but passed forward. In the mean t●●● the Admiral of France was in fight with the galleon Saint Mattheo, and three ships more, who boarded her, Villia Viciosa being one of the three, & having boarded the French Admiral at the prow, was slain with many of his company, as shall be declared.  
The ship of Oquendo did board her a stern, and did enter his men into her, and began to sack, and took four prisoners and the ensigns. The battle began now to increase: with that came two other French ships to rescue their Captain, & putting aboard her three hundred fresh men, she got from them.  
In the mean time the Marquis gave another charge on the enemy with much shot, and at the last boarded with the French Captain prow to prow, and so grappled together, where was a cruel fight on both sides, shooting the one at the other both with great shot and small, for the space of an hour, until she yielded, where were slain above 300. French men, and the Gentlemen and soldiers that were in the two fights, did defend themselves valiantly: so likewise did the two Captains, Augustine Deharrara & Gamboa, and their lieutenants. The Marquis like a General, went through the fights, encouraging his people to the assalting of the enemy, foreseeing and ordering all things needful to be done. The artillery both below & aloft did great good through the great diligence of those Captains that had the charge thereof. The battle between the other ships did proceed, giving and receiving great charges one upon the other. The battle continued five hours, and at the last the enemy fled. Don Anthonio was departed in a small pinnace with another ship the night before the battle. Some ships were sunk, & some spoiled, having slain all the men that were found in them, and some fled to other ships. And for that we could not tow their ships, the Marquis commanded that we should burn them, & sink such as we could, as we had begun to do. The caravel with the horses that had been taken was recovered.  
It is thought that there was of the enemies above 1200. slain, drowned, and beheaded, besides many that were hurt of them the escaped in the ships that fled. There might have been taken many more of their ships, if we had had time & mariners sufficient for to have towed them, but they were suffered to departed without men and spoiled: & it is certain, that the Admiral which was left for half drowned, & other four or five ships, more were cast away in the Isle of S. Michael, and it is thought that other have done the like in other places.  
The number of those that were slain in the navy of the Spaniards, was 224. men, and of those that were hurt 553. which is in all 777. Besides some that were burnt with wild fire, among whom was the controller general, Sir Peter de Tassis in the face.  

The names of the principal men that came with Don Anthonio, of whom some are prisoners, some were slain, 〈◊〉 some ran away.  
Philip Strozzi Captain General, was taken prisoner, and hurt with the shot of an harquebus, whereof he died as soon as he came into the presence of the Marquis.  
The Earl of Vimioso was prisoner, and hurt with an harquebus shot, and thrust in with a sword, whereof he died in the General's ship the day after the battle.  
The County Brisac, lieutenant, some say that he escaped in a boat of his ship, other say that he was slain with a shot, the truth is not known.  
Monsieur de Piamount, master of the camp General, was slain in the battle.  
Of the principal Captains of the eight regiments that came in the army (which was 6800. soldiers, accounting the adventurers) some were slain, and some fled away,   

The Lords of Towns and Castles that were taken alive.  
Monsieur de Bocamaior, Lord of Rousela.  
Monsieur john Delatus, Lord of Heria.  
William de Sanclear, Lord of Sanclear.  
jews de Clen, Lord of Bronnes.  
Peter de Owl, Lord of Queens.  
Gilbert de Lovel, Lord of Vuel.  
Peter de Bean.  
Monsieur de Gal, Lord of Gal.  
Monsieur de Gifford, Lord of Giffordel.  
Monsieur de la Onet, eldest son unto the Lord of Gresoul.  
Edward de Langert, Lord of Piel.  
Fabio Gansete, son to the Lord of Gansete.  
monsieur de Vda, Lord of Vda.  
Monsieur Fransoius, Lord of Montilla.  
Monsieur Laquesbay, eldest son of the Lord of Biapolis.  
Monsieur Robert Debella, eldest son of the Lord of Veseola.  
Monsieur Guillam Mason, Lord of Falla.  
Monsieur Bigart de Piloart, Lord of Manterie.  
Monsieur Beltram de Amigat, Lord of Stituias'.  
Monsieur jailato, Lord of Sans.  
Monsieur Philip Mentado, Lord of Sabrussa.  
Monsieur john de Bocca maior, Lord of Rosilla.  
Claudio de Pomolin, Lord of Popalin.  
jacobo Lasarean, Lord of Lasserian.  
Monsieur Demondoc, Lord of Mondoc.   
The Gentlemen prisoners that were no Lords of Towns nor Castles, were in number one and fifty, and of mariners and common Soldiers three hundredth and three.  
The marquis seeing that there was peace and amity between the king his master and the French king, & knowing that those adventures came only in the favour of Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, with mind to rob his majesties fleets of both his Indies, and to make themselves Lords of his Islands and dominions, as they had begun in the Isle of S. Michael, & that their meaning was to do other spoils and piracies: in punishing of the fault and common offence committed by them against the public peace, sworn, maintained, & kept, between these two crowns, & their subjects, did declare all the prisoners to be enemies of the common quietness and good, troublers of the intercourses, favourers of his majesties rebels: and that as such kind of men, & public thieves, rovers and pirates, the chief justice of the fleet did ordain, that for the punishment of those & for an example to other in like cases: that the noblemen should be headed, and the rest should be hanged from xvii. years upwards. And this sentence being given, it was put in execution, the first day of August of this present year 1582.  
Of this battle thus we read in the book entitled the Explanation of the true and lawful right of Antony the king of Portugal.  
When they were come unto the Isle of Saint Michael's, wherein was a garrison of 800. Castilians: the people of the Island understanding that king Antonio was come, did with little or no a do yield unto him, for all the resistance the Castilians could make to the contrary: who than dispeiring, fled all into the castle. Within the which when they had held them about three days, the king of Castills navy was descried, the Admiral whereof, was the Marquis of Sancta Cruz, who brought an army of nine or ten thousand men. Through the occasion of coming of this navy, the king and the rest that were with him must needs forsake the Island, and go aboard their ships, and prepare themselves to fight. Albeit in the mean time Strossi, and the Constable (that was the Earl of Vimioso) & other of great authority did very earnestly admonish and beseech the king that he would withdraw himself into the Isle of Tercera (which is the strongest of all the Aslores) lest he should endanger his person in a doubtful battle: seeing that upon his safety did depend the liberty not only of the kingdom of Portugal, but also of whole Christendom. But the king after he had a long time refused, yet at length yielded unto them, and went to Tercera in a Pinnace, attended by his Procurator, Edward de C●stro, and certain other, leaving with the navy the Constable, with about two hundredth portugal's, among whom ●●●ry many were Gentlemen that had followed the King 〈◊〉 France. But the next day Strossi setting his navy in array, assailed the adverse fleet of the Castillanes: & they fought very fiercely on both sides: and when that Strossi had now almost boarded the vice-admiral of the Marquis, whereof Lopes de Figueroa was Captain, having slain in that ship about 600. Castilians: at last the marquis assailed Strossi on the other side with a very mighty great and very well appointed ship called the galleon San Martino, & did easily board & take him, because there was no man that would secure him, besides the Comte de Brisacq, with two other ships, with whom he had fought very valiantly, having slain many Castilians. Which Brisacq when he saw that he was wounded, & that he laboured in vain, neither was succoured by his fellows as (he thought to have been) at length withdrew himself out of the fight, whereas in the mean time the lord of Sansolenne, the Vizeadmiral of Strossi & the Lord of Fumey, who was Captain over 5. ships, refused to fight at all, alleging that the wind was against them. Whereupon Brisacq as one now in despair, returned into France with certain ships, but Sansolenne and Fumeis came with 20. ships into the Isle of Tercera unto the king, who when he understood the success of the battle, was very sorrowful (as he had good cause) and namely for the death of the Constable & Strossi, but anon after he dismissed them, yet retaining still with him 2500. Frenchmen, that he might be able to defend the Island against the invasion of the Castilians, not taking it well that Sansolenne and Fumey had so wretchedly forsaken Strossi, and the Constable. But the enemy, who had lost in that battle about 2000 men, and those for the most part of the chief men that he brought with him, durst attempt nothing against the Island of Tercera, but staying for, and taking with him the fleets that about that time of the year do usually come out of the East, and west Indies, returned into Portugal with his navy.  
The Marquis recovered immediately after this overthrow the Isle of S. Michael: and reenforcing his power, wan the next year the Tercera, and whatsoever else the king of Portugal had in those parts.   

The Battle of Langside in Scotland, fought between james Stuard Earl of Murray General of the forces of james the sixth, and Gilespick Cambell Earl of Argile, General of the army of Marie the late deposed Queen, the 13. of May. An. 1563.  
Marry, who being imprisoned in the castle of Lochlevin, had resigned the kingdom of Scotland unto her son james the sixth, being not a year old, under the government of james earl of murray, her base brother, made an escape out of the castle of Lochlevin, the fourth of May, and came the next day accompanied with a great train unto Hamilton, the which is a village eight miles from Glasquo, where then the Regent kept his Court. The brute of the queens arrival at Hamilton being spread abroad, many either that disinherited the king's party as not strong enough, or had conceived hope of getting grace with the Queen, or else reposed confidence in the memory of their old services, did part openly show themselves of her ●●ction, and part secretly procuring pardon for that they had done against her, remained with the Regent, expecting the event of this new accident. But whereas the revolt of other bred no great admiration, yet the departure of Robert Lord Boid, who until that day had gotten singular good opinion of constancy, gave great occasion of divers speeches: insomuch that it was sharply debated at the Counsel table before the Regent, whether they should continue still at Glasquo, or remove to Sterling, where the King was kept. Many did vehemently counsel them to departed thence, declaring that Hamilton, a great town was near, and the tenants of that whole mighty house of the Hamiltons, spre●●● round about them, that there came about five hundredth Horsemen with the Queen, and many were said to be coming out of farther places and parts, but with the Regent were almost none but his own household, the rest being part fled to the Queen, and part by little & little slipped away, (all things being very quiet) every man to his private business: and although the Citizens of Glasquo seemed faithful enough, as they that had suffered many great wrongs at the hands of the Hamiltons when they ruled, yet the city itself was a waste thing, nor populous for the greatness, easy to enter in all parts. Other reasoned on the contrary part, that all things do depend on their first beginnings, that their departure would be infamous, and next cousin to flat running away, that suspicion of fear was then utterly to be shunned, lest they did increase the courage of the enemies, and bring their friends out of heart: that they were near neighbours unto the mighty families of the Cunigames, and the Semples: and on the other side to Lenneux, the kings private patrimony: that from thence those that were next would come within few hours, and the rest the next day or at the farthest, within three days, that they would be a sufficient guard, namely, with the help of the citizens, until the succours farther off were come. This opinion prevailed at the Council table. The French Ambassador went to and fro between both parties, rather like a spy, than a peacemaker, as he pretended. For when he saw at the first the forces at Glasquo small, and the power about Hamilton showed great, he vehemently encouraged the Queen to give battle. Now had the Regent gathered together his friends out of the nearer parts, and looked for other out of Marchland and Lowthian. And when they were come, being about 600. very choice men, he granting them but one day to rest themselves, minded so march to Hamilton, and out of hand to give them battle, if he could: for he thought delay would be hurtful to him and his, but profitable for the enemy, as whom the farthest parts of the kingdom did favour.  
In the mean time he was advertised the next morning betimes before day, that the enemies were gathered together from many places where they lodged, for they trusting in their number (for they had in arms above 6500. and they knew that the Regent had not full 4000) were determined for to march by Glasquo, and leaving the Queen in the Castle of Dunbritton, at the pleasure either to sight or draw forth the wars: or if the Regent (which they hoped not) would meet them in the way, to give him battle, neither did they doubt of the event of the fight. But he that had resolved of himself to provoke them to battle, as soon as he could bring forth his men, stood certain hours in array of battle before the City, in the open field, in the way that he thought they would march. But when he saw that their army marched a long the farther side of the river, he strait way understanding their purpose, passed his footmen over the river by a bridge, and his horsemen by the fords, which were then free of the tide of the Sea, and commanded them to march to Langside. That is a street upon the river of Carth, through which their enemies their way lay, seated at the foot of an hill, on the Northwest the East, & the North with a descent, but on other parts decreasing gently into a plain. They hasted thither with so great speed, that they had almost gotten the hill, before that their intent could be perceived by the enemy, who also coucted that place, yea, and had the shorter way. But two things happened ill for them, and well for us: the first, that Gilespicke Cambel the Earl of Argile, who was General of the queens army, being taken with a sudden pain had fallen down into a sound, and by his fall stayed the whole army a while: the other was, that their army being ever and anon down in a bottom, could never see at one time all the king's army: and therefore they taking it to be small (as in truth it was) did both contemn it, and also the disadvantage of the place. At length when the queens army drew near, and saw that their enemy had gotten the place where they thought to have lodged, they took another little hill over against it, and divided their army into two battles. All the strength they had they placed in their forward, wherewith if they could overthrow the enemies battle that stood against it, they supposed that they should conquer the rest without fight, they being feared with the flight of their fellows. The king's Chieftains had also divided their army into two battles: in the battle on the right hand were, james Douglasse, the Earl of Morton, Robert Lord Semple, Alexander Lord Hume, Patrick Lord Lindsey, with every one his followers, and in the left, john, Alexander, William, Earls of Mar, Gleucarne, and Taich, and the Citizens of Glasquo: the harquebussiers kept the street below, and the gardems by the high way. When both armies stood arranged, the queens gunner's being beaten from their ground by the kings, abandoned the place: and on the contrary side, the king's horsemen being inferior to the Queens by one half, were not able to abide the charge, but fled. And when the queens horsemen had thus discomfited their counterparty, they assayed to mount the hill, that they might also disorder the ranges of the footmen, but being repelled by the king's archers, and a part of his horsemen, that had rallied and returned from their flight, they returned back. In the mean time the left wing of the enemy dismarching into the high way, down a long where the hill descendeth into a valley, did although that they were galled by the harquebuses, yet being gotten out of that strait, spread forth their battailen. There the two esquadrons having before them on both sides a thick trench of pikes, fought with such vaior on both sides for the space of half an hour, the victory inclining to neither part, that those that had broken their Pikes, did hurl their daggers, stones, and pieces of their Pikes, and finally, whatsoever came to hand, at the heads of their enemies. But when some of the hindermost ranks on the kings side fled, (whether of fear or falsehood, it is not well known) doubtless their flight had affrighted them that fought, but that the thickness of the ranks would not suffer them that were in the fore ranks to perceive what was done in the hindermost, and also those of the second battle having marked the danger, and seeing no man coming against them, joined themselves with the avantgard by deflecting certain of their bands by little and little, towards the right hand, with their ranges whole. When those on the adverse part were not able to abide their charge, they being driven back as it were with a great ruin, ran away, neither had the vanquished escaped without some notable loss, (seeing the hearts of many were privately incited by anger and hatred) if that the Regent sending out horsemen into all quartiers, had not commanded that none of them should be slain that fled. The second battle of the kings, that had stood still until they saw the discomfited enemy to fly in every quarter without order, and then at last turning themselves to pursue them, that turned their backs loosed their ranks. The Queen that had stood almost a mile of to behold the fight, took her way towards England, with the horsemen of her part, that retired out of the battle whole, but the rest ran every man that way that would soon bring him home. There died few in the fight, more being worn with weariness and wounds were found lying every where along the country: the number of all slain, was about 300. but the prisoners were more. On the king's side were not many hurt and among them men in the chief range Alexander Lord Hume, and Andrew Stuart, one man only was slain: the rest of the army except a few, horsemen that followed the fliers far, went joyfully to the town, where after they had given thanks to God, who had given them almost an unblouddie victory, against far greater forces than their own, they gratulating one an oth●●, went to dinner. This field was fought the xiii. of May, the eleventh day after the Queen escaped out of prison. The French Ambassador who had stayed the event of the battle, and had in his conceit promised assured victory unto the Queen, being now defrauded of his hope, cast up his vizard, and without once taking his leave of the Regent, to whom he 〈◊〉 persuaded to be sent, and taking such horses and guides as he could for soon get, galloped towards England, but being rob by the way, james Douglas the Lord of Drumlanrick, procured that he had that again which he lost, for the honour that he bore to the name of an Ambassador, although that he knew that he took part with his enemies. The Regent spent the rest of the day of the battle in taking view of the prisoners, some he let go free, some upon sureties, the principal were kept still, and chiefly those of the family of the Hamiltons, and dispersed into divers prisons. The next day the Regent went forth with 500 horse, and took the abandoned castles of Hamilton and Defran. The like terror forced the Queen to go into England, either because she thought there was no place in that part of Scotland safe enough for her, or because she did little credit the fidelity of john Maxwell Lord Heris.  
FINIS.